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First part for the Year

Price to non members

1921.

$3.50

STRAITS

BRANCH

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

No. 83

JOURNAL

APRIL, 1921.

Sold at the Society's Rooms, Raffles Museum, Singapore,

and by

Messrs. William Wesley & Son
82. Essex Street, Strand,

London. W. C.

PRINTED AT THE METHODIST PUBLISHING HOUSE, SINGAPORE.

CONTENTS.

Page.

Council for 1921 . . . . . . . . . . iii

Proceedings of the Annual General Meeting . . . . iv

Annual Report, 1920 „ . . vii

Balance Sheet, 1920 „ . . . . xi

List of Members as on 1st January 1921 . . . . xii

Rules . . . . . . . . - . . . xxii

List of Publications received, 1920 . . . . . . xxvi

A Naning Recital, by J. L. Humphreys . . . . 1

Report on Malay Studies, by C. 0. Blagden . . . . 30

Contraband, by IV. 0. Stirling (with 6 illustrations) . . 35

A Vocabulary of Brunei Malay, by II. B. Marshall with

notes by J. C. Moulton . . . . . . • • 45

Points of the Compass in Brunei Malay, by J. C. Moulton 75

Some Hemiptera-IIeteroptera from N. W. Borneo, by E.

Bergroth . . . . . . . . . . 70

India and Malay Beliefs, by R. O. Winstedt . . . . £8

The Folklore of the Hikayat Malim Demam, by R. O.

Winstedt . . . . . . . . . . 92

The Princess of Gunong Ledang, by R. O. Winstedt . . 93

Hikayat Abu Nawas, by R. O. Winstedt . . . . 94

Hikayat I’uspa Wiraja, by R. O. Winstedt . . . . 96

Hikayat Nakhoda Muda, by R. O. Winstedt .. .. 104

Hikayat Hang Tuah, by R. O. Winstedt . . . . 1 10

Sungai II jong, by R. J. Wilkinson, c.m.g. . . . . 123

Occurrence of the Malayan Badger or Teledu in Borneo,

by J. C. Moulton . . . . . . . . 142

Notes on Malaysian Pig skulls, by C. Boden Kloss . . 147

A New Squirrel from Borneo, by C. Boden Iiloss . . 151

Chinese Marriages, as regarded by the Supreme Court of the

St rails Settlements, by Roland St. John Braddell . . 153

Odoardo Beccari, by I. II. Bvrkill and J. C. Moulton . . 166

[No. 83]

JOURNAL

of the

Straits Branch

of the

Royal Asiatic Society

LIBRARY
NEW YORK
•OTANICAL

APRIL, 1921.

SINGAPORE :

■ ' Painted at the Methodist Publishing House,

1921.

. u 7^

V. 53 -U

THE

STRAITS BRANCH

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY

Patron.

H. E. Sir Laurence Guillemard, k.c.b., Governor of the
Stiaits Settlements and High Commissioner for the Malay States.

Council for 1921.

§

i* 2

g

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2 £ i.

2 *

5 -c

P >

The Hon. Sir J. W. Murison
Dr. R. 0. Winstedt -
The Hon. Mr. G. A. Hall -
C. Boden Kloss, Esq. -
C. Bazell, Esq. ...
Major J. C. Moulton, o.b.e., t.d.

J. Johnston, Esq.

The Hon. Dr. Lim Boon Keng, o.b.e

I. H. Burkill, Esq.

J. E. Nathan, Esq.

The Rev. A. J. Amery

President.

Vice-President for Singapore.
Vice-President for Penang.
Vice-President for the F.M.S.
Honorary Treasurer.
Honorary Secretary.

Honorary Librarian.

- Councillors.

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

Annual General Meeting

The Annual General Meeting was held at the Society’s rooms
at 5 p.m. on Friday, 11th February, 1921.

Present: Dr. R. 0. Winstedt, (Vice-President for Singa-
pore) in the chair, and some 20 members.

1. The minutes of the Annual General Meeting of February
26th 1920 were read and confirmed.

2. The Annual Report and Statement of Accounts were taken
as read and duly adopted, on the motion of Dr. Winstedt seconded
by Mr. Robinson.

3. Dr. Winstedt proposed and Mr. Burkill seconded that
Rule 5 should be amended by the addition of the words : —

“ Societies and institutions are also eligible for or-
dinary membership.”

