Haslam. Victor A. Denpy O_p HALL, FROM THE EAST. FOURNAL OF THE Derbyshire Archxological AND NATURAL HISTORY SOCIETY EDITED BY W. J. ANDREW, F.S.A. Fon. Secretary and an Editor of the British Numismatic Society VOL. XXVI MAY 1904 PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY BY BEMROSE & SONS LTD. 4 SNOW HILL LONDON E.C. AND DERBY CONTENTS. DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. I.—THE HALL. By Percy H. Currey, Hon. Secretary : - - - Il.—THE OWNERS OF DENBY. By THE Rev. R. J. Burron, M.A. - - - - - THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. By J. H. Rounp, M.A. - - - e zi E 2 EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY DURING THE SUMMER ASSIZE OF 1631. By C. E. B. BowLes, M.A. - - = < E : ARBOR Low STONE CIRCLE. EXCAVATIONS IN I9O0I AND 1902. By H. St. GEORGE GRAY - : pepe ane - : - GEOLOGICAL NOTES. By H. H. ARNOLD-BemrRosE, M.A., F.G.S. - - : THE QUARRYING AND TRANSPORT OF ITS STONES. By H. A. HUBBERSTY - : : - - - : THE HistorRY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY, AND OF THE ORATORY OF ST. HELEN, DERBY. By the Rev. J. CHARLES Cox, LL.D., F.S.A. : : DERBYSHIRE FONTS—THE LatE-NORMAN FONT AT YOULGREAVE. By G. LE BLANC SMITH - - : : = : E OLp ENGLISH VILLAGE LIFE AS ILLUSTRATED AT BARROW AND TWYFORD. By THE REV WILLIAM Baxrer, M.A. : : - = A THIRTEENTH CENTURY SEAL OF ROGER DE CARSINGTON. By Mrs. MEADE-WALDO- - - : - - - - THE DERBY MUNICIPAL MUNIMENTs. By C. E. B. Bow.es, M.A. - - - - - : ROMAN BROUGH—ANAVIO. REPORT OF PRELIMINARY EXCAVATIONS MADE FOR THE SOCIETY. By JoHN GarsTaANG, B.A., B.LiTr., F.S.A., Reader in Egyptian Archeology, University of Liverpool. = - PAGE Il NO ios) 82 141 153 168 173 177 CONTENTS—continued. NotTEs ON THE INSCRIBED TABLET AND ON THE ROMANO- British NAME OF BROUGH. By F. HaverFietp, M.A., F.S.A., Hon. F.S.A. Scot., Censor and Tutor of Christ Church, Oxford. Nores ON THE REMAINS FOUND AT BROUGH. By WiLi1aAm Boyp Dawkins, M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S., F.S.A. F.G.S., Professor of Geology, Victoria University of Manchester - 3 = : : : 2 THE PEAK IN THE DAYS OF QUEEN ANNE. By Henry Kirke, M.A., B.C.L. : - - THE HYMENOPTERA ACULEATA OF DERBYSHIRE. (ANTS, BEES, AND WASPS.) By THE Rev. FRANcIs C. R. JourDAIN, M.A. DISCOVERY OF AN FARLY INTERMENT AT STANLEY GRANGE. By THE REv. CHARLES KERRY - - - - EDITORIAL NoTEs— THE ROYAL VISIT TO DERBYSHIRE - - - E THE LATE Mr. W. A. CARRINGTON - - - - OLD DERBY - - - = - - - THE ROMAN Fort AT BROUGH : - - - ARBOR Low STONE CIRCLE - - - 2 2 NaTuRAL HisTORY—THE VICTORIA HISTORY OF DERBYSHIRE Two New Booxs—NotTEs ON HARDWICK HALL - NorTicEs OF CASTLETON AND ITS OLD INHABITANTS Our ILLUSTRATIONS - - - - - - PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY. List OF OFFICERS - - - 2 2 Z 2 ‘ Hon. SECRETARY’S REPORT BALANCE SHEET - - 2 : f 5 zs : List OF MEMBERS - - - - - 2 2 r LIBRARY CATALOGUE - - - - : : Te PAGE 197 ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE DENBY OLD HALL— FROM THE EAstT - - - : : = - frontispiece. THE Moat - : - - - - - - facing 4 GROUND PLAN - - - - - : z - 5 ONE OF THE INNER Doors - - - - - - 6 THE OUTER Door - - - - - - - - 7 THE PoRCH - - : - : : - - facing § PART OF THE PANELLING - - - - - - 9 PEDIGREE OF ITs LATER OWNERS - - = - 18 ARBOR Low STONE CIRCLE— PLAN- - - - - - - - - - facing 41 GENERAL VIEW OF THE SOUTHERN & WESTERN PORTION ,, 42 GENERAL VIEW OF THE SOUTHERN IIALF~ - - es 44 UrN FouND IN THE TUMULUS ADJOINING ARBOR Low 47 EARTHENWARE POT FOUND IN THE SAME TUMULUS~ - 48 SECTION OF THE FOSSE- - - - - - - 49 VIEW OF THE RE-EXCAVATED FOSSE, SECTION 4 - facing 52 GENERAL VIEW OF THE VALLUM & FOSSE, SECTION 4 ,, 54 STONE IMPLEMENTS FOUND IN I9QOI - - - oe 50 STONE IMPLEMENTS FOUND IN 1902 - - - = ee 50 VIEW OF SECTION 4 AND THE CUTTING THROUGH THE VALLUM - - - - - - - - Shse 5S VIEW OF SECTION 2 THROUGH THE VALLUM AND FOSSE ,, 60 SKULL OF LATER INTERMENT - - - - - - 61 ANOTHER VIEW OF SAME - - - - - - 62 ANOTHER VIEW OF SAME - - - - = > 63 SET OF FLINT FLAKES FOUND TOGETHER = = - 65 SECTION OF THE SMALL DYKE OUSIDE THE CIRCLE - 66 ANOTHER SECTION OF SAME - - - - = - 67 ANOTHER SECTION OF SAME - - - = - : 67 CIRCULAR FLINT-KNIFE - - - : - - 68 ANOTHER, SIMILAR, BUT SMALLER - - - - - 69 FLINT KNIFE-DAGGER- - - : = = - > 71 ILLUSTRATIONS— continued. DERBYSHIRE FONTS— THE Font’ AT YOULGREAVE WEST SIDE OF SAME - SOUTH SIDE OF SAME - EAST SIDE OF SAME - NORTH SIDE OF SAME - A THIRTEENTH CENTURY SEAL OF ROGER RoMAN BrouGH— Map OF THE DIstRICT - THE NorTH-WEsT WALL OF THE DE CARSINGTON PRATORIUM THE WEst CORNER OF THE MAIN WALL - PROVISIONAL PLAN OF THE EXCAVATIONS INTERIOR OF UNDERGROUND CHAMBER VIEW OF SAME - PLAN AND SECTION OF SAME WORKINGS IN STONE - INSCRIBED TABLET OF THE SECOND CENTURY - Kry TO INSCRIPTION ON SAME EARLY INTERMENT AT STANLEY GRANGE— THE Oak COFFIN AND REMAINS THE GLass PHIAL - PAGE » 178 facing 184 » 184 - 187 facing 188 ” 190 - 191 q 195 facing 197 ERBYSHIRE fARCHOLOGICAL AND Narurat ftisrory use = SOCIETY. Denby OD Hall and tts Owners. I. THE HALL. By Percy H. Currey, Hon. Secretary. Midland Railway, will occasionally turn his head to glance at the quaint old house which, backed by the trees of Salterwood, forms such a picturesque object on the west side of the line, between Denby Station and Marehay; but beyond this, Denby Old Hall is little known to anyone outside its immediate neighbourhood; the house is scarcely visible from the road, and the district is not one to attract visitors, though there are many pretty bits and interesting old houses to be found by those who know where to look for them. Even at the present time, in spite of the smoke from the potteries and the throbbing of the winding engines, the visitor to the Old Hall will see sufficient of the former character of Denby Park to show what an attractive place it must have been before its beauty was given in exchange for the wealth which comes from underground. VOL, XXVI, I 2 DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. Denby Old Hall is not mentioned, so far as the writer can ascertain, in any of the Derbyshire histories. ’ Glover states that the Rossels had a park at Denby in‘ the reign of Henry III. and that in the time of Henry VI. the Denby property vested, through an heiress, in Lawrence Lowe; this park most probably included the Hall which forms the subject of the present paper. Glover’s subsequent statement that John Flamstead, the Astronomer ‘Royal, was born at the Old Hall, refers most probably to a house, now pulled down, formerly known as Crowtrees.* The designation of “Hall” seems to be comparatively modern; even as late as 1714, in the will of Robert Robey, it is described as “Denby Parke,” and in earlier documents it is spoken of as “the Lodge or Parke House.” Its situation in the Middle Ages must have been very secluded; the village and church of Denby lie a mile away to the south-east; the Derby and Alfreton turnpike road, which now passes about a quarter of a mile to the east, is moder, having been made under an Act of Parliament passed about 1786, and the original approach would probably be from the Rykneld Street, the name of which is still ‘pre- served in the unprepossessing hamlet of Street Lane; Morley Park, in Duffield Forest, came close on the west side. es Some interesting information concerning the estate can be gathered from the depositions in an action in the Court of Chancery in the reign of Charles II., respecting the ownership of Salterwood and Pryor Leyes, in which there seem to have been witnesses on the one side ready to prove that Salterwood was always considered part of the park and within the pale, and on the other equally assertive that it was not part of the park, and was fenced off from it. Among the depositions we find the following statements: “The messuage house, that is undoubtedly within the parke’ and was the Keeper’s Lodge formerly”; “ Denby Parke enclosed with a pale 65/68 yeares before, disparked about 4g years before, and that Salterwood * Vol. XIX., p. 109, of this Joz-nal, DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. 3 and Pryor Leyes were part of the parke, and within the pale Deere grazed and hunted therein.” The park was estimated to contain a little over 200 acres. Of the medizval hall which must have stood here there are, so far as the writer can ascertain, no documentary records, nor are there any structural remains with the exception of the moat. The moat is, as might be expected in so hilly a country, rather an ususual feature in Derbyshire, but it gives us no clue as to the date of the house, as houses were occasionally moated even so late as the Elizabethan period.* The moat, long since disused, lies about 50 yards north of the present house; it is about 33 feet wide at the top and 6 feet deep, and encloses a rectangular platform measuring about 58 feet by 80 feet; om three sides it is excavated in the solid ground, but on the north it is confined by an artificial bank on the edge of a small ravine formed by a stream coming down from Marehay, from which it was pro- bably fed. Except in very wet weather, it is now dry, but in the memory of the present tenant of the farm it was filled with water, and only a very slight diversion of the stream would be necessary to bring the water into it again. What the original hall was like we have, of course, no knowledge ; from the fact of its being moated, it would seem to have been a place of some importance, for a keeper’s lodge in medizval times was an official residence. It would probably be built of timber. Though the usual building material of the district was formerly stone’ and is now brick, timber was, in the middle ages, much the most usual material, even in stone districts, and there would no doubt be abundance of good building oak in the park or the neighbouring forest. The present hall consists of two distinct buildings; the older portion is much the more perfect and is an interesting example of a small Elizabethan country house. It is difficult to definitely say who was its builder; from the depositions in the law-suit *See Parker & Turner’s Domestic Architecture of the Middle Ages, Vol. II., p. 15. 4 DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. previously referred to, it appears that the estate was purchased in 1628 by Robert Wilmot from Vincent Lowe and his trustees, Thomas Hutchinson, Timothy Pusey, and Gilbert Ward, and was immediately afterwards demised by Robert Wilmot to Vincent Lowe for forty-one years at a rent of £100. From the style of the building one might, however, venture to speculate that the founder was Patrick Lowe, father of Vincent Lowe. From the external appearance alone it would be difficult to assign a date to the older hall,* its picturesque style, with deeply recessed mullioned windows and straight label mouldings, having prevailed in Derbyshire, and, in fact, in all stone districts, not only during the latter part of the sixteenth, but throughout nearly the whole of the seventeenth centuries. After the fifteenth century it becomes more difficult to date a building from its architecture alone than it is during the medizval period, when the way in which the native Gothic styles developed contemporaneously over almost the whole of the country, at a time when communication was not very rapid, is often surprising, but with the Renaissance began that confusion of styles which has steadily. increased up to the present day. In the rural districts the builders imitated, or tried to imitate, the details of the imported foreign styles long before they grasped the principles of their design, and even in the Stuart period, while Inigo Jones was designing for his wealthy patrons purely classic buildings, we find houses all over the country that possess much of the picturesque character of the Gothic work. At Denby Old Hall, however, we have other things besides the masons’ work to assist us in coming to a conclusion as to its date. Judging by the plan and the joiners’ work, the writer is inclined to the opinion that it was erected in the latter part of the sixteenth century. The building is of stone, the outer walls being about 2 ft. 9 ins. thick; the dressings of the doors and windows are of hard millstone grit, in excellent preservation, but the walling is of a much poorer material, probably obtained close to the site, very picturesque in colouring, but badly weathered. The * <‘Older” as opposed to the later Jacobean addition. Ww * MNS @ a re Ea We UAW & os | wa — i \ —#, Wa ‘es Be <_s = Victor Haslam. A. THe Moar. Densy OLD HALL. DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. 5 plan is interesting, showing the striving after a symmetrical design, which was then such a novel feature in domestic archi- OuIaIING Nwscoy KitcHen derueve o2poy Sitting Roon +— — — — l6t CenTuRy House —_ OO sO Century House ——- — — — — — —— pa =I Giz SING re |s = on 3 ll u Oz |s SS Om || oe ZU ° ul ra Q a 7 4 | 3 it Ds ° f (Reecacine Wire. Century House) MODERN | tecture, and the quaintly naive way in which that symmetry was attained. It is practically square, measuring 36 ft. by 6 DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. 35 ft. 3 ins., and is roofed in two spans with a gutter between, showing two equal sized gables on both the east and west walls. To carry the roof, an internal stone wall is carried up from bottom to top, dividing the house into two equal parts. As it was necessary, in order to preserve the symmetry of the design, for the porch to be placed in the middle of the east wall, this internal wall would, if carried across, have come right in the middle of the door; so, to avoid this, it is stopped short a little distance from the outside wall. The ground floor (see plan) contains two large rooms, a hall or house place, and kitchen. The partitions, form- ing the passage and greatly reducing the size of the hall, are modern additions. At the back of the inner hall is a small room, now used as a dairy, and at the back of the kitchen another, used as a sitting room, with a cellar below; between these is a staircase, some of the steps of which are said by the tenant to be of solid blocks of oak, but they are now cased over. The upper floor, which is an exact repetition of the ground ae floor, comprises four bedrooms, —Ontor tHe InneR DOORS with a small closet or ward- 2 robe over the porch, which communicates with the bedroom above the kitchen. The internal partitions, with the exception of the stone cross wall mentioned before, are all of timber. Owing to the way in which everything, including in some cases the doors them- selves, has been covered with wall-paper, it is difficult to examine much of the work, but the framing of some of these partitions has quite a Tudor appearance. The sills of the partitions in some cases run across the doorways, a system which, one would imagine, must often have proved a very DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. 7 literal stumbling-block to the junior members of the family. The roof appears to be the original structure; it is carried by two massive oak trusses, and is covered with stone slates (technically known as grey slates), though repaired in places with tiles. The stone walls appear to have stopped at the eaves level all round, and the gables to have been of timber framing and plaster; but this has, with the exception of the great rafters, been removed and replaced with brickwork, as is clearly shown in the view of the front of the hall. Several of the rooms contain the original fireplaces, which are of very plain character, with boldly-moulded stone jambs and lintels. A good deal of plain oak panelling still remains in the house in a more or less mutilated condition, and in the bedroom over the hall there is some of good design and rather elaborate workmanship. This is . obviously not in its original position, and appears to be of later date. It may, with some degree of probability, be in- ferred that it was removed from thenewer. 4] |f ; =yp portion of the hall, as will be presently ee Z—_ a suggested. The front door (see sketch), "Sy ft which is probably coeval with the house, is formed of two thicknesses of oak boards strongly nailed together, and with mouldings planted on the face. Probably the last to occupy this house as keeper of the park was Nicholas Ottiwell, whose sons were called as witnesses in the action previously mentioned. The following item of evidence is so quaintly given as to be worth quoting: “The deponent’s father was keeper of Denby Parke in Patrick Lowe’s tyme. Patrick charged him to have a care what hee did in — THE OuteR Door — Salterwood for if hee did any hurt hee would not beare him out, for hee heard his father say it was not within his Charter.” About a century after the building of the Elizabethan 8 DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. lodge, a wing of much more ambitious proportions was added. Thomas Robey, of Castle Donington (b. 1598, d. 1678), Sewer Extraordinary to Queen Henrietta Maria, Consort of King Charles I., married as his second wife Dorothy Wilmot, a grand-daughter of Robert Wilmot, the purchaser of Denby Park, and through her acquired the Denby estate. It is fairly safe to assume that he was the builder of this section of the hall; the architecture corresponds with his time, and over the door are the arms of Robey and Wilmot impaled. Unfor- tunately, with the exception of the east and part of the south walls, nothing of his work remains, and it is impossible even to guess at its plan, though the small fragment left is sufficient to show, in a tantalizing way, what a charming building it must have been. It appears to have been allowed to go to ruin, and to have been re-built, in the most uninteresting style imaginable, early in the nineteenth century; even in the old front wall the mullions and transoms have been removed to make way for sash windows. In the possession of Miss Gregory, the present owner, is a sketch of the old hall, evidently drawn with a fair degree of accuracy, signed on the back: “ James Coxon, May 1st, 1823.” This sketch shows the old portion much in its present condition, but the later wing is roofless and with grass growing on the top of the walls. The windows, how- ever, with their mullions and transoms, were then perfect. On the back of the sketch is a note by Robert Strelley Parker, stating that “over the porch was a stone with the arms of Robey impaling those of Wilmot”; the stone now over the porch is modern, but this note shows it to be an authentic repro- duction. The front of the newer portion of the hall, as will be seen from the plan and the photograph, has a_boldly-projecting square bay window and a porch, which are very effective in outline. It is built of similar materials to the lodge, and, except for the facts that the windows are larger and the mouldings a little bolder, and that the workmanship is generally more careful, it will be seen that little real change had taken Suey mabye oe aa Densy Oup HAtt. PORCH. He Victor Haslam. oe, DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. 9 place in the manner of building. The quaint archway to the porch, of which Mr. Haslam’s photograph gives an excellent view, is very characteristic of the Stuart period. The oak panelling referred to above as existing in one of the bed-rooms of the old house, a small portion of which is shown in the c ] F ", m, 3 | SECTION oF MUNTING SECTION of RAILS DENBY OLD HALL PART OF THE PANELLING ° ’ cs 5 4 Inches SCALE To DETAILS 2 A ! 2 3 4 eo SCALE oF FEET PHC der accompanying sketch, looks as if it must originally have adorned the dining room or one of the principal rooms of this wing; it reaches from floor to ceiling, and is now made up of fragments, the mouldings of which vary in different parts ; even the cornice is of different sections on opposite sides of Io DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. the room; it is divided into bays by fluted pilasters of very slight projection, with delicately-moulded caps and bases; it shows no signs of ever having been coloured, and the oak in some of the panels is beautifully figured. In the garden is a small brass sun-dial on a stone pillar, inscribed “ Robert Robey, 1714.” II Il. THE OWNERS OF DENBY OLD HALL. By THE Rev. R. J. Burton, M.A. yO obviate the necessity of continual reference to authorities, it may be well to state, at the outset, the chief sources of information. For the de Rossel and Lowe families, Lysons and Glover have been used, and as the information is already in print, a mere outline is here given for the purpose of shewing the continuous ownership. For the Wilmot family, Glover is used to a limited extent; for the rest of the facts relating to that family, and for the information about the Robey family and others, the Society is indebted to the kindness of Miss Gregory, who holds the chief interest in the estate, and has submitted a valuable collection of interesting documents. A few details have been added from “A Pedigree of the Roby Family,’ compiled by Mr. H. J. Roby. I am also indebted to Mr. J. T. Perry, of Nottingham, for kindness in this matter. THE ESTATE. First, as to the particular property the ownership of which is to be considered. . The manor of Denby was early divided, and the smaller portion was held for a considerable time by the Greys of Codnor. This latter estate eventually acquired the name of Park Hall, and is clearly distinguished as separate from the manor of Denby held by the de Rossels. ; I2 DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. The latter manor contained a park* in the time of Henry III., and apparently this park, or some portion of it, is the estate now known as the “Old Hall” estate. The Robeys usually described themselves as of “Denby Park”; and the “ mes- suage house” mentioned in a Chancery action about the year 1666 “was undoubtedly within the park and was formerly the Keeper's Lodge.” THE OWNERS. From the Domesday Survey it appears that Osmund held the manor of Denby in Saxon times, when the value was one hundred shillings. In the course of the Norman invasion, the manor suffered severely, decreasing in value to twenty shillings. It was then given, together with the neighbouring manor of Horsley, and other manors in Derbyshire and Nottingham- shire, to a Norman, Ralph de Burun, under whom it was held by “a knight of Ralph’s.” The name of this knight is not given; but in or about the reign of Henry I. the estate was held under the de Burun family by Patrick de Rossel. Taking into consideration the very limited space of time between the Domesday Survey and the reign of Henry I., it seems probable that the “knight of Ralph’s”+ was a member of the de Rossel family. But as evidence is lacking, this suggestion remains merely a conjecture. From this period onwards to the reign of Henry VI., the de Rossel family held the manor. In 1g Edward II., William de Rossel held the right of free-warren ; and in the same reign Richard, Lord Grey, of Codnor, acquired a small manor in Denby known, later, as Park Hall (part of the ancient manor) in right of gift from William de Rossel and William Bernack, who were styled kinsmen and co-heirs of John de Denby. In the reign of Henry VI. the family became extinct in the male line. ca park was a place of privilege for wild beasts of venery and other wild beasts of the forest and chase. It differs from a forest in that a subject may hold a park by prescription or royal grant. It differs from a chase because a park must be enclosed.—W harton. + Miles Radulfi. DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. 13 THe Lowe Famity. Lawrence Lowe, Esq., Sergeant-at-Law and a retainer of William, Lord Hastings, married the heiress of the last de Rossel, and thus became possessed of the ancient manor. Their son, Humphrey, married Margaret, daughter of Thomas Cokaine, of Ashbourn, and had issue Clement and Vincent. Vincent, who married Jane, daughter of Sir Thomas Cokaine, of Ashbourn, became heir of his brother Clement, who left no male issue. ‘This Vincent purchased the estate of Park Hall, and thus re-united the two parts of the old manor. Of his children, Francis, Jasper, Anthony, George, Jane and Anne, Francis inherited Denby, but dying without issue, was succeeded by Jasper. Jasper, who had inherited the Park Hall estate, thus became owner of the whole of the Denby properties. He married Dorothy, daughter of William Sacheverell, of Stanton, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Patrick, who appears in the Muster Roll for 1599-1600 as “Patrick Lowe of Denby esquire.”* Patrick married Jane, daughter of Sir John Harpur, of Swarkstone, and had issue Vincent, who married Anne Cavendish, and is described under Denby in the Roll of Free- holders for 1633 as “ Vincencius Lowe Armiger”; and Isabel, who married Sir John Zouch, of Codnor. WILMOT. In 4 Charles I., Robert Wilmot, of Chaddesden, purchased from the above-mentioned Vincent Lowe and others “ all that pasture ground lying in Denby, called Denby Parke, enclosed with a pale,” and by indenture of feoffment, dated Aug. 2nd, 4 Charles I., it was conveyed to him in fee. At that time the title “park” was more than a mere name surviving from ancient times, as deer still grazed and were hunted on the estate, and it had the reputation and privileges of a park. The messuage house was the keepers lodge, and the keeper in Patrick Lowe's time (possibly the last of the keepers) was a man named Nicholas Ottiwell. *Vol. XVIT., p. 40, of this Jozrnal. I4 DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. This Robert Wilmot married Dorothy, daughter of Lawrence Shrigley, of Shrigley, co. Chester, and had issue five sons and two daughters. On the death of the eldest son, Robert, the second son, Edward, became heir to the estates. Edward Wilmot, D.D., was the incumbent of All Saints’ Derby, and married Dorothy, daughter of Sir George Gresley, of Drakelow, Bart. Their children were Robert, Edward, and Dorothy. Robert died unmarried, and was succeeded in the Chad- desden estates by his brother Edward. The Denby estate, within a few days after it was purchased by the first Robert Wilmot, had been leased to Vincent Lowe at the rent of #100 a year, and about the same time the estate, apparently, was disparked. This lease expiring in 1666, Robert Wilmot, grandson of the original purchaser, leased the estate to William Barker for five years, dating from November 1st, 1666. Upon this an action was commenced in Chancery as to the extent of the estate, namely, whether Salterwood was part of Denby Park or was not included in the purchase as being distinct from the park. In 1678, 1679, 1680, there was a dispute as to the trustee- ship of lands in Chaddesden, Morley, Breadsall, and Spondon, which lands had been left by this Robert Wilmot to Henry Mellor, of Derby, and George Gresley, of Lullington, as trustees for his brother Edward and his children, and, after them, for the children of his sister Dorothy.* ROBEY. TuHomas.—Dorothy Wilmot before mentioned married Thomas, son of Robert Roby, of Castle Donington, co. Leicester, and by this marriage the Denby estate passed into the tenure of the Roby family. The Denby branch, which was the elder branch, described themselves as of Denby Park, and adopted the spelling “ Robey.” * Hist. MSS. Commission Report YX. Part II., p. 120b. DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. 15 Thomas Robey was born at Castle Donington on Oct. 27th, 1598, and died Jan. 18th, 1679. He was Gentleman Sewer Extraordinary to Queen Henrietta Maria and Justice of the Peace for the county of Leicester. By a will dated Oct. 27th, 1677, concerning his personal estate only, “ having already made another will concerning my reall Estate of Inheritance of all my Lands in Darbyshire bearing equal date with these presents,’ he desired to be buried in the Parish Church of Castle Donington as his executrix should think fit. Amongst his bequests were £10 for the poor of Castle Donington as his executrix should think fit, twenty shillings apiece to two relatives and two “ loving neighbours,” “ to buy them rings,” ten shillings apiece to all hired men and maid- servants living with him at his decease. As to the unspecified estate, he left “all the rest of his goods chattells and cattell whatsoever in the Realme of England” to his “deare and loving wife Dorothy Robey.” Thomas Robey married twice, Dorothy Wilmot. being his second wife. She died November 17th, 1680, and was buried at Castle Donington. In her will, dated August 11th, 1680, she speaks of moneys to be raised by sale of lands in Litchurch, Osmaston, Derby, Normanton, and Chaddesden under her husband’s will for her children. The rents of the lands of her three daughters, Sybil, Elizabeth, and Mary, in Murden Grange, co. Stafford, to be applied to their maintenance and education to the age of fourteen. 5: Thomas and Dorothy Robey had four sons and_ seven daughters. Of these, Wilmot, Thomas, and Barbarah died young. Edward, baptized February 26th, 1661, died October 11th, 1720, and was buried at Castle Donington. He is described in his will as of Kegworth, co. Leicester. E Dorothy, baptized March 6th, 1662, died’ unmarried about twenty years of age in 1682. Nicholas, baptized July 23rd, 1663, was buried August rst, 1682. By his will, wherein he is described as of Lullington, 16 DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. co. Derby, he bequeathed to his brother Robert all the lands left to him by his uncle, Robert Wilmot. Katharine married Henry Pearson, of Nottingham, attorney- at-law. Elizabeth married Richard Coke, of Trusley. Of Sybil and Mary nothing is known. RosBerT.—Robert, the third but eldest surviving son, was baptized at Castle Donington January 26th, 1659, and died at Denby Old Hall November roth, 1714. He was buried at Castle Donington. He married twice: first, in 1683, Grace, daughter of Sir Thomas Gresley, Bart., by whom he had four sons and three daughters. She died October 29th, 1709, aged fifty-seven, and was buried at Castle Donington. The second marriage, in 1711, with Ann Kilbourn, by whom he had a posthumous son, Nicholas, does not affect the Denby succession. This Robert Robey is described as of Castle Donington and Denby Old Hall. In 1689 the tithes of Denby were leased to him by Robert Wilmot, of Spondon, from February 2nd of that vear for three years. In consideration, he was to pay yearly the sum of £34 In his will, dated November 8th, 1714, he shews great affection and partiality for, and confidence in, his second son, Robert, to whom he left the greatest share of his estate—all “wherein I have any the freehold tenements and hereditaments estate of inheritance or have any power to dispose of,” and also all copyhold lands and tenements. “A considerable sum of money” was charged on the estate coming to his eldest son Thomas for the younger children’s portions. The greatest sum possible was to be raised, and of that, one-third was bequeathed to the third son, Edward, and the remainder to Robert. He left #400 to his wife, Ann, which was to be paid out of his legacy by Robert, who was further appointed residuary legatee and sole executor. The children of Robert and Grace Robey were Frances, Elizabeth (who married Thomas Bentley), Thomas, Robert, DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. 17 Grace, Robert, and Edward. Frances, Robert and Grace died while infants. Tuomas.—The Denby estate was inherited by Thomas, who was baptized April 4th, 1688. He soon proved that his father’s lack of confidence was only too well justified. A spendthrift with an unenviable reputation, he ran through his estates at Breedon and Hose, co. Leicester, and Pinxton, co. Derby, sold the tithes of Diseworth and the old family estate at Castle Donington, and mortgaged the Denby estate. He seems to have squandered every penny he could raise. By a deed, April 18th, 1726, he injudiciously leased the coal mines at Denby to John Fletcher for ninety-nine years, receiving one shilling for every stack load of hard coal and sixpence for every stack of soft coal. In connection with this lease, the following note in the Heanor parish registers is of some interest :— “January 24th, 1740.—Wm. Fletcher and others, owners of the collieries of Heanor, Smalley and Denby, have been accused of monopolising re-sale of coal, stoutly deny imputation and offer to supply any persons with coals at 2s. 6d. to 3s. od. per ton, for 40 years to come, and to give security for performance of the same.” Thomas Robey lived to the advanced age of ninety years, and died at Oakerthorpe, a house belonging to his son-in-law, February 17th, 1776. He was buried on the north side of Heanor churchyard, where his sandstone altar-shaped tombstone bears this inscription :— “Thos Robee Esq: of Denby departed this Life February 17‘ in the Year of owr Lord 1776. Aged go.” He married, about August, 1714, Alice, daughter of Richard Clayton, of Codnor Breach. She was born March 5th, 1695, died April 24th, 1762, and was buried with her ancestors at Heanor. Early in married life the husband’s evil ways caused domestic unhappiness, and eventually separation. 2 DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. 18 ssouvIy Yjoquztq ayL[SIVD S]URJUL OM) rs cuyzg epy=Aeayeis uyof Aqoy AxoBa15) | | Joqiozy uewyomnyD ‘uazy{=Arepy * + uy Ap ="papa ‘wip, PAttGl gyuA -— =Aon'] ydasof | | | | | | Aowy Aajs1a319q yiequary Aaq]aNS Weqoy WRITITA\ =998ID) VULIBIOSL) |_| | | SUV Py yroduaarq | | IoyIeg umMoIg uruefueg ydaso f = Son - SeWOU, = 998ID) = }10q Oy esvalof =s01,v J19q0y] | | I | s Aouy uo} {elD WeqezTq = W9qoxy | | | yeres AaTJaIS Wey =s9eL setuoy |, | | | PMA Neal Are BEI ORS| uoyAe]D solpy =sewoyy qi9q ez yoqezyyq |_| | | Meas suTILy ey SYTOUSINE Aaysary) Ayjo10gq prenpy uIMog|Iy UU =}aqoy =s90"I4) [ere |_| =| | jour, AyIOI0G = Aqoy seuoy y, DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. 19 The children of this marriage were Thomas, Grace and Sarah. Sarah died unmarried about twenty years of age, and was buried on May 16th, 1738, at Heanor. Tuomas.—Thomas, of Denby Old Hall, was _ baptized April roth, 1716, at Castle Donington. He seems to have been very like his father in the peculiar bent of his mind and habits, but of a worse disposition in that he apparently possessed a morose temper. After being educated as an attorney he emigrated to America, and after an absence of some seven years he died unmarried in Philadelphia, December 2rst, 1763: that was before his father. By his will, made March 7th, 1754, “when last at Gravesend,” and two codicils, March 26th, 1755, and November 8th, 1763 (the latter made at Philadelphia), he bequeaths his estates at Denby, Pinxton, Normanton, Heage, and elsewhere in Great Britain to fis friend Francis Green, attorney, of Clement’s Inn, co. Middlesex. Grace, who by survivorship became heir general to her father, was buried at Heanor, April 16th, 1805, aged ninety, in the same grave as her father and her daughter Lucy, who pre- deceased her. She married at Tutbury, co. Stafford, June 27th, 1738, William Strelley, of Oakerthorpe.* He died in 1796 and was buried at Pentrich. STRELLEY. The children of William and Grace Strelley were Robert and Lucy. Lucy died unmarried March 24th, 1784, aged forty-one, and was buried at Heanor as above mentioned. Robert, therefore, eventually inherited the whole of his mother’s third-share in the Denby and other estates: to this he added the other two-thirds by purchase from Francis Green, the devisee of his uncle Thomas Robey. He was born at Denby Old Hall, August 17th, 1739, died August 31st, 1813, and was buried at Pentrich. * For an account of the Strelley family see vol. xiv. of this /Jozrzal. 20 DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. The coal lease became a matter of law in 1772, when the Strelleys disputed the colliery rights of Francis Green under Thomas Robey’s will. At that time John Barber was represen- tative of the orignal lessee and sold his lease to Mr. Lowe. In 1774 Francis Green, of Wigwell Hall, Wirksworth, and Robert Strelley, then of Wirksworth, sold timber on the estates at Denby, Pinxton, Normanton, and Heage to Richard Lowe, of King Street, St. Pancras, Covent Garden, co. Middlesex. Robert Strelley seems to have made great efforts to free the impoverished estates, which had suffered so severely through the dissipations of his spendthrift grandfather. He married Elizabeth, daughter and co-heiress of Richard Clayton, the younger, of Codnor Breach, who brought to him the Waingroves estate. Elizabeth Clayton was born November 14th, 1746, and died November a2tst, 1833. The children of Robert and Elizabeth Strelley were Robert, Benjamin, Alice, Jemima, Grace, and Lucy. Thomas dying unmarried, Benjamin inherited the Oaker- thorpe and Waingroves estates. The Denby estate was bequeathed to the daughters in equal shares. Alice married the Rey. Jervase Brown and died without issue about 1822. Jemima married Benjamin Pattison and died September 23rd, 1849, aged seventy-four. She had one son, Douglas Strelley, who pre-deceased her, dying, unmarried, July 13th, 1837, aged eighteen. Grace married twice: first at Pentrich, Robert Parker, of Whalley, co. Lancaster. The children of this marriage were Robert Strelley, Elizabeth, and Lucy. Robert Strelley Parker made an interesting collection of documents and notes relating to Denby and the neighbourhood, which is now in the possession of Miss Gregory. Secondly, at All Saints’, Loughborough, she married Thomas Davenport, by whom she had one daughter, Georgiana Grace. This daughter married, at Denby, William Eckersley, of Brookhouse, St. Helens, co. Lancaster. The DENBY OLD HALL AND ITS OWNERS. 21 three children of the first marriage died unmarried, and in later years Robert Strelley Parker and his sister, Mrs. Eckersley, who had no issue, lived at the Old Hall. They made disentailing deeds, and their share in the estate (inherited from their mother, Grace) came by bequest to their cousin Mary, daughter of Lucy Strelley. Lucy married Joseph Harris and had three sons and three daughters. Of these the eldest child, Joseph Strelley, the third, Elizabeth, and the youngest, Herbert Roby, died unmarried. Lucy, the second child, married ———— Yule, and had a son, John Strelley Carslake, who married, but died without issue June 8th, 1886. William Edward went to Australia, where he married, and has issue, two children (infants). Mary married Henry Churchman Gregory, and it is to their only daughter, Elizabeth Frances, that the Society is indebted for much of the information in this article. In Miss Gregory’s possession are a few interesting relics of the families who have held Denby Old Hall. An oil painting of uncertain identity, but there is good reason to believe the supposition correct that it is a portrait of Grace, wife of William Strelley. A handsome carved oak chair, bearing the initials R. S., which belonged to Robert Strelley, as also did a silver saucepan, some four or five inches high. An interesting relic of Lucy, sister of Robert Strelley, is a silver “patch box.” It is a round box about three inches in diameter and bears her name with the date 1769. The portraits at Oakerthorpe include one of Grace Gresley, wife of Robert Robey, and others of Robert Strelley and his wife, Elizabeth Clayton. 22 The Ovigtn of the Shivleys and of the Gresleps. By J. H. Rounp, M.A. x4} O all who are interested in the history of our old ee Conquest” houses the names of Shirley and Gresley are, or should be, familiar. For these families, which both derive their names from Derbyshire manors, and the ancestors of which were knightly tenants of Ferrers, Earl of Derby, enjoy the very remarkable distinction of holding at the present day manors which belonged to their Domesday ancestors. I am in a position to show, beyond dispute, that the attacks on their pedigrees contained in the work styled A Feudal History of Derbyshire, are wholly without foundation. That wellknown writer on feudal genealogy, the late Mr. Eyton, described the pedigree of the Gresleys as “a genealogy second to none among the com- moners of England,” and the singular attempt to prove that the early Gresleys, of Gresley, were identical with the con- temporary Albinis, of Cainhoe (in Bedfordshire), and not with the later and modern Gresleys, is a mere dream, for which there exists no ground whatever. I propose to prove this in detail in the next volume of this /owrna/, and shall hope at the same time to throw a little fresh light on the feudal history of the county and the records on which it is based. 1 may perhaps be permitted to add, as I am somewhat vehemently assailed in the work referred to, that in not one single instance has my critic succeeded in impugning the accuracy of my statements or the soundness of my conclusions ; this also can be proved. 2g Expenses of the Shricvalty during the Sununer Asse of 1631. By C. E. B. Bow es, M.A. a) N approximate estimate of the expenses which the holding of the office of High Sheriff for this county entailed early in the Stuart period, may be gathered from the following Accounts* of the disbursements made during the assize week in July, 1631, on behalf of Francis Bradshawe, of Bradshaw, who was High Sheriff for the county that year. There are four and twenty of the original documents, of which one is headed, “ Laide down for Mr. High Sheriff for Sommer Sisses for the Judges house July the xxv'?,” and this is endorsed by George Bradshawe, the High Sheriff's brother and eventual heir, with the words, “ Note of the expenses when my brother was Sheriff of Darbyshire.” Francis Bradshawe, the eldest son of Francis Bradshawe, of Bradshaw, by his marriage with Anne, daughter and co-heir of Humphrey Stafford, of Eyam, was born in 1576.T His father, Francis the elder, qualified as a Justice of the Peace for the county in 1615. This fact adds somewhat to the information regarding the closing years of his life, in the history of the family, contributed to the last volume of this Journal by the writer, who not having then had access to the list of Justices of the Peace in Dr. Cox’s * Wolley Charters, xii., 94-96. +Vol. xxv., p. 38, of this Jowrnad. 24 EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY. Three Centuries of Derbyshire Annals,* possessed no record of him later than 1610. His son Francis seems to have been nominated as a magistrate for the county in 1624, but not to have qualified until 1628,+ and to have been, two years later, elected, when in his 55th year, to fill the office of the shrievalty. In some respects, it might be that the expenses attached to this office in the seventeenth century were less than they are now, for life was simpler, but it must be remembered that, not only had money then a higher purchasing power, but the High Sheriff was probably a greater personage than he now is, and thus the display, though apparently less, might possibly in reality be greater, in comparison with the usual simplicity of the times. The High Sheriff, at any rate, had no gorgeous coach in which to meet the Judge, and convey him to the Shire Hall. As a matter of fact, the roads were not such that carriages could well have travelled over them, even if the ordinary country gentleman possessed such a luxury, which is extremely improbable, as even in London coaches were Only then beginning to be generally used. Mr. High Sheriff Bradshawe evidently depended upon his saddle-horse for his official work, as did everybody in those days, and having ridden, probably, the whole way from Brad- shaw, he would in all likelihood have changed horses, once at least, on the journey. In this case he appears to have done so at Kirk Ireton,; where he is charged both for the keep of the horse he left and for that of his men, as well as for the hire of another horse. The reason why the High Sheriff for the county of Derby should have been charged for horse hire and expenses at Leicester§ is a matter for speculation. It is by no means improbable that it might have been with respect to some arrangement with the High Sheriff for the county of Leicester concerning the escort of the judges then on circuit. The High Sheriff was bound to attend them as far as the boundary of his own county, where they were met by the High phenitt of the county they were entering with a retinue of armed Vol. sory ie hse Tp. 40, fost. | [bid., ches PP» 35» 36, 38: § p. 33. EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY. 25 men, and this not for empty display, but to protect the judges from the possible assaults of aggrieved persons or marauders. The reader will possibly note with surprise various expenses connected with the courts, the trial and execution of the prisoners,* and other such matters—items which might reason- ably have been paid by the Crown without passing through the sheriff's hands. The High Sheriff, however, was, and still is, responsible for the greater proportion of these expenses, but at the expiration of his year of office he is empowered to deliver “a bill of cravings,’ whereupon an allowance is made to him by the Treasury to meet certain assize expenses, which include, at the present time, the judges’ lodgings, the carriage, the javelin men employed as an escort and about the courts, and other such matters. In 1856, however, it was arranged that in the future a fixed sum of money should be paid, which was based upon a calculation of the average amount usually claimed for such expenses. This, as partially revised in 1898, is in vogue to-day. Among such expenses allowed by the Exchequer Office, even as late as 1828, was a sum of money which had to be paid as wagest to county magistrates, who could claim 4s. a day for their attendance at Quarter Sessions. This, it is needless, to say, is now neither allowed nor required. In a claim made during that year by the then High Sheriff, Sir George Sitwell, £48{ was allowed as justices’ wages, £30 for the judges’ lodgings, and £14 for the diet of prisoners, which, with other smaller sums, brought up the total to £108. The modern High Sheriff has no expense with respect to the entertainment of the grand jury. In Francis Bradshawe’s year, however, it will be noticed that they were entertained with music,§ possibly that of a band, played presumedly while they were eating a sumptuous dinner of venison,|| for both of which they were indebted to the High Sheriff. TEM Bilin + Dr. Cox’s Zhree Centuries of Derbyshire Annals, Vol. i., p. 31. } Ldzd., p. 63. § p. 33, post. || Zoid. 26 EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY. Dr. Cox* gives a fairly complete list of the High Sheriffs for the county from the year 1131, but the county records, prior to the time of the Commonwealth, are so scanty and so incomplete that the writer has searched in vain both in Derby and elsewhere for any information with respect to the names of the gentlemen of the grand jury, the judges, or other officials who attended this assize in July, 1631, or of the names and offences of the prisoners who were tried. It may be that the men who were sentenced to be hanged had been found guilty of murder, but it is more likely that they were executed for some much less serious crime, such as larceny or sheep-stealing. It will be noticed that a payment is made for twenty-six hat- bands,+ besides that evidently intended for the Sheriff himself.{ This number exactly corresponds with the number of servants attendant on the High Sheriff of to-day, which includes, besides the coachman and two footmen, twenty-one javelin men and two trumpeters. Hatbands are especially mentioned as part ‘ of the High Sheriff's correct livery in 1691, when “an agree- ment concerning the Shreffalty”§ was drawn up and signed by forty-five Derbyshire gentlemen in view of their being chosen to serve, among whom is John Bradshawe, of Bradshaw, himself High Sheriff in 1717. The hatbands would probably be black, and as there are several other articles of black material mentioned in the accounts presumedly to be used as wearing apparel, besides black coverings of saddles,|| it seems more than probable that black, at that time, was the correct colour to be worn at a State ceremony, and has survived in the judge’s black cap. The cap is undoubtedly a portion of his original State dress, but is now only assumed at certain great functions, as, for instance, when he receives the newly-elected Lord Mayor of London on November gth, and, in his official capacity, when pronouncing sentence of death. No other suggestion seems possible to account for the black material, for although * Three Centuries of Derbyshire Annals, p. 52. + p. 39, fost. T p- 3k. § Original in possession of Sir Geo. Sitwell. |p. 3%. EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY. 27 hatbands were probably in vogue as signs of mourning at this time—for they are especially mentioned as such by Pepys in his Diary under date 31st December, 1667—there seems no reason for mourning being assumed for any public event at this time, and it is inconceivable that the officials connected with the court of assize should have had to show such signs of respect for the felons doomed to be hanged. It will be observed, however, that the chaplain of the gaol looked to the High Sheriff for the payment of his fees both for giving them instruction while in their cells and for attending them after- wards to the gallows;* and the sexton was paid by him for “knowling” or tolling the bell at the time of the execution. T The last sentence of the law was carried out with some cere- mony. Five men with halberds attended the prisoners. The duties of the waits,t too, appear, by the position in the accounts of the charge for their fee, to have had some connection with the execution ; if so, the custom might have obtained at Derby, as it formerly did at Newgate, for a special watchman to call a reminder that a felon was to die the following morning, or, as the items in the accounts are somewhat mixed, the waits might have been there in their ordinary character of watch- men, having no connection with the execution; or, again, it is quite possible that they might have been specially engaged in honour of the criminal judge, who, when on circuit, repre- sents the King in person. In that case, they would probably have been musical watchmen, who piped the watch nightly in the King’s Court, and who saw that every door was secure against “pyckeres and pillers.”§ | The bell is still tolled on the occasion of an execution, and, under the rules issued by the Home Office, it continues to be tolled for fifteen minutes after it is over. This, with the official notice exhibited on the prison doors, is the intimation to the outside world that the sentence of the judge has been carried out. The only allow- ance, however, for such expenses which can now be claimed by the High Sheriff, whose duty it is, legally, to see that the execution is properly performed, is the repayment of the Den Bite Tp. 35. Ep. 31. § Rymer’s Federa. 28 EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY. executioner’s fee, as the necessary apparatus is put at his disposal by the Home Office. In the following accounts, besides the fee of 1s. 6d. for tolling the bell, there are two separate charges of 13s. 4d. paid to the ringers.* It seems doubtful, however, whether these payments were made in connection with the execution. It seems more probable that they were for pealing the bells in honour of the judges on this and the former occasion of their arrival in the town for holding the assizes. Two judges, it may be mentioned, always then went on assize, one to under- take the civil and the other the criminal work. Several of the charges here set forth, notably those for the items of dress, appear to have included the expenses of the only two assizes which were then held during the year. The following is not only probably an instance of this, but is also worth noting, as it suggests an interesting and somewhat perplexing question. Two distinct payments of exactly the same sum, namely, 26s. 8d., are made to Widow Sligh for rent “for the yard and buildings where the judges did sitt,”+ to quote the words of the first charge. This would almost suggest the fact that in 1630 there was no Shire Hall, but that the county was dependent upon the renting of suitable private premises in which to transact its official business. Indeed, it might be assumed that this was the case but for the following circumstances. The present Hall in St. Mary’s Gate, Glover asserts, was built in 1660. A petition, however, of the grand jury in July, 1661, quoted by Dr. Cox, proves that it could not have been built till two or three years later. This petition complains of the situation of His Majesty’s Hall, commonly called “the New Hall,” as being too remote from the prison and convenient inns, and prays for its removal to a more convenient place. That “the New Hall” was being used as early as 1593 is proved by the fact that in the returm of one of the sheriff's precepts for that year mention is made of * pp. 31, 35. + Lbid. EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY. 20 the jury being summoned to meet in the “Newe Hall.” If, then, the New Hall existed in 1593 and in 1661, for what reason was it necessary to rent Widow Sligh’s buildings for the assizes in 1631? The only possible explanation is that the word “sitt” is used for abide, and that the rent was paid for the judges’ lodgings. “Tom Cotton,” mentioned on page 31, connects us with a Release, or Bond, dated roth December, 1630 (Wolley Charters xii, 72, 15), by Thomas Cotton, of Derby, and others to Francis Bradshawe, Sheriff, in £100 for the due performance by the said Thomas Cotton of the office of bailiff for the hundred of Morleston and Litchurch. One other item suggests rather an interesting question. It will be noted that there is a sum of £2 13s. charged to the High Sheriff's account for “ the judges’ present.”* This appears to have been quite usual, and not a special mark of favour on the part of Mr. High Sheriff Bradshawe, and would almost suggest the question as to whether it might not be the origin of the beautiful bouquet now daily supplied to the judge by the High Sheriff, and a survival of the ancient custom of presenting gifts to the King, in this case, of course, to the King’s representative. The simple habits of our forefathers are marked by the item of 2s. paid to a woman for collecting fern,t probably bracken, with which to cover the floors of the courts. It is interesting, too, to note the very low prices paid for farm produce. While a guinea is paid for the amount of fish consumed, 11s. only is given for a couple of turkeys, two pullets, and two capons. In another account the turkeys are shown to be ts. apiece, the chickens 5d., and the rabbits 3d. apiece; while the farmers appear to have to content themselves with butter at 3d. per lb.,{ and with receiving only 1s. for every 33 eggs, or 38. per 100. But money was at a premium in those days. The accounts, however, in which will be found occasional mistakes in the addition, speak for themselves. *p. 35: +p. 31. tp. 36. 30 EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY. A LITERAL COPY OF THE EXPENSES. Tyee acl. Tuesday dinear for Wine in the Greate Chamber and for the Grand Jurie and in the halle ... o 15 4 At Supper in the greate Chamber Wine ... ea ATO) 4 in the under Sheares* Chamber Sacke and Clarat... o 2 8 Horbeare) Ee eek Sf. aE sag Qe Obese 0 ee etey Wensday dinear Wine: mM ait ae {2G ORe = S Supper Wine ... ey res =a bee 23. yO MMO REEE For. beare oe si dis mae oR nici, gh OM eer: qi A Thursday dinear Wine oa ah she ot Onan Onaa For beare to the Judges and for youer men a ORES geo tho li. s. d. Soome totall ies Bip aA, Oly O * Under-sheriff. It is certainly in these days considered necessary that the Under-sheriff should have had a legal training, and consequently he is usually, if not always, chosen from one of the leading solicitors in Derby. In 1630 he was one John Jackson, of Stansop, Co. Stafford. The Deed of Appointment, which is in the writer’s possession, is by Francis Brad- shawe, of Bradshawe, and Edward Pegg, of Ashbourne, and is dated 16th December, 6 Charles I. (1630), probably not long before the Winter Assizes. As the High Sheriff’s year of office at that period began at Michaelmas instead of Lady Day, this date for the appointment of the Under-sheriff was probably as soon as was necessary. EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY. Disbursed for M" Sheriffe. Payd M* Pym To James Greeneswyth For Fish For 2 Turkeys 2 Pualloien and 2 nee Payd more to M* Pym To the Ostlours for your Horses To y°® Ostlers more : om: To a woman for Ferne for both eon For 3 coveringes for Sadles For 3 yardes of Cloth For lace Ge Makeing Lane aa biietaa oe sid Bris For blacke coveringe for your Sadle and cloth under it For a hat band To y® Ringers — To y° Clarke for Gustine ete :.: : To widdow Sligh for the yard and Batldings where the Judges did sitt To Tom Cotton for beds* To the Waytest dds 2 : For 5 men that attended the prisoners with helberds at the Execution To the Minister Mr. Cooke for wtSniinge ia Instructinge the prisoners For his and M* Mundyes men and re rest that attended the execution their dynners at Tom Cottons... Sum RMP ix? aye Rec of you tRec of M" Henry Bee at ere Soe rest to you 31 gli 19° ot ij 12° Xxi° xi° Vile, 2° ij ij viij" ij” vj XXX° 9° iiij* iij® viij" Vig xo ij xiij® iiij* ij iiij* XXVJ° Vij v}° vilj x° lj° ys o xiiij iiij “See page 29. { Either musicians or watchmen; possibly both. See page 27. { The brother of President Bradshawe, vol. xxv., page 41. 32 EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY. For Wine and Shuger on Monday before Supper ... For beare and manshot* For haye for beare at youer coming back For Wine at Supper Imprimis In black towres taffetyt and whyte .. It. in Silk It. iij yds of Reben It. j y* 3 of Silk and p* for making the fring} It. P* the taylour for his Work Som Att Gen Barcleys It. P¢ Hay per Depploish and my horses It. per Corne there It. per Hay per Gen: Bowd: W B & W S. It. per Corne It. per Edward Wright per Hay It. per Corne More per my Cos Bowdens horses his brother and Man Som bene | 4 * Probably for Manchet, which means wheaten bread ; or it might possibly be intended for “‘manchette,” Norman-French for a. tip or gratuity. t Taffeta—a kind of thin silk, probably from Tours, in France. } Fringe. EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY. For Mr. Shearve* Tuesday and Wensday breackfaste For one Man 2 Be beef ih For my Charges at Lecester and my hors hire Given to Foster for playing to the Grand Jurye It. for 3 hodgsheades of beare for y* Judges : It. For a barrell of ale For fiear . For baking of Venison Saturday. Imprimis at our cominge in for bread and beare ... It. For two quartes of breawed wyne Sunday In the Morninge one pynte of brewed wyne ... At Dinner one pottell of Sacke Two gallons of Carrot wyne and whyte At Supper for wyne For beare Monday dinner. For Wyne At Supper in the Dynes Citlefibes a to ite eae? Sherreffe For beare on Mundaye Rec of this — _ vis For wyne in the Dyninge Chamber} and in the Halle Tewesdaye dinner. For wyne to the Grand Jurie and at the under Sheroffes Table ORTON On GA ONTO} iO) 10 O10] 0) O'oO ie) mn & It d. (e) fo) 485 fey fo) (2) foxy, (9) sie) * Sheriff. + Two separate rooms for the entertainment of officials were evidently used. This was an advance upon the medieval custom of “above and below the salt,” afterwards improved into “‘the High Table the others, sitet is still in use at the two Universities. 2 raised above 34 EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY. At Supper on Tewesday Limseeeicl. For Wyne ... ad ot Ly ah8 siete) OM OES For beare ... in os ate A oh ipa eR Summ th re al 7 ALOR: | Less tenet: Rec: .... ee Fa. aay Oko Rec for wyne ae Pe. OMNI LO Ihis” Sl Remayning... re Seer 70 Saterdaye at Supper in the Dyninge Chamber 8 persons in- the ‘Elalle vat Supper os. an ae ... 27 persons Sundaye At. Dinner in the Dyninge Chamber 6 ... 17 persons At Dinner in the Halle ... ei a ... 29 persons Sundaye night Supper In the Dyninge Chamber ... oe ee ... 15 persons In the Halle veh ee Ps Se ... 27 persons Mundaye Dinner In the dyninge Chamber ... = oe ... 17 persons In the halle ... ni oe is wes “.. 29 persons Mundaye night Supper In the Dyninge Chamber ... is ec ... 21 persons In the Halle a. =a: = oe ... 29 persons Tewesdaye Dinner In the Dyninge Chamber ... ee beh ... 23 persons In the Halle fe: fie ie Ax ... 30 persons Payde of theise 3 persons At the Grand Juries Table Ae at ... 20 persons The under Shereoffes Table Ss cr ... 6 persons Tewesday Supper In the Dyninge Chamber (payd sixe persons) ... 22 persons In the Hall ... i 7% te oi +» 33 persons EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY. Payd for the veyle The Mutton The Lambe For a dozen of Chickens Half a dozen Co. of Rabetts Half a dozen of Turkeys Summ... ij" To M* Pym for 8 men waiting of the Cue ae To him for mendinge the bench and seats To him for his dyott everie meale a Messe etc To him for buriinge the prisoners For Knowlinge the bell etc i For the rent of the yard to widdow Sligh To Mrs Cotton for the charges of the execution day 2% aay ate To M* Cooke the Minister To the waytes To the Ringers To the Clarke Summ me Ve ki a For the Judges see as shia by the note Summ Leide downe for Mr. High Shereff for Sommer Sisses for the Judges House July the xxv‘? 1631 Item paid for one Weane loade of Coles ... Item paid for Charcole six strikes ... Item paid for Tenn pounds of Candles Item Dry Wood for firer for the Judges Chambers ... Item One peck of Salt Item One gallent of Oatemeale Item The Haulberts are paid for the last fh Sides and thes Assisses both ... ww ni li}? a xvilj® xxvj° viij® xxi° vilj" Vv] vj viij* xij? ~ No ie) WwW Onan eo o & 36 EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY. Item The laberers in the house accordinge to your last bill of allowance and as it hath beene xviij heretofore accustomed for sixe of them Item a hundred of eggs ... ane bie oe ij Item Thirty pounds of butter ... aoe a x° Somme set oes , Ss : ij" vj viij® Item for forty prissoners for iij sites sa a half jie exe Edwarde Pym (?) A note for the Dyet of Mr Sherewes men Tr. atsie cle Imprimis on Satterday Supper... re 26 ie), KO Item on Sunday dinner bee me oa 29 i!) 6) Item Sunday Supper Be! sn 2) Ts Gp) Item Munday breakfast act wee : a8 8 Cee DL G Item Munday dinner ie ea ae cirrect) Tipig 0, It. at Supper oe at ACE ays 29 yg EO! <0 It. on Tuesday dinner List ce Sve 30 1300 - ,0 It. Tuesday Supper ae ss eae 34 Ip DAR O It. One Weddensday dinner as sie 39 ity aro |wrte) 12-456, 6 li. s. d It. For the gentlemen of the Grand Jury on Tuesday dinner 26 at 2s. : 2 iz It. For 4 hogsheades of her — 2 2 SSS eeeCO It. For my Charges to & a iB Meo (3p ac) It. for 17 pasties of Venison (Skettis bs ZUG sO Il Io 8 12 8 6 ff Ir 10 8 22 QL A note for Mr. High Sheriffe for dyet at this Assisses July the 23> 1631. EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY. Imprimis on Saterday night at Supper in the great Chamber 9 + 8 to pay 3° Payd 1 To make up Naan II soe daterouncs It. on Sunday breakfast with Mr. Sheriffe 17 at 6¢ a peece It. on Sunday dinner 18 Wanting 2 ane It. One Sanday Sides 15 Wanting 5 It. on Munday dinner 17 Wanting 3 It. on Munday einen. 21 say 10 to pay for 11 It. Tuesday breakfast 2 33 On Tuesday dinner 23 eats 3 Unpayd 20 oe It. on Tuesday supper 22 payd 6 Unpayd 16 It. on Wedensday dinner 20 It. At the under Sheriffs table On Munday dinner 7 At Supper 7 22s) “10 ZeG) O 23 19 0 © 14 0 48 8 o 22195 0 On Munday night Supper at your owne Table. Att Supper in all at y' Table... PS 6) Whereof payd 9 Unpayd 7 Wanting of 20 4 In the halle of your men ... Bis aoe 2 37 Ie & Gk I 4 Oo OnmOunO C7 0 (CViatey as a(0) 2 tA O Ot sE0 2S ee © OFiz! 46 Pa tit fo) on 6 G15) 6 i INE s () Oy tl eo. © 16 z =o! 70 Cy 6 2 8rd 2, 10) io Ah Mts! A) OMnTRnO oO 7 © 14 Oo ie ee alb Oo ix. oO o 4 6 OIL o ©0110 0 Loe TiO Za 2-76 38 EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY. On Tuesday dinner. At your owne Table Whereof payd Unpayd Wanteinge of 20—1 In the halle of your men At your Table Whereof payd Unpayd In the hall On Tewsday Supper. For Mr. under Sheriff at his table At your Table Whereof payd Unpayd Wanteing of 20 in the wnall” cv _ At your table Whereof pay Unpayd Wanting of 20 In the hall On Wednesday Dinner. On Wodensday Supper. w oO oO CO li. Il Io 16 1O 10 @) (2) (©) ey “0 0 OO ‘(on ey 0) ©) 000 8 EXPENSES OF It. For your Grand Jurye Thursday dinner Payd for ... on In y® Hall m Mr. Sheriffe. Paid Mr. John Stevenson* Paid to Mr. Case THE SHRIEVALTY. Paid to Mr. Wagstaffe for Ee etc. : For 26 longe buttons at 11d. the button ... For 2 doz. of silke and gould buttons and a necke button For a porter for the snines deliuiedet to a carrier ... 26 Hatbands Lycence The bootst The Sadle The Fringe The Silver boolet Summ Received 80+ Lae sss 69 8 Recd in profitt of the gould vjs viij4 Soe rest ro! 195 24 Att George Brerlies. Mester Nickson Mester Jawdrell Mester obs Buel Mester Thomas Baylishi Thomas Browne Antonie Heathcoote (oh 4 bo is) 39 d. ° A (0) xo) ws 0} = 19) H (o)) fore) BS fo} fo) tee) (ec) 1S) bi * His nephew, vol. xxv., p. 65. +‘ He is a gentleman, I can assure you, sir, for he always walks in boots.” —Cupid’s Whirligig, 1616. + Probably a buckle; possibly, however, a bowl to be used as a loving cup. 40 EXPENSES OF THE SHRIEVALTY. James Forth Edward right Thomas Deplich Sum The lace The Makeing The Stiffyinge The button... The hatt band The Cloth 3 yards ... pa ao For 8 men to attend the gaole For mendinge the seates for the judges an shoul the piace where the prisoners were kept And what it please you to allowe me towardes the dyett for me and my servantes at both the Assisses which ever hath beene allowed mee and my servantes at everie meale a messe of meate And your Worship promised me to restore unto me xl’ backe againe if I had not a good yeare of it I will appeale to Mr. Pegg whether I have had a good yeare or nott in my place this yeare and of the money I rec? for the prisoners after iiij1 a meale by reason one prisoner was pre- sentlie after released I have reserved which he should have had To the bedle of Darbie beinge fe ate To George Brearelie for Anthonie Heathecote es horse left out of the note of particulars For ale for your men at Kerkieton For your horse left at Kerkieton For the hire of the horse there bie To your selfe at the Judges for their porter ... For a lycence for George Bradfeild © o000 0 bo nN Oe Nonnvn OO OO PLAN OF THE TONE CIRCLE, HIRE. ERBYS SCALE oF FEET. ty g U7 rg aa Yj 4 i Z Yj | Y/ Arbor Zow Stone Cirele, Gxcavations rt 1901 and 1902, By H. St. GEORGE GRay. The following ts an abstract of a paper communicated to the Society of Antiguaries by Mr. Gray, in April, 1903, and printed in Archeologia, Vol. lvitt., pp. 461-498. By kind permission of the Society liberal use has been made of Mr. Gray's paper, and the proofs have been revised by him. We are further indebted to the Society for the loan of most of the illustrations in Archeologia, but the size of these pages has necessitated considerable reduction of the plan. Section of the British Association, and carried out in 1901 and 1902, were conducted with a view of ascer- ; taining the age of Stone Circles, a beginning, pos- sibly, of a series of such explorations. The actual organization and direction of the work in the field was placed in my hands. The ground landlord, the Duke of Rutland, K.G., the First Commissioner of Works (in whose charge, under the Ancient Monuments Act, the Circle is placed), and the tenant, readily gave their consent for the conducting of the exploration. In relation to Stone Circles generally, Arbor Low comes under the heading of those consisting at present of separate megaliths, which, whether single or multiple, are themselves enclosed by an independent vallum and fosse. Other examples are seen at Avebury, in Wilts; at Blisland, in Cornwall, where it has been recorded the fosse is 11 feet (3-35 m.) and the A2 ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN IgOI AND 1gG02. vallum ro feet (3-05 m.) wide; at Stennis, in the Orkneys,* where the vallum is 3 feet (91 cm.) high; and at the neigh- bouring Ring of Brogar, where the ditch remains, but the wall, which may have been only a stockade, has disappeared.t The monument of Arbor Low is very similar in design to “ Arthur's Round Table,” in Cumberland,{ excepting that the vallum of the latter is divided from the fosse by a berme. Arthur's Table, however, does not include any stones. ‘ Arbor Low is situated in the parish of Bakewell, from which town it is barely five miles distant in a direct line, in a south- westerly direction. The nearest railway station, however, is Parsley Hay, only one mile to the north-west, on the Buxton and Ashbourne branch of the London and North Western Railway. The monument, which is situated on a long ridge of hill, nearly 1,200 feet above the sea-level, commands a most extensive view towards Buxton and Bakewell, in northerly and easterly directions. The operations extended over fourteen working days, 8th to 23rd August of 1901, and ten days in May-June of 1902. The working plan (page 41) was begun on the first days.§ A square, 320 feet (98 m.) on each side, was formed round the vallum, enclosing an area of 24 acres, and the plan of the stones was begun to a scale of 240 to 1; in other words, 20 feet to an inch. The exact position of each stone was taken by means of bearings and triangulation from fixed points, checked by cross-measurements. The plateau on which the megaliths lie averages 160 feet (49 m.) in diameter and is encompassed by a fosse. It will be seen that the figure formed by the ring of stones is pear-shaped, the bottom of the pear to the south-east, the stalk end to the north-west. It consists of rough unhewn slabs of mountain limestone, of which many of the largest average 10 feet (3:05 m.) in length by * Figured in Fergusson’s Rude Stone Wonuments, 242. + Fergusson’s Rude Stone Monuments, 241-2. + Op. cit., 128. § The Plan has necessarily been reduced: for these pages to about one- fourth.—Eb. “CUNT [VA jsva-Y]NOos oy} UO snpnuny sq} wow ‘MO'T 1oqiy jo yred UI9}SIM PUB UJOY}NOS IY} JO MOIA [VIQUIT) "MOT YOLVV ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN Ig0!t AND 1902. 43 4% feet (1-37 m.) in breadth: they are of variable thickness, extremely irregular in form, decayed, and somewhat fractured ; with one exception (No. XVI.), and without considering No. VL, which is tilted up between Nos. V. and VII., and no doubt originally formed part of No. VII, all lie upon the ground, many in an oblique position, all more or less recumbent. It will be noticed at the first glance at the plan that nearly all the stones lie approximately in the direction of radii of the circle. Some of the very small stones and stumps have been numbered separately (Nos. 1 to 13). Fragments of stones in the ditch and near the southern causeway have not been numbered. The position and slope of the stones, individually, are extremely varied: the majority lie in shallow depressions, although some are quite on a level with the general turf line; others, again, are surrounded by slight mounds, the turf in many cases grow- ing round and over the sides of the stones. The longest stone (No. Il.), which measures 14-2 feet (4-32 m.) in length, is in the centre of the circle, whilst the widest (No. I.), 8-6 feet (2-59 m.) in width, is also in the centre. The largest stone in the circle is No. X., the length of which is 13 feet (3-96 m.), and the width 6-2 feet (1:88 m.). As stated before, there is one exception to the stones being recumbent, and that is No. XVI. on the west side (see photograph, plate II.), which leans towards the north-east at about 35 degrees or 4o degrees with the surface of the surrounding turt; at its highest part it is 3% feet (1°07 m.) from the depression in which it stands * Dr. Pegge, writing in 1783,+ says that “the stones formerly stood on end, two and two together, which is very particular.” Glover, in his History of the County of Derby (1829), states that “Mr. J. Pilkington was informed that a very oid man living in Middleton, remembered when a boy to have seen them standing obliquely upon one end”; tersely adding that “this secondary kind of evidence does not seem entitled to much credit.” One of my excavators, an old man, assured * Detailed particulars of the stones are given in Appendix I. + Archeologia, vii., 142. 44 ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN 190! AND 1902. me that he had seen five stones standing in his boyhood, and had sheltered under them! On inquiry, however, I ascer- tained that the man had a reputation for gross exaggeration. The Rev. S. Isaacson, writing in 1845, was of opinion that “these stones were never placed in an erect position.” He says further that “the imported stones all appear to be resting on the native rock, the comparatively thin covering of soil having accumulated through the lapse of centuries.” Gardner Wilkinson, on the other hand, in 1860, says “it is evident that they originally stood upright, as in other sacred circles.” Lord Avebury, writing some twenty-five years ago, stated cautiously, “It is doubtful whether they were ever upright.”* As recently as 1899, Dr. Brushfield appeared to be of opinion that the stones originally stood upright; and Mr. A. L. Lewis is of the same opinion. The original number of the stones has -been variously estimated, and Dr. Brushfield has summarised the opinions of previous writers in the volume for 1900 of the /ournal of the British Archeological Association. The published plans of Arbor Low are for the most part far from correct, Sir Gardner Wilkinson’s plan, figured in two places, being the only exception.{ In this small plan the position of the circle of stones is fairly correct, although there are several discrepancies in the proportional size of the stones. Pegge represents the megaliths as forming a true circle, and speaks of his plan as being “sufficiently accurate.”§ Glover includes what is styled “an engraving copied from an accuratel| drawing by Mr. Mitchell."1 It could not well be more inaccurate. The area or plateau enclosed by the fosse presents an uneven surface, but the contours across this part of the plan have been * The Reliquary, xx. 81-85, with view and woodcuts. + Man (Anthropological Institute), September, 1903, No. 76. t Journal of the British Archeological Association, xvi., plate 9 ; and Fergusson’s Rude Stone Monuments, 140. § Archaologia, vil., 148. || The italics are mine. "| Stephen Glover, History of the County of Derby, i. 275-6. ‘JSAM dY} UO WN][VA 9} JO ysa19 dy} WOIFZ U93v} ‘MOT IOGIY JO J[VY UAIYINOS ay} JO MOIA [vIOUIH “MOT YOMUY ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN IQOI AND 1902. 45 delineated to follow the general slope of the ground, and not to mark, in this part, every little depression or slight elevation as it occurred. The contours of 6 inches vertical height show the shape of the monument and its immediate surround- ings within the “square.”* The highest contour comes on the top of the tumulus on the south-east rampart; the lowest, at the north corner of the survey, a fall of 244 feet (7-47 m.) in the ground from top to lowest part. The periphery of the crest of the rampart constitutes almost a true circle, with a diameter of exactly 250 feet (76-2 m.), as shown by the outer circle described on the plan. The centre of the circle comes near the middle of the south-west side of stone No. III. of the central group. (See black spot on stone III., plan.) The crest of the vallum deviates very slightly in any part from the true circle, excepting on the north-west, where it bulges out. The bottom of the fosse, as seen on the surface of the silting, declines from the line of the true circle far more than the rampart, as shown by the inner circle described on the plan, with a diameter of 190 feet (58 m.). The only segment of this circle that can be said to be true is on the south, south-west, and west. The ditch is thrown out far more than the rampart to the north and north-west, but it would not be expected to find that the fosse had silted up regularly and symmetrically all round; whereas the crest of the rampart, of course, is much about in the same position as it was at the age of construction. The ditch is marked by a depression from the original surface all round averaging 54 feet (1-68 m.), and it is surprising that in the course of all these ages it should not have silted up to a greater extent. The average height of the vallum above the general sur- rounding turf-level, as shown by the contours, is, on the outside, 7 feet (2-13 m.); its height above the central plateau, about 6 feet (1-83 m.). The average vertical height from the crest of the vallum to the surface of the silting of the fosse is * To ensure absolute precision, eighteen hundred levels were taken. 46 ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN T9OT AND 1902. 12 feet (3-65 m.). These dimensions have been much exaggerated by successive writers on Arbor Low*; and as recently as 1900 the average height of the vallum has been recorded as 16 feet (4°88 m.) above the surrounding level. Judging from those portions of the fosse already re-excavated, the material obtained from the fosse when it was first excavated was not enough to complete the construction of the vallum. The confines of the vallum are bounded at various points by ten small governmental stones, indicated by small black squares on the plan. The continuation of the ditch and rampart is interrupted on the north-west and south-east by the entrance causeways, which are not in line with the central group of stones. The causeways are on the same general level as the area occupied by the megaliths and the surrounding land. The circumference of the rampart, including the entrances, is about 808 feet (246 m.). The vallum is joined on the south-west by a slightly raised bank about 14 foot (45°7 cm.) high, and an almost imper- ceptible “ silted-up” ditch, which run for some distance in a southerly direction, and about which there have been various theories. Some writers have connected this so-called “ serpent ” with Gib Hill, a tumulus at a distance of 1,043 feet (318 m.)} from the centre of Arbor Low (plate I.). Gib Hill was un- successfully dug into about 1812, and again by William Bateman in 1824,§ when a few stone implements appear to have been found. In January, 1848, Thomas Bateman made a more thorough examination of the mound, when he discovered a cist, the top stone of which was only 18 inches (45-7. cm.) from the apex of the tumulus, containing a cremated interment in a small urn of Bronze Age type.|| On the south-east, adjoining the external face of the vallum and partly resting on it, a tumulus stands, the summit 74 feet * Archaologia, vii., 142. + Journal, British Archzological Association, N.S. vi., 129. ~ According to my tape measurement. § Bateman’s Vestiges of the Antiquities of Derbyshire, 31. || Rateman’s Zez Vears’ Diggings, 17-20. ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN Ig0T AND 1902. 47 above the surrounding turf-level (see photograph, plate II.). This barrow was first attacked in 1770 by the then occupier of the farm, without success. Likewise in 1782 by Major Rooke, assisted by John Manders, and in 1824 by William Bateman and Samuel Mitchell, of Sheffield. A fourth attempt, made in 1845, by Thomas Bateman and Rev. 5S. Isaacson, resulted in the discovery of a limestone cist, which has been frequently described.* It contained calcined human bones, a bone pin,} pyrites and flint, and two small urns,t differing con- siderably in style and ornamentation, but undoubtedly of Bronze Age manufacture, and probably. rather early in that period. | Fig. 1. Urn found in cist of tumulus on the south-east vallum of Arbor Low. (Bateman Collection.) § These urns are figured in the accompanying illustrations, figs. 1 and 2. Fig. 1 was found filled with burnt bones. It is un- usually wide and low: 44 inches high, 9 inches diameter at top, 4 inches diameter at base. The other pot, fig. 2, found with it, is 42 inches high, 54 inches diameter at top, 3 inches at * « Arbor Low,” by Sir John Lubbock, Zhe Religuary, xx. 81-85 ; Bateman’s Vestiges of the Antiquities of Derbyshire, 64-66 and 74; and Winchester Volume of the British Archzeological Association (1845), 197- 204. + Figured in Fergusson’s Rude Stone Monuments, 141, and Vestiges, 65. t These relics are in the Sheffield Museum. The urns are reproduced by kind permission of Mr. E. Howarth, the curator. § Dr. Brushfield calls my attention to the very misleading representation of this urn in Vestdges of the Antiquities of Derbyshire, p. 65.—ED. D.A.N.Z.S. 48 ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN Ig90I AND 1902. bottom. In June, 1845, the digging of this tumulus was resumed, but nothing further was discovered beyond a few pieces of deer-horn. Mr. Bateman never took the trouble to fill-in his excavation properly, the result being that four or five little knolls exist round the top of the tumulus, bounding a rather deep depression in the centre (see photograph, plate II.). In addition to this, he threw some of his dérzs into the ditch, clearly shown in the plan and photograph plate I. The formation of this tumulus, which is probably of somewhat later Fig. 2, Earthenware pot found in cist of tumulus on the south-east vallum of Arbor Low. (Bateman Collection.) date than the vallum, has caused a gap to occur in the vallum on either side of the mound. There is also another irregu- larity in the form of the rampart to the north of the tumulus, caused by a kind of spur which extends halfway across the fosse. All along the crest of the eastern and north-eastern vallum are irregular depressions, sufficient material for filling which may be observed at intervals in ledges and patches along the base of the inner side of the east and north-east vallum, or, in other words, along the outer edge of the fosse in these patts. The only feasible explanation for this seems to be that 49 2 Igo AND ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN I9gQOo1 «Spuy ,, pataquinu ay} juaserdar sainsy rasiwy oy =f “BLY 4335 OF wn oi i) ee - st ee 0% 61 bl G2! ‘NW1d JO 'S-V 3SNI1 NO NOILOSS 50 ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN I190I AND 1902. Messrs. Bateman and Isaacson, elated by their success in find- ing the interment in the tumulus close to, pursued their investigations along the adjacent crest of the vallum at intervals, shovelling the material inwards down the slope of the rampart. EXCAVATIONS IN THE FOssE. The excavations were begun on 8th August, 1901, by making a cutting, called Section 1, through the ditch, 12 feet (3-66 m.) wide, close up to the south-south-east causeway. Roman remains were looked for under the turf, but without success. The only finds here were thirteen teeth of ox (“1” and section, fig. 3), strewn on the limestone floor at the bottom, on plan and at a depth of 5-4 feet (1°65 m.) pieces of red-deer’s antler, one piece 15 inches long (38 cm.), found resting against the rock-side of the ditch on a solid vein of clay, running through the limestone floor (“2” on plan and on the section fig. 3). It appears probable that these fragments may have been the remains of a kind of pick for loosening the previously fractured limestone at the time the ditch was first excavated, in the same manner as the antlers of the Stone Age in Grimes Graves described by Canon Greenwell.* A deer’s horn pick, figured by Professor McKenny Hughes, was found at Horningsea in 1902.+ Mr. W. Gowland, F.S.A., has recently figured a deer’s horn pick found at Stonehenge, and many splinters of antlers of deer, one being embedded in a lump of chalk. Such implements could not have been utilised for splitting lime- stone, but they would be useful in digging some of the looser material. Fifteen fragments of antlers of red-deer were found by General Pitt-Rivers at the bottom of the ditch of Wor Barrow, Handley Down, Dorset, among Stone Age relics.§ Nothing else was found in Section 1. Its greatest depth was 5:4 (165 m.). The filling consisted of turf and turf-mould ~ 6 inches (15 cm.); mould mixed with small pieces of chert, * Journal of the Ethnological Society, ii. 426. + Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Soczety, x., plate ix. fig. 1. + Recent Excavations at Stonehenge,” A7cheologia, \viii., 49, 72, and 86. § Excavations in Cranborne Chase, iv. 133. See also vol. iii. 135. ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN Ig0I AND 1902. 51 18 inches (45-7 cm.), followed by a stiff clayey-mould to the bottom. The hard sides of the ditch and causeway were exposed. Section 2, to feet (3-05 m.) wide, was next commenced on the north-western side at a distance of 16 feet (488 m.) to the west of the north-by-west causeway. (See section line E-F on plan.) The greatest depth of the ditch in this cutting was found to be only 24 feet (76-2 cm.); and nothing being found here, the re-excavation of the ditch was continued* from this point in the direction of the causeway, the solid sides of which were found. Stone relics were fairly numerous in this part, called “ Ditch Extension, Section 2.” The average depth of the ditch, the bottom of which was very uneven, was 3 feet (91-4 cm.) here. Amongst the relics found here were six flakes{ of black flint, of fine quality, weathered white to a considerable depth, mostly of exceptionally large size; they lay together, at a depth of 2-7 feet (82 cm.) from the surface, on a ledge on the solid side of the causeway (No. 17, plan, and section line N-K). These flakes must have been placed by hand on the ledge and forgotten, eventually becoming buried in the silting, or perhaps purposely concealed; they could not have come by accident into the position in which they were found. The flakes are of considerable size and weight. Though of irregular form, their edges are still sharp and undamaged. Mr. Henry Balfour has suggested that they might possibly have been intended to be used as digging tools. They are figured in fig. 7, page 65, 2 scale linear. There were also found in the Ditch Extension of Section 2, the flint implements numbered 5, 8, 10, 11, 13, 14 and 15 on plate V., and similarly marked on the plan. In this cutting a small oval-shaped hole in the limestone floor was found, filled with a stiff clayey mould, but no relics were discovered in it. The only animal remain here was a tooth of sheep, depth 0-7 foot (21 cm.) * See photograph, plate viii. + Two of these flakes have since been found to join. ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN IQOI AND 1902. on No Section 3, also ro feet (3-05 m.) wide, was a cutting across the ditch, midway between Sections 1 and 2, on the west side. The silting was very soon removed in this case, the uneven limestone floor being found at a maximum depth of 1-9 foot (57 cm.). Three stone implements were found here, viz., Nos. 3, 6, and 7 on plate V. and plan. Section 4 and its extension to the west to find the limestone sides and end of the ditch at the north-north-west causeway proved to be the most interesting and productive of the six ditch cuttings. | (See photograph, plate VII.; and section lines J-L, Q-R, and Y-Z, on plan.) The first “find” was an almost circular greyish-white chert end-scraper (“ 28” on plan, and plate VI., No. 28). One of the side edges exhibits some fine secondary chipping, and would serve admirably as a knife. At a depth of 3 feet (gt cm.) close to the limestone side of the. ditch, at the south-east of the section, about two-thirds of an extremely thin and finely chipped flint arrow-head were found ; its greatest width is 21 mm., greatest thickness 2-7 mm. Its position is shown in a photograph of the cutting (plate IIT). The base of this delicate implement is bounded by a semi- circular arch, whilst the side-edges in the perfect arrow-head, from the points of greatest width to the tip, appear to have been quite straight, thus representing the !ozenge-shaped form as regards the upper half and the leaf-shaped variety in the lower half (“29” on plan, and plate VI., No. 29). This type belongs to the “kite-shaped class” of Mr. W. J. Knowles.* On the bottom of the fosse, at a depth of 5-7 feet (1.74 m.), under stiff clayey mould, was found the most interesting relic that Arbor Low has yielded during these excavations, viz. (“43” on plan, and plate VI., No. 43), a barbed and tanged ? chipped arrow-head, of greyish-white flint or chert, of extremely symmetrical form and 1 inch (25 mm.) long, a small portion only of the tip being deficient; greatest width, 21-5 mm. ; greatest thickness, 5 mm. It is finely chipped all over its surface, * Although belonging to this class, Mr. Knowles does not figure an arrow- head precisely similar. /ozrnal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxiii. 44-56. c ; pue ay} JO Mal ‘MOT MOUUY OJSAULI] PI[OS ay} SuUtMOYsS “V WOIG ‘assof Pa1VAVOXI-91 BY} JO apis puwB UW Leu j WAN *9uO0}Se I[Os 2 TMOYS I S auld 4Q S33 vaL ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN Ig0I AND 1902. 53 including tangs and stem, which latter are bevelled on both faces from median ridges to edges. The end of the tang, which is very slightly longer than the barbs, is also bevelled. The section across the arrow-head is bi-convex, but it is consider- ably flatter on one face than on the other. The cutting-edges are slightly convex, owing to the fact that the barbs have an inward curve. Not far from this beautiful arrow-head a small rough chert scraper was found (plan, and plate VI., No. 37). In clayey- mould, close to, at a depth of 4-6 feet (1-40 m.), the greater part of a small horn of red-deer, with four tines, in an extremely friable condition, was discovered; indeed, only a portion of one tine could be preserved (“39” on plan). In the extension cutting to the west a greyish-brown flint flake, with secondary chipping, was found at a depth of 12, foot, (36.5 .cm.), “40” on plan, and plate VI. At “41” (plan), a small chert flake was found, depth 12 cm. Of animal remains, a tooth of sheep was found at a depth of 3 feet (gi cm.), portion of a humerus of ox, at a depth of 5 feet ” (1-52 m.), and at various depths several small fragments of animal bones, too minute and friable for identification. Section 5, 10 feet (3:05 m.) wide, is situated on the west between Sections 2 and 3 (plan). Like Section 3, it proved to be very shallow, the limestone rock being reached in the middle of the silting at a depth of 1 foot (30 cm.) from the surface, whilst on the inner side of the ditch the depth was only 0'8 foot (24 cm.). The bottom was fairly level, especially when compared with the bottom of the fosse in all other parts except in Section 3. No relics were found in Section 5. The photograph, plate II., taken from the north-west vallum, shows, in the foreground in the right-hand corner, the position of this section in its re-turfed condition at the close of the excavations. On the east by north, another cutting, 10 feet (3-05 m.) wide, Section 6, was made across the fosse. In this part, the surface of the turf of the silting at the lowest part was 7 feet 54 ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN Ig0I AND 1902. (2-13 m.) lower than the general level of the ground imme- diately adjacent to the central stones, as shown by the contours in the plan. Here again nothing was discovered, with the exception of a few very small unidentifiable fragments of animal remains too small for identification and therefore not pre- served. The average depth of the cutting below the surface of the silting was 4-3 feet (1-31 m.), and the maximum depth 5-8 feet (1-79 m.) in the north-west of the section. A block of limestone rises to a height of only 7 inches (18 cm.) below the surface of the silting. On the east and north-east the median block of limestone which ran across the section was divided from the limestone side of the ditch on the east by a vein of fine clay, yellowish-brown on the top and white below, which occurred at an average depth of 4 feet (1-22 m.) from the surface of the silting; the surface mould reached a depth of 2 feet (61 cm.), below which was the usual stiff clayey- mould thickly mixed with small pieces of chert; at the bottom the proportion of clay to mould increased, and the silting became more stiff and moist; in fact at the bottom it had to. be cut out in solid lumps with a small spade, the chances of finding relics consequently being very remote. Section 4 was the deepest portion of the ditch excavated, the maximum depth from the surface being 6-7 feet (2-04 m.). The bottom presented a very uneven surface; in fact, no attempt whatever appeared to have been made to obtain even a reasonably level track along the bottom of the fosse in the parts re-excavated. The same remark applies to the bottoms of all the other sections, with the exception, perhaps, of the shallow cuttings, Sections 3 and 5 on the west. The committee particularly desired that I should make observations on this point. The late Mr. S. Jackson recently found a flooring of poles at the bottom of a Bronze Age ditch at Fairsnape Farm, Bleasdale, near Garstang.* The bottom of a ditch cut in the Oat of a Bronze Age tumulus dug in 1898 at Whatcombe, near ‘ise ‘Pratessor Boyd Dawkins’s paper on the subject, Zransactions of the Lansushie and Cheshire Antiquarian Soctely, xvill., 114-124. MC J 1V jc qjyiou U oO Pp de I yi o a or) I [ V IC J =) uo 5 {1 u 99S jo oss OF DUB un] vA oy) JO MOTA [vIoUdrL \\O) Yoda ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN Igot AND 1902. 55 Blandford, by the late and venerable Mr. J. C. Mansel-Pleydell, was observed by Professor Boyd Dawkins to be “smoothed and polished into a perfectly well-defined track by human feet circling round the burial mound.” This, he adds, “may have been intended for a ceremonial procession at stated times in honour of the dead.’** Chalk of course lends itself admirably to being smoothed by constant contact with the feet, or even by means of such primitive tools as obtained in the Stone and early Bronze Ages; whereas, in the case of the fosse of Arbor Low, the process of levelling or smoothing the mountain limestone with its veins of chert, calcite, and other hard sub- stances would have bristled with difficulties. Although General Pitt-Rivers never actually recorded the fact, I am able to testify that the bottoms of some of the ditches surround- ing Stone and Bronze Age tumuli that he re-excavated in the chalk in Cranborne Chase were perfectly smooth. ‘Take, for instance, the case of the great Wor Barrow on Handley Down, Dorset ;{ the bottom of the ditch was quite even and polished, especially on the western side, where the fosse was 13 feet (3°96 m.) deep, and some 21 feet (6°4 m.) in width at the top. But to return to the fosse of Arbor Low. From the western edge of Section 4, the excavation called “ Ditch Extension, Section 4,” was extended to the westward in search of the solid limestone causeway, the rock-sides of which shelved up very gradually, as shown in the photograph (left-hand side), plate IV. From the south-east corner of Section 4, and within ts foot (45°7 cm.) from the surface, a “spur” of limestone extended in a north-west direction, sloping down gradually and meeting in the centre of the cutting, the limestone shelving up toward the middle of the causeway, on which long irregular ledges could be clearly traced which might well have served as steps, to facilitate the process of ingress and egress to and from the bottom of the ditch before it became filled, or partly filled, with silting. * Transactions of the Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Soctety, xviii., 122, | Excavations in Cranborne Chase, iv., plate 253, fig. 1, and plate 249. 56 ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN I901 AND 1902. Considerable traces of fire were observed at the bottom of this cutting, especially in the south-east corner, indicated by a dark patch near the bottom of the photograph, plate III. Dr. Garson has suggested that the traces of fire at this point may possibly indicate that this portion of the ditch, which is deep here, and therefore sheltered from winds, was occupied by persons employed in guarding the circle; hence the greater number of implements in this section and the corresponding section, No. 2, on the other side of the north-north-west causeway. The completion of the excavation of the Ditch Extensions of Sections 2 and 4 enabled me to determine the minimum width of the northern causeway as 29 feet (8-84 m.). This causeway is partly shown on the left-hand side of the photo- graph, plate VII. The southern causeway is well shown in plate I. This completed the examination of the fosse, 85 feet (26 m.) having been excavated in all, of the total length of 540 feet (165 m.). In other words, nearly one-sixth of the fosse has been re-excavated, flint implements only having been found from top to bottom of the silting. The mean depth of the whole fosse excavated is 3-9 feet (1-18 m.), and the average width at top 22 feet (6-7 m.). As regards the arrow-heads, it is worthy of notice that the barbed and tanged specimen (plate VI., No. 43), a form generally considered to be the most highly developed, was found 27 feet (82 cm.) lower down in the silting than the arrow-head of leaf-shaped form, but approximating closely to the lozenge-shaped, a form which is generally regarded as an earlier form than the barbed variety (plate VI., No. 29). It has not, however, yet been clearly ascertained which form of arrow-head was first manufactured, and the matter is at present surrounded with some difficulty, inasmuch as the triangular, stemmed, and leaf-shaped varieties have been placed on record as being found together in the same locality and the same deposits. One form is easily evolved from another, and PLATE V. 8 3 6 STONE IMPLEMENTS FOUND aT ARBOR Low STONE CIRCLE IN 1901. PLATE 40 31 32 STONE IMPLEMENTS FOUND AT ARBoR Low STONE CIRCLE IN 1902. Wale ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN IgoOl AND 1902. 57 although General Pitts-Rivers’ method* of arranging arrow- heads, showing the theoretical transition from one form to another, is excellent in museum arrangement until something more definite is arrived at, yet, bearing in mind the records of the circumstances of the finding of flint arrow-heads during the last thirty-five years, it would be, as Sir John Evans has said long ago, “unwarrantable to attempt any chronological arrangement founded upon mere form, as there is little doubt of the whole of these varieties having been in use in one and the same district at the same time, the shape being to some extent adapted to the flake of flint from which the arrow-heads were made, and to some extent to the purposes which the arrows were to serve.” The two Arbor Low specimens were probably not used a great many years apart, for the fosse would, throughout its lower portions, and indeed within a foot or two of the present surface of the silting, fill up somewhat rapidly, particularly at the bottom, owing to the fact of the sides of the ditch being exposed to the erosive action of the weather, and the conse- quent disintegration of the sides. The barbed arrow-head being on the bottom of the ditch and near the middle would become covered almost imme- diately the fosse was allowed to silt up. The other arrow- head being found within an inch or two of the side of the ditch at a depth of 3 feet, it is obvious that it would be deposited on the talus and become covered very soon after the barbed arrow-head. As before mentioned, the broken kite-shaped arrow-head was picked up out of the silting so very near the actual wall of the fosse that it is just possible it may have rested on a small ledge of the limestone rock, being removed therefrom by the pickaxe on the day of dis- covery. In any case it may, I think, be safely asserted that * Colonel A. Lane Fox’s second lecture on ‘‘ Primitive Warfare,” Journal of the Royal United Service Institution, 1868, xii., No. li. + Ancient Stone Implements of Great Britain (1872), 330; second edition, 370. 58 ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN 1901 AND 1902. these arrow-heads were in use at about the same _ period, suggesting that these forms were probably contemporaneous in this district. Under these circumstances, this kite-shaped arrow-head might be regarded as a development of the typical leaf and lozenge-shaped forms, made about the same time as the barbed and tanged specimen, which latter, as a type, is considered to be a late development in the art of the manu- facture of the stone arrow-head; although stems are known to have been developed in the Paleolithic Age.* EXCAVATIONS THROUGH THE VALLUM. In continuation of Section 2 across the fosse a cutting, 10 feet (3-05 m.) wide, was made through the vallum. This point was chosen as the vallum was rather low here and consequently would not entail so much labour. No relics were found in this cutting, except a doubtfully-artificial stone ” scraper picked up on the old surface line (“4” on plan, and plate V.).| The absence of relics in this section was very disappointing. The cutting, however, was of value in showing the material out of which the vallum was constructed. (See photograph of the cutting, plate VIII.) Measuring from the crest of the rampart downwards, the soils, etc., occurred as follows: (1) turf and turf-mould, o5 foot (15 cm.); (2) rough pieces of thin-bedded limestone mixed with a little mould, 3:3 feet (98 cm.); (3) band of small pieces of chert with a little mould, 0-3 foot (9 cm.); (4) yellowish-brown clayey mould, 0-5 foot (15 cm.); (5) “old surface line” of dark brown mould, 0-3 foot (9 cm.) ; (6) light yellowish-brown sand. Like Section 2 of 1g01, the section through the vallum in continuation of Section 4 yielded no relics, but proved of interest, inasmuch as it was largely composed of huge boulders of limestone, maximum length 4 feet (1-22 m.), as shown in * Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxili. 52, 54. + The surface of chert does not seem to alter as flint does from exposure and age ; consequently it is often difficult, if not impossible, to decide whether certain fractures are ancient or quite recent. PLATE VII. "UN]]eA ay} Ysnory} suryjno oy} puv v UOI]DAG JO MATA "MOT YOMAY oN. ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN IgO0I AND 1902. 59 the photographs, plate IV. and plate VII. No doubt these boulders had been loosened in the formation of the fosse and utilised for the construction of the vallum. The crest of the rampart here is about 4-7 feet (1-43 m.) above the “old surface line” immediately below it. Chert and calcite occurred in bands in the limestone strata in large quantities here, and fluor-spar was detected by Professor Boyd Dawkins. TRENCHING NEAR THE STONES. These excavations were made with a view of ascertaining whether holes existed in the limestone floor in which Stones I., IL, Ul., and XXXVII. originally stood, but the results could hardly be considered conclusive.* As stated before, the various writers on Arbor Low disagree as to whether the stones originally stood in an upright position, or whether they always lay flat on the ground. A hole, 7 feet by 44 feet (2:13 m. by 1-37 m.), was made to the east of, and close to, Stone XXXVII. There was a well-marked depression in the turf here, and the stone has a flat squared surface at this end. Just below the turf, depth 0-3 foot (9 cm.), a small fragment of Romano-British pottery was found (plan “ 35”), and a small discoidal flint scraper in mould at a depth of o6 foot (18 cm.) (“34” on plan, and plate VI., No. 34). A hole in the limestone floor certainly existed close to the north-east of the stone, of more or less oblong form, length 5:8 feet (1-79 m.), maximum depth below surface 2-1 feet (64 cm.); it, however, appeared to me to be merely one of the usual natural shallow depressions in the limestone, and the excavation afforded no evidence of a hole having been cut for the reception of the base of a standing stone. Another hole 8 feet by 4} feet (2-44 m. by 1.37 m.) was made at the north-west end of Stone II. No evidence as regards the original position of this stone, if it ever stood upright, was adduced from this digging, and nothing was discovered but a flint flake (plan “ 38), depth o-5 foot (15 cm.). * More time could not be bestowed on this particular investigation. 60 ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN I9g0I AND 1902. The south-west edge of Stone I. in the centre being bordered by a marked trench, an excavation 13 feet by 5 feet (4 m. by 1-52 m.) was made. Digging had evidently taken place here in recent times, probably by Messrs. Bateman and Isaacson in 1845, when they explored the tumulus on the south-east vallum. The rock was reached at a maximum depth of 61. cm. below the highest part of the turf, and a minimum depth of 30 cm. Early Victorian shards were found, and a clay tobacco pipe bowl, nineteenth century; also a flint flake, depth 9 cm. (plan “ 36”), and a fragment of pottery, apparently of Romano-British quality (“42” on plan), depth 40 cm. : A larger piece of trenching, 35 feet by 7 feet (10-67 by 2-13 m.) was dug in 1gor, between Stones I. and II., and to the east of them in the direction of Stone XXXVII. To the west a stump (No. 13) was found just under the turf, stand- ing in a leaning position towards the north-east.* Between these stones, at a depth of 0-5 foot (15 cm.), another fragment of Romano-British potteryt was found (“19” on plan), and at a depth of o-9 foot (27 cm.) a small chipped flint imple- ment (“20” on plan), length 33 mm., width 28 mm., resembling a broad leaf-shaped arrow-head in form, flaked on both sides ; but it may have been hafted and used perhaps as a knife, as the point is extremely obtuse, and therefore not well adapted for penetration. It is figured in plate V., No. 20. No holes for the reception of the bases of the monoliths were found between these stones; in fact, the undisturbed ground in this part was struck at about 1°7 foot (52 cm.) from the surface. The present evidence afforded by the digging of these holes seems hardly sufficient to warrant the assertion that the builders of the stone circle did not cut holes in the limestone for the reception of the stones, that is, supposing they originally stood upright. * This was left 2 sé at the completion of the excavations. + It consisted of a fragment of rim, grey on the outside and brick-red on the inside. Prate VIII. “A[TIYIAOU SULYOOT “JSaM-YILOU dy} UO assoy pu WUNI[LA ay] YSNoIY} Z UOTJIAS JO MTA “MO'T YOUUVY if leer Wrisradhr a ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN 1901 AND 1902. 61 To the east of Stones III. and IV. there were signs on the surface of this part having been excavated before. The rock was reached here at very variable depths, and at the extreme east of this trenching an excavation, 7-9 feet (2-43 m.) deep, was made before the undisturbed ground was reached. The hole was filled with rich mould mixed with a little chert. No relics were found except a fragment of human ulna (“9” on plan), depth o-5 foot (15 cm.). It is possible that a ee é TF | Fig. 4. Skull of later interment. } linear. skeleton or skeletons may have been removed from here, and that this ulna was lost in the fillingin. If this part had been excavated before, there were no signs of the ground having been disturbed to the west of the small Stone No. IV. Here, close to Stone III., a human skeleton was discovered (see plan); the middle of the body (a fully adult male) was situated 6-5 feet (1-98 m.) to the south-east of the centre of the circle.* The skeleton was uncovered and cleared in order * The centre of the circle is marked on the plan by a large spot on Stone III. 62 ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN 1901 AND 1902. that it might be photographed im situ. It proved to be an extended interment, the skull being only i:2 foot (37 cm.) from the surface. The skull, which was much crushed and weathered, was found on removal to be in forty or fifty pieces ; some of the facial portions and sides had unfortunately decayed, and the lower jaw was not present. The skull is represented in its restored condition, 4 linear in figs. 4, 5, and 6; three views, viz., zorma lateralis, norma facialis, and norma verticalis. Parts of the skeleton were missing altogether, including the = | | | | } } Fig. 5. Another view of same. tibiz, the fibule, the condyles of the femora, one patella, the feet and hands. The end of the left femur came close to the south-east corner of Stone III. The skeleton, which was buried in pure mould, lay on his back, with the face turned slightly to north-east, and was surrounded by large blocks of stone built up on the south, west, and north sides to within a few inches of the surface; the ends of all the bones were much decayed; the head was to the south-south-east; the bearing along vertebral column 1644 degrees south; the length ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN I90I AND 1902. 63 from the top of skull to the lower end of the femora was 3-9 feet (1-19 m.). No relics were found with the skeleton. The approximate length of the left femur is about 453 mm., which gives a stature (by Rollet’s method) of 5 feet 5 inches (1-65 m.). The skull has been restored as far as possible, and turns out to be mesaticephalic, or medium-headed, with a cephalic index of about 78-0. At the Glasgow meeting of the British Association, Dr. Garson read a detailed report on this skull, concluding by saying that “the osteological t p ' | L Se Fig. 6. Another view of same. characters show that the individual was not of the type found in interments of the Neolithic period, neither do they point to his being of the Bronze Age type, though he was more nearly allied to it than to the former. On the other hand, there are no characters about the specimen which would pre- clude its being much more recent. The extended position in which the body had been laid decidedly supports the view of the interment being of more recent date than the Bronze period, to which I consider the weight of the evidence afforded by the osteological characters also points.” 64 ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN 1901 AND 1902. EXCAVATIONS IN THE SMALL DYKE CONNECTED WITH THE VALLUM OF ARBOR LOW ON THE SOUTH-WEST. (Srz PLAN, Pace 41.) The primary idea of excavating here was to ascertain whether the ditch of this small dyke continued under the rampart of Arbor Low itself, and if possible to prove its age by means of any relics that might be found. The ditch on the surface is marked only by a very slight depression, and the bank at the present day averages only 1°5 foot (45°7 cm.) above the level of the surrounding field. Doubtless the bank was higher at the time of construction, but denudation has intervened, and loss by material gradually sliding down, thus assisting in the formation of the silting of the ditch. A section, 7 feet (2-13 m.) wide, was first made through the bank and ditch at a point 170 feet (51°82 m.) from the centre of Arbor Low, and within the area of the plan. The finds in the ditch here were: a small worked flake of yellowish-brown colour and translucent, depth 1-2 foot (37 cm.), “22” on plan, and the accompanying section, fig. 8; and a flint flake, depth 18 foot (55 cm.), “24” on plan and section. The bank yielded: At “27” on plan and section, depth o-9 foot “old surface line,” a well-formed (27 cm.), on the level of the greyish-white chert (or flint) end-scraper, exhibiting signs of considerable use. It is figured in plate VI., No. 27. At “30” on plan, and section, depth o-7 foot (21 cm.), a greyish flint scraper, very smooth and worn, indicating prolonged use. It is figured in plate VI., No. 30. These implements (Nos. 27 and 30) are undoubtedly of the date of the construction of the dyke. No further excavation of the bank was made, but the exploration of the ditch was extended for 4.5 feet (1-37 m.) to the north, and produced the following stone objects: At “95” on plan and section, a long greyish-white chert flake, with rough and irregular serrations along both edges, depth 2 feet (61 cm.); the oblique top does not appear to have been ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN I90I AND 1902. 65 worked; the bulb of percussion displays a large and well- marked éraillure. At “26” on plan and section, at a depth of 3-2 feet (98 cm.) close to the bottom of the ditch, a small i Fig. 7. Set of Flint Flakes found together at Arbor Low. white flint knife, finely chipped and of somewhat triangular form, length 30 mm., width 20-5 mm., greatest thickness 7 mm., was discovered. It is of an uncommon form, and at first sight 5 66 ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN T90T AND 1902. would probably be included in the category of -arrow-heads ; SECTION ON LINE S.-T. OF PLAN. i ee era me Q} wb Bet == Z ZW Sui Z NI zd A $ p= ——-—=~---- A 8.4 Ny QZ—— | Z | ZW ~ | ZZ N Qezaet coeeenecss Z eS NI _—— i : \ Bar N! Br ba ek s: a1 W-- | 1) . posse eee iS ) Saleem 1 ie) iz SSSSSoas & 1 | | 1 i s 1 S| UL ZF, A I SG Z 1 cA | \ ay | S| = Hal Es See as = = = 77" — 7 Bas Le = ! ar — ! Qa= | = ——— ' = WK ed —— or Sati coe B 27s i O= 8 i 22 - sd = NY 9-2 = one = I \ 1 ' ' ht i] a ae Re => i] ' I 1 I pee a — 7) Fig. 8. The larger figures represent the numbered ‘“‘ finds.”” it is, however, apparent- ly a finished implement, being chipped all round the edges ; the edge at the base shows signs of crushing or bruising ; one of the side-edges is straight and neatly chipped, whereas the other is convex with a finely-worked bevelled cutting-edge with signs of crushing near the On the other face the concave edge has been considerably worked ; the bulb of percussion base. has also been chipped, leaving part of the érazllure facet visible. This is the most important relic found outside the vallum of Arbor Low during these explora- tions; it is figured in plate VI., No. 26. Two flakes were also found here both at a depth of 92. feet (6x one is merely a long, cm.) : narrow, outside flake ; the other a flint flake— edges slightly serrated. At this point the little bank had been levelled down, ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN 1901 AND 1902. 67 probably for a modern track, re-commencing and almost imme- diately terminating in the vallum of Arbor Low. Here another small excavation, 8 feet (2:44 m.) wide, was made into the ditch to detemine whether it ended here or continued in a SECTION ON LINE V.-W. OF PLAN. o UF 4 7S) 8:8: Pe iiigieic Gi ue S aS It wr Sy Fig. 9. northerly direction under the vallum of Arbor Low. The ditch, however, shelved up gradually, and the rock-end was found (as shown in the annexed section, fig. 10, on line V-X of plan), thus proving that this little earthwork is of the same SECTION ON LINE V.-X. OF PLAN. Cn vk ¥ 6 9 10-7' 12 Rae Pak ecm aT ee MATERIAL FORMING VALLUM OF ARBOR LOw ON S.S.W. END OF DITCH SOLID LIMESTONE. period of construction as Arbor Low or later; but judging from the relics discovered, it would appear to be of about the same date as the larger monument. In this latter excavation a calcined chert scraper was found, 0-9 foot (27 cm.) deep 68 ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN T90I AND 10902. (“31” on plan, section, and plate VI.). At “32” on plan and section (No. 32, plate VI.), a small, elongated, narrow black chert end-scraper, worked on both sides, was found, depth 1°6 foot (49 cm.); and at “33” a black chert flake, depth 1°8 foot (55 cm.). The average depth of this little ditch beneath the surface was 3 feet (91 cm.); the width at top, 8 feet (2-44 m.). SUMMARY. During the four weeks that the excavations were in progress, no metals were discovered, nor any traces of fictile ware that Baye = se Fig. 11. Circular flint knife found at Arbor Low (Lucas Collection, British Museum). 4 linear. could be assigned to the date of the construction of Arbor Low. Six sections were cut through the fosse, 85 feet (26 m.) of fosse in all; two cuttings were made through the vallum ; four patches of trenching of varying dimensions were dug in the interior; and of the small dyke to the south-south-west, 7 feet (2:13 m.) of rampart and 194 feet (5-94 m.) of ditch were examined. ‘The number of relics found* has certainly * The relics have been presented by the British Association to the British Museum, and the writer’s Model of Arbor Low, fully described and figured in ‘‘ Man,” October, 1903, No. 84, p. 145, will also probably find a home there, ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN 1901 AND 1902. 69 been disappointing, and yet, on the other hand, Arbor Low, not having been a habitation, and from negative evidence appearing not to have been a place of sepulture at a period closely following its construction, I do not know that more relics could be expected under the circumstances. Nothing Roman has been found, except three small fragments of what appears to be Romano-British pottery just below the turf in the interior. As is well known, flint scrapers are frequently found during successive ages down to and including Roman times, but here they are found deep in the silting of the fosse, only in asso- Pea See ae ee Fig. 12. Circular flint knife found at Arkor Low (Lucas Collection, British Museum). 4 linear. ciation with other rude stone implements and chipped flint arrow-heads of Neolithic form, but of a variety found also in later periods. The majority of the implements found at Arbor Low appear to be of chert, which is only what would be expected, seeing that it is indigenous and an_ excellent substitute for flint, whereas flint was brought probably from some considerable distance. Sir John Evans, in Ancient Stone Implemcnis, states that Mr. J. F. Lucas had a roughly-chipped celt, 4 inches (10 cm.) long, from Arbor Low, but no record of its actual finding 7° ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN I901I AND 1902. appears to have been preserved.* Sir John also mentions the finding of a rare form of circular knifey at Arbor Low in 1867, fig. 11, formerly in the Lucas collection; and in addition he figures a finely-chipped flint knife, or knife-dagger,t fig. 13, nearly 6 inches (15 cm.) long, found at Arbor Low in June, 1865 (Lucas Collection). Jewitt has engraved the same implement full size,§ and this and the circular knife, fig. 11, as well as the smaller knife of the same kind, fig. 12, 4-7 cm. in diameter, are now|| in the British Museum.{[ Unfortunately, there appear to be no records of the discovery of these imple- ments, and as their gzsement is unknown, they assist very slightly in the determination of the ae period of the erection of Arbor Low.** Arbor Low is of such precise age as the barbed arrow-head may be assigned to, it having been found on the bottom of the deepest portion of the fosse. This form, being usually recognized as a late development in Neolithic flint working, points to the probability of the construction of the fosse and vallum not being assigned to a date earlier than the Late Neolithic period, although, judging from various “ finds” of Neolithic arrow-heads of barbed form, they may perhaps have been in use, in some districts, about the middle of the Neolithic period. However, there were no indications that this arrow-head might have reached its position at a date long subsequent to the formation of the fosse. On the other hand, it is well known that the “tanged and barbed” type of arrow- head is very frequently found associated with Bronze Age finds. The existence of stone implements to the exclusion of bronze does not necessarily establish a gees age for a * Ancient Stone Implements, second edition, 72. t ath cit. 343- + Op. cit. 352, fig. 267. § Grave Mounds, fig. 155. || Since 1873. €{ Reproduced through the kindness of Mr. C. H. fread, F.S.A., Keeper of the British and Medizeval Antiquities in the British Museum. ** Tt is just possible that these implements may have been procured from tumuli near Arbor Low. ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN Ig0I AND 1902. 71 monument such as this; and yet, considering the amount of excavation done, the absence of bronze has some significance. If Arbor Low was actually constructed in the Early Bronze Age, we should not expect to find any abundance of the then precious metal. Even small fragments of broken bronze would not be thrown away at this period; indeed, every care would be exercised to preserve fragments for the melting-pot, much moe AS RS Fig. 13. Flint knife-dagger found at Arbor Low (Lucas Collection, British Museum). 4 linear. as we preserve all broken and disused gold objects, merely on account of their value as gold. On the south-east vallum a Bronze Age tumulus was con- structed undoubtedly from material derived from the original monument of Arbor Low. As previously stated, no bronze was found here or in Gib Hill, just over 1,000 feet distant ; but their other contents point to a Bronze Age culture, 72 ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN Ig0I AND 1902. probably not particularly late. If the “finds” from this tumulus* on the vallum of Arbor Low are to be regarded as belonging to the Early Bronze period, “then,” as Mr. Henry Balfour said at Belfast, “the probability of the circle being of Neolithic date is much increased.” The absence of finds on the old surface line under the vallum in the parts examined unfortunately does not help towards the solution of the problem of date. Our conclusions, in the present state of our knowledge, have to be deduced on somewhat meagre evidence as regards the quantity and nature of the relics found. The. discoveries made in 1902 correspond in the main with those made in Igor. In conclusion, it remains to be said that the date of the construction of the Arbor Low Stone Circle should be located, in accordance with the evidence derived from these explorations, within the period covered by the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze periods; in other words, the period of transition from stone to bronze. APPENDIX I. SHORT DESCRIPTIONS OF THE STONES AT ARBOR LOW AS NUMBERED ON THE PLAN. Note.—The length and breadth of the Stones can be ascertained from the Plan. Stone Z.—In centre, nearly flat, broken in two at N.W. end. Slopes a little to W. At E. point and on W. side it stands 14 foot from turf. There is a trench along the W. side. Surface fairly smooth. There is a small flat stone to E. (not numbered). Stone II.—Near No. I., nearly flat, but sloping a little towards W. to turf line. It is about 10 inches above turf on E. side. The slab is rather thicker at the N. end than at the S. end. * The absence of bronze in this interment does not necessarily give an Early Bronze Age date for the burial, for bronze was rarely found with interments even in the fully-developed Bronze Age. The two pots found in the tumulus (figs. 1 and 2) are not ‘‘ beakers,” or drinking-vessels, which the Hon. John Abercromby has recently classified as being the oldest Bronze Age ceramic type in Britain. (Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. 373.) + The date of construction of Arbor Low appears to tally precisely with Mr. Gowland’s deductions as to the date of the erection of Stonehenge, from evi- dence derived from his excavations there in 1901. (Avchaologia, lviii. 85, 86.) ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN Ig0I AND 1902. Ve Stone III.—To the S.E. of No. II., flat, sloping very slightly to E. Pitted surface. The human skeleton was found close to S.E. of this stone; in fact the left femur almost touched it. Stone IV.—A small stone to N.E. of No. III. Slopes rather consider- ably towards S.; only 2 inches above turf. Stones V., VZ., and VZZ.—In a group; the nearest stones of the circle to the S. causeway. A considerable depression in turf to S. of No. V. At S. end this stone stands about 2 feet above average turf level, and it slopes gradually to turf on N. The under-surface of stone at S. has been much polished by the rubbing of sheep. No. VII. slopes towards N., and is fractured in two places. At S. end it is about 1 foot from turf. No. VI. is a fractured stone about 9g inches thick, which stands on end between Nos. V. and VII., leaning slightly to W. Stone VIIZ.—About 9 inches above turf, in a slight depression; slightly higher in the middle. Pitted and rough, but “ pits” are not very frequent, large but not deep. Stump 1.—Between stones IX. and X. Stands about 1 foot from turf level, and leans a little towards centre. Stone 1X.—F lat, sloping slightly towards ditch on S.W. Stands 14 foot from turf on S.W., and 1 foot on N.E. Much pitted surface, small, frequent, and deep. Stone X.—Marked depression in turf at W. end of stone, which end is of oblong form, 2 feet in thickness. This depression sinks to about 6 inches below the surrounding turf level. The stone, which slopes towards the N.E., is only ro inches above turf on E. side. Upper surface, fairly flat; characterised by a broad crack along middle, and what may be called a *“‘ pot-hole” near N. corner. Turf grows between stone on N.W. Much sheep-rubbed underneath at S.W. Stones XI., XII., and XIZZ.—Small stones in a little group between Nos. X. and XIV. In a slight depression, partly in continuation of depression at the W. of stone X. No. XI. slopes towards centre, and has a smooth, flat surface. Height 1 foot from turf at S.W., 4 inches at other end. No. XII. has turf growing up the sides; greatest height at N.W., 4 inches. No. XIII. slopes towards S.W. and S.E. to turf; on other sides, 4 inches high. Stone XZIV.—Lies in slight depression at ditch end; flat; pitted in places by weathering, with cracks in which turf has grown. Height about to inches from turf. Stone XV.—Very smooth surface, sloping to turf on E.; at its squared W. end, its height is 1.3 foot. Stone XVZ.—Upper side fairly flat; leans at about 35 or 40 degrees with general turf level towards the N.E. In a well-marked depression, above which it stands, at highest part 34 feet. About 1} foot thick at S. and 14 foot at N. The only stone in the circle that can be said to be standing (1901). 74 ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN IgOI AND 1go2. Stone XVIZI.—Lies in slight depression; nearly flat, but sloping slightly towards the W. ditch, where its height is only 6 inches, rising at N. to 1 foot; very rough surface, sides a little overgrown with turf. Stump 2.—Cleaved in two and partly overgrown with turf; height, 1o inches. Stone XVIIZ.—Slopes off towards the W. ditch; at E. its height is about 9 inches; at W. 1% foot. Flat surface, but much pitted, and turf-covered in places. Stump 3.—Stands at two highest points 1 foot from turf, with a dip of 4 inches between. Stone XZX.—On a slight mound. Height at S. 0.7 foot from average turf, rising slightly higher (ridge N.E. and S.W. line), and then gradually sloping off to turf at N. and N.W. Stone XX.—Slopes all round to turf from a central point, height 1 foot. It does zot, however, slope off at W. point. Stone XXZ.—Lies in slight depression, sloping slightly towards ditch. Flat surface and pitted in places. Height, 1.2 foot. Ragged along N.E. edge. Stone XNXJ/I.—Flat ; slopes towards the ditch; height, 1.3 foot. Half- oval weathered hole through side of stone on S.W. Stone XXIZI.—Lies in very slight depression; very uneven side towards W. Rough surface, pitted somewhat to S.E., S., and S.W., and highest at these points. Flat surface to N. and N.W., height, 1 foot. At other points it is 1.2 foot high. Stone XXZV.—Slopes towards N.; slopes off to turf at N.W. and N., but not at N.E. Depression in turf at S. end, extending half-way across stone to N. At S.E. corner its height is 1.3 foot; at S.W. 2 feet gradually sloping along W. face to turf on N.W. Flat surface with small but numerous “ pittings.” Stone XXV.—Marked depression in turf at S., but not at N. Height at S. 24 feet. The stone slopes towards the N. where it reaches the turf level. Rough surface, with fracture at N., running N.W. to S.E. Turf rises in depression under the stone at S., to support it. The stone is tilted up at S., at an angle of about 20 degrees with turf. Much rubbed under- neath by sheep. Stone XXVI.—In slight depression to N., more marked to S. Slopes towards N., almost to turf level. At S. its height is 2 feet. It is about 1% foot thick at S. Large ‘‘pittings,’ but not numerous. Two oval holes, through stone to turf. The larger hole measures 18 inches by 10 inches. Stump 4.—Very narrow and sharp, about 18 inches high. Stone XXVII.—Very rough, about 1.5 foot high in middle. At N., an angle of 3 inches from turf, from which the stone rises abruptly. Stone XXVIIZ.—Height, 2 inches above turf: almost entirely overgrown except a small portion to N. Flat. ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN IQOI AND I902. 75 Stone XXZX.—Pointed at both ends. Slopes towards N. Smooth, flat surface and sides. A depression in turf at N. only, where its height is about 1 foot. The thickness of stone appears to be only 6 inches at N.E. point, whilst on the S.W. side it is 2 feet, to which it gradually rises from N. and N.E. The stone is thicker at S. than at N.N.W. Stones XXX. and XX XZ.—Slight depression in turf between and to the E. of these stones. Flat and fairly smooth; height, 1 inch or 2 inches from turf. No. XXX. slopes very slightly to N., No. XXXI. somewhat considerably to N. and E. Stone XXXZZ.—Of the nature of a stump, but rather larger. Slight depression to S.W. Mound of turf to N.E., E., and S.E., where the stone only rises 2 inches. On S.W. it is 1 foot high. Turf grows in places on top, which is rather flat. Rough at sides, sloping abruptly from top at S. and N.W. Stone XXXIZIZ.—In slight depression, sloping slightly towards ditch. Fairly flat surface. Height, about 1 foot. Point to N.E. only 3 inches above turf. Stone XXXZV.—In a marked depression on inner bank of ditch, par- ticularly marked at N. and E. Somewhat heart-shaped, flat and fairly smooth. About 6 inches in height, with turf growing up sides everywhere, except at W. and S.W. Stone XXXV.—Flat, smooth surface. Slopes slightly towards S.W. On W. slopes off to turf. On E., 9g inches high. Stone XXXVZ.—Smooth, but uneven surface. Slopes slightly to E., and partly overgrown with turf in centre and to S, and S.S.W. At N. and N.N.W. it is 3 inches high, but turf runs up to level of stone elsewhere. Stone XXXVIZ.—Lies in slight depression which deepens considerably to E. and S.E. Slopes slightly towards ditch and N., with fairly smooth, flat surface. At W., 2 feet in height, and at E., 2.3 feet. This stone is cleaving lengthwise, or, rather, horizontally into three slabs. At N. its height is only 10 inches. Upright sides all round. Stump 5.—To the N. of Stone XXXVIL. Stump 6.—Small stone which was moved in making excavations to N.E, of Stone XXXVII. Stone XXXVIIZ.—Small flat stone, level with the turf, which is grow- ing over it. Plan shows stone appearing above surface. Slopes to N. and EK. Stone XXXIX.—On slight elevation. Broken into three pieces, all of which are becoming overgrown with turf. The N. piece is nearly level with turf. The middle has rounded surface, rising to about 6 inches above turf. The piece to S. slopes from N. end to S., where it reaches the turf; the N. end of this piece is 8 inches above turf. Stump 7.—Much overgrown with turf. A piece of stone, 9 inches by 6 inches, only appears above the surface: Plan shows the probable out- line with turf removed. 76 ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN I9g0I AND 1902. Stones XL., XLZI., and XLIZ.—Together in a mass in slight depression. No. XL. slopes to S. and S.S.W.; highest point at N. 1 foot above turf, the S.E. and N.W points are about 10 inches from turf; at S. and S.S.W. it meets the turf. No. XLI. slopes from the S.E., meeting the turf level under No. XLII.; rather a rough surface; at N.E. 1.5 foot from turf, at S.E. 1.3 foot, and S.S.W. 1 foot. No. XLII. overlaps No. XLI. to S.E., and slightly over No. XL. to N.E.; thickness, about 1 foot at S.E.; slopes to centre, where it is only 4 inches from turf. At S.E. end its height is about 14 foot. Stone XZIII.—Slopes very slightly towards N.W. Flat and smooth surface. Runs to turf on N.W., S.E., S., and S.W. At S.E. it is about 4 inches above turf. Stump 8.—Very narrow, just appearing above turf. Stone XLIV.—Flat, sloping slightly towards ditch. Height about 7 inches at N.W. S.S.E. and N.E. corners overgrown with turf; very little of the stone at S.E. shows above turf. Uneven and weathered. Stone XZV.—F lat, with uneven weathered surface and fractured. More than half the stone is overgrown with turf at intervals. Stone XZVZI.—Nearly flat, sloping slightly towards N.N.W. Fairly smooth surface. ‘‘ Shoulder” across middle; height, 7 inches above turf. Turf growing across depression below “shoulder.” A stone overgrown, to S.S.W. of XLVI., is dotted on plan. Stumps 9 and 10.—Small stones, just appearing above surface. Stumps 11 and 12.—Ragged stones, broken off, just appearing above surface. Stump 13.—This stump, leaning towards E., was only revealed by excavation. Stones outside S. Causeway.—Fairly large, long, and narrow stone, height at E. 1.2 foot from surface. Stump close to. Two rounded stones a little above turf level, on side of S. rampart. Two Stowes tn Ditch.—In ditch on S.W. One long and narrow, about § inches in height; the other rising 1 foot above surface. There are other small stones here and there at Arbor Low, which seem to be hardly worth recording, although they might prove to be somewhat larger if exposed by excavation. APPENDIX II. List oF NUMBERED FINDs. . Thirteen teeth of ox, bottom of ditch, depth 5.4 feet. . Pieces of red-deer’s antler, depth as No. 1. Rudely-chipped stone implement, depth 1.2 foot. (Plate V., No. 3.) Doubtfully-artificial stone scraper, on “‘old surface line.” (Plate V., No. 4.) . Worked flint flake, depth o” foot. (Plate V., No. 5.) - Worked flake of black flint, depth 0.5 foot. (Piate V., No. 6.) es Om ARBOR LOW EXCAVATIONS IN I90I AND 1902. Ha . Chipped end-scraper, depth 0.5 foot. (Plate V., No. 7.) Stone scraper, with bevelled edge, depth 1.2 foot. (Plate V., No. 8.) . Fragment of human ulna, depth 0.5 foot. . Outside flint flake, worked, depth 0.8 foot. (Plate V., No. 10.) Worked flint, depth 0.8 foot. Flint saw, depth 1.5 foot. (Plate V., No. 13.) Small, narrow, flint scraper, depth 1.4 foot. (Plate V., No. 14.) . Large flint scraper, depth 2.3 feet. (Plate V., No. 15.) . Six large flakes of black flint, found together, at a depth of 2.7 feet, on a ledge of the solid side of the northern causeway. (Fig. 7.) . Fragment of Romano-British pottery, depth 0.5 foot. . Flint knife, of broad, leaf-shaped form, depth 0.9 foot. (Plate V., No. 20.) . Rough scraper, depth 1 foot. . Worked flint flake, depth 1.2 foot. Flint flake, depth 1.8 foot. . Long chert flake, with rough serrations, depth 2 feet. Small white flint knife, finely chipped, depth 3.2 feet. (Plate VI., No. 26.) . Flint end-scraper, depth 0.9 foot. (Plate VI., No. 27.) Flint end-scraper, depth 1.4 foot. (Plate VII., No. 28.) . Two-thirds of a kite-shaped flint arrow-head, depth 3 feet. (Plate VI., No. 29.) . Combined end and side-scraper of flint, depth 0.7 foot. (Plate VI., No. 30.) . Calcined chert scraper, depth 0.9 foot. (Plate VI., No. 31.) . Narrow, black, chert scraper, depth 1.6 foot. (Plate VI., No. 32.) . Black chert flake, depth 1.8 foot. . Small, discoidal, flint scraper, depth 0.6 foot. (Plate VI., No. 34.) . Fragment of Romano-British pottery, depth 0.3 foot. Flint flake, depth 0.3 foot. . Small chert scraper, depth 4.8 feet. (Plate VI., No. 37.) . Flint flake, depth 0.5 foot. . Small horn of red-deer with four tines, depth 4.6 feet. . Worked flint flake, depth 1.2 foot. (Plate VI., No. 40.) . Small chert flake, depth 0.4 foot. . Fragment of pottery (? Romano-British), depth 1.3 foot. . Barbed and tanged flint arrow-head, found on bottom of ditch, depth 5-7 feet. (Plate VI., No. 43.) 78 Geological Motes on Arbor Low. By H. H. ARNoLD-BemrosE, M.A., F.G.S. coloured variety of mountain limestone, which con- tains few fossils and slight traces of iron oxide. The faces of the slabs are parallel to the bedding planes of the rock. The edges, which in some cases are very true, are defined by the joint planes. There is no doubt that these slabs were at one time placed vertically, with one end in the ground and arranged in pairs in a rough ellipse. Embedded in the ground and projecting above the surface are the stumps of several slabs, shewing where the latter have been broken off. In some of these stumps the bedding planes are evidently vertical.* Such slabs might have been found almost ready to hand within the neighbourhood. The mountain limestone is traversed by divisional planes called joints. They often run in sets at right angles to each other, and to the bedding planes. The mass of limestone is thus divided naturally into a number of slabs or blocks, the size and shape of which vary with the thickness of the beds, and the distances between the joints. In quarrying, advantage is taken of these joints. The upper surfaces of some of the slabs on Arbor Low are very irregular, *In his address to the Society—given at Arbor Low on June 29th, 1901 —Mr. H. A. Hubbersty, whilst endorsing the vertical theory of these slabs, suggested the probability that they were purposely thrown down at the Roman conquest of Britain.—ED. GEOLOGICAL NOTES ON ARBOR LOWe 79 and have the pot-hole weathering, which is not only a charac- teristic of the upper surface of a bed of limestone which has been covered by soil, or exposed to the air, but also of beds in the mass of the rocks, through which small pipes have been made by the action of water. We may safely conclude that the majority of the Arbor Low slabs once formed part of a bed in the limestone, and that they have been taken from some place where the rock formed part of the ground surface. Near Henmoor, about two miles N.W. of Arbor Low, we found a large slab of limestone very similar to that at Arbor Low, apparently lying on the road side. It measured about ro feet 6 inches by 5 feet. ‘The rock projects above the surface of the ground in several places within a distance of a few yards. The beds are horizontal. The slab, which is probably in situ, could without much difficulty be separated and raised from the bed beneath, on which it rests. The parent rock at Arbelow is very different in colour, texture, and composition from that of which the slabs are formed. The site for the stone circle was therefore not selected because the rocks were zz situ, but for some other reason. A short distance south-east of the circle a dark-coloured dolomitized limestone is seen cropping out above the surface of the ground. The walls of the ditch, and also many blocks of stone in the tumulus, are composed of a_ similar dark dolomitized limestone which is rough to the touch. The rock is evidently 77 situ, and the ditch has been excavated in it. Scattered about the ground and under some of the slabs are what might be taken for chips of flint. They are chert fragments. Such fragments are very common in the surface soil of the limestone district. On the ground we found several blocks of limestone with nodules of chert embedded in them, and in a small quarry, N.E. of the low, the limestone contains similar nodules of chert. 80 Arbor Low. THE QUARRYING AND TRANSPORT OF ITS STONES. By H. A. Huppersty. of stone were quarried, or separated from the parent rock, would, I think, undoubtedly be that of cleavage by wooden wedges driven into the natural joint, or “dry bed” as it is now called by quarry- men; just as “rockery stone” is got at the present day, except that iron has now superseded the wooden wedge, for the stones at Arbor Low are almost entirely of this class. In its natural position, the upper or water-worn, surface of the blocks being partly or, in many cases, wholly, exposed to the air, would be easily found and by no means difficult to detach from the parent rock. It is to this water-worn surface of the natural rock that the stones at Arbor Low owe their remarkable appearance of extreme antiquity, for old as they are in their artificial state, their pot-holes and crevices were worn away by Nature ages before the day on which they were set up. This will be apparent to anyone who will compare the smooth or under surface of each with the rugged and venerable appearance of the outer face—which was once that of the naked water-washed limestone rock itself. In his excellent account of the recent excavations at Stonehenge (Arch@ologia, vol. 58, pp. 73-4), Mr. Gowland suggests, from comparisons with the illustration of the transport of a colossus on an Egyptian tomb of the twelfth dynasty, and with that of the removal of great stones in THE QUARRYING AND TRANSPORT OF ITS STONES. 81 China and Japan in an ancient drawing, that the principle employed at Stonehenge for the transport of its larger stones was their suspension in a massive framework of horizontal beams, to which traverse poles were fastened, to be supported on the shoulders of as many men as might be required. But in a country like the High Peak of Derbyshire, where no long timber grows, and where the surface of the land, instead of being of a rich alluvial or sandy soil, is of, a close, hard turf, with a harder sub-soil of yellow earth beneath of no great thickness above the solid rock, and which for a long period in the winter is, owing to its great altitude, so frequently frozen, I think the object would be attained by a simpler process. In so different a district, the transport would, in all pro- bability, be effected upon a strong sledge, made of two short wooden runners bound together by cross timbers. Upon this the large stones would be placed, and by means of ropes of hides or grasses easily drawn by a number of men from the quarry to the site at Arbor Low; very much in the same way as some of the farmers on the hill-sides in North Derbyshire still drag their hay to the barns, and as the miners of old hauled their lead ore to the “ day-eye,” or shaft bottom, in the mine. Che History and Chartulary of the Abbey of Darley, and of the Oratory of St, Helen, Derby, By the Rev. J. Cuartres Cox, LL.D., F.S.A. Pva 4 T has been stated by Tanner, and _ frequently 4 é repeated, that Robert Ferrers, second Earl of Derby, founded a religious house of Austin Canons near Derby, dedicated to St. Helen, in the reign of either Henry I. or Stephen. No authority is given for this statement, and no corroboration is forthcoming. Contrari- wise, there is a slightly mutilated and somewhat defaced statement on the last page of the Darley chartulary, in a thirteenth century hand, which sets the matter at rest.* The entry is sufficiently clear to state that in the year 1137, when Innocent II. was Pope and Stephen King, a certain burgess of Derby named Towyne established on his patrimony an oratory in honour of St. Helen, the Queen, with the support of the greater part of the burgesses, and that it was dedicated by the bishop to be served by religious men (canons) under the rule of St. Augustine. This house of St. Helen stood just outside the walls on the north-west side of the town, near the church of St. Alkmund, and its site is now occupied by the Grammar School. Of the abbey of St. Mary, Darley, the real founder was Robert Ferrers, Earl of Derby. Just at the close of the reign of Stephen (1154), with that king’s sanction, and also with = Cott. MSS. Titus C. ix. f. 166b. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 83 the sanction of his successor, Henry II., the earl gave to the abbot and canons of the newly-devised foundation the churches of Uttoxeter and Crich, a tithe of his Derby rents, and the third part of the meadow of Oddebrook, six shillings of land at Osmaston with the oratory and cemetery there, six acres at Aldwark, and as much wood as might for ever (daily) be drawn with one cart from the wood of Duffield or of Chaddesden.* There was apparently, however, some hitch about the site the new house was to occupy, when Hugh, dean of Derby, came forward a few years later, and gave the Little Darley site, and arranged that the Austin Canons of St. Helen’s should proceed there. Hence Hugh was looked upon as a joint founder; though Earl Ferrers really occupied that place. This is shown by the crown assuming the patronage of the abbey on the confiscation of the Ferrers’ estates, which resulted in the house having always to apply for the royal license to elect. About the year 1160, Hugh, dean (rural) of Derby, gave all his lands at Little Darley to the canons of St. Helen’s for the purpose of building thereon a church and a monas- tery. In consequence of this grant, the greater part of these Austin Canons moved from the immediate outskirts of the town of Derby, and occupied a site a mile to the north of the town on the banks of the Derwent, under Albinus, their first abbot.+ Tanner and Dugdale infer that the foundation must have been a good deal earlier, because of the date r121 given in the chartulary to a concord between the abbot of Darley and the Hospitallers relative to lands at Waingriff; but this date is clearly, from a variety of evidence, an error of the copyist, and is probably intended for 1221. The original of this charter is at Belvoir. It is given, with many other Darley charters at Belvoir, in the Peck collection, Add. MSS. 4937, ff. 127- 133; and they are translated in Derb. Arch. Soc. Jour., xvi., 14-43. + This foundation charter (MZonasticon, vi., 359) is cited from Plac. coram Rege 7, Rich. II., rot, 28 Derb. The probable date of 1160 is arrived at by an analysis of the witnesses. 84 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. In the eighth chapter of the famous Chronicle of Dale, at the time when the Austin Canons from Calke were endeavouring to establish a lodgment at that site, in the days of Henry II., there is an interesting reference to Darley. “About the same time flourished Albinus, abbot of Darley, brightly manifesting so many of the requisites of a holy and virtuous life, that the interior of the cloister and the church, and the most inward sanctuary of religion, may be perceived to this day to be redolent with the fragrance of such a father.” The history of the house of Darley has been hitherto so much neglected that it may be well to indicate the chief sources whence information may be gained outside the Public Records. Among the Cotton MSS. of the British Museum is a chartulary of Darley Abbey, which lacks, however, its opening pages.* The part remaining (127 folies) is in good condition, and was for the most part compiled towards the end of the thirteenth century, but with some later insertions. It is, strictly speaking, a chartulary or transcript of charters, and contains no monastic gossip nor list of abbots. In 1780, Cole, the antiquary, made a transcript of a thin quarto of twenty-two pages, then in the possession of the Master of Emanuel College, Cambridge, which was part of a chartulary of Darley Abbey in a hand of the reign of Richard III. Most of the 112 charters there given are identical with those of the older chartulary, but there are a few later, including some of Abbot Laurence de Burton, 1353-1383. + A comparison of several charters yields a little information respecting the founder which corrects the guesses of Hutton and later writers. Hugh was the son of Simon of Derby, and a chaplain of the church of St. Peter in that town. He was rural dean of Derby at the time of the foundation; but it was an office that not infrequently changed hands, and * Cott. MSS. Titus C. ix. Bound up with it and forming the first thirty-eight folios of the volume, is a fifteenth cent. register of Evesham Abbey. + Add. MSS. 5822, ff. 151-191. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 85 there is more than one charter in which he is not so charac- terised. He had a son, Henry; there were at that time certain avowedly married priests, but in this instance it seems more probable that Hugh took orders later in life, when a widower. This would partly account for his not holding any important benefice, and merely serving as a parochial chaplain or assistant curate. There is no clue as to how he became possessed of the landed property that he bestowed upon the abbey; possibly he may have inherited it through his wife. Gifts speedily flowed into the new foundation, so that in a very short time the abbot and canons, in addition to lands at Crich, Wessington, Lea, Dethick, Tansley, and Little Chester, and various mills, held the advowsons of the churches of Bolsover, Pentrich, Ripley, Ashover, South Wingfield, and the three Derby town churches of St. Peter, St. Michael, and St. Werburgh. ; The Darley chartulary, though unfortunately incomplete, is full of interest as to the ecclesiastical affairs of the county at large, and of other religious foundations of Derbyshire with which the abbey was connected. Various facts therefrom relative to the early establishment of vicarages are of general interest in ecclesiastical history. Details relative to the nunnery at King’s Mead, so closely attached to this abbey; to the former establishment at St. Helen’s; to the Derby hospital of St. Leonard ; to the collegiate church of All Saints’, Derby; to the ordination of a chantry at St. Peter’s, Derby; and to the estate of the Hospitallers at Waingriff, are given under the respective houses. In order, however, to avoid par- ticularly from the burgesses of Derby, who held this abbey prolixity in referring to the very numerous early gifts in special regard—it may be as well to reproduce from the chartulary the following list of their temporalities in the archdeaconry of Derbyshire. It is undated, but as it is almost identical with the Taxation of Pope Nicholas of 1291, as printed in the old Rolls series, there can be no doubt that it was drawn up about that date. 86 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. Abbas de Derleye habet citra Abathiam ij carucatas terre et valet carucata per annum xxs. Et habet ibidem sex acras prati et valent per annum xijs. Et habet apud Athelastre Marketone et Makkeworthe de quadam firma annua xviijs. Et habet apud Derby in eodem Decanatu unam grangeam cum quadem placea et gardinum et curtilagium que valent per annum iiijs. Et habet ibidem }. acras terre et valent per annum iiijs. Et habet ibidem iij acras prati et valent per annum vjs. Et habet ibidem de Redditu assise per annum x/é iijs. Et habet ibidem duo molendina que valent per annum x marcas. Et habet ibidem de piscaria ijs. perannum. Et habet apud Oddebrooke, iij molendina, et valent per annum, Is. Et habet Derby j molendinum et valet per annum, xls. Et habet apud Normantone in eodem Decanatu quoddam mesuagium cum parva curtilagio et valet per annum, vs. Et habet ibidem iij carucatas terre et valent carucata per annum xxs. Et habet ibidem de Redditu assise per annum xxijs. vjd. Et habet ibidem de pastura per annum jjs. Et habet apud Osmundestone in eodem Decanatu vilj acras terre et valet per annum. . . . Et habet ibidem vj acras prati et valent per annum xijs. Et habet apud Alwastone in eodem Decanatu unam grangeam cum quadem placea terre et valent per annum xij¢@. Et habet ibidem xv acras prati et valent per annum xxijs. yd. Et habet ibidem de annua firma per annum xxjs. Et habet-apud Buterley in eodem Decanatu quoddam manerium cum gardino et curtilagio quod valet per annum vs. Et habet ibidem sex bovatas terre et valent per annum xxvijs. Et habet ibidem v acras prati et valent per annum vs. Et habet ibidem de profectu imstauri, vs. Et habet ibidem de pastura per annum iiijs. Et habet ibidem unum parcum cujus agistiamentum et herbagium valet per annum \js. Et habet apud Salterwode pannagium per annum iiijs. Et habet apud Derbeiam pro quodam molendino per annum de Priorissa de Derbeia xls. Et habet Rippelege in eodem Decanatu de Redditu Assise per annum v/z. vs. Et apud Pentriche de redditu assise per annum ixs. Et habet ibidem de tenentibus et cervis suis de redditu per annum septuaginta ilijs. ilij¢. ob. Et habet ibidem duo molendina aquatica cum piscaria que valent per annum Is. Et habet ibidem de placitis et perquisicionibus per annum vjs. viijd. Et habet apud Horselaye ij, molendina que valent per annum xls. Et habet apud Wistantone in eodem Decanatu quoddam mesuagium cum gardino et valet per annum iijs. Et habet ibidem viij bovettas terre et valent per annum xxxs. Et habet in eodum Decanatu unam grangiam et valet pastura per annum iijs. Et habet ibidem de Redditu assise xxvjs. viijd. Et habet apud Cruche in eodem Decanatu Ix acras terre et valent per annum xxs. Et habet ibidem de Redditu assise per annum xijs. Et habet Bollesovere in Decanatu de Cestrefeld xx acras terre et valent per annum vs. Et habet apud Glapwelle in eodem Decanatu, xxiij acras terre et valent HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 87 per annum xs Et habet ibidem de Redditu assise per annum, xijs. i. Et habet apud Scardeclive in eodem Decanatu xl acras terre et valent per annum xs. Et habet de Redditu assise ibidem per annum, ixs. Et habet apud Paltertoune in eodem Decanatu, xv acras terre et valent per annum iiijs. Et habet ibidem de pastura per annum ijs. vj@. Et habet apud Aldewarke in Decanatu de Esseburne quoddam mesuagium quod valet ijs. Et habet ibidem xxx acras terre et valent per annum xs. Et habet ibidem de Redditu assise per annum, xxjs. jd. Et habet ibidem de profectu instauri iijs. per annum. Et habet apud Aldeporte in Decanatu de Alto pecco unam bovatam terre et unum molendinum que reddunt per annum v marcas. Summa Ixxij/Z xixs. iijd. ob.* In addition to this then considerable annual income of 472 19s. 345d. from their Derbyshire temporalities, must be added £1 6s. 8d. from temporalities in the archdeaconry of Stafford, and £1 4s. in the archdeaconry of Nottingham. Among the earlier deeds transcribed in the chartulary is one pertaining to the chapel of Osmaston in St. Peter's parish, which formed part of Earl Ferrers’ original gift to the abbey. Osmaston was, from an early date, held of the Ferrers by the family of Dun or Dunne, whose chief residence was at Breadsall. Robert de Dun, lord of Breadsall, supported the Ferrers’ gift by giving to the abbey of St. Mary at Darley, for the good of his soul, and that of his wife and heirs, all the rights that he had in the chapel of Osmaston by virtue of being its patron. He coupled, however, his gift with the condition that the abbot and canons were to pay two shillings in silver to the church of Breadsall every Michaelmas. t In 1216, Pope Honorius III. issued his mandate to the Abbot of Darley and to two other ecclesiastics to adjudicate in a dispute between the Chapter of York and the priory of St. Oswald.t From this date onwards the Abbot of Darley for the time being was frequently called upon to take part in papal and diocesan commissions. * Titus C. ix ff. 41, 42. + Titus C. ix. f. 137. + Cal. of Papal Letters, 1. 45-6. 88 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. ‘he charge of the parochial chapelry of Glapwell with its tithes in Bolsover parish was among the first of the benefac- tions to the abbey. Im 1250 a dispute arose between the inhabitants and the convent owing to the chancel roof of the chapel requiring renewal. The dispute was settled by the freemen of the vill of Glapwell, described as “ our parishioners,” consenting to accept five acres of land at Glapwell in discharge of the abbey’s responsibility for repairing the chancel and its kindred obligations.” About the year r250 the abbey received an important acquisition of land at Wigwell, near Wirksworth; the grange at that place remaining one of its most important outlying farms until the Dissolution. There is an interesting series of original deeds, with seals attached in good condition, conveying this land, which is now -in different private hands in Derbyshire.t| By these charters various portions of two cultures} at Wigwell were granted to the abbey. In the first, whereby Henry Braund, of Wirksworth, conveyed a fourteenth part of the two cultures, it is stated that they were “the two cultures which Vincent the chaplain, my brother, gave to the same canons with his body.” All these grants were, therefore, made by direction of, or pursuant to, the wish of this Vincent, who stipulated for his burial in the abbey. Between 1250 and 1252 Ralph, son of Ralph de Wistanton, made various important gifts to the canons of Darley. He bestowed on their tenants at Wessington rights of pasturage for twelve oxen, for six cows with their calves of two years, for four horses or four mares with their foals of two years, for twenty-four sheep with lambs of one year, for forty sheep without young, and for two sows and their litters of ome year, in the common pasture of Wessington. If the convent or * Titus C. ix. f. 116b. t+ Religuary xvil., 65-71; Derb. Arch. Soc. Journal vili., 92-97. Copies of the whole of these charters appear in the chartulary Titus C. ix. f. 130. ~ The culture (cz/tura) was a parcel of arable land of varying but con- siderable extent. ; HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 89 their tenants had not so many animals of their own, they were entitled, without hindrance, to bring others. It was also lawful for them to pasture goats. If any of the animals of the convent’s tenants entered Ralph’s enclosed lands through the frailty or breakage of the fences, they were not to be impounded, but to be peaceably removed. The same Ralph also gave to the abbey eighteen acres of land in Wessington and a further plot of thirty-four acres in the same vill, with rights of housebote, haybote, and firebote in the woods. These and other donations must have been a serious drain on the resources of a man of quite limited means, such as Ralph of Wessington; but the explanation of this dispersal of his property is made clear in an agreement of June 17th, 1252, which is entered on the Fine Roll of that year.* Ralph had fallen into the hands of the Jewish money-lenders of the day, and in order to effect his deliverance out of their hands, ad adquietandum sue de judaismo, and~to cheat them of their prey, for they could not seize church property, he eventually made over to the abbey all his possessions, merely making life provision for necessaries for himself and family. The convent undertook to honourably supply Ralph and _ his wife, Matilda, for their lifetime, with fourteen white loaves of the canons, and fourteen gallons of good beer every week, and other dishes in flesh or fish, as befits the day, such as would suffice for two canons; twenty-eight service loaves, and seven gallons of second beer weekly for a servant and hand- maid ministering to them; honourable lodging for them and their servants, with other necessaries, especially wood or charcoal for fuel; a horse for Ralph as often as he should have need to travel to a distance; a tunic, super-tunic, and cape, or ten ells (at 20d. an ell) of russet or brown cloth yearly with lamb’s wool for the super-tunic for Ralph; a tunic, super-tunic, and cloak or nine ells of russet or green or brown cloth (at 24d. an ell), with lamb’s wool for the super-tunic * Fines, 46 Hen. III., Sept. 24 to Oct. 20, and Deré. Arch. Soc. Jour- nal, xvi., p. 40. 90 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. for Matilda; boots and white sandals in winter, and shoes and great sandals in summer for Ralph, and boots and shoes of dressed leather for his wife; and twelve ells of linen yearly for Ralph and eight for his wife, for their underclothing and their bed. Moreover, they granted to John, Ralph’s son, four shillings yearly for shoes during his father’s life, and after his death the place of a free servant in the house of Darley, and ten shillings for clothing and shoes. To Nicholas, the younger son, they granted food and clothing in the house until the age of puberty, when he might have the place of a free servant like his brother, with half a mark yearly for his clothing, whether at Darley or elsewhere. In 1275, a controversy arose between Nicholas de Oxton, Vicar of Wirksworth, and Henry, Abbot of Darley, as to the small tithes of lands that the abbey held in that parish. At last, “by the intervention of good and lawful men,” an amicable composition was drawn up, whereby the abbey covenanted to pay yearly 3s. for wood and one hundred sheep, 1d. for each cow with a calf, and 12d. for all other small tithes. This composition was confirmed by Godman, the next Vicar of Wirksworth, in 1278, and by the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, the Prior and Convent of Coventry, and the Dean and Chapter of Lichfield, in 1285.* That energetic Primate, Archbishop Peckham, during his visitation of Lichfield diocese in 1279-1280, had various matters pertaining to the jurisdiction of Darley abbey brought before him.t His settlement of the dispute between the canon and the parishioners of Crich will be referred to under that parish. The differences between the parishioners of the chapelry of Alvaston and the abbey as rectors of St. Michael’s, Derby, relative to the repair of the chancel and finding the quire books and ornaments, as well as concerning the priest's meadow, which was said to have been given to sustain a lamp * Reliquary, xvii. The originals of these deeds were then (1876) in the hands of Mr. Goodwin, the owner of Wigwell Grange. + The archbishop sojourned at Darley Abbey from March roth to April roth, 1279-80. Archiep. Reg. Peckham, {. 168. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. QI in the chapel, were submitted to Peckham. By his decision, the expenses of repairing the chancel and of providing books, vestments, and chalice for the high altar, were to be divided between the abbey and the parishioners; the priest’s meadow, then in possession of the abbey, was to be retained by the convent, but only on condition that the convent paid yearly two shillings at Michaelmas for the lights of the chapel; and with respect to the five and a half marks already handed over by the abbey to the parishioners for chancel repairs, it was ordered that whatever had not been spent was to be returned to the Abbot, and that the parish were to expend a like sum whenever repairs were necessary before calling on the abbey for any further money.* The question of repairing the chancel of the parochial chapel of Boulton, in the parish of St. Peter's, Derby, and the finding of books, etc., was also brought before the Arch- bishop. The abbey in this case was ordered to undertake the chancel repairs, and to find all chancel books and ornaments, save the missal and the chalice, which ought to be found by the parishioners. By letters of the Archbishop dated from Trentham, April rst, 1280, it was certified that at his visitation of the diocese of Coventry and Lichfield evidence had been produced before him that the Abbot of Darley was possessed of the churches of Bolsover, Crich, Pentrich, South Wingfield, and St. Michael’s and St. Peter's, Derby, with their chapels.t St. Werburgh’s, Derby, had before this date been transferred by the abbey to the Benedictine nuns of King’s Mead. In 1281, Robert Sacheverell, in consideration of ten marks of silver, acknowledged that the advowson of the church (chapel) of Boulton was the right of Henry, Abbot of Darley, as a free chapel pertaining to his church of St. Peter, Derby. In the same year, Robert de Escryneyn acknowledged that eelitus © 1x.5 f: Or. + Zbid., f. 100. t Zoid, f. 163. 92 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE. ABBEY OF DARLEY. three mills in Derby pertained to Henry, Abbot of Darley, and his successors, and were held by him for life at a yearly rental of £4.* A commission was issued by Edward I. in August, 1284, to inquire into the breaking of the park of the Abbot of Darley at Herthay, by certain persons, who hunted the deer therein and carried them away.t On April 7th, 1284, the Prior and convent of Darley sent word to the King at Westminster, by Simon de Derby, sacrist, and Robert de Melburn, canon, of the death of Henry de Kettlestone, and obtained license to elect. They made choice of one of their canons, William de Alsop, and the royal assent was granted on May 6th.{ It was henceforth accepted that the crown was to be regarded as patron or founder of the abbey, and therefore a royal congé delire, with its accom- panying fees and the retention of the temporalities, was necessary at every vacancy. In February, 1293, Edward I. tarried two or three days at Darley Abbey.§ In April, 1299, Walter de Upton made a grant to the abbey and convent of a messuage of eighty acres of land in Langecroft.|| Licence for alienation in mortmain to the abbey by Robert Careles was granted in March, 1309, of a messuage, twenty acres of land, four acres of meadow, two acres of pasture, and 6d. in rent at Allestre (Athelardestre).4 Walter de Furettour, who had long served the king, was sent to the abbey on August 25th, 1318, to receive such maintenance in their house as Richard Charlemoyn, deceased, had had in their house at the late king’s request.** * Fines, g Edw. I., April 13-28. t+ Pat. R. 12 Edw. I., m. 7d. Cal. ft Zo7d., 15 Edw. I., m. 12 Cal. § Patent Rolls. || Pat. R. 27 Edw. I., m. 32 Cal. Qi Jb7d., 2 Edw. I1., Pt. ii., m. 11 Cal. ** Close, 12 Edw. II., m. 29d. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 93 License was granted by the crown in May, 1327, to Robert, vicar of St. Peter’s, Derby, and Robert de Alastre, chaplain, to alienate to the abbey three messuages, three tofts and land, and rent in Burley, of the yearly value of 68s. 8d., in part satisfaction of a licence from Edward II. to acquire, in mortmain, land and rent to the yearly value of twenty marks.* On December 12th, 1330, the king wrote to the treasurers and barons of the Exchequer that the abbot of Darley had shown, by petition before him and his council in parliament, that the late king was indebted to him in 115s. od. for divers victuals (during his sojourn at the abbey in 1293), as appears by certain bills of the king’s wardrobe, and the abbot was indebted to the king’s exchequer in twenty marks for the voidance of the abbey, and that, therefore, this sum, if found correct, was to be deducted from the sum due for the voidance. F But on this very day, Roger de Coventry and Nicholas de Parwich, canons of Darley, brought news to Westminster of the death of their abbot, William de Alsop, which caused another voidance, and obtained leave to elect.t On February 3rd, 1331, the royal assent was given to the election of William de Clyfton, one of the canons, and the temporalities were restored on March 3rd.§ A long-standing tithe dispute between the abbey and the neighbouring church of Mackworth was brought to a conclusion in 1331 by Bishop Roger de Norbury during a_ personal visitation. Edmund Touchet, rector of Mackworth, then entered into a covenant whereby he expressed himself con- vinced by the evidences shown to him that the abbey was entitled to hold a place within the parish of Mackworth, gzz vulgariter vocatur Hastowe, tithe free, and he bound himself and his father, Sir Robert Touchet, patron of Mackworth, never to demand such tithes.|| *Pat., 1 Edw. III., pt. ii., m. 21 Cal. + Close R., 4 Edw. III., m. 9 Cal. ft Pat. R., 4 Edw. III., pt. ii., m. 24 Cal. § Pat. R., 5 Edw. III., pt. i., ms. 36, 26 Cal. || Titus C. ix., f. 145b. 94 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. Philip de Weston, king’s clerk, obtained letters on March 24th, 1331, to receive the pension due from the abbot and convent of Darley to one of the king’s clerks, by reason of the new creation of the abbot.* On July 16th, 1334, Henry de la Sale was sent to the abbot of Darley to receive such maintenance in the house as had been granted, at the request of the late king, to Richard Charlewayne, deceased. It would seem that Henry de la Sale did not take up his pensioner’s position here, or else his time was of brief duration, for in July, 1335, John Sewer, the king’s messenger, was sent to the abbot to receive such maintenance as had formerly been granted to Charlewayne.{ On July rst, 1339, the king promised to pay to the abbot of Darley, half at Michaelmas and half at Easter, £21 35., due for four sacks and six stone of wool, at t1oos. the sack, taken by Simon de Cestre, of Derby, and his fellows, appointed to take for the king a moiety of the wool in Derbyshire.§ The abbot of Darley was ordered, on September ist, 1340, to pay to Henry de Lancaster, Earl of Derby, £2,661 of 43,077 17s. 4d. of the money of the first year of the subsidy of the ninth of the county of Derby. The abbot had been appointed receiver of the subsidy in place of the prior of Thurgarton.|| In November, 1344, Pope Clement III. sent his mandate to the Archdeacon of Norwich and another, to cause to be observed the ordinances touching apostates in regard to John de Scellye, canon of Darley, who, having been maliciously thrust out of the monastery by the abbot, and then wearing the dress of a secular clerk, desired to be reconciled to his order.4] *Close R., 5 Edw. III., pt. i., m. 21d Cal. +Zbid., 8 Edw. III., m. 21d Cal. tZb7d., 8 Edw. III., m. 14d Cal. §Pat. R., 13 Edw. III., pt. ti., m. 38 Cal. || Close R., 14 Edw. III., pt. ii., ms. 44 7d Cal. | Cal. of Papal letters, i1i., 171. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ASBEY CIF DARLEY. 95 The old composition between the abbey and the Vicar of Wirksworth, respecting the tithes of Wigwell, was renewed in 1359 by vicar Robert Ireton, in the church of Wirksworth, before William Wryght, of Hopton, “notary public by apostolical and imperial authority.”* In November, 1379, the then large sum of £30 was paid for license to alienate in mortmain to the abbey, by Thomas Fraunceys, of Osmaston, clerk, and William of Monyash, clerk, 15 messuages, 240 acres of land, 4 acres of meadow, a rood of pasture, 20s. rofd. rent, and a rent of 1 Ib. of cinnamon in Thurleston, Alwaston, and Ambaston, of the yearly value of £6. In return for this endowment, the abbey covenanted to find a chaplain to celebrate daily in their conventual church for the good estate of William Sywet while living, for his soul after death, and for the souls of Sir Godfrey Foljambe, his ancestors and benefactors.t In 1501, a lease was granted by abbot John Ashby to Thomas Babington, of Dethick, of their tenement and chief place at Wigwell, with all lands, meadows, pastures, etc., thereto pertaining, for the term of forty-four years, at a yearly rental of £3 6s. 8d., the tenant to pay all out-rents and other charges, and to be responsible for repairs of buildings and maintenance of hedges.t{ The Valor of 1535, when Thomas Groves was abbot, gave the clear annual value of the abbey as £258 13s. 5d., which included the appropriated great tithes of Mackworth, Crich, South Wingfield, Pentrich, Bolsover, Scarcliffe, and St. Peter and St. Michael, Derby; tithes of lamb and wool in the parishes of Bolsover, Scarcliffe, and South Wingfield; and pensions from the churches of Brailsford and Uttoxeter. The annuities payable by the abbey were unusually numerous, and though mostly small in amount, reached a total of £26 16s. 14d. Among them may be named 5s. 6d. to the * Religuary, xvii., 165-7. The notary’s intricate mark is reproduced in facsimile. + Pat. R., 3 Rich. II., pt. ii., m. 33 Cal. } Reliquary, xvil., 168. 96 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. master of St. Leonard’s, Derby; 8s. to the nuns of Derby; £11 to the sub-dean of All Saints’; £4 13s. to the arch- deacon of Derby, for the procuration of all their churches: 12d. towards the sustenance of a lamp in Bolsover church during the winter; 12d. for straw for the church of Scarcliffe in the winter; and 3s. 8d. to the Lichfield boy bishop at Christmas. Darley abbey being well over £200 in annual value, escaped the earlier destruction of the lesser houses. ‘The cajoleries used at a later date to secure surrenders are illustrated by a letter from Thomas Thacker, Cromwell’s chief tool among Derbyshire residents, to his master, dated September 23rd, 1538, wherein he states that he had laboured for the past three months with the abbot of Darley, “where I was born, and where my poor Jands lie,” to surrender his house to the king; he hoped to shortly receive his letter of assent, and he begged his lordship to help him (Thacker) to the house and goods.* ? The actual “surrender” was signed on October 22nd, 1538, by Thomas Page, abbot; William Stanbage, prior; Richard Machyn, sub-prior; and ten other canons.t The surrender was made to Dr. Legh, the royal commissioner of evil repute. In the Augmentation Office Books is a full record of all the “Implements or Householde Stuffe corne catell Ornaments of the Churche and such other lyke,” pertaining to this monastery, which were sold to “Mr. Robt. Sacheverell, gent.,” on October 24th, 1538, by the king’s commissioners :—t{ The Churche.—¥yrst on fayre table before the bye aiter, ij tabernacles, i) great standers of laten, ij lampes, ij Candlestykes of Ieron, j great payre of Organs. The Chanons seates in the quire; ij other ould alters in our Lady Chapell or ylde, ij Candlestsykes of Brasse before the same alter, oulde setes in the seid Chapell, j Cloke, j great Crucyfyx, ij alters and 1} tables of Alebaster in seint Sythes Chapell and tymber about the same chapell and j Savryng bell sould for vj Zz. * Letters and Papers, Hen. VIII., xiii. (2) 408. + Dep. Keepers’ Reports, VIII., Append., ii., 16. }t Aug. Off. Misc. Books, clxxii., 50-60. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 97 Item all the pavyng ther the tombes and gravestones with the metell on them and the Roffes of the Churche and Ildes, the glasse and Teron ther also xx/z, Lhe Cloyster.—Item the Roffe ther glasse Ieronn pavyng stones frestones and the laver of laye metell soulde for x/. The Chapter House.—Item the glasse Ieron and pavyng stones and the Roffe ar soulde for xxs. The Frater.—Item v oulde tables, j bell, the Roffe glasse Ieron the pavyng, ij oulde Chestes, iij tubbes for ale—Ixvjs. viijd. The Vestrye.—Item j sute of ould wyte baudekynn, j sute of whyte counter set baudekynn ; j other sute all of Armes, j sute of blue chamblett, vj copes of dyvers sortes, ij sutes on of whyte fustiann the other of Gren say, v oulde alter clothes and iiij towells, soulde for xlviis. The bedsteads and bedding of ten chambers particularised as the Lowe, Glasse, Second, Great, Mayfield, and Servantes’ rooms, with four inner chambers, sold for a total of £4 17s. 4d. The furniture and utensils of the Hall, Buttery, Pantry, Parlour, Kitchen, Pastry, Larder, Brewhouse, Bakehouse, and “Blakehouse ” realised £16 4s. 2d. The grain (wheat, rye, barley, and pease) at the monastery and at Normanton Grange, together with fifty loads of hay at 2s. a load, was sold for £31 13s. 8d. As to the cattle, there were only “ij lame horses” at the monastery, which were valued at 5s. each, and seven horses and mares at Normanton Grange, at 46s. 8d. the lot. Twenty oxen at Darley realised 15s. each, whilst eighteen oxen at Normanton fetched 26s. 8d. the yoke. Ten “keyn” at Normanton sold for tos. apiece, and there were a large number of pigs at each place. The inventory also includes several wains and carts and the contents of the smith’s forge. A more important item was the six bells, which were sold for £30. The grand total amounted to £168 13s. 4d. “Rewards,” that is, gratuities for the immediate needs of the dismissed servants, and for the sustenance of the religious until their pensions arrived, were granted in accordance with the general custom. Thomas Page, the abbot, received £6 13s. 4d., William Stanbage, the prior, and five of the canons, 5os.; whilst. the 7 98 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. eight other canons only obtained 4os. Fifty-six servants, including the hinds and “a _ lytell pore boye,” received £23 8s. 8d. in varying amounts amongst them. The commissioners appear to have thoroughly enjoyed themselves, for the large sum of £9 10s. 4d. was entered “in lutes bought and spente at the tym of the Commissioners being ther for to dyssolve the seid late monastery,” etc. “ one Among the goods that then remained unsold were Crosstuffe and ij Chaleses gylte wayenge, xcilj 0z.; Vv spones one chales and a pye all Whyteplate wayenge xxxvj oz.; clx fother of lead valued at cxl li.” The pensions assigned by the Commissioners to the religious were £50 to the abbot; £6 13s. 4d. to the prior; £6 to the sub-prior and to two other canons; £5 6s. 8d. to three canons; and £5 each to the remaining five canons. In addition to the pensions proper bestowed upon the ejected religious, various annuities or pensions were coolly granted to outsiders, as was often done by these monastic commissioners elsewhere. “My lorde of Shrewsburye” obtained an annuity of 66s. 8d. chargeable on the estates of the dissolved abbey, as also did various other laymen. It is- pleasant to find an annual grant of 26s. 8d. assigned to “Thomas Tutman, schoolmaster,” as that may be taken as evidence of some provision made by the canons for the instruction of the young. There is, however, one thoroughly discreditable annuitant in the list. The two commissioners for this dissolution and for the two other Derbyshire houses of Dale and Repton were Dr. Legh and William Cavendish, the latter acting as accountant; and yet they had the face to write down an annuity of £6 13s. 4d. to “Mr. Doctor Legh.” It is satisfactory to know that Legh and Cavendish got into serious trouble over their accounts in winding up these three houses and others, it being proved that the latter had made entries (apparently among the “rewards”) after the clerks had withdrawn.* - * Letters and Papers, Henry VIIL., xiii. (2), 1233. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 99 The site was made over to Robert Sacheverell, as holder for the crown, by the commissioners on October 24th. Two years later it was granted by the crown to Sir William West, and has since, like so much monastic site property, changed hands with remarkable frequency. The pension roll of 2 and 3 Philip and Mary* shows that pensions were still being paid in 1555 to the prior, sub-prior, and three other of the former canons. The annuities to the Earl of Shrewsbury and to various lay folk were also continued. There are two impressions of the seal of Darley abbey at the British Museum attached to documents of the years 1524 and 1535, and another attached to the surrender at the Public Record Office, but none are perfect. The abbey apparently continued to use a thirteenth century seal up to the last. It is a pointed oval, and represents the Blessed Virgin, with nimbus, seated on a throne; the right hand supports the Holy Child, and in the left is an orb with sceptre terminating in a fleur-de-lys. The legend, when perfect, has read: “Sigillum : sante : marie : de : Derbye.” ABBOTS OF DARLEY. The following is a list of the abbots of Darley; it is considerably extended and amended from that given in Dugdale’s Monasticon. Each name in cited from the original MS. evidences :— Albinus : : ‘ : . (1160). William : : : : : (1192). Henry F : : ; : Ob. 1229. Ralph de Leicester 3 , , 1229-1247. Walter de Walton : ; : 1247. Andrew . : g : , (1259). William de Wymondham. F 1260-1275. Henry de Kedleston . ; : 1275-1287. William de Alsop j : ; 1287-1330. * Add. MSS. 5082. William de Clifton* 1330-1353. Laurence de Burton 1353-1383. Thomas de Haddon 1383-1392. John de Ashburne 1392-1401. Simon de Repingdon . 1401-1432. Wystan Port 1432-1436. John Overton 1436-1438. John Wylne 1438- Roger de Newton 1453. Henry de Killingsworth 1453-1477. John Ashby 1477-1518. Henry Wyndeley 1518-1524. Thomas Grevys (or Groves) 1524- d Thomas Page (1538). 100 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. THE CHARTULARY OF DARLEY ABBEY. The Cottonian manuscript volume lettered Titus C ix. opens with a short fifteenth century ehartulary of Evesham Abbey which covers thirty-nine folios. From folios 40 to 166, that is to the end of the volume, is a chartulary of Darley Abbey of about the beginning of the reign of Edward I. It is beauti- fully written, with rubricated headings, and is for the most part as clean as when it left the scribe’s hands. The first new folios are somewhat confused by careless binding, but it is all regular from fo. 50. There are several interpolations in later hands. For convenience of reference, the chartulary is divided into various sections, the folios of each section being headed by initial red letters, which run from A to P; this is an original arrangement. The following pages give transcripts of the rubricated headings throughout the chartulary. Where there are brackets, these headings are missing, and the words supplied are a brief summary of such entries. fo. 39. Transcriptum carte quam Willelmus Joseph habet de terra sub Bikerwode. * Called William Giffard in Lich. Epis. Reg., Norbury, f. 69b. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY, IOI Transcriptum de redditu Sacrist’. Transcriptum carte in feovacione Magistri Roberti de Derbeia de Simone filio Ricardi. 39> De parva Oggedestone. Transcriptum carte W. de Oggedestone. Item. [Mem? 1250 as to homage to the abbat by W. de Oggedestone. | Willelmus le Ferun de tribus tenementis in Derbeia. 40. De secta ad molendina de Horsele. De capella de Osmunde. [Peter, rector of St. Peter's, Derby, Walter, abbot of Darley, W. Gernun, chaplain of Osmaston. One mark of silver to the abbey, in recognition of its union with the mother church. | Transcripta cartarum Alexandri de Lowes. 40> De capella de Boltone. Concordia [de advocatione ecclesie de Boltone]. [Carta] Roberti filii Gode. 41. [Two charters relating to Chilewell and Wystanton. ] 41> Taxacio bonorum temporalium Abbatis de Derleia in Arch’ Derbeye. 42. Bollesovera [de castro et villa]. 42> [Memoranda relating to the same place]. 43-46» [Calendar of names in the charters that follow.] 47. De libertatibus Ecclesie nostre per Regis concessionem. 47> Compositio inter Abbatem et Conventum de Derleye et W. de Draycote Vicarium de Cruche, 1278. [Memorandum respecting Dichfeld.] 48. Terra de Sandiacre in particulis. [Memorandum de terris in Derbeia. ] 48> [Grant from King Edw. (III.) to Derleye, to hold land.] [Grant from Roger de Assheleghay of lands in Derby, 1360. | 49. [Grant from Edw.(III.) to James Saule and Roger Chaumburleyn to hold lands in Derby.] [Grants from the persons here named of lands in Derby. | 102 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. fo. 49' fo. 50. fo 50 four ar: Os FO 52: Blank. Confirmacio Johannis de la Cornere. Confirmacio Petri filii Petri Ingram. Transcriptum carte quam Henricus filius Hugonis decani habuit de nobis. Transcriptum carte quam Walterus filius predicti Henrici habuit de nobis. Transcriptum carte quam Petrus Ingram habuit de predicto Waltero. [Grant from the Abbot to Petronilla fil’ Petri filii Gode of a messuage in Derby. | Carta Johannis filii Ricardi de Sandyacre. Munimenta nostra de Molendino de Copecastel in Derbeia. Inter Ricardum de Sandiacre et Robertum le bey. Carta Ricardi de Sandiacre de una marca annul redditus, salvis sibi ij* Processu temporis Roberti le Bey quietum clamavit predicto WJ{ill’ fil. Joseph de Breyd’] et Margerie uxore sue dictam molendinam per cartam sub- scriptam. Anno domini M°CC?lx tercio regni vero regis H. fil. regis Johannis xl. septimo ante conflictum de Cestrefelde fere per tres annos predictus Willelmus feoffavit Abbatem et conventum de Derleia de dictis molendinis per cartam suam subscriptam. Quieta clamacio Margerie de Breydone. Quieta clamacio Margerie de Luyak. Quieta clamacio Johannis de Luyak. Confirmacio G. de Dethek. [Writ to inquire respecting a mill held by W. de Breyde deceased. Inquisition held. Writ to inquire about lands held by Will’ Josep de Breyde at the time of his death. Inquisition held. Another writ to inquire about the said matters.] Rubric: “Ad hoc breve responsum fuit per Vicecomitem quod HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 103 fos 52” fo. 53. diligenter inquisivit a ballivis et burgensibus Derbeie si dictus Rex [Henricus] haberet talia molendina in Derbeia et responderunt quod non.” [Another writ and inquisition. | Confirmacio domini regis. [Grant from the Abbot of D. to Ralph de Proudfot of lands in Derby. ] Munimenta nostra de terris et tenementis quondam Johannis de Londonia. Carta ejusdem de vj®* et de Andresflat. Idem de octo Solidis. Idem de gardino cum orreo. Confirmacio G. de Dethek de Andresflat. Confirmacio P. Ingram et Johannis de la Cornere de terris et tenementis predictis. fo. 53” Confirmacio de advocacione ecclesie S. Petri. fo. 54. Oe AP Transcriptum feoffamenti quod Clemens le Cinier habuit de Johanne de London’. Littera dicti Johannis ad predictum Clementem. Inter Johannem de London et Willelmum de Tutte- buria. Littera dicti Johannis ad predictum W. Inter nos et Willelmum de Tuttebury. Transcriptum carte quam H. de Notingham habet de nobis de gardino cum orreo. Carta H. de Notingham de j selda* et de ij solidis. Confirmacio de gardino cum orreo et le Brynke. Quieta Clamacio H. le Gaunt’. [This page contains a concession from Walter, Bishop of Chester, to the Abbat of Darley, respecting tithes, with memoranda thereon and a bull of Pope John to the Prior of Kenilworth upon a similar subject. | * Selaa=Taberna mercatoria, or a shop. 104 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. fo. fo. 55” fo. LOG On: fo. Soy Carta Petri de Sandiacra de nova terra in Derbeia. Carta Petri de Sandiacra de una_acra terre que vocatur Capacre. Quieta clamatio Albrede filie Petri de Sandiacra de dimidia marca. Carta Ricardi de Rustone filii Willelmi. Carta Ricardi filii Petri de Sandiacre. Carta Ricardi filii Petri de Sandiacra de servitis Hugonis filii Asgari. Item alia carta ejusdem Ric’ filii Petri. Itam alia carta ejusdem Ricardi. Idem de homagio Willelmi de Burl’. Litere ejusdem R. directe W. de Burl’ super dicto homagio. Memorandum quod Henricus decanus de Derbeia habuit cartam de Albino abbate et conventu de toto tene- mento suo tenendo de nobis, reddendo inde nobis xij denarios annuos ad Pentecosten. Memorandum quod talis inquisicio facta fuit super ecclesiam Sancti Petri Derbeie. Carta Henrici filii Hugonis decani de tribus essartis. Carta ejusdem de prato quod vocatur Brinke. Idem de una cultura cum fonte de Francwelle. Petrus filius Henrici Decani de eadem cultura. Walterus filius Henrici decani de una cultura. Robertus filius Roberti decani de dimidia marca de molendino qui vocatur prestesmulne. Idem de quarta parte molendini de Querendone. Memorandum quod dominus Robertus le Vavasur hujusmodi scriptum habet de nobis. Petrus filius Roberti Decani de tota tenura sua in Derbeia. Matilda filia Roberti decani de Derbeia. Inter nos et Willelmum de Coventre. Quieta clamacio Johanne le Vavasur de quarta parte molendini de Querendone. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 105 fo. 58. Matilda quene de i11j°* denariis annuis. Conventio inter nos et Simonem filium Susanne de uno tofto in Wallestre. Inter nos et Adam textorem. Walkelinus et Goda. fo. 58> Robertus filius Gode de medietate tocius terre sua in fo. 59. fess): fo. 60. mio. Go” fo. 61. campis Derbeie. Idem de omnibus ad ipsum pertinentibus. Inter nos et Walkelinum de Derbeia. Inter nos et eundem Walkelinum de una schoppa in foro. Carta Willelmi filii Petri de iij solidis et xid. in Marperle. Inter nos et Henricum Walk. Augustinum et Petrum filium Petri filii Gode de Derbeia transcriptum. [Memorandum of the grant of a mill to the Abbey by the heirs of Master Henry de Derby.] Carta quam Herewardus pelliparius (tanner) habuit de Walkelino monetario. Transcriptum carte quam Robertus filius Aluredi habet de nobis. Hec fuit medietas illius mesuagii quod Robertus filius Aluredi tenuit. Inter nos et Johannem de Chambr’. Inter nos et heredes Magistri Henrici, de Derbeia. [Suit of the Abbot and Convent against William de Wylne, of Derby, and others, respecting a messuage there. | [A plea of the said Abbot against Magister Ralph Swyfte, of Derby, and others, respecting lands in Derby. ] Petrus filius Hujonis de Burlege de tofto quem accepit cum uxore in Derbeia. Idem super eodem. Confirmatis Willelmi de Russale de eodam tofto. Inter nos et Rogerum predicatorem de Derbeia. Carta Rogeri clerici de dimidia acra terre quam dedit Hugoni capellano. 106 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. 61>: 62. 62>: 63. 63" 64. 64) Carta Rogeri predicatoris de ixd. annuis. Inter nos et eundem R. de i placia terre in Derbeia. Rogerus Duredent de uno burgagio quem dedit Isolde sponse sue et cui assignare voluerit. Inter nos et Thomam Juvenem. Henricus de Leyrcestre de vjd annuis. Willemus bonus homo de xviij denariis annuis. Willelmus filius Ingeram de uno tofto et de v_ sol. annuis et etiam de quodam dimidio tofto. Inter nos et Walterum de Londone de illo tofto ex dono Willelmi Igram. Inter nos et Willelmum de Meleburne sisiorev de illo dimidio tofto quod Willelmus Igram nobis dedit. Inter nos et Ceciliam de Chelardestone. Transcriptum carte Willelmi Basset Inter nos et Galfridum de Dethec de communa pasture de Luttchurche. Henricus de Derbeia capellanus de terra que vocatur brinke in campo de Adelastre. Willelmus filius Simonis Basset de vjd. annuis. Idem Willelmus habet tale scriptum de nobis. Tianscriptum carte Nicholai Aluredi. Inter nos et Galfridum de Dethek. Carta Henrici le Cuuer de Derbeia. Inter nos et Henricum le Cuuer. Inter nos et Radulfum Fatteneye. Quieta clamacio Petri Swyft sutoris. Blank. Soror Alitia de ij toftis in Waldewico. Inter nos et Hawisiam neptem sororis Alicii de uno tofto in Derbeia. Inter nos et Thomam de Thamewurthe de uno mes- uagio in Derbeia. Recognitio Samuelis filii Randulfi de Derbeia de xvujd. annuis. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 107 Inter nos et Thomam filium Ranulfi de Derbeia de xviujd. annuis. Sieritha de Derbeia de uno tofto in eadem. fo. 65. Inter nos et Rogerum sellarium de viijd. annuis. Rogerus filius Radulfi de xijd. annuis. Idem de tribus burgagiis in Derbeia prope forum. Thomas filius Alexandri Hauselin de uno mesuagio in Derbeia. Isabella uxor dicti Alexandri de dicto mesuagio. Idem Alexander de octo acris terre in mora que est inter Boltone et Osmundestone. fo. 65° Carta Thome Hauselin in una placia terre in campo de Bolton in escambio pro alia placea in campo de Alwaldestone. Inter nos et Robertum de Sallowe de uno tofto in villa de Derbeia. Compositio inter nos et Sierid de Langele. Willelmus filius Herewardi de uno tofto in Derbeia et de dimidia acra ultra Derewentam. fo. 66. Inter nos et Johannem et Simonem maritos Agnetis et Edeline filfiarum ?] Herewardi de medietate omnium terrarum ipsas contingentium. Carta Alduse uxoris Salomonis de Derbeia et Ricardi et Radulfi filiorum suorum de uno tofto in Derbeia. Carta Simonis filii Thome de uno mesuagio in Derbeia. Carta Ricardi filii Salomonis de uno tofto juxta Twigrist. Idem de xijd. annuis quos dedit Simoni filio Thome. Recognitio Ede Osmundestone de vjd. annuis. Hugo filius Simonis de ij toftis in heya et de uno _tofto super Oddebroc et de una acra terre et dimidia. fo. 66> Doda filia Colle de quadam parte tofti in Derbeia. Rogerus filius Walteri et Emma uxor ejus de quadam parte tofti in Baggelone. idem de uno obolo annuo. 108 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. Moniales Derbie de quodam tofto in Baggelone. Willelmus de Winlege de uno tofto in Darbeia. fo. 67. Hugo decanus de uno tofto in Anglo cimiterii ecclesie Sancti Michaeli in Derbeia. Willelmus filius Joseph de Stagno. Idem W. de ho. et servitio Roberti Seliman et de xillj acris terre sub Bikerwode. Idem de tota terra quam habuit in villa de Derbeia. idem W. de dimidia acra in territorio de Adelardestre cum lapifodina (quarry). fo. 67> Quieta clamatio Roberti filii Joseph de jure suo quod habuit in uno tofto in Darbeia. Andreas filius Petri de uno tofto in Derbeia. Willelmus filius Herberti de duabus acris terre in campo de Derbeia [in Cappecroft]. Idem W. de una dimidia acra terre in campo de Derbeia. Hugo Sellarius de sex denariis annuis. Radulfus filius Walkelini de jure suo quod habuit in tofto juxta mansum Sancte Helene. fo. 68. Quieta clamatio Willelmi et Philippi filiit Henrici de Molendino de Twigrist. Quieta clamatio eorumdem W. et Ph’ de eodem molendino. Quieta clamatio Rogeri filii Radulfi filii Leviane de tofto quod Rogerus le Hopper tenuit et de dimidio tofto quod Robertus filtus Radulfi tenuit. Carta Gode Colle de xijd annuis de legarto Rogeri filii Galfridi Colle. Carta Matildis Colle de vjd annuis percipiendis de tofto quod Hugo decanus emit de Doda Colle. Inter nos et Adam del Cleys de uno mesuagio juxta Twigrist in Derbeia. fo. 68% Inter nos et Thomam de Wylne pistorem in Derbeia. Carta Galfridi apparatoris de Derby. Carta Hugonis de Stretlege de dimidia acra in lapifodina. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 109 fo. 69. Inter nos et Nicholaum de albatorem de Derbeia. Inter nos et Willelmum Brun de Derbeia. Inter nos et Th’ de Thurlestona. fo. 69> Inter nos et Ricardum de Russale capellanum. Carta Emme de Ruschale. Inter nos et Robertum de Suttone. [Inter nos et Willelmum de Stoke.] fo. 7o. [Carta Cristiane relicte Roberti Ferthyng. ] Inter nos et Robertum de Querdon. Inter nos et Rogerum Boddyng. Inter nos et Willelmum Bewylde. Quieta clamacio Thome Cayam. Inter nos et Robertum Hervi. Inter nos et Willelmum de Stoke. fo. 7o% Carta Nicholai juvenis de uno tofto in nova terra. Carta Ricardi Willbi de uno tofto in nova terra. Inter nos et Willelmum fullonem de Derbeia de uno tofto in nova terra. Inter nos et Walterum Caretarium de uno dimidio tofto in nova terra. Inter nos et Robertum Fatteneye de uno tofto in nova terra. fo. 71. Inter nos et Gervasium ferrarium de uno tofto in nova terra. Inter nos et Robertum filium Radulfi de duobus toftis et dimidio in nova terra. Inter nos et Eustachium de Baseforde de uno dimidio tofto in nova terra. Carta Emme de Derleia de uno dimidio tofto in nova terra. fo. 71> Carta Mariote filie Willelmi Stikehare de uno dimidio tofto in inferiori nova terra. Inter nos et Emmam le Lafful de uno tofto et dimidio in nova terra. Inter nos et Willelmum filium Rogeri de Stanforde de uno tofto in nova terra. I10 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY GF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. LOR 7/2: fo... 72 fo. 73. for.g3h fo. 74. Inter nos et . . . . de uno tofto in nova terra. Inter nos et Nicholaum filium Henrici Carectarii de uno tofto in nova terra. Inter nos et Gilbertum Palmar’ de uno tofto in nova terra. Magister Willelmus juvenis tenet tanquam heres. Inter nos et Walterum de London’ de wno tofto in nova terra. Inter nos et Cristianam filiam Simonis de uno tofto in nova terra. Inter nos et Adam del Cley de uno dimidio tofti in nova terra. Inter nos et Rogerum filium Roberti filii Radulfi. Rogerus filius Brun de Derbeia habet tale scriptum de nobis. Inter nos et Johannem Cayn. Inter nos et eundem. Inter nos et Rogerum leyri de Derby. Inter nos et Galfridum le Graunt de Derby. Inter nos et Hugo, le Hoppere. Inter nos et Willelmum Maiden de uno dimidio tofto in Heya. Inter nos et Radulfum filium Reginaldi Popet de uno dimidio tofto in heya. Inter nos et Willelmum Culbot de uno dimidio tofto in Heya. Inter nos et Willelmum de Chadd’ de vno dimidio ° tofto. Inter nos et Willelmum filium Willelmi Bilbi de uno dimidio tofto. Inter nos et Herveum le Vach’ de uno tofto in heya. Inter nos et Ricardum filium Hugonis le Tollere de quadam parte tofti in heya. Inter nos et Rogerum fabrum filium Willelmi balle de uno tofto in heya. Inter nos et Willelmum filium Ricardi de Lange- novere de uno dimidio tofto in Heya. ” HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. ITI fo. 74> Inter nos et Willelmum Cubboc de uno dimidio tofto fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. iD" 76. 77: Fy 78. 78” 79- cum pertinentiis in inferiori Heya. Inter nos et Adam filium Inge de uno-tofto in Heya. Inter nos et Robertum filium Ade de Spondone pistorem de uno dimidio tofto in le Heye. Inter nos et Willelmum de Kersantone de uno dimidio tofto in nova terra de Derby. Inter nos et Willelmum filium Jordani. Inter nos et Walterum le Coypher. Inter nos et priorem de Bermundeseia. Inter nos et canonicos Ecclesie Ecclesie (s?¢) omnium Sanctorum Derby. Inter nos et fratres Sancti Leonardi. Recognitio eorumdem fratrum de quatuor validorum et vjd annuis. ‘ Inter nos et predictos fratres de tota tenura quam Petrus filius Roberti nobis dedit. Inter nos et predictos fratres de ij seldis cum placiis adjacentibus. Inter nos et eosdem fratres. Episcopus ad eosdem fratres. [A memorandum respecting an agreement between the Abbot of Darley and the brethren of St. Leonard’s, Derby, about rents; 8 Edw. II.] Inter nos et fratres Sancte Helene. Inter nos et eosdem fratres. Carta Hugonis de Muschampe de gardino juxta Sanctam Helenam in Derby. Tale scriptum habet idem H. de nobis. Item tale scriptum habet idem H. de nobis. Inter nos et moniales Derbeie. Inter nos et predictas moniales. Compositio inter nos et Canonicos de Stanleye de decimis. Inter nos et predictos canonicos. Inter nos et Rogerum Trilloc. Inter nos et eundem. Inter nos et Radulfum le Breton et uxorem ejus. I12 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. fo. 79>: fo. 80. fo. 80>: fo. 81. fo. 81> fo. 82. fo. 82> Rogerus de Lindesey de j mesuagio in Derby. Quieta clamacio Pagani ad Pontem de Derby. Radulfus de Thamworthe capellanus. Isolda filia Petri Ingram de Derby. Renuntiatio Prioris et conventus de Schelforde super ecclesia sancti Michaelis in Derby. Prior et conventus de Schelforde de dimidia marca annuali pro medietate Ecclesie de Muscham. Inter nos et Priorem et Conventum de Schelforde super decimis de Aylwastone et Alwaldestone. [Continuation of the last deed.] Inter nos et Willelmum de Amboldestone manentem in Derby. Concessio Magistri Roberti de Bedeforde de stagno nostro et exclusa ex parte Cestrie. Confirmatio Capituli Lincolnie de eodem. Inter nos et dictum capitulum super decimis de Wiggewalle. Quere novam compositionem super. [This deed is crossed through. ] Inter nos et Gilbertum de Notingham de uno tofto in inferior1 Waldewico. Inter nos et Robertum filium Colle de una schoppa in foro Derby in excambio pro alia schoppa. Inter nos et Willelmum de Chaddestene de una cultura terre in Chaddesdene. Inter nos et Willelmum filium Hugonis de uno tofto in Derby. Inter nos et Ranulfum molendinarium de uno tofto in Derby juxta mansum sancte Helene. Inter nos et Willelmum longenovere de uno tofto in Derby juxta mansum sancte Helene. Inter nos et Jordanum fullonem de Derby de uno tofto juxta Oddebroc. Carta Willelmi de Chaddisdene clerici de una dimidia acra terre in campo versus parcum de Marketone. Carta Simonis filii Benedicti pelliparii de Derby. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. I13 fo. 83. Inter nos et Willelmum de Ambastone. Carta Reginaldi de Derby capellani de duobus solidis annui redditus. Conventio inter nos et dominam Ceciliam de Codintone. Inter nos et Henricum de le Foulowes de Derby. fo. 83% Carta Nicholai Juvenis de dimidio tofto in Wallestrete. Carta Roberti de Sancto Petro de uno tofto et dimidio et de una acra prate et dimidio. Carta ejusdem R. de uno tofto et ij dimidiis toftis. fo. 84. Carta Roberti Vicarii Ecclesie beati Petri in Derby de i tofto in Derby. Carta ejusdem R. de uno tofto et dimidio datis ad spes. Confirmatio Eustachii filii Henrici decani de dicto tofto et quieta clamacio servitii inde debiti. Inter nos et Johannem Chatel. Confirmatio et quieta clamatio Petri filii Eustachii de predicto tofto et servitio. Inter nos et Henricum pistorem de illa placia tofti que Robertus de Sancto Petro nobis dedit. fo. 84> Inter nos et Henricum lorinarium de una salda mer- catoria cum duabus schoppis. Inter nos et eundem H. de uno dimidio tofto in nova terra. Item inter nos et eundem H. de selda Walkelini. Item inter nos et eundem Henricum de uno tofto in nova terra. Idem H. donat ij acras et i toftum cum edificiis. fo. 85. Carta Henrici lorimar de Derby. Isti sunt redditus annui provenientes de tenementis que N. le lorimer tenet in Derby. fo. 85> Inter nos et Nicholaum le loriner de Derby. Inter nos et eundem Nicholaum. fo. 86. [Grant from the Abbot to N. fil. Henrici le lorimer.] [Grant from Nic. fil’ lorimar’ to Robert fil. Ricardi Ruf. | 114 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. [Grant from Rob. fil. Hen. de Oulgreve to Robert fil’ Ric’ le Carpenter. | [Covenant dat. 1352 between William de Clifton, Abbot of Derleye, and John de Bredone. |] fo. 86> Inter nos et Hen. Lomb de Derby. fo. 87. [Grant from Roger Gery to the Abbey of Derleye.] [Covenant between William, Abbot of Derleye, and Richard de Oulbrugge, dat. 1289.] Inter nos et Petrum filium Henrici de Clays de una placia terre. Carta Johannis le tanur. Inter nos et Henricum le Brabacun de una placia terre in Derby. Carta Alicie Geri de uno sellione terre in campis de Derby. Hugo filius Hugonis de Morlege de tribus solidis annuis. fo. 87> Leticia filia Nigelli Baldewin de una selda cum placia fo. 88. adjacente in mercato Derbeye. Emma filia Nigelli Baldewin de una selda cum placia adjacente in mercato de Derby. Inter nos et Henricum Bene de duabus partibus unius tofti in Derby. De decimis Molendini de Copecastel. Carta Simonis le Weyte de Donington et Agnetis uxoris sue. Walterus Pyulf confirmat nobis duas partes terre cum Warantya. Petrus filius Pagani de Derbi capellanus de uno tofto in Derbeia et de servitio quod Cecilia filia Philippi sibi facere debuit. Magister Gerardus de dumis* de Brunilveston. Henricus filius Nicholai de Chambreis super dictis dumis de Brunelveston. * Dumus=a thicket, fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. I15 Confirmatio ejusdem H. de predictis dumis. 88” (Juieta clamatio Hugonis de Duffelde de terra de Brunelveston. Idem Hugo. Inter nos et [Adam de Duffeld] de xij acris terre de Burl’. Inter nos et Willelmum le Corner de Derby, de terra de Brunelveston. 89. Carta Willelmi de Burl’ de escambio iiij acrarum terre. Carta Willelmi de Burl et Warantia de terra que fuit Alani Noel. Carta ejusdem W. de Tofto ex quatuor acris in Burleya. 89” Johannes de Breydesale de Roberto blundo et de tota terra quam tenuit. Henricus persona de Derleya de eisdem. Inter nos et dictum Robertum Blundum. [Inter nos et paganum de Deneby. |] Inter nos et Radulfum blundum de Kyolesleya. go. Inter nos et Willelmum Rosel de Daneby. Inter nos et Ricardum de Mosleya de j placia versus magnum pontem in Derby. go’ Carta Henrici de Burl’. [Carta Roberti filii Simonis Colle de Derby.] [Carta Hugonis de Gurney manens in Boltone. | gt. Inter nos et parochianos de Alwastone. Obligacio Hugonis Gurney et Heredum suorum. gt» Inter nos et Hugonem Gurney. Confirmatio G. de Dethek. Confirmatio predicti Hugonis. Confirmatio Roberti de Saucheverel de terris Willelmi filii Ricardi. 92. Robertus de Haregreve de terris in Alwaldeston. Idem de ij sellionibus. Idem de dimidia acra prati. 116 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF .DARLEY. i0..92 fo. 93- Stephanus filius burge de Alwaldestone. Idem S. de duabus acris terre et dimidia acra prati. Idem de duabus acris terre in campo de Alwaldeston. Idem de ij acris terre super Sudenfen. Idem de una dimidia acra prati. Idem de una acra que vocatur Goldacra. Idem de una acra prati in prato de Alwaldestone. Robertus Lambekin de una forera terre in territorio de Alwaldeston. Item de una roda terre. Item de una dimidia acra terre. Item de iiijo* sellionibus terre et una acra et dimidia prati. Robertus filius Hugonis de una dimidia acra terre et alia dimidia acra prati. Idem de quinque sellionibus terre. Item de una roda prati. Inter nos et Galfridum filium Arnaldi de Alwaldestone. Willelmus filius G. de uno tofto et Crofto et duabus acris terre et de dimidia acra prati. Idem de una dimidia acra terre arabilis. Idem de una dimidia acra prati. fo. 93% Cecilia de Alwaldestone de una forera terre in campo de Alwaldestone. Robertus filius Rogeri donat unam rodam terre Willelmo de Plumtre. Petrus filius Willelmi de Thurlistone de una acra prati. Matilda filia Roberti de Alwaldestone. Henricus filius Ernaldi de una roda terre cum tofto et crofto in Alwaldestone. Johannes de Wibulvilla de duabus solidis annuis. fo. 94. Inter nos et Willelmum Seminatorem de tofto et crofto in Alwaldestone. Ricardus Wildi de tofto et crofto in Alwaldestone. Anabilia filia Willelmi seminatoris de una acra terre in Alwaldestone. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. I17 fo. g4> fo. 95. fo. 95> fo. 96. fo. g6 Simon tinctor de uno denario annuo. Ricardus filius Hugonis le tollere de una acra et roda terre. Inter nos et Robertum Sacheverel super Capella de Boltone. ; Quieta clamatio Andree de Aluuastone. [Excambium inter nos et Paganum de Alwaldeston. | Oliverus Sacheverel de xij solidis annuis. Recognicio Ricardi de Boltone officiarii de principali legato de parochianis capelle de Boltone. Confirmatio Patricii Sacheverel de omnibus terris quas habemus de feodo Willelmi filii Ricardi de Boltone. Henricus filius Petri de homagio et servitio Galfridi filii Arnaldi de Alwaldestone. Idem Henricus de ij acris terre in campo de Boltone. Idem H. de tribus sellionibus terre in campo de Boltone. Idem H. de j acra prati. Idem H. de iiij acris prati in Calverdoles. Idem de duobus sellionibus et de una placia terre in campo de Osmundestone. Idem de una acra terre. Idem de sellionibus terre. Willelmus filius Ricardi de Boltone de homagio et servitio Radulfi de Frecheville et de xj acris terre et dimidia et de iij acris prati et dimid’. Idem de homagio et servitio predicti R. de Frecheville. Idem de tofto cum crofto in villa de Boltone. Idem de quinque sellionibus terre. Idem de ij acris terre et de dimidia acra prati. Idem de tribus acris terre cum pertinentiis in Bolton. Idem de una acra terre et de ix sellionibus cum forera. Idem de quinque sellionibus terre. Idem de v. sellionibus terre. Idem de tribus sellionibus terre. 118 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. fo. 97- fomto7”; fo. 98. fo. 98> Willelmus filius Roberti de Chelardestone de sex sellionibus terre et de una acra prati. Idem de tribus acris terre et dimidia. Idem de una acra terre. Carta Henrici filii Petri. Carta Ricardi filii Simonis. Robertus filius Simonis de Boltone de terra que vocatur Ankeput. Carta Henrici le Symple. Stephanus filius Burge confirmat nobis predictam acram terre quia fuit de feodo suo. [Here follows a list of the lands of Stephanus Burga. ] Carta Elye de Osmundestone de prato de Brademere. Quieta clamacio Thome filii Elye. Carta ejusdem Elye de una acra prati in Sidefen. Carta Elye de Osemundistune de una dimidia acra terre. Idem de una placia pasture. Helias de Osmundestone de ij sellionibus. Idem de una acra terre. Transcriptum carte quam dictus Helias habet de nobis. Robertus filius Fulcheri de Osmundestone de una dimidia bovata terre in Stantone. Johanna filia Roberti filii Fulcheri de una acra terre. Willelmus filius Roberti de Osmundestone de quodam crofto in Osmundestone. Idem de tribus acris terre. Idem de una dimidia acra. Idem de quinque sellionibus terre. {dem de uno tofto cum crofto. Robertus filius Herberti de Osmundestone de una roda terre. Matilda filia Thurgunde de duobus denariis annuis. Stephanus capellanus de Chelardestone de j dimidia acra prati. Inter nos et Willelmum Fraunceys. Carta Ede filie Simonis de Spondone. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. I19 fo. 99. Henricus persona de Spondone de una bovata terre in Hultone. Confirmatio Roberti de Tok [Toker ?] de dicta bovata terre in Hultone. Henricus filius Hugonis le Poer de homagio et servicio Henrici filii Petri de Spondone. Magister Henricus filius Petri de Derby de duabus bovatis terre in Chaddesdene. Inter nos et Nicholaum de Breydeshale super dictis duabus bovatis terre in Chaddesdene. fo. gg’ Idem de homagio et servicio Walteri de Morleya. Inter nos et Radulfum filium Nicholai de Dala. Robertus filius Nicholai de Chadesdene de homagio et servitio Radulfi Knicht de Breydeshale. Johannes de Bakepuz de terra de Broctone que vocatur Ketelistanflat. Nicholaus le Granger de tribus solidis annuis. fo. 100. Memorandum quod Thomas filius Petri de Bartone fo. 100°: fo. 101. fo. ror: tenet de nobis terram subscriptam Memorandum quod dictus Radulfus filius Nicholai de Dala habet (sic) hujus scriptum de Roberto filio Nicholai. Inter nos et Robertum Sacheverell pro capella. Inter nos et eundem pro capellano providendo. Inter nos et parochianos de Boltone. Inter nos et Henricum Symple. Inter nos et parochianos de Normantone et Osmun- destone. Carta Ralphi de Merstone de quatuor sellionibus terre. Idem Radulphus donat unam culturam que dicitur Meduweflat. Idem de servitio unius denarii annui. Henricus de Merstone filius et heres ejusdem R. con- firmat omnes donationes ejusdem R. patris sui. Idem super eadem re. Idem de una acra terre. 120 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. fo. 102. fo. 102»: fo. 103. ab. fo. 103 Philippus filius Radulfi de Merstone de tribus rodis terre. Idem de una cultura que dicitur Meduefiat. Idem de una acra terre. Idem de una acra prati. Idem de una acra terre et de Heya. Willelmus filius Radulfi de Merstone de una acra terre. Idem de una acra terre cum corpore suo. Thomas de Sidenfen de iiij* sellionibus terre et de una acra et dimidia. Willelmus filius Ricardi de Normantone de una acra terre. Idem de tribus sellionibus terre. Radulfus sellarius de tribus acris terre. Simon Colling de una dimidia acra terre. Robertus filius Symonis Colling. Margeria de Codintone de una roda terre. Radulfus filius Reginaldi de tribus rodis terre. Willelmus filius Osberti de tribus rodis terre. Leticia filia Willelmi clerici de una dimidia acre terre cum corpore suo. : David filius Henrici de Normantone. [Confirmatio terrarum. | Carta Margarie de Normantone de una dimidia acra terre. Petrus filius Aluredi Gris de Derby de duabus acris et tribus rodis terre. P Henricus le Bader de novem acris et tribus rodis. Idem de j acra. Idem de una dimidia acra terre. Idem de quatuor sellionibus terre. Idem de una fordala (?) prati. Ricardus filius Engenulfi de tribus sellionibus. Robertus de Amboldestone et Elinora uxor ejus de tribus denariis annuis. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 121 fo. 104. Alicia de Normantone de una roda terre. Ricardus filius Rogeri de una acra terre et dimidia. Thomas de Ibul de xijd annuis. Ricardus del Cley de una acra terre. Johanna. filia Willelmi de Benetl’ de uno tofto cum una domo. Robertus le butiler de xxvj acris terre. fo. 104% Idem de duabus acris et de vd annuis et uno quadrante et de una placia terre. fo. 105. Idem de una dimidia roda terre. Idem de sustentacione palicii nostri inter toftum suum et curiam suam. Anketillus de Benetl’ de una acra terre in territorio de Normantone. Johannes filius Anketilli de tota terra et tenemento suo in Normantone. Idem confirmat nobis omnes predictas terras et tenementa. fo. 105" Carta Helie de Osmundestone de ix solidis annuis in Normantone. Willelmus filius Mathei de Ireton de una bovata terre in Normantone. Johannes de Bathequelle de octo acris terre in Normantone. Radulfus filius Willelmi Bay de Bentele de una bovata terre in Normantone. fo. 106. Rogerus Noget de tota terra sua in Normantone. Henricus de Esseburne de omnibus terris tenementis et redditibus que Rogerus Noget habuit in Nor- mantone. Scriptum Johannis de Chandoys et Alienore uxoris ejus de omnibus terris et redditibus que habemus ex dono predicti H. de Esseburne. fo. 106% Inter nos et Walterum de Abbatia in Normantone et Emmam uxorem ejus. Carta Alicie filie Ricardi de Normantone. Carta Johanne filie Ricardi de Normantone. 122 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. [Grant to the Abbey from William, son of Ralph Gryon de Normantone. | 107. [Inventory of certain lands belonging to the Abbey, 107 108. . 108>- fo. A® 1262.] [Names of tenants of the same. | Confirmacio Johannis de Bentele. Quieta clamatio Henrici de Aula. Quieta clamacio Eustachii filii R. pistoris. [Note respecting a grant of John, son and heir of Thomas, formerly de Ibole.] [Memorandum of a distraint upon the Abbot of Darley, A® 47 Edw. III.] [Charter of John, King of Castile, respecting homage due from the Abbot of Darley for certain lands. ] Ordinatio Cantarie B. Mar. in ecclesia St Petri, Derb. 109. Blank. 10g be LEI. ON [Grant from Rad’ fil Stephani, camerarius regis, to the Abbot of Darley, of lands in Ripley. ] Carta Radulfi fil’ Stephani de Rippel’ et de Pentriz. Idem de Ecclesia de Pentriz. Idem de Ecclesiis de Pentriz et de Winnefeld’. Idem de terra de Waingrif. Concordia inter nos et domum hospitalis Ierus’ super terra de Waingrif. 110% Inter nos et Ric’ de Waingrif. Iit. Henr’ del luy de Rippel’ et de Pentriz. Carta Willelmi de luy de quieta clamacione de Rippel’ et de Pantriz pro molend’ de Pentriz. Idem de Molend’ de Pentriz. Ydonia del luy quiet’ clamavit totum jus quod habuit in duabus bovatis terre et duabus acris in Pentriz. Willelmus filius Ydonie de luy de predictis duabus bovatis et duabus acris terre et de molendino de Pentriz. Quieta clamacio Galfridi del luy de tota terra quam Walk de Derby tenuit de W. de Heriz. Inter nos et Alexandrum de Lowes. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 123 r11> Quieta clamatio Johannis de Lowes de communa in le Estwde cum quatuor averiis. Idem de medietate de Ballemedwe. Ista continit predictas duas cartas cum additione totius terre quam habuit in campo de Lowes. Carta Nicholai filii Simoni de duabus bovatis terre in Pintriz. 112. Petrus de Wyl[Ulk]thorpe de advocatione ecclesie de Winnefelde. Idem de tribus acris terre. Inter nos et petrum filium Petri de Ulkthorpe. Quieta clamatio ejusdem de quodam angillo de Rudinges. 112> Hugo filius Petri de Ulkerthorp. Inter nos et Sampsonem de Stretlege de tribus acris terre. Inter nos et eundem $8. et Radulfum Wildebeof super molendino de Chillewelle. 113. Willelmus filius Rogeri de Eytone de jure suo quod habuit in una bovata terre et dimidia. Galfridus Wildebuf de Willelmo Burnet nativo cum tota sequela. Inter nos et Willelmum de Adinburg. [Inter nos et Benedictum dictum le Hunte de Nottingham. ] 113% Transcriptum Juliane de Chilewelle. Johannes le Blomer de ij solidis annuis. Hawysia filia Simonis clerici de Alferton uxor quondam ejusdem johannis confirmat nobis dictos duos solidos annuos in forma predicta. Transcriptum carte. Inter nos et Henricum de Wytelege. 114. Transcriptum carte Willelmi Besyng. Inter nos et Alexandrum Fremon de Pentriz. 114» Ad huc Ulkerthorp. [Memorandum (in French) of a plea respecting trespass by William de Ulkerthorpe and his tenants against the Abbot of Darley.] 124 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. fo. 115. fo. 115°: fo. 116. fo. 116°: fo. 117. Og: fo. 118. fo. 118> Blank. [A list of those persons who had granted lands to the Abbey, and of lands granted.] Nicholaus de Lowes de tota terra sua in Lowes. Idem de septem solidis annuis. Inter nos et Henricum de Wittelege. Willelmus Peverel de Ecclesia de Bollisovere. Avicia Peverel super eadem re. Inter nos et Abbatem et Conventum de Bello capite. Inter nos et parochianos nostros de Glapwelle de cooperiendo cancello. Willelmus filius Ricardi [de Glapwelle] de homagio et servicio Willelmi Harang et heredum suorum. Litere Willelmi filii Ricardi directe Willelmo Harang de homagio et servicio suo. Idem R. de terra in Glapwell. Thomas fil’ Willelmi de G. de terra in G. Idem de tribus acris terre. Idem confirmat homagium W. Harang. Willelmus Harang de tofto, crofto, dimidia bovata terre et tribus acris. Idem de quinque acris terre. Inter nos et Rogerum de Somerforde. Idem de Dalewode. Radulfus filius Simonis de Glapwelle. Idem de dimidia acra terre. Simon filius Hugonis de xijd. Idem de una acra et dimidia. Quieta clamatio Roberti de Glapwelle de fossa inter nos et ipsum. Idem donat unam acram terre. Adelina filia Rogeri de Glapwelle. Robertus filius Lece de uno prato. Hec sunt transcripta cartarum Willelmi Harang. Carta Thome filii Willelmi de Glappewelle. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 125 119. Ie) 120. 120? bar. r21> b- Robertus de Weteleg de pertinentia prati unius bovate terre in Ruleg’. Idem de ij acris terre et dimidia. Idem de duabus acris terre. Compositio inter nos et Priorem de novo loco (New- stead) in Scheriwode super decimis. Inter nos et eosdem super eodem. Carta Willelmi de Leyke in Scardeclyfe. Quieta clamacio Willelmi de Rollestone. Carta Thome filii Willelmi de Glapwelle de x et vij acris et dimidia terre et pasture. Simon filius Hugonis de Glapwelle de sex acris terre. Idem de cultura que vocatur Danderuding. [Adam de Glapwelle quietum clamat Abbat’ de Derleye de terris in G.] Adam filius Rogeri de Glapwelle. Radulfus de Rerisby de terra de Glapwelle. Robertus filius Alani de Glapwelle. Thomas filius Willelmi de Glapwelle. [Galfridus filius Nicholai de Hokertone, de terra in Glapwelle. | Hubertus filius Radulfi. Robertus filius Reginaldi de x acris terre. Willelmus filius Radulfi de vij acris terre. Idem W. de una acra terre. Martinus filius Willelmi de tribus acris terre preter dimidiam rodam. Willelmus Torkard de tribus solidis annuis. Stephanus filius Astici de tota terra in Haustolbinges. Idem de una acra et dimidia terre. Idem de medietate trium sellionum. Hubertus filius Yvonis de tribus acris terre. Adam Malebranche de ix acris terre. Henricus filius Willelmi de toto jure suo in quodam tofto et in una acra terre. 126 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. fo. 122. Inter nos et Willelmum Bateman. fo. 122»: fo. fo. fo. fo. 1 m2. T2 gb: Henricus de Codintone in Cruche de xxxd. [Conventio inter Abbatem de Derleye et dom Joh. vicarium ecclesie de Scard’.] Willelmus de Wakebruge de una bovata terre in Paltertone. Willelmus de Scardeclif de tota terra sua in Langweit, scribitur plenius postea. Helias de Wetelege de ij acris terre in Paltertone. Hubertus cocus de Paltertone de tribus acris et una roda. Walterus Peverel de dimidio tofti et crofti. Willelmus de Curtone confirmat donum dicti Walteri. Carta Roberti le Graunt. Willelmus de Scardeclif. Jordanus de Wytelege. Carta Jordani de feoffamento inveniet’ cum ista. Recognitio Stephani de Aufertone de ij solidis. . Thomas de Glapwelle, de ij acris. — Idem de j acra. Robertus de Wyleby. Avicia de Glap[welle]. ‘Confirmatio Willelmi de Piro super dominico et servitio Johannis de Aldewerke. Sewallus filius fulcherii de dimidia terra de Aldewerke. Robertus filius Thome de Aldewerke de terra in Aldewerke. Idem de una placia terre in Aldewerke. Idem de medietate tocius ville. Inter nos et Johannem de Ibul. fo. 125. Inter nos et Willelmum filium Ranulfi de Aldewerke. Quieta clamacio Radulfi Acheman de Aldewerke. Willelmus filius Henrici de Bradele. Carta Ranulfi de Sneyte de j acra et j roda terre. fo. 125 Robertus filius Ade de Waddeslege. Jordanus de Snitertone de quatuor solidis annuis. Gerardus de Suttone de eisdem iiij°™ solidis. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 127 126. Blank. 126»: Inter nos et Priorem ac Conventum de Dunstaple super decimo apud Audewerke. Sentencia diffinitiva. 127. [Continuation of preceding. | 127> [Ditto and completion. ] 128. Blank. 128 Blank. 129. [Inter Abbatem de Derleye et Petrum servientem de Bonteshale. | 129 Robertus le Wine. Quieta clamatio ejusdem R. Quieta clamatio ejusdem de quadam placia in Derb’. Robertus de Esseburne de jure suo in duabus culturis terre. 130. Henricus Brand de quarta decima parte duarum culturarum. Robertus filius Hervi de Wirk. de iijd. annuis. Henr’ filius Roberti, Adam filius Roberti, et Robertus faber de jure suo in terra de Wiggewalle. Adam filius Moncii super jure suo. Ranulfus filius Walteri de quarta decima parte. Robertus filius Ricardi Arkel. Henricus filius Ranulfi de xiiij* parte. [Notes of grants, ] Adam filius Hugonis de terra in Wiggewalle. 130 Willelmus filius Radulfi le foun de terra in Haselhay. Idem de terris in Fernilee. Willelmus de Ferrariis de homagio et servitio Wil- lelmi le foun. ‘Robertus filius Thome de Derleye de tota terra sua apud Wygewelle. [Petrus filius Willelmi le Sureys de Wyrke Abbati de Derleye. ] 131. Inter nos et Henricum de Herlastone. Quieta clamacio Henrici de Cromforde. Quieta clamacio Ade de Stephul. Quieta clamacio Ricardi de Cromford. Inter nos et personam de Mortone de decimis. 128 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. fo. 131% Radulfus filius Simonis de cultura que dicitur le fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. 132. 132° 133. o 133 134. Nenfelde et de terra de Agenal. Radulfus filius Radulfi de xxxilij®™ acris terre. Idem de Moritio nativo suo et de duabus bovatis terre. Idem de Cardvilheye et de xviij acris terre. Idem de Roberto molendinario et Ricardo surdo cum sequelis suis, et cum duobus toftis et } bovata terre. Idem de quadam cultura que vocatur feyrokesflat. Idem de heya et de Hugone filio Roberti et Petro fratre ejus nativis suis, cum terra quam tenuit. Idem de omnibus que habuit in Wistanton. Idem de homagio et servitio Roberti de Oggede. Simon filius Ricardi. Transcriptum carte quam Robertus filius Roberti de Waltone habet de nobis. Idem Willelmus de medietate totius terre sue de parva Oggede. [Continuation of the preceding. | Idem do toto clauso suo que vocatur alnetum. Idem de xijd annuis. Johannes de Oggede de toto jure et clamio suo que habuit in Stolbingmedwe. Idem J. del Pinkel. ‘Inter nos et Robertum filium Radulfi de Winnefelde. Idem R. de sex bovatis terre. Inter nos et eundem R. Idem Robertus. Quieta clamatio Rogeri de Eyncurt de octo bovatis terre in Wistantone. Radulfus filius Thurstani de terra quam Radulfus Bercarius tenuit. Inter nos et Nicholaum Balle. Quieta clamatio Petri de Plastowe de clauso de Wis- tantone. Obligatio ejusdem P. quod nunquam petet escambium pro terra quam dedimus ei prius. Recognitio Johannis de Plastowe de quatuor solidis annuis. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 129 fo. 134° fo. 135. Transcriptum carte quam Radulfus de Winrefeld dedit Katerine filie sue. Carta quam Willelmus et Katerina uxor ejus habent de Roberto de Winnefeld’ de Brounflat. Quieta clamacio ejusdem R. de bosco cum prato et de vjd annuis. Quieta clamacio ejusdem R. de homagio et servicio suo. Convencio inter nos et Willelmum filium Ade de Uftone et Katerinam uxorem ejus, de denario annuo. Quieta clamacio Walteri filii Willelmi de Oggedistone. Walterus de Holtone habet talem scriptum de nobis de iiij°’ denariis annuis. fo. 135 Walterus de Uftone de terra quam Galfridus de fo. 136. -fo. 136 fo. 137. Lancroft et Henricus serviens tenent. Inter nos et eundem Walterum. Willelmus filius dicti Walteri de una placia terre w bosco de Uftone. Gervasius de Somervilla de terra in Keworthe. Idem de Adquietacione forinseci servitii. Quieta clamacio Petri de Weseham de xl. solidis. Rogerus Buron de molendino de Horseleya. Idem de quadam cultura. Seher Spent confirmat predictam que Rogerus Buron dedit. Radulfus filius Beatricis de quadam cultura et de secta de tota terra sua. Margareta filia Patricii Rosel de secta hominum suorum. Philippus de Kyleburne de tota multura et hominum suorum de Kyleburne. Jacobus de Dun de quadam cultura cum prato. Inter nos et dominum Robertum de Dun. Idem de capella de Osmundeston. Inter nos et Rectorem de Breydessale. Carta Hugonis de Duyn. 130 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. [Covenant, 19 Edw. I., between Rich. de Curzon, lord of the lands formerly of Hugh de Doun, and the Abbot of Darley. ] fo. 137 Nicholaus de Brailisford et Henricus filius suus de servitio prati inter Marketone et Derby. Inter nos et Henricum de Braylisford. [Writ of Edw. I. to the Sheriff of Derby to raise 33° 4% upon the lands of Thomas, rector of Brayles- forde. ] Transcriptum carte quam Stanwycus habuit de una cultura sub parco qui continet* duas .acras et dimidiam. Transcriptum carte quam Simon Stanwey habet de j dimidia acra terre que fuit de ij bovatis terre quas R. Kareles tenet de nobis. fo. 138. Walterus de Morlege et Johanna uxor ejus de viij solidis annuis et duobus denariis. Inter nos et Helyam filiam Willelmi de Adelastre. Alexander de Goldentone de quadam -cultura sub parco de Marketone. Ricardus filius Roberti de alia cultura. Ricardus filius Ricardi de quadam cultura in campo de Adelastre cum parte quam felicia avia sua tenuit. fo. 138° Alicia Franceys de uno crofto cum tribus acris. Confirmatio Willelmi Franceys de dictis tribus acris terre. Robertus Franceys quietum clamat duas bovatas quas Fulcherus dedit nobis. Inter nos et Robertum. Karles. Inter nos et Robertum Selimon. fo. 139. Willelmus de Essewelle de homagio et servicio Hugonis de Derbeia, de xijd annuis. Idem Hugo tale scriptum habet de nobis. Carta Ricardi filii Ricardi de Knuteshale. Inter nos et Willelmum filium Ricardi de Adelardestre. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 131 fo. 139° fo. 140. fo. 140° fo. 141. Inter nos et Henricum de ‘Tuschet. Simon de Tuschet de cultura que fuit Henrici decani. Idem de cultura retro orreum’ cum fonte de Francwelle. Idem confirmat terram quam Hugo de Dun dedit Fulchero de Ittona. Thomas de Tuschet de terra de Hascow. Henricus de Tuschet de decimis terrarum quas propriis sumptibus coluimus, anno gracie M°CC®xxxviij®. Simon de Tuschet persona de Macworthe super eisdem decimis. Tdem Simon donat Heliam filiam Willelmi de Adelastre. Robertus de Tuschet confirmat donum dicti Simonis. Idem confirmat omnes donationes et concessiones antecessarum suorum. Idem donat cum corpore suo Willelmum filium Alicie de Adelastre, nativum: Carta Thome de Tuschet. [Covenant between the Abbot of Darley and Thomas de Tuschet. ] [Concerning the same.] 15 Edw. I. [arbitration.] 1348. Homogium Johannis Gibone. fo. 141» Henricus filius Fulcheri de molendino de Aldeport. fo. 142. Idem donat molendinum quod est [inter] cestriam [Little Chester] et Derbeiam. Idem de dimidia marca de molendino de Duffelde. Sewalus filius Fulcheri confirmat donum Roberti de piro de Aldewerke. Fulcherus filius Henrici de una bovata terre in Yolegreve. Idem confirmat donationes patris sui. Idem F. et Matildis de Dun uxor ejus de ij bovatis terre in Adelastre. Eadem Matildis super eisdem duabus bovatis cum alia bovata. Johannes filius Fulcheri de una bovata terre in Yolegreve. Idem de quadam cultura in territorio de Yolegreve. 132 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. Cc fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. 142» Fulcherus filius Fulcheri de uno tofto in Aldeport. Idem de duodecim denariis annuis. Idem de advocatione ecclesie de Schirle. Henricus de Irtone super eadem re. Confirmatio Jacobi de Schirle super eadem re. 143. Ricardus de Herthul. Robertus filius Ade de Stantone. Confirmacio Henrici de Irtone. Carta. Henrici de Hoto. 143% [Composition between Henry, son of Fulcher, and Sewal, his brother. ] [A similar agreement. ] 144. Placita inter Abbatem Willelmum de Derlegh et Thomam personam ecclesie de Braylesforde apud Westm., coram Willielmo de Herforde et . justiciariis domini Thegis de banco termino Sancte Trinitatis anno regni regis Edwardi fillii regis Edwardi, secundo. Breve Vicecomiti Derby directum pro eodem Abbate ad executionem super dicto annuo redditu celeriter faciendam. Placita apud Westm., coram [the same] anno regni regis Edwardi filii Edwardi quinto, de quodam, redditu percipiendo de rectoribus ecclesie de Uttoke Hacher qui pro tempore fuerunt. 144" Recognitio R. de Frechville de secta Wapp’ de Brokel- stowe. 145. [Writ to the Sheriff of Stafford to inquire whether a certain sum issuing from lands in Uttoxeter ought not to be paid to the Abbot of Darley.] 145>[Deed respecting the tithes of Mackworth.] 146. [A similar deed. ] 146> [A third deed.] 147. [Terrier of the lands of John de Keworthe held of the Abbot of Darleye.] HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 133 £6.47? fo. 148. fo. 148°: fo. 140. fo. 149° [Continuation of same. ] Carta Willelmi filii Radulfi de dimidia marca de molendino de Alwoldestone ad vinum emendum. Carta ejusdem Willelmi de dicta dimidia marca de molendino de Alwoldestone. Carta ejusdem W. de quodam predio in Derby. Carta dicti W. de ecclesia Sancti Michaelis in Derby. Robertus filius Willelmi de ecclesia Sancti Michaelis et capella de Alwaldestone. Carta domine Edeline de vj solidis annuatim perci- piendis de molendino de Burg’. Carta ejusdem E. de quinque acris terre in Boltone. Carta Avicie filie Willelmi filii Radulfi de una bovata terre in Alwoldestone. Confirmatio Almarici filii ejus. Carta Juliane uxoris Ankeri de Frecheville de j bovata terre in Scardeclif. Confirmacio Huberti filii Radulfi de vj solidis de molendino de Burg’. Compositio inter sacristam et Hubertum filium Radulfi super quodam debito et annuo redditu. Controversia inter Albinum Abbatem et Hubertum filium Radulfi super manerio de Cruche. Carta Huberti filii Radulphi de advocatione ecclesie de Scardeclif. Carta ejusdem Huberti de Ecclesia de Scardeclif. Litere dicti Huberti directe domino Coventriensi Episcopo pro ecclesia de Scardeclive. Idem de una acra terra sub colle de Cruch’ et de vj acris prati versus Wistanton. Idem de Ricardo Cubbel cum tota sequela sua et cum tota terra sua. Idem de una particata terre et dimidia de suo dominio. Idem de quadam cultura de Cruche. Idem de dimidia bovata terre. 134 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. fo. 150. fo. 150° fo. 151. TOs forgige. Idem de quodam incremento pomerii et terre quam Matilda mater ejus prius dederat. Idem donat Suano filio Horm xiiij acras terre et dimidiam. Galfridus de Musters de tota terra sua de Cruch’. Hamundus de Masci super Aldewerke et Sewelledale. Robertus Comes de Ferrariis. Idem R. super decima tocius redditus in Derby, et tercia parte prati. Willelmus de Ferrariis confirmat donum R. de Fer- rariis patris sul. Inter nos et Willelmum de Ferrariis super patronatu Ecclesie de Uttoke. Idem W. de viij acris in pecco apud Seveweldale. Idem de Aldewerk et Sevewelde. Idem super predictis. Idem de dimidia marca de molendino de Duffeld’. Idem confirmat nobis eandem dimidiam marcam. Idem confirmat molendinum super Derewenta et de Aldeport. Concessio W. de Ferrariis de omnibus donacionibus et concessionibus quas R. avus suus et W. pater ejus dederunt. Confirmacio ejusdem de ecclesia de Bollisovere. Idem de una marca annua ad procurationem capellani. Idem de xxvij acris terre in campo de Bollisovere. Idem de duabus bovatis terre in Chaddesdene. Idem de una acra terre in Riberg’. Idem de bosco et meremio ducendo per forestam de Duffeld’. Idem de dimidia marca de Burleya. Idem de mortuo bosco cum careta cum duobus equis. Idem de quinque acris terre et de tota terra de Wigewall’. Transcriptum carte quam dominus comes habet de nobis quod nos non superonerabimus pasturam per- tinentem ad terram de Wigewalle. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 135 Quieta clamatio domini comitis de Burl’. Idem comes de Wiggewalle. fo. 152» Quieta clamatio nostra de advocationibus ecclesiarum fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. 053: de Stowe et de Uttokeshath’ pro duabus marcis annuis. ‘Confirmatio Hugonis de Ferrariis de omnibus dona- tionibus et concessionibus quas Robertus de Ferrarriis et Willelmus avus ejus et Willelmus pater ejus ‘nobis dederunt. Confirmatio Roberti de Ferrariis de omnibus terris et tenementis, redditibus et possessionibus que habemus infra feodum suum, et de caretta. Quieta clamatio nostra de una careca ad cariandum nobis boscum. Confirmatio Roberti de Ferrariis de advocatione de Schirl’. Confirmatio ejusdem R. de omnibus terris, tenementis, redditibus et possessionibus quas habebemus in Normantone ex dono Henrici de Esseburne. 153” [Covenant between Edmund, son of Henry, King of 154. England, and the Abbey of Darley. ] [Grant from Henry, E. of Lancaster and Leicester, to the Abbot of Darley. ] Confirmatio Walteri Episcopi Coventrensis de capella de Osmundestone. Confirmatio ejusdem W. de istis subscriptis. Confirmatio Ricardi Coventrensis episcopi. 154 Carta burgensium de Derby de parva Derlega. Confirmatio Ricardi Coventrensis Episcopi de dicta parva Derleya. . Hugo Coventrensis Episcopus de Ecclesia de Cruche. Idem de Ecclesia de Pentriz. Idem de Ecclesia de Bollisovere cum capellis et decimis. Galfridus Coventrensis Episcopus de duabus marcis annuis de ecclesia de Uttoke. 136 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. forge: Idem de duabus partibus ecclesie de Winnefelde. Idem de xx solidis percipiendis de ecclesia beati Petri in Derby. Litere quas idem G. misit Justiciariis pro capella de Osmundestone. Willelmus Coventrensis Episcopus de ecclesiis Sancti Petri in Derby et de Pentriz et de Winnefelde. Idem de tribus marcis annuis de ecclesia beati Petri in Derby. Idem super ecclesia beati Michaelis in Derby, cum capella: sua de Alwaldestone. Idem super ecclesia de Schardeclif. “Alexander Coventrensis et Lichfeldensis episcopus super foes: ecclesia de Scardeclif. Idem super ecclesia beati Petri in Derby. Confirmatio ejusdem super vicariis nostris. Confirmatio ejusdem de decimis trium culturarum. Idem super duabus marcis annuis de ecclesia de Uttoke et duabus marcis annuis et dimidia de ecclesia. Ecclesia de Uttok et duabus marcis annuis et dimidia de ecclesia de Brailisforde. Idem super ecclesiis de Bollisovere de Cruche de Pentriz de Winnefelde de Scardeclif et de Sancto Petro et Sancto Michaele in Derby. Rogerus Coventrensis episcopus super omnibus pre- dictis ecclesiis. fo. 157. Rogerus episcopus super decimis de Wygewelle. Inter nos et Capitulum de Lyncolne. fo. 157° Taxacio vicarie de Schyrle’ per Rogerum episcopum. Confirmacio Capituli Coventrensis super taxacione vicarie de Schirle. Confirmacio capituli Coventrensis super decimis de Wygewelle. Appropriacio ecclesie de Schirle per Rogerum epis- copum. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. fo. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 137 ‘[Contencio inter Abbotem de Derleye rectorem ecclesie de Schyrlee et Radulfum filium Jacobi de eadem.] 158> Placita coram domino rege apud Cantuar’ de termino S. Mich. A® reg. regis E. tercii post conquestum undecimo Willelmi Abbatis de Derleye in miseri- cordia pro pluribus defaltis. 159. [Continuation. ] 159” [Writ from Edward III. for the delivery of lands in Derby held by Robert Fraunceis to the Abbot of Darley.] A® 39. [Two other deeds relating to the same subject.] 160. [Continuation. ] 160 [Reply of the Abbot of Darley to Walter Irtone, respecting his admission to and support in the Abbey. ] 161. [Continuation. ] Lon? 162. 162> Blank. 163. Letters of John, Abp. of Canterbury, certifying that [Continuation. ] in his visitation of the Diocese of Coventry he had found the Abbot of Darley to be possessed of Bolsover and other churches. Dat. 1280.] 163" Confirmatio Huberti Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi de Ecclesiis de Pentriz et de Winnefeld, et de ecclesia S. Michaelis de Derb’. Carta Hugonis episcopi. Hugo Coventrensis episcopus. [Decision as to Bolsover, 1289. | 164. Confirmatio Capituli Coventrensis de ecclesiis nostris. Confirmatio ejusdem capituli de ecclesia de Scardeclif. Confirmatio ejusdem de decimis et de ij marcis annuis de Ecclesia de Uttoke et de ij marcis annuis et dimidia de ecclesia de Brailisforde. 138 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. fo. 164> Confirmatio ejusdem capituli de taxacione vicariarum nostrarum. Confirmatio ejusdem capituli de decimis. Confirmacio ejusdem capituli super appropriacione Ecclesie de Schirle. fo. 165. Blank. fo. 165>[An account of the payment of roth and rs‘ in Derby, extracted from the great roll of the Pipe “ A®° yj Reg’ Rici ij.”] fo. 166. [Continuation. ] fo. 166 [Memorandum respecting the foundation of an Oratory in honour of St. Helen the queen. A.D. 1137.] [Here the Chartulary ends.| THE ORATORY OF ST. HELEN, DERBY. As already stated in the opening of the account of Darley Abbey, a certain burgess of Derby, of the name of Towyne, with the support of the greater part of the burgesses, estab- lished, in 1137, an oratory, or small religious house, dedicated to St. Helen, just outside the walls of the town on the north- west, near to the church of St. Alkmund. This house was served by brethren or canons who followed the rule of St. Augustine.* In less than twenty years after the foundation of St. Helen’s, the neighbouring Austin Abbey of Darley was established, and its first abbot and inmates were taken from the small mother house of St. Helen’s. But this removal of the greater part of the canons from Derby to Darley did not mean the extinction of the Oratory; on the contrary, it had for a long time separate existence, though made in many ways subject to the abbey. Soon after the establishment of the abbey, the constitution of the oratory of St. Helen was changed, and a God’s House (Domus Det) was founded in connection with the oratory under the charge of brethren, having a master or warden at their “Cott, MSS. Titus (C. ix eb 66. HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. 139 head. An undated agreement, czrca 1160, copied in the Darley chartulary, between the abbey and the brothers of St. Helen, provides that the goods of the oratory, whether moveable or fixtures, should remain at St. Helen’s; that the house should be administered by one of the brothers whom the abbot should choose with the assent of his fellows; that the presiding brother should discreetly and freely dispense the temporalities of the house with the aid of his brethren, and rule them in ail matters, save that confession and other spiritual affairs were reserved to the abbot; that a statement of accounts be presented to the abbot twice a year; that the abbot was to admit no brother without the assent of the brethren, and that the brethren in their turn were to admit no one without the abbot’s assent ; that the brethren of St. Helen’s were not to appropriate any lands or possession of which the abbot and convent received the rents without their assent; that the house was not to admit more brethren than its goods would suffice to maintain; and that the abbot and convent were never at any future time to attempt to bring the hospital into any greater subjection than was provided for in that agreement.* A later agreement, circa 1190, was entered into between William, abbot of Darley, and the brethren of St. Helen’s, whereby it was arranged that the abbey confirmed to St. Helen’s two tofts with their appurtenances in Newlands, Derby (7 nova terra de Derbeia), on payment of a rent of 2s. 2d., at the feast of the Holy Cross and at Martinmas, and four hens on Christmas Day; also all the garden adjoining St. Helen’s on the south side, with a toft between the garden and the hospital, for a rent of 2s. 2d., payable at the aforesaid times; also the fourth part of a little meadow by the well called St. Helen’s well on the south bank of the Derwent, and all the right which they had in the little meadow which lay by the well of St. Alkmund, at a rent to the abbey of 12d. The abbot and canons of Darley further granted to the brothers of the hospital half a bovate of land at Granton, which they had of the gift “0 TEE OS (Opie eae vip 140 HISTORY AND CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF DARLEY. of Robert Fitzfulcher, of Osmaston, at a rent of 4s., payable at Lady Day and Michaelmas.* Some time before 1261, the priest Nicholas placed this hospital on an improved basis, providing for certain poor brethren and sisters as inmates, who were governed by a warden or master. tT In the Hundred Rolls of 1276, we find that a jury of the burgesses of Derby complained that the Master of St. Helen’s had made a certain ditch, 100 feet long and 2 feet broad, too near the king’s highway. { The Taxation Roll of 1291 shows that the Master of St. Helen’s then held houses in Derby of the yearly rental of £1 6s. 8d., 120 acres of arable land at £4, and 34 acres of meadow at 7s., besides a capital messuage (probably the house itself) worth 4s. per annum, yielding a total income of LA 178. 8d. After this date, no further information can be gleaned. as to the history of St. Helen’s; it was not in existence as a separate establishment at the time of the Reformation, and had probably become absorbed by Darley Abbey. * Titus C. ix., t. 77b. + Glover’s Derbyshire, 11, 482-3. We have not been able to trace the authority for this statement. + Hundred Rolls, 1, p. 62. I41 Derbyshire fonts, THE LATE-NORMAN FONT AT YOULGREAVE. By G. Le Bianc SMITH. -4]N the Church of All Saints, Youlgreave, which has been described as “a model of a restored church,” there is a relic of ecclesiastical art which is absolutely unique. It is a font having very many curious and interesting features, as well as a curious and interesting history. Its history is like that of many another such—one of gross neglect in former days, indeed one that is unhappily only too common. The neighbouring church of Elton formerly sheltered this fine old piece of work, but at the beginning of the nineteenth century, it was decided to destroy and rebuild the fabric, so the font was evicted, and for many years lay, to the disgrace to its former custodians, in the churchyard, exposed to all the inclemency of the weather. However, in 1833, Mr. Pidcock, the then vicar of Youlgreave,* removed it for the purpose of ornamenting his vicarage garden, in which un- dignified position it remained until the advent of the next vicar, Mr. Wilmot, who in 1838 once more placed it under shelter in its present position, on the south side of the nave, at the west end of the south aisle. The inhabitants. of Elton, now recognizing their folly in letting such a treasure pass out of their hands, tried their utmost * Youlgreave is the Mother Church to Elton. 142 SOME DERBYSHIRE FONTS. to recover their original property, but in this they failed, and perhaps fortunately so for the font, for having most carefully restored it Youlgreave was in no mind to let it go again. The good people of Elton were finally appeased by the generosity of their lord of the manor, Mr. Thornhill, who had an exact “replica” made, with which they had to be satisfied. Such is the eventful history of this interesting work of art. G. le Blane Smith. Fig. 1.—Font at Youlgreave. We may now consider its general features, date, and ornament, and the use of the curious appendage to this font. Its general features are a circular bowl with a peculiar hollowed projection on one side, a central column with four supporting side shafts, which are restorations,* and a modern base (fig. 1). Its date may be roughly placed as being prior to 1200, which means that it is Late-Norman. Its ornament must now be considered in * They were unfortunately restored in a different coloured stone. SOME DERBYSHIRE FONTS. 143 detail, presenting as it does many very unusual and quaint features. First and foremost is a spirited carving of a salamander, a genus of dragon-like lizard, a very occasional ornament upon fonts, which is here represented as crawling round one side of the font, the south, and its mouth supporting the curious little attached bowl, of which brief mention has already been made (figs. 2 and 3). A few examples of fonts bearing salamanders are given at the end of this Fig. 2.—Salamander from the West side. paper. The usual representation of this reptile is, as here, that of a lizard with bifurcated tail, nearly always with a single coil in it, a scaly body, wings, and a human cast of countenance wearing an expression of dissatisfaction, which is particularly to be observed on the font at Norton, Derbyshire. Two seems to be its full complement of legs, which are placed in the forward part of its body. Its neck is covered with scales, while its large eyes are placed well forward in its head 144 SOME DERBYSHIRE FONTS. (fig. 3). Large teeth and a pair of ears are nearly always among its characteristic features. The feet in this instance are each furnished with three claws. It has always been con- sidered an emblem of the sacrament of Baptism, perhaps as typifying Satan’s discomfiture. Turning our attention from the salamander, we naturally next notice the curious little bowl which it evidently is intended to support. I might here mention that the photograph, from which fig. 3 is taken, is by no means as satisfactory as one could wish, owing to the fact of the proximity of the little bowl to the south wall of the church. Dr. Cox, who, in his Notes on the Churches of Derbyshire, devotes considerable attention to this font, gives three possible theories for its original purpose and use. They are— (1) For the reception of the chrismatory or vessel containing the holy oil, or chrism, with which persons in former times were anointed after the rite of baptism. (2) For affusion during the ceremony. (3) For a holy water stoup, as the font itself would be con- veniently placed near the entrance door. In the above-mentioned work he proceeds to criticise these theories, holding (1) that the cruet of oil was a tall narrow vessel quite unsuited to stand in a hollow receptacle such as this at Youlgreave. He states (2) that in France, fonts often have stoups attached for affusion, but with a drain, while the Youlgreave example has none. This leaves the third theory, of a holy-water stoup, in sole possession of the field, which both by the late rector and by Dr. Cox was considered the most probable. In The Builder of July, 1903, Dr. Cox gives a description of a Norman font at Odiham, Hants, in which he makes several useful suggestions as to the original use of such a projection. He says:—“ There have been various surmises as to the original use or intention of this bracket. Of late years it has been generally maintained that it was to serve for baptism by affusion. The usual old rubrics of the baptismal SOME DERBYSHIRE FONTS. 145 office of the Western Church ordained that when the infant was baptized by affusion, the surplus water was not to be allowed to return into the font or compartment of the font wherein was the consecrated water, but that a vessel was to be provided to receive the water running off the head of the recipient. This Fig. 3.—Salamander from the South side. is the explanation of the bequests of silver basins for the fonts that are occasionally met with in English medieval wills. The general modern Roman use is to have the font divided into two parts for this purpose, each with its own drain running into the earth. In cases where this is not provided, it is usual ice) 146 SOME DERBYSHIRE FONTS. : for a server to hold a basin beneath the child’s head. In several churches of Brittany and Normandy, as well as in the museums of Rouen and other towns in the north of France, are early fonts with side projections for this purpose. But in all these cases such projections have wide circular basins at the top and are continued down to the base of the font or floor level, being provided with a drain communicating with the soil or ground beneath. The curious circular projection or small stone basin protruding from the Norman font of Youlgreave, Derbyshire, has no drain, and doubtless served to hold a movable basin. The Odiham bracket could have had no connection with the chrysmatory for the holy oils used at baptism, for the medizval chrysmatory was of very small dimensions, and held in the hand of a server.” From this it will be seen that he has changed his views as to the original use of this attachment. The remaining ornaments of the Youlgreave font consist of two fleurs-de-lys and a very peculiar design. Those three designs occupy what are now the east, north, and west sides of the font, the south side being that from which the salamander-supported bracket projects. The fleur on the west side can be seen in figs. 1 and 2, and to all appearances is intended to represent an ear of corn with leaves, the grains being very clearly delineated on the upper part. The fleur on the eastern side is a more elaborated example, as will be seen in fig. 4, the treatment being a regular feature of the Early English style, and the rounded ends and curved surface of the two principal leaves are very typical of that period. Here we have in direct contradistinction to the north face design, a figure which is intended to appear as though it actually grew from the font. These two fleurs are well cut and finished in a bold fashion, the whole being nicely rounded off; but the figure on the north, which we shall next notice, is but poorly cut in comparison, and has a flattened surface. This difference may be clearly seen by comparing figs. 4 and 5. SOME DERBYSHIRE FONTS. 147 The peculiar example of foliage on the north side (fig. 5), to which reference has just been made, should be compared with that on the Late-Norman font at Sapcote, Leicestershire, and on that of the Early English period at Weston, Lincolnshire. The design at Youlgreave seems to consist of a figure somewhat Fig. 4.—Fleur-de-lys on the East side. like an old-fashioned door or drop handle,* through which pass two stems, the upper ends being slightly the larger and curved outwards, giving the appearance of two modern hockey-clubs back to back. From these stems, and below the door-handle piece, * Compare the handle on the old door of Denby Hall, illustrated on page 7 of this Vol.—Ed. 148 SOME DEREYSHIRE FONTS. are two leaves, one on each stem, growing from their outer and opposite sides, with but one edge, the lower, serrated, while the upper is quite plain and smooth; above and adjoining these are the ends of other leaves, two on each side, the upper portions of which are between the stems and door-handle- shaped piece. The two stems, which support the leaves, grow through the loop or handle passing over its base and under the upper portion. This loop is so carved on the font as to give the appearance at its upper termination of an actual growth from the body or bowl of the font. Not so the lower ends of the stems, which have the appearance of hanging down on the exterior or face of the bowl. In other instances this peculiar combination of designs appears differently arranged, the foliage being simpler and the loop lower on the stems. The only other point to notice in the scheme of ornament is the double ring of round moulding, encircling both bowl and stoup* (see Fig. 1). A mistaken idea seems to exist that all salamander-ornamented fonts must be Norman. This is amply and effectually disproved by the example at Norton, in Derby- shire, where we have a bowl with clustered shafts, between which is inserted that ornament of Late-Norman and Early English times, the dog-tooth. This font is illustrated in Dr. Cox’s great work and in Paley’s Baptismal Fonts. There is at Ashford-in-the-Water, near Bakewell, a font of the Perpendicular period, which has a doubtful salamander upon it. It is between the bowl and shaft, with its head projecting on one side and its tail hanging down on the other. The font at Youlgreave, strangely enough, is mentioned by neither Paley nor Simpson, except in a passing remark by the former in reference to the projection, in which he falls into the inexcusable error of comparing it with the Decorated example of Pitsford, Northants.t This Northamptonshire font * The total absence of the usual Norman ornaments, such as the chevron, star, or cable, is to be noticed, showing the advanced petied of the Norman style in which this font was constructed. + This is an error into which nearly everyone falls in describing either of the two fonts. SOME DERBYSHIRE FONTS. T49 has but a plain solid ledge, three-sided, flat, and pierced with holes apparently for the reception of a reading-desk, book rest, or image. The stoup at Youlgreave, as has already been pointed out, is horseshoe-shaped, hollow, and drainless, besides which, it is not lined with lead as is the interior of the font. The font is engraved in Markland’s Remarks on English Fig. 5.—Ornament on North side. Churches, p. 92; Viollet-le-duc’s Glossary; Corblet’s Manual D Archéologie ; Bateman’s Antiquities of Derbyshire, p. 241 ; , and in Dr. Cox’s well-known Churches of Derbyshire, Vol. I1., P-. 234- The original font of Youlgreave church, which was sup- planted by this alien, was described by a visitor in 1827 as 150 SOME DERBYSHIRE FONTS. being “plain and circular.” When it was subsequently ousted to make room for its more interesting and more ambitious rival, the subject of this article, it was hidden from the public view behind the William IV. Inn in the village. From this vicissitude it was most happily removed by the Incumbent of Warslow, Staffordshire, a son of Mr. Pidcock, the Vicar of Youlgreave, who, similarly, had obtained the present example from Elton, although, in his case, it may be, only for the purpose of ornamenting his garden. If we turn to the churchwardens’ accounts, which, by the way, are as interesting as any I know, under the year 1752 we find the following entry :-— fin ale to the people who assisted in unloading the Haunt and setting Situpien-. ences ere ceeseae ener 3 0 What font can this have been? From the meagre account given by the visitor of 1827, whom I have already mentioned, it seems as though the font of his time were Norman. The fine example I have endeavoured to describe, certainly did not find shelter in this church until 1838, as we have already seen. Either the font of 1752 was of a “churchwarden” type of art, which might also come within the description given by the visitor, or, counting the font originally in the church, there have been four fonts, namely, (1) the font prior to 1752; (2) the font which required 3s. worth of ale for its “setting up” in 1752; (3) the “plain and circular” font (perhaps Norman) of the 1827 visitor; (4) the fine specimen which forms the subject of this paper. On the whole, I am inclined to believe in the later date (churchwarden) for the 1827 font. Mention has been made of the font at Pitsford, which is furnished with a projection, and, as there are others having these strange protrusions, it will be useful to enumerate them. There may, perhaps, be one or two others, of which I have no know- ledge, for Paley, in his Baptismal Fonts, gives an engraving on’ the title-page of a font with a book-+rest on one side. He, however, says nothing by which it can be identified. SOME DERBYSHIRE FONTS. I51 Place. County. Date. Use of Projection. References. j Stoup, or to hold Youlgreave... Derby ... Late Norman ¢ movable basin ( for affusion. ... As above. 3 Book rest, or Pitsford ... Northants. Decorated .., holderforsame. Paley. jig upport. for Odiham ... Hants. ... Norman... 4 hingetoaheavy ( cover. ... Builder, July, ’03. Pengwern ... Denbigh ... (doubtful) ... (See below). ... .Avch. Jni., Vol. 13, p. 292. The last-mentioned example perhaps merits a short descrip- tion. It was discovered in a bog near Dinas Mawddwy, Merionethshire.* It is made of oak, and is of a rude form. In it are two hollows, the larger measuring rr ins. wide by 34 ins. deep, while the smaller is but 3 ins. wide and only 1 in. in depth. It is but a small specimen altogether. On each side of the smaller hollow is a piece of simple foliage, while at the opposite side of the larger hollow to that on which the small one is situated, is the word ATHRYWYN. The writer in the Archeological Journal continues: “The large cavity con- tained the water, the lesser may have held the salt, which to this day is used in the Roman Catholic Church in the ceremony of baptism. The priest blesses the salt, in case it has not been blessed before, then takes a little, and putting it into the child’s mouth, says, ‘ Receive the salt of wisdom.’” The writer refers to the Youlgreave example, and gives the three theories which I have quoted from Dr. Cox’s work, without committing himself to any. It must not for one moment be supposed that the stoup at Youlgreave was ever used as a receptacle for salt, as its size alone should be a sufficient answer to any such sug- gestion. The following are detailed measurements of the font and its ornaments :— * Tt is now, I believe, at Lord Mostyn’s seat, Pengwern Hall. 152 SOME DERBYSHIRE FONTS. LATE NORMAN FONT AT YOULGREAVE, DERBYSHIRE. Date, Czvca 1150-1200. Motall leis hitae..eaeerre 39 in. Height of Stoup...... II in. Height of Bowl ......... 20 in. Width: Ofseet = enters 122 in. Wiidthy ols 5, A6 ete. eee 28 in. Int. width of ,, ...... 9% in. Depth olga sw eercnccecce 13 in. Int. depth of,, ...... 64 in. Thickness of Bowl ...... 3 in. Thickness of ,,_ ... \ ie Width of interior......... 22 in. round the top ... 4 Salimander supporting the Stoup ...... Height (greatest) 8 in. Width Ae 24 in. Fleur-de-Lys on East Face ............... leo hitaeeeees ite 12) int WWildlithiy ce eases 104 in Fleur-de-Lys on West Face............... erat seeereeee II in. \WWAtG lil bee sboaneber ot in. Ornament on North Face. ............... leicht her TSeeos Waidthp sani 8 in Material : Rough red porous sandstone, lead lined, with drain. Other examples of fonts having the Salamander carved upon them :— Lagi slelunst:sepeeee. sake mere SUSSEX. 2 2h eee Transition] Norman. 2: sNOOrton is. Rabe cone sere recent Derbyshire............ Early English. 3: Haddenham 2. .sestaseeee BUGkS.2 ht ogee Norman. Zee) | Shiite tel fate Avene sookaseoeds-03 Cumberland ......... 30 isn IDYeshea tinny Conrnoeeunnoaebocostc Ae cube ast 3 6. Winchester Cathedral ...Hants. ............... he [5 SXSWIMI NOTA NS” seannaoneovecs 2500 Norfolk. ssdek cee an Se cots Austell as. sae tees Gornwallis enccstnees: Trans-Norman. The figures on the fonts at Ashford-in-the- Water, and Alphington, S. Devon, are of too doubtful a character to be here included. Lo) OW English Millage Htfe as Wlustrvated at Barrow and Twyford. By THE Rev. WILLIAM Baxter, M.A. @N looking back across the busy centuries in which our forefathers so strenuously played their part, we long sometimes to bridge the interval that lies between us, and to see what manner of persons they were, and what were the conditions, natural, territorial, social, economic, and, not least, religious, under which they lived. This ardent longing, the product of a mixture of power- ful feelings, some of which have their roots far back in the past, does not always find its fruition. ‘The far-off times do not speak to us always with the clear note of assurance and con- viction. This is true especially of country life. Isolated facts there often are shining in their solitary splendour amidst much darkness, but the correlation of facts, and the construction of sober history out of their teaching are not always possible. And the men and women who fill these bygone periods with their interests and labours, modifying everything around them, may be dim and shadowy beings as we look upon them now, poor representatives of the original flesh-and-blood realities, with whom we seek to hold converse. And so we suffer disappoint- ment. But, nevertheless at times, under favourable conditions, clear forms of men and things arise out of the haze, and it becomes possible, even within the narrow limits of one or two small parishes, to weave together the threads of a connected story, from which it is easy to deduce what are the common 154 OLD ENGLISH VILLAGE LIFE. features typical of country life in general, and what are also those special and characteristic features, which give to each parish its own peculiar distinction. Can such a wide and general purpose be served by the special study of the life of these two parishes, Barrow and Twyford, which seem to be so remote and detached from the main currents of our national life? It is my belief that it can, and, the Muse of History inspiring me, I set out, with greater boldness, towards what, I trust, will be a partial achievement of that object. Go with me, then, to the country district which is under review, and try to understand, in the first place, its geographical bearings. It is a tract of agricultural land 4,100 acres in extent, and the river Trent between Swarkestone and Potlac in South Derbyshire is the southern boundary. Ingleby, Foremark and part of Repton lie facing us across this dividing line. Findern, with the dependency of Potlac, is the western fringe. Mickleover and Normanton look down from their heights in the north upon the broad moor of Sinfin as it slopes gently to the Trent Valley, in which the villages and hamlets lie. Osmaston, Alvaston, Chellaston and Swarkestone meet us along the boundary line of the east, which becomes somewhat vague and indeterminate as it crosses the wide moor. We lie, then, with our many broad acres, and our scattered homesteads and village groups, behind this ring-fence of well-known names. No part of the district is more than six miles, by the nearest route, from Derby. We are near the town, and yet sufficiently remote to escape the danger of absorption. These six miles are, in fact, a real and effective barrier, and they help to explain why, with a strong centralising movement, drawing men’s minds away from the soil, and from the homes where they were reared, we are still able to live our own life with few gaps in the ranks, and to work out our own problems as typical country-dwellers. And now let me ask you, after this description, to step across this ring-fence upon the ground selected for the construction of the story. You will find there two villages, standing at the OLD ENGLISH VILLAGE LIFE. 155 extreme ends of a loop in the Trent, two miles apart by road, four miles apart by river, the one Barrow or Barewe, according to the oldest extant document, the other Twyford. Further afield, away from the river and adjoining the moor, is a cluster of houses known as Arleston and Merrybower, and in a line with these half a mile further west, skirting the canal, is the hamlet of Stenson. Away to the north, remote from river, road, railway, and canal, the four great intersecting lines, are a few farmsteads and cottages on the wide moorland of Sinfin. Barrow, Twyford, Arleston, Stenson, Sinfin, what do these names import? Three of these are topographical. Barrow refers back to the “barrow” or “mound” under which some chieftain lies buried ; ‘Twyford represents the “ two fords ” across the river at a given point; and Sinfin speaks of the “fen,” possibly the swine fen, undrained, marshy land with coarse herbage and scattered clumps of trees, where herds of swine might roam at large and batten. In support of this conjecture is the wording “ Swinfin,” which appears a few times in the Parish Register, and as late as October, 1740. The two remain- ing names, Arleston and Stenson, Steinston or Stinston, are Anglo-Saxon in origin, as the names of neighbouring villages plainly testify. “Tuns” or “townships” are thickly scattered around us, pointing to a very definite and permanent settlement of these invaders. Osmaston, Chellaston, Swarkestone, Alvaston, Elvaston, and our own Arleston contain the names of individual chieftains, who settled down with their followers after the stress of conquest, to the quieter pursuits of agricul- ture. Weston and Aston are topographical, referring to their position to the west and east, and Stanton and Stenson or Stein- ston geological from the stony nature of their subsoil. As far, then, as our parishes are concerned, we find ourselves, through the evidence of place names, far back in the midst of possibly four Anglo-Saxon communities, if we reckon Twyford with Stenson, each recognizing the lordship or pre-eminence of a chieftain, each representing an industrial group perse- veringly pushing afield against natural obstacles, and bringing the unreclaimed land beneath the yoke. 156 OLD ENGLISH: VILLAGE LIFE. What remained of Romano-British civilisation was swept aside or sternly repressed. Anglo-Saxon laws, customs, methods, habits of life everywhere prevailed. The new settlements were stamping upon the country side strong traces of their power and influence. In fact, the manorial system had sprung into existence as a working reality. There was the Manor-house, the residence of the leader of the community, with his few dependents, and around it the demesne land, reserved for himself as his own special estate, and there was the village street, not much different from what it is now, if we replace wooden structures by those improvements in building which have come naturally with the march of the centuries, and not far away the land in villeinage, held in various degrees of dependence under the lord. There were some with small holdings, having their strips of ploughland and meadow, and the right of common pasturage, and there were others who corresponded more closely to the ordinary labourer at the present time. At Barrow and Twyford, including Stenson, the system was in working order, in all proba- bility, at an early date. At Arleston and Sinfin the sorry condition of the land may have been, if not an insuperable obstacle, at any rate a serious check upon the progress of the communities which had settled there. ‘They may well have been smaller and of less influence. Strong marks of Anglo-Saxon dominion were left upon the soil, and during the same period of settlement religion took root, under the fostering care, we may well believe, of S. Wilfrid, who is the patron saint of Barrow. He was twice in Mercia; once, when banished from his northern diocese he sought in vain the shelter of the Mercian king; and again during the ten years in which he was Bishop of Lichfield. At West Hallam, at Egginton and at Barrow there are churches dedicated to this saint, and it is not improbable that these were then mission stations or praying crosses, where the folk of these and the adjoining villages gathered round him and heard his stirring message. The neighbouring chapelry of Twyford, OLD ENGLISH VILLAGE LIFE. 157 dependent from quite early times upon Barrow, was dedicated to S. Andrew, the patron apostle of S. Wilfrid, in whose name he built his stately church at Hexham. It may be an accidental nomenclature, but it is just as probable that the upgrowth of these churches was due to the encouragement of S. Wilfrid, who was so ardent a church builder, and that the twin names, S. Wil- frid and S. Andrew, were meant to bear permanent testimony to the influence and the predilection of that missioner. It was a time of religious awakening. The monastery at Repton was a centre of spiritual life. The royal court was stirred. Kings, princes, princesses, gave themselves up to the religious life. Guthlac, the ascetic, passed down the Trent by Twyford and Barrow on and on until he reached the fens at Crowland, where his name is commemorated in the foundation of its great Abbey. In this interesting period what wonder if Saxon churches were built, and if, in the industrial community around Barrow, there were energy and enthusiasm enough under capable directors, to build a simple wooden sanctuary as the monument of their faith. Then came the fierce onset of the Danish invasion. In the memorable year 874, the Azglo-Saxon Chronicle informs us, in a few brief sentences, how the kingdom of Mercia was sub- dued, Burgred, the king, banished, and the kingdom committed to the care of Ceolwulf, an unwise thane. The army was encamped at Repton, and, after quartering there for the winter, it departs. Three years later a large body returns, and the work of apportioning the territory begins. From the year 877 we may date this new departure, which had a marked influence upon these parishes. The old Saxon settlements became incor- porated in the Five Boroughs. ‘There were, no doubt, a few violent dispossessions ; old lords and leaders were superseded, and Danish chieftains took their place, but, as far as the industrial system was concerned, it was continued with few alterations. The Saxons had laboured with much constructive ability, and the Danes entered upon their labours, and enjoyed the fruits of their wisdom and perseverance. Instances of 158 OLD ENGLISH VILLAGE LIFE. Danish names ending in “by” are Bretby, Denby, and Ingleby. Denby, the settlement of the Danes, speaks for itself. Ingleby, facing Barrow, points to a strong Angle settlement, which the Danes had conquered, and had left, it may be, in the possession of its lands and old-time privileges. Normanton across the moor, almost opposite to Ingleby, is a typical settlement of these Northmen ; and the very names, Ingleby and Normanton, throw- ing out, as it were, a challenge to each other, point to that mixture of races—Angles, Saxons, Danes, Norwegians—who were to occupy the soil, and to become, after a later Norman influence had been brought to bear upon them, the Englishmen of the future. Coming to the Norman Conquest, we find that, after the first shock, it quickened the tendencies which were already at work. The manorial system was, therefore, still further developed. The Domesday account of Barrow throws a clear light upon the industrial situation. The following are the brief records :—Under the lordship of Henry de Ferrers we are told, ‘“‘ At Barwe Godwine and Colegrim had three oxgangs* and a half of land to be taxed. It is waste. One villein has there four oxgangs and eight acres of meadow. In the time of the Confessor it was assessed at thirteen shillings and fourpence, but now (1086) at two shil- lings.” Again, under the lordship of Ralph FitzHerbert, “ At Barewe are twelve oxgangs of land to be taxed. In socage to Mileburne. ‘There are a priest, and a church, and one socage tenant, with half a carucatet+ and eighteen acres of meadow.” “ At Twiforde and Steintune,’ under De Ferrers’ lordship, we are told, “Levric had four carucates of land to be taxed. (Other) land three carucates. Now there are in lordship two carucates and four villeins and four bondsmen with one carucate and one mill at five shillings and twenty-four acres of meadow ; woods, and pasture a quarter of a mile long by one broad. In the time of the Confessor they were assessed at £8, but now at £4. In the same place Godwine and Ulfstan have one carucate of land to be taxed. One carucate is waste.” * An oxgang was fifteen acres. + A carucate was as much land as a team of eight oxen could plough in a year, viz., 120 acres or eight oxgangs (the long hundred). OLD ENGLISH VILLAGE LIFE. 159 We notice that part, perhaps the ecclesiastical portion, of the Barrow manor proper has been placed under the jurisdiction of the King’s township of Melbourne, and the remainder recog- nizes the lordships of Henry de Ferrers and Ralph FitzHerbert. The industrial life is not seriously disturbed by these independent jurisdictions. What strikes us most is the small extent of land then under cultivation, and the few men apparently employed upon it; but this is explained by the general purpose of the survey, which was only to record those for whom the lord had to pay taxes to the King. Another noticeable feature is the remarkable drop in the value of the assessments of these three places since the time of Edward the Confessor. Perhaps the key to the explanation lies in the significant words, “It is waste.” The hand of the Conqueror and of the Norman barons may have pressed hard upon these villages. Or it may be due to the disastrous floods, which have taught the farmer by long experi- ence how fruitless is the task of ploughing and sowing so near the river bed. The name “ Fenholmes” is still used to denote a strip of land near Twyford in this loop of the Trent, and it helps us to understand what must have been the wet, spongy nature of the soil with which the first settlers had to deal. One pleasing feature in this Survey is the comfortable position of the villein, with his four oxgangs of plough land and eight acres of meadow, in all, sixty-eight acres. He was very similar to the later yeoman. Beneath him in status and in general comfort, and yet enjoying a certain amount of independence, there is another small class of men, unrecorded here, bearing a resemblance in some respects to the occupiers of small holdings, to whose existence a passing reference may be made if we are to understand the agricultural conditions of those times. The principle of the small holding was at work eight centuries ago, and it has in the parish of Barrow a comparatively modern exemplification. In the year 1847, the Beaumonts of Barrow, purchased by sale, from the Bristows of Twyford, seventy-two acres of land, henceforward known as “The Happy Meadows,” and let them out to small holders in the form of allotments. 160 OLD ENGLISH VILLAGE LIFE. Each holder possessed a strip of plough land 14 acres in extent, one large furrow being the separating line. He held three acres of mowing grass, distinguished from that of his neighbours by a row of upright stakes; and he had the right of pasturage in the “Sich” grazing field, payment being made in this case according to the number of “cowgates ”—the number of cows admitted into this enclosure. It was an experiment, lasting for about thirty years, the good effects of which we can trace in “that expressive title, “The Happy Meadows,” a phrase of the villagers’ own creation. There is many a labouring man in this district who sighs for the return of these golden days. Soon after the Domesday Survey the Manor of Barrow passed into the hands of the Bakepuze family, and was probably, as Dr. Cox has pointed out, part of the possessions of Robert Bakepuze, the benefactor of Abingdon Abbey. ‘The members of this family were generous in their benefactions to the churches here in Derbyshire and elsewhere. Throwing themselves into the religious movements of those times, they were ardent supporters of the Crusades. Influenced by that semi-religious, semi-warlike temper, and possibly by the encouragement and example of Roger de Clinton, the soldier Bishop of Lichfield, who died on a crusade towards the end of the reign of Stephen, Robert de Bakepuze gave the church at Barrow to the Priory of S. John of Jerusalem, otherwise known as the Knights Hospitallers. With the church would be handed over the rectory and its lands, and either then, or shortly afterwards, a Preceptory house was built at Arleston, and other lands, distinct from the rectory estate, were attached to it. It was in the reign of Henry II. that the Hospitallers, encouraged by the Bull of Pope Innocent II., assumed a distinctly military character, and not only attended the sick and oppressed, but actively fought against the infidel. It was natural, therefore, that, at such a period, there should be many traces of the crusading spirit. It was strongly felt in Barrow. There was the person of the bailiff, who farmed the estate, always in evidence ; and, no doubt, there would be the presence of many knights, or would-be knights, from time to OLD ENGLISH VILLAGE LIFE. 161 time, within the Preceptory. There was the constant witness of lavish hospitality, and of the keen desire to minister to the sick and afflicted. And, at heart, these men were deeply religious, and probably were the means of quickening the society around them. It was in this period, under the Bakepuze family, with its strong Church leanings, and during the first century of the Preceptory’s work, that the church at Barrow lost its Anglo- Saxon character, and became the lofty and spacious sanctuary which we see before us, with diminished glory, at the present day. The church at Twyford had profited also by the zeal and activity of those times. A fine Norman arch is still preserved, a proof amongst a thousand others elsewhere, that the Hilde- brandine movement, and the new enthusiasm which came from abroad, were leaving the marks of their influence in obscure and unlikely corners of the land. And there was much, too, that was Early English. The glowing interest was not quickly quenched. It was kept alive for many generations. We see, then, once more, an awakening of religious life, similar, in its zeal and energy, to that earlier period which we have witnessed under the Anglo-Saxons. The Crusades must have contri- buted something at least, in these parts, to that religious revival. In fact, there is, in this neighbourhood, a very strong crusading tradition, which shows how much men’s thoughts were coloured by the movement, and how durable were its effects. The Hos- pitallers’ Church at Barrow, and the Preceptory at Arleston, are not the only evidence which we possess of that far distant enterprise. Swarkestone Bridge was built, if the story be true, because of the death by drowning of two knights returning from the Crusades. Anchor Church became the solitary cell of a knight who found that his lady had proved false on his return _ from the Far East. The Findern family, settled on our borders, were staunch Crusaders, and the Potlac cedar, in itself, or through some ancient predecessor, is still referred to as an interesting survival of those distant travels. One close link of connection with another part of Derbyshire, II 162 OLD ENGLISH VILLAGE LIFE. lasting through three centuries, was with the parish of Yeaveley, where a still larger establishment of the Hospitallers had sprung into existence. This foundation was known in early times as the “Stydd Preceptory,’* and it was founded in the reign of Richard I. From the date of its foundation, or soon afterwards, the Arleston lands were worked in connection with it, being under the supervision of a bailiff acting for his master, who would give his personal attention to the larger domain. We have evidence, thanks to the research of Dr. Cox, that the rectory lands were leased by the Order, not in conjunction with the Preceptory, but as a separate and independent estate. Dur- ing the last century and a half preceding the dissolution of the Order, the Bothe family, holding the Manor of Arleston, dis- tinct, of course, from the Preceptory, and succeeding to the Manor of Sinfin, by a business-like compact, were brought into still closer touch with the Hospitallers, living in the Preceptory house, so conveniently situated near the centre of their rapidly increasing estate, and renting the rectory lands. The last member of the family, who was buried with so many of his ancestors in the Arleston aisle at Barrow Church, speaks of “the chapell” at Arleston in a bequest to his son of “the westments, massbooks, portuses, chalises, and all that belongs to it.” He was the last representative here of an ancient and distinguished family, from which, in these centuries, came a goodly line of Church dignitaries—two archbishops, two bishops, two archdeacons and others in a descending scale very comfort- ably placed. With the dissolution of the Order soon afterwards, in 1540, Judge Harpur of Swarkestone received a substantial slice of the rectory lands, becoming lay impropriator and receiv- ing the greater tithes. The Beaumonts of Barrow secured the iesser portion, and became the patrons. Henceforth there is a vicar, very slenderly endowed, in place of the former rector, who had been comfortably established under the distinguished patronage of a privileged Order. * Tt is significant on the theory of place-names that Stydd, near Ribchester in Lancashire, was also a Preceptory of the Hospitallers, OLD ENGLISH VILLAGE LIFE. 163 We have interesting evidence in 7’e Terrier of the nature of the lesser tithe, and we cannot be too thankful that these payments in kind, with their troublesome and cumbrous arrangements, have given place to simpler and more satisfactory methods. The lesser tithe at Barrow disappeared in 1787, when an enclosure of meadow land adjoin- ing the Trent was assigned to the vicar in exchange. For Arleston, some time before 1850, a rent charge had been paid in lieu of tithe, but in that year it was redeemed by the payment of a sum, in support of the living, to Queen Anne’s Bounty. Three years earlier, in 1847, the smaller tithe at Twyford was commuted by the payment of a rent charge of £27 10s. The following extract from Zhe Terrier will throw a clear light upon ¢ the previous interesting but antiquated system :—“ For ten fleeces of wool, one fleece ; for ten lambs, one lamb, due to the vicar; one fleece, and one lamb at 7, 8 or g allowing for the number they fall short of 10; for every cow and calf three half-pence ; for every barren cow a penny; for every mare and fole three pence; for every messuage house with a garden 8d. ; without a garden 6d.; for every cottage house with a garden 4d.; without a garden 2d.; for every hive of bees in lieu of tithe-honey and wax 2d.; for every tradesman’s hand 4d. ; every tenth strick of flax and hemp; every tenth strike of apples and pears ; three eggs for a cock; two eggs for a hen; three eggs for a turkey cock ; two eggs for a turkey hen; three eggs for a drake ; two eggs for a duck; for every widower and widow as com- municants 2d.; for every bachelor and maid, being sixteen years of age, 1d.; for every tenth goose, and tenth pig, one, and at 7, 8 or 9 as in wool and lamb. - Two shillings in the pound for Tithe Herbage.” It is a wonderfully complete catalogue, ingeniously devised to prevent any possibility of escape. The vicar in those days must have had an interest not altogether unselfish in the farm and farmyard, and must have been tempted to breathe the prayer of the Psalmist that our oxen might be strong to labour, and that there be no decay, and that our sheep should. bring forth thousands and ten thousands in our streets. 164 OLD ENGLISH VILLAGE LIFE. The reference will be noticed in this and other old documents to sheep and sheep’s wool. Sheep-farming from the Tudor period onward was the special feature in agriculture. It led to the breaking up of the lesser holdings, the enclosure of moors and waste lands, and the gradual absorption of small property by large landowners. There must have been an appropriation at this period of much that was waste and wild upon Sinfin, and no doubt there was a tendency to encroach upon the boundaries, and possibly to eject the small farmer. The name “ Sinfinfold,” with its abbreviation, “ Sinfold,” is in use from 1662 onwards, according to the testimony of the Parish Register, and it points possibly to an ancient enclosure. There must, indeed, have been many such “ folds” or “intakes,” as we say in the north, during the Tudor and Stuart rule. It is from the reign of Henry VIII. that the Harpur family—settled at Swarkestone, afterwards known as the Harpur Crewes at Calke—came into prominence, laying firm hold upon the lands around Swarkestone, Tickenhall, Little- over, Findern and Twyford. Undoubtedly, they felt the benefit of sheep-farming, and saw the advantage and necessity of exten- sive enclosures. As time went on, sheep-farming seems to have somewhat declined, and in the days of Charles II., for a few years at least, an artificial stimulus was given to it by an Act of Parliament which stipulated that people should be buried in sheep’s wool. Our Register says: “ Memorandum that in the 3oth year of King Charles II. there was an order for burying in sheep’s wool from Aug. 1, 1678, for seven years, and so on until annulled by King and Parliament.” Observe, in passing, the expression, “ the 30th year of King Charles.” The writer need not have been a man of royalist proclivities. In the ordinary reckoning of that period Cromwell’s Protectorate is merged in the reign of his successor. This short-lived measure was, at best, an artificial expedient. We find it revived again in the reign of George II., and carried out by the overseers and church- wardens, we cannot help thinking with a certain amount of luke- warmness, between 1736 and 1740. In a few instances, among the poorer people the Act was not observed. The following OLD ENGLISH VILLAGE LIFE. 165 extract, bearing date 1737, will serve as an illustration :-—“ gth Oct., 1737. Joseph Holmes, of Twyford, buried, being a poor man, and no affidavit of his being buried in what was made of sheep’s wool only was brought to me within eight days inclusive, in default of which I gave notice forthwith to the proper officers, the churchwardens and overseers of Twyford.” But whether this refers to the absence of the affidavit or to default in the burial is not quite clear. At length, by slow degrees, the growth of corn displaced the herding of sheep, and the latest enclosures in 1804, which certainly affected what remained of the common land on Sinfin, were made with a view to the encouragement of this growing industry. We are familiar with the causes of its decline, and the least observant of us can see many fields, once ploughed for corn, laid down for pasturage. Dairy farming is the most profitable form of industry now, but possibly better times may yet give heart to the farmer, and bring about a return to the old methods under more prosperous conditions. The living, as we have seen, was sadly reduced in value after the dissolution of the Order of Hospitallers in 1540. There was not, until the last fifty years, a vicarage house. Under these conditions pluralism and non-residence followed as matters of course. The clerical duties at certain periods were conducted for many years by curates, whose faithful services may not have met, in some instances, with a too generous reward. Even as late as the second quarter of the last century the vicar of Barrow, from his post at Etwall, had the charge not only of Twyford, but also of Foremark and Ingleby across the river, and of a parish elsewhere, Newton-in-the-Thistles. He died in harness at the age of ninety. Added to these untoward circumstances was the troublous period in church life, starting with the Reformation, and causing anxiety and unsettlement until “the glorious Restoration.” Let us peep within the church at Barrow in the days of Edward VI., and let us look inside the vestry cupboard, as it was then. What do we find? “i. chalis of silver parcel gilt, lil. vestments, iii. albs, i. of silk and the other two of changeable 166 | OLD ENGLISH VILLAGE LIFE. cruel, iii. altar cloths, i. cope of cruel, iii. towells, ii. corporalis with iii. cases, i. crosse of copper, i. cruyt of lead, i. bible with a book of comonen.” There, in safe keeping and in actual use in the church were these outward indications of the services in these days. And let us notice, a little later, at least two vicars, one . Gervase Wheldon, described in one document as “a man of no good repute.” He conformed, we observe, to Cromwell’s Directory, until outward conformity was no longer accepted. Daniel Shelmerdine, trained in the Presbyterian Classis at Wirksworth, was his worthy successor; one of the best of the new men whom Cromwell thrust into the vacant livings. In five years he was put out by the pressure of the Act of Uniformity. From those days the stream of church life has flowed on with few interruptions. .As for the people themselves, who form our industrial groups, they have passed, no doubt, through many changes, but there is, perhaps, nothing more surprising than the tenacity with which, through centuries, they have clung to the soil, and have resisted all unsettling and disturbing forces. -The Sales, the Bancrofts, the Mathers, the Whitakers, the Camps, the Sharpes, the Holmes, the Kirkmans, the Garretts, the Bucknalls and others, have been with us, as the Registers intimate, for the past two hundred and fifty years. Who knows at what early period some of these first settled down here? The “ Godwine” who appears in the Domesday Survey relating to Barrow has his modern representative, in name at least, in “Goodwin,” the village grocer, who is doubtless quite unconscious of his Saxon ancestry. The stability of the families must have favoured a regular and continuous growth. The rise of large estates has led to the decay and destruction of many dwellings. The small holdings have well-nigh dis- appeared, and those below the level of farmer, excepting the grocer, the smith, and the carpenter, are reckoned as labourers, who receive a weekly wage and live in a cottage, to which in some cases a little strip of ground is attached. In Barrow there are also small allotments, cheaply rented, which are a OLD ENGLISH VILLAGE LIFE. 167 great boon to the working men. We see, then, here a very wide interval indeed between the labourers, a very large class, and the farmers and wealthy residents above them. But, neverthe- less, though in appearance they may be compared with the old cottars and bordarii, they have advantages unknown to the latter: cheap living, increasing comforts, high wages, and much consideration. They are far better housed and far better educated. We notice, then, in conclusion, as the result of our survey of village life, the evidence of stability in the midst of change. What is light and superficial, representing only a passing phase, floats down the stream of time and leaves behind scarcely a trace of its presence, but that which is good and wholesome lives on from age to age. The threatened depopulation of the villages is a temporary movement, like the damp fogs in winter which hang with their heavy pall around us in the Trent valley, or like the water floods that rise and overflow our meadows. These things have their day and disappear, but there are good and permanent elements behind what is thus fleeting and transi- tional. We cling in simple faith to the things which are stable and unshaken, and we know that it is through the conservation of all that is best in our country life that we shall be able in the future to make steady progress in that slow and patient evolution from lower to higher forms, which has hitherto been evident in the country district, which has been the scene and ground- work of this story. 168 A Ohirteenth Century Seal of Roger Ve Carsington. By Mrs. MEADE-WALDO. found, not long ago, among “the debris of a long- forgotten house” at Haverfordwest. It is in the ordinary form of thirteenth century seals, and its date is very closely defined by the curious monogram of the two letters @ and R which appears twice upon it. This mono- gram occurs upon the English coinage between the years 1248 and 1272 in the reign of Henry III* The seal is as thick as a farthing, and is of bronze or brass. The device, or badge, is a boar’s head couped with the legend, “*S’[IGILLUM] ROG@RI D& KARSINTVNY.” It has a small ring or loop at the back, by means of which it could be suspended on a cord or chain. Very little is known of the family of de Kersintun, Kersinton, Kersynton or Kersington, as it is variously given, but it seems undoubtedly to have belonged to Carsington, in this county, * See Hawkins’ Stlver Coins of England, fig. 289, where its exact counter- part is given. A THIRTEENTH CENTURY SEAL OF ROGER DE CARSINGTON. 169 which in Domesday is rendered Ghersintune, and in all pro- bability it was an offshoot of the family of de Hopton of Hopton. The name of de Kersinton, as is also that of de Hopton, is territorial. These two townships are adjoining manors, and were probably owned by the same lord (as they are to-day), who was de Hopton. The estates would be divided when a younger son became owner of Carsington and took the territorial name for his own; thus starting a new family. It was quite usual for the younger sons to assume a territorial description for their branch of the family. At first he would be known as “de Hopton de Kersinton’”—we have evidence of this in a fine of 1324, in which “William de Hopton de Kersynton ” was plaintiff*—and gradually de Hopton would be dropped and de Kersinton only retained. The branch would probably break off from the family of de Hopton about the beginning of the thirteenth century. In proof that the Kersinton in question was Carsington in this county we have mention in a fine of 1313 of Robert le Porter de Kersinton (for Carsington), Wirksworth. An early reported record of the family name of de Kersinton alone is a deed of Henry son of Ranulf de Alsop, illustrated in vol. viii., p. 100, of this journal, which is witnessed by Adam, William, Walter Nore and Reginald de K’sint (for Kersinton). From its paleography this deed, which is undated, has been assigned a date of about the middle of the thirteenth century, but it may be a little later. It is probable that the “ William, son of Adam de Kersington,” who with his father witnessed this deed, may be the “William de Hopton de Kersynton” who in the fine of 1324, mentioned above, was plaintiff against Henry, son of Robert de Alsop, concerning a messuage and lands at Carsington. In 1302, Nicholas, son of Richard de Hopton, was plaintiff in a fine for certain lands at Carsington. He was probably a younger brother of Adam de Kersinton. This Nicholas, it is suggested, was the Nicholas de Kersinton who was Rector of * See vol. xviii., p. 16, of this Journal. 170 A THIRTEENTH CENTURY SEAL OF ROGER DE CARSINGTON. Carsington, 1345-50.* The advowson would belong to the de Hoptons, either of Hopton or Carsington. It is also quite probable that the Roger de Kersinton of the seal may have been the grandfather of William de Hopton de Kersinton of 1324. In Pym Yeatman’s Feudal Derbyshire, sec. vi., Pp. 237, Wwe have the name of Walter de Kersington, 1251-2, and in sec. iii., p- 55, we find mention of Nicholas fil Roger de Kersington, 1276. There can be very little doubt that this Roger was the actual owner of the seal, for his date exactly corresponds with that of the seal. So far as the writer is aware, these are the only records of this family.t| There are no monuments, nor any remains at Carsington, either of the de Hoptons or de Kersingtons. With the exception of the seal and the names given above, nothing seems to be known of the family. It is a far cry from the little village of Carsington in the Derbyshire hills to Haverford- west. The finder quaintly suggests that the seal was “ lost by some of the folk who flocked to Milford (six miles off) to welcome Henry of Richmond.” This, however, was at least two centuries too late, but at the date of the seal, between Haverfordwest, where it was found, and Carsington there was, nevertheless, an interesting little connecting link in their feudal history. { In 1199, King John conferred the manors and wapentake of Wirksworth and Ashbourne upon William Ferrers, Earl of Derby. As this included the lands subsequently held by Roger de Carsington, it transferred the military service of his predecessors from the Crown to the Earl. The Earl died in 1247, and was succeeded by his son William, who some years previously had married Sibilla, daughter of William Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, whose stronghold was the castle of Haverfordwest. * Notes on the Churches of Derbyshire, by Dr. Cox, vol. iv., p. 517. + Dr. Cox coincidentally supplies another on p. 111.—ED. + The principal authorities from whom the following particulars are gleaned are Prof. Tout in ‘‘ Wales and the March in the Barons’ Wars,” Owens College Historical Essays ; and Dr. Cox in *‘ Duffield Castle,” vol. ix. of this Journal. A THIRTEENTH CENTURY SEAL OF ROGER DE CARSINGTON. I71 By her he had seven daughters and, by a second marriage, two sons. He died in 1254, and was succeeded by his elder son Robert, the last of the Ferrers, Earls of Derby. Meanwhile, in 1245, Anselm Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, died without issue, and the seven sisters of Earl Robert were amongst the numerous co-heirs to the earldom and estates of Pembroke. Henry IIL, however, retained the Castle of Haverfordwest in his own hands, _and during the civil wars of Simon de Montfort, together with its neighbour, the great Castle of Pembroke, it became the centre of the Royal defence against both the Barons and the Welsh. Henry entrusted it to his half-brother Wiliam de Valence who, through his wife, was another co-heir to the earl- dom, and to which he eventually succeeded. In 1263, Earl Ferrers raised his Derbyshire retainers, including, no doubt, Roger de Carsington, who was certainly a contemporary, and joined the Barons in the sack of Worcester, suffering in return the demolition of his own Castle of Tutbury; thence, in the following year he took part in the defeat of the King’s forces at the battle of Lewes. William de Valence was exiled from the country, and Gilbert de Clare, Ear] of Gloucester, another of the Marshall co-heirs, received the Castle of Haverfordwest and the custody of Pembroke, being made virtually lord para- mount of all South Wales. But, immediately afterwards, he and Earl Ferrers conspired against Simon de Montfort, and Ferrers, whilst still ostensibly allied to Montfort, advanced his army into the heart of Wales. It was probably now that he executed that remarkable deed by which he transferred the whole of his feudal possessions, including the ‘‘ Wapentake of Wirksworth and Ashbourne” and the suit and service of his vassals—of whom one was de Carsington—to his ally, the Earl of Gloucester. This would be to provide against possible failure on his own part, when, he trusted, his more powerful colleague might be able to preserve his possessions from escheat and retain the service of his followers. It may even have been when he already knew that Earl Simon was too strong for him, for he was arrested and thrown into prison. 172 A THIRTEENTH CENTURY SEAL OF ROGER DE CARSINGTON. Then it was, no doubt, that Roger de Carsington found his way, with the bulk of the Ferrers’ retainers, to the banner of the Earl of Gloucester, at Haverfordwest; and where, we are told, that the following April, when William de Valence landed with one hundred and twenty men-at-arms and cross- bowmen, Gloucester’s bailiffs put no obstacle in the way of the men of Pembroke welcoming back their ancient lord. That Roger de Carsington was there, the discovery of so very precious a personal appendage as his seal, goes far to prove; and the curious chapter of political and family circumstances which at this particular date, and for the only time in history, connected his feudal lord with so remote a place as Haverford- west is evidence, in turn, of the identity of its owner. Did he ever return from the campaign? We know not—all we do know is, that this little seal is one of the very few relics we have of this ancient Derbyshire family. The Derby Municipal Miuniments. By C. E. B. Bow tes, M.A. interesting collection of MSS. which constitute the Records of the Corporation of Derby—or rather, all that is left of them, for some sixty years ago, the greater portion was consumed in the fire which utterly destroyed the Town Hall. The remnant, which dates back to the time of Queen Elizabeth, was conveyed to Tenant Street, when the office of the Town Clerk was removed thither from the existing Town Hall. When Mr. G. Trevelyan Lee was appointed to the office of Town Clerk, he found them tied up in parcels, but unsorted, and in no measure arranged either according to date or matter, and, worse still, utterly uncared for. In such a condition were they eighteen years ago in the Town Hall, and in such a condition they had been removed to Tenant Street. The town of Derby is, however, now to be congratulated upon the keen interest which Mr. Lee, who at once saw that this valuable collection was suffer- ing from neglect, has taken in the matter, and upon the happy accident that at the time, Derby’s Chief Magistrate, the Hon. Frederick Strutt, was an antiquary, and a Vice-President of this Society. . The Books, MSS., and Parchments, as Mr. Lee found them, were lying, just as they had been brought from the Town Hall—a bewildering chaotic heap of heterogeneous 174 THE DERBY MUNICIPAL MUNIMENTS. historical matter, but, for many reasons, most valuable to the Borough of Derby. Having looked them through, and roughly sorted them, he tied them into neat parcels. Mr. Strutt then drew the writer’s attention to their wretched con- dition—that of damp, excessive and long standing—which was fast reducing this valuable collection to a rotten mass of worm-eaten and decaying rubbish. They consist of Court Books, Court Rolls, Freemen’s Rolls, Fair Books, Chamber- lain’s Accounts, and other like matter. The Court Books and Rolls contain the records of all the cases which have ‘been tried in Derby. The depositions are given in full, as well as the names of those impanelled on the grand and petty juries. ‘These muniments would, without doubt, provide the historian with a large amount of material, both instructive and interesting. The Court Book, containing the records in the time of Queen Elizabeth, is in such a state of decay that it is very questionable whether it could be handled without falling to pieces. Certainly, nobody but an expert should be allowed to touch it. Another, of the time of ‘“‘ The Lord Protector,” dated 1658, has also been rendered almost unreadable from decay, although that of the preceding year “before Gilbert Ward, Mayor, and James Chadwick, Recorder,” is in very fair and readable condition. There are numerous lists of Burgesses and Apprentices, sworn in during the eighteenth century, which are most useful to genealogists and compilers of family histories. For the same reason, perhaps, the Cagzas Books of 1712 and 1727, etc., would prove valuable. These books, which are in good preservation, contain the writs, or warrants, of Capias. The writs, named from the Latin word ‘“‘ Capzas,” with which they com- menced, were of various kinds, and were issued to compel attendance at court, to arrest an outlaw, or to imprison a defendant until a plaintiff's claim was satisfied, etc. There are also huge bundles of Court Rolls, with writs included, and miscellaneous parchments which would probably THE DERBY MUNICIPAL MUNIMENTS. 175 entail some months of hard work to properly collate. But, after all, this is only the common experience of those who delve into*the depths of the buried past. Among the most interesting of the MSS. are the Toll, or Fair Books, which were evidently at one period carefully kept, and as carefully preserved, for they are in excellent condition and very readable. There are four of them. These books contain the record of Custom duties or tolls levied on all foreign goods—foreign, that is to the Borough—which were sold at the fairs from the year 1638, the date of the first, down, at any rate, to the year 1655, the date of the fourth. The existence of the Derby Fairs dates as far back as, at least, 1330,* when among other privileges, the burgesses claimed and were allowed to hold two Fairs, one on the Thursday and Friday ‘‘in Whitsun-eve,” and the other to last seventeen days, beginning eight days before the Festival of St. James. By a Charter of the time of King James I., how- ever, permission was granted for four Fairs to be held, the dates of which were to be: Friday in Easter week, the 4th of May, the Thursday before Midsummer, and the 26th of September, two days only being allowed for each fair. In the following reign seven fairs were allowed, those additional being held on the Friday after the Epiphany, the Friday in Whitsun week and that on St. James’ Day, which was revived. In 1732 two additional fairs were added, making nine in all, which was the number in 1817, when Lysons wrote his History of the County. A statement by Woolley in 1712 is quoted by Glovert, in his Aistory of Derbyshire, to the effect tht the tolls belonged to the Mayor, for which he paid yearly about £70. This would account for the careful way in which the Toll Books have been kept. Glover further states that in that year, 1732, “the Corporation possessed about £500 a year to support their dignity, as well as Charities arising out of lands at Little * Lysons, p. 102; and this /ournal, xxiv., pp. $3, 141, 142, 147. “ Vol. ii, p. 433. 176 THE DERBY MUNICIPAL MUNIMENTS. Chester, the Rowditches, and several large Closes between Derby and Mickleover,” a portion of which land had been purchased by Mr. Crowshaw about 1630, who left it to the Corporation of Derby for charitable uses. The Rent Rolls of these lands exist from the first year of James I., and are among the Municipal MSS., as well as a survey of their lands at Little Chester in 1664 These are fortunately in a good state of preservation. According to the Charter of King James,* before alluded to, the Corporation was constituted of two Bailiffs and twenty- four Burgesses, with a Recorder, Chamberlain, and other officers. Now, in addition to the complete list of the Bailiffs and Mayors from the year 1513, which Hutton, in his Azstory of Derby, gives us, a fairly consecutive list of the other officials connected with the Borough could certainly be obtained from these Records, as well as much other important and interesting matter, from the period of the Early Stuarts down to the present time, which would not only be valuable, but would make Derby’s history far more complete than it is at present. The Town Council had before them not very long ago, a suggestion that an expert should be employed to sort and arrange these MSS., and obtain from them a permanent record of the doings of their predecessors. It is very much to be desired that this suggestion may be carried out, and that such a History of the Corporation of Derby as would be worthy of our County Town may before long see the light of day.t * Glover’s Derbyshire, p. 379. + There is a general movement throughout the country to preserve and permanently place on record such valuable muniments as the town of Derby evidently possesses in these perishable documents. ‘The neighbouring Corporation of Nottingham, a few years ago, were similarly able to rescue and record theirs,—ED, 177 Roman Brough := Anabvio, Report of Preliminary Excavations, made for the Derbyshire Archeological and Natural History Society, by permission of C. S. Leshe, Esg., F.S.A., Scot. By Joun Garstanc, B.LitT., F.S.A., Reader in Egyptian Archeology, University of Liverpool. INTRODUCTORY. latter half of the first century, and the subsequent military occupation, so far as Derbyshire is con- cerned, began with the second and ended with the fourth century. The geographical position of Derbyshire lent to its history during this period a special interest, which the natural features of its country also tended to subserve. Britain was a frontier province of the Roman empire, removed considerably by distance and the difficulties of travel from the centre of Roman civilization. It is not reasonable, therefore, to look primarily for signs of luxury within the confines of the island, or to expect many traces of Roman social influences : rather, should be anticipated the familiar and somewhat stereotyped monuments of an army controlled by a rigid system which permeated the empire—votive altars, dedicatory tablets, solemn fortresses, unmistakable signs reaching beyond the limits of any real civilizing influence. Nevertheless, the mili- tary garrison was not extended wholly over this country. The fertile midlands and the uplands of the southern coast were not only attractive to those who could afford to cultivate them, but were also less easily defended than the 12 PLATE I, J /gstiuaasS ill SS ANAVIO cas nuitdtbsacayftaaed > 1 ROMAN FORT & 6* $6 26 ae He we 3° 5121 Brough Works (White Dsad) Chimne. R Brit gen und Roman Broucu.—Map of the Situation. Adapted from the Ordnance Survey. ROMAN BROUGH := ANAVIO. 179 hilly country of the north and west. Those fastnesses which longest resisted the conquest were deemed by the conquerors most suitable for the military frontier of the country they had annexed, and thus became in effect the frontier of their empire in this direction. Then, during the early second century, under Hadrian and the Antonines, it is found that a system of military works and fortifications was organized throughout the north and west, to hold in check the unconquered tribes and people of the hills beyond. The practice of building durable forts (casted/a) for the purposes of occupation had indeed already been initiated by Julius Agricola during his campaigns of conquest in the north at the close of the first century, but archeology has not yet defined the nature of his works, nor, indeed, satisfactorily ascribed any separately to him. In the early third century also there seems to have been some special effort made at increasing or strengthening the defences through- out Britain, as throughout the empire ; and at a later date, again, to meet the special need of defending the Saxon Shore from inroads of pirates from the opposite coasts of the North Sea, a line of some nine forts was built along the sea front to the south-east of the island. But the general scheme of defence, in which the Roman fort at Brough was a unit, belongs, in the main, to the early and middle second century. A military wall crossed the neck of land between the sites of Newcastle and Carlisle, reaching from sea to sea, covered by watch-towers and fortresses, arranged with Roman precision along its length. A few forts were, at some time, advanced beyond this line, but it was to the south that the engineers were chiefly busy. York and Chester had been fixed as the head- quarters of the Legions of occupation, and throughout the area thus defined in the north as far as the Wall, a series of subsidiary fortresses was methodically placed at suitable points and distances, joined, so far as practicable, by roads, until, with the completion of the scheme, the hilly country was held veritably by a net. It is these roads and forts, particularly the latter, that are of 180 ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. interest in connection with the excavations described in the ensuing pages. The Roman road is generally recognisable though nothing may be visible of its original surface. The military road has a definite objective ; it proceeds straight from point to point; it appears, disused maybe, on hilltops and in unlikely places. Nearly all straight roads, especially those which pass over hills, are popularly described as Roman; but there are criteria to observe which it will be of interest to examine in connection with later excavations. One well-defined Roman road joins ancient Brough with the Roman sites at Buxton (Agu@) to the south, and with Dinting (Melandra Castle) to the north. The Roman fort (caste/lum) is no less generally known, but is not to be confounded with the Roman camp (castra) of Latin literature. There are, indeed, points of resemblance sufficient to warrant a conjecture that both were based upon a common general plan. Both were regular four-sided enclosures with gates and ways and buildings symmetrically placed. But the camp, whether a temporary affair, an earthwork thrown up on the march, destined, maybe, to be evacuated after a single night, or a permanent fortress, was in either case planned for a large number of soldiers, a whole legion or more, and, as such, it necessarily covered many acres of ground. The Roman fort, however, as its name implies, was smaller: it was also permanent. Of late years archeology has done much to unearth it from oblivion and to demonstrate its true character. The details of construction varied with changing fashions and with the caprice of the local engineers, but from a comparison of the numerous forts which at one time defended the Roman frontiers of Germany and of Britain it is possible to eliminate these eccentricities and to form some idea of the general design. The enclosure was definitely small and strong ; the permanent quarters of a garrison. Its area was commonly four to six acres: it might be as small as three or as large as eight.* The number of soldiers who might be quartered within * See a paper ‘‘On some features of Roman Military Defensive Works,” Hits. Soc. Lancs. and Ches. Vol. lit, ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. 181 is not known, and necessarily varied in different places. To judge from inscriptions, a cohort or a Wing (a/a) of auxiliaries commonly constituted the garrison. The defensive works themselves might be an earthen rampart, a mound with stakes along its top, a mound as revetment to a wall, or a stout double-faced wall without earthworks, and the whole might be surrounded by a ditch or series of ditches. The corners were uniformly rounded and covered by mural or abutting towers upon the inside. In the later fortresses the wall is high, the towers external, and there is no ditch; but this change of character is not of interest in the present connection and hence will be neglected. The shape was regular and rectangular, being square or oblong according to size, for these northern forts group themselves roughly into two classes: square enclosures of three or four acres in area and oblong enclosures of five or six acres. In the former case the gates are in the middle of the sides, in the latter in the middle of the shorter sides, and symmetrically at a point one-third along the length of the longer sides. In some instances there is a second gate along those sides at a point two-thirds along the long sides, which otherwise is the position of a guard chamber. The gates were each flanked by towers on either side communicating with one another by means of the sentry-walk which passed, at the level of their upper storeys, along and around the ramparts. In the interior, the best position, facing the centre, was allotted to a building conveniently, but not quite accurately, called the Preetorium, in which were presumably the offices of the divisional commander and his staff. It consisted generally of a number of rooms, fronting on to, or even surrounding, an open or partly open court. On one side of this building was commonly a granary ; and the whole interior of the fort was symmetrically occupied by rows of buildings. In some cases these, like the pretorium, were of stone; in others, it would seem, they were less durably constructed, as the numerous signs of wooden piles and the absence of stone-work observed in some excavations seem to testify. 182 ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. Such are the general aspect and purpose of the Roman fort ; the details in this instance must be added from the results of these excavations. There are, too, questions on the general subject which it is possible these excavations may answer; for example, the dates of particular kinds of building, of plan, or of constructive method: even so large and permanent a feature as the pretorium is of still uncertain use. The little fort at Brough may, then, prove of special interest with these and kin- dred problems in view. I—GENERAL KNOWLEDGE OF BROUGH ROMAN FORT. SITUATION—APPEARANCE—INDICATIONS—T RADITION— RECORDS—ANAVIO. From Hope Station, on the Dore and Chinley line through Derbyshire, a short walk of half a mile towards the south-east, to Brough Lane, crossing the bridge over the Noe, past the old Brough corn mill, brings one to a footpath through the field of excavations (see Map, Plate I.). On the way to the bridge the field has been visible across some pasturage and the little river, conspicuous as a bank of rich pasture sloping down to the water’s edge. From that distance there is nothing suggestive of ancient beginnings, but in the field itself a close observer would have noticed the bank and slope down the field forming an angle at the river, and completing, with the raised fence and hedgerows, a rectangular area of two or three acres. In the upper part was visible also in the centre, a slight regular rise as betokening the foundations of a large building at that spot. A depression on the north-east side might have suggested an entrance at that point—as is proved to be the case; while the modern gateway about the middle of the south-east side seems to indicate another, especially as the old right of way crosses the enclosure directly through it until it reaches the opposite bank, when it bends away, preserving thus far, as it is found, the track of the paved Roman way below. The corners were noticeably rounded also; indeed, the specialist had long since ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. 183 mapped out “The Halsteads” as the site of a Roman fort, and it appears as such in the Ordnance map of the district (sheets X., 6, 10, Derbyshire), from which Plate I. is taken by courtesy of the Director-General. In the wall which partly surrounds the field are some not very obviously Roman wedge-like building stones, but it is in the neighbouring village that the more definite traces are to be found. , Opposite the farm-house just near the footbridge, a moulded base of a column is built into the wall, while in the farmhouses themselves are many large dressed stones, one with mouldings, which have probably come from the same site. In Hope village was an altar, exposed to the weather: it is now kindly lent by the owner to the museum at Buxton. These are the superficial indications, difficult perhaps, and scanty ; but tradition and record are more definite. A Roman road from Buxton leads conspicuously down the hill in this direction ; it is called the Batham Gate, and the ancient fame of Buxton for its baths—its Roman name was Ague—has been used in explanation of the name. Again, in constructing the present dam for the Old Brough Mill it was found necessary to cut through the tongue of land in the field adjoining the fort at the conflux of the Bradwell brook with the Noe. It is told that in this work numerous Roman tiles and small objects were found: one of the red tiles was marked COH. This is not at all improbable ; the position itself, at the foot of the slope down to the water, might have independently suggested a likely place wherein to search for the baths or other adjuncts to the fort. Across the Bradwell, again, just above the fort, opposite the northern corner, it is said there used to be visible in the water a number of slender stone piers, almost like columns, arranged regularly in rows.* This, again, is very possibly an indication of the position where the road directly from Brough bridged the river on the way to Melandra Castle. There are numerous other small finds and early observations recorded, as described by Mr. W. Thompson Watkin, nearly * Probably hypocaust pillars for the usual bath.—F.H. 184 ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. twenty years ago in this Journal.* The more significant items may be repeated. In 1761 there seems to have been found a gold coin of Vespasian (Cos. III.) ; “ urns ” have been found “ on the other side of the river,” indications possibly of the cemetery ; and the letters COH seem to have occurred more than once on 19 tiles or similar relics. Other objects of some interest are “a rude bust of Apollo” in stone, and a large rough stone, in the bending hollow of one side of which was the half length of a woman crossing her hands on her breast,t the whole possibly an altar;{ pieces of “swords, spears, bridle, bits, and coins,” and a tesselated pavement, white and red. § To sum up, the appearance of the field suggested a military enclosure—a Roman fort. The position is a favourite one, at the junction of two streams, and the regular form of the area conforms with these indications. The rampart is traceable along the four sides of a square with rounded corners, and in the central upper position was some sign of a large building in the turf.” The objects found in past time in the vicinity—altars, stamped tiles, pottery, moulded stones—are the usual accom- paniment to such military strongholds. . Though upon the southern border of the military frontier, there is still little sign of luxury or civil settlement. There is another fact strongly pointing to this position and ‘character for Roman Brough. The milestone found near the Silverlands in Higher Buxton, now the property of this Society and lent to the Buxton Museum, records the distance between some point and a place named Azavio as being X or XII miles. Assuming that the stone, when found, was lying near its original standing place, this distance would coincide, along the Batham Gate, with the position of Brough, and there is little reason to doubt, from a study of the map of this district, that Anzavio * Vol. vii., p. 79, of this Journal. t Jour. Derb. Arch. Soc., vii., 1885, p. 79 et seq. } See the curious woodcut of this figure in Bateman’s Zen Vears’ Digeings, p. 252. § It would be a definite service to archzeology if some members of the Society were to ascertain the whereabouts of these remains. Pirate II. | | [W. on Plan.] 2. The west corner of the main wall, turning south. La SEDs PASF 1. RomMAN BroucH.—The north-west wall of the Preetorium. ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. 185 was really the name of the station. ‘This is Mr. Haverfield’s opinion. Mr. Thompson Watkin was almost right in his plausible suggestion of Navio, but the stone found at Foligno, in Italy,* with its reference to Brittonum Anavion(ensium), leaves no doubt as to the correct reading.t IJ.--FIRST OUTLINE OF THE FORT. The excavations made for this Society during three weeks of August, 1903, were of an exploratory character, designed to determine the area which it was desirable to excavate and to answer other preliminary enquiries. By following the superficial indications, masonry was soon found, both the stone wall of the large building in the centre (Plate II., 1) and the stout founda- tions to the rampart turning the western corner (Plate II., 2). The work was recognizably Roman, apart from the small objects—broken pottery, small coins, and the like—which were found in the digging. ‘The masonry was not of the solid charac- ter familiar in the greater engineering works of the Romans, but there were present, nevertheless, those characteristics, both in general design and in some details, which are known in other works of the second or third century. The facing stones, for example, were of the usual pattern, wedge-like, with the narrower end built into the wall. In the case of the outer wall, six feet thick, the middle part in the thickness of the wall between the outer and inner faces was found filled with boulders and rough stones. The faces themselves, when they could be traced, were well aligned, the stones being hammer-dressed with good surface. These explorations being only preliminary the wall was not followed all around on this occasion, but was picked up at intervals. The same might be said of the interior building. The tentative plan (Plate III.) illustrates the result, showing by a scored line the portions of walls which were actually traced, and by a dotted line the positions which, by analogy, they may be expected to occupy. In some cases, for which there is no * Ephemeris Epigraphica vii., 1102, and vol. vii., p. 84, of this Jozrnal, + See Mr. Haverfield’s note at the end of this article. 186 ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. exact guide, as in regard to the building adjoining the preetorium it is not possible to make any conjecture as to the unexplored portions. The fort as roughly defined by these excavations, is nearly a regular four-sided and walled enclosure (Plan, Plate III). Its approximate length inside is 336 feet and breadth 275 feet: the outer wall has an average thickness of 6 feet. The corners are rounded to a curve of about 32 feet radius, and in each side is a break at about its middle, corresponding in each case, as it seems, with the position of a gateway. The gates seem to have been arched over, as is usual: there is definite indication of this in the opening of the north-east side, which was possibly the main entrance. The gateways, to judge by a suggestion on the south-west side, were protected by flanking towers; and that towers also covered the corners is indicated by foundations in the western corner and by various signs in the broken corner to the north. The other corners were not examined at all. The masonry at the western corner is illustrated by the photograph on Plate II., No. 2. Turning to the interior, little work was done in the open field, except around the indications of a substantial building towards the upper (south-west) portion. A few other exploratory trenches were only partly instructive, showing some signs of masonry and stone floors, but no definite walling, except those portions which are indicated on the plan. It will be convenient to call the central building the prztorium, meaning by that the most important structure within the walls, connected presumably with the official work of the detachment in garrison. This was found to be somewhat larger in pro- portion to the area of the fort than is usual. It was placed symmetrically in the upper portion of the enclosure, and proved to be about 85 feet in length, 60 feet in breath (the masonry is illustrated on Plate IJ., 1), the wall being 3 feet 6 inches thick. There seemed to be an entrance near the middle of the north-west side, and three transverse walls were traced in the foundations, as though dividing the north-east side into chambers. ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO.. 187 PuateE III. Tate: OF a= =~ — Te . cS 5 8 8 (8 KP 614th se es «16 Cue CRORE) ee iia aa,!npost Stones EA NOT EY XS Cae VAD GEY ‘EUID ROMAN FACED WALLING a CONJECTURAL OR NOT EXCAVATED WALL ~——- DRAINS == pavement MODERN WALL ——— FENCE HEDGE Row ese SCALE OF FEE MOOERM GAT® Posy OURAN GAT® S037 z GATE = BTA ft sae Tr aa @ {1 u PRATORIUM t = u®@ '! z [Nor excavareo] Ce «. | 1, ee at | “Ty Ve te i “ me iA fet neds i oot « =e Pan led Fy : 2 ieee ol ok ; agra tt 2 w ow 331 ia Set pe | | att mp tim oy ier Tae a | io 5 ct uP jal EA i NOME Ee Guy Am Var AG in En D) ee a! ; Ih ove . ” I! ' inks = coil ct 2 ig R! sia is i Hy a £25 @> + = + wBhRITOa © inl adl, (6)! =f sie et . Oumar FS i he 5s . Sot ee Ra | ee mee ES THE RomMAN Fort AT BROUGH. Provisional Plan of the Excavations. 188 ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. The wall was not on this occasion followed all round, but it seemed probable that the area was defined by the masonry indicated on the plan. The two portions of the wall on the south-west side do not align, and at their juncture was an unusual feature. About the centre of that side a four-walled enclosure was found to descend to a depth of 8 feet, with steps leading down from the north-east against the side. The masonry of this cellar or well hardly seemed to be contemporary with that of the walls above, and certain differences were also noted between the opposite portions of the south-west wall of the pretorium. This curious feature is described in the next section. (Plates IV. and V.) Adjoining the pretorium towards the east was found the indication of another strong building, which, however, was not explored. A water channel lay between the adjoining walls, while another fronted the latter building. Other similar stone drains were found in the field. There were indications also of a roadway of cobble-stones passing from side to side, in front of the praetorium. This preliminary excavation, then, has shown the Roman fort to be of normal size for the smaller class of square fortresses in the north. It is, however, more strongly built than could have been anticipated. The stone wall which surrounded the whole was six feet in thickness, faced on either side. In this respect it offers, at first glance, a marked contrast with its neighbour at Melandra Castle, though, unfortunately, no sufficient excavation has yet been made at either place to render a scientific comparison possible. At the latter site a laudable beginning was made some years ago, but the work has not yet been completed, and nothing more than a temporary sketch-plan has yet been published.* In the preetorium itself, though hardly delimited, there is again a remarkable difference, which will lend additional interest to the future excavation. But the importance of the present work will not end here. This preetorium is not merely unlike that of * See vol. xxiii., p. 90, of this Journal. PLATE IV. Thos. Ashby, Junr. Roman BrouGH.—UNDERGROUND CHAMBER, OR WELL, IN THE PR#TORIUM. ‘THE MASONRY. ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. 189 its neighbour, but seems likely to prove entirely irregular; the cellar itself, though not unique, has about it some singular features. As will be seen also in later sections, there is already a brief indication of differences in style of masonry, pointing to different epochs of construction. This is noticeable also in the western corner tower, where apparently some older foundations are traceable. The suspicion is confirmed by the fact that the portion of an inscribed tablet, itself of some historical interest, was found built into the masonry about the mouth of this cellar. It is quite possible that future excavations may yield, by com- parison, some evidence as to the dates of military activity not merely in the locality but throughout the whole of Roman northern Britain. Even the dates of such stone-built forts are still matters open to question. III.—SOME SPECIAL FEAFURES. THE UNDERGROUND CHAMBER. The features of special interest which the excavations have so far disclosed are: (a) the foundations of the western tower, which seem to be the work of different periods ; (0) the peculiar arrangement of the pretorium, and its large size; (c) the preservation of some of the smaller parts of the gateway in the south-west side, where is the door stop, against which rested the two gates when closed; and, especially (d) the under- ground chamber, cellar, or well. Of these only the last named has yet been completely excavated. It is here illustrated by two plates, namely: IV., a photographic view of interior detail, and V., a photographic view, from the south-west, looking down upon the mouth of the pit with its flight of stone steps, and figure 6, which shows the plan of this structure and a section along the inner face of its stairway. There are two things clear from a consideration of the mere stonework. This chamber, or pit, as it might be called, is not contemporary with the south-west wall of the prztorium into which it fits: the masonry is of the more characteristic and solid Igo ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. Roman type. It will possibly be found when the excavation is completed that the pretorium wall was built later. The other point is that the pit was not originally designed to have steps: these were only made at some time by sacrificing a portion of one side, some of the stones taken out of the upper part were then arranged below as steps. The chamber itself is just over eight feet long by five feet wide at its narrower end. It broadens in the other direction to seven feet, and it was this end that was chosen for the stair- way. The top of the wall was found, like all the other masonry around, just below the surface of the ground, but it had been higher: the stones fallen within it alone would have raised it four courses. As it is, it goes down eleven courses of good ashlar to a depth of eight feet. A smaller area than the base had at some time been deepened in the shale bed to a further depth of nearly two feet. The walls around had been built stoutly to resist the pressure from without: the alternate courses were bonded in regularly at the ends, and the face remains quite true. The two opposite corner stones, cc, on the plan, Fig. 6, alone project for some reason a little beyond the face. The topmost step—as found—was curiously chamfered in its middle, on the near side, as shown in the plan and section defined by the letter a in figure 6. It looked as though it had been designed for the passing of a rope, but no use for it could be assigned in its present position. The outer wall, as it was preserved, stood about the same height as other walls of the pretorium. The corner stone, 4, on the right hand of the descent was found to be moulded and inscribed with letters, of which SCOPRAE are the best preserved (Plates VIII. and IX.). During the excavation of the interior there were found, at first, numerous building stones, fallen from off the walls around, mingled with earth and debris, then a number of animal bones, horns of the deer family and of oxen,* a few small coins of the fourth century, three main fragments of a second century tablet, two Roman altars, a broken column, a large stone vessel (Fig. 7, No. 1), fragments of pottery, and other small objects, * See Professor Boyd Dawkins’ paper, p. 203. PLATE V. t Thos. Ashby, Junr. Roman BroucH.— UNDERGROUND CHAMBER, OR WELL, IN THE PRATORIUM. VIEW FROM THE SOUTH-WEST. ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. 1gt ——s — =SECTION= = SCALE OF FEET Fig. 6.—Roman BrovucH.—Plan and Section of the underground chamber in the Pretorium. 1g2 ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. all mingled with mud and refuse ; and, beneath all, some broken slabs of concrete. These observations seem to indicate three stages in the use of this pit :— Stace I.—Possibly contemporary with the tablet of the mid- second century. A regular four-walled pit, descending vertically, with flat concrete floor; of uncertain use. An underground cellar or chamber in the pretorium of a Roman fort would not have been altogether unusual. A well-known example is that at Chesters on the Roman Wall near Chollerford, covered with a vaulted roof, and approached by a narrow flight of stone steps. A closer analogy, Mr. Haverfield points out, would be that at Lyne* if both this and that had wooden steps. The feature a (Fig. 6) may belong to this stage. Possibly it was found that water could not be kept out: there does not seem to be any cement between the joints, and the pit, having been cleared of its filling, is now full of water. This leads to STAGE I1.—Considerably after the mid-second century and probatly before the fourth. A constructional alteration of the north-west side. Part of the well removed for the purposes of adding a flight of stone steps, which descended to the bottom. a picce of a dedicatory tablet of the second century was used as a building stone. The floor was broken and the centre deepened. At this stage the motive seems to have been definitely a water-well: the fragments of a wooden tub or bucket found at the bottom seem to conform with this suggestion. Then followed Stace IIl.—WNot before the fourth century. The pit became used as a refuse pit; all rubbish and broken objects were con- veniently thrown into it. To this stage belongs the appearance of the major piece of the inscribed tablet, on which are the letters, COH.LAQVIT., &c., which, since it had been broken from the rest, had in the meanwhile been used as a flooring stone, and the letters upon it had become almost effaced by the continual wear and trampling of feet. The pit later became neglected and the upper portion gradually fell. “a Proc. Soc. of Antig. of Scotland, xxxv. 180. ROMAN BROUGH :-ANAVIO. 193 IV.—MISCELLANEOUS REMAINS DISCOVERED. INSCRIBED TABLET—ALTARS—ARCHITECTURAL. I.—Inscribed tablet. While excavating the pit described in the last section four fragments of a large inscribed tablet were discovered. These are shown by photograph on Plate VIII. They, practically, give the whole of the essential part of the text and enable a satisfactory restoration to be made, showing the whole tablet to have been about 54 inches in length and 30 inches in height. The inscribed portion was about 38 inches by 19, that is, just twice as long as broad. The letters are about 2 inches high, those of the bottom row, only, being a little taller. The moulding simulates a torus with ovolo, and a plain band round all; the inscribed surface is below the face of the stone. The restoration of the inscription is somewhat as shown on Plate IX. Mr. F. Haverfield has very kindly contributed a note upon the epigraphy of this stone, about which, therefore, it is not necessary to say anything. The inscription tells of the work effected by the Commander of the Cohort I. of Aqui- tanians, at a time when Julius Verus governed Britain, and Antoninus Pius was Emperor—about the middle of the second century. The only doubtful point in the restoration, probably, is the name of the Commander or Prafectus, the first letters of which are uncertain. Possibly a late discovery may solve this point. These fragments were all found in the pit or well within the pretorium, and it is reasonable to believe that the tablet itself was erected in the same vicinity to commemorate the com- pletion of some work, possibly the building of the fort itself. Subsequently, during reconstructions, the stone was broken up. One portion was built into the well at the time the staircase was made. Another was used as a floor stone elsewhere, to be thrown at a later time into the well itself. It is probable, from the positions of the two smaller pieces and their preservation, that they, too, had been built into the wall of the well in an upper course, and had afterwards fallen into the places in which they were found. Perhaps the point of greatest local interest 13 194 ROMAN BROUGH :— ANAVIO. indicated is the name of the Cohort, COHORS I. AQVITA- NORVM. It is not suggested that this was a detachment, specially detailed for engineering work: probably the First Cohort of Aquitanians constituted the garrison of Anavio at that time. The Coh. I. Aquitanorum, however, is well known. It is mentioned as sub Platorio Nepote on the Tabula Honeste Missionis ;* it occurs again on an altar seen at Haddon Hall, near Bakewell, where one Q. Sittius Cacilianus is described as Prefectus ;+ and again at Carrawburgh, whence the informa- tion seems to be much the same as that of the first cited.} The present tablet adds, then, considerably to our knowledge of this cohort; it also forms a main guide by which to relate Roman Brough to its proper position in military Roman Britain. II.—Altars. (a) An altar of coarse stone, fairly well pre- served, but with a vexatiously indecipherable inscription (Fig. 7, No. 3), was also found in the bottom of the pretorium pit. It is 19 inches high and about 12 inches square. The four lines of inscription are enclosed in a wreath or circular band with continued ends, between which is a chiselled mark. Beyond a probability that the first line read DE# and the last line V. S. L. M.—both common forms—nothing has been made of this inscription, though many devices have been tried. (6) A smaller altar, of finer stone, nicely moulded, but lacking the lower portion (Fig. 7, No. 4), was found in the same pit. It may be guessed that the reading is DEO MARTI, indicating a dedication to Mars, but that is only a matter of opinion, and nothing is certain. (c) A large altar, with typical mouldings, had lain exposed to the weather in the village of Hope for some time, having been brought, presumably, from Brough (Fig. 7, No. 5).. It has now been lent by Mrs. Middleton, who owns it, to the Public Museum at Buxton, where the other objects are placed on exhibition. * Corpus Inscr. Lat. vii., No. 1195. tC. I. L., No. 176, and Vol. vii., p. 90, of this Journal, tC. I. L., 620 a, [Sees _ a ee PLAN STONE DISH 4. SMALL ALTAR ELEVATION BASE OF COLUMN (FROM FARM) SQUARE ALTAR _ ALTAR FROM HOPE Fig. 7.—Roman Broucu.—Workings in stone. 196 ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. I1I.—Architectural remains. The excavations did not yield many architectural pieces. The drum of a column from the well and a fragment of another from the north-west of the pretorium were the chief. They corresponded nearly with a moulded base (Fig. 7, No. 2) which has for a long time been a conspicuous object in the wall opposite to the farm below the field of excavations. IV.—Other stone objects are grindstones, and a large stone dish or trough (Fig. 7, No. 1). V.—Catapult (dallista) balls of gritstone, of diameters 13, 34, 4, and 6 inches respectively. ViI.—The few coins were, with one exception (not found in the well itself), all of the small size characteristic of the fourth century. The exception was of larger size and probably a second brass, dating from the second century, found in the vicinity of the pretorium. All were very much corroded and none have been deciphered. VII.—Numerous pieces of glass and other small objects were found, but consideration of them is postponed until they are supported by cumulative evidence. One. interesting fact may be noted in conclusion. The soldiers seem to have spent much of their time whittling down sheep bones to make bone pins: this was particularly noticeable in the northern corner, in the position of the ‘sentry tower. PuatTe VIII. Roman BrouGu.—Inscribed tablet of the middle of the second century. Scale 1/7. ' a ‘TILA 3%[q uo uondiiosuy 0} AoyJ—'HONON_ NVNOY We 4 i al M ( AW-OTT- OWIA-OMALEAS WATONVIIAOVIHOD [hy dd OM O1SAS AVONINO THY NLT UVS IVO-dW I ‘XI ALVIg a ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. 197 NOTES ON THE INSCRIBED TABLET, AND ON THE ROMANO-BRITISH NAME OF BROUGH. By F. HAvERFIELD, M.A., F.S.A., Hon. F.S.A. Scot. Censor and Tutor of Christ Church, Oxford. I. THE TABLET. "way HE principal epigraphic discovery made at Brough in 1903 consists in four fragments of an inscribed slab of millstone grit, found on August 21-24 in a sunk chamber inside the fort. One fragment, bearing the letters SCOPRAF, was in the wall of the chamber, serving as a wall stone; the rest were found about half- way between the floor of the chamber and the surface of the ground, lying loose in the mud and débris which filled up the chamber. The largest fragment, which forms the centre of the slab, is worn as if it had been much trodden and had formed at some time a step or a paving flag. I have examined the fragments myself: I am also indebted to Mr. Garstang for various information concerning them. See Plates VIII. and IX., which he has prepared. When perfect the inscribed slab was probably an oblong panel with a plain moulded border, measuring over all two and a half or two and three-quarters feet in height, some four and a half feet in length and four inches in thickness. The inscrip- tion was in six lines, the first five each two inches high, the sixth two and one-third inches. It can be completed with some certainty as follows -— 198 ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. IN\mp CAESARI.T ael. hadr. anTONINOAV g. pio p. p. COH.1LAQVITAnorum SVB.IVLIO.Vero leg. AVG PR.PR.INSTantE PITONio FuSCOPRAF That is :— “Tn honour of the Emperor Titus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus’ Pius, Father of his country, (erected by) the First Cohort of Aquitanians, under Julius Verus, governor of Britain, and under the direct orders of Capitonius Fuscus, preefect of the cohort.” The only points here doubtful are in the last line, where the names of the prefect have to be conjectured and the final letter may be E or F, that is, prae(fecto) or pra(e)f(ecto): to me it seemed more like F, but the point is quite unimportant. The letter before P at the beginning of the line might, perhaps, be V, not A. The Emperor is Antoninus Pius, who reigned from A.D. 131- 161. The cohort is known to have belonged to the forces stationed in Britain in, and doubtless after, A.D. 124, and it has left an undated memorial of itself near Bakewell in Derby- shire, an altar dedicated to Mars Braciaca: it is also mentioned on an undated fragment found on Hadrian’s Wall at Carraw- burgh. The governor, Julius Verus, is also known. His name occurs on an inscription of Antoninus Pius found in the river Tyne at Newcastle only a few days before the Brough fragments were unearthed. Indeed it was this discovery which enabled us to guess that IVLIO V... might be completed /ulio Vero. Previous to these two discoveries he was not known to have governed Britain; all that was recorded was that he governed Syria about A.D. 163-5 and received a rescript from the joint emperors, Marcus and Verus. It was not unusual during the second century for the same man to govern first Britain, and then ROMAN BROUGH :—ANAVIO. 199 Syria, and apparently the two posts were held tolerably late in a man’s career, and with no very long interval between them. In all probability, therefore, Julius Verus governed Britain during the latest part of the reign of Pius, perhaps about A.D. 155. Add that he may perhaps be mentioned on a frag- mentary inscription, probably of this period, which was found at Netherby, a Roman fort in Cumberland north of Hadrian’s Wall (Lapidarium 777=C.1.L. vii, 767). Add also that his name may be restored on a slab found at Birrens and dated A.D. 158, and the sum of our knowledge of Julius Verus is complete. The inscription is interesting in two respects. In the first place it illuminates the history of the Roman fort at Brough. It belongs to a class of inscriptions which may be called memorial. With a reticence that is characteristic of Roman epigraphy, these inscriptions do not always name the reason of their erection, but it was usually the building or re-building of a fort, or a structure in it, or a road or bridge; sometimes, perhaps, it was the completion of an arduous campaign or journey. In the present case we may take the inscription as showing that the fort at Brough was built, or repaired, or, at least, occupied in some emphatic fashion about a.p. 158, It was apparently re-built later. The fragments of the inscription were found used as building material in a sunken chamber of Roman workmanship. This chamber may possibly correspond to the vault of the so-called “ Preetorium ” at Cilurnum (Chesters), Aesica (Great Chesters), and Bremenium (Rochester), in North- umberland, and in that case we might suppose at Brough, as we can certainly admit at Cilurnum a total re-construction of the fort. The date of that re-construction at Cilurnum seems to be in the reign of Septimus Severus. Whether that is also the date at Brough, we cannot yet tell. A somewhat similar pit at Lyne seems to belong to the middle of the second century: but it must have had wooden steps, if it had steps at all. ; Secondly, our inscription throws some real light on the con- dition of Britain in the middle of the second century of our 200 ROMAN BROUGH := ANAVIO. era. We now have evidence that under Julius Verus there was activity, about A.D. 158, at Brough and at Newcastle-on- Tyne and Birrens, and very probably also at Netherby. Further, we know from Pausanies (viii., 43) that at some time in the reign of Pius the Roman troops had to deal with unquiet Brigantes, part of whose territory was annexed, and we also know that the territory of the Brigantes covered the north of England from Derbyshire to the vicinity of the Tyne and Solway. Lastly, we read that when Pius died and Marcus succeeded there was serious trouble in Britain. It may well be that the difficulties with the Brigantes began late in the reign of Pius, that forts were built, or repaired, to aid their conquest or coercion, and that the struggle continued on into the reign of Marcus. It is unfortunate that in the present state of our knowledge we cannot tell how far the other Roman forts in the same hill- country may have piayed a similar part to that assigned to Brough. These other forts have yielded no datable evidence save coins, and not even coins in sufficient abundaace to justify confident conclusions. So far as they go the coins indicate that different forts may have had different histories. Melandra Castle, near Glossop, with coins of Domitian, Marcus, Julia Maesa, and Severus, may have been occupied during the same period as Brough. Slack, near Huddersfield, with coins of Nero to Hadrian, may have been both occupied and abandoned sooner. Templeborough, near Rotherham (Titus to Pius, and a few after A.D. 260) may have also dropped out of military use before the end of the second century. But at present it is impossible to say more than that these things may have been, and perhaps the chief use of saying it is to direct the reader's attention to the great value of such evidence as coins. P.S.—Since the above was sent to the printer, Dr. Ritterling has discussed the Newcastle slab and the activity of Verus. He inclines to connect Verus with some (supposed) work on the Wall of Hadrian, while he puts the Brigantian troubles down to the time of Lollius Urbicus, fifteen years earlier. ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. 201 I venture to think that the Brough slab takes Verus quite out of the Mural region, and that the operations of Lollius lay too far to the north to affect the Brigantes. It must be remembered that this latter tribe did not extend any serious distance north of Hadrian’s Wall, and Lollius was at work on the Clyde and Firth of Forth. . II. THE ROMANO-BRITISH NAME OF BROUGH. Bi HE question of the Romano-British name of Brough €:') is two-fold. We have to determine the ancient name of the site; we have also to decide between rival ways of spelling that name. The first half of the problem was successfully solved in 1876 by Mr. W. T. Watkin, who equated Brough with WNavio (Archeological Journal, XXXxlll., 49); the second part has been solved since by the recognition that the name which Watkin spelt WNavio is properly Azavio. Neither Watkin nor anyone else, so far as I know, has stated the full evidence for these conclusions, and it may be convenient to attempt to state it here. (1) The lower part of a Roman milestone in local grit, found in 1862 at Silverlands, Higher Buxton, records a distance of ro (or possibly 12) miles ANAVIONE. These letters may be equally well interpreted either as a Navione, “from Navio,” or as Anavione “(from) Navio,” with the preposition under- stood. Epigraphically, either phrase is possible, and the milestone, therefore, does not tell us whether the name in question is Navio or Anavio. But it does tell us that a place called by one or other of these names was 1o miles from Roman Buxton. In which direction this place lay, whether north, south, east, or west, we do not learn, but we can guess. The spot where the stone was found, Silverlands, is a little south of the supposed Roman baths, noted in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but it has lately yielded various 202 ROMAN BROUGH :=ANAVIO. Roman antiquities, and it may well be part of the site of the village or town of Romano-British Buxton. In that case we may reasonably suppose that our milestone stood actually in this village, and was not a wayside stone, but marked the point at which the road for Navio or Anavio started. If we proceed to enquire what Roman site is 1o miles from Buxton, we find that one site only suits—Brough—which is joined to Buxton by the still traceable Roman road, called Batham Gate. Brough, then, is Navio or Anavio.* (2) This milestone explains, and is in turn elucidated by, a fragmentary inscription found long before at Foligno (Fulginiae), in Italy, which mentions an official styled cemsitor Brittonum ANAVION . . . Watkin was the first to observe that this could be connected with the name on the Buxton milestone, but his general interpretation of it was not satis- factory. In particular, he read the names as Britionum a Navion[e], “Britons from Navio,” which is grammatically impossible. The obvious completion, as Borghesi and Henzen saw long ago, is Brittonum Anavion[ensium], “ Anavionensian Britons.” The exact meaning of this phrase might be obscure if we had not the Buxton milestone. That indicates that the Brittones Anavionenses are a clan or section or division of Britons who lived at Anavio. In tum, this shews that on the milestone we have to read Amavione, not A Navione. Thus, the second of our problems, the spelling, is solved.t (3) Two other pieces of evidence deserve quotation. The Ravennas mentions a British river, Anzava (438, 4). As usual with this writer, the context throws no light on the locality of the river. But the river next named is Dorvantium, there *C.1L.L., vii., 168; Ephemeris vii., 1102. The date of the inscription is unknown: I have no idea why Holder puts it b.fore A.D. 114. The stone, formerly at Derby, is now in Buxton Museum. The numeral of distance seems to my eyes to be X: others have read XII. +C. I. L., xi., 5213 ; Dessau, 1338. The official in question seems to have held his post of ces¢for quite early in the second century. I do not know whether one should connect his appearance with the development of the pro- vince, of which we get indications in different directions, such as, e.g., the appearance of jzrzdicc (Domaszewski, Rhein. Mus., xlvi., §99). If so, it helps to illuminate a dark period. ROMAN BROUGH :—ANAVIO. 203 is a Derbyshire Derwent, and the Azava may also be a Derby- shire river. We may put it near Avavio, and suppose that its mame survives in the present name of the stream which flows past Brough and into the Derwent, the Noe.* (4) Lastly, the Ravennas also mentions (430, 5) a place Nanione, so the manuscripts read, though some printed editions wrongly give Navione. Here, again, the context gives no proper clue to the situation. But the next place named is Aguis: that may well be Buxton, and then we may take Nanione to be a mistake for Axavione. The manuscripts of the Ravennas not seldom omit initial letters of names, and the confusion of uw and 2 is easy. It results that the name of Brough was Amavio, and the name of the Noe, which washes it, was Auava. The name is doubtless Keltic. The stem recurs in other Keltic names, and is said to denote music or harmony. But whether we should take Azavio to be the place of Anavus, or Anava to be the musically babbling brook, I will leave others to decide. And Professor Rhys whom I have consulted on the etymology is equally anxious to pronounce no verdict. NOTE ON THE REMAINS FOUND AT BROUGH. By Wiiiiam Boyp Dawkins, M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.G.S., Professor of Geology, Victoria University of Manchester. lation, and represent the animals which were used for food, “with the solitary exception of the dog,” by the inhabitants of Brough. The most abundant remains are those of the domestic shorthorn, 4os longifrons, most of which were killed and eaten when they were full-grown. None belonged to young calves. * Holder, Miiller (Ptolemy) and Hiibner suggest the Annan (which Holder actually puts in France), but this has no warrant. 204 ROMAN BROUGH := ANAVIO. The domestic hog is represented by five fragments of jaws belonging to young adults, with the exception of one, in which the milk teeth are in place. There are also two leg bones — belonging to young hogs. The horned sheep are represented by a frontlet with the characteristic horn-cores sweeping in a divergent direction backwards. The horse is represented by one ulna radius with the proxi mate end of the ulna gnawed off by dogs. The dog is represented by one tibia, which had obviously been thrown into the refuse heap along with the other bones. A series of bones, mostly belonging to the larger breed of domesticated cattle descended from the Urus, consists of the distal ends of meta-tarsals and meta-carpals, which have been sawn off. One is a meta-tarsal of the Bos longifrons breed. There is also the similar part of the meta-tarsal of the sheep or goat. All these are in a different state of preservation from the rest of the bones, and probably belong to a later period than the animals in the foregoing list. There is no case on record of the existence of oxen of the Urus type in Britain during the time of the Roman occupation. As I have proved elsewhere, these larger domestic cattle were brought from the Continent by the Low-Germanic invaders, who carved for themselves England out of Roman Britain. 205 She Peak tu the Days of Queen Anne. By Henry Kirke, M.A., B.C.L. S Derbyshire men, we owe a great debt to Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury, who by his _ book, De Mirabilibus Pecci, first made known to a wonder- ing world the marvels of our high Peakland. Amongst the gay courtiers of the second Charles the Peak was regarded as a place of exile, to which unfaithful or rebellious wives could be banished by their indignant spouses. As Pepys remarks in his Dzary, “My lord (Chesterfield) did presently pack his lady into the country in Derbyshire near the Peake, which is become a proverb at Court—to send a man’s wife to the Devil’s [cave] 0’ Peake when she vexes him.” In emulation of Hobbes, Charles Cotton wrote the Wonders of the Peak, which was published in 1681. Belauded by the ponderous hexameters of Hobbes, and the inharmonious iambics of Cotton, the marvels of our county attracted the curiosity of the beaux and quidnuncs of London: in consequence, many learned travellers, exploring the then unknown wilds of their native land, turned their footsteps, with hope and expectation, towards the northern districts of Derbyshire. Of such was the imaginative writer whose turgid prose has been preserved in volume 783 of the Rawlinson MSS. in the Bodleian Library. To his name and profession we have no clue. From the internal evidence, supplied by his journal, he must have been a man of some erudition, as he seems familiar with the Latin classics, and, to judge from certain technical expressions, not unversed in legal lore. I should conjecture that he was a lawyer of one 206 THE PEAK IN THE DAYS OF QUEEN ANNE. of the Inns of Court or Chancery, who, as he states, “set out from the metropolis the 5th September, 1709, accompanied by Mr. Rogers, the gentleman to whom this discourse is dedicated.” He was certainly a lowlander, as he describes our modest hills and woodland wastes as prodigious mountains and amazing deformities, and the ordinary rough roads of a hilly country are invested with terrors which are truly ludicrous. It was a wonder that he lived to tell the tale of his travels, so often was he in danger of being “ dash’d to peices” by “ Horrid Rocks ” or over “Stupendous Precipices.” The members of the Alpine and Himalayan Clubs should hide their abashed faces in pre- sence of such daring temerity as our travellers displayed. We are not told what Mr. Rogers thought of it all; but no doubt he was consoled for all the perils he had encountered, and all the fatigues he had endured, by the dedication to him of this grandiloquent effusion. Our author shows great admiration for the works of Hobbes and Cotton, and in one point he resembles both those writers, in that his imagination is much stronger than his rhymes. Certainly our ancestors were a credulous race, and ready to accept as “wonders” the most ordinary phenomena. Of the seven wonders of the Peak sung by Hobbes and Cotton, ” certainly Chatsworth is wonderful in its way, and the Peak Cavern and Poole’s Hole are natural curiosities, though not so extensive as some of the caves at Cheddar; but to the casual critic Buxton Well is but one amongst a score of similar springs in England, Mam Tor is an inconsiderable hill of loose shale, Eldon Hole a small chasm in the mountain limestone, and the Ebbing and Flowing Well a mere row of befouled cattle troughs*. But let our traveller speak for himself :— “Next morning we enterred Derbyshire bounded on y® South by Leicestershire on y® East by Nottingham West by Stafford- shire and northwards it joins to Yorkshire. The river Derwent * This natural example of the siphon system, which was once deemed worthy of being classed amongst the wonders of the Peak, sadly needs attention. Mr. Hubbersty, on behalf of the Society, is endeavouring to provide for its preservation.—ED. THE PEAK IN THE DAYS OF QUEEN ANNE. 207 divides it in two parts running from North to South where it empties itself into Trent. The East and South parts are fertile and produce good store of barly and other corn; the rest is altogether Mountainous & Barren but yielding much Lead, Copper, & Coles, Alabaster & Marble. In this County among others dwelt the Coritani in y® time of the Romans; during y° Heptarchy twas a province of Merica and is now in the Diocese of Lichfield and Coventry. “Being upon the entrance of these dangerous Moors which stretch themselves along the Northern Limits of the County we hired a guide to Chatsworth. “Now twas that nature began to change her Face and our Eyes were entertained with the most amazing Deformity in the world. Here were Mountains crowding upon Mountains, prodigious Rocks, deep Chasms, and dangerous Precipices. These Moors are often, fatal to strangers. “ They tell us a story of a Poor Man who traveling this Road and being benighted lost his way. He wandered several hours immured with dangers ; at last both he and his Horse sunk into a Bog. The Horse endeavouring to save himself was over- whelmed and never seen more, and he with much difficulty escaped the same Fate. The miserable wretch remained three days in a comfortless condition floating in a sea of Mud, and expecting every moment to be lost. At last his Cries drew some Gentlemen who were traveling this way to his assistance, who immediately contrived his safety and getting Ropes at an adjoining village removed him from the mire just as he was expiring. “These Moors have a deluding aspect being covered with a smooth Turfe, so that strangers deceived by the beautiful Appearance are often in great hazard of their Lives. “In this manner we proceeded either in danger of being Swallowed up in these Bogs or in sooty waves of some Streams we were forced to pass, or else in fear of being dash’d to pieces while we stormed the Ascent of prodigious Mountains, which seemed to wrap their heads in the Cloudes. The Road we went 208 THE PEAK IN THE DAYS OF QUEEN ANNE. gave us frightful Apprehensions, while on the one hand we beheld a Gloomy Descent into the hollow Gapings of the Earth, so black and dreadful that the most daring are amazed to view y® surprising Abyss, and on y® other hand impending Moun- tains threatened us with ruin. When we had measured about six miles we saw a Tower fixt on y® summit of a rising Mount, and when we came to It our Eyes were delighted with the pleasing Prospect of CHATSWORTH the seat of the Duke of Devonshire. Eden in all Its Glorys had nothing more sur- prising then* what we saw here. We found the descent to It very fatiguing to our horses, by reason of the vast stones that in many Places obstructed our Passage. We had here at once the most beautifull and most deformed seens in y® world. On the one Hand y* house and garden and on the other all y* Monstrous Views of Nature in an undress. It was dark by that time we have conquered the Descent which obliged us to put of the sight of y© House till y© next morning. This is the first of the Seven Wonders of the Peake comprehended by Mr. Hobbs in this Line, ‘ Aides, Mons, Barathrum, Binus Fons, Antraque bina,’ all of which I shall speak of in their order. “THE WONDERS OF THE PEAKE. “ Chatsworth—This stately Pile stands on y® Banks of Der- went which washes the front. There are a noble pair of Iron Gates of the same Breadth of the House, guarded on each side with two Pillars of Stone finely carved. Thro’ the gates you enter a large outer Court which leads you towards the Pile. Before you can enter the House you ascend by several steps upon a noble Terrace, which binds the Frontispeice, enclosed by curious Iron works. After this you are admitted thro y° Lodge into a spacious square Court, embraced round by the Buildings, which are supported on the Right and Left by several Pillars (Doric Columns) which form two stately Piazzas. “You cross the Court thro’ a large Portico into one of the noblest Halls in the Universe. THE PEAK IN THE DAYS OF QUEEN ANNE. 2090 “The amazed Spectator is dazled with the Magnificence. The carving and gilding is excellently performed. The Eye is deceived with Breathing Pictures, and every part splendidly adorned that y® soul is lost in admiration. “But to describe y® other Apartments would take up a Volumn. The wonderful Entrance of the Staircase is amazing. The Grotto and Bath not to be parallel’d. The Galleries richly gilded and painted and the Chappel made up of all the Treasures of Art and Fancy. In a word the whole betrays such Harmony, Beauty, and Magnificence as is not be equalled in Europe. “Having done with the House we were invited to a Prospect of the Gardens. “You enter first upon a spacious Parterre deck’d in all the delights of Flora. In the midde whereof is a famous Fountain, composed of several Sea-horses, which raising themselves above the water and curling their scaly Tails vent streams of water through their mouths and nostrils. On the right Hand is a Bowling Green, and neer that a Circular Pool, from the centre whereof there ascends a Rock, where Neptune is represented Brandishing his Trident in a furious manner, defending himself against several Tritons who assault him with the watry element. “The Parterre finished itself in a large Chanel, shaded on each side by Groves of Cypress, at one end whereof there rises a vast body of water shaped like a Pillar, which mounts near forty feet above the Superficies, and at the top diffuses itself into a shower. “Under the brow of the lofty mountain which embraces part of the garden we saw a quadrangular Pile, every angle graced with statues representing Rivers. These having Pots under their Armes pour out great quantities of water into a.Cascade about one hundred and twenty yards long; which being made declining with severall falls paved at y® Bottom and Edges. The water moves the ear with very agreable murmurs. 14 210 THE PEAK IN THE DAYS OF QUEEN ANNE. “At a little distance is a Fountain which emits streams of water near sixty feet high. “We exchanged this object for another plac’d in y® centre of a Gloomy Labarynth called the Mourning Willow. _Tis an artificial Tree, but so nearly resembling Nature as hardly to be distinguished at first view. There are secret veins dispersed thro’ every part of the Tree, thro’ which the water is con- veyed, and drops from every leaf and Twig like Tears, and from thence receives its name. But on a sudden (a Cock being turned) it flies out with great violence, wetting the beholders with a Plentifull Shower. “On the West side of the House are severall Aviaries, Greenhouse, and Nurseries, and near them a large Kitchen garden abounding in divers Esculents. “There are many more diverting curiosities in the garden, as Status, Grottos, pleasant walks, and Avenues, Aqueducts and other Hortulane Ornaments which I shall omit speaking of. “From thence we removed to Casédcton a Place famous for two other wonders viz. Mam Tor and that wondrous Cave called the Devil’s [Cave]. In our way we passed by several Lead mines. There is a custom in this part of the County, that if any person whatsoever finds a vein of Lead, tho’ he has no right to the soil, y® Discovery vests an immediate Property in him and he may dig and convert the profits to his own use, paying Dutys and Taxes.* The miners presented us with severall Fluors, which they dig from among the Oar, being of a whitish complexion, and from their Transparency and other Properties much like Christal. * This right is noted in that curious metrical version of mining laws composed by ‘“‘ Edward Manlove, Esq., Steward of the Burghmoot Court in Wirksworth,” as being conferred by 16 E. 1., c. 2, after an Inquisition held at Ashbourne in the same year. “ By custom old in Wirksworth wapentake If any of this nation find a rake Or sign, or leading to the same, may set In any ground and there lead oar may get: They may make crosses, holes, and set their stowes, Sink shafts, build lodges, cottages or coes. But churches, houses, gardens, all are free From this strange custom of the minery.” See also Glover’s History of Derbyshire, vol. 1, app. 9. THE PEAK IN THE DAYS OF QUEEN ANNE. hihi “Castleton is a small village, and takes its name from the Castle on the Top of an adjoining Hill, which seems from its situation to have been impregnable, being fixt on the sumit of a high and dangerous Precipice and having no way to it but one. Distant from this place about half a mile is Mamtor a Prodigious Mountain from whose top the earth (they say) is continually mouldring down and yet never wasts. This is an erroneous opinion of the Natives, for any person who examines the place may perceive a Sensible Diminution of the sandy heap by the vast stones and Turfe which hang suspended in the air, and are often seen to fall down by the neighbouring people. Returning again to Castleton we went to see :— “The Devil’s [Cave] which yawns at the Foot of that Rock which supports y® Castle, I mentioned before. The entrance appears so black and Dreadful that it tries the Resolution of the most daring Adventurer. The nearer you approach the more your surprise encreases, while your eyes are terrifyed by the menacing Aspect of Impending Rocks, and your Ears with the strong Bellowing of Subterranean Rivers. We no sooner entered it but many of the Poor People from the Town came with candles and offered themselves as our guides. Ovid’s description of the Palace of Somnus agrees very well with this place :— “Est prope Cimmerios longo spelunca recessu Mons cavus ignavi domus et penetralia somni Quo nunquam radiis oriens mediusve cadensve Pheebus adire potest. Nebulke caligine mist Exhalantur humo; dubizeque crepuscula lucis.” “Which may be thus translated— “Near Castleton by a steep mountain’s side There yawns a dreadful cavern deep and wide, Within the chambers of these dark aboads The Sloathful God of Sleep supinely nods, Where Phoebus ne’er dismissed one beam of Light— The Seat of Chaos and Eternal Night.” “The Dangers and Horror that surrounded us could not hinder admiration from exerting itself to see the labour of the Almighty Architect. Tis surprising that so spacious an arch 212 THE PEAK IN THE DAYS OF QUEEN ANNE. should bear the ponderous mountains that are above without anything to support it in the middle. We had scarcely measured too yards but the arched roof descended so low that we were compelled to creep on all four till we came to the margin of a sooty River* about five yards over. Here we were irresolute whether to advance further or not. The Danger that appeared before us bid us return. But then the Itch of Curiosity animated our haulting Resolutions and moved us to a farther Discovery. Immediately two Rusticks were ready to - attend us, who laying us in a Tub waded through and wafted us over one after another. The Passage was very Affrighting, in all the way over, the descending Rock almost touched our faces. And the great Rains that happened about that time had so increased the waters that should they be swelled by any additional showers three Inches, our Return would be rendered impossible. As soon as we had conquered the further shore the Vault began to enlarge and affords something that pleasingly rewarded our Labours. The Shining Roof dazled the eye with its brightness, and looked more like the Palace of a Prince than any of Nature’s productions: all round the Chequered Configuration of the Rock present you with a scene truly admirable, where you find the hand of Nature forming a more Beautiful Scheme of Architecture than ’er was compiled by Art. From hence we were obliged to follow our guide thro’ a narrow Passage where we were almost pressed to pieces by pointed stones that guarded each side of the place, till at last we came to a second River. Here we expressed the same fear as before; but being immured to danger we ventured over. But what a dismal Change was here! From so beautiful a place as I before described to one of the most amazing Prospects of Confusion and Deformity. “*Woror ubique animos simul ipsa silentia terret.’ We saw nothing but rocks piled upon one another, which we must * “Sooty” seems to be used in the sense of “ dark,” “gloomy,” as the water issuing from the Peak Cavern is wonderfully clear and free from impurity. THE PEAK IN THE DAYS OF QUEEN ANNE. 213 clamber o'r, er we can pursue our Security. With much Diffi- culty we advanced, till the cave enlarged, and discovered another stately apartment, curiously arched, and adomed with the same shining matter I spoke of above. We went not many paces further er we saw the third River where the Rock descended so low as to admit of no further Discovery. Sed revocare gradus superasque evadere ad auras Hoc opus, hic labor est. “But now we began to think of a Return, and were consult- ing how to extricate ourselves from the gloomy Labarynth. With much ado we found our way back thro’ y© many windings of y® cave to our guides whom we left behind at the first River, who welcomed us with their Lights and conducted us out with joyful Salvos and Acclamations. “The Inhabitants presented us with several stones like shels of snails, cockle, escallops,* &c. “The next morning we went towards Buxton, but stop’d in the Way to’ see “Eldon-Hole. It opens on the side of a step Hill and is wall’d round lest the sheep that feed thereabouts should fall in. The mouth of it is wide and Rocky, tho’ lower it is more contracted and narrow. It appears so black and Deep that few Travellers have the courage to approach it. There are severall Rusticks that attend us, and divert us by casting in great stones, which striking against the Sollid Ribbs of the Abyss rose like repeated Claps of Thunder. Still as they descend the noise continues, till at last growing weaker and weaker they whisper out their distance with a sort of hissing as if they dropt into water. Men of Fancy imagine it the seat of Imprisoned Winds and endeavour to recommend _ their Dreams as Experimental. Tho’ I can assure my Reader that while I was here I could not perceive y* least breath of Air. “They tell us the story of a man who ventured down by a Rope into the Bottomless Cavern. He took a Bell with him to give notice to those above when he would be drawn up again. * Probably small fossils from the mountain limestone. 214 THE PEAK IN THE DAYS OF QUEEN ANNE. They let him down so low that the Bell could not be heard; at last having given him all the Line they could, and not hearing the Bell drew him up, but were surprised to find the Poor man distracted: his eyes rolled and were ready to start from their Fountains: his Tongue was void of utterance, and everything betrayed the misfortune of the Poor Wretch. He dyed immediately, and as to the Cause of his disorder, whether from the fear of falling or the sight of Ghosts or Spectrums, or what else nobody cou’d conjecture.* “There is another melancholy story of the Place so related by Mr. Cotton. A gentleman traveling this road and being overtaken by night applyed himself to a neighbouring Village for Direction. He had presently two fellows to attend him who perceiving his Portmantua to be well stuff’d immediately contrived his Ruin. They pretended a greate care of his person, and when they were near Eldon Hole he was desired to alight and walk over a place they represented dangerous. The gentleman obeyed and one of the Rogues took his Horse, while the other lead him by the Arm; and when they came to the mouth of this Horrid Gulf they push’d him headlong into it. The Unfortunate Stranger apprehensive of his misfortune shook the chambers of y* gloomy Abyss with his dying groans and cries while his body was dash’d in a thousand peices against the pointed stones, which remained coloured with his Blood. “OQ Horred Act of Villainy! But Heaven that never lets such crimes pass with Impunity found one of the Authors of * This story is taken from Hobbes’ De Mirabilibus Pecct. The man was said to have been hired by Dudley, Earl of Leicester. A person, quoted by Catcott in the 77veatise on the Deluge, declares that he let down a line nine hundred and ninety-three yards without meeting the bottom. In the year 1770 Mr. John Lloyd, F.R.S., descended into Eldon Hole and reached the bottom sixty-two yards from the mouth, and discovered several interesting caves hung with stalactites. Other descents have been made, verifying the fact that this ‘‘ bottomless abyss” is only about seventy yards deep. No bones or other remains have been found to support the Cottonian legend, but the floor was so covered with the stones which have been thrown in by thousands of curious visitors that anything of the kind would only be found by excavation. THE PEAK IN THE DAYS OF QUEEN ANNE. 215 this Inhuman Action, for the man being tortored by an uneasy Conscience confessed the fact and suffer’d condign punishment : but the other could never yet be heard of. “Mr. Cotton sounded this place above eight hundred and eighty-four yards, but could find no Bottom. “ Not far from here is Tideswell whiche is Reported to observe its Constant Tides four times in the Hour. But some persons distrusting the verity of this matter we thought it not worth our while to visit the place.* “About three miles hence is Buxton famous for the Bath dedicated to St AVN. The waters are extreamly warm, are much courted in the summer by y® Nobility and Gentry, having a medicinal vertue in em good for the Stomach nerves, sinews and the whole body.t Near it is a Cold Spring whose waters are esteemed good against many distempers. “TA gentleman that was traveling showed me an Almanack of the Danish invention. It was about 2 foot long 4 square and not like what Dr. Plot met in Staffordshire yet essentially the same !]{ “Sir Thomas Delves of Dodington in the Co. of Chester Bart having long languished under an Asthma was cured by drinking these waters. In memory whereof he has covered it with a strong stone Building. Near the Hot Bath are these encomiastic Lines. I give you em exactly as they are written— “*Corpore debilior, Geani se proluit undis Querit aquas Aponi, quam febris atra necat Ut penitus Renam purget, cur Psaulia tanta Vel que dant Radiis pectora Calderiz? Sota mihi Buxtona placet Buxtona Britannus Unda, Granus, Aponus, Psaulia, Calderia.” * Our traveller apparently got confused between Tideswell and the Ebbing and Flowing Well, which was one of Hobbes’ and Cotton’s “* Wonders.” + Glover gives a list of seventy-six medicinal springs in Derbyshire. + These clog almanacks, as they were called, were in common use in England from the time of the Saxons—they may have been introduced by the Danes. An engraving of Dr. Plot’s Staffordshire Clog can be seen in The Reliquary, vol. v., p. 124. The clog almanack shown to our travellers may have been one of those now preserved in the Chetham Library in Manchester. It was presented by Mr. John Moss in 1711, two years afterwards. 216 THE PEAK IN THE DAYS OF QUEEN ANNE. “Which will bear this Translation— “To Granus healing waters let him haste Who finds his Body thro’ consumption wast, When the Blood suffers by a febril fire To cooling Aponus for care retire. And why so noted are ye Psaulian streams But as they purge and purify the Reins; The waters yt from famed Calderia spring Assistance to a weakened optick bring. But Buxton has a general healing power And yields to every Disease a cure.” “T observed while I was bathing on one side of the well a Cold spring which flowed up among the other waters. If you put your foot upon the place where it bubbles up you feel it wonderfull cold while your upper parts are quite warm, so that you may be said, as the ingenious Mr. Cotton expresses it, “endure At once an ague and a calenture.” “JT shall conclude my observations on this place (which were the Roads as passable would be noted as those springs in Somer- setshire) with the Lines of Mr. Hobbs— “Dive sacer est fons inclytus Annz Ambas miscet aquas Calidze gelidaeque ministra Tellus; sulphureisque effundit Pharmaca venis, Hec resoluta senum confirmat membra trementum, El refovet nervos lotrix hec lympha gelatos. Huc infirma regunt baculis vestigia claudi; Ingrati referunt baculis vestigia spretis. Huc, mater fieri cupiens, accedit inanis, Plenaque discedit, puto, nec veniente marito.” In ENGLISH. ““ This fountain sacred to Saint Anna’s name, A stream from thence both hot and cold does rise In which a Pharmaceutic vertue lies. It gives the aged Paralyte reliefe, And nourishes the nerves grown cold and stiff. It doth the sick unto their health restore, And makes the same to need the crutch no more:” &ec., &c. “ About a mile from Buxton is Pool’s Hole so called from one Pool an outlaw who fled and hid himself here. It opens at the bottom of a mountain where severall women attend with THE PEAK IN THE DAYS OF QUEEN ANNE. 217 candles, and conduct you thro’ a little door into a narrow passage which is so low that you are obliged to creep on all four, while you are squeezed to pieces by the stones which defend the contracted orifice. When you are entered about eight yards the hollow suffers you to rise, and view the beauty of the arched Roof above, which shines as if twas beset with Stars. But when we removed our Eyes downwards, and con- © templated the Dangers before us, we had scarce Courage enough to Satisfy our curiosity in the Subterranean Scrutiny: the extensive Womb of the Cave was pregnant of prodigious uneven Rocks, which we were forced to climb: and notwithstanding all the care of our female guides the stones were so slippery and pointed that Death attended every step, to plunge us into a Black River, which runs with dreadful groanings just under us. In our way we were obliged to suspend our fears while we diverted ourselves with severall stones resembling men, Lions, dogs, Haycocks and Lanthorns, which owe their being to mere chance. In the Roof we saw a stone which they call the Flitch of Bacon, because tis somewhat like it in shape. This with the things mentioned before are caused by the Petri- fying Quality of the place. For the water sliding down in drops changes its aqueous Substance and incrustates into stone. “ Having taken leave of those Rarities we pursued our search thro’ the rugged windings of the Cave, till at last on the left hand we saw a large pillar of an odd Configuration which taking Root on the solid below ascends and supports the starry Roof. The admirable contexture of this pillar is excellently described by Cotton in these words— ** Before your eyes You see a great transparent pillar rise Of the same shining matter with ye rest, But such a one as Nature does contest (Tho’ working in ye Dark) in this brave piece With all the Obelisks of Ancient Greece. For all the art ye Chizel could apply Ne’er wrought such curious folds of drapery Of this the figure is, as men should croud A vast colossus in a marble shroud : 218 THE PEAK IN THE DAYS OF QUEEN ANNE. And yet the pleats so soft and flowing are As finest folds from finest looms they were. But far as hands could reach to give a blow By the rude Clowns broke and disfigured so As may be well supposed when all that come Carry some piece of the Rock Crystal home. Of all these Rarities this alone can claim A doubtless right to everlasting fame.” “This is called the Queen of Scots pillar; for when the Queen of Scots was in these parts she ventured her princely person thus far into the Cave, and saluting the Pillar called it hers; and since then it has retained that name. It was with some difficulty we prevailed with our Guides to a further search, the way being very dangerous. At last they yielded to lead us by arm down a steep and slippery Descent by. the side of yé pillar. When we came to the bottom we crossed a dangerous stream jumping from one stone to another, till we came to the foot of the most affrighting Rocks that ever we beheld. Our next attempt was to storm this place, which we did by laying hold on the rugged part of the solid with our Hands, while our Guides supported us behind. After we had ascended about one hundred yards our heads almost touched the Roof, and looking down we saw a candle left at the stream below which looked like a distant star. The Grotto admitting us no farther we began to think of the upper world again; so turning about to go down we were amazed to see the horrid Descent. Nothing but Despair seised us while we mov’d downwards for you are supported on either side by our conductors while some others slide down before you, against whom you place your feet, so that if any of you slip, you are unavoidably dash’d to peices. In this manner we proceeded till we came again to the pillar. And from thence, after we had seen Mr. Pool’s apartments, we were conducted thro’ the narrow passage again to the door we entered in at, which being opened we took leave of the Dark Abyss, and mounting our horses continued our journey.” 219 The Hymenoptera Actileata of Derbyshire (Onts, Bees and Wasps). By 1tHE Rev. Francis C. R. Jourpain, M.A. P—AiOT much has been heretofore recorded of these K interesting insects, but it is hoped that the pub- lication of an accessible preliminary list will stimulate interest in this branch of the Hymenop- tera and enable us to add largely to our somewhat scanty stock of information on the subject. By far the larger pro- portion of records are from the southern half of the county, for the northern part remains almost unworked. The Heterogyna, too, need more study than they have received up to the present. ‘ The only local list of any importance is Mr. Edwin Brown’s account of the Aculeata in the Natural History of Tutbury, pp. 180-185. Here about eighty-one species are mentioned as occurring within a few miles of Burton, but, as the exact localities are seldom recorded, there always remains a certain amount of doubt as to whether we can make good our claim to the records until they have been confirmed from other sources. Unfortunately, too, Mr. Brown’s collections have been dis- persed, so that any critical analysis is impossible, for the original specimens are no longer available for examination. Of late years Mr. G. Pullen has collected chiefly in the neighbourhood of Breadsall Moor and Derby, and Messrs. F. Greenwood and J. Hill have contributed a few records from Chesterfield and Little Eaton. In particular I must acknow- ledge with thanks the great assistance rendered by Mr. Edward 220 THE HYMENOPTERA ACULEATA OF DERBYSHIRE. Saunders in determining the species of many specimens from different sources, sent to him for identification, and which are marked with an asterisk (*) in the list. Abbreviations used :— E.B.—Edwin Brown, “Fauna of Burton-on-Trent” in Natural History of Tutbury, etc. (1863). E.S.—Edward Saunders, The Hymenoptera Aculeata of the British Isles (1893-6). J-H.—John Hill. (Little Eaton, etc.) F.G.—F. Greenwood. ~ (Chesterfield.) G.P.—G. Pullen. (Breadsall Moors, Derby, etc.) F.J.—F. C. R. Jourdain. (Ashburne district.) HETEROGYNA. FORMICIDE : Formica rufa, L. In woods, rather local: Little Eaton (G.E): F. fusca, Latr. Common in dry banks (E.B.); very common and general. Lasius fuliginosus, Latr. Scarce, but occasionally found in old stumps (F.J.). L. flavus, De G. Common on light soils: near Derby (G2P>). L. niger, L. Common in gardens and dry banks. MYRMICID& : Myrmica rubra, L. Common and general. FOSSORES. SAPYGID : Sapyga quinquepunctata, Fb. On rails and _palings, Burton (E.B.). S. clavicornis, L. Burton, but not common (E.B.); taken several times by P. B. Mason in the Burton district (A. H. Martineau); *one, Breadsall Moor, 1903 (G.P.). This appears to be exclusively a Midland species. It has been recently recorded from Warwick, Worcester, and Hereford. THE HYMENOPTERA ACULEATA OF DERBYSHIRE. 221 POMPILIDE : Pompilus viaticus, L. (fuscus, Sm.). Burton (E.B.). P. gibbus, Fb. [The Oaks marlpit, Burton (E.B.)]; Little Eaton (J.H.). Salius exaltatus, Fb. Burton (E.B.). SPHEGID& : Trypoxylon figulus, L. In banks and rotten wood, Burton (E.B.). Pemphredon lugubris, Fb. Seal wood, etc. Nests in rotten stumps (E.B.); Willington (G.P.); Little Eaton (EEE P. shuckardi, Moraw (Cemonus unicolor, Sm. pars.). Burton (E.B.); Little Eaton (J.H.). P. lethifer, Shuck.* One, Sept. 26, 1903, Chesterfield (F.G.). Diodontus minutus, Fb. Burrows in banks, Burton (E.B.) ; Little Eaton (J.H.). D. tristis, V. d. L. Burrows in dead twigs, Burton (E.B.). Passaloecus gracilis, Curt. *Breadsall, 1903 (G.P.). Psen pallipes, Pz. Makes its nest in the straws of thatch, Burton (E.B.). Gorytes mystaceus, L. Little Eaton (J.H.). Mellinus arvensis, L. [Shobnall, etc. (E.B.) ]; *Breadsall, 1903 (G.P.). Cerceris arenaria, L. Burrows in sandy ground, Repton Shrubs (E.B.). Crabro clavipes, L. *Breadsall Moor, 1886 (G.P.). C. podagricus, V. d. L. Little Eaton (J.H.). C. cephalotes, Pz. Little Eaton (J.H.); *Chesterfield (F.G.). Two specimens from Chesterfield belong to the ordinary form, cavifrons, Thr. C. chrysostoma, St. F. (xylurgus, Shuck.). . Burrows in decayed wood, Burton (E.B.); Little Eaton (J.H.); * Breadsall Moor, 1903 (G.P.). C. cribrarius, L. Repton Shrubs, more abundant than following species (E.B.); Little Eaton (J.H.). C. peltarius, Schr. (patellatus, Pz.). Burrows in banks, Burton (E.B.). 222 THE HYMENOPTERA ACULEATA OF DERBYSHIRE. DIPLOPTERA. VESPIDE : Vespa crabro, L. The hornet is very rare in the Burton district according to E. B., who, however, once took a very populous nest from a hollow willow at Stapen- hill; four killed and nest subsequently found in 1867 at Hanging Bridge (G. M. Bond); has occurred at Calke (Hugo Harpur Crewe); a nest at Osmaston-by- Ashburne about 1880 (F.J.); and in Egginton Fox Covert, 1902 (G.P.). [A nest on the Staffordshire side of the River Dove at Hanging Bridge, September, 1902 (F.J.).] V. vulgaris, L. Generally. distributed and very common in dry autumns. V. germanica, Fb. Also abundant (E.B.); * Dove valley (F.J.);. Little Eaton, etc. (J.H., G.P.); Chesterfield (F.G.). V. rufa, L. At Dovedale, not uncommon (E.B.); * Bread- sall, not uncommon (G.P.); Chesterfield, frequent (F.G.). V. sylvestris, Scop. At Burton, but rare (E.B.) ; *occasion- ally, Dove valley (F.J.); near Derby (G.P.); Chester- field, frequent (F.G.) ; .Derwent (F.J.). V. norvegica, Fb. Not uncommon (E.B.); Dove valley (EJ.); mear (Derbys (G.2-). EUMENIDE : Odynerus spinipes, L. Burton (E.B.); Willington (G.P.). O. parietum, L. Burton, common (E.B.); Willington, common (G.P.); * Little Eaton, fairly common (G.P., J.H.); Ashburne district (F.J.). O. pictus, Curt. * Little Eaton (G.P., J.H.). QO. trimarginatus, Zett. * Little Eaton (G.P., J.H.); * Clifton, Sept., 1902 (F-.J.). O. trifasciatus, Oliv. * Little Eaton (G.P., J.H.). O. antilope, Pz. Little Eaton (J.H.). THE HYMENOPTERA ACULEATA OF DERBYSHIRE. 223 ANTHOPHILA. OBTUSILINGUES. COLLETID2 : Colletes daviesanus, Sm. Burton, builds in walls and sandy banks (E.B.); * Breadsall Moors, 1903 (G.P.). Prosopis communis, Nyl. (annulata, Kirb.). Burton (E.B.) ; Little Eaton (J.H.). P. hyalinata, Sm. * Breadsall Moors, 1903 (G.P.). ACUTILINGUES. ANDRENIDZ : Sphecodes gibbus, L. [Shobnall marlpit, Burton (E.B.).] S. subquadratus, Sm. * One 9 Shirley, May, 1903 (F.J.). S. pilifrons, Thoms. (Porb. S. rufescens, Sm.) ? Burton (E.B.) ; Little Eaton (J.H.). Halictus rubicundus, Chr. Burton (E.B.); * Clifton (F.J.); * Breadsall (G.P.). H. quadrinotatus, Kirb. Burton (E.B.). H. cylindricus, Fb. Burton (E.B.); * Willington, 1882 (G:P-). H. albipes, Kirb. Burton (E.B.). H. longulus, Sm. Burton (E.B.). (?) Confirmation required. H. subfasciatus, Nyl. * Little Eaton, 1882 (G.P.). H. nitidiusculus, Kirb. * Breadsall Moors, 1903 (G.P.). H. morio, Fb. Burton (E.B.). Andrena albicans, Kirb. Burton (E.B.); Little Eaton, common (G.P., J.H.); Buxton (E.S.); Chesterfield (F.G.). A. rosz, Pz. var. trimmerana, Kirb. * Little Eaton (G.P.). A. nitida, Fourc. Burton (E.B.); Little Eaton, common G.P.; Chesterfield (F.G.). A. cineraria, L. Burton (E.B.); *Shirley, fairly common, May, 1903 (F.J.); Chesterfield (F.G.). A. fulva, Schr. Burton (E.B.); common Breadsall Moor (G.P.) ; Chesterfield, common (F.G.). 224 THE HYMENOPTERA ACULEATA OF DERBYSHIRE. . clarkella, Kirb. * Little Eaton, not uncommon (G.P.). . nigrozenea, Kirb. Little Eaton (J.H.). . angustior, Kirb. * Little Eaton (G.P.). . fucata, Sm. Buxton (E.S.). . fulvicrus, Kirb. Burton (E.B.). . albicrus, Kirb. Burton (E.B.); *Little Eaton (G.P.). . coitana, Kirb. * Breadsall Moor, 1903 (G.P.). . humilis, Imh. * Breadsall Moor, 1903 (G.P.). . minutula, Kirb. Buxton (E.5S.). . nana, Kirb. * Breadsall Moor, 1903 (G.P.). Nomada sexfasciata, Pz. Breadsall Moor, 1886 (G.P.). N. succincta, Pz. [Shobnall and elsewhere (E.B.)]; Little Eaton (J.H.) ; not uncommon (G.P.). N. alternata, Kirb. Repton Shrubs, etc. (E.B.); * Little Eaton (G.P., J.H.). -N. lathburiana, Kirb. * One 9, Shirley, May, 1903 (F.J.): N. ruficornis, L. Buxton (E.S.); * Breadsall Moor, 1903 (G.P.). N. bifida, Thoms. * Little Eaton (G.P.). N. ochrostoma, Kirb. Burton (E.B.); * Shirley, May, 1903 (F.J.). N. ferruginata, Kirb. (germanica, Sm.). Burton (E.B.). N. fabriciana, L. Burton (E.B.); Little Eaton (J.H.). N. flavoguttata, Kirb. Burton (E.B.); Buxton (E.S.). SFr rrr err SP Pe APIDE. Chelostoma florisomne, L. Burton (E.B.); * Breadsall Moors, 5 taken 1903 (G.P.). Ccelioxys elongata, St. F. (simplex, Nyl.) Burton (E.B.). Megachile willughbiella, Kirb. Burton (E.B.); * Clifton (F.J.); Little Eaton, in old posts (G.P.). M. centuncularis, L. Burton (E.B.); * Little Eaton (G.P., J.H.) ; Ashburne (F.J.). Osmia rufa, L. Burrows into mortar of old walls and old posts, Burton (E.B.); Little Eaton (G.P.). THE HYMENOPTERA ACULEATA OF DERBYSHIRE. 225 O. fulviventris, Pz. Breadsall Moor, 1903 (G.P.). O. bicolor, Schk. Mines commonly into banks, occa- ‘sionally appropriates an empty snail shell, Burton (E.B.); once near Ashburne (F.J.). Anthidium manicatum, L. Burton (E.B.). Eucera longicornis, L. Mines into exposed clay banks. Sealpcliff Hill, Burton (E.B.). Melecta armata, Pz. Burton (E.B.). Anthophora pilipes, Fb. (acervorum, Sm.). Usually nests in joints of garden walls (E.B.); Little Eaton (J.H.). Psithyrus rupestris, Fb. Breadsall Moor (G.P.). P. vestalis, Foure. Burton (E.B.); Breadsall Moor (G.P.). P. barbutellus, Kirb. (nec Sm.). * Breadsall Moor, 1903 (GiB): P. campestris, Pz. Burton (E.B.); * Breadsall Moor (G.P.). P. quadricolor, St. F. (barbutellus, Sm.). Burton (E.B.). Bombus venustus, Sm. (cognatus Steph., var. senilis, Sm.). Burton (E.B.); Breadsall Moor (G.P.). B. agrorum, Fb. (muscorum L.). Burton (E.B.); * Bread- sall Moor, common (G.P.); Clifton (F.J.); and Chesterfield (F.G.), common. B. hortorum, L. Nest in banks. Burton (E.B.); * Bread- sall Moor (G.P.). B. latreillellus, Kirb. Nest in banks, Burton (E.B.); * Breadsall Moor (G.P.). Var.* distinguendus, Mor. ibid (G.P.). B. sylvarum, L. Burton (E.B.); * Breadsall Moor, 1903 (G.P.). B. derhamellus, Kirb. Nest in fields:and on banks, Burton (E.B.); *near Derby, 1882, and _ occasionally Breadsall Moor (G.P.) B. lapidarius, L. Common and general. Burton (E.B.); * Dove valley (F.J.); Derby district (G.P.) ; Chester- field (F.G.). 15 226 THE HYMENOPTERA ACULEATA OF DERBYSHIRE. B. pratorum, L. Burton, nest once found in manure heap (E.B.) ; * Willington and Breadsall Moor occasionally (G.P.); * Clifton and Dove Valley occasional (F.J.). B. terrestris, L. Very common and generally distributed. Var. *virginalis, Kirb. 9 Breadsall Moor (G.P.). Apis mellifica, L. Occasionally reverts to a wild state. Var. ligustica, Spin. “Lately . . . introduced at Netherseal” (E.B., 1863). The above list contains altogether 105 species, but con- firmatory evidence is very desirable in several cases, especially in view of the fact that 19 species noted by Mr. Brown have not been recorded in Derbyshire since 1863. Of these, however, fourteen, at least, have been met with in adjacent counties, and will most probably, sooner or later, be found within our limits, while the rest remain doubtful pending further evidence. ‘SNIVWTY FHT “LNAHNYALNI ADNVYOD AW INVLS § ‘ABHaO “O17 ‘3SN33H GY ‘T H1VTd 227 Discovery of an Early Interment at Stanley Grange. By THE Rev. CHARLES KERRY. N September 22nd, 1903, during the formation of a drain on the west side of the farm buildings, an interesting discovery was made at Stanley Grange Farm,* about six miles north-east from Derby. It comprised a rectangular oak coffin containing human remains and a small glass phial. The lid of the coffin lay three feet one inch below the surface, but as the ground has obviously been raised in recent times, its position was not more than two feet below the present natural level. At each end of the coffin were two circular holes; those at the head being three quarters of an inch in diameter, four inches apart from centre to centre, and eight and a half inches at their centres above the floor of the coffin; those at the foot, one inch in diameter, three and a quarter inches apart from centre to centre, and eight and a half inches at their centres above the floor. The following are careful measurements and particulars of the coffin :— Length, outside measurement a ae inside 5 Nu AG Width, outside 5 i wn 3 » inside is Es be Depth, greatest, right-hand side o 112 = Be left-hand side o 124 Thickness of floor Onnrrs Form :—Rectangular. * No. BS) Dale Abbey Parish, Ordnance Survey Map, 1881, 228 DISCOVERY OF AN EARLY INTERMENT AT STANLEY GRANGE. Position :—The feet of the interment were to the west-south-west, and the head was below the cowhouse wall, six feet six inches from the door into the stackyard. Material :—Oak, and, as no traces of metal were found, it. may be assumed that pegs were used instead of nails. Condition :—The coffin looked more like char- coal than wood, and yet in places the oak was fairly sound. It was much broken, and had to be carefully restored before the photo, ; graph for Plate I. could be taken. | The human remains within consisted of the upper portion of the skull, a portion of the jaw containing three teeth, and the principal bones of the arms and legs, but the pelvis, spine, and shoulder blades were absent, and probably had perished. The skull, which was 7 inches long by 5% inches broad, was of somewhat unusual form in an interment of the period to which this relates, having prominent superciliary ridges— a very early tribal feature, almost of a pre-historic character. The bones were only held together by the osseous external coating, for the inner substance had entirely lost its nature. On the right-hand side of the head was a small glass phial of a greyish green tint, which, when found, was covered with beautiful iridescence, but this, unfortunately, no longer remains. It is three and a half inches high by one and a half in diameter, and hexagonal in form (see Plate II.). Without any doubt the. interment dates from remote pagan times, for it was laid with the feet to the west, and the phial is an instance of the heathen custom of burying with their dead any object conceived to be useful or desirable for the deceased to possess in the future state. This would in every respect meet the supposition of a Roman burial at some period in the -occupation of Britain during the first three centuries and a half of our era, or rather of a burial by that far larger section. of the invaders. who were not of the Christian PLATE RD. KEENE, LTD., DERBY. STANLEY GRANGE INTERMENT. Tue Guass Puotat. Exact size. II. DISCOVERY OF AN EARLY INTERMENT AT STANLEY GRANGE. 229 community. Burial within towns was then utterly prohibited. The Romans buried their dead by the side of the public roads outside their cities, and in the gardens of their country villas, or in any spot selected, it may have been, by the deceased in his lifetime: Derby, as such, did not then exist and Stanley had no name at all; but it is highly probable that a Romano-British track passed through the place from Derventio, a fortified Roman station (now called Little Chester), to some other place westwards ; and I am led to think so because, about the year 1250, there was a field in Stanley called .“ Portway,” which about that time was given to the monks of Dale.* This word “Port” is usually connected with Roman roads in the vicinity of their stations. Of this we have an example in the parish of Pentridge in “ Portway” House and farm, close to the old Roman road from Little Chester to Chesterfield; and many other examples may be found in England. There is an inter- esting name of another field in Stanley, given to Dale Abbey about the same time as the former, “ Deadman Field.” + Stanley is a Saxon name, and could not have been assigned until some time after the Saxon invasion in 447. It signifies the Zea, or meadow of Stone, or perhaps of the stone—some large stone set up in memory of some chieftain or event, for- gotten ages ago, the stone having meanwhile been broken up, like so many others in this country. There may have been, and probably was, a Roman villa somewhere near the site of the Grange, since it was customary in the latter period of their occupation for wealthy Romans to erect such homes outside their fortified towns, and this burial may be considered as suggestive evidence. By direction of the coroner the human remains were re- interred by the police in Stanley churchyard. * Vol. xxiv, p. 83 of this Journal. t+ Ditto, pp. 84, 85. This may be a mere coincidence, but it is possible that as the interments would then be barely a foot below the surface of the soil, it may have been discovered and left undisturbed in deference to the ancient superstition, which still survives in many districts, that misfortune attends those who disturb the dead.— Ep. 230 HVitortal Notes. THE Royat Visir TO DERBYSHIRE.—Their Majesties the King and Queen have honoured the County of Derby and the Duke and Duchess of Devonshire by a recent visit to Chatsworth. The Queen’s drive to Bakewell reminds us that it is not yet quite a thousand years since King Edward the Elder, in 924, “went with his forces to Nottingham, and commanded the town to be built on the south side of the river, over against the other, and the bridge over the Trent between the two towns; and thence he went into Peakland to Bakewell, and commanded a town to be built nigh thereunto and manned it, . . . and all those who dwelt in Northumbria, as well English as Danes and North-men and others chose him for Father and for Lord.” Then, an English King Edward recovered Bakewell from the power of the Vikings; now, a Daughter of the Sea-kings, and Consort of another Edward, is there welcomed as an English Queen— such is the union of Time. It would be of interest if some member of the Society would prepare a list of Royal visits to our County. THE LATE Mr. W. A. Carrincron.—By the death of Mr. Carrington, of Bakewell, the Society has lost the member- ship of one who for many years has unselfishly devoted his time and labour to the elucidation of the history and genealogy of Derbyshire. Since he joined the Society, sixteen years ago, his name has rarely been absent from our /ournal, and at the time of his death he was engaged upon a special paper which would have appeared in its pages. He was born at Bakewell in 1836, of an old Derbyshire family, being lineally EDITORIAL NOTES. 231 descended from John Carrington, who held lands at Chinley in 1434, and grandson of Dr. Joseph Carrington, of the Queen’s Dragoons, and of Bridge House, Bakewell. He was custodian of the muniments of Belvoir Castle, and of him the late Duchess of Rutland, writing to the Queen newspaper, said: “Fortunately for lovers of traditions of the past and for me, there lives at Bakewell, in the neighbourhood of Haddon Hall, a lineal descendant of the Vernons, possessors of that ancient pile. Mr. William Carrington, whose ancestor was Sir Henry Vernon of Haddon, knows more than anyone of the history of Haddon. He discovered 1,400 charters relating to the Hall and to its neighbourhood.” Mr. Carrington was the author of several works upon Haddon, Belvoir, and Bakewell, and many papers to various archeological journals. He has left behind him MSS. of unique value to the history of Derbyshire, which comprise nearly forty volumes of neatly- written transcripts of records, charters, deeds, wills, and registers—a labour of love, and now a monument to his memory. Otp Dersy.—Those of us who had the privilege of hearing Mr. St. John Hope’s lecture to the Society in April last, upon this interesting subject, will, no doubt, have looked forward to the pleasure of reading it in this volume. But it is thought that by postponing its publication for twelve months, anange- ments may be made for a more complete series of illustrations than is at present available, and this has Mr. St. John Hope’s entire approval. Tue Roman Fort at Broucu.—The Society is indebted to Mr. Garstang for results from his excavations on its behalf, as described in his report and in the papers by Mr. Haverfield and Professor Boyd Dawkins, which will find a place in the history of Roman Britain. They, on their side, have done everything that it was possible to do. Mr. Garstang has spared neither time nor ability. Mr. Leslie, of Hassop, has freely offered the site of the fort for the purpose of these explorations. No Society, therefore, had ever a more generous 232 EDITORIAL NOTES. opportunity given it for research into the treasure-house of archeological discovery. The door is now opened, and it remains to be seen whether the members and others who are interested in making history will respond in an equally liberal spirit. To continue this fascinating work will entail a yearly outlay of at least £50. To discontinue it would be a sorry business to us. all. The preliminary excavation, as detailed in these pages, has cost £36 8s. 8d., but the subscriptions as yet received towards it, including a generous contribution from the Society of Antiquaries, only amount to £21 11s. 6d. We cordially thank those who have subscribed, and trust that their good example may be generally followed. Tue BRouGH EXPLORATION FUND. 4S The Society of Antiquaries, London .., 5 C. E. B. Bowles, M.A., Wirksworth ... 2 J. H. Lawson, Buxton ... ’ Bist ate ge W. Mallalieu, M.A., Dee oe Ree W. Bemrose, FSA, ‘Derby I J. Borough, Belper I A. Buchanan, Derby I P. Carlyon-Britton, F.S.A., Hipsnen I C. J. Smilter, Buxton I The Hon. F. Strutt, Milford I Col. H. Brooke-Taylor, Bakewell I H. E. Currey, Derby : fe) Mrs. Meade-Waldo, Wairksworth oT © Visitors from the Lancashire and Cheshire ee quarian Society, September igth Pree ores W. J. Andrew, Whaley Bridge ... Sf Scceeleaee POE es The address of the Hon. Financial Secretary is W. Mallalieu, M.A., Ockbrook, Derby, and.a little timely support now will save the Society from a lasting disappointment. RH RH HH YW ND O DW H A oOo0o090 0 000000 0 EDITORIAL NOTES. 233 ARBOR Low STONE CrRCLE.—Whilst acknowledging the courtesy of the Society of Antiquaries in kindly allowing the publication of this paper in our /ournal, we must not forget that it is to the enterprise of the Anthropological Section of the British Association that the credit for the inception of the scheme of exploration is due. The Committee appointed to superintend the work consisted of Dr. J. G. Garson (Chair- man), Mr. Henry Balfour (Secretary), Sir John Evans, Mr. C. H. Read, Professor R. Meldola, Mr. Arthur J. Evans, Dr. R. Munro, Professor Boyd Dawkins, and Mr. A. L. Lewis. Our President, the Duke of Rutland, K.G., as ground landlord, the First Commissioner of Works, in whose charge, under the Ancient Monuments Act, the Circle is placed, and the tenant, readily gave their consent to the undertaking. NaturaL History.—Z he Victoria History of Derbyshire.— ‘Last years Notes contained some account of the progress made in the antiquarian section of the first volume of this work. This may now be supplemented with a sketch of the work done in the Natural History section. The Mammals, Birds, and Fishes have been treated by the Rev. F. C. R. Jourdain, and the Reptiles and Batrachians by Mr. G. H. Storer. A careful revision of the list of birds has resulted in the claims of 232 species being recognised, and during the past year two more have been admitted, viz., Montagu’s Harrier, Circus cineraceus (Mont.), and Sabine’s Gull, Xema Sabinii (J. Sab.), so that the total now amounts to 234. The Insects are under the general editorship of Mr. Jourdain, who has secured the services of the Rev. A. E. Eaton in the Neuroptera and Trichoptera, whiie Mr. B. Tomlin is responsible for the Coleoptera. The Botany of the County was undertaken by the Rev. W. R. Linton, who has lately published an excellent flora of Derbyshire, and is admittedly the highest authority ‘on the subject. As most of these articles were already in type at the beginning of last year, it has been found neces- sary. to prepare a supplement containing the most important additions which have been made to our knowledge of the 234 EDITORIAL NOTES. fauna during 1903. One of these is of considerable interest to entomologists, and a short account of it may not be out of place. Among some insects collected near Derby in June, 1903, by Mr. G. Pullen, was a single Hemipteron, which was sent for determination to Mr. E. Saunders, the author of the well-known monograph on the Hemiptera Heteroptera of Great Britain. Mr. Saunders identified it as Elasmostethus ferrugatus, Fb., a species .which had only once previously been taken in the British Isles, viz., at Bangor, in North Wales. Its occurrence in our county is most remarkable, and has aroused much interest among Hemipterists. Mr. Jourdain has contributed to this volume the latest results of his researches among the Aculeate Hymenoptera, and it is hoped that the publication of a county list will result in a considerable increase of our knowledge of these interesting insects. Two New Booxs.