This was carried unanimously.

4. Arising out of a letter from Mr. Conlay a discussion took
place regarding the election of Vice-Presidents. The meeting
favoured the following amendment to Rule 8 : —

“ Substitute for lines 3 and 4 the following : —

“ Vice-Presidents not exceeding six, ordinarily two
each from (i) the Straits Settlements, (ii) the Federated
Malay States, and (iii) the Unfederated or other Protected
States, although this allocation shall in no way be binding
on the electors.”

As no notice had been given of this proposed amendment it
was agreed that this meeting had no power to vote on it. It was
therefore decided to bring it forward at another General Meeting.

5. A letter was read from Dr. Hanitsch thanking the Society
for the honour they had conferred upon him in electing him an
Honorary Member.

It was agreed to add his photo to the Society’s gallery of
portraits of past distinguished Officers of the Society.

PROCEEDINGS

v

6. On the motion of the Hon. Mr. Hayes Marriott, seconded
by Dr. Winstedt, the following Honorary Members were elected : —

H. H. the Suiltan of Perak, k.c.m.g.

Dr. Ph. Van Bonkel. Professor of Malay, Leiden.

Dr. Eenward Brandstetter, Lnzern.

Prof. Dr. Snouek-Hurgronje, Leiden.

7. The election of Officers and Members of the Council for
the current year resulted as follows : —

President -

Vice-President for Singapore
Vice-President for Penang -
Vice-President for the F.M.S.
Hon. Secrelarij -
Hon. Treasurer -
Hon. Librarian -

Members of Council -

The Hon. Sir J. W. Murrison.

Dr. E. 0. Winstedt.

The Hon. Mr. G. A. Hall.

Mr. C. Boden Ivloss.

Major J. C. Moulton, o.b.e.

Mr. C. Bazell.

Mr. J. Johnston.

The Hon. Dr. Lim Boon Keng, o.b.e.
Mr. I. H. Burkill.

Mr. J. E. Nathan.

The Bev. A. J. Amery.

8. Mr. Collenette suggested the holding of monthly meetings
at which papers might be read. After some discussion it was
decided to recommend the suggestion for the consideration of the
incoming Council.

9. On the motion of Dr. Winstedt, seconded by the Hon. Mr.
Nutt, a hearty vote of thanks to Mr. See Tiong Wah for kindly
auditing the Society’s accounts was passed.

10. On the motion of the Bev. A. J. Amery, seconded by
Mr. Burkill, a vote of thanks to the retiring Council was passed.

11. A vote of thanks to the Chairman, proposed by Major
Moulton and seconded by Mr. Bazell, terminated the proceedings.

Annual Dinner.

By kind permission of the Committee of the Singapore Club,
a dinner was held bv the Society at that Club on Friday, February
11th 1921 at 8 p.m.

Dr. Winstedt, Vice-President for Singapore, presided over a
company of 30. The following Members attended the dinner : —
Messrs. Adelberg, Amery, ' Bazell, Finlayson, Gallagher, Hall,

VI

PROCEEDINGS

Hamilton, Hughes, Johnston, Lowther Kemp, Boden Kloss, Lew-
ton-Brain, Macalister, Miller, Moulton, Nathan, Nutt, Robinson,
S'antry, Scharft and Collenette.

The following attended as guests of various Members: — Messrs,
Day, Figart, Ham, Penman, Quance, Smith, Wolskel and Dr. Holt.

After the usual loyal toast, Dr. Winstedt proposed the health
of the F.M.S. Members of the Society. He mentioned that this
was probably the first dinner ever held by the Society and he
hoped it would become an annual function.

He commented on the successful career of the Society and
drew attention to the wide circulation of the Society’s Journal and
in particular to the fact that it is evidently appreciated by various
learned institutions in Europe and elsewhere. He instanced the
Professor of Malay at Leiden, who had written to him quite re-
cently in appreciation of our Journal. Dr. Winstedt remarked on
the general rise in cost of printing and said that the only way to
combat that was to obtain more members for the Society. He re-
gretted the absence of Sir William Murison their President, now
on a holiday, and said he was confident that if the dinner became
an annual and assured success, H. E. the Governor, their Patron,
who took a keen interest in Malay matters, would consent to attend.

Mr. C. Bodeu Kloss replied in suitable terms on behalf of the
F.M.S. Members and proposed the health of the Straits Members,
coupled with the name of the Hon. Mr. Nutt.

Mr. Nutt, in replying to this toast, expressed a hope that the
day would come when the “ Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic
Society ” would be known as the “ Malayan Branch of the Royal
Asiatic Society. Our membership list and our field of work covered
a wider area than the Straits Settlements. He alluded to his own
failure to form a “ Malayan Association ” but congratulated the
Society on being in fact, if not actually in title, a Malayan Scienti-
fic Societ}\ He proposed the health of the guests, to which Dr.
Holt replied, congratulating, the Society on its past achievements
and future prospects. He only regretted that duty took him to
India, which would thus prevent him from taking closer interest in
the Society in future.

Mr. Bazell proposed the health of the Hon. Secretary, who,
he said, was mainly responsible for getting up the dinner. The
Hon. Secretary acknowledged the compliment and tactfully moved
an adjournment to the billiard and card rooms, where a pleasant
evening was brought to a close shortly before midnight.

Members agreed that the particularly apt speeches of the
three principal speakers contributed • in no small measure to the
success of the evening.

ANNUAL REPORT

of the

STRAITS BRANCH, ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY

The membership of the Society at the .close of the year stood
at 329, -comprising 10 Honorary Members, 4
Membership 'Corresponding Members and 315 Ordinary Mem-
bers.

During the year under review 55 new members (4 Correspond-
ing Members and 51 Ordinary Members) were elected by the
Council. This total compares very favourably with an average,
over the last five years, of 22 new members per annum. The report
for 1909 recorded a total of 46 new members for that year as the
largest number elected' in any one year in the history of the Society
up to that date. In 1910 this number was easily surpassed, no
less than 73 new members being 'added in that year. Since then
the annual infusion of new blood has been less pronounced. The
total of 55 for 1920, however, indicates a healthy revival in the
activity of the Society.

The names of the new members elected during the year are : —

for 1920.

Corresponding Members.

Dr. N. Annandale.
Dr. F. F. Laidlaw.

Dr. E. D. Merrill.
Mr. J .P. Moquette.

Ordinary Members.

Mr. Zainal Abidin bin Ahmad. Mr. F. H. Ivort right.

Mr. P. M. Adams.
Dr. T. Barbour.

Oapt. H. R. S. Law.

Mr. W. H. Lee- Warner.

Mr. Rai Sahib S. X. Bardhan. Mr. J. Lendrick.

Mr. C. L. Collenette.

Mr. W. S. Ootterill.

Mr. A. H. Dickinson.

Dr. H. B. Dodds.

Dr. W. J. Geale.

Mr. W. A. Gordon-Hall.
Mr. G. F. Hill.

Mr. C. B. Holman-Hunt.
Mr. James Johnston.

Dr. A. F. G. Kerr.

Mr. E. M. King.

Baja Mahmud bin Raja Ali.
Mr. G. T. M. MacBrvan.

Dr. J. McCabe.

Miss Agnes Mclver.

Mr. Vivian Mackie.

Mr. W. Marsh.

Mr. J. W. R. Millar.

Mr. H. F. Monk.

Mr. A. G. Morkill.

Mr. G. A. de Ch. de Moubray.
Sir William Murison.

ANNUAL REPORT

viii

Mr. A. W. Neubronner.

Mr. C. A. Neubronner.

Mr. F. de la Mare Norris, b.sc.
Hon’ble Mr. W. Nutt, o.b.e.
Mr. Megat Osman.

Mr. E. A. O’Sullivan.

Mr. C. J. Perkins.

Mr. A. D. Peskett.

Mr. E. V. Pe.ters.

Mr. M. Sathasivam.

Dr. J. W. Scharff.

Mrs. ,T. W. Scharff.

Dr. George Waugh Scott.

Mr. Soh Yiew Jin.

Mr. F. G. Stevens.

Mr. H. W. Thomson.

Mr. H. Weisberg.

Mr. A. J. Weller.

H. E. Mr. P. J. Wilkinson, c.m.g.
Mr. G. C. Woolley.

Capt. J. C. Yewdall.