—WNotes on Hardwick Hall, by the Rev. IF. Brodhurst, has now been published, and more than meets the expectations of it foreshadowed in our last volume. It comprises over one hundred octavo pages and a dozen well- executed plates. Mr. Brodhurst opens with an account of the foundation of the Hall, of the story of its builder, and of the captivity of Queen Mary. Whilst upon this latter subject, he deals logically and interestingly with the question of the authenticity of contemporary portraits of that unfor- tunate sovereign, and brings new evidence to bear upon it. Then he conducts his readers through the Hall, calls their attention to what—and its name is legion—they should note in passing, and describes in detail all the principal pictures, adding careful biographical notes to each portrait. The cost of the book is but nominal, and Mr. Brodhurst, by his example, has earned the appreciation of all those who wish to encourage an intelligent interest, in that purely British privilege—the public visitation of private historic mansions. [Price 3s. Newton Wright, Cavendish Street, Chesterfield ; and at the Hall.] Some Notices of Castleton and its old Inhabitants, 1645-1837, by the Rev. W. H. Shawcross. The writer of this little book is well known to Derbyshire genealogists as the author of EDITORIAL NOTES. 235 The Shallcross or Shawcross Pedigree, and he-is again interesting in his account of the “personal” history of Castleton, his native village. He has carefully noted the Church registers, publishing at length the more important passages, and in particular he is to be congratulated upon having discovered and preserved three fragments of the register relating to the years 1645-50, which consisted of three torn and loose sheets of paper, written upon both sides, and in the last stage of decay. In these he has recovered and printed iz extenso one hundred valuable records of a date when, from political causes in the Church, even the best-kept registers are usually incom- plete. Mr. Shawcross has added seven names to the list of the Vicars of Castleton, in which, no doubt, his collection of MS. pedigrees of old Castleton families has materially assisted him. He gives numerous extracts from old books of travel relating to the various places of interest, and adds notes of customs, traditions, and stories. Altogether, this little guide is useful and instructive. [Price 1s. John Hall, Post Office, Castleton. ] Our ILLustRaTIONs.—The plates of Denby are the result of Mr. Victor Haslam’s careful and artistic photography, and the drawings are by Mr. Currey. Towards the expense of reproducing these illustrations Miss Gregory has handsomely contributed. The Society of Antiquaries have lent the blocks for the complete series of the illustrations of Arbor Low, with the exception of the plan (which is a reduced copy of theirs). Mr. Le Blanc Smith’s excellent camera has provided the photographs of the Fonts, and Mr. Garstang and Mr. Ashby have supplied the photographs of Brough, the former con- tributing the map, plan, and drawings also. For the two plates of the Discovery at Stanley Grange our thanks should be conveyed, through Mr. Kerry and Mr. Keene, to an anonymous friend, who has presented the use of the blocks. To Miss Gregory and to these gentlemen, therefore, the Society is indebted for illustrations in this volume. W. J. ANDREW. Cadster, Whaley Bridge. . 1 Vee pe ee * - 5 4 J. iw Md ie ., : » 7] : aie : ~ 2 ; 4 5 - ae ie Sot wines rae pe: ors : 5 ew A bcs, ak OFT ae Cie ee aay ee oO aay Fe yee Se ieee and am . , Oe waa Be “MES The = sy pritesgat AP kth aeitr p BAe fl i nt iP Batt Pail Sy By 8 te sshba38 Mee hits ‘ ibid igh “Bits ; at Pe oe, , ’ iy rs r fea PP ke eae Boe HEE odd wat >» E * - i ‘ik st 44 E a “et mn ia Ae | =“ ied Fnoder. Persons. Acheman, Ralph, 126 Adam the weaver, 105 Adelardestre, de, family, 130 Adelastre, de, family, 130, 131 Adinburg, William de, 123 Alastre, Robert, 93 Aldewerke, de, family, 126 Alsop, de, family, 92, 93, 99, 169 Alured, Nicholas, 106 Alwaldeston, de, family, 116, 117 Alwaston, Andrew de, 117 Ambaston, William de, 113 Amboldeston, de, family, 112, 120 ANDREW, W. J., F.S.A. Editorial Notes, 230 e¢ seg. Antiquaries, Society of, 41, 233, 235 Arkel, family, 127 ARNOLD-BEMROSE, H. H. Geological Notes on Arbor Low, 78, 79. Ashburne, John de, 100 Ashby, John, 95, 100 Ashby, T., Jun., 235 Assheleghay, Roger de, 101 Auferton, Stephen de, 126 Aula, Henry de, 122 Babington, Thomas, 95 Bader, Henry le, 120 Bakepuze, family, 160, 161; see Brakepuz Baldewin, family, 114 Balle, family, 110, 128 Places and Subjects. Adelardestre, 108, 130 Adelastre, 106, 130, 131 Agenal, 127 Aldport, 87, 131, 132, 134 Aldwark, 83, 87, 126, 127, 131, 134 Allestre, 92 Alnetum, 128 Alvaston, 86, go, 154, 155 Alwaldeston, 107, 112, 115, 116, 132, 136 Alwaston, 95, 115 Ambaston, 95 Anavio, see Brough Anchor Church, 161 Andresflat, 103 Ankeput, Bolton, 118 Ants of Derbyshire, 219 e seq. Arbor Low Stone Circle, Excava- tions at, 41 ef seg., 233 ; Geological Notes on, 78, 79; The Quarrying and Transport of its Stones, 80, 81 Architecture of Derbyshire Halls, 4 Arleston, 155, 156, 160-163 Ashbourne, 87 Ashford, Church, VI.; Font, 148 Ashover, Church, 85 Aston, 155 Athelardestre, 92 Athelaster, 86 Aylwaston, 112 Baggelon, 107, 108 Bakewell, 230 Ballemedwe, 123 Barrow-on-Trent, 153 ef seq. Barton, 119 Beauchief Abbey, 124 238 INDEX. PERSONS. Barber, John, 20 Barcleys, Gen., 32 Barker, William, 14 Baseford, Eustace de, 109 Basset, family, 106 Bateman, William, 126 Bathequelle, John de, 121 BAXTER, Rev. WILLIAM, M.A. Old English Village Life as illus- trated at Barrow and Twyford, 153 ef seq. Bay, Bey, Robert le, 102; see Bent- le Baylishi, Thomas, 39 Beaumont, family, 159, 162 Bedford, Robert de, 112 BEMROSE, see ARNOLD-BEMROSE Bene, Henry, 114 Bentley, Bentele, Benetl’, family, 16, 121, 122; William Bay de, 121 Bernack, William, 12 Besyng, William, 123 Bewylde, William, 109 Bey, see Bay Bilbi, Willbi, family, 109, 110 Blomer, le, family, 123 Blundus, Robert, 115 Boddyng, Roger, 109 Bolton, Richard de, 117 Bothe, family, 162 Bowden, family, 32 Bow.es, C. E. B., M.A. Expenses of the Shrievalty during the Summer Assize of 1631, 23 et seq. The Derby Municipal Muniments, 173 et seq. Brabacun, Henry le, 114 Bradele, de, family, 126; see Breyd’ Bradfeild, George, 40 Bradshawe, familly, 23 eZ seg. Brailsford, de, family, 130 Brakepuz, John de, 119; see Bake- puze Brand, Braund, Henry, 88, 127 Breadsall, de, family, 115, 119; Ralph Knicht de, 119 Brearelie, Brerlie, George, 39, 40 Bredon, John de, 114 e¢ alzbz Breton, Ralph le, 111 Breyd’, de, family, 102 Bristow, family, 159 British Association, The, 233 Brodhurst, Rev. F., 234 Brown, Browne, family, 18, 20, 39 Brown, Edwin, 219 Brun, William, 109; Roger fitz, 110 Burl’, de, family, 104, 115; Comes de, 135 PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Bees of Derbyshire, 219 e¢ seg. Bells, 96, 97 Bikerwode, 100, 108 Bolsover, 85, 86, 88, 91, 95, 96, 101, 124, 134, 137 Bolton, Boulton, g1, 101, 107, 115, 117, I1Q, 133 Bonteshale, 127 Bradele, 126 Brademere, 118 Bradshaw Hall, 23, 26 Brailsford, Braylesford, 95, 130, 132, 130, 137 Breadsall, 14, 87, 119, 129 Bretby, 158 Brinke, Brynke, le (field), 103, 104, 106; see Adelastre Brocton, 119 Brokelstowe, 132 Bronze Age discussed; see Arbor Low Brough, Report of Excavations at the Roman Fort, 177 ef seg. ; 231, 232, VI. Exploration fund, 231, 232, VI. Brounflat, 129 Brunelveston, 114, 115 Burg’ Mill, 133 Burley, Burl’, 93, 115, 134 Burton, 84 Buterley, 86 Buxton, 215 ef seq. INDEX. 239 PERSONS. Burke, Nicholas, 39 Burlege, de, family, 105 Burnet, William, 123 Burton, Laurence de, 100 Burton, Rev. R. J., M.A. The Owners of Denby Old Hall, 11 e¢ seq. Burun, Buron, de, family, 12 e¢ seg. 12 Butiler, Robert le, 121 Careles, Robert, 92, 130 Carrington, the late W. A., 230, vil. Carsington, de, family, 111, 168 e¢ Seq. Carter, family, 109, 110 Case, Mr., 39 Cavendish, family, 13, 98 Cayam, Cayn, family, 109, 110 Cestre, de, Simon, 94 | Chaddestene, Chaddisdene, Chadd’, de, family, 110, 112, 119 Chadwick, James, 174 Chambreis, Chambr’, de, family, 105, 114 Chandoys, de, family, 121 Charlemoyn, Richard, 92 Charlewayne, Richard, 94 Chatel, John, 113 Chaumburleyn, Roger, 101 Chelardestone, de, family, 106, 118 Chilewell, Juliana de, 123 Cinier, Clement, le, 103 Clays, Cley, Cleys, del, family, 108, TIO, 114, 121 Clayton, family, 17, 18, 20, 21 Clifton, Clyfton, William de, 93 ef alibe Clinton, Roger de, 160 Cocus, Hubert, 126 Codinton, de, family, 113, 120, 126 Cokaine, family, 13 Coke of Trusley, family, 16 Colle, family, 108, 115; see Fitz Colle Colling, family, 120 Cooke, Rev. Mr., 31, 35 Cornere, John de le, 102, 103; William, 115 Cotton, Thomas, 29, 31; Mrs., 35 Coventry, de, family, 93, 104 Cox, Rev. J. Cuaries, LL.D., F.S.A. The History and Chartulary of the Abbey of Darley and of the , Oratory of St. Helen, ‘Derby, 82 et seg. PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Calverdoles, 117 Cappecroft, Derby, 108 Cardvelheye, 128 Carsington, 168 e7 seg. Castle Donington, 8, 15; see Roby Castleton, 210 ef seg., 234 Chaddesden, 14, 15, 83, 112, 119, 134; see Wilmot Chatsworth, 208 ef seg. Chelardeston, 118 Chellaston, 154, 155 Chesterfield Fight, 102 Chilewell, 1o1, 123 Coal Mining at Denby, 17, 20 Copecastel, Derby, 102, 114 Crich, Cruch, 83, 85, 86, go, 91, 95, IOI, 126, 133-36 Cromford, 127 Crowtrees, Denby, 2 240 PERSONS. Coxon, James, Drawing by, 8 Coypher, Walter le, 111 Cromford, de, family, 127 Crowshaw, Mr., 176 Cubbel, family, 133, 134 Cubboc, William, 111 Cubbot, William, 110 CurREY, Percy H., fon. tary, 235 Denby Old Hall, 1 e¢ seg. Report, v. Curton, William de, 126 Curzon, Richard de, 130 Cuuer de Derby, Henry le, 106 Secre- Dala, de, family, 119 Davenport, family, 18, 20 Dawkins, PRorEssoR W. Boyn, M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S., F.S.A. Note on the Remains found at Brough, 203, 204, 231 Delves, Sir Thomas, 215 Denby, de, family, 12, 1153; see Rossell Deplich, Depploish, family, 32, 40; Roger, 105 e¢ alibi Derby, de, various persons described as, 82 ef seq. Dethick, Dethec, de, family, 102, 103, 106, 115 Doun, Hugh de, 129, 130 Draycott, W. de, 1o1 Duffield, de, family, 115 Dun, Dunne de, family, 87 e¢ seq., 129, 131 Duredent, family, 106 Duyn, Hugh de, 129, 130 D. INDEX. PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Dale Abbey, 98, 111 Dalewode, 124 Danderuding, 125 Darley Abbey, History and Chartu- lary of, 82 e¢ seg. Denby, 1, 2 ef seg., 115, 158 Denby Collieries, 17, 20 Denby Old Hall and its Owners: the Hall, 1; the Owners, 11. Derby Municipal Muniments, 173 et seq. Derby, Lecture on Old, 231, v. Derby, 82 ef seg. 115, v. vl. All Saints’, 14, 85, 96, 111 Assizes in 1631, 23 ef seq. Bridge, 112, 115 Copecastel Mill, 102 Earls of, see Ferrers Fairs, 175 Gen. Barcley’s, 32 George Brerlie’s, 39 Market, 105 e¢ alzbz Mills, 92, 103, 105, 131 New Hall, The, 28, 29 Nuns of, 96 Oratory of St. Helen, $2 e¢ seg. St. Alkmund’s, 82 ef seg.; Well, 139 Ff St. Leonard’s Hospital, 85, 96, III St. Michael's, 85, go-95, 108, 112, 133, 137 St. Peter’s, 84, 85, 91, 93, 955 IOI, 103, 104, 113, 122, 136 St. Werburgh’s, 85, 91 Derbyshire Fonts, Youlgreave, 141 et seg. ; Elton, 141 Derwent, Mill on the, 134 Dethick, 85, 95 Dichfeld, 1o1 INDEX. 2 PERSONS. E. Eckersley, family, 18, 20, 21 Edeline, The Lady, 133 Escryneyn, Robert de, gr Esseburne, de, family, 121, 127, 135 | Essewelle, de, family, 130 Eyncurt, Roger de, 128 Eyton, de, family, 123 F. Fatteneye, family, 106, 109 | Ferrers, de, family, 22, 83, 87, 127, 134, 135, 158, 159 Ferthyng, family, 109 Ferun, William le, 1o1 Findern, family, 161 Fitz Alan, family, 125 e¢ adibz Alured, Robert, 105; see Gris Arnald, Ernald, family, 116, 117_| Asgar, Hugh, 104 Asticus, Stephen, 125 Beatrice, family, 129 Benedict, Simon, 112 Burge, Stephen, 118 Colle, family, 107, 112 Engenulf, Richard, 120 Fulcher, 118 e¢ alibi Gode, family, 101, 102, 105; see Colle Herbert, family, 108, 118, 158, 159 : Hereward, family, 107 Horn, family, 134 Hugh, family, 112 e¢ alibi Inge, Adam, 111 Ingeram, William, 106 Jacob, family, 137 Jordan, William, r11 Joseph, family, 108 Lece, Robert, 124 Levian, family, 108 Moncius, Adam, 127 Nicholas, family, 119 ef alibi Osbert, William, 120 Pain, Peter, 114 Peter, family, 105, 108, 117-119 16 PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Diseworth, 17 Donington, 114 Dress, medizval, 88, 89 Duffield, Castle, vi.; Forest, 134; Mill, 131, 134; Wood, 83 Ebbing and Flowing Well, The, 206, 21 wadeaton in 1538, 98 Egginton, 156 Eldon Hole, 213, 214 Elton Font, 141 ef seg. Elvaston, 155 Essewell, 130 Estwde, le, 123 Etwall, 165 Eyam, 23 Fenholmes, 159 Fernilee, 127 Feudal History of Derbyshire, The, 22 Feyrokesflat, 128 Findern, 154, 164 Fonts, Youlgreave, 141 e¢ seg. ; Elton, 141; with projections, 141 e¢ seg.; with salamanders, 141 et seq. Fordala, 120 Foremark, 154, 165 Francwell, The, 104, 131 242 PERSONS. Fitz Ralph, family, 107 e¢ adzbi ,, Reginald, Ralph, 120 st Richard, family, 1o1 ef alibi », Robert, family, 111 e¢ alibi », Roger, family, 121 e¢ alibi ,, Salomon, Richard, 107 », Simon, family, 107 e¢ alzbz 5, Stephen, Ralph, 122 5, Susan, Simon, 105 5, Thomas, family, 126 et alzbi Thurstan, family, 128 », Walkelin, Ralph, 108 Walter, family, 107 e¢ alzbi William, family, 124 e¢ alzbz Flamstead, John, Astronomer Royal, Pichon family, 17 Foljambe, Sir Godfrey, 95 Forth, James, 40 Foster, musician, 33 Foulowes, Henry de le, 112 Foun,: Wiliiam le, 127 Fraunceys, family, 95, 118, 130, 137 Frecheville, de, family, 117, 132, 133 Fremon, Alexander, 123 Fulcher, family, 130 Furettour, Walter de, 92 GARSTANG, JOHN, F.S.A. Roman Brough—ANAvio ; Report of Preliminary Excavations, 177 e SHES OsiqoNilc Gaunt, Graunt, le, family, 103, 110, 126 Gerard, magister, Gernun, W., 101 Gery, Geri, family, 114 Gibone, John, 131 Glapwell) family, 124 et alibi Goda, 105; see Fitzgo le Godman, Vicar of Wirksworth, go Goldentone, de, family, 130 Granger, Nicholas le, 119 Gray, H, St. GEORGE. Arbor Low Stone Circle. vations, 41 é¢ seq. Green, Francis, 19, 20 Greenesyth, James, 31 Greenwood, F., 219 Gregory, family, 18 e¢ seg. Gregory, Miss, 8, 18, 20, 235 Gresley, family, 14, 16, 18, 22 54 Origin of the family, 22 B.A., B.LITT., 114 Exca- INDEX. PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Geological Notes on Arbor Low, 78 et seq. Glapwell, 86, 88, 124 Glass phial, Roman, 228 Goldacre, 116 Granton, 139 Gresley Descent, The, 22 INDEX. 243 PERSONS. Grey of Codnor, family, 11, 12 | Gris, family, 120 Groves, Grevys, Thomas, 95, 100 Gryon, family, 122 Gurney, Hugh de, 115 Haddon, Thomas de, 100 Harang, William, 124 Haregreve, Robert de, 115 Harpur, family, 13, 164; Judge, 162 Harris, family, 15, 21 HasiaM, A. VICTOR, 9, 235 Hastings, Wiiliam, Lord, 13 Hauselin, family, 107 HAVERFIELD, F., M.A., F.S.A. Notes on the Inscribed Tablet and on the Romano-British name of Brough, 197 e¢ seg. ; 231 Heathcote, Antony, 39, 40 Hereward the tanner, 105 Herir, W. de, 122 Herlaston, Henry de, 127 Herthul, Richard de, 132 Hervi, Robert, 109 Hill, John, 219 Hokerton, family, 125 Holton, Walter de, 129 Hope, W. H. St. John, 231, v., vi. Hopper, le, 108, 110 Hopton, de, family, 168-170 Hoto, Henry de, 132 HuBBERSTY, H. A., 78 Arbor Low. The quarrying and transport of its stones, 80, 81 Hugh, Dean of Derby, 83 Hunte, Benedict le, 123 Hutchinson, Thomas, 4 H. I. Ibul, Ibole, de, family, 121, 122, 126 Ingram, Ingeram, 102, 103, 106, 112 Ireton, family, 95, 121 Irton, de, family, 131, 132 Igram, family, Jackson, John, Under Sheriff, 30 Jawdrell, AZaster, 39 Jourpain, Rev. Francis C. R., M.A. The Hymenoptera Aculeata of Derbyshire, 219 ef sey., 233, 234 PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Hardwick Hall, 234 Hascow, 131 Haselhay, 127 Hastowe, Mackworth, 93 Haverfordwest, 168 ef seg. Heage, 19, 20 Heanor, 17; Registers, lieries, 17, 20 Heraldry at Denby, 8 Herthay, 92 Herthul, 132 Heya, 110 ef alzbi Hopton, 95 Horsley, 12, 86, 101, 129 Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, 122 et alibe Hulton, 119 Col- aes Ingleby, 154, 158, 165 244 INDEX. PERSONS. Kareles, R., 92, 130 Keene, C. B., 235 KERRY, REV. CHARLES. Discovery of an early Interment at Stanley Grange, 227 e seq., 235 Kersington ; see Carsington Kettlestone, Henry de, 92, 99 Keworth, John de, 132 Kilbourn, Anne, 16, 18 Killingsworth, Henry de, 100 KirkKE, Henry, M.A., B.C.L. The Peak in the days of Queen Anne, 205 éf seq. Knicht, Ralph, 119 Knuteshale, de, family, 130 Kyleburn, Philip de, 129 Lafful, Emma le, 109 Lambekin, Robert, 116 Langele, Sierid de, 109 Langenovere, Longenovere, de, family, 110, 112 Legh, Dr., 96, 98 Leicester, de, family, 100, 106 Leslie, C. S., his assistance to the Society, 177, 231 Leyke, William de, 125 Leyri, Roger, 105 Lindesey, Roger de, 112 Lomb, Henry, 114 London, Walter de, 108-110 Lowe, de Lowes, family, 2 e¢ seq., IOI, 122-24 Luxmore, Rev. J. R., vi. Luy, de, family, 122 Luyak, family, 102 Machyn, Richard, 96 Maiden, William, 110 Malebranche, Adam, 125 MALLALIEU,W., M.A., Hox. Financial Secretary. Statement of Accounts, viil., ix. Marples, G. J., vi. Mary (Queen of Scots, 218, 234 Masci, Hamund de, 134 MEADE-WALDO, Mrs. A Thirteenth Century Seal of Roger de Carsington, 168 ef seq. Melburn, de, family, 92, 106 Merston, de, family, 119, 120 Monyash, William of, 95 M. PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Kedleston Church, vi.; Hall, vi. Kersington; see Carsington Ketelistanflat, 19 Keworth, 129, 132 King’s Mead, 85, 91 Kirk Ireton, 24, 40 Knuteshale, 130 Kyleburn, 129 Kyolesleya, 115 Lancaster, rents of, 135 Langecroft, 92, 129 Langweit, 126 Lea, 85 Lead, Customs as to, 210 Litchurch, 15, 29 Little Chester, 85, 131, 175, 176 Littleover, 164 Lowes, 123, 124 Lullington, 15 Luttchurche, 106 Mackworth, 86, 93, 95, 131, 132 Mam Tor, 211 Marketon, 86, 112, 130 Marperle, 105 Meduweflat, Medueflat, 119, 120 Melbourne, 159 Merrybower, 155 Mickleover, 154, 176 Moats in Derbyshire, 3 Monyash, 95 Morleston, 29 Morley, 14 Morley Park, 2 Morton, 127 Muscham, 112 INDEX. 245 PERSONS. Morley, de, family, 114, 119, 130 Mosley, Richard de, 115 Mundyes, Mrs., 31 Muschamp, Hugh de, 111 Musters, Geoffrey de, 134 Newton, Roger de, 100 Nickson, Master, 39 Noel, Alan, 115 Noget, Roger, 121 Normanton, de, family, 120, 121 Nottingham, H. de, 103; Gilbert de, 112 Offerton, Stephen de, 126 Oggedestone, Oggede, de, family, IOI, 128, 129 Osmund of Denby, 12 Osmundestone, family, 107, 118, 121 Ottiwell, Nicholas, 7, 13 Oulbrugge, Richard de, 114 Oulgreve, Henry de, 114 Overton, John, 100 Oxton, Nicholas de, go Paganus, 112 Page, Thomas, 96, 97, 100 Palmer, Gilbert, 110 Parker, family, 8 ef seg. Parwich, Nicholas, 93 Pattison, family, 20 Pearson, family, 16 Pegg, Edward, 30, 40 Peverel, family, 124, 126 Pidcock, Rev. Mr., 141, 150 Pinkel, J. de, 128 Piro, de, family, 126, 131 Plastow, de, family, 128 Plumtre, William de, 116 Poer, Hugh le, 119 Pool, the outlaw, 216 Popet, family, rro Port, Wystan, 100 Proudfot, Ralph de, 103 Pullen, G., 219 Pusey, Timothy, 4 Pym, Mr., 31, 35; Edward, 36 Pyulf, Walter, 114 Querdon, Robert de, 109 PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Natural History, 219, 233 Nenfeld, le, 128 Neolithic remains; see Arbor Low Newlands, Derby, 139 Newstead Abbey, 125 Normanton, 15, 19, 20, 86, 97, 110, 120-122, 135, 154, 158 Norton, font, 143, 148 Nottingham, 123 Oakerthorpe, 17, 19-21 Oddebrook, 83, 86, 107, 112 Oggedestone, Little; Oggede, ror, 128, 129 Osmaston, 15, 83, 87, 95, 101, 140, Aan Osmunde, to1 Osmundeston, 86, 107, 117-119, 129, 135, 136 Paltertoun, Palterton, 87, 126 Park, a medieval, 12 Peak Castle, 211 Peak, The, 134; In the days of Queen Anne, 205 é seq. Pentrich, 85, 86, 91, 95, 122, 123, 135-137 Pinxton, 17, 19, 20 Pleasley Cross, vii. Poole’s Hole, 216, 217 Potlac, 1543; Cedar, 161 Prices of necessaries, 29 ef seg., 80, 94-98, 163 Priest’s Mill, The, 104 Pryor Leyes, Denby, 2 e seg. Querendon Mill, 104 246 INDEX. PERSONS. Repingdon, Simon de, 100 Rerisby, Ralph de, 125 Robey, Roby, family, 2 e¢ seg. Rollestone, William de, 125 Rossel, Rosel, Russale, de, 1 e¢ seq., 105, 109, 115), 520 RounD, J. H., The Origin a the Shirleys and of the Gresleys, Rufus, Robert, oa Richard, 113 Ruston, de, family, 104 Sacheverell, family, 13, 91, 96, 99, 115, 117, 119 Sale, Henry de la, 94 Sallow, Robert de, 107 Sandiacre, de, family, 102, 104 Saule, James, ror Saunders, Edward, 219, 220 Scardecliffe, Wiiliam de, 126 Scarsdale, Rt. Hon. Lord, vi. Scellye, John de, 94 Seliman, Robert, 108, 130 Sellarius, Hugh, 108; Robert, 120 Seminator, William, 116 Sewer, John, 94 Shawcross, Rev. W. H., 235 Shelmerdine, Daniel, 166 Shirley Family, Origin of, 22 Shrewsbury, Francis, 6th Earl, 98, 99 4 Shrigley, family, 14 Sidenfen, Thomas de, 120 Sitwell, Sir George, 25 Sligh, widow, 28, 29, 31, 35 SMITH, G. LE BLANC. Derbyshire Fonts, 141 et S€q., 235 Sneyte, Ralph de, 120 Sniterton, Jordan de, 126 Somerford, Roger de, 124 Somervilla, Gervase de, 129 Spent, Seher, 129 Spondon, de, family, 111, 118 Stafford, Anne, 23 Stanbage, William, 96, 97 Stanford, de, family, 109 Stanton, de, family, 132 Stanwycus, Stanwey, Simon, 130 Stephul, Adam de, 127 Stevenson, John, 39 Stikehare, family, 109 Stoke, William de, 109 Youlgreave, PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Repton, 154, 157; Priory, 98, 157 Riberg’, 134 Ripley, Rippelege, 85, 86, 122 Roman Fort at Brough, 177 e¢ seq. Roman inscription and relics at ditto, 177 e¢ seq. Roman interment at Stanley Grange, 227; Glass Phial at ditto, 227 Rowditches, The, 176 Royal visit to Derbyshire, 230 Rudinges, 123 Ruleg’, 125 Rykneld Street, The, 2 St. Helen’s, Derby, 138; Well, 139 Salamanders on Fonts, 142 ef seq. Salterwood, Denby, 1 eé seg., 86 Sandiacre, 101, 102 Scarcliffe, Scardeclyfe, 87, 95, 96, 125, 126, 133, 136, 137 Schelford, 112 Scheriwode (Sherwood Forest), 125 Schirle, Schyrlee, 132, 135, 137, 138 Seal, Thirteenth Century, 168 Sewelledale, Seveweldale, 134 Sheriff, Accounts of High, 23 Shrievalty, Expenses of, 23 Sidefen, 118 Sinfin, 154-156, 162, 164, 165 Sinfinfold, 164 Smalley Collieries, 17, 20 Sniterton, 126 Spondon, 14, 118, 119; see Wilmot Stanley, 111 Stanton, 118, 135 Stenson, 155-158 Stolbigmedwe, 128 Stone Circles, 41 ef seq. Stowe, 135 Street Lane, 2 Stydd Preceptory, 162 Sudenfen, 116 Sutton, 109, 126 Swarkestone, 154, 155, 164; Bridge, 161 INDEX. 247 PERSONS. PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Strelley, family, 18 e¢ seg. Stretlege, de, family, 108, 123 Strutt, Hon. F., v., vi. Sureys, William le, 127 Sutton, de, family, 109, 126 Swyfte, family, 105, 106 Symple, Henry le, 118, 119 Sywet, William, 95 T. Thacker, Thomas, 96 Tansley, 85 Thamewurthe, de, family, 106, 112 Thurgarton, 94 Thornhill, Mr., 142 Thurleston, 95 Thurleston, de, family, 109, 116 Tickenhall, 164 Tok’, Robert de, 119 Trusley, 16 Toller, le, Hugh, tr10, 117; Twigrist, 107, 108 Richard, 110 Twyford, 153 ef seg. Torkard, William, 125 Touchet ; see Tuschet Towyne of Derby, 82, 138 Trilloc, Roger, 111 Tuschet, de, 93, 131 Tutbury, William de, 103 Tutman, Thomas, 98 U. Ufton, family, 129 | Ufton, 129 Ulkthorp, de, family, 123 Uttoxeter, 83, 95, 132, 134-37 Upton, Walter de, 92 v. Vach’, Hervey le, 110 | Victoria History of Derbyshire, 233 Vavasur, Robert le, 104; John le, | 104 W. Waddeslege, de, family, 126 Waingriff, 83, 85, 122 Wagstaffe, Mr., 39 Waingroves, 20 Waingrif, Richard de, 122 Waits, The, 27, 35 Wakebruge, William, 126 Waldewic, 106, 112 Walk, Henry, 105 Wallestrete, Wallestre, 105, 113 Walkelin, 105-113, 122; see Fitz Walton, 128 Walkelin Wasps of Derbyshire, 219 Walton, de, family, 99, 128 Wessington, 85, 88, 89 Ward, Gilbert, 4, 174 West Hallam, 156 Waseham, Peter de, 129 Weston, 155 West, Sir William, 99 Wigwell, Wiggewail, 20, 88, 95, 112, Weston, Philip de, 94 127, 134, 136 Wetelege, Helias, de, 126 Wingfield, South, 85, 91, 95 Weyte, Simon, le, 114; Agnes, 114 Winnefeld, Winrefeld, 122, 123, Wheldon, Rev. Gervase, 166 128, 129, 136, 137 Wibulvilla, John de, 116 Winster Market House, vii. Wiggewalle, Comes de, 135 | Wirksworth, 20, 88, 90, 95; Classis, Wildebeof, Wildebuf, family, 123 166 248 INDEX. PERSONS. PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Willbi, Wildi, Bilbi, family, 109, Wistanton, Wystanton, 86, 1o1, 128, 110, 116 133 Winnefelde, Winrefeld, de, family, 128, 129 Wirk’, Robert Fitz Hervi de, 127 Wistanton, de, family, 88-90 Wright, Wryght, family, 32, 40; William, of Hopton, 95 Wyleby, Robert de, 126; see Willbi Wylne, de, 100, 105, 108 Wymondham, William de, 99 Wyndeley, Henry, 100 Wytelege, Wittelege, de, family, 123-126 Y¥. Yule, family, 18, 21 Yeaveley, 162 Youlgreave, 114, 131; Font, 141 e¢ Seq. Z. J Zouch of Codnor, Sir John, 13 1903. OF THE DERBYSHIRE ARCHAOLOGICAL NATURAL HISTORY SOCIETY. FOUNDED 1878, = ay WE THE WEAVER’s TOMB - - - = - - - - 31 SEVENTEENTH CENTURY TOMB - - = - - - - 33 DERBYSHIRE FOoNTs— SOMERSALL HERBERT - - - - - - - - 42 KirK HALLAM - - : - - - - - - - 44 CHURCH BROUGHTON - - - - - - - - - 46 CHESTERFIELD, SOUTH-WEST SIDE - - - - - - 48 CHESTERFIELD, SOUTH-EAST SIDE - : > - - - 49 ASHOVER - : = > = > = > - > > 50 HaDDON HALL CHAPEL - > - = : - - - 53 WIRKSWORTH- - - - - - - - - - - 54 TIDESWELL—THE TIDING WELL - = > - = > - 62 CAVALIER’S SWORD FOUND aT EGGINTON - - - - facing 75 DETAIL OF THE CUP TO THE HILT - - = - - - 76 BREADSALL PRIORY— FROM AN ENGRAVING OF I79QI - - - - - facing 127 GROUND PLan - - - - = = - > = =e L29 PART OF ARCADE - - ; - - = - - - 129 SECTION OF ARCH MOLDING - - = = = = E30 THE East FRONT - > - < ; : = - facing 131 Coat OF ARMS IN STONE OF SIR JOHN BENTLEY - - ee aeehi THE SouTH FRONT - = > = > - - facing 133 PORTION OF CARVED STONE PANEL - = : > - eel33 A Pair oF XVI. CENTURY STONE CARYATIDES = - ef Pen tats A CORBELLED ANGLE OF THE TOWER - < - - facing 137 FRAGMENT OF KNEELING EFFIGY IN ALABASTER, LATE XVI. CENTURY - = : “ = : 2 ‘ EAD ILLUSTRATIONS—continued. SHALLCROsS HALL— THE NORTH FRONT - THE SOUTH FRONT - THE TAPESTRY - - GROUND PLAN - - THE PANELLED DINING ROOM A FRAGMENT OF TAPESTRY A FRAGMENT OF TAPESTRY YEARDSLEY HAaLL— THE NORTH FRONT - EARLY STONE WINDOW INTERNAL STONE CORBEL COURSE SUPPORTING CHIMNEY OAK PILLAR SUPPORTING ARCHWAYS GROUND PLAN - 2 THE SHALL-Cross, A PRE-NORMAN Cross AN ANCIENT SHACKLE facing 99 33 facing PAGE 185 187 189 190 191 191 192 194 195 196 197 198 201 214 ARCHEOLOGICAL AND IWATURAL History BOCIETY, Zxtracts from Book of Accounts of Hady’s WAtatting AGAoman for Monevs Dishursed iv Eloathes, Xc., flor Zl" Countess of Devonshive and flamtly, Beginning 1656. Ending 1662. By the Rev. F. BRopHURST. CN Muniment Room at Hardwick Hall, and published by permission of His Grace the Duke of Devon- shire. They refer to money laid out for children of the third Earl of Devonshire, who inherited the title when nine years of age, in the year 1628. Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury, was his tutor, as he had been of his father, the second Earl. The Earl was brought up under the care of his mother, Christian Bruce, Countess of Devonshire, daughter of Edward Bruce, Lord Kinloss, a very prudent woman. ‘There is still extant in the Shrewsbury Correspondence, preserved at the College of Arms, a very interesting letter concerning her marriage, from the Earl and Countess of Arundell to Gilbert Talbot, seventh Earl of Shrewsbury, father of the Countess of Arundell. -The “Lady Arbella” mentioned in the letter was the unfortunate Lady Arbella or Arabella Stuart, who at VOL. XXVII. I 2 EXTRACTS FROM BOOK OF ACCOUNTS. the time was Maid of Honour to Ann of Denmark, Queen of King James I. She was the daughter of Elizabeth Cavendish, who had married Charles Stuart, Earl of Lennox, brother to Lord Darnley, and was niece of another sister, Mary Cavendish, Countess of Shrewsbury :— “yo April 1608. “My Lo. wee could not omitt to advertise y™ Lor of an accident that will be soe welcome to you, as that Mt Wm Cavendyshe hath gotten a good wife whoe was this Sonday in the Morninge married to my Lo. of Kinlos his daughter. The matter hath been soe secretly carried as it was never heard of any, till it was donne; and for mee, I thinke I was the last , for at my goinge to Whitehall, after dinner the Queen told me. of it, and sayes that in the Morninge Thom. Elveston (Elphistone) asked her leave to goe to the Weddinge, which she could not believe, till she heard it confirmed by more certainty; the (Queen heares that Elveston (& it is thought my La. Arbella) were the mach makers, and that Elveston hath five or sixe hundred pounds, that the wench is a pretty red headed wench, and that her portion is seaven thousand pounds, and she heares the youth at first refused her and my lo. of Cavendishe told him Kinlos was well favoured by the Queene and if he refused it, he would make him the worse by an hundred thousand pound; but I am sure the Queene is far from beinge pleased withall nowe it is done. And so with our service to y™ lo. and my la. wee restt “Yt Lo® affectionate “Son and daughter “to comand is “ Arundell, Arundell.” King James I. gave her a dower portion of £10,000, equal to £60,000 in present value. ‘She was left a young widow, aged thirty-two, in 1628. When her son came of age she gave up Chatsworth and Hardwick to him, and she resided at Latimers, in Buckinghamshire, where she entertained King Charles I. when in the hands of his enemies; and she also bought a place at Roehampton, in Surrey, where she corre- sponded with General Monk upon the Restoration of Charles II. EXTRACTS FROM BOOK OF ACCOUNTS. 3 Both these places, where the children were staying with their grandmother, are mentioned in the Extracts. The Countess was most generous to the Royalists during the Commonwealth. After the Restoration, King Charles II. and Katharine of Braganza, his Queen, frequently visited her at Roehampton. It was this Countess—Christian Bruce—and the third Earl who founded the “Devonshire Charity,’ in which so many parishes in this county of Derby are interested. The third Earl of Devonshire married the Lady Elizabeth Cecil, daughter of the Earl of Salisbury; and this accounts for the portraits of the Lord Treasurer Burleigh, of Robert Cecil, first Earl of Salisbury, and of William Cecil, second Earl of Salisbury, greatgrandfather, grandfather, and father of the Countess, now hanging in the Long, Gallery at Hardwick. ‘There were three children by this marriage: 1.—Lord Cavendish, who became the fourth Earl in 1684 and first Duke of Devonshire in 1694. He was the builder of Chatsworth in almost its present stateliness. He married, in 1662, the Lady Mary Butler, daughter of the great Duke of Ormond—she sixteen years of age, he twenty-two. He was the King Maker, largely contributing: by his influence to bring over the Prince of Orange to take the throne of his father-in- law, the then reigning King James II. 2.—The Lady Anne. When hardly out of the nursery, accord- ing to the custom of the time, she was betrothed to Charles Lord Rich, son of the Earl of Warwick. After his death she was married into another branch of her mother’s family—to John Cecil, Lord Burleigh, who became fifth Earl of Exeter. Her eldest son, Lord Burleigh, had a very handsome face, as may be seen by his portrait hanging in the Long Gallery at Hardwick (No. 70). Prior, the poet, paid a pretty compliment to son, mother, and grandmother in his verse: “‘ Tf in dear Burghley’s gen’rous face we see Obliging truth, and handsome honesty ; With all that world of charms, which soon will move Rev’rance in man, and in the fair ones love: His ev’ry grace, his fair descent assures He has his mother’s beauty—she has yours.” 4 EXTRACTS FROM BOOK OF ACCOUNTS. 3-—Charles Cavendish. He died young. His portrait, with his eyes closed, also hangs in the Long Gallery at Hardwick. There is an inscription upon it which says, “Taken when asleep”; but as a matter of fact, he was drowned in the lake “at Burleigh House, by Stamford Town”; and the figure should be recumbent. It will probably interest some to compare prices in the year 1660 with those of the present year of grace 1905. The late Professor Thorold Rogers, who was great on comparative prices and value of money, would have been delighted to have had this MS. in his hands. And the interest in it will be increased to many, and especially to our lady readers, by seeing the nursery expenses of a noble family. It is not often that oppor- tunity is afforded to see such charges 250 years ago :— THE ACCOUNTS. LR Soe) aa Paid to Mrs. Russell for making of my Lady Ann’s and Mr. Charles’ Coats and Caps be va iO, "7. On for sarcenett for a Coat for my Lady Ann’s babyt rhe oe ent Wie emt yma Oi (ine Fj -(G) for a bonett and fethers ... 1 Sa “LO -On 1 aro) for ribbins for the -bonett ... ie 5 playthings for my Lady Anne and Mr. Charles 8 ie bf eT GING for 6 yards of satain taping for leading strings for Mr. Charls Ae Bs SHO W956 Me for 10 paire of silke stockings for my Lady Anne ... ae oe atay ees fo) for 3 paire of wosted stockins ... II o for 4 hoods ... "EE ‘bes 7 BETA: Eto) for 7 yards of taby{ ... ee et 7 (dO <0 for 4 ells of fine hollin at ris. 2A) 10 for 6 douzen of silver lace at 20d. the yard ade ade ie 2 eee GOS ONS * The prices must be multiplied by five to give the present value. + The baby=her doll; see further on, ~ Taby=a kind of cloth. EXTRACTS FROM BOOK OF ACCOUNTS. 5 Lesa SI. Sate, for the tayler for doing my lady Ann’s sleeves ah as ane x = 6 for playthings for Mt Charles aft 4.0 for cloth and lace for my Lady Ann’s baby see Ary se i 6 o the taylers bill in Darbyshire for mak- ing of 2 Coats and bying the stuffe and lace for M* Charles Coats ... 212 4 (13 1 8) for 6 paire of shoos for my Lady sent to roehampton* _.... ae ie 1240 for playthings by your honours orders 1) © lost by my lady Anne at play he SO for cards Eth sr aa 6 given to a breefet by my Lady Anne t,o for Ale for my Lady Ann for poset ... LO E. DEVON. Given to 4 distressed gentlewomen by my Lady Anns order ae fe 2 ‘oO for 2 pipers eet bo at I oO lost at Cards by my Lady Anne ... 2 «6 to the Joyner for mending the baby 6 to the grooms of the Chambers at Chatsworth and hardwick for Cards 2 given to Old Will for a trumpett and fidle for my master aGc Brie Bee ea TOW, i LO given to the Warriner at roehampton} 25 10 given to my Lady Rutlands Coachman 216 to severall poore people at Chatsworth 2 6 to little Pegg at Hardwick ... a I oO to the turner for playthings for M* Charles ae be: ins ae epee) E. DEvon. * Roehampton, where the Countess Christian Bruce, wife of the late second Earl, resided. + A brief=an offertory at Church for some special object: by Royal Mandate: The Rubric in Communion Office, ‘‘ All Briefs, Citations, etc,” { Master Charles had been out rabbiting. EXTRACTS FROM BOOK OF ACCOUNTS. for a table-book* and three leaden pens for my Lady Anne ... for a pair of tablest for M® C. for three babies faces : for three babies and a silver box for playthings for M™ Charles and my Lady Anne ... be ee for one douzen of silver lace for to Caps for Lady Anne and M* Charles for playthings. a looking glas, a baskett, a baby in a bed, and to other babys a Coach and horses for Mr C. for to hobbihorses for M* Charles ... for tops, scurges,{ and balls ... for 8 yards of black and white taby for my JLady Anne at 13s. the yard ... for making of a paire of sky coller- bodis ae ee a for a white taffytie fanne for my lady Anne ; sb a a4 for five yards of black and whit taby at 135. 6d. for 7 yards 4 of sea-green taby at 2os. yard Pie ee 23 for 9 yards of pink coller satin at 16s. the yard 7 Sees: ook ws 12 12 ae) 4 df Gesed: Oo oO GO Oo [e) ways, and the term a the table and dice. “* An honest vicker and a kind consort * A table-book=a memorandum book with leaves of slate or vellum. 7 Tables=the game of backgammon. It was anciently played in different That to the ale house friendly would resort, To have a game at tables now and then, Or drinke his pot as soone as any man.” { Scourges= whips. ppears to have been applied to any game played with EXTRACTS FROM BOOK OF ACCOUNTS. 7 US Gan LS BSG uifle for rr yards of silver bona* lace at 12s. the yard ae Tee ep OmL ao for # of fine lace at 24s. ae be 18 0 for 2 yards and quarter of lace in three sorts at 17s. the yard rs Tal On 1 yard 4 of fine lace at 38s. ... 2 2.16 E. DEVON. for 3 Hoby horses for M* Charles ... iis ate for a black bonnett and fether for M* Charles te ae. ie Sard lie OG paid to Mr. Rowse upon to bills for my Lady Anne and M* Charles for making there clothes a3 eNOS Feb. 1658-9. for a horne Booket+ and a knife for Mt Charley ae oe ae = ee Cory Ont for batle dores and shittle cokes and boxe oa ane ie es: 2 46 for topps and scurges and 2 hobby horses £3 wee ee a Sse Se Se for a bonnett and three white feathers 1 18 o E. DEvon. THE SHOEMAKER’S BILL AT HARDWICK. for six paire of whit Spanesh lether shoos ay: se oa ON ORNO for one paire of Neats lether shoos... 2 © for another paire of Neats lether shoos eo zis a4 BA * Bona lace=lace worked on bobbins or bones. + A horn book=a single sheet protected with horn, formerly used by children for learning their alphabet. 8 EXTRACTS FROM BOOK OF ACCOUNTS. BBS IL cn RSA Te for three douzen of pointes* for M* Charles a om me ee OMG’ 6 April 12, 1650. 1 yard % fine lace at 55s. a yard 3. 1 tos(15 4) for two paire of silke stockins for my Lady Anne Re a Me : Wiltshire. That at Long Wittenham, Berks., is illustrated in the Archeological Journal, Vol. I1., p. 135; while Vol. VL, p- 160, of the same Journal has an able and well illustrated account of that at Brookland, Kent. Paley, in his Baptismal Fonts, illustrates the example at Warborough, Oxford. The last-named, together with those of Dorchester and Long Wittenham, are all much alike, and bear a resemblance to the example under notice in possessing a row of canopied figures round the bowl. The font at Walton-on-the-Hill is well illustrated in The Reliquary, Vol. Ill, p. 235, and also has figures, though seated, under an arcade. Happon Hatt. This font is worthy of illustration on account of its typical Norman shape and its symmetrical design. It is of small dimensions, and stands in the chapel to the west of one of DERBYSHIRE FONTS. 53 the piers of the south arcade. It is much chipped and worn, but well illustrates the ancient foundation of the Haddon chapel, as does the Norman pier against which it stands. “ Sim- plicity ” seems to be the keynote of the design. It is rather strange that, in light of present day example, a simple font such as this should have been retained in so magnificent a mansion as Haddon was. Fig. 7.—Font in Haddon Hall Chapel. WIRKSWORTH. This font is far the older of the two which the church at Wirksworth possesses, and was carefully restored in 1896, in memory of the Rev. T. Tunstall Smith, once Vicar of the parish. This restoration is one of the most thoroughly success- ful of its kind that I have ever come across, as the massiveness of the bowl and the general “squat” appearance have in no way been detracted from, the bases of the side shafts greatly aiding the general effect. It is of huge proportions, and there 54 DERBYSHIRE FONTS. should have been no difficulty in baptism by immersion here, for in many Norman fonts the bowl is so extremely small that it is a marvel how the child was ever immersed. The shape of the bowl is like a gipsy’s pot or kettle, and at the base are four projecting shoulders resting on the heads Fig. 8.—-Font at Wirksworth. of the detached angle shafts. The ring round the top is much chipped and broken. The font now stands in the centre of the north transept of Wirksworth’s beautiful cruciform church, and is provided with a drain and the almost general lead lining. DERBYSHIRE FONTS. 55 There are several other Norman fonts which merit bref mention, but are not worth illustrating. PENTRICH. Bell-shaped bowl, with shallow round arcade; cut with date 1662, no doubt the year in which it was restored to the church. The base is modern and ugly. HOGNASTON, A neat round font; very shallow, well cut with arcade. Now mounted on a thin pedestal of three engaged shafts, in which it looks anything but dignified. BRADBOURNE. A good type of font, of which only the bowl remains; cut with usual arcade. OCKBROOK. A specimen somewhat resembling that at Somersall Her- bert. DaRLEY DALE. A fairly plain specimen with peculiar depressions in the bowl. Was for many years lost to the church, but finally recovered.* STAVELEY. A peculiar late Norman font. Has a circular bowl at top, which is, lower down, chamfered to form a square; supported on four tiny angle shafts and large central one. On one corner of base of bowl is carved a king’s head or, at any rate, a crowned head. The following is, I believe, a complete list of the Norman fonts which now remain to guide the archeologist in ascer- taining the approximate date of the foundation of many of our Derbyshire churches. * See page 34 of this volume,—EDITOR. 56 DERBYSHIRE FONTS. List oF NORMAN FONTS IN DERBYSHIRE. Place. Tissington = - Mellor - - Thorpe - Brassington - Marston-on-Dove Longford 5 Eyam - ° - Chesterfield - Haddon Hall Bradbourne - _ Hognaston~ - Ockbrook - Pentrich - Kirk Hallam Darley Dale - Crich_ - - Wirksworth -— - Parwich - Somersall Herbert i 2 i Church Broughton e : = Staveley - Youlgreave - Ashover = Pleasley > Approximate date. 1066 to L100. 39 29 ? Pe) The rude and unornamental fonts of both North and South Wingfield can hardly be assigned to any specified date, as there is nothing to guide us. The specimen at Bolsover was destroyed when the church was burnt down. DERBYSHIRE FONTS. Now that this series of notes on the Norman fonts of Derbyshire is concluded, a few comments may not be out of place. There are but two really fine and very interesting DERBYSHIRE FONTS. 57 examples, namely, those of Youlgreave and Ashover. Our county is but poorly supplied with specimens of great archeological interest, and this is very much more noticeable when one visits Cornwall, and sees» the splendid, richly ornamented and shaped fonts which abound there. The few specimens which do exist in Derbyshire have not been by any means well treated. That at Taddington reposes in an inn, where it has been for far too many years. The font at Thorpe was exposed to the weather till the sculpture had all peeled off under the destroying influence of our decidedly changeable climate. The example at Crich has been “ scraped ” and “restored” out of all likeness to an ancient font; while that at Ockbrook has had a large cavity hewn in its sides, and now lies beneath the tower. The Bradbourne example is now safely housed beneath the tower of the church, after lying neglected and uncared for in the grounds of the Hall, adjoining the churchyard, for which ill treatment it is none the better. The font at North Wingfield has been rescued from the degrading position in which Dr. Cox found it, 7.e., a washing basin for the school children. Youlgreave, as we have seen, has had a very lucky escape from decay, if not from total demolition, as has also the font at Tissington. The one at Mellor would be none the worse for a little attention, particularly the removal of the green old tap, which now forms such an unsightly projection on one side. That at Hognaston is made to look ridiculous by being perched on the top of a slender column of three engaged shafts. A very curious point about all these fonts is the absolute and entire absence of the commonest ornaments of Norman art. There are no examples of the chevron, billet, roller, star, or filleting on any of the fonts I have described. Among ornaments of a minor character which do appear the cable is not infrequent, while among the larger type of designs the arcade is not uncommon. The earlier types of fonts, as Tissington and Mellor, are extremely good of their kind, but the later examples show, on the whole, a sad falling off in interest. 58 DERBYSHIRE FONTS. Of the art of the short period of Transition, from late Norman times to the days in which the Early English style had fully asserted the power, there are but two specimens of fonts. These are at Winster and Fenny Bentley. The true Early English has admirable examples in Ashbourne, Norbury, Bradley, Kniveton, Deveridge, and especially in Norton, neat. Sheffield. I hope to describe and illustrate these in the Journal of next year, afterwards passing on to those of the Decorated and Perpendicular periods. NotTe.—Somersall Herbert. The Rev. R. FitzHerbert kindly reminds me that in the band of ornament round the top of this font there is a space of about two feet six inches, in which four of the rings I have described are omitted. 59 Tideswell and Tideslow. By T. N. BrusHFiELp, M.D., F.S.A. gq] NYTHING which tends to throw light on the origin of 4; place—and of personal—names, must always be acceptable to the philologist as well as to the anti- quary. Very recently the pages of Notes and Queries have contained a series of articles respecting the etymology of the names Tideswell and Tidslow or Tideslow. The principal contributors were Mr. S. O. Addy, Professor Skeat, and myself, vide gth S. xij. 341, and continued to roth S. j. 371, to which the references in the text relate. As the subject is one of much local interest, no excuse need be made for the present article ; it will, however, be necessary to reiterate some portions of my remarks in that periodical, especially as some important points relating to the archeological side of the question were only briefly noticed. . That Tideswell owed its name to an intermittent spring, termed an ebbing and flowing well, situated within the village, has been the traditional belief in the locality for centuries. That this tradition has continued to the present day, and still remains the current belief, is evident from the following state- ment of Mr. F. Davis, in The Etymology of Derbyshire Place-Names, printed in the /ournal of this Society (vol. II. (1880), p. 65): “Tideswell . . . the tidal or ebbing and flowing well. The well from which Tideswell received its name has ceased to ebb and flow [for] about two centuries.” Also from the ‘Ebbing and Flowing Well,’ situated in the ‘Town Head’ of the village, being recorded in the Ordnance Map of the district. 60 TIDESWELL AND TIDESLOW. The. earliest reference to this peculiar feature of the well yet found recorded, is that made by T. Risdon, in his Survey of Devon, for which he collected the materials between the years 1605 and 1630, although the work was not printed until 1714. The parish of East Budleigh in that county was origin- ally one of the royal manors (Domesday), but in the twelfth century it was divided into five sub-manors, of which a place called Tidwell was one, and of this Risdon remarks: “ Here is a pond or pool maintained by springs, which continually welm and boil up, not unlike that wonderful well in Darbyshire which ebbeth and floweth by just Tides, and hath given name to Tideswell, a Market Town of no mean Account.” (II. 83-4.) Of this sub-manor the Rev. Dr. Oliver notes, “ Tideswell, 7.e., Tide-well.”* This alone disproves the assertion made by Mr. Addy, that “the story about the tides of an ebbing well appears to have been invented by Charles Cotton,” born in 1630 (1oth j. 92). The Tideswell spring is thus alluded to by J. Martin in his account of A Journey to the Peak of Derbyshire, printed in the Philosophical Transactions of 1729, who says: “ An ebbing and flowing well is far from being regular, as some have pretended. It is very seldom seen by the neighbours them- selves ; and, for my part, I waited a good while to no purpose. And so I shall pass it over in silence” (25). In Dhe Natural History of England (1759-63), by B. Martin, is this notice: “What renders this place (Tideswell) most remarkable, and from whence it takes its name, is a Spring or Well that ebbs and flows” (ii., 234). Some authors have confused this intermitting spring with one in the vicinity of Barmoor Clough, often termed the “Sparrow Pit ebbing and flowing well,” situated from 54 to 6 miles from Tideswell, on the side of the road leading to Chapel-en-le-Frith. It is the one recorded by T. Hobbes (1588-1679) in his De Mirabilis Pecci, published in 1636 (in Latin—an English translation was issued * Monasticon Diec. Exon. 1846, 252. TIDESWELL AND TIDESLOW. 61 in 1678); and also by Charles Cotton (1630-1687) in The Wonders of the Peake (1681). The account in the latter is copied in Cox’s Magna Britannia (1720), j-, 430; also in Macky’s Journey Through England (1724), ij., 192, but in each instance the quotation commences, “Near Tide’s Wall,” words not to be found in the original, where the first line runs, “ North-east from hence (Buxton) three Peakish miles at least.” In maps of the seventeenth century it is termed “ Weeding,” or “Weding Well”; and in the one by Morden, in Camden's Britannia (1695), it is lettered “Wedding Well.” This name disappears in the next century, and in the works of Pilkington (1789) and of Rhodes (1824) it is designated “Ebbing and Flowing Well.” Pilkington is the most trustworthy writer on the subject, having visited both places, as recorded in his View of Derby- shire («789). In this he reports the well at Barmoor Clough to be wholly dependent on the rainfall, and as ceasing to flow for three weeks or a month in dry weather. At its best it formed “a stream nearly large enough to turn the overshot wheel of a corn mill.” He adds: “There was formerly a spring of this kind at Tideswell likewise ; but it has now ceased to flow, and the place where the well is situated is scarcely known. . . . I was informed that the well, which is now closed up, might be easily restored to its ancient state” (ij. 250-3). The account of Tideswell in A. Jewitt’s History of Buxton (1811) contains this paragraph: “ The well, of which so much has been said by old authors, and which is supposed to have given name to the town, is now nearly choked up with weeds and rubbish” (188). He also describes the one at Barmoor Clough, and “felt hurt to find so great a curiosity in so uncleanly and neglected a state” (170). A few years later Rhodes (1824) thus alludes to that at Tideswell: “The spot where the*well once was is still pointed out to the traveller who enquires for it, but it is now choked up, and its ebbings and flowings have long since terminated” (74). During the 62 TIDESWELL AND TIDESLOW. present autumn, accompanied by the vicar, the Rev. J. M. J. Fletcher, I visited the site of the well, situated in a private garden attached to “Craven House,” on the right-hand side of the Manchester road. It consists of a square opening formed of brick, sunk several feet below the ground level, with a sloping bank towards it on each side. It was put into its present satisfactory condition some years since, within the memory of an old inhabitant, after having been in a greatly neglected state for a long period. A remarkable corroboration of the tradition asserting its intermitting character, and which appears Reproduced from Saxton’s map. to have escaped the notice of modern writers, remains to be told. The seventeenth-century map of Saxton, “amended by P. Lea,” contains three Derbyshire illustrations, and of these one is entitled “The Tiding Well.” As shown in the accompanying fac-simile, it bears a singularly close resemblance to the existing well-opening, which has been built, as it were, on the same lines, that of the Barmoor Clough example being entirely different. The spring at Tideswell continues to act as an ordinary well, except in dry seasons, having long since lost its ebbing and flowing peculiarity. Judging from the description given by TIDESWELL AND TIDESLOW. 63 Hobbes, as well as that by Cotton, the volume of water yielded by the well at Barmoor Clough is now much less than formerly. As far as I have been able to learn, the ancient and current tradition that a well, yet existing at Tideswell, formerly possessed tidal or intermitting properties, which gave the name to the place, has never been called in question until the appearance of an article by Mr. S. O. Addy, entitled “ Tides- well and Tideslow,” that was published in Wotes and Queries of October 31st, 1903. In this, without making any reference to the old tradition, he advocated the philological origin of these placenames. In his opinion, the prefix Zdes represents a personal name, 77d, and the affix wel/ or wall “has nothing to do with a brook or spring of water,” but is based on the Old Norse vollr, with “some such meaning as farm or enclosure ” (9th xij., 341). In evidence of this he lays great stress on the circumstance that wall is so frequently found,as a suffix to place-names, and “seems in many cases . . . tobe ...a field or paddock.” He cites “ Tiddeswall and Bradwall,” noted in Speed’s map of 1610, as examples; but had he examined the alphabetical list on the back of that map, he would have found these places named as “ Tideswell ” and “ Bradwell ” (roth j. 92). Sir Henry Bemrose has kindly furnished me with a long list of variations in the manner of spelling the name, taken from early records, parish registers, maps, books, etc., extending from the thirteenth to the nineteenth century, and showing that in the thirteenth the word almost invariably ends in well, and in this respect is similar to the “ Tidesuuelle ” of the Domesday Book. In the seventeenth, wa// was a common termination, but from the latter part of the eighteenth there has been a general reversion to the original we//. The varia- tions for the most part were probably due to the carelessness of map-makers, and especially to their practice of copying the placenames from the works of their predecessors, without any enquiry as to their correctness. “ Tiddeswall” appears in Saxton’s map of 1579, and the spelling remained unchanged in all maps up to the middle of the next century. Moreover, 64 TIDESWELL AND TIDESLOW. according to Professor Skeat, “the Old Norse véllr is not represented in English by -wed/, but by -wall” (10th j., 91). From all this it is fairly evident that Mr. Addy’s explanation of the affix well or wall is not correct. Again, Mr. Addy affirms that “the present pronunciation of Tideswell (drawling out the “1”) is owing to a false etymology which has been circulated in guide-books”; and adds, “ It ¢ has been connected with the zde of an ebbing well,” as though the pronunciation had suggested the tradition (9th xij., 341). But surely the word was pronounced with a long “1” previous to the era of guide-books. Was the Domesday “Tidesuuelle” pronounced ‘Tideswell or ‘Tidswell? The spelling suggests the former. Both as a place—and as a per- sonal—name it is recorded as “Tydeswell” in documents of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.* Professor Skeat considers the prefix Z7des to represent the name of a man called Tidi or Tide, Tides being the genitive case, and the entire word denoting “ Tidi’s well.” Also, that “the Anglo-Saxon for ‘intermittent well’ might have been z7d- well—i.e., tide-well; but it could not possibly have been Z7des- well” (goth j., 91). Further, “We can here only explain the actual presence of an “s” that is really pronounced by the supposition that it has always been pronounced ” (roth j., 317). Mr. W. de Gray Birch states : “ Many of the names of persons and of places, no doubt, have been written down by the Norman scribes incorrectly, perhaps following a phonetic and arbitrary, rather than any etymological rule.t And Professor Skeat remarks, “We must not trust the spellings of Domesday Book over much. After all, the scribes were Normans, and they often made a sad hash of Anglo-Saxon” (1oth j., 229). That their transcription of Anglo-Saxon placenames was not altogether trustworthy, the following illustrations will sufficiently exemplify. In the Exchequer Domesday Book (Devonshire) we find recorded “Chisewic” and “ Potsforde,” and these in the * Vols. v., viii., xiv. (Index) of this Journal. + Domesday Book, (1887,) 125. TIDESWELL AND TIDESLOW. 65 Exeter Domesday appear as “Clisewic” and “ Poteforda.” Some important variations will be found occasionally in the same document; thus in the Zuquisitio Geldi we find “ Dippe- forda” and “ Dippesforda.” Must we regard the presence of an “s” in the middle of a place-name as the invariable sign of the genitive case? If so, it is remarkable that two of the examples just noted should respectively show both its omission and its retention, the “s” being in either case omitted in the modern name. Another example occurs in “ Titesle” (Cheshire), now known as Titley. Other Domesday words exhibit no sign of the genitive, and yet the modern forms have the “s” inserted; thus “ Hirletun,” “Wibaldelai” (Cheshire), and “ Steintune” (Derbyshire) are now represented by Hurleston, Wimbaldsley, and Stenson. According to Professor Skeat, the presence of the es as the genitive case in the place-name under notice marks the essential difference between “ Tidi’s well” and the “well of the tides,” the former being the philological and the latter the traditional form. But Southsworth, in the county of Devon, is written in the will of King Alfred himself, Swtheswyrthe. Here we have the es dividing the two words, as in Tides- well, and if the one is to be the well of someone called Tide, then the other ought to be the worth of someone called South. Surely this is my case, for if Sutheswyrthe is the southern worth, so Z'zdesuwelle is the tidal well. Again, in a charter of Edward the Confessor, Nettleswell in Essex is spelt Nethleswelle. According to Professor Skeat’s argument, this must be the well of someone named Nethli or Nethle; but as the Anglo-Saxon for the common nettle was wetele, I prefer to associate the well with the weed and to call it Nettleswell. The natives, too, call it Nettleswell, just as Derbyshire folk speak of Tideswell. The two words are too much alike in spelling and in meaning to admit of any etymological distinctions. After due consideration of these various points, the suggestion that the s, whether or not the sign of the genitive, may have been an_ accidental interpolation, seems to be a very natural one. Nor 5 66 TIDESWELL AND TIDESLOW. do I think that an old antiquary (who makes no pretence to an intimate knowledge of philology) was in any way unreasonable, or that he displayed “a shameless and unpardonable meddle- someness” in making such a suggestion. It seemed scarcely right that a tradition which had remained unquestioned for so long a period should be ruthlessly sacrificed by the hasty adoption of a new philological explanation, however plausible it might at first sight appear, and especially as the Anglo- Saxon name has descended to us through the acknowledged untrustworthy channel of a Norman scribe. We pass on to consider the origin of the place-name Tidslow or Tideslow, the latter being the form in general use. The low or funeral tumulus (entered in the Ordnance map as “ Tides Low. Human Remains found.”) is situated on the top of a high eminence about a mile from the village, whence a very exten- sive view of the surrounding country is obtained. It is situated on the south-east side of a series of mounds due to mining opera- tions, from which a wide mine-rake (“ Tideslow rake ”) descends to the road leading to the village. Many of the Derbyshire lows are named from the villages in their vicinity, such as Fairfield, Chelmorton, Calver, etc. ; and there is fair reason to believe that the original and proper name of the one under notice was Tideswell-low or top, and as “'Tideswell Top” it appears in Peak Scenery, by E. Rhodes (1824), p. 72.. Now, from time immemorial the village has always been known to the inhabitants of that part of Derby- shire as “ Tidsa” or “ Tidsor.” In a letter of W. Darbyshire, of the year 1660, preserved in the Bodleian Library, it is written “Tidsald” (Ashmol. MS., pcccxxvi. fol. 239); and C. P. Moritz, a Prussian clergyman, who visited the place in 1782, records that its “ name is, by a singular abbreviation, pronounced “Tidsel’” (Travels in England, ed. 1887, 149). My friend, Mr. A. Wallis, a native of the county, and for many years editor of the Derby Mercury, who was well acquainted with the locality fifty years since, informs me the low was then locally known as “Tidsor Topping.” TIDESWELL AND TIDESLOW. 67 According to Professor Skeat, “placenames are best pre- served when they are left to the keeping of the illiterate, who speak naturally, and are not ambitious to be always inventing new theories” (roth j., 317). But there is always a tendency for the inhabitants of a locality, especially of a rural one, to abbreviate both the spelling as well as the pronunciation of placenames ; thus, Waverton (Cheshire) and Wavertree (Lan- cashire) are customarily and respectively termed Warton and Wartree ; and nearer home, Idridgehay was always known as Ithesa; so, in like manner, Tideswell becomes shortened to Tidsa. As far as has yet been ascertained, our earliest knowledge of the low under notice being known by any especial name is noted in a map of the county, contained in Pilkington’s Derby- shire, in 1782 (reproduced from one published by P. Burdett in 1767), in which it is termed “Tidslow top.” By what authority the name has been changed to “Tideslow” in recent maps is unknown, but may probably have been the work of map- makers, who have many sins of this kind to answer for. From the original name “ Tideswell low,” or the local “Tidsa low,” it was easy for a map-maker to abbreviate it to “'Tidslow,” the form given in Burdett’s map. The change was not warranted by any evidence, but apparently was made for it to agree with “ Tideswell.” Professor Skeat asserts: “It is surely obvious that Tides- welle can only mean ‘Tidi’s well’; and Tides-low—Anglo- Saxon, Zides-hklaw—can only mean ‘Tidi’s burial-mound’” (zoth j., 91). Now, even if the former be correct, it by no means follows that the latter is equally so, especially as the age of the low is thus limited by him: “The mound may be as old as the eighth century, or even earlier” (foth\7:5°.91): When the matter comes to be fully investigated, grave doubts must again be necessarily cast on the Professor’s interpretation. On purely philological grounds he gives a lucid explanation of his view of the meaning of both placenames. Mr. Addy, on the contrary, does not attempt this, but simply asserts : 68 TIDESWELL AND TIDESLOW. “One can hardly doubt that Tideslow is the sepulchre of Tid,” and “contains an Englishman’s name” (oth xij., 341)—the personal, tribal, or family one, Tid, Tida, or Tidi. To this further allusion will be made. With the knowledge that “human remains,” according to the Ordnance map, were dis- covered in the low, one fails to understand why he or some other person interested in the subject did not make some local enquiries, or examine some of the leading works on the topography of Derbyshire, to ascertain whether any definite information as to its contents was obtainable, more especially considering Mr. Addy’s remark, “It would be of great interest to know what were the contents of the tomb” (9th j., 341). He: suggested the low might have been opened by lead-miners, probably on the same principle that actuated the tinners to explore many of the barrows on Dartmoor—viz., in the hope of finding buried treasure. Had he gone a step further, and made such diligent enquiry as would have tended to throw some light on the age of the tumulus, as shown by its contents, his opinion, or rather assertion, as well as that of Professor Skeat, would in all probability have been considerably modified. Rhodes, the author of Peak Scenery, who visited the place in 1813, and again a few years later, but prior to the publication of his work in 1824, records the following: “ From Wheston, a short walk of about a mile brought us to an eminence called Tideswell Top, a place that curiosity had very recently opened for the purpose of ascertaining its contents. It was a tumulus composed of a series of narrow caverns, formed with stones and earth, in which several skulls and many human bones were found. ‘There is something unseemly, if not unfeeling, in thus disturbing the relics of the dead, and leaving them to bleach in the sun, or be preyed on and gnawed by animals. Some of the bones had been carried away, but many remained unburied, and lay scattered about that earth-built sepulchre, which those who consigned them to it vainly hoped might have ‘canopied them until doomsday’” (72). TIDESWELL AND TIDESLOW. 69 Anyone who is practically acquainted with the contents of prehistoric tumuli, will at once recognise from this descrip- tion that the interment belonged to the early Neolithic period, thus graphically described by the greatest living authority on the subject, Professor Boyd Dawkins, in his ZHarly Man in Britain: “The Neolithic tribes in Britain buried their dead sometimes in caves which had previously been used by them for dwellings, and sometimes in chambered tombs, which pro- bably represent the huts of the living. Each of these was generally used as a vault common to the family or tribe, and contained skeletons of all ages. The interments are shown to have been successive and not simultaneous, from the bones being in various stages of decay, as well-as from the fact that the bodies could not have been crowded together in the space in which the skeletons are found. . . . The more important contain a stone chamber built of slabs of stone set on edge, and very frequently with a narrow passage leading into it, which was also used for interments after the chamber was filled” (284). Mr. Bateman examined several tumuli of this class on Bake- well and Brassington Moors, at Minninglow, and at Five Wells, Taddington. Of the last-named there are detailed accounts in his Vestiges, Gc. (1848), 91; in the Journal of the British Archeological Association, vii. (1852), 210, with an illustration from a drawing of mine; and in Zhe Reliquary of October, t9g01. The large number of bones found at Tideslow indicates that they were deposited in a chambered mound rather than in a series of separate cists; but whichever may have been the form, the tumulus certainly belonged to the early Stone Age. Mr. Addy affirms “ it is something to know that a man of note called Tid gave his name to Tideswell, and that he received the lasting honour of mound-burial on a hill which overlooks that town” (1oth j., 92). As the personal name 77d and the funeral mound /Jow, forming the compound word Tidslow or Tideslow, are Anglo-Saxon, if “a man of note called Tid” was interred 7O TIDESWELL AND TIDESLOW. there, the contents ought to have belonged to that period; but, as already proved, they belonged to the Neolithic instead, between which remote prehistoric period and that of the his- toric Anglo-Saxon, not only many centuries but the whole of the Bronze Age intervened. Moreover, during the latter period it was very rare for more than one body to be:interred in the same grave or mound. I expressed my doubts whether in the long list of lows recorded in Mr. Bateman’s Ten Years’ Diggings (1861), 289-297, is contained “a single example of the name of a prehistoric individual” ; to which Mr. Addy replied by citing a long array of terms and of personal names of Old Norse or of Anglo-Saxon origin, contained in the prefixes to many lows ; but the whole of them belonged to historic times. In a sub- sequent communication he added a number of others, notwithstanding that the following remarks of mine had already appeared: “The whole tenour of his remarks is beside the question at issue, as all his examples are of the historic as distinguished from the ‘prehistoric’ period, to which latter alone, as I distinctly stated, my remarks applied” (1oth j., 53, QI, I9I, 230). I scarcely think I could have expressed my opinion in plainer terms. Nevertheless, an entire absence of any reference to the prehistoric age characterizes the whole of Mr. Addy’s articles. After a careful consideration of his remarks, the only conclu- sion as to his meaning at which I can arrive is, that, as the names of many of the barrows in Derbyshire are of Old Norse or of Anglo-Saxon origin, the barrows also must be assigned to one or other of those periods. Some of them undoubtedly are, of which two examples are at Monyash and Brushfield. Others exist at Moot Low, Hurdlow, Gally Low, White Low, etc.; but the greater number of those in the Peak district were raised in Neolithic times. Even those of the Bronze Age are comparatively rare in the same district; and Mr. Bateman had been busily engaged in barrow-opening for two years before he was successful in discovering and TIDESWELL AND TIDESLOW. 71 examining one; this was at Brier Low, near Buxton, on May 12, 1845, at which operation I had the pleasure of assisting. That both Mr. Addy and Professor Skeat concur in opinion in assigning Tides-low to the historic (Anglo-Saxon) period, the following quotations will be deemed sufficient proof :— Mr. Addy: “ Tid must have ‘ died into the hill’ long before a church at Tideswell was thought of. Was English spoken here before the sixth century, or do the rude cinerary urns of Derby- shire belong to a Jater date than that? Some of these lows may have been family tombs ” (oth xij., 341). Professor Skeat : “ The name 77d occurs in the ‘ Liber Vite of Durham, and again in Beda, but not later. So the mound may be as old as the eighth century, or even earlier” (roth j., 91). Does not the former lay himself open to much comment when alluding to the “rude cinerary urns” ? These opinions are based on a misconception, that because a tumulus bears an Anglo-Saxon name it must therefore belong to that period ; whereas the Anglo-Saxon names of the majority of the lows are of comparatively modern date (historic) as compared with the period of their original construction (prehistoric). Then comes this important question: Is it probable or possible that any personal, tribal, or family name has been perpetuated, or has descended to us, through the long period that has elapsed between the Neolithic, the Bronze, and the Iron Ages, and that of the Historic? To this a decided and final negative must be given. The science of philology has undoubtedly made great strides during the last few years, and no one appreciates the labours of Professor Skeat in this direction more than I do, but from their very nature such labours must, in a great measure, be limited to the historic period; but it seems to me that we must wait for future developments before it can throw much or any light on matters relating to the domain of Prehistoric Archeology. 72 TIDESWELL AND TIDESLOW. Whether Tideswell signifies Tides-well (the well of the Tide or Tides) or the well of Tid, is a moot point; yet I see no reason to abandon the old tradition until all possible fallacies . have been first eliminated. But whatever may be the correct explanation, there is no basis of fact upon which to rest the belief that Tideslow was the burial place of Tid. Such a belief involves a singular anachronism in the attempt made to explain the interment in a Neolithic tumulus by assigning it to one of the Anglo-Saxon race. I have no pet theories to nurse or to perpetuate; all I care about is to elicit the truth, whether the view I have temperately expressed be the correct one or not. In these circumstances a writer seems to be entitled to common civility, even from his opponents, and ought not to be made the subject of uncourteous remarks at the hands of those whose position in the world of letters and experience in controversy, should teach them to act towards honest enquirers in a more liberal spirit. EpirortaL Note.—The last paragraph in Dr. Brushfield’s paper calls for a little explanation. In the argument which ran its course through the pages of Wotes and (Queries the tone of Dr. Brushfield was most courteous and mellow throughout, but that of Professor Skeat raises the serious question as to how far the logic of abuse is to be permitted to pass without criticism. The following is an example of his style of academic debate :— “In cases where place-names have been wilfully perverted, it has generally been done by force of a popular etymology that tries to give a new meaning to a word. The worst instances of this character are not those due to unlearned people, but to the shameless and unpardonable meddlesomeness of those who ought to know better, and who imagine they know what is correct, when they are all the while in the blindest ignorance. Place-names are best preserved when they are left in the keeping of the illiterate, who speak naturally and are not ambitious to be always inventing theories.”—Wotes and Queries, April 16th, 1904. TIDESWELL AND TIDESLOW. 73 It is no excuse to say that a weak case may require bolstering with strong language, for if manners make the man, how much more do they make the argument. Of late years there seems to have arisen in the minds of some writers to our scientific journals a dominant idea that the public will welcome as clever, language which they and their friends would not tolerate in their private and social life. They do not flatter their readers. Horace Walpole used to say: “When people wade beyond their sphere, they make egregious blunders”; when, therefore, Professor Skeat points his philological argument against the generally accepted belief of archeologists, in such contumelious terms as the above, one is tempted to reply in the words of the great Milton :— “Though a linguist should pride himself to have all the tongues that Babel cleft the world into, yet if he have not studied the solid things in them as well as his words and lexicons, he were nothing so much to be esteemed a learned man as any yeoman competently wise in his mother dialect only.” W. J. ANDREW. 74 The Otter tw Derbyshire, By the Rev. F. C. R. Jourparn, M.A., M.B.O.U. Eg] ROBABLY few people are aware that the otter, which #| was considered a scarce animal forty years ago, is now not uncommon in a part of our county. No doubt its nocturnal habits and shyness tend to make it appear scarcer than it really is. The headquarters of these animals may be said to be the river Dove, between Ashburne and Rocester, whence they make their way up to Alstonfield and down to the Trent. Here, since 1898, none have been killed, and in consequence there has been a decided increase in their numbers, but on the upper Dove they are still relentlessly trapped and shot, nine having been killed within a space of three years. Mr. Andrew informs me that early in May of the present year, two were taken on the river Goyt, at Waterside, near New Mills, and sent to Belle Vue Gardens, Manchester. The presence of these animals in such an unlikely spot (for the Goyt is much polluted at this point) is interesting as showing the wandering disposition of this species. Probably they were in search of “ pastures new,” and in time would have moved on to a more congenial home. May I put in a plea for the preservation, in limited numbers of course, of this interesting mammal in our fishing rivers? It is hardly necessary to say that the otter is to a great extent a fish eater, but it does incalculable good to a river by the destruction of the large eels, and by killing off the big cannibal trout.- Grayling and trout certainly flourish on the Dove where the otter is preserved, and it never becomes unduly plentiful. ‘NOLNIOOY LV AOVLLOO V AO HOM VHI AHL NI GNOOF GYXOMS AHL AO SMAIA OM. “gla ‘Sagitlg “DIT ‘auedy “Py 75 Cavalier’'s Sword found at Lgqinton.* By the Rev. R. LETHBRIDGE FARMER. “omy LLE sword, of which a photographic illustration is here | given, was in the possession of the late Ven. Archdeacon Freer, and for some years stood in the corner of his drawing room at Sudbury Rectory, being justly prized by one who was so deeply interested in everything historic. It was discovered some few years ago at Egginton, when the thatched roof of a cottage was being removed to make place for one of slate. So deftly had it been hidden that, though the surface thatch had often been renewed, it was only when taking the whole roof to pieces that the weapon came to light. It was in excellent preservation, and the Archdeacon used to say that officers to whom he had shown it doubted whether it had ever been used. To give a description, it may be said that the scabbard is perfectly plain, bearing no marks, and is 393 inches in length. The length of the sword blade is 38,8; inches, and the width 1,3; in., slightly tapering. It is double edged and grooved, bear- — ing on each side the, inscription ;-; ANDRIA (;+;) FERARA }.; followed by the “ wolf-mark.” = The hilt is of the basket-form which, after the death of King Charles I., became known as “mortuary.” It is profusely chased, pierced, and chiselled with four oval medal- lions, one of these evidently containing a portrait of Charles I. * Mr. Andrew has kindly assisted me in this paper ; otherwise I should have hesitated before attempting so technical a subject.—R. L. 76 CAVALIER’S SWORD FOUND AT EGGINTON. In the spaces between the medallions the features of four other faces are very roughly indicated. The grip is covered with double-stranded brass wire. A fragment of copper wire near the pommel was considered by the late Major Corfield to be the remnant of an older covering. It was also his opinion that the blade had been re-hilted. The approximate date of the blade may be taken to be from 1580-1590, and the probable date of the hilt 1642. The R. L. Farmer, del. The Egginton Sword. Detail of the cup to the hilt. date of the sword in its present form is, therefore, contem- porary with the commencement of the Civil War in 1642. In March, 1644, there was an engagement on Egginton Heath in which the Royalists were defeated by the Parliamentarians under Sir John Gell—or, according to some, Major Mollanus —so that it would seem more than probable that this was the occasion when the sword was secreted. Possibly some officer, CAVALIER’S SWORD FOUND AT EGGINTON. 77 finding his capture inevitable, thrust it securely into the thatch; or, deeming an unimpeded retreat the wisest course, thus hid awhile his weapon, hoping to regain it, and to “live to fight another day.” But whoever was the owner, and under whatever circum- stances he parted with his sword, he was clearly a Cavalier of no small repute, for the weapon is of exceptional quality, and was, in its day, far too expensive an adjunct to be possessed by any ordinary soldier. This statement is borne out by the fact that with the exception of some details in the chasing, it is identical with the sword of the Earl of Lindsey, who was killed at Edgehill in 1642, and which bears his arms. The blades of Andrea Ferara attained-a world-wide reputa- tion, and have always been exceptionally popular in Britain. In consequence, they have been re-hilted with every change of fashion, from his time down to our own, for it may safely be stated that during the last three hundred years they have been present in every great British battle, and our officers, especially of the Highland Brigade, cling to them to-day with the faith of tradition. James Ray, in his History of the Rebellion of 1745, p. 160, recounts a personal incident at the Angel Inn, Macclesfield, where, to escape arrest as a spy by the Highlanders, he hid his arms in the tester of his bed, namely :— My Highland pistols which were a piece of curious workmanship, the stock as well as the lock and barrel being of polished steel ingraved and inlaid with silver, and . . . my sword which was of the Highland make by that curious workman Andrew Ferrara. The blade of the sword of Rob Roy, preserved at Abbots- ford, also is the work of Andrea Ferara, and Sir Walter Scott, in a note to Waverley, says that all the Scottish broadswords inscribed with his name were accounted of peculiar excellence. Of Andrea himself we know little. Mr. J. B. Caldecott, however, calls attention to the fact that he is mentioned in Giovan Matthio Cigogna’s Tratato Militare, Venice, 1583, jo, C2 = 78 CAVALIER’S SWORD FOUND AT EGGINTON. In the town of Belluno are the ingenious Masters, Giovan Donato, and Andrea of the Feraris (de i Ferari) both brothers of the foundry of Master Giovan Battista, called the Barcelonian.* The sobriquet, “The Barcelonian,” suggests that Battista had come from Spain, and this curiously corroborates the traditions that Andrea wrought his blades both in Italy and in Spain. Sir Walter Scott credits him with having also brought his art to Scotland; but although the large percentage of Highland basket-hilted swordst bearing his name is remarkable, it is more probable that the blades were shipped from Italy to Scotland early in the seventeenth century. The “wolf-mark” which follows his name on the sword before us is a mystery. Its design may be compared with the result of an attempt to draw a wolf with three or four strokes of the pen. In this crude form it often accompanies the most artistic engraving, for it is a mark handed down to the armourers through centuries. It is neither personal to Andrea nor national to Italy. We find it in just the same form on blades of the fourteenth century forged at Passau and Solingen, but it is rarely, if ever, found upon weapons of poor quality. Many of Andrea’s swords bear it, and these seem to be of better design and finish than most of those upon which it is absent. This is a horseman’s sword, and from the circumstances of its discovery clearly English. It is a fighting sword, as opposed to a rapier, and although the date of the hilt is of the period of the Civil War, it is of a type which remained in use until, with the advent of William of Orange, Dutch influences superseded it with the introduction of a lighter weapon. Without attaching any serious importance to the point, there is one fact which rather indicates that the sword was lost early in its history. It will be noticed that the hilt * East Herts Archeological Society’s Zransactions, 1901, p. 357. + Incorrectly called ‘‘Claymores.” The real Claymore was, as its name implies, ‘the great sword,’ that is the large two-handed and cross-hilted sword of the previous century. CAVALIER’S SWORD FOUND AT EGGINTON. 79 is complete. Rupert’s Cavaliers found that in actual battle the sword hand was too cramped within the hilt of this type; hence arose a custom of filing off the upper portion of the outer wrist guard, to give more play to the hand. The custom seems to have been peculiar to this country, and many, if not most of the weapons which bore the brunt of the war are found to have been so treated. Another example of this class, said to have been formerly preserved at Bramhall Hall, but now in Mr. Andrew’s possession, may be mentioned for the purpose of comparison. It is of similar character and workmanship, the blade bearing the same inscription with the “ wolf-mark,” and the hilt being of the same character, except that it is more boat-shaped and the medallions are decorated with elaborated subjects, viz. (i.) equestrian figure of King Charles riding over the body of the Dragon (the Parliament) ; (ii.) the King, as St. George, slaying the Dragon; (3) portrait of the King; (iv.) portrait of Archbishop Laud; (5) portrait of the owner (?); (vi.) small portrait of the King on the wrist guard. The first medallion is strongly characteristic of the well-known equestrian figure in Van Dyck’s painting. This sword also is essentially English, and the upper part of the outer wrist guard has been carefully filed off, above the small medallion (No. vi.) in its centre. On the other hand, Lord Lindsey’s sword, which was never used after Edgehill, the first battle of the war, is like that of our illustration, perfect in this respect. Was it after Marston Moor, in July, 1644, that this custom originated ? It used to be thought that these swords must be subsequent to the death of Charles I., because of their name “ mortuary,” but this was not so, for the fashion of chiselling medallion portraits of Kings and Queens upon arms was not confined to England, but general upon the continent. The heads of Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain often so appeared on Spanish arms and armour of the sixteenth century. Portraits of Philip of Spain and Mary of England are upon a gorget which is said to have belonged to an officer of the Armada, and swords 80 CAVALIER’S SWORD FOUND AT EGGINTON. contemporary with, and of very similar design to, that which is the subject of this paper, frequently bore medallion portraits of Louis XIII. of France. Moreover, the hilt of the sword last described, which is typically “mortuary” in type, was certainly forged during the lifetime of King Charles, for no one after his tragic end would hopefully personify him as St. George destroying the Parliament. After his death, swords bearing his portrait were much prized by the Cavaliers, and hence they obtained their name. Cwo Derby AHills of the NVL. Century. By H. E. Currey, M.A. "HWE following wills are transcribed from Probate copies ( aN % ; a ety! §=preserved in a bundle endorsed, “The Title Deeds to the House in the Markett Place Derby wi? Mr. John Bingham now lives in—1758.” The bequest in each case by way of “ principal” or heirloom seems to be made in confirmation of some local custom vesting the best chattel in the heir. Or the words may have been accidentally introduced from some precedent having its origin where a custom of the kind prevailed. With regard to the house in the Market Place, it is satis- factory to know from a deed of gift made in 1583 that Emmott Holme lived to acquire a vested interest under her father’s will. Otherwise the gift over to St. Michael’s Church might have involved the property in the worst of the struggle between the claims of mortmain and escheat. The bequests, moreover, for the observance of anniversaries and the like, would only a little (4 later have been entangled in the same trouble as “ superstitious ” gifts. The Overseers mentioned in both wills were functionaries charged with the supervision of the executors. But their ordi- nary powers of counsel and persuasion must have been very inadequate to any effective control, and the office has long since fallen into disuse. On taylett gowns and other mysteries, ultra crepidam meam, I venture no comment. 6 82 TWO DERBY WILLS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. WILL OF JOHANNE HOLME, WIDOW, A.D., 1506. In they name of god Amen They viii day of March In the yere of oT Lorde god MCCCCCVI I Johanne holme widow of the pishe of Saynt Michaels in derby of hole mynde make and ordyn my testament contenyng my laste Will in man & forme foloyng ffyrst I comende my soule to allmighty god to hys blessed mod* and virgyn oure lady Saynt mary to all Saynts And my body to be buryed in they pishe churche of Saynt Michaels of Derby above saide before the alter of o° lady of they north side of they church there Also I bequeth In they name of my principall my beste gudde as usse and custom ys And I bequeth ii li wax to brene about my body in they day of my buriall Also I bequethe ii torches to brenne about my body in they saide day of my buriall my Seventhe day and my twelmothe day with dayes paste I bequeth onl of them to they highe alt’ in my saide pishe churche And anoy to the alt’ of 0? lady aforsaide And I bequethe to they saide highe alter A flaxen And to oure lady alter anoy flaxen shete Moreov™ I bequethe to tha Repacons of my saide pishe church xiiiS & iiii4 And to they Repacons of they pishe churches of Saynt Pet* and Saynt Werbur of derby and to ey of them vis & viiid And to tha Repacons of Saynt Alkmunde churche iiis & iiii? and onl flaxen shete And to they chapell of o° lady upon they brigge onl silv™ Ryng & gilte And I bequeth to pstes and clerkes with cond to say Placebo Dirge and comendacone in they dayes of my buriall My seventh day and anniv’sary day aft" they Will discrestion and dispocon of my executors And I will that all such pleages as I have Resayved to pleage be Restored to they oners gyffyng to my saide executors they money that they lye to pleage for Also I will that S Willi? key capellane say masses and oy dvine service fo my Saule my husbands saules and my fad™ and moder saules by onl eyre immediately foloyng aft’ my depture to God. Also I bequeth to Willi# holme my Son my tenement in beste markett in derby lying betwix the tenement of thomas Stox of they weste parte And anoy tene- ment of they saide Thomas of they Este parte and butteth upon TWO DERBY WILLS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 83 they markett Crosse of the South parte to have & to holde they saide the sayde tenement with app'tenance to hym hys heyres and assignes forev’mor acordyng to they testament and last Will of willi# holme my husbande yeldyg to they lorde of they ffee dew servce and custome—yff my saide Son lyff to he com to xxi yere of age And yf he departe to god befo' he be fully xxi yer of age as ys before saide—then I will and charge my executors as they shall answer befo™ god they sell my saide tenement wt thapp'tenance to the beste profett and avauntage they can and gyff they saide money to tha Repacons of they church of Saynt Michaels in derby my saide pishe church Also I bequeth to Thomas hodwod a violett gown wich was my husbands And to Johane Cartelage my grene gown—And to margaret ffroste my Russet gown And to Agnes Townsynde my tawney kyrtell And to Johane ball my tawney gown—my violett kyrtell—onl mat?asse ii coverledes & one payr of shetes beside hyr chyldes parte of hyr fad' goodes wich was betaken me to kepe for hyr Also I bequeth to Annes Irpe my violett taylett gown And to Elsabeth mariott my blak gown And to Johanne Torre my Redd mantell And I bequeth to Richerde hake A chamlett dublett wich was my husbands onl maiasse A cov'lede A payr of Shetes and ii silv' spones of they leeste soorte ffurthermot I bequeth to S Jamys Agarde my son Canon Regular of the monastery of oure lady of tha Dale xx* & vi yerdes of white wullen cloth A feyther bed A payr of Shetes and iiii. silv. spones And I bequeth Rage my best tipett And to Thomas bartilmew wyff my secunde typett And to Nicholas orcherde wyff my beste bewty cappe And to Rog more wiffe A Ryng of silv’ and gilte And to Willam Widoson wyff A payr off beydes of Ambur on suringett And to Elen bentlay they wiff of Thomas bentlay of longlay my gren taylett gown And to S Willia key a payre of flaxen shetes And I bequeth to they makyng of they clok and chyme in all haloes church of Derby vis & viii? Also I will that all my worteleedes granteleedes and oy leedes be coveyhyd and caried to my saide hous in beste markett and they to abide & Remayn 34 TWO DERBY WILLS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. there as heyre lomes to tha behove of they said Willia my son hys heyres and assignes Except he depart to god undr xxi yer of age then I will they shalbe solde wt my saide hous by my executors and gyffen to the Repacone of my saide pishe churche as ys befor saide Last of all I bequeth to willia holme my saide Son they Residew of my godes above not bequethed my dettes payed fyrste of my hole godes and also thys my testamet & last Will in all thynges pformed & fulfilled And I will and gyff full power to my executors that they shall sell all suche goodes as will pishe or take hurte by long kepyng and to kepe the money wiche they be solde for to tha behove of they said William holme my son And yf he dye or he com to lawfull age as god forbede I will and by thys my last will grnte that all my saide goodes be solde by my forsaide executors to fynde A sufficient preste to py denotely for my saule so long tyme as they will endure Also I ordyn costitute & make Nicholas orchorde & Thomas bertilmew my verey & fethfull executors desyring and exortyng them in they name of o®° lorde Jhu criste to fulfill this my last will in all thynges as ys before saide And also that they will instructe informe and fynde to scole tha above saide willi? holme my Son of his onl goodes And I will that they saide Nicholas & Thomas & ey of them have for ther labur xx$ and ther necessary costes made of my saide goodes att all tymes they be called or laburde about thys my last will & testament And I make they saide thomas horewod of thys my last will ovrsear that he having god befor hys een see thys my present testament in all thynges fulfilled god pleasett And my saule profeted Gyffen att derby the day and yer abovesaide These witnesse Robert Johnson my curate Rogt more John ffernele Richarde hake John fflecher wt oy Witt oF WyiLam HowLME, A.D. 1520. In dei nom Amen In the yere of oure lord god MCCCCC & XX I wyllam howlme of the pysthe of all haloes in derby feble In body and weke of Remebrance make my testament cjteyning my last wyll on thys man? as foloyeth furst I comend my sowle TWO DERBY WILLS OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 85 to god almyghty to oure lady sent mary & to all sents and my body to be buryed In sent Cat’yn quyre in ye church of all haloes aforsayd And my beyst good to be my pryncypall As ye custom ys also I wyll have placebo dirige & masse of Requiem sungn of mayst' sub deyne w* iii vecars & iii deycyns for my sowle and for All crystn sowlys & v tapurs of ye pson lyght to bren About my body att sayd exequies Also I bequeyth my howse to elsabeyth my wyff as long as she lyvyth And aft" ye dycesse of my sayd wyff then I wyll y‘ the aforsayd howse Remeyne on emott my doght* to ye heyrs of hur body lawfuly begottn And yff ye aforsayd emmott my doght dept unto god or sche ci to lawfull Age then I wyll y' y° a forsayd hawse schall Remayne to ye church of sent mychaellys of derby aforsayd the Resydew of all my goodes nott bequeythyd I gyff & beqweyth to elsabeyth my wyff wom I make my exsecutrix ovsears of thys my last Wyll I mak Robert saweyg of bart & Roger more of derby there beyng wyttnessyth S Jhon byrch my gostly fadur thomas hawk Rye Taylear w' odur 86 Ghe Bull Ring. A STONE CIRCLE AT DOVE HOLES. By W. J. ANDREW, F.S.A. of the finest remaining examples of ‘‘Stone Circles” in the country. It is situate about three miles NNE. from Buxton, and is within half-a-mile of the L. and N. W. Railway Station at Dove Holes. In plan and dimensions it is almost identical with its neighbour, Arbor Low, eleven miles away to the south-west. That is, it is composed of a centre plateau, surrounded by a deep fosse and an outer vallum, the whole being nearly, though not quite, circular, and entered by two causeways at opposite sides, but, as usual, not in line with the centre. Also, as at Arbor Low, there is the usual artificial mound outside the circle and a Roman road passing by. Unfortun- ately the large surface stones which formerly composed the central design were removed about a century ago (it is said) for building materials. The object of this short notice is to direct attention to the fact that this remarkable monument stands in imminent peril of total destruction from the approach of the great lime works, which are now within a comparatively few yards of its bounds. Can it be saved? 87 The Manors of Derbyshire, By C. E. B. Bowtes, M.A. literal translation, belongs to Mr. G. H. Marples, of Thornbridge Hall, near Longston. It measures 14 ins. by g ins., and consists of forty-eight pages. It is written on rough paper, and for the most part in Latin, with very occasionally a word or two in Norman French, and there are one or two instances in which an English expression occurs. It is in good condition, The handwriting is of about the time of Queen Elizabeth, and not difficult to decipher, except for its very abbreviated style. It seems quite impossible to trace the original owner of the manuscript—which information might possibly have thrown some light upon the cause for which it was prepared. It was given to Mr. Marples some thirteen years ago by Mr. Harington Shore, the late owner of Norton Hall, who found it among the contents of the Muniment Room at The Hall when, on his father’s death, he was examining and sorting his deeds. His family became possessed of the Manor and Hall of Norton* by the marriage of Samuel Shore, about the year 1755, with Urith, the eldest daughter, and eventual co-heir, with her sister, of Joseph Offley, who in 1727 had succeeded his father, Stephen Offley, of Norton Hall (H. S. 1715), who was the son of Robert Offléy, of Norwich, to whom the estates had * Lysons’ Derbyshire, p. 220. 88 THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. been bequeathed by his mother’s brother, Cornelius Clarke, of Ashgate, near Chesterfield. The fact, however, that Cornelius Clarke had acquired the estate by purchase in 1666 raises a question as to whether the manuscript has always descended with Norton Hall, and beyond this date it seems impossible to follow it. A curious story* is told in connection with the inheritance of the estate by Urith Offley and her sister, which contains much of the supernatural, but which bereft of its romance is as follows :—On their father’s death in 1751 the estate was inherited by his only son, Edmond, a minor. Three years later, he died at Edinburgh, where he was completing his education. To the amazement of all concerned, it was discovered that the ‘un- scrupulous tutor of the youth had induced Edmond Offley to make a will under which he and his wife would take the whole estate. Eventually, the sisters compromised the matter by a sacrifice of £3,940. As the origin of the manuscripts cannot be further traced, it is a matter for speculation as to the reason why the informa- tion contained in it was collected, why the lists of manors is not exhaustive, and why the tenure by which they were held is always so carefully stated as, for example, the comparisons with that of East Greenwich, in county Kent, so often quoted, and by other minute particulars. It has been suggested in explanation that the manuscript was a return of a Commission of Enquiry, for some reason unknown, though possibly in consequence of the alienation of Lands after the Reformation, as to what manors, church lands, etc., existed in Derbyshire in which the Crown could claim rights. The reference to the tenure of the manor of East Greenwich was a phrase frequently used in legal documents of the sixteenth century to express the conditions of title under which certain *See Mr. Augustus Hare's ‘‘ The Story of My Lie,” vol. v., p. 368; and the Rev. Joseph Hunter’s *‘ Recovery of the Estates of the Offleys of Norton, in 1754,” by G. Pickering, in 1841. Mr. Hunter connects the family with that of the present Lord Crewe. THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 89 manors were held by fealty in socage under grant from the Crown. East Greenwich would be well known because it was a royal manor, and when granted by the Plantagenet kings to any member of their family, which was frequently the case, it always reverted to the Crown on failure of issue, in addition to which it was the birthplace of the reigning Sovereign, Queen Elizabeth, as also of her father and sister, Henry VIII. and Mary. The expression so constantly used, “free and common socage,” was the ordinary tenure of land. Many of the personages mentioned in this manuscript played an important part in the history of their time. THE MANUSCRIPT. Translation. 4 Elizabeth. ALDWARKE MANoR AND ILston’ ReEctrory.—The lordship and manor of Aldwarke with its appurtenances, and rectory of Ilkeston and the advowson of the vicarage and church of I]ston with its appurtenances, as also of the lands, tenements, etc., in Aldwarke, Bradburne, Little Hallam, Ilkeston, and Ilston, held by James Hardwicke, for himself and his heirs of the King, as with respect to the manor of East Greenwich in the county of Kent in free and common socage and not in capite.—4 Eliz., bt, 205° fol. -343-: 3 Edward VI. ALDWARKE GRANGE.—Aldwarke, alias Aldwarke Grange, and all the lands, meadows, pastures, etc., lying in Aldewarke called the Grange, alienated to Robert Goche, arm., and his heirs by Thomas Heneage, knt., and William, Lord Willoughby, and held in capite.—12th February, 3 Edward VL, fol. 69. 2 Edward VI. ALDWARKE GRANGE.—Aldwarke, alias Aldewarpe Grange, with its appurtenances in County Derby, and diverse messuages, etc., in Aldwarke, alias Aldwarpe, as well as diverse messuages, go THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. mills, lands, tenements, meadows, pastures, and hereditaments in Blegh, alias Belgh, and Sherebrouke, held by Thomas Heneage, knt., and William Willoughbie, knt., Lord Willoughbie, for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, among other things, by the service of the tenth part of one knight’s fee-—2 Edward VLI., fol. 281. 36 Henry VIII. ALFRETON ReEcTory.—The rectory of Alfreton and advowson of the vicarage of the same, in the county of Derby, held by Francis Leke for himself and his heirs of the King in capite by the service of the thirtieth part of one knight’s fee, and rendered yearly.—36 Henry VIII, lib. 6, fol. 58, as the lands in Scarcliffe. 38 Henry VIII. ALWASTON OR ALVASTON GRANGE, Bo.tton.——Alwaston Grange, in the county of Derby, and diverse messuages, lands, tenements, etc., in Alwaston and Bolton, held by Henry Nedeham and William Sacheverell, for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee—38 Henry VIIL., lib. 9, fol. 22. 3 Edward VI. ASHFORDE.—The reversion of the manor of Ashford, with its appurtenances and diverse lands, tenements, and other here- ditaments, in Ashford, within the county of Derby, held by .Henry, Earl of Westmoreland, for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee-—3 Edward VL., fol. 277, value four-twentieths. 3 Edward VI. ASHFORDE.—The manor and lordship of Ashford, in the Peak, with its appurtenances and diverse messuages, lands, and other hereditaments, with all donatives in Ashford, in the county of Derby, alienated by Henry, Earl of Westmoreland, to William Cavendish, knt., and his wife and the heirs of William himself, held in capite—23rd January, 3 Edward VI., fol. 262. Value, four-twentieths. THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. QI 38 Henry VIII. Aston.