Dr. It. Hanitsch was elected an Honorary Member in recogni-
tion of his many services to the Society.

The Council regrets to report the death of 5 members during
the year: Sir Evelyn Ellis, the eminent Singapore lawyer, who

joined the Society in 1909; W. H. Mackray, F. M. S. Civil Service,
a member since 1908, who in joint authorship with C. W. C. Parr,
contributed a valuable paper to the Society’s Journal, entitled the
“ History of Rembau ” (Journ. No. 56, pp. 1-157); H. Lupton,
S. S., Civil Service, Dr. J. M. Handy and R. W. Munro, who had
all been members for the last ten years.

In addition to the above the Society lost 29 members by re-
signation during the year. Of these, 19 names were removed under
Rule 6. This somewhat large number is due to the fact that this
Rule has not been enforced during the last few years, so that our
membership roll remained fictitiously large. Some members, who
had not paid their subscriptions for as many as seven years were re-
tained on the list, while others have left this country and cannot
now be traced. It is believed that the present total of 329 mem-
bers now represents accurately the active membership of the Society.

IT. E. Sir Laurence Guillemard, k.c.b. graciously consented
to become Patron of the Society in succession to Sir
Patron Arthur Young who left the country in 1919.

During the year Mr. C. Boden Kloss was co-opted to fill the
post of Ahee-President F.M.S. in place of The Hon’ble
Council Mr. W. G. Maxwell who proceeded on leave. Messrs.

Makepeace and H. C. Robinson resigned from the
Council on proceeding to Europe on leave. Mr. A. S. Haynes was
co-opted to fill the place of one of them.

Two Journals, Nos. 81 and 82, were issued during the year
(March and September) . Together they amounted to
Journal 226 pages, against 168 in 1919 and 192 in 1918. These
figures do not compare favourably with those for the
first 40 years of the Society when the average number of pages
published each year amounted to 306.

The variety of subjects dealt with was well maintained. There
were fourteen papers on Malayan folk-lore, literature and local
history, four on philology, three botanical papers and two on

annual report

ix

zoological subjects. A short article by Dr. Gimlette on a curious
Kelantan charm and 'another by Mr. Hamilton entitled “ The
Boris. ” extended the range of interesting material published.

The fact, however, remains that the burden of authorship
falls on too few. The papers published during the year came
from twelve authors. In 1918, ten, and in 1919 seven, members
contributed papers. Our membership list shows that about 83 per
cent reside in Malaya and are therefore to a large extent in touch
with or in reach of all sorts of subjects which are well worth study
and writing up. But only about 3 or 4 per cent of our members
contribute papers during the year.

The Council is aware that some members criticize recent num-
bers of the Journal on account of the somewhat large proportion
of technical papers which fill its pages. The publication of such
papers naturally forms an important part of the Society’s work
and is in itself a valuable contribution to Science. Earlier Journals,
however, contained a large number of non-technical papers on
travel, local customs, natural history, etc., which could not fail to
interest all members. They make remarkably good reading now.
On the other hand some of our more technical papers are admitted-
ly indigestible and not likely to be read by, say, one per cent of
our membership, if that. The remedy lies with Members. Our
field of work is wide. It embraces the Malay Peninsula and neigh-
bouring Malayan countries. Many interesting tales of travel there-
in, of their history, their peoples, geographical , zoological, botanical,
geological peculiarities, remain to be told.

The success of the Society depends on three factors : large
membership roll, plenty of funds, and, thirdly, active assistance
of members itn providing material for the Journal. In the first
two the position of the Society is satisfactory, in the third the
Council feels that there is room for improvement. Papers already
received for 1921 indicate that the supply has by no means Tim
dry. But lit is hoped that more sources of supply may yet be
tapped.

The Treasurer’s statement of accounts for the year 1920 shows
balances carried forward to the total of $8,309.27
Finances against $7,142.89 at the end <of the year 1919. Of
this amount, $2,500 has been invested in Victory Loan,
$2,200 Temains invested in S. S. War Loan, while the Fixed De-
posit at the Mercantile Bank has been reduced from $2,500 to
$2,000.

The total of $1,670 for subscriptions received during the year
shows a satisfactory increase over an average total of $1,127 for
the previous five years. This was in part due to the payment of
$435 arrears of subscriptions for 1915-1919. Five members com-
pounded for life membership. Receipts from sale of Journals and
A Lips, amounting to $765, showed a slight increase over the average
of $716 for the previous five years.

X

ANNUAL REPORT

The two Journals (226 pages) published during the year cost
•$1,153. A long paper by Dr. E. D. Merrill on the Flora of Borneo,
which has been in the press for the last two years, should be finished
early in 1921. It will amount to some 600 pages; the cost will
absorb a large proportion of our balance. Owing to the still further
rise in cost of paper and printing, the price of further Journals m
1921 will be about 120 per cent more than the cost of the last pre-war
Journal. So long, however, as the membership list remains above
300 subscribing members, the Council hopes that it will be possible
to maintain an output of 300 pages of Journal per annum, at any
rate for a short time, without having to follow the lead of so many
other scientific societies and recommend an increase in subscriptions.

The Society’s Exchange List was revised during the year,
several scientific Institutions and Societies being added
Library to the list, while others were removed.

The Council felt that the Society’s Library was not fulfilling
as useful a function as it might, owing to the fact that so many
members reside away from Singapore. The Council therefore
considered that it would be in consonance with the original aims of
the Society and would meet the wishes of present members if steps
were taken to make portions of the Library more easily available to
those who would appreciate this action. With this end in view
the Council has offered certain botanical journals (e.g. Missouri
Garden Bulletin, University of California Records, etc.) on inde-
finite loan to the Director of the Botanic Gardens, Singapore;
certain geological journals (e.g. Canadian Geological Survey, Geo-
logical Survey of India, etc.) to the F. M. S. Geological Depart-
ment; certain Museum journals (e.g. those published by the Smith-
sonian Institution, Yew York Museum, Indian Museum, Colombo
Museum, etc.) to the Director, Raffles Museum, Singapore. These
offers have been gratefully accepted.

It is hoped to publish an up-to-date catalogue of the Society’s
Library at an early date. All publications on indefinite loan will
be included, so that members of the Society may borrow them, if
they wish, on application made through the Society’s Librarian.

5 th January, 1921.

J. C. Moulton,

Hon. Secretary.

Receipts and Payments Account for the year ended 31st December, 1920.

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List of Members for 1921

(As on 1st January, 1921.)

* Life Members. t Contributors to the Society’s Journal.

Honorary Members.

Year of Election.

1890.1918. IBlagdex, C. 0., School of Oriental Studies, Finsbury
Circus, London. (Hon. Secretary 1896).
1894.1906. C’ollyeb, W. R., i.s.o. Hacford Hall. Reepham,
Xorfolk, England. (Council 1904: Vice-President
1897-1900, 1902, 1904-1905).

1903.1917. Galloway, Dr. D. J., British Dispensary, Singa-
pore. (Vice-President 1906-1907: President 1908-
1913).

1895.1920. f Haxitsch. Dr. R., 99 Woodstock Road. Oxford,
England. (Council 1897, 1907-1909 : Hon. Trea-
surer 1898-1906, 1910-1911, 1914-1919: Hon.
Secreta ry 1912-1913).

A Founder (Hose, Rt. Rev. Bishop G. F., Wyke Vicarage, Xor-
1878. mandy near Guildford, England. (Vice-President

1890-1892: President 1878-1880, 1894-1907).

1902. Lawes, Rev. W. G., Port Moresby, New Guinea.
1878. Per ham. Vex Archdeacox J.. Chard, Somerset,

England.

1890.1912. f Ridley, H. X, c.m.g., m.a., f.r.s., 7 Cumberland
Road, Kew Gardens, Surrey, England. (Council
1894-1895: Hon. Secretary 1890-1893, 1897-1911).
1916. Sarawak, H. H. The Rajah of, Kuching, Sarawak.
1885. Satow, Sir Erxest M., Beaumont, Ottery St. Mary,
Devon, England.

Corresponding Members.

1920. fAxxAXDALE, X., d.sc., f.a.s.b., Indian Museum, Cal-
cutta.

1920. |Laidlaw, F. F., m.a., f.z.s., Hyefield, Uffculme,
Devonshire, England.

1920. f Merrill, E. D., pIld., Director, Bureau of Science,
Manila.