—The manor of Aston, with its appurtenances, in the county of Derby, held by William Paget, knt., for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee.—38 Henry VIIL., lib. 9, fol. 207, as the manor of Weston. to Elizabeth. BAKEWELL.—The manor of Bakewell, alias Bauckwell, with its appurtenances, alienated by Thomas Stanley, knt., and Margaret, his wife; John Manners, armiger, and Dorothea, his wife; and Roger Manners, armiger to Edmond Armstronge and John Slighe and the heirs of Edmond. Held in capite roth January.—1io Eliz., lib. 24, fol. 216. Value, xxxil. vjs- ix4. 7 Elizabeth. BAKEWELL.—The manor of Bakewell, a/ias Bauckwell, with its appurtenances, acquired by Matilda Vernon, widow, for herself, for the term of her life, from Nicholas Longford, armiger, and Nicholas Agard, generosus, by fine. Held in capite 9th October.—7 Eliz., lib. 23, fol. 126. Value, four- twentieths of #14. 7 Edward VI. BotsovER.—The manor and castle of Bolsover, with its appurtenances, and grange in Hilton, with its appurtenances, held by George Talbot, knt., Lord Talbot, for himself and his heirs of the King, as in the case of East Greenwich, in free and common socage by the tenure of fealty, and not in capite— 4 Edward VI., fol. go. 1 and 2 Philip and Mary. BARLEBRUGHE.—The lordships and manors of Barlebrughe, alias Barleborough, and Horseley, with their appurtenances and castle of Horeston, and other lands and hereditaments in Alveston, Thurlaston, Ambaston, Barlebrugh, Horsley, and Horton, held by the Lady Anna Stanhope and Thomas Stan- hope for themselves and the heirs of the body of Thomas, with remainders over of the King, in capite, among other things, by the service of one-fortieth part of one knight’s fee.— t and 2 Phil. and Mary, fol. 266. 92 THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 3 Edward VI. Barrow Recrory.—The rectory and church of Barrow and the advowson of the same held by Edward Pease and William Winlowe, for himself and his heirs of the King, as in the case of the manor of Eastgreenewich, by the tenure of fealty, in free socage and not in capite—3 Edw., VL. fol. 572, as the lands in Beauper, alias Belper. \ 13, Elizabeth. The manor of BEIGHTON, with its appurtenances and diverse lands, etc., in Beighton, Toodehole, Waterthorpe, Elington, Hacumthorpe, and Birley, alienated by Gregory Fynes, Lord Dacre, and Anna his wife, to Francis Wortley, armiger, and Mary his wife, and the heirs of Francis, held in capite.—r2th September, 13 Eliz., lib. 25, fol. 272. Value, xxiili. xs. 13 Elizabeth. The manor and advowson of the church of BEIGHTON, with its appurtenances, etc., in Beighton, Birley, Waterthorpe, and Ekington, alienated by Gregory Fynes, Lord Dacre, and Anna his wife, Henry Norreyes, knt., and Margery his wife, and Sampson Leonard, generosus, and Margaret his wife, to Roger Manwood, Ralph Scrope, arm., and Roger Corham, generosus, and the heirs of the said Roger Manwood, held in capite.— 18th May, 13 Eliz., lib. 25, fol. 284. 36 Henry VIII. The rectory and advowson of BEIGHTON,. held by Robert Swift and William Swift, for themselves and their heirs of the King, in capite, among other things, for the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee.—36 Hen. VI. (szc), lib. 6 (?), fol. 295, as the lands in Beighton. 7 Elizabeth. The rectory and church of BEIGHTON, with its appurtenances and rents, lands, tenements, and hereditaments in Beighton, Sothall, alias Southall; Hiepffield, a/zas Hepefield; Royde- field, Tilleydoale, Halyard garthe, Hacumthorpe, and Birley, alienated by William Swift, armiger, to Francis Wortley, arm., and Marie, his wife, and the heirs of Marie, held in capite.— 16th February, 7 Eliz. lib. 23, fol. 110. Value, xvijl THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 93 2 Edward VI. BrIcGuHToN, lately a chantry, with its appurtenances and diverse messuages, etc., and other hereditaments in Beighton, Hundowe, Whittington, Homefield, and Dronfield, held by Robert Swifte and William Swifte, generosi, for themselves and the heirs of Robert of the King in socage, as of the manor of Pencrich, in the said county, by the tenure of fealty, and not.in capite.— 2 Ed. VL., fol. 120. 8 Elizabeth. BIGGEN GRANGE, held by Edward, Lord Clynton and Say, and Leonard Irby, arm., for themselves and the heirs of Edward of the King, as of the manor of East Greenwich, in county Kent, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite.— 8 Eliz., lib. 23, fol. 296, as Heathcoate Grange. 36 Henry VIII. BiRLEY GRANGE (held) by Francis Leke, for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, by the service of the thirtieth part of one knight’s fee, and rendered yearly.—36 Hen. VIII., lib. 5, fol. 68, as the lands in Scarcliffe. 36 Henry VIII. The manor of Brriry, held by Francis Leke for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, by the service of the thirtieth part of one knight’s fee, and rendered yearly—36 Hen. VIII., lib. 6, fol 68, as the lands in Scarcliffe. r and 2 Philip and Mary. The lordship and manor of Bishops NEWTON, with its appur- tenances, held by the Lady Anna Stanhope and Thomas Stanhope for themselves and the heirs of the body of Thomas, with other remainders, of the King, in capite, among other things, by the service of the fortieth part of one knight’s fee.— r and 2 Phil. and Mary, fol. 265, as the lordship of Stork- bardolphe. 6 Edward VI. The manor of BLACKWALL, with its appurtenances, held by William Cavendish, knt., for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, among other things, by the service of a twentieth part of one knight’s fee—6 Ed. VI., fol. 286, as Medowpleck ~ Manor. 94 THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE, 7 Edward VI. The rectory of BLACKWELL, alias Blackwall, with its appur- tenances, advowson of the vicarage of the same, and other lands and hereditaments in Blackwell, etc., held by Thomas Reve and George Cotton, generosi, for themselves and their heirs of the King, as of the manor of East Greenwich, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite.—7 Ed. VI., fol. 546. 36 Henry VIII. The manor of Borowyasu, held by John Dudley for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee.— 36 Hen. VIII., lib. 4, fol. 360, as the manor of Spondon. 4 Elizabeth. The lordship and manor of BoRRowasHE, held by Thomas Stanhope, arm., for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, by the service of the fortieth part of one knight’s service— 4 Eliz., lib. 20, fol. 348, as the lordship and manor of Spondon. 6 Edward VI. The advowson and church of BRADBOURNE, with its appur- _tenances, held by William Cavendish, knt., for himself and his heirs of the King in free socage, as of the manor of East Greenwich, by the tenure of fealty and not in capite.— 6 Edw. VI., fol. 286, as the lands in Cosbery, alias Congesberye. 6 Edward VI. The manor of BREADSALL PARKE and the site and capital messuage, lately the priory of Bradsall Parke, and all the lands, tenements, etc., in Bradsall Parke, Windeley, Duffield, Belper, Chaddesden, Spondon, Morley, Mogington, and Derbie, with all the gifts appertaining thereto, likewise the advowson of the rectory of Bradsall Parke and manor of Overlockowe, with the appurtenances and other lands and hereditaments in Over- lockowe held by Henry, Duke of Suffolk and Thomas Duporte, generosus, for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, among other things, by the service of a fortieth part of one knight’s fee.—6 Ed. VI, fol. 217. THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 95 6. Edward VI. The manor of BRADSALL PARKE, with its appurtenances, alienated by Henry, Duke of Suffolk, and Thomas Duporte, generosus, to Thomas Babbington, armiger, and his heirs, held in capite 18th May.—6 Ed. VI., fol. 435. 2 and 3 Philip and Mary. The manor of BRADSALL PARKE and site and capital messuage of the priory of Bradsall and other lands and hereditaments in Bradsall Parke, Wyndeley, Duffield, Belper, Chaddeston, Spondon, Morley, Moggington, and Derby, alienated by Thomas Babbington, arm., to Thomas Hochinson, generosus, and his heirs, held in capite 9th May.—2 and 3 Phil. and Mary, fol. 39. 6 Edward VI. The manor of BRADSALL PARK, site of the priory, and capital messuage, held by Henry, Duke of Suffolk, and Thomas Duporte, generosus, for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, among other things, by the service of the fourth part of one knight’s fee—6 Ed. VI., fol. 217, as the manor of Bradsall Parke. 37 Henry VIII. The manor of BREDON, with its appurtenances, held by John Grey, knt., Lord Grey, for himself and his heirs of the King, as in the case of East Greenwich, in county Kent, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite——37 Hen. VIII, lib. 7, fol. 120, as Bredon, lately a priory. 37 Henry VIII. The rectory and church of BREDON, with the appurtenances held by John Grey, knt., Lord Grey, for himself and his heirs of the King, as in the case of the manor of East Greenwich, in county Kent, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite—37 Hen. VIIL., lib. 7, fol. 120, as Bredon, lately a priory. 6 Edward VI. The manor of BUTTERLEY, with its appurtenances, held by William Cavendish, knt., for himself and his heirs of the King in free socage, as in the case of the manor of East Greenwiche, by the tenure of fealty and not in capite.—6 Ed. VL., fol. 286, as the lands in Cosbery, alias Congesbery. 96 THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 4 and 5 Philip and Mary. BuRLEY GRANGE, with its appurtenances and other lands and hereditaments in Burley, Duffield, Mackney, Scropton, and Foston, held by William Rigges and William Buckbert, for him- self and the heirs of William Rigge of the King, as in the case of the manor of East Greenwich, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite.—4 and 5 Phil. and Mary, fol. 63. 8 Elizabeth. The manor of BUTTERLEY, with its appurtenances, alienated by John Zouche, knt., to Thomas Boswell and George Smythe, generosus, and the heirs of Thomas. Held in capite 21st January.—8 Eliz., lib. 23, fol. 194, as the manor of Codnor. 6 Elizabeth. The manor of CALDWELL, with its appurtenances and three messuages, etc., in Caldwall, alienated by Henry Pagett, knt., Lord Pagett, to Peter Callingwood and his heirs, held in capite 25th March.—6 Eliz., fol. 244. Value, ix. xiijs- iiij4- : 2 Edward VI. The manor of CALKE, or Cella, with its appurtenances and parcels of meadow lying near Swarston bridge, in the parishes of Melbourne and Stanton, and diverse messuages, etc., in Calke, Melbourne, and Stanton, held by John, Earl of Warwick, for himself and his heirs of the King, in socage, as in the case of the Honor of Hampton Courte, in the county of Middlesex, by the tenure of fealty and not in capite—2 Ed. VLI., fol. 298. 36 Henry VIII. The manor of CALVER, with its appurtenances and diverse messuages, etc., in Calver, held by Roland Shakerley for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, by the service of the fourth part of one knight’s fee, and rendered yearly.— 36 Hen. VIIL., lib. 6, fol. 75. 1 and 2 Philip and Mary. The lordship and manor of CARLETON, with its appurtenances, held by Dame Anna Stanhope and Thomas Stanhope, for him- self and the heirs of the body of Thomas, with other remainders over, of the King, in capite, by thé service of the fortieth part of one knight’s fee.—1i and 2 Phil. and Mary, fol. 265, as the lordship of Stockbardolfe. THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 97 38 Henry VIII. ‘Two parts of the rectory of CAsTLETOWN, with the appurten- ances and advowson of the vicarage of the same, as well as certain lands, etc., in Castleton, held by John, Bishop of Chester, for himself and his successors of the King, in pure and perpetual alms.—38 Hen. VIII., lib. 9, fol. 201. 6 Edward VI. The manor of CHURCHBROUGHTON, with its appurtenances, held by William Cavendish, knt., for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee-—6 Ed. VI., fol. 286, as the manor of Medowpleck. 3 Edward VI. The late chantry of St. Nicholas and St. Katherine, of CrycHE, and diverse messuages, lands, tenements, rents, etc., in Cryche, Asheover, Whetecrofte, Monyashe, Bakewell, Chel- morden, Flagg, Cowdale, Stermevall (Sterndale?), Dronfield, Ekington, Stubley, Woodhowse, Colley, Chesterfield, Newbold, Ounston, Dawre, Killowmarshe, Brampton, and Staley, besides the chantry of Monyash and Guild of the Blessed Mary and St.. John the Baptist, of Dronfield, with all donatives and appurtenances, held by Francis, Earl of Shrewsbury, for him- self and his heirs of the King, as of the manor of Pentriche, in the said county, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite—3 Ed. VI., fol. 343. 12 Elizabeth. The manors of Crycu, Shirland, and Eam, with their appurtenances and diverse lands, etc., in Crych, Shirland, and Eam, alienated by Thomas Kniveton, arm., and Richard Cooke, generosus, to John Knyveton and Henry Lassells, generosus, and their heirs. Held in capite znd January.— 12 Eliz., lib. 25, fol. 220. 1 and 2 Philip and Mary. The lordship and manor of CROPWELL, with its appurtenances, held by Dame Anna Stanhope and Thomas Stanhope for them- selves and the heirs of the body of Thomas, with other 7 98 THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. remainders over, of the King, in capite, among other things, by the service of the fortieth part of one knight’s fee.— t and 2 Phil. and Mary, fol. 265, as of the manor of Storkbardolfe. 8 Elizabeth. The manors of CopNnor, Heynor, Butterley, and Ripley, with their appurtenances and castle of Codnor, besides the lands, tenements, etc., in Codnor, Heynor, Butterley, Ripley, Loscowe, Langley, and Mylnehey, besides the advowson of the vicarage of Pentrige, alienated by John Zouche, knt., to Thomas Boswell and George Smythe, generosus, and the heirs of Thomas. Held in capite 21st January.—8 Eliz., lib. 23, fol. 294. ir Elizabeth. The manors of Cotton, alias Coote, Rushlaston, adias Russ- laston, and Lynton, with their appurtenances and diverse messuages, etc., in Cotton alzas Coote, Rushelaston alias Russ- laston, Lynton, Walton-super-Trent, and Durandesthorpe alias Duransthorpe, alienated by Henry, Lord Barkeley, and Katherine, his wife, to William Greisley, knt., and his heirs. Held in capite 6th December.—11 Eliz., lib. 24, fol. 285. zt and 2 Philip and Mary. The manor of Darsy and Dalber Leys, alias Dalbiery and Dalbury Lees, with the appurtenances and other lands, etc., in Dalby and Dalberleys, held by Anna Bacon,* wife of Nicholas Bacon, armiger, for herself and her heirs of the King, as of the honor of Tutburye, in the county of Stafford, by the tenure of fealty in free and common socage and not in capite.—1 and 2 Phil. and Mary, fol. 250. 1 and 2 Philip and Mary. The manor of Dalburylees, with its appurtenances, held by Anna Bacon, wife of Nicholas Bacon, armiger, for herself and her heirs of the King, as of the honor of Tutbury, in the county of Stafford, by the tenure of fealty, in free socage and not in capite.—1 and 2 Phil. and Mary, fol. 250, as the manor of Dalby. * Daughter of Sir Anthony Cooke, of Giddy Hall, Essex, and mother of Sir Francis Bacon. THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 99 1 and 2 Philip and Mary. The manor of Dalberleys, adzas Dalbury, with its appur- tenances, held by Anna Bacon, wife of Nicholas Bacon, armiger, for herself and her heirs of the King, as of the honor of Tutbury, in county Stafford, by the tenure of fealty in free and common socage and not in capite—r1 and 2 Phil. and Mary, fol. 250, as the manor of Dalbye. 11 Elizabeth. The manor of DarBery, alias Dalbury Lees, alienated by George Hastings, knt., and others, to Thomas Gerrard, knt., and Elizabeth, his wife, and the heirs of Elizabeth. Held in capite 6th May.—11 Eliz., lib. 24, fol. 302, 302, as the manor of Etwall. 35 Henry VIII. The manor of DALE, with its appurtenances and twenty messuages, thirty tofts, one water-mill, one dovecote, one orchard, four thousand acres of land, three thousand acres of meadow, six thousand acres of pastures, three thousand acres of wood, eight thousand acres of open land and bracken,* and xls. of rent, with the appurtenances in Dale, Spoundon, Ilkestone, Elvaston, and Sandiacre, besides the advowson of the church of Dale, alienated by Francis Pole and Katherine, his wife, to John Porte and his heirs. Held of the King in capite the 22nd day of February—35 Hen. VIII., lib. 3, fol. 481. Value, xvili. ijs- rt Elizabeth. The manor of Date, with its appurtenances and diverse lands, etc., in Dale, alienated by Thomas Gerrard, knt., and Elizabeth, his wife, and Thomas Stanhope, armiger, and Margaret, his wife, to George Hastings, knt., and Dorothy, his wife, and the heirs of Dorothy herself. Held in capite 12th May.—11 Eliz., lib. 24, fol. 304. 35 Henry VIII. The site of the monastery of DALE and its messuages, houses, edifices, and lands, with the appurtenances below the site of * Tn the original the words are ‘‘ Jampnor et br.” | exe) THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. the same monastery, besides the grange of Okebrooke, with its appurtenances, etc., in Dale, Sandyacre, “le olde yarde,” Elvaston, Stanley, Spondon, and Ilkeston, held by Francis Poole for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of a twentieth part of one knight’s fee and rents.—35 Hen. VIII., lib. 3, fol. 440. 4 and 5 Philip and Mary. The late monastery house and site of DERLEY, with its appur- tenances in the parish of St. Alkmund, Mackworth, Norton, Greenhill, Bradwey, Birchett, Woodsett, little Lees, and little Norton, alienated by William West, knt., and Edmond West, armiger (son of the said William), to Robert Hyrst, generosus, and Richard Barnard and his heirs, to divers uses. Held in capite 29th October.—4 and 5 Phil. and Mary, lib. 28, fol. 170. 4 and 5 Philip and Mary. The late monastery or abbie house and site of DERLEY and the manor or lordship of Newbold, with-its appurtenances and divers messuages, lands, etc., in the parish of St. Alkmund, Mackworth, Staveley, Handley, Hinkersell, Greenhill, Norton, Bradwey, Birchett, Woodceit, Parva Lees, Parva Norton, and Newbold, alienated by William West, knt., to Edward West, generosus, son of the said William, and his heirs. Held in capite 21st July— , and 5 Phil. and Mary, lib. 28, fol. 84. 2 Elizabeth. The manor of DENBy, with its appurtenances and other lands and hereditaments in Denby, Woodhouse, Kilburne, Smalley, Loscowe, and Codnor, alienated by Francis Lowe, armiger, and another, to John Bullock and William Blackshawe and the heirs of John. Held in capite 2nd September.—2 Eliz., fol. 71. 3 Edward VI. The rectory and church of DrENnBy and the advowson, with its appurtenances, held by John Hasilwood, armiger, for him- self and his heirs of the King, as of the manor of East Greene- wiche, in county Kent, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite——3 Edward VI., fol. 624, as the rectory of Horseley. THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. IOI 3 Edward VI. The manor of DowsripGE,* with its appurtenances, held by William Cavendish, knt., for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee.—6 Ed. VI., fol. 286, as the manor of Medowpleck. 4 Elizabeth. The rectory of DuRINGTON, with its appurtenances and lands, tenements, tithes, and hereditaments in Durington, ffulbecke, Wetheringdon, and K’vedon (? Kniveton), alienated by Thomas Stanhope, armiger, to Thomas Yorke, armiger, and his heirs. Held in capite 1st October.—4 Eliz., lib. 20, fol. 454. 36 Henry VIII. The manor of Duston, a/zas Dunston, held by Francis Leke for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, by the service of the thirtieth part of one knight’s fee, and rendered yearly.— 36 Henry VIIL., lib. 6, fol. 68, as the lands in Scarcliffe. 12 Elizabeth. The manor of Eam, alienated by Thomas Kniveton, armiger, and Richard Cooke, generosus, to John Knyveton and Henry Lassells, generosus, and his heirs. Held in capite 2nd January. —12 Eliz., lib. 25, fol. 120, as the manor of Cryche. 4 Edward VI. The rectory and church of EDENSoR, with its appurtenances and all lands and hereditaments in Edensor, held by William Place and Richard Spakeman, for himself and . . . . of the King, as of the manor of Eastgreenwiche, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite-—4 Edward VL., fol. 337- "35 Henry VIII. The manor of Epieston, alias Edillneston, with its appur- tenances and rectory and advowson of the church of the same, besides the messuages, etc., in Edleston, a/zas Edinelston, held by William Pagett for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, among other things, by the service of the fortieth part of one knight’s fee, and rents—35 Hen. VIII., lib. 3, folwsgSi0), Valuey xe, ie): xi¢- * Doveridge. 102 THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 36 Henry VIII. The manor of EpLEston, alias Edillneston, with its appurten- ances and advowson of the parish church of Edleston, adias as above, and divers messuages of land, etc., in Edleston, alias as above, alienated by William Pagett, knt., to Edward Aston, knt., and his heirs. Held in capite 20th January.—36 Hen. VIIL., lib. 5, fol. 266. Value, xi. xs. id. 8 Elizabeth. The manor of EDNASTON, with its appurtenances and lands, etc., in Ednaston, alienated by Francis Shirley, armiger, John Shirley, generosus, and Joanna, his wife, and Ralph Shirley, generosus, to Robert Brokesby, John Broke, and William Under- hill, armiger, and his heirs. Held in capite 5th April. 8 Eliz., lib. 23, fol. 256. Value, x/i- xijs- jij. 34 Henry VIII. The manor of EpNaAstoNn, alias Adnaston, with its appur- tenances and divers messuages, lands, tenements, etc., in Ednaston, alias Adnaston, Shirley, and Netherthrough Maston, alienated by John Gifforde, knt., to Francis Shirley, armiger, and his heirs. Held of the King in capite 2nd day of February. —34 Hen. VIII., lib. 3, fol. 229. Value, xij!i- xs- ixd- 5 Elizabeth. The rectory of Egington, a/zas Egington-in-le-Heathe, with its appurtenances. Held by Robt. Hichcok and John Gifford for himself and his heirs of the King, as of the manor of East- greenewich, in free socage by the tenure of fealty and not in capite.—5 Eliz., fol. 98. Value, vii. vjs- viij4- 36 Henry VIII. The manor of Egkington, with its appurtenances and Ix. messuages, 1j. pigeon houses, viij. hundred acres of land, one hundred of meadow, vij. hundred of pasture, i1ij. hundred of woods, v. hundred of open land and bracken (or moorland), and xxiv". of rent, with its appurtenances in Egington, Staley, Burland, Raynoldeshawe, Estmosborough, Westmosborough, Plumley, Regwey alias Regwell, Barlebourgh, Kyndwaldmarsh, Beighton, Wallerthorpe, Dogmanton, Trowey, Spinkehill, and THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 103 Bramley. Besides the advowson of the church of Egkington, alienated by John Malyverer, knt., and Johanna, his wife, _Edmond and Thomas Malyverer, Ralph Bigod, junr., and Ralph, senr., for divers uses. Held in capite 6th June.— 36 Henry VIII., lib. 6, fol. 230. Value, Ixvj!i. xiijs- iiij¢- 36 Henry VIII. The advowson of the church of Egkington, with its appur- tenances, alienated by John Malyverer, knt., and Joanna his wife, Edmond and Thomas Malyverer, Ralph Bigod, junr., and Ralph, senr., for divers uses. Held in capite 6th June.— 36 Hen. VIII., fol. 230, as the manor of Egkington. 6 Edward VI. The rectory and church of ELMETON, with its appurtenances and other lands and hereditaments in Elmeton, held by John Swifte and John Clopton for himself and his heirs of the King, as of the manor of Eastgreenwiche, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite—6 Ed. VLI., fol. 467. 7 Edward VI. The manor of Erwatt, with its appurtenances and diverse messuages, lands, etc., in Etwall, held by Robert Dudley, knt., Lord Dudley and William Glaseour, for himself and the heirs of the said Lord Dudley of the King, as of the manor of East Greenwiche, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite—7 Ed. VL, fol. 184. rr Elizabeth. The manor of Erwatt and Dalbury, a/ias Dalbury Lees, with its appurtenances and divers lands, etc., in Dalbury Lees, alienated by George Hastings, knt., and Dorothea his wife, and Thomas Stanhope, armiger, and Margaret his wife, to Thomas Gerrarde, knt., and Elizabeth his wife, and the heirs of the same Elizabeth. Held in capite 6th May.—11 Eliz., lib. 24, fol. 302. Value, 3o!. 2 Elizabeth. The manor of FINDERNE, with its appurtenances and advow- son of the same, alienated by William, Lord Pagett and another, to George Freville and his heirs. Held in capite 20th Januarv.—z Eliz., fol. 82, as the manor of Over Parva. 104 THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 3 Elizabeth. The manor of FYNDERNE, alienated by William, Lord Pagett and another, to Thomas Gresham, knt., and another, and the heirs of Thomas himself. Held in capite r2th May.—3 Eliz., lib. 20, fol. 169, as the manor of Over Magna. 12 Elizabeth. The manor of FYNDERNE, alienated by Thomas Gresham, knt., and Anna his wife, to Anthony Stringer, generosus, and Thomas Ceelye and the heirs of Anthony, for uses expressed in certain judgments. Held in capite 4th October.—22 Eliz., lib. 24, fol. 45, as the manor of Over Parva. 1 and 2 Philip and Mary. The lordship and manor of Gedling, with its appurtenances and adyowson of the same, held by Dame Anna Stanhope and Thomas Stanhope for himself and the heirs of the body of’ Thomas, with other remainders over, of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the fortieth part of one knight’s fee-—z and 2 Phil. and Mary, fol. 265, as the manor of Stockbardolfe. 36 Henry VIII. The grange of GRANGEFIELD*, held by Robert Fitche for himself and his heirs of the King in capite by the service of the fortieth part of one knight’s fee and rents—36 Hen. VIIL., lib. 5, fol. 317, as Thursley Grange. tr Elizabeth. The grange or farm of GRANGEFIELD GRANGE, alienated by Robert Fytche, generosus, to Francis Curzon, armiger, and his heirs. Held in capite.-—11 Eliz., lib. 24, fol. 243, as Thurley Grange or Farm. 3 Edward VI. The site of the late priory of GRESLEY, with its appurtenances and divers messuages of land, etc., in Greisley, Drakelow, Church Greisley, Castle Greisley, Heythcoate, Donasthorpe, Bow- thorpe, and Swatlingcote, besides the rectory and church of Greisley, with its appurtenances, alienated by Edward Appulton, generosus, and his wife, and Henry Cruche, generosus, to John Seymer, generosus, and his heirs. Held in capite 30th March.— 3 Ed. VI., fol. 287. Value, xxvij!i. xvis- ix4- * See page 125. THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 105 3 and 4 Philip and Mary. The site of the late priory of GREISLEY, with its appurtenances and other lands and hereditaments in Greisley, Castle Greisley, Linton, Swathlingcote, Drakelowe, Bowthorpe, Okethorpe, and Donisthorpe, alienated by John Seymor to Christopher Alleyne,* knt., and his heirs. Held in capite 5th October.—3 and 4 Phil. and Mary, fol. 232. Value, xxviijii. ijs- & ix4. 35 Henry VIII. The site of the priory of GREISLEY and diverse messuages of land, etc., below the site of the said priory, and in Greisley Bromeade, Drakelowe, Wheatefield, Fallowfield, Almecole, Priestbuttes, Crabtrestall, Pesebarrowe, Crosseflatt, Church Griesley, Castle Griesley, Hethcote, Donasthorpe, Bowthorpe, and Swatlingcoate, besides the rectory and church of Griesley, alienated by Henry Cruche, gen., to Edward Appulton and his heirs. Held of the King in capite 5th day of February.— 25 Hen. VIII., lib. 3, fol. 622. Value, xxxvijli- xvjs- ixd. 3 Edward VI. The rectory and church of GrREIsLEY, alienated by Edward Appulton, gen., and his wife and others, to John Seymer, gen., and his heirs. Held in capite 30th March.—3 Ed. VL., fol. 287, as the site of the late priory of Greisley. 35 Henry VIII. The rectory and church of GREIsLEy, alienated by Henry Cruche, gen., to Edward Appulton and his heirs. Held of the King in capite 5th February.—35 Hen. VIII., lib. 3, fol. 621, as the site of the priory of Greisley. 35 Henry VIII. The site of the priory at GREISLEY and its messuages, lands, gardens, and hereditaments below the site of the said priory and rectory of Greisley, with the appurtenances, besides the messuages, lands, etc., in Bromeade, Drakelowe, Wheatefield, * In 1543 the site of the Priory and the bulk of the estates were sold by the crown to Henry Crich, one of the many speculators in monastic estates ; shortly afterwards it passed to Sir Christopher Alleyne, of the Mote, in Kent, son of Sir John Alleyne, twice Lord Mayor of London—in the reign of Henry VIII. Dr. Cox’s Churches, vol. iii., p. 371. 106 THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. Fallowfield, Almecote, Pristesbuttes, Crabtreeflatt, Basebarrowe, Crosseflatt, Greisley, Church Greisley, Castle Greisley, Heth- cote, Donasthorpe, Bowthorpe, and Swadlingcote. Held by Henry Cruche for himself and his heirs of the King in capite by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee and the rents.—35 Hen. VIII, lib. 3, fol. 434. Value, xxx. xviijs. vj¢- 6 Edward VI. The chapel of GREENESLOWE, with its appurtenances, held by William Cavendish, knt., for himself and his heirs of the King in free socage, as of the manor of Eastgreenewiche, by the tenure of fealty, and not in capite——6 Ed. VL. fol. 286, as the lands in Cosbery, alias Congesbery. : 38 Henry VIII. The manor and grange of GRIFFE, with its appurtenances and divers messuages, lands, etc., in Brassington and Wirks- worth. Held by Ralph Gell, generosus, for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, by the service of the fortieth part of one knight’s fee and rents, viij®- ix? per annum. 38 Hen. VIII., lib. 9g, fol. 2. 36 Henry VIII. Harwoop GRANGE.—Harwood Grange, in Bighley, held by Francis Leke for himself and his heirs of the King in capite by the service of the thirtieth part of one knight’s fee, and rendered yearly.—36 Hen. VIII., lib. 6, fol. 68, as the lands in Scarrcliffe. 36 Henry VIII. HAWTEHUKNALL Recrory.—The rectory of Hawtehuknall and the advowson of the vicarage of the same, held by Francis Leke for himself and his heirs of the King in capite by the service of the thirtieth part of one knight’s fee, and rendered yearly.— 36 Hen. VIII., lib. 6, fol. 68, as the lands in Scarcliffe. 8 Elizabeth. ; HEATHCOATE, alias BIGGEN GRANGE, MIDDLETON MoRrg, ETC. —Heathcoate, alias Biggen Grange, with its appurtenances and lands, etc., in Lee, alias Leigh Heathcoate, Biggen, Hartington, and Tyrbeck, besides the tithes in Middleton More below the THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 107 parish of Yolgrave. Held by Edward, Lord Clinton and Say, and Leonard Irbye, armiger, for himself and the heirs of Edward of the King, as of the manor of Eastgreenwich, in county Kent, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite.— 8 Eliz., lib. 23, fol. 296. 38 Henry VIII. HeatH GrRANGE.—Heath Grange, with its appurtenances, alienated by Roger Greenehall, armiger, to proper uses for life, with remainder to heirs male, with other remainders. Held in capite for the King, 7th January.—38 Hen. VIII., lib. 9, fol. 265, as the lands in Routhmore. 35 Henry VIII. HEATHGRANGE.—Heathgrange, with its appurtenances and diverse messuages, lands, etc., in Hethe, Rowethorne, Harstofte, in the parish of Hucknall, and Glapwell, in the parish of Bolle- sover. Held by Roger Grenehalghe for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, amongst other things, by the service of the thirtieth part of one knight’s fee and rents.—35 Hen. VIIL., lib. 3, fol. 393. Value, xiij!t- itijs- ij? 8 Elizabeth. Herynor.—The manor of Heynor, alienated by John Zouche, knt., to Thomas Boswell and George Smythe, generosus, and the heirs of Thomas, in capite, xxjs January.—8 Eliz., lib. 23, fol. 194, as the manor of Codnor. 3, Elizabeth. : Hitton Cuapet.—The chapel of Hilton, held by George* Howard, knt., “magister armorum Regine” (Master of the Queen’s Ordnance), for himself and his heirs of the Sovereign, as of the manor of Eastgreenwich, in county Kent, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite.—3 Eliz., lib. 20, fol. 120, as the lands in Morley. 1 and 2 Philip and Mary. HOLLINGHERST, TIGNALL,} AND PRINCESFEE VastuM.—Hol- lingherst, Tignall, and Pryncesfee Waste, so-called, with its * Probably 2nd son of Edmond Howard, Marshal of the Horse at Battle of Flodden, and grandson of Sir Edward, Standard Bearer to Henry Vil. + See page 124. 108 THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. appurtenances, held by Thomas Reve and Egidius* Isham, for themselves and their heirs of the King, as of the manor of Eastgreenwich, by the tenure of fealty and not in capite.— 1 and 2 Phil. and Mary, fol. 236. 6 Edward VI. ; The manor of Hort, with its appurtenances, held by William Cavendish, knt., for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee-—6 Ed. VI., fol. 286, as Medowpleck. 36 Henry VIII. The manor of Home, held by Francis Leke for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, by the service of the thirtieth part of one knight’s fee, and rendered yearly—36 Hen. VIII., lib. 6, fol. 68, as the lands in Scarcliffe. 1 and 2 Philip and Mary. The lordship and manor of Horsley, with its appurtenances, held by Dame Anna Stanhope and Thomas Stanhope, for them- selves and the heirs of the body of Thomas, with other remainders over, of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the fortieth part of one knight’s fee.—1 and 2 Phil. and Mary, fol. 266, as the lordship of Barlebrough, alzas Barleborough. ; 7 Elizabeth. The manors of Horstey.and Hourstone, with their appur- tenances and lands, etc., in Horsley, Hourstone, Woodhouse, and Kilbourne, alienated by Thomas Stanhope, armiger, and Margaret, his wife, to John Clifford and Francis Curzon and their heirs. Held in capite 2nd May.—7 Eliz., lib. 23, fol. 80. Value, vijl- 4 Elizabeth. The rectory of ILkEston, held by James Hardwick for him- self and his heirs of the manor of Eastgreenwich, in county _Kent, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite.— 4 Eliz., lib. 20, fol. 343, as the lordship and manor of Aldwark. # Giles. THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 109 4 Elizabeth. The advowson and vicarage and church of Itsron, held by James Hardwick and his heirs of the King as of the manor of East Greenwich, in county Kent, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in, capite.—4 Eliz., lib. 20, fol. 343, as the lordship and manor of Aldwarke. 3 Edward VI. St. JOHN THE Baptist, of Dronfield, with its appurtenances, held by Francis, Earl of Shrewsbury, for himself and his heirs of the King, as the manor of Pentriche, in the said county, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite.—3 Ed. VI., fol. 343, as the chantry of St. Nicholas, of Cryche. 37 Henry VIII. IRENBROKE GRANGE, with the water-mill there, with its appurtenances and other lands and hereditaments in Frembruk, held by Edward Grey, knt., Lord Powes, for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the tenth part of one knight’s fee.—37 Hen. VIII., lib. 8, fol 233. 5 Edward VI. The moiety of the manor of KENELMARSH, with its appur- *‘tenances and other lands, etc., in Kenelmarsh, alias Kinwal- marsh, alienated by Thomas Hollis, knt., to Richard and George Basford and his heirs. Held in capite 20th April.—s Ed. VI., fol. 44. Value, viijli. xs. 34 Henry VIII. The site of the late priory of K1nc’s Mrabe, with its appur- tenances and all the houses, edifices, messuages, etc., below the site aforesaid, near the town of Derby, alienated by Francis, Earl of Shrewsbury, to Thomas Sutton and Agneta, his wife, and their heirs. Held of the King in capite 13th April— 34 Hen. VIII., lib. 3, fol. 251. Value, xijs- 3 Elizabeth. The manor of Kymatmarsu, alienated by Thomas Stanhope, armiger, to Richard Pype and his heirs. Held in capite xxvjt- April.—3 Eliz., lib. 20, fol. 250, as the manor of Barkborough. T1O THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 36 Henry VIII. The rectory and church of KirKHALLAM and the advowson of the vicarage of the same, held by Francis Leke for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, by the service of a thirtieth of one knight’s fee, and rendered yearly.—36 Henry VIII., lib. 5, fol. 68, as the lands in Scarcliffe. 4 Elizabeth. LitTLE Hatt Grance, held by Thomas Stanhope, armiger, for himself and his heirs of the King, as of the manor of East Greenwich, in county Kent, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite— 4 Eliz., lib. 20, fol. 348, as Southouse Grange. 36 Henry VIII. The manor of Lockowe, held by John Dudley for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee.— 36 Hen. VIIL., lib. 9, fol. 300, as the manor of Spondon.- 6 Edward VI. The manor of Marston, with its appurtenances, held by William Cavendish, knt., for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee.—6 Ed. VI., fol. 286, as the manor of Medowpleck. 3 Edward VI. The GuiLp OF THE BLESSED Mary of Dronfield, with its appurtenances, held by Francis, Earl of Shrewsbury, for him- self and his heirs of the King, as of the manor of Pentriche, in the said county, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite—3 Ed. VI., fol. 343, as the chantry of St. Nicholas, of Cryche. 6 Edward VI. The manors of MEDOWPLECK, Pentriche, Ulkerthorpe, Black- wall, Dowbridge, Holte, Marston, and Churchbroughton, with their appurtenances and other lands and hereditaments in Medowpleck, Pentrich, Ulkerthorpe, Blackwall, Dowbridge, Dowbridge Holt, Marston, Churchbroughton, Scropton, Hatton, THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. MAE LI Sapton, Yolgrave, and Hollington, besides the rectory and church of Yolgrave and advowson of the same. Held by William Cavendish, knt., for himself and his heirs. of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee—6 Edward VI., fol. 286. 2 and 3 Philip and Mary. The manor of MiLTON, with its appurtenances, acquired by John Porte, knt., for himself and his heirs from William Wescote and Katherine, his wife, held in capite 29th January.— 2 and 3 Phil. and Mary, fol. 42, as the manor of Repingdon. 3 Edward VI. The chantry of Monyasu, with its appurtenances, held by Francis, Earl of Shrewsbury, for himself and his heirs of the King, as of the manor of Pentrich, in the said county, by the tenure of fealty in free socage, and not in capite.— 3 Ed. VI., fol. 343, as the chantry of St. Nicholas of Cryche. 2 Elizabeth. The site of the free chapel of MONYASHE, with its appur- tenances, held by George Howard, knt., for himself and his heirs of the King, as of the manor of East Greenwiche, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite.—2 Eliz., fol. 38, as the tenure in Bakewell. 6 Edward VI. The moiety of the rectory and church of Mocinton, with its appurtenances, and the moiety of the advowson of the vicarage of the same, and other lands, tenements, etc, in Mogington and in Alfreton and Weston, held by Henry, Duke of Suffolk, and Thomas Duporte, generosus, for himself and his heirs of the King, as of the manor of Eastgreenwiche, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite—6 Ed. VI., fol. 217. 36 Henry VIII. The grange of MoLprRipGE, held by Roland Babington for his life, with remainders over of the King in capite for military service.—36 Hen. VIII., lib. 5, fol. 62, as the manor of Normanton. I1I2 THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 36 or 38 Henry VIII. The manor of Morey, with its appurtenances, held by William Pagett, knt., for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee—36 Hen. VIII., lib. 9, fol. 207, as the manor of Weston. 4 and 5 Philip and Mary. The grange of Muldridge, alzas Muldrigge, with its appur- tenances and lands and hereditaments in the parish of Brad- borne, and Cardelhay in the parish of Hartington, alienated by Augustin Babbington, armiger, to Henry Zacheverell, junr., generosus, and his heirs. Held in capite 7th February.— 4 and 5 Phil. and Mary, lib. 18, fol. 92. Value, xlviijs- 13 Elizabeth. The manor of NEWBOLD, alias Newbolt, with its appur- tenances and various lands, tenements, and hereditaments in Newbold alzas Newbolte, Langley, Overnewbolde, and Nether- newbold, alienated by Edmund West, armiger, and Jane, his wife, to Anthony Eyre, armiger, and Gervase Eyre and the heirs of Anthony. Held in capite vj. April—r13 Elizabeth, lib. 25, fol. 309. Value, v'i- ixs- iij?- 4 and 5 Philip and Mary. The manor of NEWBOLD, alienated by William West, knt., to Edmond West, generosus, the son of the said William, and his heirs. Held in capite 21st July—4, and 5 Phil. and Mary, lib. 18, fol. 84, as the house and site of the late monastery or abbey of Derley. 36 Henry VIII. The manor of NorMANTON, below the parish of St. Peter's, Derby, with its appurtenances and its tithes of corn and hay in Normanton and Cotton next Normanton, lately in the tenure of Henry Sacheverell ; and the Croft and Pool in the said parish of St. Peter’s, lately in the tenure of Nicholas Holborne, besides the grange called Moldridge, with its appurtenances in the parish of Bradborne and Cardelthye in the parish of Hartington, and the grange called Ravenson Grange, alzas Riston’s Grange, THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 113 below the said parish of Bradborne, and diverse other messuages, etc., with all donatives in Normanton, Cotton juxta Normanton, Cardelhaye, Hartington, Ravenstones, alias Ristons, and Brad- borne, held by Roland Babington for his life, with remainder to Augustine Babington and the heirs male of his body procreate, with remainder to the heirs of Roland, of the King in capite, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee.— 36 Hen. VIII., lib. 5, fol. 62. 3 Edward VI. The manor of NORMANTON, with its appurtenances and viij. messuages, one cottage, one dovecote, one garden, one hundred acres of land, one hundred of meadows, two hundred of pastures, four of wood, five hundred of open land and bracken, and vj: of rent, with their appurtenances in Cotton, Normanton, Mild- riche, and Ravenstone alias Riston, alienated by Augustin Babington, armiger, to Edward Ridge and Robert Alsopp and his heirs. Held in capite 28th January.—3 Ed. VI., fol. 498. Value, x. xvjs- 35 Henry VIII. The grange of OKEBROKE, held by Francis Pole for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee and rents.— 35 Hen. VIII., lib. 3, fol. 449, as the site of the monastery at Dale. to Elizabeth. The grange of ONE ASHE, or the capital messuage, with the appurtenances and diverse messuages, lands, etc., in One Ashe Grange, Chalenglowe, Pilsbury, and Cronxton, alienated by George, Earl of Salop, and Dame Elizabeth, his wife, to Thomas Gargrave, knt., Thomas Knyveton, and Thomas Sutton, armiger, and Richard Coke, generosus, and the heirs of Thomas Gargrave. Held in capite 30th day of December.—1o Eliz., lib. 24, fol. 226. Value, xxiv'i- 3 Elizabeth. The manor of OsmAsTON, with its appurtenances, alienated by Matthew Knyveton to Thomas Sutton, armiger, to Alen 8 I14 THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. Bafford and George Eymis, generosus, and the heirs of Thomas himself. Held in capite 15th September—3 Eliz., lib. 20 fol. 132. Value xijl- vijs- vj4- 1 Elizabeth. The manor of Over Macna,* with its appurtenances and advowson of the same, alienated by William, Lord Pagett, and another to George Frevill and his heirs. Held in capite 2oth January.—1 Eliz., fol. 87, as the manor of Over Parva. 1 Elizabeth. The manors of Over Parva,t Over Magna, and Fynderne, with their appurtenances and other lands, etc., in the said town- ships, and the advowson of the vicarage of the same, alienated by Wilham, Lord Pagett, and another to George Frevill and his heirs. Held in capite 20th January.—1 Eliz., fol. 87. Value, Ixvij!. ? 3 Elizabeth. The manors of OvERA Macna, Overa Parva, and Fynderne, and the advowson of the church and vicarage of the same places, with their appurtenances, besides the lands, tenements, etc., in Overa Magna and Overa Parva and Fynderne, alienated by William Pagett, of the Noble Order of the Garter, knt., Lord Pagett, of Beudsert, Henry Pagett, knt., his son and heir apparent, and George Frevill,t one of the Barons of the Exchequer, Thomas Carus, Sergeant-at-law, and Edmund Twynyho, armiger, Richard Cowper, and James Bedill, generosus, to Thomas Gresham, knt., Anthony Stringer, and Richard Chandelor, and the heirs of Thomas Gresham. Held in capite 12th May.—3 Eliz. lib. 20, fol. 169. Value, Ixxvij- xvijs: iij¢- 12 Elizabeth. The manors of OvERA Macna, Overa Parva, and Fynderne, with its appurtenances, alienated by Thomas Gresham, knt., and Anna, his wife, to Anthony Stringer, generosus, and Thomas Ceelye and the heirs of Anthony, for uses expressed in certain indentures. Held in capite 4th October.—r12 Eliz., lib. 25, fol. 45. * Mickleover. + Littleover. + Geo. Freville and those whose names follow were probably Trustees. THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 115 3 Elizabeth. The manor of OvERA Parva, with its appurtenances, alienated by William, Lord Pagett, and another, to Thomas Gresham, knt., and another, and the heirs of Thomas himself. Held in capite 12th May.—3 Eliz., lib. 20, fol. 269, as the manor of Overa Magna. 12 Elizabeth. The manor of OvERA Parva, alienated by Thomas Gresham, knt., and Anna, his wife, to Anthony Stringer, generosus, and Thomas Ceelye and the heirs of Anthony, to uses expressed in certain indentures. Held in capite 4th October.—12 Eliz., lib. 2, fol. 45, as the manor of Overa Magna. 3 Elizabeth. The rectory of OVERDENTON, with its appurtenances, held by Cecilia Pickerell, widow, for herself and her heirs of the King, as of the manor of Eastgreenewich, in free socage by the tenure of fealty, and not in capite.-—3 Eliz., fol. 219, as the lands in Morley. t Mary. The manor of OVERLOCKOOE, with its appurtenances and other lands and hereditaments in Overlokoo, alienated by Henry, Duke of Suffolk, and Thomas Duport, armiger, to George Swillington, armiger, and his heirs. Held in capite znd December.—1 Mary, fol. 257. Value, vjli- xs- 6 Edward VI. ' The manor of OVERLOKOOE, with its appurtenances, held by Henry, Duke of Suffolk, and Thomas Duport, generosus, for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the fortieth part of one knight’s fee.— 6 Ed. VI., fol. 217, as the manor of Breadsall Parke. 12 Elizabeth. A moiety of the manor of PALTERTON, with its appur- tenances and diverse lands, etc., in Palterton, Scarcliffe, and Uggathorpe, acquired by Ralph Greene, John Heath, and Thomas Bacon, for himself and the heirs of John, of Jasper Worth, armiger, and Alice, his wife. Held in capite 7th of June.—12 Eliz., lib. 25, fol. 93. Value, vjii- 116 THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 36 Henry VIII. The manor and lordship of PALTERTON, held by George Pire- point, for himself and his heirs of the King, in capite, among other things, by the service of a fortieth part of one knight’s fee and rents—36 Hen. VIII, lib. 5, fol. 295, as the manor and lordship of Scarcliffe. 6 Edward VI. The manor of PENTRICHE, with its appurtenances, held by William Cavendish, knt., for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee-—6 Ed. VI., fol. 286, as the manor of Medowpleck. 8 Elizabeth. The advowson of the vicarage of PENTRICHE, alienated by John Zouche, knt., to Thomas Boswell and George Smythe and the heirs of Thomas. Held in capite xxist- January.—8 Eliz., lib. 23, fol. 294, as the manor of Codnor. t Mary. The advowson of the vicarage of the church of St. PETER, of the town of Derby, held by the bailiffs and burgesses of the town of Derby for themselves and their successors of the King, as of the manor of Eastgreenewiche, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite.-—1z Mary, fol. 139, as the lands in Little Chester. 35 Henry VIII. The house and site of the priory of the PREACHER FR1aRs, called the Blackfryers, with their appurtenances, in the town of Derby, and the houses, buildings, lands, and hereditaments below the said site, and the meadows*, containing viij. acres, in the parish of St. Werburge, Derby; another meadow containing half an acre, and one croft of land containing one acre abutting above the same meadow, and ix. cottages and one orchard, with their appurtenances, in the said parish, besides the annual rent of vs: derived from lands in Olaston.t Held by John Hynde and * See Glover’s Derbyshire, I1., 460. + Probably Osmaston. THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 117 his heirs of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee and rents.— 35 Hen. VIII., lib. 3, fol. 378. Value, liijs- 35 Henry VIII. The site of the priory of the PREACHER Friars, with its appurtenances, called the Blackfriars, in the town of Derby, and the houses, buildings, lands, and hereditaments below the said site in Werburge and Olaston, alienated by John Hynde to John Sharpe and his heirs. Held of the King in capite xxiij. January.—35 Hen. VIII. Value, xlvij’- ix? 1 and 2 Philip and Mary. PRYNCESFEE WASTE, so-called, with its appurtenances, held by Thomas Reve and Egidius Isham for themselves and their heirs of the King, as of the manor of East Greenewich, by the tenure of fealty and not in capite——r1 and 2 Phil. and Mary, fol. 236, as Hollingherst Waste, so-called. 36 Henry VIII. RavEnsSTON, adias Riston’s Grange, held by Roland Babington for his wife, with remainders over, of the King, in capite by military service.—36 Hen. VIII., lib. 5, fol. 62, as the manor of Normanton. 2 and 3 Philip and Mary. The manors of REpINGDON and Milton, with their appur- tenances and other lands and hereditaments in Repingdon and Milton acquired by John Porte, knt., for himself and his heirs of William Westcott and Katherine, his wife, held in capite, 29 January.—z and 3 Phil. and Mary, fol. 42. Value, Ixviijs- 8 Elizabeth. The manors of REpPTON, alias Repington, with their appur- tenances and lands, tenements, and hereditaments in Repington, alias Repton, and Milton, acquired by Richard Harpur, alzas Harper, John Hacker, and Symond Starkey, for themselves and the heirs of Richard, of Thomas Stanhope, and Margaret, his wife. Held in capite xij. January.—8 Eliz., lib. 23, fol. 254. Value, lviijs- 118 THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 3 Edward VI. The rectory and chapel of REPINGDON, with its appurtenances, held by Edward Pease and James Wilson, for himself and his heirs of the King, as of the manor of Eastgreenewiche, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite.—3 Ed. VL., fol. 407, as the lands in Castelton. 8 Elizabeth. The manor of RipLey, alienated by John Zouche, knt., to Thomas Boswell and George Smyth, generosus, and the heirs of Thomas. Held in capite xxj. January.—8 Eliz., lib. 23, fo. 294, as the manor of Codnor. 11 Elizabeth. The manor of RuUSHELASTON, alias Russlaston, alienated by Henry, Lord Barkeley, and Katherine, his wife, to William Greisley, knt., and his heirs. Held in capite 6 December.— tt Elizabeth, lib. 24, fol. 285, as the manor of Cotton. 36 Henry VIII. The manors and lordships of SCARCLIFFE and Palterton, with their appurtenances and diverse messuages, etc., in Scarcliffe, Palterton, and Sherbrooke, held by George Pierpoint for him- self and his heirs of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the fourth part of one knight’s fee, and rendered yearly.— 36 Hen. VIII., lib. 5, fol. 295. Value xxili. Kae Aes 36 Henry VIII. SCARCLIFFE GRANGE, held by Francis Leke for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee, and rendered yearly.—36 Hen. VIII., lib. 6, fol. 68, as the lands in Scarcliffe. 36 Henry VIII. The rectory of ScCARCLIFFE and the advowson of the vicarage of the same, held by Francis Leke for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, by the service of the thirtieth part of one knight’s fee, and rendered yearly.—36 Henry VIIL., lib. 6, fol. 58, as the lands in Scarcliffe. THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. T1Q 38 Henry VIII. The manor of SHARELOWE, with its appurtenances (held) by William Pagett, knt., for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee.-—38 Hen. VIII., lib. 9, fol. 207, as the manor of Weston. 1 and 2 Philip and Mary. The lordship and manor of SHELFORD, with its appurtenances, held by Anna Stanhope and Thomas Stanhope for themselves and the heirs of the body of Thomas, with other remainders over, of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the fortieth part of one knight’s fee.—z and 2 Phil. and Mary, fol. 265, as the lordship of Stockbardolfe. 6 Edward VI. The rectory of SHERLEY, with its appurtenances and advowson of the vicarage of the same, and other lands, etc., in Sherley, Yeveley, Alestry, Marketon, and Mackworth, and in the parish of All Saints’ and Saint Alkmund’s, in the town of Derby, held by Edward Bray, John Thorneton, and John Danby, for them- selves and the heirs of John and John of the King in socage, as of the manor of East Greenewich, by the tenure of fealty and not in capite—6 Ed. VI., fol. 488. 12 Elizabeth. The manor of SHIRLAND, alienated by Thomas Knyveton, arm., and Richard Coke, gen., to John Knyveton and Henry Lassels, generosus, and their heirs. Held in capite 2nd January. —12 Eliz., lib. 25, fol. 120, as the manor of Cryche. 36 Henry VIII. The manor of SHORTHASSELS, with its appurtenances and diverse messuages, lands, etc., in Harctishorne, held by Thomas Royle for himself and his heirs of the King in socage, by the tenure of fealty and not in capite—36 Hen. VIII., lib. 6, fol. 331. 38 Henry VIII. The manor of SMALEY, with its appurtenances, held by William Paget, knt., for himself and his heirs of the King in 120 THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee-—38 Hen. VIIL., lib. 9, fol. 207, as the manor of Weston. 3 Elizabeth. SNYTTERTON, lately a chantry, with its appurtenances and other lands and hereditaments in Matlock, Wenesley, Bontessall alias Bondsall, Snytterton, Hognaston, Middleton, and Winster alias Windesor. Held by Ralph Shelton, arm., and Edward Warner, knt., for themselves and the heirs of Ralph, as of the manor of Eastgreenewich, in free socage by the tenure of fealty and not in capite.—3 Eliz., fol. 63. Value v'. xixs- iij¢- 4 Elizabeth. SouTHOWSE and Littlehall Grange, with their appurtenances and lands, etc., in Dale, held by Thomas Stanhope, arm., for himself and his heirs of the King, as of the manor of East- greenewiche, in county Kent, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite.—4 Eliz., lib. 27, fol. 348. 36 Henry VIII. The manor of Sponpon and the lordship of Borowyash and Lockoo, and the rectory of Spondon and the advowson of the church and vicarage of the same, with all donatives appertaining, besides diverse messuages, lands, tenements, and other heredita- ments in Spondon, Borowyashe, Chaddesden, and Lockowe. Held by John Dudley for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee.-—36 Hen. VIII., lib. 4, fol. 300. 4 Elizabeth. The lordships and manors of SPONDON, Borowashe, and Stanley, with their appurtenances and lands, etc., in Spondon, Borowashe, Chaddesden, and Stanley, held by Thomas Stan- hope, arm., for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, by the service of the fortieth part of one knight’s fee.—¥4 Eliz., lib. 20, fol. 348. 36 Henry VIII. The rectory of SPONDON and advowson of the vicarage of the same, held by John Dudley for himself and his heirs of the THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 121 King in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee—36 Hen. VIII, lib. 4, fol. 360, as the manor of Spondon. 36 Henry VIII. STANLEY GRANGE, with its appurtenances and _ diverse messuages, lands, tenements, tithes, and other hereditaments in Dale, Stanley, and Spondon, held by John Howe and Thomas Poutrell and Elizabeth, his wife, for themselves and the heirs of Thomas of the King in capite, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee, and rendered yearly—36 Hen. VIIL., lib. 6, fol. 65. Value, vii. 135. iiijd- 4 Elizabeth. The lordship and manor of STANLEY, held by Thomas Stan- hope, arm., for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, by the service of the fortieth part of one knight’s fee—yg4 Eliz., lib: 20, fol. 348, as the lordship and manor of Spondon. 2 Elizabeth. The lordship and manor of STANTON, with its appurtenances and other lands and hereditaments in Stanton, held by John Harrington and George Burton, generosus, for themselves and their heirs of the King, as of the manor of Eastgreenewich, in free socage by the tenure of fealty and not in capite.—2 Eliz., fol. 290. ; 7 Edward VI. STANTON GRANGE, with its appurtenances and other lands and hereditaments in Stanton and Whithills. Held by Thomas Reve and George Cotton for themselves and their heirs of the King, as of the manor of East Greenwich, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite—7 Ed. VI., fol. 67. 37 Henry VIII. The chapel of STANTON, with its appurtenances, held by John Grey, knt., Lord Grey, for himself and his heirs of the King, as of the manor of Eastgreenwiche, in county Kent, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite.—37 Hen. VIIL., lib. 7, fol. 120; as the late priory of Bredon. 122 THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 37 Henry VIII. The manor of STAVELEY, with its appurtenances and x. messu- ages, x. tofts, x. cottages, ij. dovecotes, x. gardens, 200 acres of land, 40 of meadows, too of pastures, ten of wood, 100 of moor, roo of rushes, and xls- of rent, with their appurtenances in Staveley, Netherthorpe, and Barley, besides a moiety of the rectory and church of Staveley, alienated by Francis Leke, knt., to Peter Fretchvile, knt., and Elizabeth, his wife, and the heirs of Peter. Held in capite 18 June—37 Hen. VIII., lib. 7, fol. 323. 6 Edward VI. ' The manor of STAVELEY, with its appurtenances and diverse messuages, lands, tenements, and other hereditaments in Staveley, Netherthorpe, Woodthorpe, Handley, and Cold Aston, alienated by Henry, Earl of Cumberland,* to Peter Fretchvile, knt., and his heirs. Held in capite 26 October.—6 Ed. VI., fol. 240. Value, 22}. 36 Henry VIII. The manor of STAVELEY, held by Francis Leke for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, by the service of the thirtieth part of one knight’s fee and yearly rents.—36 Hen. VIIL., lib. 6, fol. 68, as the lands in Scarcliffe. 37 Henry VIII. The rectory and church of STAVELEY, with its appurtenances, alienated by Francis Leke, knt., to Peter Fretchvile, knt., and Elizabeth, his wife, and their heirs. Held in capite 18 June.— 37 Hen. VIIL., lib. 7, fol. 323, as the manor of Staveley. 36 Henry VIII. A moiety of the rectory of STAVELEY, held by Francis Leke for himself and his heirs of the King in capite for the thirtieth part of one knight’s fee and yearly rents.—36 Hen. VIII., lib. 6, fol. 68, as the lands in Scarcliffe. 3 Edward VI. The rectory and church of HorsLtry and Denby, with their appurtenances and the advowson of the vicarage of the said * Dr. Cox’s Churches, vol. i., p. 362. THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 123 church, besides diverse messuages, lands, tenements, etc., and other hereditaments, with all donatives appertaining in Horsley and Denby, held by John Hasillwood, arm., for himself and his heirs of the King, as of the manor of Eastgreenwich, in county Kent, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite. —3 Ed. VI., fol. 624. Value, vj!- xiijs- itij4- rt and 2 Philip and Mary. The castle of Horsron, held by Dame Anna Stanhope and Thomas Stanhope for himself and his heirs of the body of Thomas, with other remainders over, of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the fortieth part of one knight’s fee—z and 2 Philip and Mary, fol. 266. Barlebrughe, alias Barleborough lordship. 7 Elizabeth. The manor of Hoursron, alienated by Thomas Stanhope, armig., and Margaret, his wife, to John Gifford and Francis Curzon and their heirs. Held in capite 2nd May.—7 Fliz., lib. 23, fol. 89, as the manor of Horsley. 38 Henry VIII. HuNston GRANGE, below the parish of Thorpe, and other lands and hereditaments in the same parish, alienated by William Pagett, knt., to John Flakett and his heirs. Held in capite 23 Nov.—38 Hen. VIII., lib. 9, fol. 259. Value vjli.: 35 Henry VIII. The manor* of STEDE, held by Dame Dorothy Mountjoy, widow, for her life, with remainder to Charles Blount, knt., Lord Mountjoy, and his heirs of the King in capite, among other things, by the service of the twentieth part of one knight’s fee and rents——35 Hen. VIIL., lib. 3, fol. 354, as the manor of Yeveley. _ 4 and 5 Philip and Mary. The manor of STEDE, or the site of the Preceptory, alienated by James Blount, knt., Lord Mountjoy, to Ralph Browne and his heirs. Held in capite 6 January— and 5 Phil. and Mary, lib. 18, fol. 290, as the manor of Yeveley or the site of the Preceptory. * Dr. Cox’s Churches, vol. iii., p. 279. 124 THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 12 Elizabeth. The manor of STOKE, with its appurtenances and diverse lands, tenements, and hereditaments in Hope, Great Hucklowe, Little Hucklowe, Folowe, Kyme (? Eyme), Tyddeswall, Litton, Abney, Alferton alias Awferton, Teddepole, Baslowe, Howmefield, Middleton, Dronfield, Eggington, and Bradwell, acquired by Humfrey Barley, generosus, for himself and his heirs. Held in capite 1 May.—xz2 Elizabeth, lib. 25, fol. 107. 36 Henry VIII. SUGMANTON, the advowson of the vicarage of the same, held by Francis Leke for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, by the service of the thirtieth part of one knight’s fee and yearly rents.—36 Hen. VIII., lib. 6, fol. 68, as the lands in Scarcliffe. 7 Edward VI. The rectory and church of T1rpBEsHAL. alias Tibbeshelf, with its appurtenances and the advowson of the vicarage of the same, and diverse messuages, lands, tenements, and other here- ditaments in Tibshall a/zas Tibshelf and in the town of Derby, held by Thomas Wren and Edward Clegg for themselves and their heirs of the King, as of the manor of Eastgreenewich, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite.—7 Ed. VI, fol. 390. 7 Edward VI. The manor of TIBSHELF, with its appurtenances and all the “Colepitts”” and other lands and hereditaments in Tibshelfe, held by the Maior, Burgesses, and Citizens of London for them- selves and their heirs of the King, as of the manor of East- greenewiche, by the tenure of fealty in free socage and not in capite.—7 Ed. VL., fol. 574. 1 and 2 Philip and Mary. The waste of TyGNaLi*, so-called, with its appurtenances, held by Thomas Reve and Egidius Isham for themselves and their heirs of the King, as of the manor of Eastgreenewich, by the tenure of fealty and not in capite-—xz and 2 Phil. and Mary, fol. 236, as Hollingherst Waste, so-called. * See page 107. THE MANORS OF DERBYSHIRE. 125 11 Elizabeth. THuRSLEY alias Grangefield Grange* or “ firm,”+ with its appurtenances and lands, tenements, and hereditaments in Thursley, and the grange or firm and lands, tenements and other hereditaments in Thurmansleigh a/ias Thurmanslugh alzas Muoclough (sic), alienated by Robert Fytche, generosus, to Francis Curzon, arm., and his heirs. Held in capite rr November.—r1 Eliz., lib. 24, fol. 243. Value, viijli- vjs- ixt. 36 Henry VIII. THURSLEY GRANGE alias Grangefield, with its appurtenances and diverse messuages, lands, tenements, and other heredita- ments in Thursley and Thurmansleigh a/zas Thurmansleigh adzas Nonneclough, held by Robert Fitche for himself and his heirs of the King in capite, by the service of the fortieth part of one knight’s fee and yearly rents.—36 Hen. VIIL., lib. 6, fol. 317. * See page 104. + Farmhouse. 126 The Presevbation of Antiquities,* By Dr. FRIEDRICH RATHGEN. Translated from the German, with additions, by GEORGE A. AuDEN, M.A., M.D., and Harotp A. AupDEN, M.Sc., D.Sc. A REVIEW. Evi) LP HOUGH termed a handbook for curators, there | «are few books more useful and necessary to all who are either the possessors or the custodians of objects of antiquity in any form. Specially will it appeal to those who have the responsibility of the care of our ancient churches, for it is often sad to see the deterioration which time works upon the wood and metal relics of our forefathers’ industry. The translators now present to us in a simple and readable form the best processes and recipes yet known to science for the preservation of every kind of material. More- over, by a series of photographic illustrations upon the “ before and after” principle, they demonstrate the success of their experiments in a practical manner. The character of the book throughout is its usefulness, and whatever the objects be that require attention—whether they are worm-eaten pulpits or chests, painted doors, faded paintings on canvas, glass or wall, rusted iron work, crumbling book-bindings, or discoloured and painted stone-work, the remedy is there. The writer of this review has tested the recipes for the preservation of church oak with complete success. Hence he has thought it worth while to bring this subject to the notice of Derbyshire readers, in the hope that thereby something at least may be saved which would otherwise perish; for it is easier to preserve than to create. * Cambridge University Press, 50, Wellington Street, Strand. 4/6 net. ._ red Cok BREADSALL PRIO¥£ Published by J. Robson, New Bond Street, Oct. 1, 1791: PLATE I. Ravenhill joulp ;, DERBYSHIRE. Reproduced from a photograph by A. Victor Haslam, 1905. >: . 127 Breavsall Prtory. If, THE PRIORY. By P. H. Currey, Hon. Secretary. hills, well wooded, and with a stream of water, such as the excellent judgment of the founders of the religious houses seemed always to secure. A careful examination of Sir A. Seale Haslam’s beautiful home fails to show any part of the buildings that can with certainty be attributed to monastic times; indeed, so frequent and extensive have been the alterations and additions that were made by its various owners during the last two centuries, that such remains were scarcely to be looked for with any confidence. It is rather surprising to find the Elizabethan house, built by Sir John Bentley on the ruins of the Priory, still remaining almost intact and incorporated in the existing mansion. The Priory seems, even in its most prosperous days, to have been a very small establishment, and its buildings can never have been very extensive. In the cellar, under the present butler’s pantry, is a stone wall about four feet thick (marked “A” on accompanying plan). This wall carries the north-east tower of the Elizabethan house, but from its position and its unnecessary thickness it seems almost certainly to be a remnant of the foundation of the Priory. In the space under the floor of the morning room are four old stone walls enclosing a rectangular area; three 128 . BREADSALL PRIORY. of these walls have a dressed stone plinth, and in one is a small blocked up doorway with chamfered jambs (in the position marked “B” on the plan). These walls are some- times attributed to the Priory, but careful measurements show Cun Room 7 A (e) to} Ng s lone & a = | « SF ' : tdi E Teas ° ta |_| 5 ual aie 18 : | = fh on. Le i I 41 ' - ' ot ' en (1) 3 —B 1 ° 2 1 & = ¢ 18 rears 5 & 18 an) a a > = S ae Se 1? z ris 13 = o 5 (eae e ee = Stats 4 # A Pere ; a) \Y Ot: De nae 2 rans a LiL foi) 2S Se === , 3 J yet a. ig x G ieee (TY a Roe Soe 4 < zis = oO Oks < re. uJ k oO those with the plinth to be the lower parts of the walls. of the Elizabethan house, while the fourth wall is the founda- tion of a lean-to addition, which the engraving of the front of the house made in 1791 shows to have been inserted between BREADSALL PRIORY. 129 the central bay and the south-east tower. There is, of course, the possibility, or perhaps, rather, probability, that the Priory was not entirely pulled down, and that Sir John Bentley used one of the domestic buildings to form the shell of his house, raising it to the present height and adding the three projecting bays or towers ; but it seems ‘now impossible to find any evidence upon which a definite opinion upon this point could be based. - Sir Francis Darwin is said to have made excavations upon the site, and to have laid bare the foundations of the Priory Church, which were, most unfortunately, swept away or entirely covered up when the additions to the house were made by Mr. Morley, and, so far as can be ascertained, no record of them is‘in existence. These excavations must, presumably, have A Springers remaining PART OF ARCADE ° 3 Feecy been on the north side of the eighteenth century wing shown on the old drawings, and therefore somewhere about the posi- tion where the gun room is marked on the accompanying plan. In the garden are a few fragments of the monastic buildings which were unearthed during Sir Francis Darwin’s excavations. The chief of these consists of a portion of a thirteenth century arcade shown on the accompanying sketch. At first sight this suggests the Sedilia, but the fact that there are four complete springers to the arches, showing the former existence of at least five openings, militates against- this theory*. It might be a portion of a wall arcade running round the interior of the church, a feature which was of very common occurrence * Sedilia of more than three stalls are not unknown: instance the five stalls at Southwell Minster and Furness Abbey. 9 130 BREADSALL PRIORY. in thirteenth century buildings ; or perhaps it might have formed the heads of the stalls in the Chapter House. The chamfer on the back of the arches (see section of moulding) is very puzzling, seeming to show that the back as well as the front of the arcade was exposed to view; but it must be noted that the back face of the stones is only roughly dressed with a scappler’s pick ‘and not tooled to a fair face. The ends of the cusps are all broken, so that it is impossible to say whether they were foliated or not. The other fragments comprise portions of an octagonal cap from a small turret or pinnacle ; these are, however, probably some of the stones from the tower of All Saints’ Church, Derby, referred to by Dr. Cox in Churches of Derbyshire, Vol. I1l., p. 76. Another fragment is SECTION oF ARCH MOLDIHG Fd 2 14 ue 12 10 we a) 16 pe Scale of Inches one stone of a square-headed window, probably late fourteenth century work; this has never been glazed, but is rebated on the inner face for a wooden shutter. On the ruins of the Priory Sir John Bentley, who died in 1621, built himself a house, which, though now almost lost to sight among more recent additions, is found by careful measurements to be still substantially intact. On the accom- panying plan the walls which belong to Sir John Bentley’s house are blacked, whilst all later additions are shown in outline only, in order that the extent of the old work may be more readily comprehended. From the drawings of the old house, and from the few original features which have been allowed to remain unaltered, we can Isvq WH], ‘ANOINg Tivsavaug mw ‘UDISVET 407914 *K ‘TI ALVIg BREADSALL PRIORY. 131 gather that the style of the work was such as prevailed about the year 1600. An engraving, published in 1791, and oil paintings of about the same date in the possession of Sir A. Seale Haslam, show us a typical late Elizabethan or early Jacobean house. The east front of the house is now almost hidden by the additions made by Mr. Francis Morley, and part of the west side by the wing which was added (in place of one built by Mr. Morley) by the present owner. On the south side the A. Victor Haslam. Breadsall Priory. Coat of Arms in stone of Sir John Bentley. south-east tower has been raised and finished in a_pseudo- castellated style, and almost entirely refaced, giving it a very modern appearance, and the large Elizabethan windows have been replaced by the drawing-room bay in Victorian Gothic. On the north side the old walling appears, but the windows have been altered by the insertion of eighteenth century sashes. It is, therefore, only on the attic floor that the character of the old work can be seen; the mullioned windows and many 132 BREADSALL PRIORY. gables, though rather spoiled by modern copings and “ Gothic ” finials, have a very picturesque effect, appearing, as they do, over the roofs of the later additions, as seen in the accom- panying views of the east and south sides of the house. It is interesting to speculate, but impossible to speak definitely, upon its original plan. The internal partitions would almost certainly have been of timber, but they are now replaced by brick walls. A careful consideration of the plans and study of the old drawings lead to the conclusion that the general internal arrangements are not much altered, though completely modernized. The entrance would probably be in the centre bay, and would be approached from the ground by a flight of steps, as the floor level is considerably above the remains of the external plinth. This entrance is shown in Ravenhill’s engraving of 1791 as then closed up with a bay window, and a new entrance seems to have been made in the added “Georgian” wing. Over the entrance was a coat of arms, now in the garden (shown in the accompanying photograph), which Dr. Cox has kindly described for us, as follows :— This shield represents Bentley impaling a quartered coat of six, pertaining to the Cheshire family of Legh or Leigh. Itruns thus, in heraldic phraseology, the colours of course not appearing on the stone :—Or, three bends sa. (Bentley) impaling (I and 6), Or, a lion rampant gu. (the old coat of Leigh of High Leigh) ; (2) Az., a chevron between three crowns or (Corona, or De Corona, of Adlington) ; (3) Az., two bars over all a bend gu. (Leigh of Adlington) ; (4) Arg., a cross fleury sa. (another Leigh of Cheshire coat) ; (5) Gu., three cross crosslets fitchy or (Arderne, Cheshire). The fifth quartering is now nearly illegible. It would require a long pedigree and notes to explain the right of Sir John Bentley’s second wife to these various Leigh quarterings. The best pedigree of Leigh of Adlington, with a full account of their various marriages, is to be found in Earwaker’s East Cheshire. Three of these coats appear in an old quartered shield of stained glass in the east window of the north aisle of Prestbury Church, Cheshire. The carved panel above this coat of arms has been dis- covered, in its original position, which is now imside the house, but exposed to view. A section of it is well shown in the accompanying photograph, and appears very characteristic of the unsophisticated work of the country masons of the period. “LNOYY HLNOS AHL “AUOIAG TIvsavarg “WUDISD ET A0JILA +B Il] F1IVIg BREADSALL PRIORY. 133 From the entrance, steps would lead down, as at present, to the ground floor, on which were the kitchen and, probably. the bakehouse, butteries, etc.; a flight of stairs would ascend to the hall and parlour on the first floor. This plan of placing the offices on a floor below the chief rooms was not very common, but is occasionally met with in Elizabethan houses. On the second floor there would again be two large rooms, one of which would be the great chamber, which, like the hall below, is shown on the painting of the south side to be lighted with a large window of eighteen lights. In the pro- jecting bays the two lowest floors would probably be pantries, while the upper floors would be occupied as bed chambers, or “lodgings,” as they are usually described on plans of the period. The upper floors of these bays were approached by A. VictoriHaslam. Breadsall Priory. Portion of carved stone panel. steps in half-external turrets corbelled out across the angles, parts of which still remain, one of them being shown on the view of the south front. Indications were recently found, on the first floor, that the turrets continued to the floor below, and were therefore not originally carried on corbels as at present. The attic floor remains very much in its original condition, the windows, with moulded mullions and transomes, being little altered, except that a partition has been made along the east side, so that the windows there now throw their light down into the corridor on the floor below. The original position of the stairs is rather puzzling. They would probably have been nearly, but not quite, in the same position as the present principal staircase. The evidence of the buildings tends to show that the 134 BREADSALL PRIORY. floor levels in the old: part of the house are (except in the south- east Tower, which is obviously altered) very nearly in their original position, and this is confirmed by a portion of one of the old mullioned windows which has lately been dis- covered and opened out. If this is the case, the floors in the bays were not, except in the attic, level with those in the main block, and the rooms being lower, these bays contained an additional floor. The old engraving of the east front does not agree with this, as it shows the windows nearly in line with each other; but it is impossible to trust to the accuracy of old engravings in detail, and the oil painting of the south end confirms the idea that the floors were on different levels. In the garden are two quaint stone figures, of which illustra- tions are given. The most probable explanation of them is that they were caryatides supporting a chimney-piece. In the basement is a small doorway with a square head, and chamfered all round, now blocked up, opening into the base- ment of the central bay (“C” on plan), and under the floor of the morning room can be seen the chamfered jambs of an originally external doorway into the basement of the south-east bay (“B” on plan). In the large projecting chimney stack of the kitchen and rooms over, there is on each of the upper floors a small closet. These are said until lately to have had no floors, but to have been open from top to bottom of the building. Of this it is difficult to determine the original purpose, but the possibility of sanitary conveniences suggests itself. When a new window was recently being cut through the wall on the opposite side of the chimney stack, in the room now called the “ Darwin room,” a recess was found, just large enough for a man to stand upright in; it was rounded at the back and top, and the stonework dressed smooth. The description given of it seems to suggest a “ priest hole,” or hiding place. Unfor- tunately its destruction was unavoidable. A feature of the old house which should not be overlooked, but which has unfortunately disappeared, is the dove-cote. BREADSALL PRIORY. 135 Was this a survival of the monastic days, when the dove-cote seems to have been a profitable source of income to the Brothers? In ancient times there seems to have been some privilege in the possession of a dove-cote, but how, or upon : A. Victor Haslam. Breadsall Priory. Stone Caryatides. what terms, that privilege was obtained I have been unable exactly to determine. It seems to have been a common opinion that no one but the lord of the manor or the parson could erect a dove-cote, and this custom has been quoted in several 136 BREADSALL PRIORY. legal actions with respect to the damage done to crops by pigeons; but the law on the subject seems to have been uncertain. By a case in the law courts in 1618 it was practi- cally decided that anyone might build a dove-cote. References, however, were then made to license by the King and to a statute of Edward II. concerning dove-cotes erected without licence, the exact meaning of which is not very clear. The subsequent additions to the house, as before mentioned, have been very extensive. The oil painting of 1790 shows a long projecting wing on the site of the present dining-room, which, judging from its style, and from the fact that it is not shown on the engraving published in 1791*, could not then have long been built; and its erection must be attributed to Andrew Greensmith, or possibly to Herbert Greensmith Beard, to whom the property passed in 1788. A lean-to addition had been made between the central bay and the south-east tower, the foundations of which still exist, and a bay window had been inserted in the place of the old entrance, besides additions at the back of the house. The wing must have been removed by Mr. Francis Morley, who erected in front of the Elizabethan house the present “ Gothic” building. The latest alterations embraced the partial removal of build- ings which had been added at the west side of the house and the erection of the present billiard-room wing, which has added very greatly both to its internal comfort and external appearance. Breadsall Priory is not without the usual tradition of a subterranean passage. In this connection it may be interesting to quote from a letter written a short time ago by the late Miss A. E. Darwin :— “‘ My father did attempt to find it (the passage) ; he dug a trench all along the back of the house running parallel with the kitchen - windows, hoping to come upon the roof of the passage from above, and whilst doing this he came upon the foundations and sedilia * In a comprehensive work such as that in which this engraving appears there often was a considerable interval between the date of the drawing and the publication of the engraving from which it was copied. *¥ . sheise oe i? PLATE IW A. Victor Haslam. BrEADSALL, PRiory. A’ CoRBELLED ANGLE OF THE TOWER. » ia BREADSALL PRIORY. 137 (arches) of the Chapel. These latter he recovered entirely and set them up against the back of the dining-room wall. Two of the arches were perfect as I draw them, the third was not so complete. Of course the stones were found lying about, but my father, with the assistance of. Mr. Fox (Rector of Morley, and a great archee- ologist), put them all correctly in their places, and very beautiful they looked. He was satisfied for the time being with this impor- tant discovery and went no deeper in his search for the passage. The story belonging to this is as follows:—‘ There was an old butler in the service of Dr. Erasmus Darwin; when my father (Sir Francis) was a boy, he was told by this man that Acs father knew of this secret passage, and had been in it; also that he himself in his boyhood, had seen the stone with a ring in it, in the cellar, which gave access to it. The floor of the cellar has doubtless been somewhat raised since then. My father took up some of the flags and found faint traces of a second floor but 299 no stone with ring. II. THE HISTORY OF BREADSALL PRIORY.* By the Rev. J. CHartes Cox, LL.D., F.S.A. fag, 1TH regard to the foundation of this small priory of Breadsall or Breadsall Park, it has always hitherto been stated that it was in its first origin an establishment of Austin Friars or Friars Eremites. This statement has been made in consequence of the entry on the Patent Roll of 1266 to the effect that Henry III. granted to the Eremites of Breadsall a messuage and twenty acres of land in Horsley and Horston, for which they were to render yearly half a mark to the bailiff of the royal manor of Horston.t There must, however, be some slip of the scribe in making this entry, for the Austin Friars, in common with the other mendicant orders, were not allowed to accept any benefactions of land other than the site of their house. Instead of ever being a house of Austin Friars, this priory was clearly a priory of Austin Canons, otherwise such a donation as this would have been an impos- sibility; moreover, a house of friars was invariably placed amid a considerable population. All that can be said of its origin is that it was clearly well established before 1266, and that it had been founded in the same century by one of the Curzons of Breadsall, either Richard de Curzon, son of Henry Curzon by the heiress of Dunne, or by Sir Robert Curzon, the son of Richard. * Condensed and considerably amended from Churches of Derbyshire, iii., 67-78. + Pat. R. 50 Henry III., m. vii., No. 17. THE HISTORY OF BREADSALL PRIORY. 139 The possessions of this small priory, dedicated to the Holy Trinity, were valued by the Taxation Roll of 1291 at 45 19s. od. per annum. The twenty acres at Horston, in the adjoining parish of Horsley, produced tos. a year, whilst twenty acres round the house at Breadsall, with a dovecot,* were worth £2. The priory also held rents in Breadsall and small plots of land in Morley and Horsley, whilst the yearly profits on the farm stock averaged £2 5s. 8d. The royal bequest of the Horston acres was farmed for the priory from an early date. In 1328, license was obtained from the Crown by the prior of Breadsall Park to lease this land for a term of forty years to Thomas de Goldyngton and his heirs.t The first prior of this house named in the episcopal registers was Hugh de Mackworth, who was appointed in 1306, under the patronage of Richard Curzon.{ The endowments of this house were so slender that it seems never to have had more than two canons besides the prior. It therefore came about that a canonical chapter election was an impossibility, and hence the simple nomination of the hereditary patron was usually accepted. The patron of the priory was the lord of the manor of Breadsall Overhall, who was also the patron of the rectory of the parish church of Breadsall. It was held by the Curzon family for eight generations, but passed in the reign of Richard II. to the Dethick family, through the marriage of William Dethick with Cecilia, daughter and heiress of Thomas Curzon. In 1309, Hamund de Merston, canon of the house of the Holy Trinity of the Park of Breadsall, was admitted to the rule of the same, at the presentation of Richard Curzon.§ The same prior was re-admitted by Bishop Norbury in 1322, at the presentation of Henry Curzon.|| * See page 135. + Pat. R. 2 Edw. iii. 2d. number, m. 30. ft Lich. Epis. Reg., Langton, f. 65. § Zbid., f. 71. || Za¢d., Norbury, i., f. 63. 140 THE HISTORY OF BREADSALL PRIORY. The next prior was William de Repyndon, a canon of Breadsall. He resigned in October, 1347, and the bishop commissioned the abbot of Darley to act for him in the business of the election of Thomas de Castello, with the result that this was duly confirmed.* In 1365, after a long vacancy, the bishop collated as prior, Thomas de London—a curious and exceptional appointment, for prior Thomas had been a monk of Burton-on-Trent. Geoffrey de Stafford, after a short interval, was the next prior, and on his resignation in 1370, Thomas Lewes, one of the canons of the house, was made prior. The entry of Lewes’s institution in the episcopal register names Robert Molde, rector of Breadsall, Henry Adderley, and John de Twyford, vicar of Spondon, as patrons of the house. This triple patronage would arise through the true patron being an infant. Four or five of the subsequent priors had previously been canons of the house; but the appointments in 1442 and 1487 were from among the Austin Canons of Darley Abbey, and in 1456 from those of Repton priory. When Roger Upton was appointed prior, in 1384, Sir Thomas Wendesley was the patron, but only fro hac vice. Sir Thomas was a Derbyshire knight of some renown; he was killed at the battle of Shrewsbury in 1403; his effigy is in the south transept of Bakewell Church. It is not clear why he presented on this occasion, but it may possibly have been in return for some specific benefaction by arrangement with the rightful patron. On the Friday after Lady Day, 1392, an inquisition ad quod damnum was held at Derby, when the jury found that it was not to the damage of the king or others if licenses were granted to Henry Cotton, clerk, to assign to the prior and canons of Breadsall Park a messuage and one acre of land in Derby of the clear annual value of 5s.; to Henry Barber, of Derby, and Edmund Townley, to assign two messuages and two cottages in Derby of the annual value of 6s. 8d.; and to * Lich. Epis. Reg., Norbury, f. 130. + Zbzd., Stretton, f. 37d. THE HISTORY OF BREADSALL PRIORY. I4l John Rosell, of Little Eaton, Henry Cotton, and Edmund Townley, to assign the reversion of a cottage in Derby then held for life by Agnes, the wife of Stephen Cotiler. By another inquisition held at the same time and _ place, but before another jury, it was found that licenses might be granted to Thomas Frances, clerk, Henry Cotton, Thomas Wombwell, and William Heynour, to assign to the priory ten acres of land in Horston, which were parcel of the royal demesne of Horston manor, and held of the king by service of 4s. 2d. and by appearance at the two great courts at Easter and Michaelmas, and which were of the clear annual value of 1od.; to Frances, Cotton and Wombwell, to assign a cottage and eight acres of land in Chaddesden and Spondon held of the Duke of Lancaster of the annual value of 4s. ; to Robert Kniveton, vicar of Dovebridge, Thomas Waterhouse, and Thomas Wade, to assign a cottage in Duffield of the annual value of 2s., and a toft with twenty acres of meadow and ten of pasture at Windley, all held of the Duke of Lancaster, and of the clear annual value of 13s. 4d.; to Frances, Cotton, Wombwell, Heynour, and Rosell, to assign two acres at Breadsall, of the clear annual value of 4d.; to John Hardy, of Morley, to assign a toft and an ox gang in Morley of the yearly value of 4s.; to Robert de Ferrers, of Chartley, to assign a toft in Breadsall, worth 2d. a year, on the yearly service of a rose; and to Kniveton, Wombwell, Waterhouse, Wade, and Henry Cooke, of Hazelwood, a toft of the clear annual value of 1d.* In return for the small benefactions particularised in these inquests, it was stipulated that daily masses should for ever be celebrated within the priory church, for the good estate whilst living and for the souls after death of the various donors. In 1402 there was another inquisition relative to the further endowment of the house, when it was held that it would not be to the prejudice of the King to allow William Dethick to *Chanc. Inq., 15 Ric. II., Pt. 11., No. 134. 142 THE HISTORY OF BREADSALL PRIORY. assign to the prior and convent of Breadsall Park one rood of land and a mediety* of the rectory of Mugginton; the land was valued at 3d. per annum, and the mediety of the rectory at £5. The jury found that William Dethick, the son of William Dethick by Cecilia, the heiress of Curzon, had an income of a hundred marks beyond this gift.+ William Dethick, though he obtained the sanction of the inquest for this alienation, neglected to procure letters patent to warrant the evasion of the Statutes of Mortmain, and on his death in 1411 his executors and trustees were mulcted by the Crown in the heavy fine of twenty-five marks for license to continue to the priory the alienation of the rood of land and the mediety of the church of Mugginton.{ It is stated in this license that the gift was made to the priory for the augmentation of divine worship there, and for prayers for the souls of William Dethick and Alice, his wife, and their posterity and ancestry. It was further stipulated that a suitable sum was to be given to the poor of Mugginton out of the fruits of the living of the prior, in accordance with the provisions of the statute 15 Ric. II., cap. VI., and that he should also see to the sufficient endowment of a vicar for that parish. William Dethick procured this mediety of the rectory of Mugginton and the rood of land in r4or from Peter de la Pole and his wife, Elizabeth (heiress of Chandos), in exchange for land in Radburne, Dalbury Lees, and Heanor. For about a century and a half Mugginton was served by a rector, and by a vicar on behalf of the mediety belonging to the priory ; on the suppression of Breadsall priory in 1536, this right of pre- sentment to Mugginton was transferred to Darley Abbey, but in less than three years the abbey also fell into the hands of the Crown, and it was granted to Thomas Babington. * Medietas. The mediety was sometimes used for the middle, or feudal <<‘ third-penny.”’ Rents of cities and counties were divided into three equal parts, of which the grant of the “‘third penny,” or part, carried with it the feudal privileges. + Ing. ad. q. d., 3 Hen. IV., No. 2; set forth zz extenso in Churches of Derbyshire, iil., app. 3- + Pat. R. 11 Hen. IV., pt. ii., m. 7. THE HISTORY OF BREADSALL PRIORY. 143 John Jaddysdene, a canon of this house, had the honour, ‘in May, 1402, of being appointed one of the papal chaplains to Boniface II.* In 1444 there was a suit between the Dean and Chapter of the newly-formed collegiate church of St. Mary, Leicester, who were the appropriators of the rectory of Duffield, and the Priory of Breadsall Park, as holder of one mediety of the church of Mugginton, and Richard Bec, the holder of the third mediety of the same church, concerning the tithes of a certain field called Hethfield. The decision of the arbitrator, Roland Thornton, licentiate of laws, official of Lincoln, was in favour of the Leicester College, because the field was proved, from various fines and old documents, to be within the bounds and limits of the parish of Duffield. Rector Bec, who held the living from 1426 to 1469, was condemned, for contempt of Court of Arches, to pay to the Leicester Chapter the sum of 4os.+ In the year 1448, during the time that Thomas Breadsall was prior (1442-1456), certain charters and evidences pertaining to the priory, which particularly affected the interests of William Dethick as hereditary patron, were stolen. On the complaint of William Dethick, the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield issued his mandate to the rectors of the churches of Breadsall and Morley, to the vicar of Horsley, and to the chaplain of All Saints’, Derby, directing them to warn, during High Mass on the next three Sundays and feast days, all concerned in this theft to restore the muniments within fifteen days under pain of the greater excommunication. { Whether this ecclesiastical threat secured the return of the purloined deeds cannot now be ascertained. An agreement was entered into on October 31st, 1453, between Thomas Breadsall, prior of Breadsall Park, and John Statham, of Morley, by which the prior undertook, in * Pap. Reg., iv., 315. + Lich. Epis. Reg., Heyworth, f. ro4b. { The muniments of Mr. Hugo Harpur-Crewe—/ournal of Derb. Arch. S0c., Xvi., 179-181. 144 THE HISTORY OF BREADSALL PRIORY. consideration of a gift by John Statham of seven marks for the roof of the priory church and for glazing the (clerestory) windows of the same, that the prior, or a canon-priest of the priory, should celebrate an annual mass for the souls of Goditha, Thomas, Elizabeth, Cecilia, and John Statham, on the feast of the Eleven Thousand Virgins.* Goditha, heiress of Morley, died in 1418, having. brought the estate to her husband, Ralph Statham; their son Thomas married Elizabeth, daughter of Robert Lumley, and the issue of this marriage was John Statham, who took to wife Cecilia Cornwall. John Statham died the year after his benefaction to this priory, and was buried at Morley. On March 28th, 1454, Bishop Boulers granted license to John Derby, canon of Breadsall Park, for a year’s absence from the priory to administer the sacraments and discharge all clerical offices (sacra et sacralia) in parish churches throughout the diocese, but he was always to wear the habit of his order.t He was evidently licensed to discharge the duties, in modern parlance, of a special missioner, and was probably a gifted preacher. In October, 1456, the bishop confirmed the appointment of Robert Burton, a canon of Repton priory, to be prior of Breadsall, by the express consent of Sir William Dethick, patron of the same, with whom, it was stated, rested the pro- viding of a superior when the priory was vacant. The vacancy occurred through the resignation of Thomas Breadsall, the late prior. { When the Valor Ecclesiasticus was drawn up in 1535, there were small temporalities in Breadsall, Duffield, Windley, and Horsley, and the mediety of Mugginton rectory was valued at £5 6s. 8d.; but the clear annual income was only #10 17s. 9d. William Pendylton was prior, and had simply to rule himself, for there was no brother canon. *B.M. Add Charters, 5243. The charter is in admirable condition, and sets forth the three collects to be used by the celebrant at the obit. + Lich. Epis. Reg., Boulers, f. 96. f lbid., p. 32. THE HISTORY OF BREADSALL PRIORY. 145 On the suppression of the lesser monasteries in 1536, this small priory came to an end. William Pendylton, the prior, obtained in 1537 the small pension of five marks.* There is a small fragment of the seal of Breadsall priory attached to a document of 1453;+ enough remains to show that its subject was a representation of the Holy Trinity beneath canopied work. List OF PRIORS. Hugh de Mackworth...- —... 1306 Lich. Epis. Reg., Langton, f. 65. Hamund de Merston ... ad 1309 Lich. Epis. Reg., Langton, ie Ye Merston seems to have been a second time admitted in 1332, /bzd. Sede Vac, f. 63. William de Repyndon ae 1347 Lbid., Norbury I., f. 180. Thomas de Castello ... ABE 1347 Loid. Thomas de London ... an 1365 Zbid., Stretton, f. 37d. Geoffrey de Stafford ... ae 1370 Thomas Lewes me so8 1370 Lbid., f. 41>. Roger Upton ... ig ee 1384 Lbid., f. 49». Thomas Holand alias Bakster | 1431-1442 | /ézd., Heyworth, f. 92b. Thomas Breadsall .... a 1442-1456 Robert Burton.,, can ia 1456-1487 | Zézd., Boulers, f. 32. Henry Halom ... aoe = 1487 Tbid.,. ales, f.77- John Alton... SN ae 1519 Tbid., Blythe, f. 37>. Thomas Beyston nc me 1519 Loid. William Pendylton ... foc 1535 Valor Ecclestasticus. The detailed accounts of the Crown’s plunder of the smaller monasteries, 1536-7, show that the manor or priory of Breadsall Park was farmed by Lawrance Holland, of Belper ; that he paid a rental of £16 7s. 8d. for the farm of the house of the late priory, with ten acres of arable land; 42 12s. 6d. for twenty-four acres of meadow and one of pasture; £2 for an acre of pasture in Windley; 12d. for a toft and garden in Duffield; 12d. for an acre of meadow in Belper; 6s. 8d. for land and tenements in Derby; and 2s. for land and tenements in Chaddesden and Spondon. t A copy of the indenture between the King and Lawrence * Aug. Off. Books, ccxxxii., f. 19b. + Add Chart. 5243. tL Minister's Accounts, 27-28 Hen. VIII., No. 82, f. 5. Io 146 THE HISTORY OF BREADSALL PRIORY. Holland, dated February 28th, 28 Hen. VIII., at the Public Record Office, leases to him the site of the priory, cum omnibus edificits, orreis, stabulis, ortis, pomariis, et gardinis ;* from which it would appear that the house had been well encircled with gardens and orchards in the days of the canons. The following is Holland’s return to the Crown, made at Michaelmas, 1538 :— “The manor or late priory of Breadsal Park. The accompt of Lawrance Holland, Farmer there during the term aforesaid. “Farm of the site of the late priory there, with the demesne lands to the possession of the same priory appertaining. “But he answers for £16 7s. 3d. for the farm of the house and site of the late priory there and io acres of arable land, 24 acres of pasture, and one acre of meadow to the same late priory appertaining, £2 12s. 6d., together with one acre of pasture in Wyndilly, one toft and one garden in Duffield, one acre of meadow in Belper, and all lands and tenements with the appurtenances in the town of Derby, tenements and certain lands in Chaddesden, lands and tenements in Spondon, two tenements and certain lands in Bradsall, one tenement and certain lands in Horsley, one tenement with the appurtenances in Wyndilly, one close called Long Close in Morley, one close called Rye Close, one close called Retherndyke, one tenement in Darley, and one tenement in the tenure of Robert Stanley, £8 8s. 6d. And also the moiety of the rectory of the parish church of Mugginton, with all tithes, oblations, and profits and emoluments whatever to the same moiety of the rectory appertaining or belonging, £5 6s. 6d., except and entirely reserved all great trees and woods and the advowson of the church of Mugginton aforesaid, so demised to the aforesaid accomptant and his assigns by indenture under the seal of the Court of Augmentations of the Revenues of the Crown of the Lord the King, the date whereof is Westminster, the 26th day of February, in the 28th year of the reign of the aforesaid King, * Misc. Books, ccix., f. 31b. THE HISTORY OF BREADSALL PRIORY. 147 for the term of 21 years, payable at the terms of the Annuncia- tion of the Blessed Virgin Mary and St. Michael the Archangel equally, and it shall be lawful for the farmer to take, receive, and have sufficient hedgebote, firebote, ploughbote, and cart- bote of in and upon the premises, and the same farm shall be exonerated of all yearly pensions and rents issuing out of the premises during the term aforesaid, as in the said indentures more fully is contained, this being the first year of his term.”* From the sum of the receipts (£16 7s. 3d.) there had to be deducted a pension of 4os. due to William Dethick, gentleman, and 4os. to the auditor’s clerk. The priory estate remained in the hands of the Crown till May 16th, 1542, at which date it was granted by Edward VI. to Henry, Duke of Suffolk, the father of Lady Jane Grey; the particulars of the grant specify a vinery at Windley. The grant also included the mediety of Mugginton rectory, which had originally been granted to Darley Abbey when the smaller houses were suppressed.{ No sooner, however, had the Duke obtained this and other monastic property from the boy king than he procured another license to enable him to dispose of such property. The Breadsall Priory estate was almost immediately sold to Thomas Babington, of Dethick and Kingston, son and heir of Sir Anthony Babington by Elizabeth Ormond. The subsequent changes in the ownership of this picturesque priory estate were remarkably frequent. It was sold in 1557 to Thomas Hutchinson, and in 1573 it passed from Hutchinson to John Leake, uncle of “ Bess of Hardwick.” Towards the end of Elizabeth’s reign it was purchased by Sir John Bentley, who converted the ruined priory into a dwelling-house, and resided there until his death in 1621. There is a brass plate to his memory in Stanley Chapel. . Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John, and eventually his sole heiress, brought Breadsall Priory to her husband, Sir Gervase * Add MSS. Brit. Mus., 6687, f. 67. + Pat. R., 6 Edw. VL, pt. ii. 148 THE HISTORY OF BREADSALL PRIORY. Cutler, knt., of Stainburgh, Yorkshire. Sir Gervase was killed at the siege of Pontefract Castle in 1645. By his will, dated 1638, he left his body to be buried in the chancel of Silkston church. His daughter Mary brought the priory to her husband, Sir Alfred Moseley, Bart., of the Hough, Lancashire. By this marriage there were one son and two daughters. The son, Sir Edward Moseley, of the Hough, Bart., died without issue in 1665, and that baronetcy became extinct. He left, however, the Breadsall and other estates by will to his distant cousin, Sir Edward Moseley, of Hulme, knt.; and it was this Sir Edward’s sole daughter and heiress, Anne, who married Sir John Bland, Bart., of Kippax Park, Yorkshire, in 1685. During his lifetime, namely, in 1693, Sir Edward Moseley granted the estate of the priory of Breadsall to his son-in-law, Sir John Bland. In 1702 Sir John Bland sold this property for £1,675 to Thomas Leacrofit, of Wirksworth. In the following year Thomas Leacroft parted with it for a like sum to Andrew Greensmith. Andrew Greensmith died intestate, and the property passed to his brother, Robert Greensmith. The latter, by will of 1734, left this part of his estate to his wife, Hannah. Hannah Greensmith died in 1740, whereupon Herbert Greensmith, the eldest son, entered upon the real estate, including Breadsall Priory. By Herbert’s will, dated 1750, this property was left to his wife, Anne, who died in the following year. The Priory next passed to Herbert Greensmith, the only son of Herbert and Anne. The estate then became mortgaged, and in 1771 was sold by Herbert Greensmith, subject to the mortgage, to Samuel Beard. Herbert Greensmith, Beard and his brothers sold the property in 1799 to Erasmus Darwin, of Derby. Among the Wolley MSS. of the British Museum is a long abstract of the title to the Priory estate from 1693 to the end of the next century. Owing to frequent changes and mortgages on this and other parts of the property of the Greensmiths and Beards, the title had become much involved, and counsel’s opinion had to be taken prior to the sale of 1799-1800.* * Add. MSS. 6688, f. 364-388. THE HISTORY OF BREADSALL PRIORY. 149 Dying soon after the purchase, Mr. Darwin bequeathed the priory to his father, Dr. Darwin, the distinguished poet, philosopher, and physician, who resided there until his death on April 18th, 1802. After the death of Sir Francis Darwin, the estate was sold in 1858 to Mr. Francis Morley, who resided there for some years. After his decease, his trustees disposed of it to Mr. Wood, who sold it in 1892 to Captain Rothwell. From Captain Rothwell it was purchased in 1897 by its present owner, Sir Alfred Seale Haslam, M.P. There is in the priory grounds a headless and otherwise mutilated alabaster effigy of a man in armour kneeling on a pedestal. This was mostimproperly turned out of Bread- sall church, and placed here about 1840, at the same time that the beautiful chancel screen was broken up and other mischief done. From the MS. accounts of Breadsall church, given by Messrs. Lysons, Meynell and Rawlins, prior to that vandalism, it appears that this figure formerly knelt on an octagonal pedestal against the east wall, to the north side of the altar. The pedestal Seat a ee was ornamented round the cornice __Breadsall Priory. Fragment of with rudely-carved roses. It was then as ey Jape ae not a little broken and disarranged, for Mr. Meynell, in a drawing, shows that the head and trunk had been turned round to face the feet! The date of this monument is not earlier than towards the close of the sixteenth century. It may be compared with the kneeling figure at Chesterfield to Sir Thomas Foljambe, 1604. It would be sure to commemorate some person of importance in the parish, and we have little doubt that it is to the memory of the last of the Breadsall Dethicks, John Dethick, who died in 1594. 150 The Brough Lyxrploration fund, 1903 AND 1904. LIST OF SUBSCRIPTIONS RECEIVED SINCE ITS COMMENCEMENT. 1903. tN om Mrs. Meade-Waldo ... Society of Antiquaries Mr. P. Carlyon- Britton Col. A. Buchanan Mr. C. J. Smilter ». ). H. Lawson » J. Borough ... », W. Mallalieu Col. H. Brooke-Taylor Mr. Wm. Bemrose, F.S.A. » H. E. Currey W. J. Andrew » C.E. B. Bowles... Hon. F. Strutt ... Collected at Brough from Members of the Lanca- shire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society eH HN Se NS Se & O - 6 ” 4H Ne OW HN HN BS HH HW O Q (©) fo) (©) Cy ©) )-tey Te) ©) © fC) Ce) © & = N 016 6 £21 11 6 1904. The Duke of Norfolk The Duke of Rutland Mr. C. S. Leslie... 5, W. M. Wilson » G. H. Adshead ... » H.A. Hubbersty », P. Carlyon-Britton Rev. J. ©. Cox, LL.D. Mr. C. E. B. Bowles... », J» Borough ... », W. Mallalieu Mrs. Norton Longman 59) AG SOTue sat ereree Mr. H. Arnold-Bemrose 1 =P We) IS) TS) Si se TS) el ey ©) (oe) () Ore NN NH HN OO HUN fe) (©) fe), folse to) Ce) {e), (9), (0) (0) C/E) 4 O)a ©) _ Zs. d. Miss Arkwright... Zab? 0 Mir eAC PY ha wis eee ee are » H.W. Walthall... 2 2 o » LL. P. Wood Qa 2. O » ©.S. Cockburn... I 1 o Rev. E. M. Evans 010 6 Col. H. Brooke-Taylor 1 1 o Rev. B. W. Spilsbury 0 10 6 Mr. G. H. Strutt 5 0 0 Hon. F. Strutt ... O10 oO Mr. J. Oakes ZE2=EO » G. F. Meynell I 0 oO . Rev. F. Brodhurst ji its AO) Mr. E. S. Milnes TWh ai Ko) at Ae bie liunityrace Ee hho » G. J. Marples I I oO » WV. Cavendish, M.P.1 1 o » P.L. Gell 2-2 0 », W. Storrs-Fox I I o » A. Geo. Taylor ... 0 10 o fo) 6 fo) fo) 5 fo) fo) 6 I fe) I fe) I fo) fo) 6 fo) fo) 1904—continued. wn A Friend He Mr. B. S. Harlow : » E. M. E. Welby Mrs. Terah Hooley ... Col. J. Cavendish Mr. R. H. Ashton » J.D. Wragg : Mrs. Meade-Waldo ... Mr. F. Warburton IO aoa! Oo OF Se | ty Ov oo fore) [e) The Duke of Devonshire has promised £5 when the work commences. W.M. 51 The Ovigin of the Shtvlevs and of the Ghreslevs, By J. Horace Rounp, M.A. ‘S ERBYSHIRE can boast of having been the cradle of two of our oldest extant houses—families whose pedigrees from the days of the Conqueror are clear and beyond dispute. To say this is to assert that few in England can equal them, and none, perhaps, surpass them, in proved antiquity of descent. But they can claim more than this. The Gresleys of Drakelowe and the Shirleys of Eatington are alike still living on lands held by their Domesday ancestors when the Conqueror was King. Is there in all England any other family that is able to establish in the male line a connection so long as this? I do not, of course, say that there is not; but I cannot remember a single case in which it has yet been possible to prove absolutely the fact. The obscurities of twelfth century genealogy are almost invariably a bar. Both these families still bear the surnames they derived from Derbyshire manors, and both were connected in the Middle Ages with the public life of the county as sheriffs and as knights of the shire. The ancestors of both, more- over, were great knightly tenants of the house of Ferrers, Earls of Derby, and are consequently found side by side in records of the twelfth century. Indeed, in the great return of his knights made by the Earl of Derby in 1166—the only return entered under Derbyshire, and one of extraordinary value for the feudal history of the county—the first two entries are I52 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. concerned with the knights’ fees held by the ancestors respectively of the families of Shirley and of Gresley. As no one, perhaps, is better known as a critic of pedigrees than myself, I should be the last to be suspected of undue credulity or of lightly accepting a descent which rests on no foundation. Nevertheless, Mr. Pym Yeatman, who has chosen, we shall see,, to reject both the above pedigrees, has assailed me with curious fury for accepting that of Gresley— and would doubtless be no less wrathful if he knew that I had classed with it that of Shirley—as those of families whose ancestors were among “the companions of the Conqueror.”* It is singular that, while selecting for attack two of the best- known English pedigrees, Mr. Yeatman dedicates the latest section of his Feudal History of Derbyshire to a gentleman whose modest pedigree in Burke’s Zanded Gentry reveals him as the son of a Mayor of Manchester, but whom Mr. Yeatman hails as “himself a lineal descendant from the great family of Albini.”+ In this latest section of the work he terms The Feudal History of the County of Derby, Mr. Yeatman observes, in his preface, that “a good deal of this book has been necessarily devoted to exposing” my “crass ignorance.” No one, I presume, will expect me to reply to mere abuse. Indeed, from Mr. Yeatman abuse is a compliment; for on p. 192 we read of Mr. Sidney Lee—a scholar whose work, as editor of the Dictionary of National Biography, and whose authority on Shakespeare are held in the highest repute on both sides of the Atlantic— Having given up the search for the stinkpot of John Shakespere, the shoemaker in Henley Street, to tickle the ears of the great McDowie’s “stinkpots ” of New York with his crudities and inanities. It appears to be Mr. Lee’s offence that he has not deigned to take notice of Mr. Yeatman’s work. As in my case, the latter, we read,. has “exposed them ” (the “crudities and *See my paper with that title in the Monthly Review, June, 1901, PP=st0355s +Mr. Yeatman, after speaking thankfully of his patron’s munificence, expresses his satisfaction at being able to offer so interesting an account of his ancestry. I gather from p. 144 that this includes the Peverels. THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. 153 inanities ’), and “ Mr. Lee has been discreetly silent respecting his castigation in England, because he could not answer it.” I, also, have been advised that such attacks need no reply ; but as the pedigrees of two Derbyshire houses have been unjustifiably impugned, I propose to gratify what I understand is Mr. Yeatman’s ardent desire by replying to his criticisms thereon, the more so as the matter is of real interest for the feudal history of Derbyshire. My critic, obviously, cannot complain if, while abstaining from the language he employs, I subject his own work to somewhat searching scrutiny. I shall make, of course, no assertion without giving the proof on which it rests, so that all may test it for themselves, but I may as well state at the outset, to show that I have nothing to fear, that in not one single instance from beginning to end of his volume has my critic succeeded in impugning either the accuracy of my statements or the soundness of my conclusions. This is, perhaps, the explanation of his wrath.* The great return (carta) of his knights and their fees, in 1166,7 by the Earl of Derby, is transcribed in what are known as the Black Book (Ziber Niger) and Red Book of the Exchequer. To the latter Mr. Yeatman devotes the third chapter (pp. 265-278), and to the Earl’s carta the fourth chapter (pp. 279-312) of his first volume. From this will be seen the great importance he attaches to this record. But although he has avowedly taken for his model the admirable work of General Wrottesley for the William Salt Society, he presents his readers not (like that Society){ with the actual text of the records, but with his own translations of them. Indeed, he * As Mr. Yeatman invites me to give a full account of my anonymous criticisms by way of “atonement,” I may perhaps mention that I have never published an anonymous review of any one of his books. ; tI need not discuss Mr. Yeatman’s objection to this date, which is accepted by all historians. +t See General Wrottesley’s paper on ‘The Liber Niger Scaccarii,” vol. i., pp. 146-152, for the text. 154 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. appears to consider that a text and its English translation are much the same thing.* While fully agreeing with Mr. importance of these records, I cannot accept a translation Yeatman on the great as a substitute for the original text. I must, therefore, print side by side the opening portion of the Ferrers carta in the original Latin and in Mr. Yeatman’s translation before we can estimate the justice of his rejection of the Shirley pedigree, which is based upon that translation. To avoid any possibility of dispute I will take the official version of the Red Book text, not any version of my own} :— OFFICIAL TEXT. Henrico Regz Anglorzm domino MR. YEATMAN. Henry, King of England, to his suo carissimo Willelmzs Comes de Ferariis Mando vobis quod tempore Henrici Regis avi salutem. vestrt Henricus filius feoda yv. militum Fulcherus frater ejust feoda iiij°* militum; et modo Sewaldus heres utrorumque tenet Sawaldi tenuit beloved baron William Earl de Ferrars’ health. We command you that in the time of King Henry, our grandfather. c Henry fil Sewell (Sawaldi) held five knights’ fees, Fulcher, his brother, four, and now the heirs of Saswaldi held nine fees together. eosdem IX. milites. Now, apart from the fact that this translation converts the opening portion from an address of the Earl to the King into an address of the King to the Earl, what are we to say to the rendering of “Sewaldus heres utrorumque” by “ the heirs of Saswaldi”? For on the strength, we find, of this trans- lation, and of this alone; Mr. Yeatman rejects the Shirley pedigree. “This,” he writes, “is a curious statement” (it is indeed, in his own version), “ and from the fact that the * For on pp. 368-370 of his first volume he makes some amazing remarks on the famous Rolls Series of Chronicles and Memorials, in which he treats a Latin text as merely a reprint of the English translation in Bohn’s Antiquarian Library. ‘* Professor Stubbs,” he writes, ‘the learned editor of Hoveden for the Master of the Rolls (Mr. Riley had previously very ably edited (sc) this work for Mr. Bohn). . . . We learn the details of the measure from Hoveden (see Bohn’s Antiquarian Library and the reprint (s¢c) under the direction of the M.R.).” Imagine describing Dr. Stubbs’ famous edition of the text as a “reprint” of the Bohn translation ! + The italics are my own throughout. {£‘‘ suus”’ in Black Book. THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. 155 name (sic) of the heirs were unmentioned, it is probable that they were co-parceners, and female heirs or their descendants, so that no one was as yet responsible for the service due from the fees. . . . Several families claim descent, but it is to be feared that their claims will not stand the brunt of investigation. . . . The family of Shirley especially seem at fault with their proof, and they do not even possess the advantage of possessing any of Sewal’s manors ”* On another page he goes further, and boldly suggests that the family had to flee the country! Annotating an entry on the Pipe Roll of 1169, he observes :— Henry fil Fulcher, 2 m. for his son and nephew, for whom he was bail, and who did not appear. (This was the first knight of Hemry (szc) de Ferrers, and it may explain the extinction of that family. Probably they were involved in Henry Ferrars’ rebellion and fled the country.t) Of this we need only say that the first knight of William (mot Henry) de Ferrers was not Henry, but his brother Sewal (see above); that Henry de Ferrers had, according to the author himself (p. 269), died so far back as 1088; that it was not Henry, but William de Ferrers, Earl of Derby, who rebelled; and that his rebellion did not begin till 1173. Only Mr. Yeatman, therefore, could suggest that these men had fled, in 1169, for having been involved in that rebellion! Mr. Yeatman’s objection to the Shirley pedigree is quite clear from his remarks in the Domesday chapter (p. 76), where he says of “ Saswalo” (the first Sewal) :— His sons Henry and Fulc held 9 manors ¢emp. Henry L., and in the reign of his grandson they were held by the co-heirs of Henry, yet the Heralds claim these Knights as the ancestors of the noble house of Shirley. The objection would be sound enough 7f the record stated that the fees were held by unnamed “ co-heirs.” Unfortunately for him, it states, on the contrary, that they were held by “Sewaldus, the heir of both” (Henry and Fulcher). This Sewaldus was son of Fulcher, and nephew of Henry, and we find him, the very year in which this return was made *pp. 279-280. +Vol. I., p. III. { The italics are mine. 156 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. (1166), appearing as the first witness to a charter of Bernard, abbot of Burton.* He also attests, with his brother Henry, another charter of abbot Bernard,t and one of Sir Robert Gresley’s charters at Drakelowe.{ We again find him on the Pipe Roll of 1175 (21 Hen. II.),§ on which his brother Henry also appears.|| Lastly, this Sewal, son of Fulcher, was a benefactor to Darley Abbey] and to Tutbury Priory, both of them Ferrers foundations, a charter of his to the latter affording decisive evidence of his identity :— Sawlus filius Fulcheri salutem in Domino. Sciatis me dedisse, etc. . . . virgultum meum quod est sub castello Tutesbirie, illud scilicet quod fuit Henrici filii Sawali patruz mez. . . concessione et assensu domini mei Willelmi comitis de Ferrariis et Henrici fratis mei de quo suscepi hzreditatem nostram.** The relationship, therefore, we see, was this :— Sewal ( *‘Saswalo ” ) [ | | Henry Fulcher (‘ Patruus’ of the younger Sewal) | | Henry SEWAL, the heir in 1166. Thus it was that the carta of 1166 returns Sewal as then the heir of both (his father) Fulcher and (his uncle) Henry (“heres utrorumque ”). Mr. Yeatman’s amazing statement (based on his mis-translation of that carta) that the name of the heir is unmentioned, is, as I have said, his sole ground for impugning the pedigree of the Shirleys, who, as a fact, descend from Sewal “heres utrorumque.” * “Fiiis testibus Sewallo filio Fulcheri,” etc. (Burton Cartulary, Ed. Wrottesley, p. 38.) + ** Hiis testibus Sewalle filio Fulcheri, Henrico fratre ejus,” etc.” (/d2@.) + Lhe Gresley Charters (Ed. Jeayes, p. 3). § Sewal[us] filius Fulcher[i] reddit compotum de x. marcis pro habenda assisa’’ (Ed. Pipe Roll Society, p. 31). || Zazd., p. 33. Lats j . | See Henry II.’s charter of confirmation in AZonasticon, Vvi., 359. ** Thid., ili. 395. The actual agreement between this Sewal and his brother Henry as to the inheritance, is printed m the appendix to Stemmata Shirleiana, together with other documents relating to Sewal. THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. 157 The above example of Mr. Yeatman’s treatment of the records with which he has to deal raises what he would call “a very grave question,”* namely, how far we can venture to accept the version he gives us. We have seen what he made of the opening words of the great Ferrers carta. let us see what he makes of the closing portion of this most important document. Again I take the Latin text from the official version :— OFFICIAL TEXT. MR. YEATMAN. Baggarugget+ est de meis Ix. Baggarugge is mine. For sixty militibus ; ego inde servitium vobis knights should I do service to you facio. Et Meinfeninius{ tenet and Memstrums (Memtenin in the illam contra me tantum quantum Black Book), Main holds against vobis placuerit (p. 340).§ me. So much may it please you (p. 310). “To you and Memstrums”! Such, according to Mr. Yeatman’s punctuation, is the monstrous phrase. What he supposes it all to mean I have not the faintest idea. Turning in despair to his Index, I learn that “ Memstrums ” is a place. Six references follow the name, but five of them, unfortunately, prove to refer, not to “ Memstrums,” but to Melbourne. This, however, is relatively a trifle. For what Mr. Yeatman has read as “Memstrums,” and taken for a weird place-name, is simply the Breton Christian name “ Meinfelin 2sor Mem: fenin,”|| familiar to us as that of one of the Breton lords of Wolverton (Bucks.). We have only to turn to the Pipe Roll of the year (1167) {I following that of the above return to find a Buckinghamshire manor obtainirg thus the name of “Huuinga Mainfelini”** (or “ Meinfenin” +t). Having thus converted a Christian name into that of a place unknown to topography, Mr. Yeatman converts the word which follows it into a Christian name by reading “illam” * Feud. Hist. Derb., vii., 124. ae Oxfordshire manor of the house of Ferrers. “Meinfeninus”’ in Black Book. § This is almost the last clause in the carfa. i The Liber Niger reading is clearly “ SS a al In the Red Book _ it seems to me to be “ Meinfinini[us].” 4 Ed. Pipe Roll Society, p. 110. ** Treasurer's Roll. ++ Chancellor’s Roll. 158 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. as “ Main.”* “ And here,” we shall find him writing (p. 124), “it is imperative to notice another and most astounding instance of Mr. Round’s mode of writing history.” I find it equally imperative to notice another and most astounding instance of Mr. Yeatman’s mode of reading records. That instance is taken from the carta which follows the great return of Earl Ferrers, namely, that of Ralf Hanselin. Mr. Yeatman gives us as an entry contained in that return :— 25.—Ulfus de Seccobiton held half a fee. And to this entry he devotes nearly a page of comment, alleging that— This is a very interesting and purely English family. This knight is, in all probability, the progenitor of the well-known Derbyshire family of de Hathersage. The history of this family is a remarkably clear instance of the stability of the English race under Norman dominance, etc., etc. Mr. Yeatman is here on what he would doubtless consider his special ground—the origin and feudal history of a Derbyshire family. But what do we find? In the first place, the words “held half a fee” are not to be found in the return after this man’s name; he is entered as one of a group of seven who only held half a fee between them all!t This, however, is as nothing compared with reading as “Seccobiton” a name which is “Stobbetone” in the Red Book text and “ Stubbeton[e]” in that of the Black Book!} The right reading is most important, for it enables us to find the place from whieh Ulf was named. On examining the * The word ‘“illam” is perfectly clear in the MS. + Although Mr. Yeatman has failed so strangely to understand this arrange- ment, there is nothing at all surprising in it to those conversant with these returns. For instance, of the six fees of St. Albans, one was held by four men and another by five (Zzber Rubeus, p. 360), while on the fief of William de Percy a single knight’s fee was held by six men— “omnes isti de 1 milite,” and a third of a fee by four men—“‘ omnes isti de tertia parte militis,” the sum total which is given (Zd7d., p. 426) con- firming the statement. t Liber Rubeus, p. 341. Compare Hearne’s Liber Niger, p. 224, where the reading is “Stubbeton.” The Liber Niger text proves clearly that in the Red Book we should read “ Stobbeton[e].” Its scribe, I find, actually wrote ‘‘ Setobbetone,” but sub-punctuated the “e” for deletion. The ““t” of the Red Book is easily misread (as by Mr. Yeatman) as “‘c.” THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. 159 group in which he occurs, we find that one of the seven named was William “de Westburgo,” and we know that Geoffrey “ Alselin,” in Domesday (fo. 2694), had an important manor at Westborough, Lincs., immediately adjoining which is S¢udbton. Fulbeck, also, which gave its name to another of the group, is hard by. It was obviously this Stubton which gave its name to Ulf, and when we turn to the Testa de Nevill (p. 324) we actually find it included with Westborough as part of the Hanselin fief then held by Bardulf. Mr. Yeatman, however, having first misread “ Stobbeton[e] ” as “Seccobiton,” goes on to assert that this place “is no doubt Skegbi” (p. 317),* and proceeds to erect a pedigree upon this wild supposition. Mr. Yeatman, without the slightest ground, has denounced me as “a signal and deplorable example” of “wild cat genealogy.’+ I must leave my readers to discover a term for his own performance. Having now sampled Mr. Yeatman’s work, we shall find ourselves in a better position for appreciating the value of his fierce attack on the pedigree of Gresley of Drakelowe, of which no less an authority than Mr. Eyton spoke as “a genealogy second to none among the commoners of England.” } On the opening page of the preface to Section VII. of his history, Mr. Yeatman describes this pedigree as “a most impudent fraud,” originating in “the enlightened age of James I.” He asserts that in that reign a family— having acquired great wealth, purchased a»baronetcy when James set them up for sale to replenish his coffers, and bearing a very ancient Derby- shire name—that ‘of Gresley—eventually purchased the land and found a congenial herald to fake up a pedigree, showing that the novus homo was of the old stock. The charge is, at least, definite enough ; the “fraud” is associated with the first baronet, Sir George Gresley, who * That is, Skegby, Notts. In his index of places we read, “* Seccobiton = Skeggisby,” while his index of persons identifies “Scegby, Sceggebi, Seccobiton.” + Feudal History of Derbyshire, vii., 186. +In his remarks on the “‘ Staffordshire fief of Fitz Alan” (Salt Society, vol. i.). . 160 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. obtained the dignity in 1611. After alleging that “the fakers . . . forged a few amazing charters,’ Mr. Yeatman asserts that “the first baronet would seem to have acquired an interest in Drakelowe, but how or when it is not stated.” The charge, I have said, is definite enough; but what is the proof? Amazing though it may seem, Mr. Yeatman does not condescend to offer even a scrap. Let us consider the position. In Zhe Gresleys of Drakelowe, Mr. Madan has written an elaborate history of that family, giving his references throughout. With that work Mr. Yeatman is acquainted, for he actually quotes from its pages, and in it he must have seen the Gresleys succeeding one another at Drakelowe, without a break, for generations before the baronetcy was created. The first baronet had succeeded his father in the ordinary course at Drakelowe, and that father had been sheriff not only of Derbyshire, but of Staffordshire, and Deputy Lieutenant and Captain of the Horse of Derbyshire; for the Gresleys of Drakelowe were not a house whose light was hid beneath a bushel. They were, as records prove, the holders of a great estate, and they duly received knighthood generation after generation. Where was the break in this knightly line? When and how did “the old stock” come to part with the estate? When did the “novus homo” buy it? To these questions Mr. Yeatman can give no answer. It is for him to prove that Mr. Madan’s narrative is here a tissue of falsehoods; but he does not attempt to do so.* Ignoring that writer, he asserts, we have seen, that “it is not stated” how Sir George “acquired an interest in Drakelowe,” and observes that “ Lysons does attempt to prove a connection with Swadlincote,” adding that— Lysons, and, of course, the modern historians of the family (including Mr. Round), regard this as conclusive proof ‘‘that the Gresley family had continued to be superior Lords of Swadlincote from the time of their ancestor, Nigel de Stafford.” This is absurd. My readers will doubtless be surprised to learn that I have * His attack on the Gresley pedigree here has been satirised in No. 10 of The Ancestor by the Editor of that magazine. THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. 161 never even mentioned the name of Swadlincote, and have not so much as had occasion to consider the connection of the Gresleys with that.manor. The Gresley cartulary affords two similar opportunities of revealing the peculiar character of Mr. Yeatman’s statements. On p. 126 he writes as follows :— Mr. Round, in his sentimental mood, can find nothing more valuable than the Gresley chartulary, which he thinks, “taken as a whole is (stc) unsurpassed as a collection for the history of a family.” It is to be hoped that this is inaccurate, for a more wretched compilation of fraud and forgery was never made! What I actually wrote was :— Taking the documents at Drakelowe as a whole, they are possibly un- surpassed as a collection for the history of a family.* Now, the Gresley cartulary is at Manchester, and ot among “the documents at Drakelowe,” nor have I had occasion to make any use of its contents. Again he returns to the attack on p. 139 :— It is amazing to find anyone so ignorant of medizval documents as to write of this Cartulary as Mr. Round does—that ‘‘of course it is a valuable contribution to county history.” - What I actually wrote was that one of Mr. Madan’s Appendixes (“Notes on the Manors and Possessions of the Family”) is, “of course, a valuable contribution to county history.”t So the cartulary (as in the preceding instance) is not even mentioned in the paragraph from which this sentence thing is that a writer should bs is taken; the really “ amazing’ dare to make such statements. Mr. Yeatman speaks, we have seen, of “a most impudent fraud.” I must leave my readers to select the language most fitting to describe the tactics by which he endeavours to prove my “crass ignorance.” I have honestly endeavoured to discover when Mr. Yeatman believes the Gresleys now of Drakelowe to have first obtained the estates. But, although his Preface is definite enough, he speaks far more vaguely when it comes to the text. Thus on p. 122 :— *The Ancestor, i. 202. Mr. Yeatman cannot even quote its title accurately, for he styles it on p. 121 “‘ The Antiquary.” + Zbid., p. 201. Il 162 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. Mr. Round should know that the modern Gresley tenure (if indeed it can go back so far) dates from a grant of the second year of King John, etc., etc. This is far enough removed from the definite assertion that the Gresleys acquired the lands by purchase in the reign of James I. On p. 124 we find an even further admission :— - Whether the modern Gresleys have any descent from this William Fitz Nigel is a very grave question. But, as we have seen, the Preface confidently spoke of this descent, not as merely open to question, but as “a most impudent fraud.” So, again, on the next page, the definite assertion in the Preface melts away into the vague claim that “the whole pedigree of the Gresleys is doubtful, and requires proof at many points.” Seeking, instead of this vague language, some clear and definite point on which Mr. Yeatman rejects the accepted pedigree of Gresley, we find it in his fierce determination to claim that the lords of Drakelowe, in Norman times, were members of his beloved house of “ Albini.” Mr. Yeatman.can discover Albinis in most unlikely. places. An amazing paragraph in Section VII. of his Feudal History of Derbyshire —a paragraph in which the hapless M. Combes’ figures. as “Mr. Coombe” and “ M. Coombs ”—opens_ thus :— The name of Aubini is a great one in Anjou. The finest tower in that city (sic), truly a magnificent one, and second only to the great Castle (two of the chief wonders of France), is called after St. Albani.* What matters it that, in my “crass ignorance,” I imagine Anjou to be the name, not of a city, but of a province? What if this sainted “.Albini” is not to be found in the Calendar? Shall Mr. Yeatman be deprived of “this grand Albini tower” merely because the family of Albini had no more to do with it than I have? If he can make them lords of Drakelowe, why should he not discover their name to be great in the city of “ Anjou”? Now, with Derbyshire, in sober fact, the Albinis had little to do. I am anxious to be strictly fair to Mr. Yeatman, and * See the chapter on “The Albinis of the House of St. Sauveur.” THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. 163 will, therefore, give, in his own words, his contention to the contrary. The chapter from which I have just quoted opens as follows :— The Albinis of Cainho, although holding but a small interest in Derby- shire (four fees given by Henry Ferrars before Domesday with Amicia, his daughter), exerted a very strong influence upon Derbyshire history, partly because they aided the re-settlement of the Montgomeries in this county, and also because they originally held under Ferrars the whole of the Gresley territory (p. 164). Here is the point at issue, the fons et origo malt, Mr. Yeatman insists on dislodging Sir Robert Gresley’s ancestors to make room for his “ Albinis” as holders of “ the Gresley territory”; and he is full of wrath against the Gresley pedigree for standing in the way of this contention, and against myself for accepting (like others) that pedigree. In his Preface he is not even content with installing the “ Albinis ” at Gresley, but asserts that “several distinct families —Albini, Montgomery, Seale, and others (! )—as they: severally settled upon the lands, had used the territorial designation,” but I cannot find in the text itself any attempt to prove that any family but that of Albini had previously used the name of Gresley. Of the Gresley estates he definitely states that— At Domesday, and at the time of the Red Book of the Exchequer (in Henry II.), they were held by the Albinis, who here were styled, occa- sionally, de Gresley—of course from the Castle of that name—the caput of their small Barony (p. 118). In spite of what is mere assertion, however confident and persistent,* we shall find— (1) That Mr. Yeatman is unable to produce one scrap of proof that any Albini ever possessed either Gresley or Drakelowe ; (2) That his belief is inconsistent, on his own showing, with the Albini pedigree ; (3) That he is unable to explain how they came to lose the territory he asserts them to have held. His whole contention will be found to rest on one argument, * See pp. ix., 118, 123, 124, 126, 127, 136, 164. 164 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. and on one alone. He claims—and he rightly claims—to have shown that Catton in Croxall, Derbyshire, was held of the Ferrers family by the Albinis of Cainhoe (Beds.), and descended with a share of their barony to their co-heirs, the St. Amands.* Therefore, he would have us admit, because the Nigel who held Catton of Ferrers in Domesday was Nigel “de Albini,” every other Nigel who held a manor of Ferrers was also Nigel “de Albini.” But, if so, why is he quite unable to connect any other Derbyshire manor with the Albinis or their heirs, although he can easily do so in the case of Catton? The answer is obvious: it is that these other manors were held, not by Nigel “de Albini,” but by Nigel “de Stafford,” the Domesday tenant-in-chief of Drakelowe and the lineal ancestor in the male line, as I and other genealogists are satisfied, of the present Gresleys of Drakelowe.7{ We may turn Mr. Yeatman’s words against himself, and say of his view with perfect truth: “It is simply guessing on the name Nigel.”{ On that name he has an _ obsession, insisting that it was “a well-known name, one of the few surnames (sic) of the period” (p. 125), and that “ Nigel was a well-established surname (szc) with the Albinis, and each son would be entitled to use it” (pp. 131-2). Now, Nigel, J need hardly say, was not a surname at all, and as a Christian name it was not distinctive of any one family. Thus, among the tenants-in-chief of Domesday we have Nigel de Stafford, Nigel de Bereville (whose fief in Bucks. follows immediately on that of Nigel de Albini), Nigel Fossard, and Nigel the *See, for instance, p. 123, and compare Feudal Aids, i. 248, for the St. Amand tenure. But even this is no new discovery of his own. Lysons, whose work he has used (see vol. 1., pp. 86, 89, etc.), observed so far back as 1817 that Catton “‘ passed in marriage with Amicia de Ferrars to Nigel de Albini, and it continued in that family in the reign of Hen. III. Aylmer, Baron St. Amand, descended from one of the co-heiresses, died seised of it in 1403”’ (p. 93). +The descent is accepted by General Wrottesley in his writings and in British Museum Charters, etc. {We read on p. 125 that ‘“‘Mr. Round’s mistake in confounding the Toesni’s (sc) with the Albini’s (szc) is curious, but there is no ground for it. It is simply guessing on the name Nigel.” As a matter of fact, I have never, we shall see, confused the Toesnis with the Albinis. THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. 165 physician. Among the under-tenants, also, the name is quite a@ common one.* The fact that a man bore it does not create even a presumption that he belonged to the house of Albini. We saw, in discussing the origin of the Shirleys, the importance of the entry relating to their ancestor in the great Ferrers return of knights in 1166. It is immediately followed by that which relates to the Gresleys’ ancestor :— Willelmus filius Nigelli feoda iiij. militum; et Robertus filius suus, modo tenet eosdem milites. Here we have, there is no dispute, a pedigree of three generations ; and we who uphold the Gresley pedigree recognise the Robert who was holding these four knights’ fees in 1166 as Robert de Gresley.| The Bishop of Coventry’s return in 1166 mentions Robert de Gresley as holding one of his fees. * See Ellis’ Zntroduction to Domesday, I1., 357-8. It is impossible to agree with Mr. Yeatman’s views on the frequency of Christian names. On p. 280 of Sec. II. he writes that ‘‘ both Fulc and Sewell are common christian names,” though the latter is, on the contrary, rare in the twelfth century, and valuable in Derbyshire as pointing at that time to a descen- dant of ‘“‘Saswalo.” So, too, on p. 190 of Sec. VII. we read that “If Mr. Round had only examined some of the original charters which he has edited, he would have discovered that the names of Alan and Flaald were both extremely common in Brittany.” On the contrary, while Alan was one of the commonest names in the Duchy, Flaald was one of the very rarest; so extraordinarily rare, indeed, as to be really distinctive. + Not an Albini, nor of necessity a Toesni either. Mr. Yeatman asserts (p. 121) that “Mr. Round . . . warmly confirms the statement of Mr. Jeayes of a Toesni descent.” This is the exact opposite of the truth. I did not even mention Mr. Jeayes in my article, and I praised Mr. Madan for his candour in admitting “that actual proof is wanting” for the descent from Toesni (Zhe Ancestor, No. 1, p. 196). Here, then, we have another of Mr. Yeatman’s characteristic assertions. And yet another, I am sorry to say, is found on pp. 211-12. After stating that I have “adopted without any acknowledgment” the views of the author of The Norman People, and ‘‘ adopted the absurd theory”’ of that writer (pp. 186-7), and thereby “fallen into his ditch” (p. 189), Mr. Yeatman boldly asserts that “The author of Zhe Norman People has boldly annexed Alan fil Flaald, of Monmouth and Norfolk, as son of Guihenoc the Monk . . . and Mr. Round adopts this affiliation.” This, as in the instance preceding, is the exact opposite of the truth, for I mentioned that affiliation only to reject it absolutely. The author of that work makes Flaald (ot, of course, as Mr. Yeatman, blundering again, asserts, his son Alan) son of Guienoc. What I wrote on this was that “the rashness and inaccuracy which marred that book resulted in his being wrongly pronounced a ‘son of ‘Guienoc’” Peerage Studies, p. 117). Oddly enough it is my critic himself who has adopted the baseless theory of that work that Flaald was a son of Guihenoc (see 203 of his work). 166 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. General Wrottesley has identified this fee as lying in “ Morton, Tamhorn, and Wolseley,” Staffs., all of which were held “ by Nigel, the grandfather of Robert de Gresley,” in Domesday, and were subsequently held by Robert’s descendant, Geoffrey de Gresley, temp. Edward I. (7.e., 1284-1286).* This is of the greatest possible importance, as affording independent testimony from Staffordshire to the Gresley descent. For Gresley itself, etc., descended in precisely the same way to the above Geoffrey de Gresley, who held it in 1284-1286+ (Kirkby’s Quest). “And here it is imperative to notice,” as Mr. Yeatman himself would say,}’ his treatment of Kirkby’s Quest. Insisting that ‘‘to write history correctly, one must first study our great national records,” he complains§ of the Testa de Nevill, that “the Editor, who, in 1833, prepared this edition for the Master of the Rolls,|| took no trouble whatever to ascertain its true date.”"! For the question of date, of course, is allimportant in dealing with such returns. Now, according to him, “ Kirkby’s Quest shows that Galf de Gresley held three fees in the reign of Edward I.”** Yet in the same volume, when he comes to Kirkby’s Quest, he pronounces it, after careful consideration,}+ to have been “ taken 22-25 Henry III.”}} (1237-1241); that is to say, more than thirty years before Edward came to the throne! In the * See his paper on ‘‘ The Liber Niger Scaccarii: Barony of the Bishop of Coventry” (Salt Society, i., 153). It is important, we shall find, to observe that he also considers the “‘ Willelmus filius Nigelli,” who wit- nesses a Charter of the Bishop of Coventry, temp. Stephen to be probably William de Gresley. + Feudal Aids, i., 248. ~‘‘And here it is imperative to notice another and most astounding instance of Mr. Round’s mode of writing history.” (Sec. vii., p. 124.) § Sec. i1.,)p-)391- || This is yet another of Mr. Yeatman’s inaccuracies, for although he begins his account of the Zesta by stating that it was “ printed under the direction of the Master of the Rolls” (p. 365), the Master of the Rolls had nothing to do with it. It was edited for the old Record Commission, Sec. ii., p. 365. ** Thid., p. 288. ++ Zbid., p. 458-9. tt Zbid., p. 457. Accordingly we find, in the index, the date “22 Hen. III.” against some names that occur in it. THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. 167 ce volume, however, so largely devoted to exposing my own “ crass ignorance,” we read of Catton that “20 Edward I. Almaric de St. Amand held it (Kirkby’s Quest) ”*; while on p. 132. the date becomes “ Kirby, Quest 20-5 Edward I.” So the date of this important return was, we learn, 1291-2 at earliest ; that is, at least half a century later than the date he had himself deliberately assigned to it! Whether Mr. Yeatman would attach or not any weight to the verdict of the Public Record Office on the subject, my readers will probably be inclined to do so, and may, therefore, be interested to learn that this Quest is there assigned to 1284-6. But there is worse to come. Owing to Mr. Yeatman’s inability to understand the record, he has actually omitted altogether, in the translation he gives of it, the Gresleys’ tenure of Gresley! This assertion does not rest on any reading of my own: it is based on the reading of the text by the officers of the Public Record Office. I here place on the left Mr. Yeatman’s own translation, and on the right the actual Latin text “prepared under the superintendence of the Deputy Keeper of the Records ” :— MR. YEATMAN. OFFICIAL TEXT. Cotes.—Nich de Segrave held Nicholaus de Segrave _ tenet Cotes for one fee for the service Cores pro uno ffeodo] et pro uno of one bow (Berselet) with a string berselet cum uno ligamine de of the king. Galfry de Gresley rege. held the same of the said Edmund. — Galfridus de Greseley tenet (Nic. de Segrave succeeded to this eandem (scz7. GRESELEY) de pre- inheritance 22 Hy. III.).+ dicto Edmundo, et idem Edmundus de rege i.c. sed non dicunt, etc.§ Here, it will be seen, two entries are rolled by Mr. Yeatman into one, the whole of which is referred by him to the Segrave fee of “Cotes” || (z.e., Coton in Lullington), because he is * Sec. vil., p. 109. + See Feudal Aids, i., 246-249, and passim. # Sec. u., p- 462. § Feudal Aids, i., 248. i The reader may be siiced to learn, of this Derbyshire manor, that the words which Mr. Yeatman here renders, “one bow (Berselet) with a string,” really mean “a hound in leash”! The hound due from this manor was sometimes described as a ‘“‘ berselet ” (Calendar. of Inquisi- tions: Henry III., vol. i., p. 89; Feudal Aids, vol. i., p. 248); and sometimes (ed Book of the Exchequer, p. 566; Testa de Nevill, pp. 18, 20; Calendar of Charter Rolls, vol. 1., Pp. 81) as a “ brachet ” (drachetum). Oddly enough, in this same volume (p. 4o1) Mr. Yeatman describes the render for this same manor as “one fleet hound (Brachetum) with leash (ligamie [sic]),” while on yet another page (p. 388) its tenant is entered as “‘ rendering one armlet (bracketum) ” ! 168 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. not acquainted with the special meaning of the phrase “ eandem ” in these returns. The result is that he actually omits the tenure of Gresley by Geoffrey de Gresley at the date of this return.* Shall I follow his own example, and exclaim that “it is amazing to find anyone so ignorant of medieval documents” |? On no account. My readers may form their own opinions from the facts. And now having prepared the ground by examining Mr. Yeatman’s work, we are at length in a position to approach his attack on the Gresley pedigree. Of that pedigree the late 6 Mr. Eyton, of whose “master mind” Mr. Yeatman speaks, } asserted that it was ‘ ‘a genealogy second to none among the commoners of England.”§ General Wrottesley, whose work is highly praised by Mr. Yeatman,|| invariably accepts it in his papers for the Salt Society. Mr. Jeayes,{1 who has compiled an account of the charters and muniments at Drakelowe,** duly accepts it in a passage which evokes from Mr. Yeatman “ severe “wholly inaccurate.”++ Of my own condemnation for accepting the comment” and the denunciation of the passage as ‘ pedigree I have already spoken; but the treatment of Mr. Madan’s work is the most surprising thing, and calls, as ¢ Mr. Yeatman would say, for “severe comment.” Triumphantly citing against us Mr. Madan’s work, Mr. Yeat- man exclaims :— What does Mr. Falconer Madan, another, and a more cautious, and a very able author, who has written upon the Gresleys, think of it? He writes :—“‘ The first few Gresleys are shadowy persons, the dates of whose births and deaths are unrecorded, and of whom no personal traits are preserved.” This is strictly accurate.{{ Who would believe, after reading this, that the pedigree so * See, for its importance, p. 166. +See p. 161. tSec. vii., p. 224. - § Salt Society’s publications, i., 223. || Sec. i., p. vii. 4G Of the Department of MSS., British Museum. ** Mr. Yeatman, with curious inaccuracy, gives the title of his book as “ History of Gresley.” tt+Sec. vil., p. 121. th Lbid., p. 121. THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. 169 fiercely attacked by Mr. Yeatman is duly set forth as fact in Mr. Madan’s book? No one can read that book without knowing this; and, indeed, it will be evident to those who look at the above quotation that it does not impugn the descent in any way whatever; it merely states that, as is naturally the case at that remote period, we cannot amplify the pedigree by dates and “ personal traits.” Mr. Yeatman, however, has his own explanation “why Mr. Madan could find no personal traits of any of them, or of their deaths or births,” namely, that “these, if anywhere, would be found at Cainho, their chief residence in England.”’* Alas! if only Mr. Madan had guessed that his “Gresleys of Drakelowe ” in the twelfth century were really Albinis of Cainhoe he would doubtless have hurried off to Bedfordshire to look in the parish register for the dates of their births and deaths, and to gather their “personal traits” from the lips of the oldest inhabitants. But let us be serious, and consider Mr. Yeatman’s main contention against the accepted pedigree. I say “accepted,” for later in his book my critic makes this awkward admission :— If the consideration of the connection of the Albini family with Derby- shire compelled the author to discuss the unsound views of Mr, Round, much to his regret, for unfortunately they appear to be held in common with other writers, for some of whom the author has sincere respect,} etc. That contention, peculiar to my critic, is that the William fitz Nigel and his son Robert of the 1166 return} were Albinis, the former being son of Nigel de Albini of Cainhoe, who obtained the four fees they held of Ferrers by marrying a daughter of Henry de Ferrers, the Domesday baron. It is on pp. 281-2 of Sec. 1. that Mr. Yeatman deals with William Fitz Nigel and Robert, his son. He there asserts that— There is no doubt about one, at least, of the manors (Catton) held by this knight, nor any about his indentity (szc), for Domesday records that he held Catton (Chetune), and the Baron St. Amand obtained it as one of the co-heirs of Robert fil Nigel, Lord of Cainhoe. * Sec. vil., p. 127. + Ibid., p. 186. $See p. 162. 170 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. Whichever of the two men above is referred to as “ this knight,” he did not, and could not, appear in Domesday, and he did wzot hold Catton. Moreover, even on the writer’s showing, there was no such person as “ Robert fil Nigel, Lord of Cainhoe,” no Robert among its lords having a Nigel for a father. Mr. Yeatman proceeds to state on the same page that “Ailmer de St. Amand” married the Albini co-heir, although it was Ralf de St. Amand (as elsewhere stated by himself*). In the next paragraph we read that— At this period the Gresleys were not certainly tenants of the Ferrars family.t It is clear that they were knights of the Honour of Peverel, etc. To this I reply that they were knightly tenants of Ferrers under Henry II., as the very next paragraph, it will be found, admits,} and that they were woz, either then or at any other time, “ knights of the Honour of Peyerel.’ . I will take this last proposition first, in order ‘to clear it out of the way once and for all. For the Derbyshire. Gresleys were never “knights of the Honour of Peverel.” tie If I were suddenly to announce that “two and two are five,’ I should probably find “ great difficulty.” in explaining the fact. Mr. Yeatman’s difficulties are at times due to SLA discoveries. We read in his latest volume that— A great difficulty is to be found in the fact that three fees were held in Derbyshire (szc) by a Gresley of the Honour of Peverel, but records give no particulars of their manors. ._. . Ralf, the second of these five sons, held three fees of the Peverel Honour in Derbyshire (szc) in 3 John, and there is a good deal of evidence in the Pipe Rolls showing that this Ralf was no myth, but not showing who he was or what were his fees”? (pp. 131-2). * Sec: -vii., p. 174. + Six pages further on it is definitely asserted that—‘‘It was not until about the year 1200 that the Gresleys of Drakelowe became knights of the Earl of Ferrars” (p. 286). + This paragraph, referring to “ the duel of the Earl de Ferrars”’ in 1177, ee of “the list of his knights (see p. 121, where the names of a number of the Earl’s tenants of that date are to be found). We refer to p. 121, and duly find a list of men whose families are known to have been knightly tenants of the Earl under Henry IJ. Among them are Robert and Henry de Gresley, two brothers who appear together in several of the Gresley charters now at Drakelowe and in one of the Okeover charters. Robert was the son of William Fitz Nigel; ve held four fees of the Earl in 1166, THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. I7I There is no difficulty whatever abont these fees; the records do show which they were; and not one of them was in Derby- shire. A valuable return for the Honour of Peverel, which is assigned to John’s reign, contains the entry— Radulfus de Grasele iij. milites, scilicet in Grasle in Notinghamscira, j, in Claydon in Bokinghamscira ij.* That is to say that one of the fees lay in Greasley, Notts., and the other two in Claydon (z.e., Middle Claydon), Bucks. This entry is abundantly confirmed by record evidence, which shows that Greasley and Middle Claydon descended together. + There is no mystery in this, neither is there anything new. } All that has happened is that Mr. Yeatman has confused the Derbyshire Gresleys of Gresley with the Nottinghamshire Greasleys, who held Greasley of the Honour of Peverel.§ The two families, of course, had’ no more to do with one another than has Lord Middleton, who takes his title from Middleton, co. Warwick, with Lord Midleton, who takes his from Midleton, co. Cork. || It will be observed that the words “in Derbyshire,” which have led Mr. Yeatman astray, are interpolated (doubtlessly inadvertently) by himself, and that no record places, or, indeed, could place the fees in that county. I have now disproved Mr. Yeatman’s assertion, and explained the origin of his error. In his latest volume, I observe, he seems to be vaguer on the subject (p. 132). We there read of Ralf, who held the Peverel fees: “ Possibly his family, if they ever existed,** were of the Nottingham Grellys (sic) or *< Honor Piperelli de Notingham,” in Red Book of the Exchequer, . 584. : See Feudal Aids, i., 85, 93, 119, for the descent of Middle Claydon to Ros and Cantelupe, as did Greasley. See also Testa de Nevil, pp. 6, 12, 13, 14 for Greasley, and pp. 258, 261 for Claydon. ~See Mr. Madan’s Gresleys of Drakelowe, p. 210, and the works there uoted. § “ Griseleia’? was held by William Peverel in Domesday. In Mr. Yeatman’s Index of Places, vol. 1., he similarly combines under “Gresley” the entries which relate respectively to Gresley and to Greasley. { Being in Notts. they would, of course, be found in records which cover both Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire. : ** T am quite at a loss to know what this means. 172 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. Greslets (sic), who were.certainly distant cousins ”—which, to recur to my own illustration, is like assuming that Lord Middleton and Lord Midleton must be “certainly distant cousins.” Yet, lower down on the same page, we read that— Whether these de Gresleys (stc) were any relation of the Derbyshire or Lincolnshire families is not known. It is curious that they are only found in Derbyshire (szc) as tenants of Peverils, and it would not appear that the Muscamp family ever held of that honour. Again a needless puzzle! These Peverel fees, as I have said, were zot in Derbyshire, and there is nothing “ curious ” in the fact of their tenure by the Greasleys of Greasley, who had nothing in the world to do with the Gresleys of Drakelowe and Gresley.* ‘Having disposed of the Gresleys’ tenure of three Peverel fees, we must now do the same for three Stafford fees. According to my critic— The Liber Niger shows that Robert de Gresley held three fees in Staffordshire of Robert de Stafford, which at Domesday were held by Nigel.t+ Sheer imagination on Mr. Yeatman’s part! Not a single fee is entered in the “ Liber Niger” as held of Robert de Stafford by Robert de Gresley;{ and as Mr. Madan observes of Nigel: “Of Robert de Stafford,” in Domesday, “he is in no case a tenant.” If my readers will now refer to p. 163 they will find that I there claim that Mr. Yeatman’s attempt to instal the Albinis barons of Cainhoe, as Gresleys at Gresley, “is inconsistent, on his own showing, with their pedigree.” And, in spite of his loud assertions, we shall find that he is conscious of the flaw. * Mr. Yeatman might have been saved from his error by my own article in Zhe Ancestor (No. 1), which stirred him to so much wrath. For I wrote of Mr. Madan’s book, that—“‘ the snares that beset the path of the unwary genealogist are admirably illustrated by the next Appendix, which introduces us to two families who seem to have existed for the express purpose of being confused with the Gresleys. One of these is Greasley of Greasley.” + Sec. ii., p. 288. +See General Wrottesley’s paper on The Liber Niger Scaccariz, and his analysis of The Barony of Robert de Stafford,” therein. (Salt Society, i., 159-188.) ; THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. 173 For what is his own version of that baronial pedigree? “For a full account of the Albinis,” we read, “the learned reader is referred to the author’s history of the House of Arundel.”* To make the point at issue clear, I must give the pedigree of the Cainhoe Albinis as it appears in that work (p. 81)t — Niel, Viscount of the Cotentin d. at Cardiff 1074 | | | Henry Nigel William of Cainhoe eacie | | Ai Robert Nigel William of Cainhoe d.- 1190 | | e _ Robert Adelinat = Ralf of Cainhoe >t. Amand ob. s. p. 13 Hen. III. Now, Catton in Croxall descended, as Mr. Yeatman rightly contends, with Cainhoe itself from Nigel, the Domesday tenant,§ to the St. Amands, and consequently presents no difficulty. But the Gresley territory, which, according to him, was held by Nigel de Albini in 1086, and should, therefore, have descended in the same line, did zozt, as he is forced to admit. For it was held, in the days of Henry I., not by Henry, son of Nigel, but by William, son of Nigel. Here are the two pedigrees, as to which there is no dispute :— PSeCy 1.5, Ds 202. + It would seem that I know more even of the Albinis than Mr. Yeat- man does, for I have supplied the name of Henry de Albini’s wife and traced the heirs of their younger son “ Nigel,’ whose fate, he admits, is “unknown” to him (p. 150), in my paper on “A D’Aubeney cadet.” (Ancestor, No. 12.) ; +The true name of Ralf’s wife, who was only the younger co-heiress, was not Adelina, but Ascelina, as given by my critic himself on p. 174 of Sec. vil. §In the above pedigree the first Nigel (“ Niel”) is made to die in 1074, but on the opposite page (p. 80) we read that ‘“‘ Cainhoe was held by Nigel de Albini at the date of Domesday,” 7.¢., 1086 (which is correct). 174 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. Nigel Nigel | | HENRY WILLIAM of Cainhoe held 4 fees of temp. Hen. I. 3 Ferrers ¢emp. Hen. I. Robert Robert of Cainhoe held-4 fees of in 1166.* Ferrers in 1166.+ And here is Mr. Yeatman’s own admission of the difficulty with which he is confronted—a difficulty created solely by his own attempt to confuse two distinct families :-— Thete is probably some error in the generally received pedigree of the Albinis of Cainhoe,t for zt kas to be explained how§ the older branch of the family came to inherit this, if William fil Nigel was the younger brother of Henry, etc., etc.|| \ Just so; and that is precisely what he can only explain by throwing over his own pedigree, to which “the learned reader ” is referred. So insuperable, indeed, is Mr. Yeatman’s difficulty that in his latest volume (Sec. vii.) he is actually driven to set forth, unconsciously, no doubt, doth versions of the pedigree. On p- 173 we have the “generally received” version, in which Nigel is succeeded at Cainhoe by his son Hezry, and Henry by Robert; but on p. 125 we read of Henry :— He had a brother William, as well as a son of that name, and the son of William4 was Robert, who died 1190,** holding Nigel Albini’s barony of Cainho as well as these Derbyshire manors. . That this latter version is the wrong one is proved to demonstration by evidence with which Mr. Yeatman is acquainted,/} namely, the Abingdon Cartulary, the charters in which show that Robert de Albini succeeded at Cainhoe (as in the “generally received version”), to a father Henry, ot to a father William. * This is Mr. Yeatman’s own version in the History of the House of Arundel. +See p. 165. ~ Which is also Mr. Yeatman’s own. § The italics are mine; they call attention to his difficulty. || Sec. ii., p. 281. §| The italics are mine. ** Compare Mr. Yeatman’s own chart pedigree given above. +t See Sec. 1i., p. 281. THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. 175 Let it be clearly understood that all this difficulty and confusion arises solely from the desperate endeavour to prove that the Gresleys of ‘Gresley were really Albinis of Cainhoe. Nor have we even yet exhausted the difficulties thus created. For if the Albinis, as alleged, were the holders of the Gresley manors, how did they come to lose them? Why did not these manors descend with the rest of their property, as did Catton? Mr. Yeatman confesses that he cannot tell us. Here are his own words :— How the Albinis lost the greater part of their Derbyshire possessions is unknown, just as it is uncertain how the later Gresleys crept into them ; but it is quite sufficient to prove that the older Gresleys were Albinis, and to show a continuous holding by them and by the St. Amands of portions, and it is not necessary to prove how they lost them.* On the contrary, it is most necessary to prove that they did lose them, Mr. Yeatman having failed to produce any vestige of proof that they ever held them or that “the older Gresleys were Albinis.” I have already shown (pp. 164-5) that in two passages Mr. Yeatman has charged me with making the early Gresleys Toesnis, and “confounding the Toesnis with the Albinis.” In yet a third he calmly states that— Mr. Round took the Albini history so far as it is recorded, but misread it, and guessed, wrongly, that they were Toesnis, and then, by means of tampering with the records by most unwarrantable additions and glosses of his own,+ he converted the Gresleys (Albinis) to his own satisfaction into an unknown family, who merely took the name of the territory, and who evidently intruded without a shadow of right,{ etc., etc. I never took “the Albini history” or even had any Albinis in mind when dealing with the early Gresleys. On the contrary, I reject and repudiate, as a perfectly baseless delusion, the view that these Gresleys were Albinis, which is merely Mr. Yeatman’s own. Moreover, I do not even accept it as proved§ that those Gresleys were of Toesni stock. Who, then, is guilty, in Mr. Yeatman’s words, of “ confounding the Toesnis * Sec. vil., p. 123. +I shall dispose of this gross charge on p. 176. tSec. vii., p. 186. §See p. 164. 176 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. with the Albinis”? Why, it is my critic himself! Here is an extract from his great work, to which he refers “ the learned reader ” :— Nigel de Stafford held Gresley and Drakelowe. . . . It would seem probable that he was a Toesni, and the brother of Robert Todeni of Stafford, younger son of Roger de Conches. It seems probable that he was also called at other times Nigel Albini.* What has “the learned reader” to say to that? I now proceed to meet, fairly and squarely, Mr. Yeatman’s charge against me of “tampering with the records by most unwarrantable addition and glosses” of my own. Here is his chief example of my doing so :— And here it is imperative to notice another and most astounding instance of -Mr. Round’s mode of writing history. At p. 213 of his Feudal England. . . . Hethen adds:—“. . . William de Gresley, holder of Linton (a Derbyshire hamlet close to Gresley) had succeeded there and at “‘ Widesers” Nigel, a tenant of Henry de Ferrars in 1086 (D.B., i., 233 b). oe It is not the fact, as Mr. Round asserts, that “‘ William de Gresley had succeeded’ at Linton and Widersers, Nigel, the tenant of Henry Ferrar (stc), in 1086.” Domesday shows that Henry Ferrars (szc) held both these manors, but it does not state that Nigel was his under-tenant; in fact that record proves that he held them in demesne. It is equally untrue that, etc., etc.t There is no possibility, in this matter, of misunderstanding or of doubt, for Mr. Yeatman quotes, it will be seen, the reference I give for my statement, namely, Domesday Book, “T., 2336.” On turning to that page, “the learned reader” will discover that the only entries relating to those manors are these :— Nigellfus] ten[et] de H[enrico] in Windesers III. car terree vastas. Nigell[us] ten[et] de H[enrico] in Lintone I. car. terre vastam. in absolute accordance with my statement. And on turning to the text of “The Leicestershire Survey,” first published by me in Feudal England (p. 200), he will read :— In Widesers III. car. Willelmi de Greseel[e]. Idem in Lintona I. car. Is it, then, or is it not the case that Nigel, tenant of Henry de Ferrers, was succeeded here by William de Gresley? And which of us is guilty, in Mr. Yeatman’s words, of an “ untrue” statement ? * History of the House of Arundel, p. 4t. + Sec. vii., p. 124. THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. Wiz, Here is Mr. Yeatman’s other example :— Mr. Round writes, with a view “‘to settle the matter by the inexorable evidence of the Pipe Rolls,” that—‘ Certain lands belonging to the honour of Lancaster had been granted out to William Fitz Walkelin and Nigel de Gresley. It is certain that these lands were at Stainsby and Drakelow respectively.” A statement which, if true, has no bearing upon the question, even when supplemented by the unwarrantable addition made by Mr. Round. Neither Stainsby nor Drakelow are even mentioned, and it is not certain, nor even probable, that the co-granter (szc) was William Fitz Walkelin, of Stainsby.* We have only to turn to the Pipe Roll of 1175 (21 Henry II. {) to find, under the three years’ account for the Honour of Lancaster” { no fewer than three entries (pp. 7, 8, 9) of lands granted “ Will[elm]o filio Walkelini . . . in Steinbia”’s and “Nigell[o] de Greselfega] . . . in Drakelawa.” So much for Mr. Yeatman’s statement that “neither Stainsby nor Drakelowe” are even mentioned, but are an “ unwarrantable addition” of my own. It may strike “the learned reader” as curiously foolish on his part to charge me with “tampering with the records” when his charge can be instantly disproved by referring to the text of the records, which are printed and accessible to all the world. But that is Mr. Yeatman’s business, not mine. The charge has at least enabled me to make a contribution to the history of these two Derbyshire manors.|| I am disposed to agree with Mr. Yeatman when he writes of “those puzzling facts of county history which have produced, for Derbyshire readers, so much unhappy guesswork and too frequently such deplorable blundering.”4/ But I am not sure that we should look for them in the works of his predecessors. * Sec. vil., p. 122. Mr. Yeatman adds that “A William Fitz Walkelin did receive a grant at Stainsby in the reign of King John.” As a matter’ of fact he received it, as the Pipe Rolls show, about the middle of the reign of Henry II. + Published by the Pipe Roll Society in 1897. =“ Lancastra de tribus annis.” § ‘‘ Steinebi”’ on the Chancellor’s Roll. The original charter of Henry II., granting ‘“ Steynesbi”’ to William Fitz Walkelin is preserved at Hardwick Hall (3rd Report on Historical MSS., p. 44), and is transcribed in Carte Antique, N. 33. @ Preface to Feudal History of Derbyshire. 12 178 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. He tells us, of “these Derbyshire historians,” that “it is to avoid a repetition of their mistakes, to point them out, and to correct them, that these records are here printed.”* He cannot complain if I follow his example, and endeavour to correct some of his mistakes. It is “curious,” as he would say, how many puzzles disappear when we abandon fantastic theories for the plain evidence of records. Take, for instance, the descent of Catton in Croxall. This, Mr. Yeatman himself insists, was held at the time of Domesday, under Ferrers, by Nigel de Albini of Cainhoe, and descended from him to his co-heir, Almaric de St. Amand, who undoubtedly held it, as one fee, under the holder of the Ferrers fief, in 1284-6.¢ If so, it must have been held in 1166 by Nigel de Albini’s heir, and that heir was admittedly Robert de Albini of Cainhoe.{ Therefore, we ought to find Robert de Albini holding one fee under Ferrers in 1166; and we do so find him.§ Nothing could be clearer or neater. Not so, however, for Mr. Yeatman. According to him— It is not clear whether this Robert was the son of William of the time of Henry II., or his uncle, as the first Robert died without male issue ; the latter relationship is the most probable. Here, doubtless, we get the stem of the family of Abney in Hope (which Derbyshire historians have mistaken for Habenai, the wasted manor of Wm. Peverel), who are now represented by the Abneys of Willersley.4] Here is one of the alleged errors of the hapless “ Derbyshire historians.” Mr. Yeatman indicts them as follows :— A curious instance of the danger of rashly accepting a possible identity exists in the case of Abney. Every Derbyshire historian, without excep- tion, identifies it with Henry Ferrars’ (s¢c**) wasted manor of Habenai. * Preface to Heudal History of Derbyshire, p. ix. I must here again point out that Mr. Yeatman only prints his own translations of the “‘records”’ referred to, not their actual text. |+ Feudal Aids, i, 248. Compare Red Book of the Exchequer, p. 324. § Robertus de Albeneio, feodum 1 militis”’ (Zdzd., p. 339). || On the contrary, he was succeeded by his son and heir at Cainhoe, according to Mr. Yeatman’s own pedigree of the famil (see p. 173). §] Sec. ii., p. 308. **Tt should not be overlooked that in the preceding extract it is (rightly) a manor of “‘ William Peverel”’! THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. 179 But actual proof exists in numerous charters of the Abney family, that their name and the name of the manor (!) was Albini, a family who had but little connection with the county at this early period,* and whose name has no affinity with Habenai.t+ Nor has it any affinity with Abney. As Mr. Yeatman tells ‘ us that this pedigree is “one of the greatest in the county,”} the point should be of some interest to Derbyshire antiquaries. “De Albini,” of course, as is well known, is only a conven- tional form of the real name, which is d’Aubigny; and this name, on English lips, became Daubeney not Abney. For proof thereof we have the lords Daubeney, who existed from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century,§ and the fact that Stoke (Northants.), which was held by “ Albini” of Belvoir, is known therefrom as Stoke Dawbeney. Domesday shows us no other representative of Abney in Hope but “Habenai,” and in the early Wolley charters Abney is found as “Abbenay” and “ Abbeney,”|| but not, I need scarcely say, as “ Albini.” There is, consequently, no ground whatever for charging Derbyshire historians with error in identifying “Habenai” as Abney, nor is Mr. Yeatman able to offer us any other identification. Nevertheless, in dealing with the entry in the Ferrers carta which relates to the Gresley fees, Mr. Yeatman recurs to his Albini theory -— The Abneys of Willersley (sic) now undoubtedly represent the Derby- shire branch of this great family, who are of the male blood of the family of the ducal house of Normandy,** etc., etc. But the Abneys of Willesley ceased to be even of “the male blood” of Abney so far back as 1790, when an heiress carried Willesley to a Hastings, while the line of Abney-Hastings itself became actually extinct in 1844, when Willesley passed * Quite so! + Sec. 1., p. 87. SeSeca tie. | p-300: § The surname is still to be met with. || Zndex to Charters and Rolls in the British Museum, p. 2. MpSeG. 1-yn ps 52: ** Thid., p. 281. 180 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. away, under a special entail, to the Countess of Loudon. And so vanishes Mr. Yeatman’s claim.* Having now at length disentangled the web, we may sum up most concisely the definite conclusions reached by placing side by side the early pedigree of the Gresleys of Drakelowe and of the Albinis of Cainhoe. GRESLEY. ‘* ALBINI.” Nigel (de Nigel (de Stafford) Albini) Held several Held the Cainhoe manors under Henry barony in chief de Ferrers and also and also held held three Staffs. Catton under Henry r manors under the de Ferrers in 1086. bishop of ‘ Chester” in 1086. | William Fitz Henry de Nigel (alzas Albini* William de temp. Henry 1. Gresley) temp. Henry I. Robert de Robert de Gresley Albini Held 4 knight’s Held the Cainhoe fees under William barony in chief de Ferrers and also and also held (Catton held (three Staffs. as) 1 knight’s fee under William manors as) 1 knight’s de Ferrers in 1166. fee under the Bishop of ‘* Coventry ’* in 1166. | @ quo Gresley a quo St. Amand. of Drakelowe. * It is not absolutely proved that * The see had changedits name. he was the son of Nigel, but I see no reason to doubt it, and Mr. Yeatman accepts it. Strictly in accordance with these conclusions, we find, on Mr. Yeatman’s own showing, Robert de Albini and Robert de Gresley entered separately among the Earl de Ferrers’ knightly tenants in 1177,+ the former heading the list in virtue of his exceptional position as being himself a great baron as well as a tenant of the Earl. And they are similarly entered * The Abneys of Measham, co. Derby, are of the male line of the old Abneys of Willesley, but the family (as above) obviously derive their name from Abney, the ‘‘Habenai” of Domesday, and have nothing to do with “ Albini.” + Compare Sec. ii., p. 282, and see Pipe Roll, 23 Hen. II. Ed. Pipe Roll Society, p. 61. THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. I81 separately on the Earl’s carfa in 1166 as Robert de Albini and Robert, son of William Fitz Nigel. Everything thus falls into place, and all “ difficulties” disappear. It is on the endeavour to confuse these two distinct families that Mr. Yeatman concentrates his efforts, and with its failure there fails also his assault on the Gresley pedigree, for I cannot find any other point on which he definitely sets himself to disprove the accepted descent from William Fitz Nigel set forth in Mr. Madan’s book.* This paper has unavoidably extended to so great a length that I very reluctantly venture to deal as briefly as possible with the three chapters in Mr. Yeatman’s book (xv1.-xviil.) devoted to the Fitz Alans and various Breton families. I do not understand what they have to do with the “ Feudal History of Derbyshire,” but it is clear that Mr. Yeatman is very angry with myself, for “ Mr. Round’s wild-cat genealogy sweeps away English, Scotch, and Irish history for a foolish theory of the author of Z’ke Norman People” (p. ix.)—a work, by the way, against which I have invariably cautioned genealogists as rash and untrustworthy.”{ After wading through my critic’s vague denunciation of this “ridiculous theory,’ this “ absurd theory,” this “extraordinary blunder,” my “wild theories” and “especially ridiculous idea” (p. 186-189), I at length discovered, with some difficulty, the cause of his wrath. It is due to the fact that, instead of adopting the legendary descent of the Fitz Alans from “ Fleance, son of Banco” (p. 237), which “the poet Shakespeare has adopted and stamped with his imprimature (s7c) . . . in his great play of Macbeth” (p. 187), I have preferred the sober evidence of charters, which prove that Alan Fitz Flaald, the founder of the house, was a Breton{ It is, indeed, as Mr. Yeatman *See The Gresleys of Drakelowe, pp. 224-230. As I stated at the outset, he impugns the origin of the first baronet, but without adducing any evidence for denying it. +See, for instance, Te Ancestor, 2, 165-174. + Even since this article was written there has appeared vol. i. of the new Scots Peerage, in which my views on the Breton origin of the Stewarts are explicitly accepted, and the Banquo legend discarded. 182 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. observes, “a curious fact that we . . . have to resort to Shakspere to learn the true history of the Fitzalans” (p. ror), and I must really be excused for seeking information on the genealogy of the eleventh century in a rather more authorita- tive and less “curious” quarter. And when I am contrasted with “ these writers who, following Eyton, pay proper respect to Shakspere’s authority” (p. 191), I am obliged to observe that what Mr. Eyton, as quoted by my critic himself,* really wrote was this :— The existence of this legend being established, Shakespeare’s personal belief thereon, or particular use thereof, are no longer matters for our consideration. The legend must stand or fall by its own authority alone. What, then, is that authority? Mr. Yeatman closes his volume by giving us this legend in a form which “ fairly summarises the Scotch account of the history of Flaald, son of Banco.” He observes, of course, that it wrongly interpolates an unknown “ Walter” between “Fleance” and Alan, son of Flaald (the “ Fleance” of the legend), and he gravely remarks thereon :— It is to be regretted that Scotch historians know so little of the history of their own country. Where is the proof of the existence of this Walter fil Flaald? Quite so; I entirely agree with him. The legend upon which he takes his stand, and which he denounces me for rejecting, is obviously undeserving of any credit whatever. t Far from adopting “without any acknowledgment,” as Mr. Yeatman alleges,} the theory of the author of The Norman People, I expressly reject his statement as to the paternity of Flaald,§ and base my own view on the charters of St. Florent de Saumur “ calendared in my work.” || Mr. Yeatman writes :— The great fault of Mr. Round’s book is that it does not (because he could not) give proper references to the present repositories of these * History of the House of Arundel, p. 325. +I had myself already pointed out this flaw in my Peerage Studies (p. 116, moze) as invalidating ‘‘ the whole story.” * Sec. vil., p. 186. § Peerage Studies, p. 117. || Zozd., p. 120. I refer to my Calendar of documents preserved in France, published for Government. THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. 183 charters. He has not scrupled to help himself (of course without proper acknowledgment) to the works of the great Breton historians, Lobineau and Morice.* Of this absolutely false and most malicious statement I need only say that I give the full and exact references for the present repositories of the charters of St. Florent in my Calendar (pp. 395-416), having visited Angers for the purpose ; and that when, in my Peerage Studies, I have occasion to use Lobineau’s work, I give the full reference to him, by name, at the foot of the page.t If I do not speak, as Mr. Yeatman does, of “the Biblioteque (s7c) Nationale of Angers,” it is because, when I was in France, the Bibliotheque Nationale was in Paris, as the British Museum is (or was when I last saw it) in London. One word more. Mr. Yeatman asserts that Eyton did “summarily reject the madcap conclusions of the author of The Norman People.”§ Now, Eyton’s work was published in 1858, || and it was not till 1874 that Ze Norman People saw the light! This topsy-turvy chronology is indeed worthy of a writer who can speak of— A very valuable document (see page 109 of The History of the House of Arundel), said to be of the date of the Conquest, in which Wace of Jersey is styled—“ engenieur charpentier de Marine.” { For it was more than a century after the Conquest when Wace of Jersey wrote! And if my critic believes that a document of the date of the Conquest would speak of a “charpentier de marine,” he would obviously believe anything. Such, then, is the character of that section of The Feudal History of Derbyshire, of which “a good deal” is devoted to exposing my own “crass ignorance.” I do but cite my critic’s words when I say that he “may possibly discover * Sec. vii., p. 189. + Peerage Studies, pp. 121, 122, 123, 126, 127. Morice’s work I did not even use. Sec. vii., p. 167. § Zbid., p. 224. || Shropshire, vol. vii. | Sec. vii., p. 115. 184 THE ORIGIN OF THE SHIRLEYS AND OF THE GRESLEYS. that it is one thing to abuse your neighbour’s books, and quite another to write one” (p. xi.). It is pleasant, however, at parting, to be able to agree with him also in his words: “Tt is a mad world, my masters, and our ignorant critics, who profess to teach us wisdom, have much to answer for” (p. 194). 15, Brunswick Terrace, Brighton. ? u \ 5 ye a 4 ‘ Keen’ es we " = P é , « ‘ 2 = ‘ rae, a, 7 2 a ; ie 7 _ < _* ry pi ‘ iy : E - ss r ’ = en ' * ‘ Ss “7 . " . af * \ . a ~ ‘oad . > - ais be “LNOUY HLYON AHI, ‘TIVE SSOWDTIVHS “2UDISDLT 40JI2LA *W ‘T FALV IT 185 Shallevoss and ¥Yeardsley Halls,* I. SHALLCROSS, WHALEY BRIDGE. By ERNEST GUNSON. ROM the old coach road through Taxal Valley, lead- ing from Buxton to Manchester, and probably a relic of Roman days, there branches a by-lane which was originally a pack-horse way to the ancient Shall- cross Hall. This would seem to have faced the approach on a site that had been levelled by terracing the sloping ground, thus allowing the road to lead in a straight line to the door of the hall. On this site now stands an eighteenth century barn, but that it was originally occupied when the road was made is proved by the fact that the road turns abruptly to. the left and again to the right to avoid and pass round the hall, before it is continued down the hillside to the River Goyt, where there was a ford which is still usable to-day for carts, and where stepping-stones, originally, no doubt, allowed foot passengers to cross dryshod. Near the ford is still to be seen clearly defined a portion of the old pack-horse road, cut out of the solid rock, but the remainder of the road has been widened for modern purposes and its character changed. From the ford the road ascends directly to Taxal Church, and there seems to be little doubt that it was specially made to allow the inhabitants of Shallcross Hall to attend the church, of which there now only remains the tower, which dates back to A.D. 1200, the nave and chancel having been rebuilt in the last century. * These notes represent some of the many pleasant hours Mr. Andrew and I have spent in visiting the old halls of this and other counties. 186 SHALLCROSS AND YEARDSLEY HALLS. The site of the original hall, as previously mentioned, is now covered by what may be styled the uninteresting wing of the farm buildings. This hall would be of the half-timbered type, common enough at that time, and of which, fortunately, many examples still remain to us, especially in Cheshire. If we imagine a long, low building of black oak beneath a high pitched and tiled roof, open within to the rafters in the centre for the great hall, with offshoots at either end for the owners’ living rooms and for the kitchens respectively, and in addition, probably a chapel, a gatehouse and a curtilage wall, we have in mind something of what medieval Shallcross would be. Comparing this with the site we find a raised bank for the foundations of the hall itself, allowing for the main approach from the old road to lead through a mound, which perhaps represents the gatehouse, straight to the door of the inner hall, passing on the right the chapel which probably stood where the Elizabethan stables now are, for there is just sufficient in the stones of their foundation to raise a suspicion of such a building. Below the site are remains of what was once no doubt a small fish-pond, and the fences still indicate the probable line of the curtilage wall. As the requirements of the times altered, it became necessary to build more commodious premises, and therefore towards the end of the sixteenth century a new hall was built in the Elizabethan style, on the rising ground to the right of the old hall. This hall, of which evidences remain to us in certain materials which, as we shall see, have been used again in the construction of its successor, has otherwise disappeared save that the position of the walls are still indicated, as if upon a rough ground plan, by trenches in the soil showing where the old stones had been dug up. Judging by the appearance and size of the old foundation lines, it was evidently a building very similar in design to Snitterton Hall, near Matlock, but slightly earlier, being in the form of the letter E, minus the centre arm. The terrace, which was necessary by reason of the sloping ground, is still there, supported by the original wall, and the views commanded from this comprise the whole of the Whaley “INOYY HLNOS AHL “TIVE, = SSOWOTIVHS “MDISDET 407914 ‘I] F1Vv1g SHALLCROSS AND YEARDSLEY HALLS. 187 Bridge valley. The site is at right angles to that of its medizval predecessor, for in accordance with the custom mentioned by Mr. Andrew in his paper on Snitterton Hall, the old house was usually retained intact for the use of the family until the new was ready, thus necessitating a fresh site for every rebuild- ing. In this instance the site selected was to the left of the road of approach, and in the peaceful days of Queen Bess the front probably faced it without any other protection than a terrace and low balustraded wall. A notable feature of the old halls is that they were always placed where a supply of fresh water could be carried, prac- tically, through the kitchen. Here the stream from the spring passes the foundations of both the first and second halls, and in the case of the first hall was carried into the fish-pond men- tioned above. The stable and farm buildings of the second hall were built on the lower ground on the opposite side of the road, which would ther have been vacated by the disuse of the chapel after the Reformation. These still exist, though much modified, and we can well conceive what their quality must have been when they were first built at the end of the sixteenth century. They are of stone, and the front showed four five-light windows on the ground floor with a door in the centre, and on either side of it, on the upper floor, a five-light window surmounted by a gable. The end gables of the building itself had moulded copings finished off by moulded footstones. This building has been much altered from time to time, the upper windows have been removed, only portions of their sills being left to remind one of their existence, and the roof is now plain; but enough remains to enable us to picture the appearance of the whole when it left the hands of the builders some three centuries ago. The inside of the stables, however, except for the loss of the upper windows, which no doubt gave light to the dormitories for the stable men, is much in the same condition, save for age, as originally designed. A set of stables on these lines, with a dormitory, or house part, attached, although of smaller and plainer proportions and of later date, can still be seen at Mellor Hall, in this county. 188 SHALLCROSS AND YEARDSLEY HALLS. The fittings throughout are of massive oak, and the beams are moulded and stopped. Each stall for the horses was entered through an oak archway, upon moulded pillars, and so solid and massive is the workmanship that it looks likely to last a century or two longer. The general design of this is so effective and unusual in stable fittings that at the first glance it suggested the arcading of a hall-screen. Although only the foundations of the contemporary hall are left, one may conclude from the evidence of its adjuncts that it must have been of proportionate quality, and perhaps equal to any of its kind and size in the county. In the beginning of the eighteenth century the requirements of the owners of Shallcross again necessitated, or, at least, it was thought that they did, the erection of the third hall, which stands to-day in a commanding though more exposed position on the ridge of the hill above, but a little to the east of the earlier halls. The existing hall, which is now a summer residence of the owner of Shallcross Manor, Col. E. Cotton-Jodrell, C.B., is an imposing stone building in the Early Georgian style of architecture, and typical of the best of its period. The well- known Ditchley House in Oxfordshire, the seat of Lord Dillon, though more extensive than Shallcross, is singularly like it in design. Indeed, except that Ditchley has a flat roof, which is perhaps a modernization, a photograph of the west front of Ditchley would do almost equally well for the south front of Shallcross; even the central projection, the door, and the number and position of the windows correspond, and the wall plan, details of cornice and architecture are all identical. It is true that on a close inspection there are differences in some minor respects, such as the detail ornamentation of the door, which, however, closely resembles that to'the north front of Shallcross. Ditchley is considered one of the finest works of its architect, the famous James Gibbs. He was born in 1682, and died in 1754, but his best results were in the middle period. Ditchley was commenced about 1720, and completed in 1722. This curious similarity in style between the two houses made ‘AULSUUV], HH], “VIVE SSONOTIVHS "ULDISD FT 404914 i ae RRR RIT, SPLAT TI i1v1d SHALLCROSS AND YEARDSLEY HALLS. 189 it worth while to refer to the biography of Gibbs to see whether he could possibly have been so far away from London, the centre of his labours, at this period of his life as to design a hall in Derbyshire. It was therefore pleasant to find that in 1723 he came to Derby to rebuild the large church of Allhallows, save the fifteenth century tower, completing the work in 1725. Therefore, as he came into Derbyshire fresh from finishing Ditchley, we may almost assume that the owner of Shallcross seized the opportunity of securing the services of so famous an architect of the times. Gibbs, when men thought it a far journey from Oxford to the Peak, would have little hesitation in re-using his plans and detailed drawings for a second house so far away. Moreover, the Shallcross of that day had been Sheriff, and was a Justice of the Peace; as such he would attend the Grand Juries at Derby, which, as Mr. Bowles told us in our previous volume, were summoned twice a year. Thus he would naturally be brought in contact with the famous architect between 1723 and 1725. The explanation of this curious similarity therefore seems to be nearly complete. The building contains a large entrance hall divided from the main corridor by three deep arches, which are repeated on the upper floors, where they form doorways or cupboards. The room on the left of the entrance, now used as a dining- room, is panelled from floor to ceiling, and though it has been altered from time to time, as the necessities for new doors suggested themselves, enough of the old panelling is left to show that it is of a much earlier date than the house, and very probably was brought from the Elizabethan building. On the right of the entrance hall there has been a doorway, now blocked up, which at some time led to the kitchen and servants’ quarters, but which, however, was probably not in the original design. Facing the entrance through the before-mentioned arches is the door leading to the drawing-room—a fine room, with an entrance from the garden and commanding a view looking up Taxal Valley. On either side of the drawing-room are rooms probably used as breakfast room and boudoir, and a doorway 190 SHALLCROSS AND YEARDSLEY HALLS. with the jambs cut on the angle connected one with the drawing- room. This latter is a feature of the doorways at Bradshaw Hall, and is an unusual survival in an eighteenth century house. Wy Otp oe DRAWING Reon , ST _ .CpeunD ison DLAN — Scale 24 feet to 1 inch ae : oy) Ae iS eel) a SHALLCROSS HALL. The corridor is broad, and runs the entire length of the house; at one end of it is the principal staircase, and at the other end the secondary or servants’ staircase. Under this last is the original way to the cellars, and it is lighted by . ONINIQ] GUTIGNVG GH], “TIVE, SSOWOTIVHS "‘2UDISUET AOJILA °K "AI ALVIg SHALLCROSS AND YEARDSLEY HALLS. Ig! a window of undoubtedly Elizabethan origin, which was prob- ably re-used from some of the earlier buildings. On the other side of the hall, in a similar position, but lighting a cellar, is an exactly similar window, and with the exception of the panelling in the dining-room and a doorway and stone presently mentioned, these two windows seem to be the only A. Victor Haslam. Shallcross Hall. A Fragment of Tapestry. Elizabethan work re-used in the building of the present hall. The cellars are all on the north side, and are arched in brick. In several of the rooms on the upper floors are large cupboards formed in the arches of the central wall and elsewhere, and in one room, supporting a beam, is a very interesting stone corbel, which seems to be a much earlier piece of work, and 1g2 SHALLCROSS AND YEARDSLEY HALLS. was probably a stone re-used from the earlier buildings. There is also, as the entrance to the western courtyard, a gateway which is a good example of Elizabethan design. Colonel Hall, of Horwich, who was born at Shallcross, informs me that so long as his family lived there an entire room was hung in tapestry. Unfortunately it has since dis- appeared, save for fragments which were rescued from the attics and carefully restored. Of these, the illustrations will give a far better idea than any words of mine, but the authorities at the South Kensington Museum, representing the Board of Education, have most kindly interested themselves in the matter, and report as follows :—“ No illustration of such a subject as A. Victor Haslam. Shallcross Hall. A Fragment of Tapestry. shewn upon the tapestries can be found in the literature on Tapestry in the Art Library of this Museum. Judging from the coarse style of weaving and the design of the borders these pieces are most probably Flemish (Brussels) of the very late seventeenth century. With regard to the question as to the subject treated, it may be stated that at the period indicated one of the most favourite themes was the history of Alexander the Great, a set of which was woven from the designs of various artists at nearly all the more celebrated factories, such as Brussels, Paris (Gobelins), Florence, etc. The special scene here shewn is impossible to decisively identify, but may represent SHALLCROSS AND YEARDSLEY HALLS. 193 some incident after the surrender of one of the many towns that fell into the hands of Alexander.” From this it will be seen that their date is only a few years prior to the building of the present hall. The facades of the hall both north and south, especially that overlooking Whaley Bridge, with its handsome flight _of steps leading to the main entrance, cannot be passed over in any review of Derbyshire architecture; for of the plain, and perhaps not justly appreciated, style of the first quarter of the eighteenth century they are faultless, and no doubt in its early years the hall must have been considered one of the show-places of the county. The steps, unfortunately, indicate some slight modernization, but subject to this their replica, although on a larger scale, is also to be found at Ditchley. The wings were added at a later date, when more accommodation was considered necessary, but they have in no way detracted from the appear- ance of the main building. In a semicircle, commencing from the east end of the hall and surrounding the crest of the hill on the southern side, is an avenue of fine forest trees planted upon a slightly raised bank. This, whilst adding much to the picturesque effect of the whole, has been a puzzle to many, for it has the appearance of a causeway and avenue of approach to the hall, and yet dies away into the fields on the west. If the bank had ever been an earthwork the filling in of its ditch would have practically levelled the whole, so it would seem to have been purposely banked up with soil from elsewhere. Years ago the principal collieries on the Shallcross estates lay beyond this belt on that side, and a quarter of a mile away, too, is the old, and now disused, High Peak Railway.* We can there- fore well understand why the plantation was so made, namely, to act as a screen from the workings and a shelter from the east winds, from which so exposed a situation would otherwise be unprotected. [EprrortaL Note.—The Rev. W. H. Shawcross, vicar of Bretforton, Worcestershire, is preparing a history of the owners of Shallcross from its earliest times, which I trust will appear in our next volume.—W. J. ANDREW. |] * The old railway connecting the canals at Whaley Bridge and Cromford, worked by haulage from stationary engines. 13 194 II. YEARDSLEY HALL, FURNESS VALE. By ERNEST GUNSON. 9) EARDSLEY, which also belongs to Colonel Cotton- “fd| Jodrell, .is the time-honoured estate of the Jodrells from medizval days. The Hall stands on the slope of the hills overlooking Furness Vale, a little more than two miles to the north of Shallcross, and, like it, is approached by an ancient by-way from the same road running from Buxton to Manchester, which has been mentioned under the account of that hall. The main part of the building, which is of stone, has been converted to its present form in the sixteenth century, but for some unfortunate reason most of the Tudor windows have been replaced by modern sashes. The extent of the damage will be apparent when one examines the window of the room now used as a dairy, which may be taken as an example of the one or two only which now remain in their former state. This window, which is of perfect proportions, is constructed entirely of oak, the lintel or beam carrying the wall over the window opening being of that material, as well as the mullions and transoms and the window sill. This is very unusual where stone is the build- ing material, and is probably a compromise between the stone structures of Derbyshire and the half-timbered buildings of Cheshire, standing as the hall does on the borders of the two counties. It is quite possible that the decay of the oak lintels is really responsible for much of the repair and modernization that has from time to time occurred. “LNOUY HLYON FHL “TIVH AWISCAVHA UDISYET 407914 "A @LVIg SHALLCROSS AND YEARDSLEY HALLS. 195 Looking at this window, it is not difficult to picture to oneself what the old hall was like before the modern windows were inserted, and to feel sorry that it was not left in its original state. There is also a small stone window of the same period, of which a sketch is given. The Hall, since it ceased to be the family residence many years ago, has been divided into two buildings, but we will attempt to reconstruct the interior as it probably existed about Yeardsley Hall. Early stone window. Scale #; full size. the beginning of the seventeenth century. Before doing so, however, we must call attention to the unusually huge central chimney breast, which is 7} feet thick on the ground floor and 9 feet on the upper floor, the extra 18 inches being gained by means of a large stone corbel course, which, as shown on the sketch, extends a distance of 10 feet along the entrance corridor. So massive a corbel course is unusual in the interior of a house, for anything of the kind is usually external, as, 196 SHALLCROSS AND YEARDSLEY HALLS. for example, a very similar piece of work at Dinkley Hall, an ancient building in the Ribble Valley, where the chimney is supported outside the wall by the same number of corbels. ESunson Del Internal stone corbel course supporting the central chimney. Scale 4 full size. CEelling LI7é Floor LINE UNUM Yeardsley Hall. Nearly opposite this corbelling there are two archways, one leading to the stairs and the other, now to a small pantry, but formerly it was the way to the culinary wing. The jambs SHALLCROSS AND YEARDSLEY HALLS. 197 of each archway are of massive oak, deeply and beautifully moulded, as will be seen from the sketch; the central division being formed of a solid pillar of oak. Yeardsley Hall. Oak pillar supporting the archways. Section scale + full size. 198 SHALLCROSS AND YEARDSLEY HALLS. A reference to the plan will show that the building closely corresponds with the ancient halls of the fifteenth century. At the end of what was originally the great hall, but which is now divided into two sitting-rooms, there is a through passage with an external door at either end. This passage is usually separated from the hall by an oak screen, but in this case the _ GROUND floor PLAN. _ Scale 20 feet to 1 inch. YEARDSLEY HALL. huge chimney breast acts in place of the screen, and a massive arch cut out of solid oak provides the opening for the fireplace within. On the other side of the through passage, and in the almost invariable position, are the archways leading to the kitchen and butteries and other domestic quarters, as previously mentioned. Over the through passage in the earlier halls was SHALLCROSS AND YEARDSLEY HALLS. 