1920. Moqfette, J. P., Kelxmsireh 36, Weltevreden, Java.

Ordinary Members.

1903. Abbott, I)r. W. L., 400, South 15th Street, Phila-

delphia, LT. S. A.

1918. Abdul-Majid bix Haji Zaixtodix, Education
Office, Taiping, Perak.

1920. Abidix, Zaixal, bix Ahmad, Malay College, Kuala
Kangsar.

LIST OF MEMBEKS.

xii

1916. Abraham, H. C., Survey Dept., Kuala Lumpur.

1907. *Adams, Sir Arthur, k.b.e.. Sports Club, London.

(Vice-President, 1910; 1917-1919).

1910. Adams, H. A., Kuching, Sarawak.

1917. Adams, J. W., m.r.c.s., l.r.c.p., b.a., m.b., b.o..

Medical and Health Officer, Penang.

1920. Adams, P. M., Kuching, Sarawak.

1917. Adams, Capt. R. H., Prai, Province Wellesley.

1909. Adams, T. S., Batu Gajah, Perak.

1919. *Adelberg, F., Jenderata Estate, Telult Anson.

1913. Allen, Rev. George Dexter, m.a., Kuala Lumpur.

1914. Allen, H. C. W., c/o Boustead & Co., Singapore.

1917. Allen, P. T., Chinese Protectorate, Singapore.

1914. Amery, Rev. A. J., b.d., Victoria Bridge School,

Singapore.

1911. Armstrong, W. R., l.l.d., d.c.l., Messrs. Logan and

Ross, Penang.

1908. Arthur, J. S. W., m.a.. Assistant Adviser, Kedah.

1908. *Ayre, C. F. C., High School, Malacca. (Hon. Trea-

surer, 1910).

1915. Baddeley, F. M., b.a., Postmaster-General, Singapore.

1919. *Bailey, A. E., Mountmillan, Knowles Hill, Newton

Abbott.

1915. Bain, Xorman Iv., b.a.. District Officer, Tampin.

1912. Baker, Capt. A. C., m.c., b.a., Penang.

1916. Banks, H. H., Sanitary Board, Seremban.

1899. *Banks, J. E., c/o the American Bridge Co., Cam-

bridge, Pa., H. S. A.

1920. Barbour, Dr. T., Museum of Comparative Zoology,

Harvard Universit}r, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A.
1920. Bardham, Rai Sahib, s.n.. Medical School, Singa-
pore.

1910. Bartley, W., m.b.e., b.a., Income-Tax Office, Singa-

pore.

1914. Bazell, C., Vade & Co., Singapore. (Hon. Libra-

rian, 1916-20).

1909. Bean, A. W., c/o Messrs. Robinson & Co., Singapore.

1913. Bell, V. G., Kuala Lumpur.

1910. *Berkeley, H., Civil Service, Grik, Upper Perak.

1912. Bicknell, ,T. W., U. S. Rubber Plantations, Inc.,

1790 Broadway, Xew York. U. S. A.

1885. Bicknell, W. A., 98. Victoria Road, Exmouth, De-
von, England.

1884. IBland, R. X., c.m.g., c/o Messrs. H. S. King & Co.,
9 Pall Mall, London, S. W. I., England. (Council,
1898-1900: Vice-President, 1907-1909).

1910. Boult, F. F., Limbang, Sarawak.

1919. *Bourne, F. J., D. P. P. Office, Singapore.

1918. Boyd, W. R., Ranh, Pahang.

1915. Bo yd- Walker, J. W., Atbara Estate, Kuantan, Pahang.

1913. Braddell, R. St. J., Braddell Bros., Singapore.

xiv

LIST OF MEMBERS.

1918. Bradney, G. P., b.a., Auditor-General, K. Lumpur.

1917. Brockman, Sir Edward L., k.c.m.g., 88 Cannon

Street, London, E.C.4.

1909. f Brooks, C. J., Lebong Tandai, Post Ketaun, Ben-
koelen, Sumatra.

1909. Brown, Mr. Justice A. V., b..v., c/o Crown Agent®,

London.

1915. Brown, C. C., F. M. S. Civil Service, Kuala Kangsar.

1910. Brown, D. A. M., Messrs. Brown, Phillips and

Stewart, Penang.

1913. *Bryan, J. M., c/o Messrs. The Borneo Co., Ltd.,
Fenchurch Street, London, E.C.

1887. Bryant, A. T,. (Council, 1907, 1910: Vice-Presi-
dent, 1912, 1914-1916). Messrs. Brvant and Rvde,
37 Marsh Lane, London, E. C. England.

1912. |Burkill, I. H., m.a.. Botanic Gardens, Singapore.

(Council, 1913: Hon. Secretary, 1914-1917).

1913. f Caldecott, Andrew, Secretariat, Kuala Lumpur.

1916. f Campbell, Professor J. Argyll, m.d., d.sc., c/o

Messrs. W. and F. Haldane, 4 North Charlotte St.,
Edinburgh, Scotland. (Council 1917, 1919).

1918. Carpmael, H., Municipality, Singapore.

1910. Chancellor, Hon. Capt. A. R., Inspector-General

of Police, Singapore.

1906. Chapman, W. T., c/o Crown Agents, London.

1913. *Choo Iyia Peng, Kuala Lumpur.

1911. Clayton, T. W., Taiping, Perak.

1914. *Clement, W. R. T., Mukah, Sarawak.

1917. Clifford, G. F. W., Ayer Tengali Estate, Ayer

Kuning South, Negri Sembilan.

1913. Chulan, Raja, ibni Ex-Sultan Abdullah, Kuala
Kangsar, Perak.

1920. * Collenette, C. L., c/o Barker & Co., Singapore.

1997. *Oonlay, IT. L., Kuala Lumpur.

1899. Cook, Rev. J. A. B., Gilsteacl, Singapore.

1910. Cook, W. Wallace, c/o The Straits Trading Co.,

Singapore.

1920. Cotterill, Walter S., Miri, Sarawak.

1917. Crichton, R., Civil Service, Kuala Kangsar.

1918. Crick, Lieut. W. L., Asst. Mil. Forwarding Officer,

Basra, Persian Gulf.

1917. Cross, Rev. W., m.a., Cavanagh Road, Singapore.
1910. Croucher, F. B., m.b., c.m., c/o Crown Agents,
London.

1917. fCiiBiTT, G. E. S., Conservator of Forests, S. S. and
F. M. S., Kuala Lumpur.

1910. Darby, M. D.. c/o Crown Agents, London.

1910. Darbisiiire, C. W., c/o Messrs. Paterson, Simons
& Co., London.

*David, P. A. F., b.a.. Police Court, Singapore.

1918.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

xv

1907. Dent, F., m.sc., ph.D., f.i.c., Government Analyst,

Singapore.

1903. *Desjion, IT. F., f.r.g.s., Southfield, Combe Down,
Bath, England.

1920. Dickinson, A. H., S. S. Police, Singapore.

1897. Dickson, E. A., District Officer, Klang, Selangor.
1920. Dodds, H. B., m.d., Singapore.

1905. Douglas, E. S., f.k.g.s., Miri, Sarawak.

1910. Dun man, W., Grove Estate, Grove Road, Singapore.

1915. *f Dussek, O. T.. Mailay College, Malacca.

1885. Egerton, Sir Walter, k.c.m.g.. Fir Toll, Mayfield,
England.

1910. Ellkrton, H. B„ F. M. S. Civil Sendee, c/o Ctowu
Agents, London.

1918. Elliot, F. M., Gosfield Vicarage, Halstead, Essex,
England.

1913. Ermen, C., Kuching, Sarawak.

1918. f Evans, I. H. K., The Museum, Taiping, Perak.
1910. Evans, W., Dovercourt, 7 Upper Beulah Eoad, Up-
per -Norwood, London, S. E. 19.

1919. Fahs, C. H., Secretary, Missionary Eesearch Library,

25 Madison Avenue, Xew York City.

1910. Falsfiaw, P. S'., m.r.c.v.s.. Government Veterinary

Department, Singapore.

1909. Farrer, E. J., c/o Crown Agents, London.

1911. *Fekguson-Davie, Kt. Rev. Dr. C. J., Bishop of

Singapore. (Council, 1912-1913).

1909. Ferrier, J. C., c/o The Borneo Co., Soerabaya, Java.

1917. Finlayson, G. A., m.a., m.b.. General Hospital,

Singapore.