199 generally the minstrel gallery, but if this ever existed here it would be done away with when the before-mentioned chimney breast was built and the rooms formed over the hall. The staircase leads up from one of the archways to the bedrooms, and is probably in its original position, and the other archway was formerly the entrance to the kitchens. It is, however, probable that there was a third archway leading into the parlour on the left of the entrance, as this was the usual form of construction in those days, and it is not unlikely that its jamb and arch are merely hidden by the plaster work. In any case, it seems quite clear that the existing house was reconstructed, if not practically rebuilt, upon the foundations of the ancient hall, seeing that the present building has the same lines exactly as the early halls, and in all probability it represents what, but a few years ago, would have been termed ” a “restoration,” rather than a rebuilding. On the easterly side this seems certainly to have been the case, as it can be plainly seen where the old foundations end and the later walling begins, for the latter is in places set back in a very irregular line to lessen the thickness of the older wall. A second staircase has been formed in modern times within what was originally the great flue of the kitchen chimney, the “ gathering ” of which can still be seen overhead. So early in character is this massive work that, taken with other similar features, there seems every indication that much of the medizval hall was embodied in the subsequent rebuilding. Indeed, the lavish display in the size of the domestic wing, its fireplace and oven, or brewhouse, is only consistent with the necessities of a feudal, rather than a Tudor, retinue. Compare the butteries, kitchens, brewhouse and bakery in the early fifteenth century hall of the De la Warrs, now the Chetham’s College, Manchester, and we have exactly the same arrangements, even to the position and size of the chimney and the plan of the two doorways leading from the through passage in the great hall. In the plan there will be seen the method of carrying the upper floor by means of moulded beams, which are arranged in such a way that the whole of the ground floor on either side 200 SHALLCROSS AND YEARDSLEY HALLS. of the through passage can be used as single apartments or divided by screens as required, and this seems to point to a very early date, much earlier than the general exterior of the hall would lead one to think. It will be noticed also that at the extreme end of what would formerly have been the great hall, the beam carrying the upper floor is close against the end wall, which suggests that perhaps the hall, and certainly the building, was originally longer than at present, because if that wall had been the end of the build- ing, the construction of the beams would have been similar to that shown in the portion now occupied as a kitchen, where the end is signified by the short beam at right angles to the main beams. Externally also, although the wall is now covered with plaster, there are indications that the building did not end here, for as will be seen from the plate, there are, for instance, no coign stones at the corners, and the whole has a very un- finished appearance. But imagine another wing abutting upon the front to match the other end, and we have what was probably the ancient Veardsley Hall complete. The old entrance door, which may be even earlier than the reign of Elizabeth, is still doing duty in its original state, and looks likely to continue to do so for a long time to come. Cellars are known to exist, and, as at Bradshaw, various attempts have been made to find them, but without success, the entrance to them having been so well covered up that all traces have been lost. It is curious that this.should occur in two halls so near in locality, and one hesitates to speculate upon the reason. A simple explanation, however, may be, that in each case the cellars were below the portion of the building which is believed to have been destroyed. The whole of the upper floors are in the original oak, and are in very good condition. Altogether, judging by the hall and its surroundings, one can safely say that although much of its ancient character has been modernized, Yeardsley Hall is still well worth a careful study, as a difficult problem in defining the curious adaptation of a typical medizval hall to the requirements of the best period of Renaissance architecture. A. Victor Haslam. ‘THE SHALL-CROSS.” A PrE-NORMAN CROSS. he Shall-Cross, A PRE-NORMAN CROSS, NOW AT FERNILEE HALL. By W. J. Anprew, F.S.A. the gardens of Fernilee Hall, the residence of Mr. H. S. Cox, some five miles north-west of Buxton, attracted my attention. It then appeared to be about eighteen inches in height, resting upon a square base stone, and surmounted by a Victorian capital bearing the dial. That it was the upper portion of a Saxon cross shaft was certain, and it was natural to assume that it had been mutilated to the length desired for its present purpose. A close inspection, however, raised a suspicion that the cross instead of resting upon the base stone might possibly pass through it; in other words, the base stone might have been bored and passed over the head of the cross. Mr. Cox at once showed his interest in archeology by ordering an excavation. This resulted in proving the surmise to be correct, and disclosed a cross of the “ pillar” type, nearly five feet in length and, near the base, three feet in circum- ference. The circumstance is curious, for it shows that whoever converted the cross to the purposes of a sun-dial had sufficient regard for its antiquity to preserve it intact. It is not im situ, but it is believed to have been at Fernilee Hall for about a hundred years. The shaft is complete, save that perhaps an inch or so at the top has been removed to level the stone for the capital, which probably dates from about a quarter of a century ago, but as it is a large square cap it is eminently suitable for the preservation of the relic from further weathering. 202 THE SHALL-CROSS. Mr. Haslam offered to photograph it for these pages, but an unexpected difficulty arose; the cross would not pass through the heavy base stone, and the latter would not pass over the capital. All attempts to remove the capital only disclosed that it was deeply dowelled into the head of the cross, and Mr. Cox’s men were of opinion that to persist would result in splitting the relic. Mr. Haslam was therefore restricted to photographing that portion, exactly four feet, which could be raised above the base stone. Hence the illustration in the plate is but four-fifths of the full length. For 4 feet of its length it is cylindrical, with a girth of 35 inches at the foot, tapering to 32 inches at a point 13 inches from the present top. Here it is encircled by a double roll moulding 34 inches in breadth, and immediately above that the stone is chamfered to a square, which gradually narrows to 7 inches at the top. | Upon each face of the chamfered portion is a compartment formed of a single moulding, follow- ing the lines of its face, thus in form resembling a staple. Across one of these compartments, not shown in the illustra- tion, the initials “H L” above the date 1720* have been neatly carved. This cross is of a well-known type, of which Mr. J. Romilly Allen, F.S.A., wrote: “Judging from the relative number of monuments of this class in each county [Derbyshire, Cheshire, Staffordshire, Nottinghamshire, and Cumberland], it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the type had its origin in Cheshire or Staffordshire, and it is therefore Mercian rather than Northumbrian,”} and he adds a list of the twenty examples then known to him, but he only credits Derbyshire with one example. The following table of twenty-six specimens, including six specimens in this county, without in any way aspiring to be comprehensive, may be sufficient for the object of this paper, which is special rather than general :— * The last two figures are not quite distinct. + Chester Archeological Journal, vol. v., p. 145. THE SHALL-CROSS. 203 Cross AND PLACE. Derbyshire— The Shall-Cross, Fernilee Hall Wilne Church Bakewell Church The Picking Rods, Ludworth Moor Cheshire— Macclesfield Park Pym Chair, Taxal Clulow Cross . Upton Cheadle The Bow Stones, Whaley Moor Staffordshire— Tlam Churchyard Chebsey Stoke Leek Nottinghamshire— Stapleford Denbighshire— Eliseg’s Pillar, Vale Crucis .. Cumberland— Beckermet St. Bridget’s Gosforth Penrith Although included in the NUMBER. I to el | to 26 REMARKS. Not 272 sztz. Roll, double. Ditto. Fragment converted to a font. Ditto. Fragments in the porch possibly more than two crosses. Roll, single. Zn situ, standing in a single block of stone. Removed from Ridge Hall Farm. Roll, double. (nm situ, a cross stump with circular socket. Zn sttu wpon a partly artificial mound. Fillet double. Near its site. Found underground with an example of another class. Jn situ, standing in a single block of stone. Roll single. In situ, a few yards over the Derbyshire border. An inscribed stone. In situ, but with separate base-stones. Rolls, single and double, one inscribed. In situ. Long chamfered portion. In situ, but 15 feet apart, connected by hog-backed stones. above list, Eliseg’s Pillar and the Penrith Stones have distinct characteristics, and were probably erected for different purposes to the rest. Several of these crosses bear typical Saxon ornamentation, such as interlaced 204 THE SHALL-CROSS. knot-work within the upper compartments, as at Bakewell, Macclesfield, and in Cumberland; or elaborated carving round the cylindrical portions, as at Stapleford, Wilne, and Gosforth ; or cross-heads, as at Ilam, Leek, and Gosforth. Some have a single circular roll moulding as the Bow Stones, or double as the Shall-cross, and at Macclesfield and Clulow; but where the shaft is perfect the single staple moulding is uniform. It will be noticed that all these crosses are north of the Trent, and therefore, as Mr. Allen suggested, they are dis- tinctly Mercian in origin, and located in that portion of Mercia which, until the commencement of the seventh century, had remained under the rule of the Britons. That they are subse- quent in date to the introduction of Christianity is also beyond doubt, as a reference to the Wilne, Stapleford and inscribed examples will prove. Therefore they may with confidence be dated between the seventh and the tenth centuries, but most of them indicate art of, probably, the earlier half of that period, and the example before us is of the early type. Probably the plain crosses were earlier than the ornamented, the knot-work pattern in the upper compartments prior to the carved cylinders, and, last of all, the figured designs as at Stapleford and Wilne. But fashions then, as now, would often overlap. I hope, how- ever, presently, to offer further evidence for assuming that these crosses were already old at the date of the Norman Conquest. Although, to quote Mr. Allen, they are “Mercian rather than Northumbrian,” they are closely allied to the Northumbrian crosses, and in Mercia, south of the Trent, this particular type of cross is entirely absent. Therefore we must look for their origin to a condition of affairs which would bring the inhabitants of Derbyshire and Cheshire under the religion and customs of their neighbours north of the Humber, whilst it left those of the rest, and greater portion of Mercia, under its old régime, a condition which would sever all associations and intercourse between the two peoples. This can only, I think, be found between the years 627 and 685. In 607, Ethelfrith, King of Northumbria, by his victory THE SHALL-CROSS. ; 205 over the Britons at Chester, had extended his kingdom to the Dee, and was slain at the battle on the Idle, in Nottinghamshire, in 617. Thus the district comprising the whole of the crosses in question came under the Northumbrian sway, and remained so, with temporary exceptions, until the year 685, when Ecgfrith of Northumbria was defeated and slain at the battle of Nechtansmere, and the Northumbrians lost a considerable portion of their territories. During this period, namely, in 627, Christianity was introduced into Northumbria by Paulinus, and we know that in 632 he extended his mission throughout the boundaries of the then province, and, as Beda tells us, “ preached the Word on the south side of the Humber,” journey- ing as far as the Trent, in which, in the presence of King Edwin, who accompanied him, he baptized a multitude of the people near a town called Tiovulfingchester, which is usually accepted as Southwell. Thence he journeyed into Cumberland, preaching as he went; so his mission would embrace the very ground now sprinkled with this type of cross, namely, along the banks of the Trent and the Dove, passing Stapleford and Wilne into Staffordshire, by Chebsey, Stoke, Leek, and Ham, and thence northward through the western borders of Derbyshire and Cheshire, past Bakewell, Shallcross, and Ludworth on the right, and Clulow, Macclesfield, Upton, Pym Chair, Bow Stones, and Cheadle on the left, on his way towards Cumberland. Thus he would pass within a few miles of every one of these monuments. At this time the whole of the country south of the Trent was under the rule of Penda, of whom Beda writes: “ Penda, with all the nation of the Mercians, was an idolater, and a stranger to the name of Christ,” and in the following year King Edwin was slain by him at the battle of Heathfield. Therefore, if Paulinus introduced the custom of erecting crosses to com- memorate the stages of this great religious movement, and this was the particular design of cross set up in Mercia on that occasion, we can well understand that the custom would not be tolerated across the Trent, and the design then popularized 206 THE SHALL-CROSS. would have become old-fashioned and obsolete when, after the death of Penda in 655, Christianity was finally established in Mercia proper. Hence a type which had been introduced by the first great missionary north of the Trent would be venerated in his memory for ages there; whilst south of the Trent another form of cross would remain the symbol of another preacher and of another period. That it was customary where there was no church, to set up a cross upon such occasions, is well authenticated by our early historians. Beda tells us that in the year following the death of Edwin, King Oswald, marching against Penda, and finding there was neither church nor altar at a place called Havenfield, erected the sign of the Holy Cross, and the hole being dug the King himself held it with both hands whilst the earth was thrown in, ordering the people to kneel and pray for the safety of the nation. This cross, however, was “made in haste,” and was of wood, but others of the same or the following century are recorded as being of carved stone. It seems probable that the original crosses, which I have suggested were erected by Paulinus, were also of wood, for they would be set up in haste as occasion required. This is im- portant in view of the peculiar form of this type. The usual and natural Saxon stone cross shafts have a rectangular cross section, but I think that these pillar cross shafts bear a close resemblance to a felled and lopped tree trunk, especially to that of the pine, which would be the common and most con- venient tree of the district. They are rounded at the base where the tree would be felled, and their curious tapering square at the top, with its oval faces, exactly reproduces the effect of lopping off the rest of the trunk with an axe, for saws were not then used by woodmen. To demonstrate this a pencil has only to be sharpened with four cuts of the knife. The cross before us and its colleagues are, I believe, reproductions in stone of these early wooden prototypes, and if we imagine that the single and double roll mouldings are representations of the ropes which originally bound the cross pieces to the THE SHALL-CROSS. 207 wooden shaft, we have a very close picture of what the shafts of the crosses of Paulinus must have been. This is the more marked when we remember that on some crosses this mould- ing actually assumes the rope or “cable” pattern, as it is termed. Exactly the same system of imitation was extended to Anglo-Saxon stone architecture, where the tie beams and other details of the wooden buildings were carefully reproduced in the courses and ornamentation of the masonry. The wooden crosses of Paulinus would soon perish, for apart from their natural disintegration, they would be the prey of the devout relic searcher, as, indeed, a story of Beda implies was the fate of King Oswald’s cross. But before fifty years had elapsed another great revival passed over the land, which, I suggest, led to their reproduction in their present durable form. Towards the close of the same century Theodore of Tarsus, Archbishop of Canterbury, originated the parochial system, by which the whole country was intended to be divided into ecclesiastical parishes, and each to be assigned to the ministra- tion of a single priest. As a matter of fact, it took centuries to complete the system, but the work was then commenced and intermittently continued until the reign of Edward III. In June of last year I had the privilege of accompanying Dr. Cox in a search, extending over several days, for the lost crosses of the Peak. The results are given by him in a paper to the Atheneum for July 9th, 1904, entitled “ Early Crosses in the High Peak.”” He had obtained tracings of sixteenth and seventeenth century maps of the Forest, which disclosed many crosses now entirely unknown either to the ‘ordnance surveyors or others. The stumps of some of these we found, but—with the exception of the well-known crosses on Ludworth Moor, Robin Hood’s Picking Rods, as they are now called, but the “Standing Stones” and the “ Maiden Stones,” as the old maps called them—none appeared to have been of the type which is the subject of this paper. But we noticed that almost invariably, and in the one or two instances when this was not the case it is probably accounted for by modern diversions, the cross was 208 THE SHALL-CROSS. upon the line of the parish boundary, and not only upon the line, but the face of the cross, as indicated in the stump, was always true to the direction. Hence there is little doubt that the crosses were originally placed to record the boundary of each parish, and they are usually at its corners. One instance in particular demonstrated this. From the Picking Rods, one of the boundaries runs in a south-easterly direction to the stump of a cross we discovered, and then in a straight line to the Abbot's Chair, which is a Saxon cross stump of the ordinary rectangular section set true to line. Here the boundary turns sharply to the north-east, but only for a length of about fifty yards, where it crosses the road called the Monks’ Road; yet here, although so close to the other, is also a cross stump, but seem- ingly of later date, and thence the boundary once more assumes a south-easterly direction, though not quite in the same line as before. From this I am now inclined to deduce that originally the Abbot’s Chair marked the comer of the whole, but that at the date of the later cross a small deviation was made, possibly in consequence of some charter to the Abbot of Basingwark, who held a grange in this neighbourhood. In this relation I would suggest that the word “ chair” here, is really the old Anglo- Saxon cérre, which means a turn, corner, or bend, hence it was the abbot’s boundary-corner. We note the same word in Pym Chair, the Saxon cross stump at Taxal, which is also on the boundary line of its parishes. It follows, as Dr. Cox cogently remarked, that if a single cross was necessary to define the direction of the single boundary between two parishes, double crosses would be required to point those where three parishes unite at a corner. This is exactly what occurs where the two pillar crosses—Robin Hood’s Picking Rods—stand in one huge block of millstone grit on Ludworth Moor, and their cross heads no doubt originally pointed the meeting of the three ways. It is true that the precisely similar monument, the Bow Stones, does not now stand upon a boundary line, but as the point of junction of three parishes does occur within a mile of it, on Whaley Moor, we THE SHALL-CROSS. 209 may safely assume that, at some time during the thousand years and more that it has stood, one parish has encroached upon the other and so set back the corner or point of union, for the word Bow itself means “a corner.” This is almost proved by the fact that within half a mile of the present junction, where one of the boundaries points directly for the Bow Stones but is again deviated, there is another double cross stump on the moor. This, although Saxon, is of the ordinary type and of later date than the Bow Stones, and its finely carved crosses are no doubt those preserved at Lyme Hall. There is, therefore every indica- tion that originally the three ecclesiastical parishes met at the Bow Stones. Later, but prior to the Conquest, the point was deviated eastward to the Whaley Moor crosses, and again in more modern times to its present site. This is the more certain for each of the three lines is pointing directly for the Bow Stones in its original course, one actually approaching them within about half a mile and then, turning backward at an acute angle, runs in a straight line to within fifty yards of the Whaley Moor stump, where it again turns, this time at a right angle, and joins the other two boundaries. I have endeavoured to show some probabilities that the class of crosses which we are considering was derived from a wooden prototype, that the prototype was designed in that portion of Mercia which is north of the Trent, and includes this county, that its date must have been between A.D. 627 and 685, that the mission of Paulinus in 632 was the most natural occasion, that as such the type would be venerated in this particular district and reproduced in stone for a long period afterwards, when other designs were more popular elsewhere, and finally that these crosses, amongst others, marked the original boundaries of the ancient parishes. I will now return to the origin of the parochial system. When at the close of the seventh century Archbishop Theodore issued his mandate that the country was to be divided into ecclesiastical parishes, the movement would probably be slow in its progress and difficult in its solution. It would not be 14 210 THE SHALL-CROSS. until the eighth century that it was attempted in Derbyshire. The old crosses of Paulinus, or their sites, would be the best known ecclesiastical landmarks, and therefore it would be almost impossible to imagine that they would not be brought into the scheme of division. The difficulty where they existed, and no doubt they were then very numerous compared to the crosses we now know, would be solved at once by assigning to a priest the township or parish lying between four crosses, or between certain crosses, and some _ well-known land- mark. As a matter of fact, the boundaries rarely followed any such simple lines as these, but their variation was probably by arrangement between the neighbouring priests. Then it would be that the old wooden crosses would be repro- duced in stone, to permanently record their origin and their new use. Where these had not existed, and in other districts, probably the ordinary Christian cross of the fashion of the day would be erected to mark the corners of the boundaries, and of these many also still remain. As time went on and stones perished or boundaries varied, they would be renewed or increased in number, but it is probable that each locality in those early days would reproduce the design which tradition, custom and veneration had popularized, whether it was the pillar or the ordinary Saxon cross. Nevertheless, I believe that the Picking Rods, the Bow Stones, the Shall-cross and some of the others are the original crosses set up in the eighth century on the first division of the parishes. That Stapleford and Wilne are probably a century or so later is but a natural conclusion ; still they are, or were, elaborated reproductions of the original prototype, the wooden cross. Although now at Fernilee, I have not hesitated to call this specimen the Shall-cross, for that is what I believe its name to have been. It had obviously been removed to its present site in comparatively modern times. From the initials “H L,” and the date, 1720, so carefully carved upon it, I think it is almost certain that it was standing im situ in that year. Who H L THE SHALL-CROSS. 211 was I do not know, but it seems to have been customary in olden days for Government officials to so mark these crosses as records of their surveys. For example, the Edale cross bears the inscription, very similarly cut, “I. G. 1610,” and Dr. Cox has the credit of having identified this with John Gell, who received a commission in 1610 to survey the Forest of the Peak. On Pym Chair, which is in Cheshire, we have, oddly enough, the initials “P. C.” on either side of a pheon. On the later of the two cross stumps at the Abbot’s Chair are the initials N and R,* also a cross, and on the Picking Rods, which are in the same district, again we have the N, which is also repeated on the Bow Stones. But it is in these that the interest centres, for they are neighbours of the Shall-cross, and, in addition to the N, they also bear the same initials as those on our subject, viz, H. L. Hence we may infer that in 1720 someone bearing these initials was commissioned to survey the boundaries in this district, and then it was perhaps that the present junction of the three parishes near the Bow Stones was selected. This is again evidence of the part these crosses played in the delineation of our ancient parish boundaries, and that in 1720 the Shall-cross stood upon a parish boundary line. Mr. Cox has made enquiries, and now informs me that the stone is said by tradition to have been brought down from the old road above the hall, namely, what is believed to be the old Roman road to Buxton. If that be so, and it seems highly probable, the site must have been at Elnor Lane Head, Shall- cross, where four roads join, at a distance of nine hundred yards from Fernilee Hall. The reasons for this assertion are the following. The only parish boundary line available for the purpose approaches within three hundred and fifty yards of that spot where it turns northward, and again westward, and finally northward. In other words, it cuts off a corner, and if its approach and its final retreat be continued in a straight course they would exactly meet at Elnor Lane Head, Shallcross. Thus * I am careful to treat only inscriptions which are clearly official, as opposed to the unfortunate custom of defacing our monuments. When the inscription is on the base stone is it not presumptive evidence that the cross was not then standing ? 212 THE SHALL-CROSS. the same indications of a deviation of the boundary exist here as at Bow Stones, and the same initials, H. L., appear upon both monuments. The only difference is that here we have the corner of two parishes only, and therefore but a single cross. We may, therefore, assume that in 1720 H. L. made both these deviations, and that is why he initialled both monu- ments. But even if this assumption were wrong, the cross would still be the “ Shall-cross,” as wherever it was upon the boundary line it must have been in Shallcross. Lest it should be thought from the last remark that I have named this cross the “Shall-cross” after the hamlet, let me say at once that I trust to prove the very opposite, namely, that the hamlet derived its name from this little cross, which had stood for a thousand years to commemorate the mission of Paulinus, until, even subsequently to the year 1720, it was ruthlessly removed. Again, the deviation I have suggested alone enabled this to be done, for few would venture to remove a parish boundary mark. We will now turn to the evidence of the Wilne cross. The remains of this are represented by the font in Wilne church, and, as Mr. G. le Blanc Smith, in a most interesting paper to vol. xxv. of this Journal; p. 217, demonstrates, the conversion from cross to font must have occurred as early as in Norman times, for it is mounted upon a base of that period. But he and all others who have written upon it, have been content to leave the question of the original site of the cross itself, as a subject for interesting speculation only. ‘The solution of the problem is, however, not at all difficult. Following the rule that the cross must have stood upon the parish boundary line, we find that at almost the nearest point to Wilne church, there is a place still called “Shacklecross,” and here, no doubt, it stood ; and additional proof of this will be offered later on. Its conversion in Norman times is presumptive evidence that it was then a very old cross, for no one would thus mutilate anything of so grand a workmanship as this great cross must have been unless it had fallen into decay. This is one of the THE SHALL-CROSS. 213 reasons why I have not hesitated to place even this probably late example of the pillar crosses I am treating, as early as the ninth century. Having now established some probability that the Wilne cross originally stood at Shacklecross, I will return to my subject. The ancient name of Shallcross was also Shacklecross. For instance, in the Receipt Roll of the Peak Jurisdiction of the Dean and Chapter of Lichfield* for the year 1339 John of the Hall and Benedict de Shakelcros return the tithes for Fernilee, and many other documents of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries similarly record the name. Hence we have now two instances of this particular type of cross, the origin of which I have referred to Paulinus, connected with a place called Shackle- cross, and yet separated by nearly the entire length of the county. ‘This could scarcely be a mere coincidence, and there- fore there must be some latent reason. We have seen that both these crosses would be old at the date of the Conquest, that at Wilne was presumably ruinous. The cross heads, assuming that they ever existed, were probably gone, as, indeed, nearly all are now, and the bare shaft of each would remain. The traditions of their origin and the memory of Paulinus would be a closed book of indifference to the Norman race, and to it they would be mere standing pillars. We have seen that Clulow Cross and Vale Crucis were named after two of these crosses, and it is quite common for places to so derive their names in the instances of other types of early crosses, not included here. Hence the Normans found two crosses standing, and in course of time the people named each of them from its appearance the “ Shackle-cross,” for these pillars, when bereft of their cross heads, bear a remarkable resemblance to the Norman shackle. The shackle, or as it was sometimes called, the fetter lock, was originally the bolt which locked the link or fetter, but in course of time the whole came to be known, especially in * Communicated to vol. xi., p. 142, of this Jowzal by Dr. Cox. 214 THE SHALL-CROSS. heraldry, as a shackle bolt or fetter lock. This shackle or shackle bolt was a cylindrical bar of iron thickened at one end so that it would not pass through the hole in the first side of the fetter, and chamfered to a square at the other, so that the shoulders of the chamfering would fit tight into the square hole in the other side of the fetter and the portion of the square which had passed through was pierced for a rivet or padlock. The origin of the name Shallcross and its predecessor, Shacklecross, has been the subject of many theories and much speculation. The Rev. W. H. Shawcross, of Bretforton, came An Ancient Shackle. nearest to the facts when he suggested that the affix cross might refer to the junction of the four roads near Shallcross Manor, for I think the place, at least, was right. It is curious how time works its changes. The cross has passed through many vicissi- tudes, yet the old cause preached by Paulinus, of which it was but an emblem, has remained unchanged to this day, namely— VIA CRUCIS VIA LUCIS. 215 Accounts of John Bagshaw of Abney Grange, tn the Reiqu of George f. By ALFRED Hucues, M.A. A DULL library of the Manchester University (formerly 8} Owens College) was recently the recipient of an old volume, which is of considerable interest as showing the daily life and associations of a Peakland farmer nearly two hundred years ago. The donor was Mr. Henry Bagshaw, of Moor Grange, near Taddington. He is descended in the fifth generation from the writer of the work, John Bagshaw, who lived at Abney Grange in the latter half of the seventeenth century (certainly from 1667 onwards), and died there in 1732. The book contains full accounts—income and expenditure—of the Old Farm at Abney Grange for a period of about ten years—viz., the last ten years of John Bagshaw’s life. The first page may serve as a typical specimen, for the work is far too voluminous to reproduce in full :— MAY THE 12 ACCOUNT OF MEAN CHARGES, 1720. paid for SgeiGa (Qn: for ter and oile ... ate ee Ree Git 6) for talors si a ee ne B4O.=, 0 for a pigg ae ae ny Seo Ron Gls AO for spenses at Chappell fair... oat Io 0 for smith worke : Gea 2 for a Calfe Fe Se an 555 Bie AO for Coles i210 easter dues a: Ber is oe Lf ity © for Land tax ey o oo sais Di CLO 216 ACCOUNTS OF JOHN BAGSHAW OF ABNEY GRANGE. paid for S. for Land tax Ou le} au for lether 9 6 2 for sadell trees... A ae ae 2 for flannell 4 for wheel wood I for Lether for Coles for bee hifes for sythes stones for hay rakes = (eo) “{o)~ {o) Yo) for a sythe - for a bridle of lether ... Bb sie 2 for wheat rae sum me Bae 12 for talor ae = Ne Ses fo) Carpenter work af: Beat Hee I Headborrow score oe 28 aS: I Poore score for Coles for Coles t NWAMmAdOARAADONHNwWAON DOAONH ON NHN DAM F © 00000 000 000000 00 0 0 WwW oO 0OoOO™m™ for pining 4b AG), Wea The addition, here and elsewhere, is absolutely correct. Different parts of the account illustrate one another. For example, the double entry of Land tax is due to the fact that while Abney Grange is itself in the parish of Hope, Bretton Clough, where some of the lower fields were situated, is in the parish of Eyam; for a similar reason double entries of rent occur regularly, the Grange rents going to the Bradshaws and the Clough rents to the Eyres. Another regular charge on the farm is represented by the Easter dues. Vol. xi. of this Journal contains details of the Easter dues for 1658, and for purposes of comparison it may not be uninteresting to note that in 1689 John Bagshaw was himself one of the churchwardens of Hope, and he has recorded the amounts received in that year :— ACCOUNTS OF JOHN BAGSHAW OF ABNEY GRANGE. 217 APRILL 1689. John Bockin, Henery Iberson, John Bagshaw churchwardens for Hope parish. And y* colected 2 peney scores. Ga Woodland Hamblet ae re Tas 5 0. 30 Hope Hamblet .... oP af ae eel 1G Bradwall Hamblet fo aia ad te Ke sO Thornhill Hamblet sa O; 9, -38 Aston Hamblet ... an - is © 15 9 Brough Hamblet omnes TC) Woodland part is oy os arid Sa Ot © and Hope part is Re ae 53 65.0 Abney Hamblet ... ee oe ee Ome 4 Offerton Hamblet hes ss se OG? .3 Shattons Hamblet be ae a3 Quy A Hasley Badge a af oo ae i iO) 10 Littell Hucklow ... = sn sh fale Itofene Great Hucklow ... ae me in ao! 2 Grinlow hamblet ... o 14 0 Wardlow hamblet Cr tone Stoake hamblet ... ae Ae ie Cn 5a 1O Nether Padley : OR. 15 Highlow hamblet ... a O10 John Bagshaw part iy an y® whole 2 scores ae ae Ee oh pee, There seems to be something wrong with the additions here, but it is probably a mere slip of the pen—three shillings for three pence. John Bagshaw’s book contains evidence that he acted as a collector both of rents and local taxes, and this fact enables us to construct a complete list of the rent-payers and rate- payers of Abney and Abney Grange at three different times— viz., in 1702, 1717, and 1731. It is noteworthy that even 218 ACCOUNTS OF JOHN BAGSHAW OF ABNEY GRANGE. during these short periods there were several changes of tenancy—changes not only from father to son, but from one family to another. In the Peak district, indeed, it is only too evident that there are but few instances of farming families who have retained possession of one farm for any lengthened period. John Bagshaw’s own descendants remained at Abney Grange for two hundred years, or more, from the earliest date at which we know him to have been there, and one of them was still living up to last year within the parish of Hope. These changes are probably due to the comparatively few small freehold farms. Of course, the old names—Bagshaw, Middle- ton, Bland, Barker, etc.—are still common in the Peak district, but as farmers they have not been permanently attached to the land they till. JUNE, 1702—GRANGE RENTS. John Bagshaw ould farm ... 7 ate Elias acker Edmund Hall ... he A Elias Marshall farme ine sls zB Harkhome farme is ... ats ae 3 Widdow Bagshaw farme _.... ae 5 - Barsila Barbar farme is _... £24 8 - Widdow Hall farme is ae ie 7 = Robart Drable farme is ae oe 4° Denis Bockin farme is wee 20 3 John Francis farme is ou ce 6- 13- Robart Howe farme is Sie oh 4- 8- _ John Barker farm is ... wt aoe O- 4: Edward Townend farme is ... on 4- I6- Robert Dackin farme is Se Ly 8- 9- George Newton farme is_.... os I- 3- John Howe farme is ... se es 8 - Thomas Barker farme is_... we 9- O- Francis Townend farme is ... Ps 4- George Bomforth farme is ... LAL sae? ACCOUNTS OF JOHN BAGSHAW OF ABNEY GRANGE. John Barker farme is ... William Bradwall farme is ... James Bagshaw farme is Robart Middleton land is Robart Barker farme is George Robinson farme is ... Nicholas Barbar frame is Slate delpth is Corne mille is ... ABNEY RENTS, 1717. Robart Howe John Francis John Barker Francis Townend George Newton Ane Eddess John How Martin How Thomas Mosley ... Thomas Barker ... Edward Barbar Widdow Townend George Bomforth John Barker William Bradwall Francis Sykes And for millne Robart Barker Robart Middleton George Robinson Nicholas Barbar ... Slate Delphe HORS: 157 Caer NON een Lc cade mon Grane ov 1 WwW OW DDO WN oooOoaoaoOaoOoONnnaA OD O H fo) 219 220 ACCOUNTS OF JOHN BAGSHAW OF ABNEY GRANGE. GRANGE RENTS 17717. S. d. John Bagshaw ... ps athlete fo) fo) Edmund Hall part tn tie 2 2 16 William How part ste 22 igOh i eO Nether Acker. in 33 QF 12 4 White Leese i ie sph: Tipe sine 4 Marshall farme 3 fo) fo) Harkholme 3 5 6) Bars Barber sh a (Warder fy Bl oy] Widdow Bagshaw Be or 5 oO Robert Drable A 8 ty 4 Thomas Hall 7 3 4 Denis Bockin oo sof 3 14ers And wee have alowed from M* Ayears ae oe ae © +2 10 ao je 6 ce LO LAND TAX AND HEADBORROW TAX IN 1731. Abney Grange: Land Tax. Headborrow. Sy: Soe John Bagshaw... ee RO: ZNO Thomas Hall due tee GeO 14 Robert” Drable.- =. ere We 44 Hugh Bagshaw ... Eph Se 54 Barsila Barber... is D4 OF 64 Thomas Bockin ... cae ete 4 Abney : John How es Sp teri 6 54 Martin How c oe a A) 53 Thomas Morley ... ae 104 3h Thomas Barker... sae 2 oes 9 Edward Barber ... on. aE nae ? Francis Townend chee) AE oR Ae ? George Bomforth Sy Bie ak COE 11g ACCOUNTS OF JOHN BAGSHAW OF ABNEY GRANGE. 221 Go ah GG John Barker AF Ba Pee 114 William Bradwall pide ao ey James Bland a 64 t 6} Robert Middleton z oF 11 Francis Barker... summa tgets) I 54 Robert Robinson ce) es, 33 Nicholas Barber ... 7 r1¢ 34 Widdow How an eer 44 Joseph Francis... 2S “4 Robert Barker... re. TOs 64 Francis Townend ... * 114 34 Thomas Dakin Ss Mog sOmga 9 The book contains the full accounts of the farming house- hold, every expense, even the smallest, being noted down, and every receipt of money; balances are struck every month or two, and many items of interest are added. I have taken down all the entries for a farming year, October 1723 to October 1724, and have added up the figures, and have thus formed what may be taken as a scrupulously accurate balance-sheet of a Derbyshire farmer for that date. The figures are sub- joined in the form of a profit and loss account, and I have added explanatory notes, whenever it seemed that a little local knowledge might add to the interest of the statement. LEIS A: Receipts: (2) In hand, September 1723... 11 14 © (2) Animals sold ae soe, OG a (c) Coals st ee srcinlae Ab iiiod (Gy AC areiare | ec. Ry is fone ESAS (OE 6 (e) Farm produce be ee eee (f) Interest 0) 134 2 5% 222 ACCOUNTS OF JOHN BAGSHAW OF ABNEY GRANGE. 4, Soe Expenditure: (g) Rent ste OY, Ae Sai (2) Rates and taxes ... ile Sig: OES (7) Labourers’ wages 5 13 10h (7) Wages, domestic service ... 1 8 2 (2) Animals bought _... <2 fo) (c) Coals am 2. 2a eer (2) Materials, &c., for farm ... 1 6 6 (2) Food, &c., for the house... 4 7 1 (m) Tailors’ wages, &c. sich Thee (x) Spent at fairs, &c. ie TON sat (0) Amusement oe ae 8 (f) Lent on interest ... tet. 20" RO 107 (auth Total profits for the year, after deduction of item (a) from Receipts, and item (f) from Expenditure a ad aoe PMCS LET) ie (a) The account-book contains a very careful entry of the amount in hand at every striking of the balance, of which there are about eight in a year. Generally, a careful examina- tion of the figures shows the amount in hand to correspond exactly with the amount spent and received. In the course of the year 1723-4 there are one or two cases of discrepancy which I have not thought it worth while to point out, as they made no material difference in the whole statement. (4) Evidently the Bagshaws bred on a fairly large scale, as they are constantly selling numbers of horses, cows, and sheep. The sales of this year represent altogether eighty-one animals. They were sold at the various fairs and markets of the district, the largest sales being in September at Hathersage. Most of the animals bought are pigs, but two horses are also bought, though the prices paid (four guineas each) are noticeably less than those received. Entries of expenditure show that in 1723 there was no bull at the Old Farm, as the cows were sent to ACCOUNTS OF JOHN BAGSHAW OF ABNEY GRANGE. 223 other farms, but in later years the “bulling” fees appear on the credit side of the account, showing that the Bagshaws are prospering in their business. I have tabulated all the entries of the selling of animals for the whole period 1720 to 1731, as these seem to be the only trustworthy figures from which to estimate the prices of that day. The following are the average selling prices for the whole period :— Peaniss ed: eh, SSMS Horse O77 74 Heifer eee SPO sme Colt Barro)! (6 Calf 18 1 Filly Aah s3 Sheep 6 8 Mare Go ay Ewe i Cow ere yy Wether GM's Oxaiis rs en) Pigit® Big Steer ZO RYE Hog si Bullock as @4)'5e6 (c) The very large number of entries for coals on both sides of the account is somewhat puzzling. There are forty-three receipts and forty-five payments under this head. One or two of the entries incidentally show that the coal was obtained directly from the pit. Probably John Bagshaw, with his numerous horses, acted as a sort of middleman in this com- modity. The nearest actual coal-pit was near the Standage Pole, above Hathersage, but I believe this was never a pro- ductive pit, and it seems more likely that the coal was brought from the neighbourhood of Sheffield or Chesterfield. (2d) “ Carriage” signifies the carriage of lead ore from the lead mines near Eyam to the place where they were to be smelted. For a long series of years the Bagshaws have regular weekly accounts with Mr. Ashton, of Hathersage Hall, for whom they carried the ore down to the Derwent, where “ Leadmills ” is still the name of the hamlet where the main road crosses the river. The line of the road by which he reached Leadmills may still be seen in the fields just north of Highlow Hall. On May 22nd, 1717, there is a memorandum of a receipt 224 ACCOUNTS OF JOHN BAGSHAW OF ABNEY GRANGE. of £44 from Mr. Ashton for 2,699 horse-loads of ore. The lead-mining was at its most prosperous point early in the eighteenth century. The Eyam parish registers contain an account of how the sudden increase of the mining royalties made the Eyam living extremely valuable, so that there was an unseemly squabble amongst the rival candidates for the living. John Bagshaw was not content with carrying lead ore for other people, but soon became a shareholder in mines on his own account. “January 25th, 1717, John Bagshaw bought a g6th-part of Little Pasture Grove of Mr. Thomas Longson of Little Longstone at the price of £68 10s. 3d.” He also held a 64th-part of the Highcliff mine near Eyam, and the account-book contains minute accounts of the ore received, calculated in the peculiar local measure—loads and dishes— wherein 8 dishes=1 load. The price of a load seems to vary from 175. .tO: 255. (e) The largest items under farm produce are: Ai see Wool 7 (Cyees Oats At Ao Hay 2 gy © And there are smaller sums for skins, butter and cheese, meal and straw. Oats was certainly the common crop in the High Peak. Abney Grange is more than 1,000 feet above the sea, and would probably never be fruitful for wheat. (7) The Bagshaws always seem able to lend their money out on interest. Several pages of the account-book are filled with details of the loans; most of the money is lent to neigh- bours. The details of one case in 1727 show interest at the rate of about 5 per cent., e.g., a loan of £5 produces 55. per year. (g) The Bagshaws paid their rent to two landlords— 421 7s. 6d. to Mr. Eyre, of Hassop, for the farm at Abney Grange, and £7 5s. to Mr. Bradshaw, of Abney, for the land in Bretton Clough. The agreement, dated 1723, by which the farm was leased by Mr. Thomas Eyre to John Bagshaw for ACCOUNTS OF JOHN BAGSHAW OF ABNEY GRANGE. 225 a term of twenty-one years, is still in the hands of the present Mr. Bagshaw; it contains the proviso that the tenant must plant “six trees of oak, ash or elme” every year during the tenancy. The Old Farm was evidently much the most important at Abney Grange; by the list of rents for the year 1717, it appears that John Bagshaw paid nearly twice as much rent as any other Grange farmer. I have not been able to find out the size of the farms, so that there is no indication here of the price of land. But the following transaction has some bearing on the point:—‘ February 11, 1722, John Bagshaw bought of William Bright of Callbar (Corbar) six acres and a half of land at Little Hucklow, the price £152 ros.” (h) The total for rates and taxes is made up of a large number of small payments. The Land Tax comprises four quarterly payments of 6s. 4d. each for Abney (the township of Hope parish), and four quarterly payments of 1s. 4d. for Foolow (the township of Eyam parish). In this year the Land Tax had been fixed by Walpole at 2s. in the #1. In1720 the tax had been fixed at 3s., and we accordingly find the quarterly payments in 1720 increased to gs. 6d. and 2s. respectively. But it is by no means clear that the Land Tax bears any exact relation to the rent of the land. The rate of 1s. 74d. in the 41 annual tax is deducible from the amounts given for rent and land tax in 1717, which was a year when the 3s. tax was in force, and the explanation of the differences no doubt lies in the origin of the so-called Land Tax, which was originally on all sorts of property as weil as land. Its assessment was made in 1692, and only by desuetude was the tax allowed to lapse, except upon land only. It became a sort of arbitrary custom that a 1s. land tax brought in £500,000, and each county had to furnish its proper proportion. In this manner a particular amount of land tax became attached to a particular farm, and remained constant during many years, even though the rent was altered. There is evidence indeed that some of the Abney rents were raised about this time without affecting the amount of tax. 15 226 ACCOUNTS OF JOHN BAGSHAW OF ABNEY GRANGE. There are two payments of 1s. each for window tax, and three payments, amounting in all to 3s. 9d., for forest tax, probably a relic of the royal jurisdiction over the Peak Forest. The poor rates for Abney and Foolow (6 payments) came to” fa ras. There is also a rate for the headborough of Abney and the headborough of Foolow, amounting in all to 6s. 3d. The headborough was the local constable, so that this may be looked upon as a rate for police or watch purposes. The tithes for Hope parish were somewhat serious, amounting every year to £1 5s. for corn and £2 16s. for wool. Easter dues were also exacted for both parishes, coming to 6s. It-is observable that the Easter dues are distinctly higher than they were in 1658; see the Societys /ournal for 1889. (:) The payments for labourers’ wages are generally given in small sums for specific jobs, é¢.g., pining (z.e., folding sheep), 2d. or 3d.; garthing (z.e., fencing), 6d.; shearing, 9d., or by the name of the labourer. The same name occurs again and again, ¢.g., Francis Story receives altogether £2. In the year 1726, we have, however, a definite entry that a labourer named Thomas Wilkinson was engaged for the year at the wage of Loos: (7) The payments for domestic service are also paid in small sums. But in 1720, we have a note that Jane Barker is engaged at a wage of £1 15s. (&) The payments for farm materials, &c., are very numerous, and comprise all sorts of small things; perhaps the strangest entries are for “ cow-drinks” (the book contains sundry recipes for such things) “ aniseed-water,” “sythe-stones.” It is to be noticed that there are no entries of expenditure on manure. In this part of Derbyshire the obvious and universal “ artificial ” manure is lime. Amongst the miscellaneous entries we have such as the following :—“ At Michaelmas 1720 I had in my ryefield 96 load of lime and Peter had to New Close 132 load of lime, so Peter had 36 loads more than me.” ACCOUNTS OF JOHN BAGSHAW OF ABNEY GRANGE. 227 (2) The highest sums under this heading are for beef and ” 66 wheat. .-Some other entries, such as “hemp,” “ flaxe,” “ yarn,” would, perhaps, come more appropriately under the next heading. (m) It is evident that clothes are supplied through weavers and tailors, who come round the country and work in the houses. The entry is a constant one every year. (z) This includes the small sums, never larger than a shilling, spent at the numerous visits to the neighbouring towns. Chapel- en-le-Frith, Tideswell, Grindleford Bridge, Foolow, Eyam, Hathersage, Bakewell, are all frequently visited, and once the diarist has reached even as far as Doncaster. (0) It is pathetic to see an entry, “ Musick, 3d.,” each time Christmas comes round. Otherwise the only signs of merri- ment are the entries, “ skittles, 3d.,” “ bako, 2d.,” 7.e., tobacco. William Bagshaw, the son, married, in 1707, Ann Nadin, of Alstonfield, in Staffordshire. She died shortly after the birth of their only son, Thomas, and the funeral took place at Alstonfield on November rst, 1707. The following were the funeral expenses :— BEE SE ae 4 pecks of malt, 2 of flower... o 6 P 11 dosen of bread . Omi he 2 pound of treakle ... Or Oe 2 pound and a half of sheuger oir 2 1 pound and a half of reasons Oo © -F 2 ounce of keen peper omen? 1 ounce of clove peper Oo? 2 yards and a halfe of flannell ohare 5 and for a coffin OF457 10 and for 2 cheeses Ona 8 and y® bishope for heh her OLE LO and clarke fees ; uct Onis and y® churchwardens fees fée grave OF ge and for ringers ee Bs cate: OS, 6 and gave to nighbours 3d. a pice which comes to ye sum Of ... bind ale ly AO and for a hanedane (?) ... aoe das) Oe OE 228 Che Seal of All Saints’, Derby. palk. S. G. FENTON, of Cranbourn Street, London, #] writes that it will probably be of interest to the Society to know that the original seal of the collegiate church of All Saints’, Derby, is still in existence, and was sold at Sotheby’s on May 27th, 1904; the following being its catalogue description :— 252 Bronze Seal of the Royal Free Chapel of All Saints, Derby (Derby College), S. COMVN. LIB@RE. CAPELLA. RA&@GIG. OMN. SHOR. DARBAYGE., Christ seated under portico in centre; above, a shield bearing the three lions passant of England within a quatrefoil compartment, and below, S. EADMVND REX, the saint-king kneeling with hands clasped in prayer, oval, 22 by 1} ims. ; Another, Seal cf Doctor Fabriczy (?), S. P. FAB RIECCV DOCTOR, &c., oval, 2 by 14 ims. 2 *.* The parish church of All Saints (Derby), being a royal free chapel, was collegiate, and had besides the master or rector (who seems to have been the Dean of Lincoln), 7 prebendaries, but all their revenues amounted, 26th Hen. VIIL, to £39 12s. per annum only, in the whole, and £38 14s. clear. It was granted, 1° Marie, to the bailiffs and burgesses of the town of Derby, Dormer’s not., p. 83. 229 The Orthoptera of Derbyshire. By the Rev. Francis C. R, Jourpatn, M.A. cockroaches, grasshoppers, etc., has had very little attention paid to it hitherto. The science of Entomology is, however, much more systematically studied now than formerly, and there is little doubt that the publication of Mr. W. J. Lucas’s forthcoming work on this order _ will stimulate interest. in it among English entomologists. Hitherto the only work available on the subject has been Mr. Malcolm Burr’s useful manual, but it is to be hoped that the last seven years will have added materially to our knowledge of the distribution of many species. As some of these insects are not indigenous to our county, though in several cases firmly established, it is desirable that their status should be accurately known, especially in the case of those which are known to be noxious or destructive. The only local list of any importance is that published in 1863 by Mr. Edwin Brown, who recorded fourteen species from the neighbourhood of Burton-on-Trent, of which perhaps the most remarkable is Azisolabis maritima, usually regarded as an exclusively marine species. Mr. W. J. Lucas has kindly determined the species of Acridiodea which are marked with an asterisk (*). Abbreviations used :— E.B.—Edwin Brown, “Fauna of Burton-on-Trent” in Sir O. Mosley’s Natural History of Tutbury, etc. (1863). G.P.—G. Pullen. (Little Eaton and Derby.) 230 THE ORTHOPTERA OF DERBYSHIRE. H.C.—Hugo Harpur-Crewe. (Calke.) F.J.—Rey. Francis C. R. Jourdain. (Ashburne district.) B.A.—B. Abell. (Kirk Ireton.) FORFICULARIA. [Anisolabis maritima (Bonelli). “TI obtained, some years ago [1863], several living specimens in the brewery of Messrs. Bass and Co., where it had probably been introduced along with Periplaneta americana in bundles of- returned cask staves. I have not been able to satisfy myself whether it breeds in the brewery or not” (E.B.] Labia minor (L.) “ Frequently taken on the wing in my garden ‘and elsewhere.” Burton (E.B.); not uncommon, Little Eaton, etc. (G.P.). Forficula auricularia, L. Common Earwig. Only too plentiful everywhere. BLATTODEA. PHYLLODROMID&. Phyllodromia germanica (L.) A female with egg-cases attached taken in Derby, 28/4/04 (G.P.). BLATTIDA. Blatta orientalis, L. Common Cockroach. Swarms in towns and is to be found in many villages. Already naturalized in Derby in 1829 (S. Glover, History of the County of Derby, i., p. 174). B. americana, L. “Has inhabited the breweries of Burton for some years” [1869] (E.B.); occasionally in Derby (G.P.) B. australasiz, Fb. Accidentally imported with plants from Queensland, and first noticed at Calke Abbey in 1897 ; now a resident, breeding plentifully in one of the out- houses (H.C.). PANCHLORIDE. Rhyparobia madere (Fb.). Several have been accidentally imported into Derby with fruit; specimens in Derby Museum (G.P.). THE ORTHOPTERA OF DERBYSHIRE. 231 ACRIDIODEA. TRYXALID. Stenobothrus viridulus (L.). Common in Burton district (E.B.); *Little Eaton (G.P.); *local, sunny banks in the Dove valley (F.J.) ; *Kirk Ireton, 1904 (B.A.). S. parallelus (Zett.). *Common in several localities in the Ashburne district, e.g., near the Holt Wood, Clifton, September 1903-4, etc. (F.J.); *Kirk Ireton, 1904 (B.A.). Gomphocerus maculatus, Thnb. (biguttatus, Charp). “Several specimens of this species . . . I believe were captured near Burton” (E.B.); *one Breadsall Moor, August, 1903 (G.P.) ; *common among the screes and rocks of Dovedale and Lathkill Dale, September, 1903 and 1904 (F.]J.). CEDIPODIDZ. [Records of the two following species must be accepted with some reserve, aS in many cases locusts have been recorded as P. migratorius without any attempt having been made to determine the species. There appears to be some question, too, as to the species figured by Curtis. See article in the Naturalist, 1877, p. 129, for further information. | . Pachytylus migratorius (L.). One at Elton Moor, near iP: Youlgreave (Zoologist, 1848, p. 2001); three taken and another seen recently in the neighbourhood of Burton, Sept., 1857 (Zool., 1858, p. 5919); has been captured in the winged state many times in this dis- trict within the last twenty years (E.B.). cinerascens (Fb.). A male of Locusta christii “on Aug. 27th, 1842, near Derby (R. J. Bell, Zool., 1843, p- 123). If this is correctly identified, probably the locusts recorded as “Gryllus migratorius” in the Zoologist for 1844, p. 478, from Stonegravels, near Chesterfield (about the beginning of January, 1843) and Burton-on-Trent (about mid-September, 1842) also belong to this species. “JI have one specimen [perhaps the individual mentioned above] taken near Burton” (E.B.) 232 THE ORTHOPTERA OF DERBYSHIRE. ACRID&. Schistocerca peregrina (Oliv.). Visited the south-eastern counties in some numbers in 1869, spreading into Derbyshire, Staffordshire, Notts., etc. “Two speci- mens were captured in different parts of the town of Burton-on-Trent” (E.B., Zool., 1870, p. 2029). No later records. Tettix bipunctatus (L.). Common in Bretby Park (E.B.). LOCUSTODEA. LOCUSTIDA. Locusta viridissima (L.). One was brought to the Derby Museum for determination which had been caught by a boy not far from Derby, about the year 1897 or 1898 (G.P.). DECTIDz. Thamnotrizon cinereus (L.). At Repton Shrubs, but rare (E.B.). : Platycleis grisea (Fb.). Near Derby; specimens now in Derby Museum (G.P.). P. brachyptera (L.). At Repton Shrubs (?) (E.B.). GRYLLODEA. GRYLLIDZ. Nemobius sylvestris (Fb.). A single individual of this southern species was taken at Willington (G.P.). Possibly an importation. Gryllus domesticus, L. House cricket. Common in ? kitchens and bakehouses. Many of these insects were to be heard in a field used for tipping the town refuse, near Ashburne, in the fine weather of June, 1904 (F.J.). GRYLLOTALPIDE. [Gryllotalpa gryllotalpa (L.). Although described by Glover as “often infesting gardens by the side of canals,” the absence of any confirmatory evidence renders its occurrence very doubtful. ] 238) On Rare Migrants to, Derbyshive tv 1904. By the Rev. Francis C. R. Jourpain, M.A., M.B.O.U. URING the spring of 1904 the southern part of Derbyshire was visited by the largest herd of wild swans of which we have-any record. Curiously enough they did not belong to the larger and more commonly occurring species, the Whooper, Cygnus musicus, Bechst., but to the smaller Bewick’s swan, Cygnus bewicki, Yarrell. This bird has only been recorded three times previously from Derbyshire. In February, 1845, a herd of eleven was met with on the Trent, and two were shot (Zoologist, 1850, p. 2823). An adult male bird was killed on January 18th, 1864, on the Trent at Newton Solney by Mr. J. A. Smallwood, and is now in the Rolleston Hall collection (incorrectly labelled as having been killed in 1841). See the Zoologist, 1864, p. 8961. The third occurrence was in the winter of 1894-5, when a small herd of six birds visited the reservoir on Ramsley Moor in North Derbyshire, and two were shot by one of the keepers about the first week in January, 1895 (W. Storrs Fox). On February 24th, 1904, about 9.30 a.m., a labourer saw two wild swans flying down the Dove valley from Mapleton to Hanging Bridge. They came within easy range, and appeared to settle by the river below Hanging Bridge. They were cer- tainly wild swans from their notes, but whether C. musicus or C. bewicki it is impossible to say. Three days later (February 27th) I was standing in my garden about 4.15 p.m., when I heard in the distance the answering calls of an approaching 234 ON RARE MIGRANTS TO DERBYSHIRE IN 1904. herd. A few flakes of snow were falling at the time, and when at last the birds came into view I saw that they were flying in an extended line, almost abreast of one another, and not in the V-shaped formation so frequently adopted by the geese. I counted forty of them as they passed right overhead, giving me a splendid view of their long outstretched necks and white plumage, with their black feet extended backwards. All the time they kept up a continuous succession of calls to one another, which were distinctly audible after the birds had passed out of sight. It would be of much interest if the flight of this herd could be traced across England. ‘There is some reason to believe that they visited a reservoir about ten miles from Birmingham, and after many enquiries I found that they were sighted at Calwich and Mayfield on their way up the Dove valley before swerving in a south-easterly direction over Clifton, Edlaston, Longford, across the Trent valley to Calke, and finally reaching Swithland Reservoir, in Leicestershire, where forty were counted on the 27th. Next day twenty-five birds left, but the remaining fifteen stayed on the reservoir till 9.0 a.m. on March 7th, when the Rev. J. Murray Dixon, hearing their cries, was in time to see them rise from the water in a string, and take a north-easterly direction. Mr. O. Murray Dixon gave me some interesting details of their stay at Swithland. He had excellent opportunities of watching them through a powerful glass, and was able to deter- mine the species with certainty. When disturbed the neck was erected to its full extent, and then nodded with a peculiar jerky motion. In bathing they dipped their necks into the water, allowing it to flow over their backs in a most graceful manner. After leaving Swithland they appear to have again passed over Calke Abbey, for a herd (estimated at eighteen in number) were seen at midday “about a week” after the passage of the main body, and it is possible that the two separated portions may have re-united, as Mr. G. Pullen informs me _ that thirty-five swans were seen flying over the sewage farm at ON RARE MIGRANTS TO DERBYSHIRE IN 1904. 235 Egginton on March 2gth, while on the following day twenty- two grey geese (sp. ?) were seen at the same place. A female Wood or Summer Duck, Aix sfonsa (L.), was killed on the Derwent near Duffield by Mr. Young at the end of January. This is an American species, but has been kept in a semi-domesticated state in the county, and the bird was almost certainly one of these. : A couple of Scaup Ducks, Fuligula marila (L.), were seen on the Trent not far from Donington, and the male bird was shot by Mr. A. S. Hutchinson. These birds are rather rare visitors to us, and none have been recorded since 1891. Nightingales were more numerous than usual along our southern borders, and several instances of their breeding were noted in 1904 along the Staffordshire boundary and in the south of the county. A very fine Honey Buzzard, Pernis apivorus (L.), was, I regret to say, shot at Allestree by a keeper on June 23rd. It was in splendid plumage, and though the sex was not ascertained by dissection, was probably a female. From the earth on the claws it had evidently been lately at work scratching out a wasps’ nest. It is, of course, a protected bird, but so long as all large hawks are shot on sight by gamekeepers, the so-called protection is not of much practical value. The Honey Buzzard is, more- over, not only harmless, but actively useful; its main food consisting of the grubs of wasps. An Oyster-Catcher, Hamatopus ostralegus (L.), was seen by Mr. H. G. Tomlinson on the River Dove near Sudbury on October 28th, and on November 4th Mr. R. H. Bond shot an adult male Scoter, Oldemia nigra (L.), on the Dove, near Hanging Bridge. It was in poor condition, and was very loath to take wing. 236 EVitortal otes, wi] RON TISPIECE.—This is a reproduction in colours Ml «oof Sir George Sitwell’s oil painting, and represents a view of Derby at the close of the seventeenth century. The date is very closely defined by the costumes in the foreground, the lady evidently wearing the fontange. This was a coiffure supported upon a wire and ribbon framework, which assumed so tower-like an extravagance, that at last Louis XIV., in 1699, protested against it, and it was doomed. In England it was continued rather later, and Planché tells us that ‘‘ one Brussels. head” cost £40, whereby it would seem not to have been indigenous. ‘THE Dersy MunicipaL Recorps.—The Corporation of Derby is to be congratulated on having printed and issued a Calendar of Ancient Records. It has been printed at Derby, and covers seventy-six pages. The work has been done by the well-known expert, Mr. Jeayes, and is therefore thoroughly reliable. DiscovERY OF BRONZE ANTIQUITIES IN THE SEVENTEENTH Crentury.—Dr. Brushfield forwards the following extract from MS. Ashmole, 1136, fol. 169, which seems to have escaped the notice of previous Derbyshire “¢terateurs :—“‘ Memorandum That the brasen Axe head, vernished ouer wt* a black vernish, was given me at Ashborne in the Peake a° 1662 by M* George Hopkinson; and was found in Harpe Edge, betweene Bonsall & Cromford in Wrickeworth Wapentake in Com. Derb: An°® 1644 or 1645. And wt» it were also found a sword of Brass, & 7 or 8 other like Axe heades & 3 Speare-heades of the same Mettall. About the yeare 1658 was found at Harehill in EDITORIAL NOTES. 237 Boylston Lordsp (being a very high place) two Axe heades of Brass like the former, & now in the custody of M* Agar.” The discovery, in this county, of a bronze (brass) sword is an exceptionally rare incident. Our ILLusTRATIONS.—Sir A. Seale Haslam, M.P., and Colonel E. Cotton-Jodrell, C.B., have generously contributed to the expense of illustrating this volume. Mr. A. Victor Haslam has supplied the negatives for the bulk of the plates, and Mr. G. le Blanc Smith those of the fonts. The photo- graphs of the tombs in Darley churchyard are the work of Miss Janet M. Atkinson, of the Rectory, and the Rev. R. L. Farmer, Dr. Brushfield, Mr. P. H. Currey and Mr. Ernest Gunson have contributed the drawings for their respective papers. Finally, the Society will acknowledge its indebtedness to Sir George Sitwell for permission to reproduce his unique painting of Old Derby. New Booxs.—This year has been lavish in Derbyshire literature, but space will only permit a brief notice of a few of the works published. Abstracts of Wills of Prerogative Court of Canterbury for the year 1620, edited by J. Henry Lea, and printed for the New England Historical and Genealogical Society, Boston, Massachusetts. The volume is of upwards of 600 pages, and contains good abstracts of 1,366 wills, including many of Derby- shire testators, and numerous genealogical references to Derbyshire families. Mr. Keyser, F.S.A., whose descriptive list of old wall- paintings has long been considered the standard work on the subject, has now published a comprehensive work on Norman Tympana and Lintels, admirably illustrated by photographic enlargements. The total list of such examples of Norman sculpture scarcely exceeds two hundred, and there are one hundred and seventy illustrations in these pages. Several English counties have only one or two instances of these enriched early church doorways, whilst Hertfordshire, Surrey 238 EDITORIAL NOTES. and Sussex supply no examples. Derbyshire is third on the list in point of numbers, but it certainly stands first in the interest and variety of the sculptured subjects. Gloucestershire supplies 24 examples, Oxfordshire 16, and Derbyshire 15. The Derbyshire examples are :—Ashford, Ault Hucknall, Bolsover, Darley, Findern, Hognaston, Kedleston, Normanton-by-Derby, Parwich, Shirley, Stanton-by-Bridge, Swarkestone, Tissington, Whitwell, and Willington. This handsome 4to vol. is published by Elliot Stock at 21s. AntTIQUARY’s Booxs.—This series, under the general editor- ship of Rev. Dr. Cox, has been singularly well received by the press. The first volume, Exglish Monastic Life, by Abbot Gasquet, is in a second edition. The other published volumes are Remains of the Prehistoric Age in England, by Professor Windle, F.R.S.; Old Service Books of the Church of England, by Canon Wordsworth and Mr. Littlehales; Celtic Art, by Mr. J. Romilly Allen, F.S.A.; and Shrines of British Saints, by Mr. J. C. Wall. There is naturally much reference to Derbyshire in the volumes of Messrs. Windle and Allen; whilst the story of St. Alkmund and Derby is included in Mr. Wall’s volume. Tue Victoria County History SyNDICATE has now issued twelve volumes, and hopes in the future to be able to push on more expeditiously. The first volume of Derbyshire is on the eve of publication, and its contents have already been outlined in the pages of this /ournal (Vol. xxv., p. 238, and xxvi., Pp: 233): Old Castleton Christmas Carols, by the Rev. W. H. Shaw- cross, of Bretforton, is another of the author’s interesting little contributions to the history of Castleton, but it is also worth the attention of all interested in our old English carols. A word of praise, too, should be given to the Castleton Parish Magazine for the light the Vicar, the Rev. J. H. Brooksbank, is throwing through its pages upon the parish history of that town. EDITORIAL NOTES. 239 A Guide to Tideswell, by the Rev. J. M. J. Fletcher, M.A. It is pleasing to note that this useful and well written little book has now reached a well-deserved third edition. Lord Hawkes- bury has contributed the preface in the form of a paper upon “The Foljambs in Tideswell,” and both he and the author have added new facts to our knowledge of the history of this old town and its people. English Monasteries, from Saxon Days to their Dissolution, is a small volume on entirely original lines, and based ‘through- out on authentic records. Though published anonymously, it is an open secret that the writer is the Rev. Dr. Cox. It is stated, zier alia, that—“ Over the great wild stretch of Peak Forest, Derbyshire, or certain parts of it, the abbeys of Basing- wark, Beauchief, Darley, Domhall, Dieulacres, Leicester, Lillen- hall, Merivale, Roche, and Welbeck, together with the priories of Kingsmead, Launde, and Lenton, all had rights.” Highways and Byways in Derbyshire, by J. B. Firth, is an octavo bound volume which has been well reviewed, and rightly so. Although, perhaps, not so reliable in historical matters as, for example, Dr. Cox’s Little Guide to Derbyshire, it is a thoroughly readable and descriptive book. Its illustrations have been somewhat adversely criticised, but some of them, especially that of Arbor Low, are distinctly clever. Critical Studies and Fragments, by the late S. Arthur Strong, librarian of the House of Lords and at Chatsworth. The preface to Mr. Strong’s work, “The Masterpieces of the Duke d of Devonshire’s Collection of Pictures,” was well worth repro- duction, as the book in which it appeared (in 1901) was a costly one with sixty photogravures. The article on the Tapestry from Hardwick Hall appeared in the Architectural Review of March, 1902. This relates to the interesting discovery made by Mr. Strong that there were strips of early tapestry attached to the wall behind the pictures in the Long Gallery. They were taken down, and have been cunningly pieced together, showing that they originally formed four panels. The two best of these 240 EDITORIAL NOTES. have now been hung in the Sculpture Gallery at Chatsworth. Mr. Strong was of opinion that they are English work of the fifteenth century, and it has been conjectured that the panels were woven to commemorate the marriage of Margaret of Anjou with Henry VI. in 1444. A third Derbyshire article is the account of ‘* Drawings by the Old Masters at Chatsworth,” reprinted from a book under that title issued in 1902. Horns, by Joseph C. Bridge, M.A., F.S.A., is a contribution to the Chester Archeological Society's Journal, and in it the author treats the whole subject of horns and horn tenure from the historical and archeological point of view. The paper is well illustrated, and consists of 82 pages. The descriptions of the various examples are excellent, and he has culled much that is new to us from early records; and amongst so much that is good, if he has quoted the medizval forgery, the chronicle of Ingulphus, as contemporary with the Conqueror, it is only a slip of the memory. Needless to say, the Tutbury Horn—the most valued chattel in our county—is duly noticed and illus- trated, but there is no reason whatever for the doubt implied in the comment, “It is possible that this horn belonged to Agard, but if so it has been re-set.” The history of this horn is too well authenticated to admit of any question on the subject. MELANDRA CasTLE.—The Manchester and District Branch of the Classical Association are now undertaking “the excava- tion, study, and preservation of the remains of the Roman occupation” of Melandra. The committee include such well- known names as Professor Boyd Dawkins, Professor Conway, Canon Hicks, and Mr. Roeder; whilst Mr. F. A. Bruton is the Hon. Secretary. Already they are at work, and the mem- bers of this society will wish them every success in a research of so kindred an interest to our own at Brough, and will gladly welcome contributions of the results to a future volume of this I aie W. J. ANDREW. Cadster, Whaley Bridge. 41 Funder. Persons. Abney, family, 178 e¢ seq. Adderley, family, 25; Henry, 140 Agard, family, 91 Agarde, Jamys, 83 Albini, family, 162 ef seg. Aldrich, Henry, 36-7 Alselin, Geofrey, 159 Alleyne, family, 105 Alsopp, family, 113 Alton, John, 145 ANDREW, W. J., F.S.A. Note on the Tideswell versy, 72- The Bull Ring, 86 The Shall-Cross, Cross, 201-14 Editorial Notes, 236 e¢ seq. Appulton, Edward, 104-5 Arkwright, Ricd., 19 Armstronge, Edmond, 91 Arundel, family, 1 e¢ seg. Ashton, 224 Asshburne, Rob. de, 35 Aston, Edward, 102 ATKINSON, REv. CANON, 11, 37-8 The Darley Yew—a poem, 39-40 Attelowe, Rob., 35 Attewell, Nich., 35 Avoner, Wm. 35 Contro- a pre-Norman Babbington, Babington, Thos., 95, 142 ef seg.; Augustin, 112-3; Roland, 111, 113, 1173; family, 147 16 B. Places and Subjects. Abbot’s' Chair, stump, 208 Abney, 124, 178 et seq. », Grange, 215 et seg Adnaston, 102 Aldwark, 89, 108-9 Alestry, 119 Alfreton, go, 111, 124 Almecole, 105-6 Alvaston, 47, 90 Alveston, 91 Ambaston, gt Antiquities, preservation of, 126 Arms, Columbell, 20; Marbury, 20; Rollesley, 23, 24; Cheney, 23, 243; Hybald, 24; Whitehalgh, 25; Milward, 25 Ashford, go Ashgate, 88 Ashover, 97; font, 50-2 Aston, QI, 217 Ault Hucknall, 106 The, a cross Bakewell, 91, 97 BS Crosses at, 203 ef seq. Barleborough, 91, 102 ef seg. Barley, 122 242 INDEX. PERSONS. Bacon, Nicholas, 98-9; Anne, 98-9; Sir Francis, 98; Thomas, 115 Bafford, Alen, 114 Bagshaw, John, of Abney, 215 eé¢ seg.; Henry, 215 Bagshawe, Wm., 37 Bakster, Thos., 145 Baliden, Wm. de, 35 Ball, John, 83 Balle, Ric., 36 Barbar, family, 218 ef seq. Barber, John, 35; Henry, 140 Barkeley, Henry, Lord, 98, 118; Katherine, Lady, 98, 118 Barker, 218 e¢ seq. Barley, Humfrey, 124 Barnard, Ric., 100 Bartilmew, Thos., 83-4 Basford, family, 109 Beard, 18, 21 Bec, Richard, 143 Bedill, James, 114 Bekyngham, Thos. de, 35 Bentlay, Elen, 83; Thos., 83 Bentley, family, of Breadsall, 127 e¢ Seq. Berleston, Henry de, 34 Bertilmew, Thos., 83-4 Beyston, Thos, 145 Bigod, family, 103 Bingham, John, 81 Blackshawe, Wm., 100 Blackwall, Ralph, 21; Anne, 21 Bland, Sir John, 148; James, 221 Blount, see Mountjoy Bockin, John, 217; Denis, 218; Thos., 220 Bomforth, Geo., 218-220 Boswell, Thos., 96, 98, 107, 116, 118 Bow .es, C. E. B., M.A. The Manors of Derbyshire, 87-125 Bradwall, Wm., 219, 221 Bradewell, Wm. de, 35 Bradshaw, 216 ef seq. Bray, Edward, 119 Breadsall, Thos., 143-5 Brentingham, John de, 12, 34 Bright, 225 BropuHourst, Rev. F. Book of accounts for Elizabeth, Countess of Devonshire, 1656- 1662, 1 e¢ seq. Broke, John, 102 Brokesburn, Ric. de, 35 Brokesby, Rob., 102 PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Barrow, 92 Basebarrowe, 105-6 Baslow, 124 Beighton, 92-3, 102 Belgh, go Belper, 92, 94, 95, 145-6 Berselet, &c., 167 Biggen, 93, 106 Bighley, 106 Birchett, 100 Birley, 92-3 Bishops Newton, 93 Blackwell, 93-4, 110 Blegh go Bolsover, 91, 107 Bolton, go Bonsall, 26, 120 Bontessall, 120 Borrowash, 94, 120 Bow Stones, The, 203 e¢ seq. Bowthorpe, 104-6 Brachetum, 167 Bradbourne, 94; font, 44 Bradburne, 89, 112 Bradwell, 124, 217 Bradwey, 100 Bramley, 103 Brampton, 97 Brassington, 106 Breadsall Park, 94, 115 3 Priory and its history, 127749 5 Church, 149 Bredon, 95, 121 Bretton Clough, 216 ef seg. Bridgetown, 27 Bromeade, 105 Bronze antiquities, 236 Brough, 217; Excavations at, v., 150 Bull Ring, The, 86 Burland, 102 Burley, 96 Butterley, 95, 96, 98 discovery of, INDEX. PERSONS. Brown, Ralph, 26, 123 Bruggeton, Wm. de, 22 BRUSHFIELD, T. N., M.D., F.S.A. Tideswell and Tideslow, 59-73 Note on discovery of Bronze Antiquities, 236 Buckbert, 96 Bullock, John, 100 Bulneys, Wm., 35 Burton, George, 121; Robert, 144- 5; Bernard, Abbot of, 156 Bynbroke, John de, 35 Byrch, John, 85 Cadman, 27 Callingwood, Peter, 96 Cartelage, Johane, 83 Carus, Thos., 114 Castello, Thomas de, 140, 145 Cavendish, family, I e¢ seg., 90, 93- 95, 97, 101, 106, 108, 110-11, 116 Ceelye, Thos., 114-15 Chandelor, Ricd., 114 Chapman, John, 37 Chester, John, Bishop of, 97 Clarke, Cornelius, 88 Clegg, Edward, 124 Clifford, family, 108 Clopton, John, 103 Clynton, Lord, 93, 107 Coke, Ricd., 119 Collatt, piper at Chatsworth, 8 Columbell, family, 17 e¢ seg. Colyn, Thos., 35 Cooke, Ricd., 97, 101; 141; Sir Anthony, 98. Corham, Roger, 92 Cornwall, Cecilia, 144 Cotiler, family, 141 Cotterell, family, 16 e¢ seq. Cotton, George, 94, 121 8 Henry, 140-41 Cowper, Richard, 114 Cox, Rev. J. CuHaries, LL.D., F.S.A. The Church of St. Helen’s, Dar- ley Dale, 11-40 The History of Breadsall Priory, 138-49 Cretyng, Wm., 37 Crich, Cruche, Henry, 104-6 Cumberland, Henry, Earl of, 122 Currey, H. E., M.A. Two Derby Wills of the XVI. Century, 81-85 Henry, 243 PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Cainho, 163 ef seq. Caldwell, 96 Calke; 96 Calver, 96 Cardelhay, 112 Carleton, 96 Castle Gresley, 104-6 Castleton, 97, 118 Catton, 164 ef seg. Cella, 96 Chaddesden, 16, 94-5, 120, 141, 145-6 Chair, Meaning of word, 208 Chalenglowe, 113 Chartley, 141 Chatsworth, 2 ef seq. Cheadle, Crosses at, 203 e¢ seg. Chebsey, Cross at, 203 ef seg. Chelmorton, 97 Chesterfield, 97; font, 47-50 Monument, 149 Church Broughton, 97; font, 46-7, IIo Church Gresley, 104-6 Clock and chimes, 83 Clulow Cross, 203 ef seg. Coalpits, 124, 223 Codnor, 98, 100 ef seq. Cold Aston, 122 Colley, 97 Congesberye, 94, 95, 106 Coote, 98 Corbar, 225 Cosbery, 94, 95, 106 Coton, 167 Cotton, 98, 112-13, 118 Cowdale, 97 Cowley, 27 Crabtrestall, 1o5 Cressyngham, 35 Crich, 18 to) 44 PERSONS. Currey, P. H., Hon. Secretary. Breadsall Priory, 127-37 Report, v.-vii. Curzon, family, 104, 108, 123, 125, 138 et seq. Cutler, family, 147-8 Dackin, Rob., 218 Dacre, family, 92 Dakin, Thos., 221 Danby, John, 119 Darley, de, family, 15 e¢ seg. Darwin of Breadsall, 127 e¢ seq. Day, Walter, 37 Derby, John, 144 36 Earls of, see Ferrers Dethick of Breadsall, 139 e¢ seq. Devonshire, family, 1 e¢ seg. 5a Elizabeth, Countess, Accounts, 1656-62, I et seq. Charity, 3. Drable, Rob., 218, 220. Dudley, family, 94, 103, 110, 120 Duffield, Rob., 36 Duporte, Thos., 94, 95, 111, 115 INDEX. PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Cronxton, 113 Cropwell, 97 Crosseflatt, 105-6 Crosses, Pre-Norman Stone, in Derbyshire and Northumbria, 27-30, 201 é¢ seq. Market, of Derby, 83 Crych, 97, 101, 109 Chantry, 97, 110 e¢ seq. et seéq.; Dalbury Lees, 98-9, 142. Dalby, Dalbiery, 98-9, 103 Dale, 99, 100, 120-1; Abbey, 83, 113; Church, 99 Darley, 146; Abbey, 100, 112, 140 et seg., 156 Darley Dale Church, 11 ef seg. ; Monuments , 19 ef seg. ; Halls at, 17 et seg.; Yew tree, 38 ef seq. Dawre, 97 Denby, too, 122; Church, 100, 122. Derby, 94, 95, 116-17, 124, 140-41, 145-6 Two XVI. Century Wills concern- ing, 81 All Hallows, 83-4-5, 189; Clock and Chimes, 83 All Saints’, 12, Seal of, 228. Bailiffs and Burgesses, 116 Beast, The, Market, 82 Blackfriars, 116-17 Bridge, Chapel on the, 82 Calendar of Ancient Records, 236 Market Place, 81 », Cross, 83 St. Alkmund’s, 82, 100, 119 St. Michael’s, 81-5 St. Peter’s, 82, 112, 116 St. Werburgh’s, 82, 116-17 View of Old (frontispiece), 236 Dethick, 147 Dogmanton, 102 Donisthorpe, 104-6 Dore, 97 Dovecote, A, 99, 113, 122, 135-6, I19, 130, 1433 139 Dovebridge, Doveridge, 1o1, 110, 141 Dowbridge, 101, 110 Drakelow, 104-105; History of, 151 et seg. - INDEX. PERSONS. Eddess, Ann, 219 Edwards, John, 26, 36, 37 Exton, Bryan, 36, 38 Eymis, George, 114 Eyre, family, 112, 216 ef seg., 220, 224 FARMER, Rev. R. L. Cavalier’s Sword found at Eggin- ton, 75-80 FENTON, G. S. The Seal of All Saints’, Derby, 228 Fentresper (?), Ric. de, 35 Ferara, Andrea, 75 ef seq. Fernele, John, 84 Ferne, Henry, 25 Ferrers, Robert de, 141 3 5, family, 1s1 ef seg. Fitche, family, ae a fs Fitz Alan, 181 e seg. », Fulcher, Henry, 155 e seg. 96 36 Sewal, 155 e¢ seq. », Herbert, family, 18 >> Nigel, Wm., 162, 169 ef seg. am »» Rob., 169 e¢ seg. >» Sewal, Henry, 154 ef seq. », Walkelin, Wm., 177 245 | PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Dronfield, 93, 97, 109, 1243 brass, | 28; Guild, 97, 110 | Duffield, 94, 95, 96, 141, 143-6 Dunne, 13 Dunston, ror Durandesthorpe, Duransthorpe, 98 Durington, ror Duston, 101 | EB. Eam, 97, 101 Eatington, History of, 151 ef seg. Eaton, Dovedale, 25 Edensor, 101 Edleston, Edillneston, ro1-2 Ednaston, 102 Egginton, 102, 124; Sword found at, 75 5 Heath, Skirmish in 1644, 76 Ekington, 97, 103 Elias acre, 218 Elington, 92 Elmeton, 103 Elvaston, 99, 100 Estmosborough, 102 Etwall, 99, 103 Eyam, 97, 101, 124 », Lead mines, 223-4 F. Fallowfield, 105-6 Fernilee, Cross at, 201 e¢ seg. Feudal History of the County of Derby, by Mr. Pym Yeatman, reviewed, 151 ef seq. Finderne, 103-4 Flagg, 97 Fonts, 41 e¢ seg; Ashover, 50-2; Bradbourne, 44, 55; Ches- | terfield, 47-50; Church Broughton, 46; Darley, 34, | 55; Haddon, 52-3; Hog- | naston, 44, 553; Kirk Hallam, 44; Leaden, 50-2; Ockbrook, 44, 55; Pent- rich, 44, 553; Somersall Herbert, 41-4; Staveley, 55; Wirksworth, 53-4 = List and dates of Norman, in the county, 56 99 Various, 56-58 246 PERSONS. Flaald, 181 ef seq. Flakett, John, 123 Flecher, John, 84 Foljambe, 16 ef seg., 35; Sir Thos., 149 Fotheringye, Walter de, 12, 34 Frances, Thos., 141 Francis, John, 218-19; Joeph, 221 Freville, Frechvile, family, 103, 114, 122 Froste, Margaret, 83 Fulcher, 154 ef seq. Fynes, family, 92 Fytche, Robert, 125 Gamson, Rob., 36 Gargrave, Sir Thos., 113 Garlick, 27 Garmston, John, 37; Saml., 37 Garnston, John, 36 Gell, Ralph, 106; Sir John, 76 Gerrard, family, 99, 103 Gibbs, James, 188-9 Gifforde, Sir John, 102, 123 Glaseour, Wm., 103 Goche, Rob., 89 Goldyngton, Thos. de, 139 Gomfrey, 28 Greasley, of Notts., 170 ef seq. Greene, Ralph, 115 Greenehall, Greenhalgh, 107 Greensmith, 18, 21, 127 e¢ seq. Gresham, Sir Thos., 104, Anna, 114-5 Gresley, Family History of, 151 e¢ seq. ; Sir William, 98, 118 Grey, Lord, 95, 1213; Sir John, gs, 121; Sir Edward, 109 GuNSON, ERNEST Shallcross and Yeardsley Halls, 185-200 114-5; Hacker, John, 117 Hake, Ric., 83-4 Hall, Edmund, 218-220; 218; Thos., 220 Halom, Henry, 145 Hardwick, family, 89, 108-9 Hardy, John, 141 Harpur, Harper, 117 Harrington, John, 121 Widow, INDEX. PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Foolow, 124 Forester of fee, 28 Foston, 96 Frembruk, 109 Fulbecke, 1o1 Fynderne, see Finderne Gedling, 104 Glapwell, 107 Grangefield, 104, 125 Great Hucklow, 124, 217 Greenhill, 100 Greeneslowe Chapel, 106 Greenwich, East, Tenure of, 89 e¢ Seq. Greasley, Notts., 170 ef seq. Gresley, 104-6, 151 e¢ seq. Griffe, 106 Grinlow, 217 Hacumthorpe, 92 Haddon font, 52-3 Hallam, Little, 89 Halyard Garth, 92 Hampton Court, 96 Handley, 100, 122 Harctishorne, 119 Hardwick Hall, 2 ef seg.; Book of accounts, 1 ef seq. INDEX. PERSONS. Harthill, Thomas, 18 Hasilwood, John, 100, 123 Haslam of Breadsall, 127 ef seg. Hastings, Sir Geo., 99, 1033 Dorothy, 99, 103. Hawk, Thos., 85 Hay, Ric. del, 35 Haye, 39 Haynton, Rob. de, 35 Heath, John, 115 Heneage, Sir Thos.,*89, 90 Herberjour, family, 16 Heynour, Wm., 141 Hichcok, Rob., 102 Hobbes, Thos., 1 Hochinson, Thos., 95 Hodwod, Thos., 83 Holand, Thos., 145 Holborne, family, 112 Holland, Jas., 36; Lawrance, 145-6 Hollis, family, 10g Holme, Emmott, 81; family, of Derby, 82 e¢ seg.; Johanne, Will of, 82; William, Will of, 84 Horewod, Thos., 84 Horunngwoode, Marmaduke de, 34 Hoticote, Wm. de, 34 How, 219-21 Howard, family, 107, 111 Howe, John, 121, 218-19; Robert, 218-19 HucGuHes, ALFRED, M.A. Accounts of John Bagshawe of Abney Grange, in the reign of George I., 215-27 Hulyn, Wm., 37 Hunte, Thos., 35 Hutchinson, Thos., 147 Hybald, family, 24 Hynde, John, 116-17 Hyrst, Rob., 100 Iberson, Henry, 217 Innett, Ric., 36 Irby, Leonard, 93, 107 Irpe, Annes, 83 Isham, Giles, 108, 117, 124 Jaddysdene, John, 143 Jakson, Thos., 36 Johnson, Ric., 37; Rob., 84 247 PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Harkhome, farm, 218, 220 Harstofte, 107 Harthill, 18 Hartington, 106, 112 Harwood, 106 Hatton, 110 Hasley Badge, 217 Hathersage market, 222 Hawtehuknall, see Ault Hucknall Hazelwood, 141 Heanor, 142 Heath, 107 Heathcote, 93, 106 Hepefield, 92 Hethfield, 143 Heynor, 98, 107 Heythcoate, 104-6 Highcliff mine, 224 Highlow, 217; Hall, 223 Hilton, 91, 107 Hinkersell, 100 Hognaston, 120; font, 44, 55 Hollingherst, 107 ; Waste, 117, 124 Hollington, r11 Holmefield, 93, 124 Holt, 108, 110 Home, 108 Hope, 124, 216 e¢ seg. ; monuments, 2 Horns, 239; Monumental, 28 . Horsley, 91, 108, 122-3; Rectory, 100, 122, 138 ef seq. Horston, Hourston, 91, 123, 138 et seg. ; Castle, 91 Horton, 91 Hourstone, 108 Hucknall, 106-7 Hundowe, 93 Hunston, 123 Ible, 25 Ilam, Crosses, 203 ef seg. Ilkeston, Ilston, 89, 99, 100, 108-9 Trenbroke, 109 248 PERSONS. Jourpain, REv. F. C. R., M.A. On Rare Migrants to Derbyshire, 233-35 ° The Otter in Derbyshire, 74 Orthoptera of Derbyshire, 220-32 39 Kay, see Key Kendall, family, 16 e¢ seq. Key, William, Chaplain, $2 Kinelworth, Nicholas de, 34 Kniveton, Knyveton, Thos., 97, 101, 119; John, 97, IoIt, 1193 Matthew, 113; Robert, 141 Kybbeworth, Rob. de, 36 Lane, Martyn, 37 Lassells, Henry, 97, 101, 119 Launcercombe, Ric. de, 34 Lawe, John, 37 Lawrence, Ben., 37 Leacroft, Thos., 148 Leake, John, 147 Ledenham, Thos. de, 34 Lee, Ric., 37 Leghe, John, 34 Leke, Francis, 90, 93, 108, 110, 118, 122, 124 Leonard, family, 92 Lewes, Thos., 140, 145 Llewellynn, David, 36 London, Thos. de, 140, Longford, family, 91 Longson, Thos., 224 Lowe, Francis, 100 Lumley, family, 144 IOI, 104, 145 Mackworth, Hugh de, 139, 145 Malyverer, family, 103 Manners, John, 91; Dorothy, or Roger, 91 Manwood, Roger, 92 INDEX. PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Kenelmarsh, Kinwalmarsh, 109 Kilburne, 100, 108 Killowmarshe, 97 King’s Mead, 109 Kirk Hallam, 110; font, 44-5 Kirkby’s Quest, 166-7 Kniveton, 101 Kyme, 124 Kyndwaldmarsh, 102 Langley, 98, 112 Lead mills, 223 Lead mines, 223-4 Leaden fonts, 50-2 Lee, 106 Leek, Cross at, 203 ef seq. Leigh Heathcoate, 106 Linton, 98, 105, 176 Little Chester, 116 Little Eaton, 141 Little Hall, 110, 120 Little Hucklowe, 124, 217, 225 Little Lees, 100 Little Longstone, 224 Little Norton, 100 Littleover, 104, 114-5 Litton, 124 Lockowe, 110, 120 London, Mayor, &c., of, 12 Long close, Morley, 146 Longlee, 83 Longlay, 83 Loscowe, 98, 100 Ludworth Moor, Crosses on, 203 ef Seq. Lullington, 167 Lyme Hall, Crosses at, 209 Lynton, 98, 105 Macclesfield, Crosses at, 203 e¢ seq. Mackney, 96 Mackworth, 100, 119 Magna, see Mickle Manors of Derbyshire, 87-125 INDEX. PERSONS. Marbury, 18, 20 Mariott, Elizabeth, 83 Marshall, Elias, 218 Masters, Stephen, 36-7 Mather, 39 Meinfenin, 157 Mellor, family, 27 Melton, John de, 34 Merston, Hamund de, 139, 145 Middleton, Rob., 219, 221 Miles, 17 Milward, family, 25 ef seq. Molde, Rob., 140 Mollanus, Major, 76 Moore, 36 More, Rog., 83-5 Morley family, 127 ef seg., 144, 220 Moseley, family, 148, 219 Mossley, Thos., 37 Mountjoy, family, 123 Nadin, Ann, 227 Nedeham, Henry, 90 Needham, family, 22, 27 Newton, Geo., 218-19 Norbury, Roger de, 18 North, Chris., 37 Northampton, John, 37 Norreyes, family, 92 Offley, Joseph, 87; Robert, 87 Orcherde, Nicholas, 83-4 Ormond, Elizabeth, 147 249 PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Marketon, 119 Marshall farm, 220 Marston, r10 Matlock, 12, 26, 120 Measham, 180 Medowpleck, 93, 110 Melandra Castle, 240 Melbourne, 96 Mellor Hall, 187 Mickleover, 104, 114-5 Middleton, 120, 124; More, 106 Mildriche, 113 Milton, 111, 117 Moats, 17 Moldridge, 111-12 Monuments, Kneeling, 149 Monyash, 97, 111 Morley, 25, 94, 95, 107, 112, 115, 139 et seq. Muldridge, 111-12 Mugginton, 94-5, 111, 142 ef seq. Muoclough, 125 Mylnehey, 98 Q7, 101 et seqg., Nether acre, 220 Nethernewbold, 112 Netherthorpe, 122 Netherthrough Maston, 102 Newbold, 97, 100, 112 Nonneclough, 125 Norman fonts, 41-55 Normanton, 111-13 Norton, 100; Hall, 87 Ockbrook, 16, 100, 113; font, 44 Offerton, 217 Okethorpe, 105 Olaston, 116-17 Old yard, The, 100 One Ashe, 113 Orthoptera of Derbyshire, 229 Osmaston, 113, 110-7 Otter, The, in Derbyshire, 74 Ounston, 97 Overdenton, 115 Overlockowe, 94, 115 Overnewbold, 112 Overseers of Wills, 81 250 INDEX. PERSONS. Pagett, family, 96, ror, 102-4, 112, 114-5, 119, 123 Paulinus, 205 ef seq. Payne, Edward, 12, 36 Pease, Edward, g2, 118 Pendylton, Wm., 144-5 Pickerell, Cecilia, 115 Pierpoint, Pirepoint, 118 Place, Wm., 101 Plompton, family, 17, 21 Podenham, Thos. de, 34 Pole, family, 99, 113, 142 Pollard, Wm., 37 Ponger, Elyas, 34, 35 Poole family, 100 Porte, John, 99, 111, 117 Pott, Potts, John, 12, 26, 36-7; Maria, 26 Poutrell, family, 121 Powes, Lord, 109 Pylkyngton, Wm., 36 Pype, Richard, 109 Geo., 116, Repyndon, Wm. de, 140, 145 Reve, Thos., 94, 108, 117, 121, 124 Reynolds of Plaistow, 17 e seq. Ridge, Edward, 113 Rigges, Wm., 96 Robert, William, 32 Robinson, Geo., 219 Rocliff, 17 Rollesley, 22 e¢ seg., 36 Ronynton, John, 36 Roper, William, 16, 17 Rothwell of Breadsall, 149 Rosell, John, 141 RounbD, J. Horace, M.A. The Origin of the Shirleys and of the Gresleys, 151-84 Rowsley, 22 ef seq. : Royle, Thos., 119 Rutland, Dukes of, 17 Sacheverell, 20, 25, 37, 90, 112 St. Amand, 164 Savage, Thos., 37 PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Padley, Nether, 217 Palterton, 115-6, 118 Parish boundaries, 207 ef seq. Parochial System, Origin of, 207 et seq. Parva, see Little Peak Castle, 16, 18, 19 Pencrich, 93 Pentrich, 93, 97 ¢¢ seg., 110; font, 44, 555 116 Pesebarrowe, 105-6 Picking Rods, The, 203 e¢ seq. Pilsbury, 113 Plague, The, 12, 39 Plumley, 102 Prices of commodities in 1660, 4; temp. Geo. I., 215 et seq. Priestbuttes, 105-6 Princesfee Waste, 107, 117 Pym Chair, Cross, 203 e seq. Radburne, 142 Ravenston, 112-3, 117 Raynoldeshawe, 102 Regwell, 102 Regwey, 102 Repingdon, see Repton Repton, 111, 117-8; Priory, 140, 144 Retherndyke, 146 Ripley, 98, 118 Riston, 112-3, 117 Robin Hood’s Picking Rods, 203 e¢ seq. Roman roads, 185 Rollesley monuments, 23 Rowethorne, 107 Rowsley, 22 Roydefield, 92 Rushelaston, 98, 118 Russlaston,, 98, 118 Rye close, 146 Sandiacre, 18, 99, 100 Sapton, 111 Saxon Crosses, 27-30, 201 ef seq. PERSONS. Saweyg, Rob., 85 Say, Lord, 93, 107 Scoortrede, Henry, 37 Scrope, Ralph, 92 Scrubby, John de, 34 Sebyston, John de, 36 Segrave, 167 ef seq. Sence, Ric., 36 Senior, 27 Sewal, Sewald, 154 ef seg. Seymor, John, 104-5 Shakerley, Roland, 96 Sharpe, John, 116 Shelton, Ralph, 120 Shirley, family, 102; History of the family, 151 e¢ seg. Shore, family, 87-8 Shrewsbury, Francis, Earl, 97, 109- 11; George, Earl of, 113; Dame Elizabeth, 113 Slighe, John, 91 SMITH, G. LE BLANC Derbyshire Fonts, 41-58 Smithe, Ric., 36 Smythe, Geo., 96, 98, 107, 116, 118 Sothill, 17 Spakeman, Ric., ror Spencer, Henry, 35 Stafford, 39, 164 et seg.; Geoffrey de, 140, 145 Stanhope family, 91, 93, 96, 97; 99; IOI, 103-4, 108, 110, 117, 119-22 Stanley, Sir Thos., 91; Margaret, 91; Robert, 146 Starkey, Symond, 117 Statham, family, 143-4 Story, Francis, 226 Stox, Thos., 82 Stringer, Anthony, 114-5 Stronge, Rob., 36 Stuart, Arabella, 1 eZ seg. Stubton, Ulf de, 159 Suffolk, Duke of, 94, 95, 111, I15, 147 Surtas, Stephen, 37 Sutton, family, 109, 113 Swifte, family, 92-3, 103 Sykes, Francis, 219 Talbot, family, 91 Taylear, Rye, 85 Thacker, Gilbert, 18 Thorneton, John, 119 INDEX. 251 PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Scarcliffe, 90, 93, 101 ef seg., 115, 118 Scropton, 96, 110 Seal of All Saints’, Derby, 228 Shacklecross, 212-14 Shallcross and Yeardsley Halls, 185 et seq. Shall-cross, The, 201 ef seq. Shardlow, 119 Sharelow, see Shardlow Shattons, 217 Shelford, 119 Sherebrouke, go, 118 Sherley, 119 Shirland, 97, 119 Shirley, 102 Shorthassels, 119 Slate delphe, 219 Smalley, 100, 119 Snitterton, 22, 25 ef seg., 120; Hall, 186, 187 Somersall Herbert, font, 41-4 Southall, 92 Southowse, 120 Spinkehill, 102 Spondon, 94, 95, 99, 100, 120-1, 140-1, 145-6 Stainsby, 177 e¢ seq. Staley, 97, 102 Standage Pole, coal pits, 223 Stanley, too, 120-1; Chapel, 147 Stanton, 96, 121 Stapleford Cross, 203 ef seq. Staveley, 100, 122 Sterndale, 97 Stermevall, 97 Stoke, 124, 217; Cross at, 203 et seq. Stone Circles, 86 Stockbardolphe, 93, 96, 104, 119 Stubley, 97 Stydd, Stede, 123 Sugmanton, 124 Sundial, 31 Swadlincote, 104-6, 160 ef seq. Swarston Bridge, 96 Sword, found at Egginton, 75; Bronze, 236 Swords of the 17th century, 75 e¢ seq. Tapestry at Shallcross, 191-2; at Hardwick and Chatsworth, 239-40 Taxal, Cross at, 203 Teddepole, 124 252 INDEX. PERSONS. Thornton, Roland, 141 Toesni, 164 e¢ seg. Torre, Johanne, 83 Townend, 218 é seg. Townley, Edmund, 140-1 Townsynde, Agnes, 83 Twyford, John de, 140 Twynyho, Edmund, 114 Underhill, Wm., 102 Upton, Roger, 140, 145 Vawdrey, Daniel, 37 Vernon, family, 18, 91 Wade, Thos., 141 Warner, Sir Edward, 26, 120 Warwick, John, Earl of, 96 Waterhouse, Thos., 141 Weld, Nicholas atte, 16, 17, 35; William, 17 Wendesley, de, family, 21, ef seg. 140; Sir Thomas, 140 West, family, 100, 112 Westborough, Wm. de, 159 Wescote, family, 111, 117 , Westmoreland, Henry, Earl, 90 Wethurby, Wm., 37 Whitehalgh, family, 25 Whitelombe, Ric., 36 Widoson, Wm., 83 Willoughby, William, Lord, 89, go; Sir William, 90 Wilson, Jas., 118 Winlowe, Wm., 92 Wombwell, Thos., 141 q PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Thornhill, 217 Thornsett, 27 Thorpe, 123 Thurlaston, 91 Thurmansleigh, 125 Thursley, 104, 125 Tibshelf, Tibshall, 124 Tideslow, 59 e¢ seg.; tumulus, 66 et seq. Tideswell, 59 e¢ seg., 124; Name and well of, 59 e¢ seg. Tignall, 107, 124 Tileydoale, 92 Toodehole, 92 Tree planting, 225 Trowey, 102 Tutbury, 98-9, 156; Horn, 240 Tympana in the County, 238 Tyrbeck, 106 Uggathorpe, 115 Ulkerthorpe, 110 Underground passages, 137 Upton, Cross, 203 ef seq. Vinery, A, 147 Wallerthorpe, ro2 Walton, 98 Wardlow, 217 Waterthorpe, 92 Wedding Well, The, 61 Wells, Ebbing and Flowing, 59 e¢ seq. Wendesley, 21 ef seg., 120 Westmosborough, 102 Weston, 91, 111 ef seg. Wetheringdon, 1o1 Whaley Moor, Crosses on, 203 ef Seq. Wheatefield, 105 Whetecrofte, 97 White Leese, 220 Whitfield, 27 Whithills, rar Whittington, 18, 93 Willesley, 178 ef seq. Wilne, Cross at, 203 e¢ seg. INDEX. (+253 PERSONS. Wood of Breadsall, 149 Wormhill, Roger de, 26 Worth, Jasper, 115; Alice, 115 Wortley, family, 92 Waris WU, 37 Wren, Thos., 124 Wyrkesworth, John, 36: Yorke, Thos., t1o1 Zacheverell, see Sacheverell Zouche, Sir John, 96, 98, 107, 116, 118 PLACES AND SUBJECTS. Windesers, 176 Windley, 94, 95, 141, 144-6- Winster, Windesor, 120; House, v. Wirksworth, 106; font, 53-4 Woodhouse, 97, 100, 108 Woodland, 217 Woodsett, 100 Woodthorpe, 122 Wormhill, 26 Market Yeardsley and Shallcross Halls, 185 et seq. Yeatman, Mr. Pym, his Feudal History of the County of Derby reviewed, 151 ef seq. Yeaveley, Yeveley, 119, 123 Youlgrave, 107, 111 Bi teh Abemey Ye tn, Bairlivee cine “ds Digadeis) he Re cpr ae . de Slidearow Rite jee gee wiih i? Sod gyi baal’ ee sie Ain Fe: ee Ce east me he Mitosis) 4 te nx Ss RAY | be At WORE we. : ere ie BYE rea it Contd Aare tet aia Ps :voR anet he aoe tena 1Q04. OF THE DERBYSHIRE ARCHAOLOGICAL WAL KAL HISTORY SOCIETY. FOUNDED 1878. ES OF 20; Fal C- ER: Ss. President : THE DUKE OF RUTLAND, K.G. Vice- Presidents : His Grace THE ARCHBISHOP OF YORK. Duke oF NorfoLk, K.G., E.M. DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE, K.G. DUKE OF PoRYTLaND, K.G. LorD SCARSDALE. Lorp WATERPARK. LorD BELPER. Lorp Howarp oF GLossop. Lorp Burron. Lorp Hawkessury, F.S.A. Hon. W. M. JERVISs. Hon. FREDERICK STRUTT. RIGHT Rev. THE BISHOP OF Dersy, D.D. Sir J. G. N. ALLEYNE, Barr. Rev. Sir Rp. FirzHersBert, Br. Str Go. SIrwEL1, Barvr., F.S.A. Sir H. H. Bemrose. Sir A. SEALE Hasiam, M.P. J. G. Crompron, Esa., D.L. G. F. MEYNELL, Esa. W. H. Greaves-BacsHAweE, Esq., D.L. Cot. E. Corron-Jopreit, C.B., D.L. ARTHUR Cox, Esq., M.A. Council : H. ARNOLD-BEMROSE,M.A.,F.G.S. W. R. BRYDEN. Rev. R. L. FARMER. A. Victor Hasiam. H. A. HUBBERSTY. C. B. KEENE. G. J. MarRPLEs. J. R. Naytor. Rev. F. BRoDHURST. C. James CADE. W. R. HOLLAND. REv. CHARLES KERRY. W. MaALvra.ieru, M.A. A. P. SHaw, B.A., LL.B. G. Le BLanc Smiru. JouHn Warp, F.S.A. W. J. ANDREW, F.S.A. GEORGE BAILEY. WILLIAM Bemross, F.S.A. JOHN BoROUGH. C. E. B. Bow es, M.A. Rev. R. Jowerr Burron, M.A. Rey. J. Cuas. Cox, LL.D., F.S.A. Rev. F. C. Hipkins, M.A., F.S.A. Hon. Editor : W. J. ANDREW, F.S.A. 17 1V LIST OF OFFICERS. Hon. Creasurer : C. E. NewrTon, D.L. Hon. Secretary: P. H. Currey. Hon. Fmanctal Secretary : W. MALLALiEv, M.A. Hon, Audttors : C. B. KEENE. | Wo. BEMROSE, F.S.A. Sub-Committees : SOUTHERN DIVISION.—How. F. Strutt, A. Cox, G. BalLEy, C. E. B. Bowes, C. B. KEENE, Rev. F. C. Hipkins, Rev. R. J. Burton, H. ARNOLD-BEMROSE, J. BorouGH, W. MALLALIEU, and P. H. CuRREY (Hon. Sec.). NORTHERN DIVISION.—H. A. I[lubpersry, Rey. C. C. Nation, T. C. Tomer, W. J. ANDREW, R. M. EspLin, E. GuNsOoN, and W. R. BRYDEN (Hon. Sec.). REPORT OF THE HON. SECRETARY. mY) HE twenty-sixth Annual General Meeting of the Society was held on May 13th, 1904, at the Portland Hotel, Chesterfield, Mr. C. E. B. Bowles presiding. The minutes of the last General Meeting and the Report of the Hon. Secretary were read and adopted. Some discussion followed upon the recent excava- tions at Brough, the Chairman emphasising the absolute necessity of raising funds for the continuation of the work. The Hon. Editor, Hon. Treasurer, Hon. Secretary, Hon. Secretary of Finance, and the Hon. Auditors were re-elected, and also the eight members of the Council retiring under Rule V. The election of the Rev. R. L. Farmer to fill the vacancy on the Council caused by the death of Mr. G. Bottomley was confirmed. Alterations in Rules V. and VII. were confirmed, and seven new members elected. Six meetings of the Council have been held during the past year, at which the chief subjects of discussion have been the work at Brough and the repair of the Winster Market House. Through Mr. Bowles, a special effort has been made to raise funds for the Brough exploration, which has met with con- siderable success, though not, in the opinion of the Council, with so much as the great archeological and _ historical importance of the work demands. Owing to unforseen difficulties with regard to obtaining access to the site, it became impossible to re-open the work during 1904. These difficulties, it is hoped, will shortly be overcome, and the vi HON. SECRETARY’S REPORT. Council trusts, with the funds now in hand, to be able to re-commence and to continue the work upon a permanent basis. The Winster Market House had become so ruinous that it ‘unfortunately, became necessary, for the safety of the public, to take down the upper storey. Funds are being raised locally, to which this Society has promised a contribution, for its repair, and it is hoped that at least-a part of the work will soon be put in hand. Your Council have elected as Hon. Members of the Society Mr. J. Garstang, B.A., B.Litt., F.S.A., of Liverpool University ; Mr. F. Haverfield, M.A., F.S.A,, of Christ Church, Oxford ; and Professor Boyd Dawkins, M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.G.S., of the Victoria University, Manchester, as a slight recognition of the assistance they have given to the Society’s work. Your Council have elected Sir A. Seale Haslam, M.P., of Breadsall Priory, as a Vice-President. The Council have to record, with great regret, the deaths of the much respected Bishop of Southwell, who had been for many years one of our Vice-Presidents; and of Mr. Joseph Gallop, who had been a valued and useful member of Council since 1881. The vacancies on the Council have been provisionally filled by the election of Mr. A. V. Haslam, of Breadsall Priory, Mr. G. Le Blanc Smith, of Whatstandwell, and Mr. G. J. Marples, of Thornbridge Hall. Forty-six new members have been elected during the past year, whilst the losses by deaths and resignations have been twenty ; the total membership is now 303. In connection with our annual meeting at Chesterfield on May 13th, 1904, visits were paid to Chesterfield Church, where the Vicar, the Rev. Canon Hacking, kindly acted as guide, to Beauchief Abbey, and to Norton Church, where the features HON. SECRETARY’S REPORT. vii of interest were ably explained by Mr. E. M. E. Welby; after visiting the Church, the party were hospitably enter- tained by Mr. and Mrs. Welby at Norton Hall. After the general meeting, a most interesting lecture on old Chesterfield was given by Mr. W. Jacques, at which the Mayor, Alderman W. Pearson, presided. On the second day of the meeting, a circular drive was made to Hardwick Hall, Ault Hucknall Church, and Bolsover Castle; at Hardwick and Ault Hucknall: the Rev. F. Brodhurst, than whom no abler guide could be desired, pointed out the features of interest, giving special attention to the pictures. At Bolsover a short paper on the architecture of the buildings was read by the Hon. Secretary. On September 28th, Snitterton Hall, near Matlock, was visited, by kind permission of Mr. Mart. The Hon. Editor read a most interesting paper, and the visit to this charming but little known house was much enjoyed by the twenty-two members who took part in the excursion. PERCY H. CURREY, Hon. Sec. Vill Dr. 1904. Dec. 31. 1904. Jane 1 Dec. 31. 1904. Jani Dec. 31. 1904. Dec. 31. BALANCE SHEET. Derbyshire Archxological and STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS REVENUE of ay Gl To Printing Journal... wae se was 23: ¢ (yD SpOny 3 5, Rent of Room ee ae oO vat a Fi SCY LO) », Printing and Stationery .. cas Bac oe Fetes 3 », Postage and Petty Cash ... sis WTA », subscription to Congress of Archeological Societies . , oar Io Oo », Donation to ‘Restoration ‘Winster Market House... tes see ei Be oF A) »» Expenses of Annual Meeting ae ee 215 11 ,, Balance in hand... + Bos ax ie 44 2 10 £184 7 4 NET REVENUE 4 s. d. To Balance brought forward ... ae tL LOTTE L ,, Less Surplus on Revenue ‘Account oa af 44 2 10 l2G Eis BROUGH EXCAVATIONS sed. To Balance advanced ... ae ue me a8 20 8 2 », Mr. Garstang’s Expenses ... 78 aie set 2 6 0 », Printing Circulars ... ee Hes ae ae 012 9 ,, Balance in hand... ee a 56 ay 48 10 7 471 17. 6 BALANCE SHEET, LIABILITIES. us: ads To Capital Account as per last Balance Sheet .. 398 0 O 5, Entrance Fees received in 1904 (37) wee Ace 9 5 0 ; ; 407 5 0 », Balance in hand ‘‘ Brough Excavation Fund”... 48 10 7 2 455 15 7 Less Deficiency on Net Revenue Account as above... 123 II 3 BALANCE SHEET. 1X Watural history Society. TO DECEMBER 31st, 1904. ACCOUNT. Cr. 1904. Se Dec. 31. By Subscriptions ah we easel OC », Sale of Journals and "Bound Copies - ane 26: 17/9 ,, Donations for Plates to Journals... oid seis TO », Interest on Investments a