1919. *Finnie, W., The United Engineers, Ltd., Singapore.

1910. Firmstone, H. W., c/o Crown Agents, London.

(Council, 1918-9: Vice-President, 1920).

1897. *FLower, Major S. S., Zoological Gardens, Ghizeh
Egypt.

1918. Foxwortiiy, Dr. F. W., Kuala Lumpur.

1908. Freeman, D., c/o Messrs. Freeman and Madge,

Kuala Lumpur.

1910. *Frost, Meadows, b.a., Batu Gajah, Perak.

1912. Gallagher, W. J., m.a.. United States Rubber

Plantations, Inc., Medan, Sumatra.

1919. Gallien, Capt. E. G., Miri, Sarawak.

1917. Garnier, Rev. Keppel, Penang.

1920. Geale, Dr. W. J., Ulu Kelantan.

1903. Gibson, W. S., Legal Adviser, Kuala Lumpur.
1902. *f GiMLETTE, Dr. J. D., Kota Bahru, Kelantan.

1916. Glennie, Dr. J. A. E., Municipal Offices, Singapore.

1918. ' Gloyne, G. B., Samarang, Java.

1918. Goldie, K. M., United Engineers, Ltd., Ipoh, Perak.
1916. Goodman, A. M., b.a., Penang.

XVI

LIST OF MEMBERS.

1909. Goulding, B. B., Survey Department.. Kuala
Lumpur.

1919. Gow, G. Aubrey, Lebong Tandi, Benkoelen, Sumatra.
1918. Graham, Major A. McD.. Dept. Commissioner of
Police, Ipoh.

1911. Griffiths, J., Survey Office, Singapore.

1918. Griffin, N. A. M., c/o Crown Agents, London.

1919. Grist, D. H., Dept, of Agriculture, Kuala Lumpur.

1916. Gupta, Shiva Prasad, Nandansahu Street, Benares

City, LTnited Provinces, India.

1907. Hall, Hon. Mr. G. A., Kesident Councillor, Penang.

1914. Hall, J. D., b.a.. Colonial Secretariat, Singapore.

1920. Hall, W. A. Gordon, Bentong, Pahang.

1918. Haulaway, J. P., Gas Engineer, Singapore.

1911. Hallifax, F. J., Singapore.

1915. f Hamilton, A. W., Police Dept., Singapore.

1918. Hampshire, Hon. Mr. A. K. E., Kuala Lumpur.
1909. Harrington, A. G., Municipal Offices, Singapore.

1919. Hay, M. C., Asst. Controller of Labour, Klang.
1904. *Haynes, A. S., c/o Crown Agents, London. (Council,

1920).

1909. Hennings, W. G., c/o Mansfield &: Co., Singapore.

1917. Hereford, G. A., M.A., c/o Crown Agents, London.

1878. Hill, E. C., The Manor House, Normandy, near

Guildford, England.

1920. Hill, G. F., Australian Institute of Tropical Medi-

cine, Townsville, North Queensland, Australia.

1918. Hill, P. E., c/o The Union Bank of Australia,

Sydney, N. S. "W., Australia.

1920. Holman-Hunt, C. B., Kuala Lumpur.

1917. *Hose, Dr. Charles, f.r.g.s., Redleaf, Eiddledown

Eoad, Purley, Surrey.

1897. Hose, E. S., c/o Crown Agents, London.

1891. (Hoynck van Papendrecht, P. C., 7, Sweelinck-
straat, The Hague, Holland.

1909. Hubback, T. K., Kuala Lipis, Pahang.

1909. Hughes, J. W. W., c/o Crown Agents, London.
1907. (Humphreys, J. L., Trengganu.

1916. James, Hon. Mr. F. S., c.m.g., Singapore.

1918. James, D., 2-2, Baffles Quay, Singapore.

1910. Jamieson, Dr. T. Hill, 4, Bishop Street, Penang.

1907. Janion, E. M., 5, Grace Church St., London, E.C. 3.

1918. Jansen, P., T. Pzn., Lebong Tandai, Post Ketaun,

Benkoelen, Sumatra.

1918. Jeavons, F. C., Sione Estate, Batu Caves, Selangor.

1911. Jelf, A. S., Civil Service, Kuala Lumpur.

1910. Johnson, B. G. H„ Telok Anson, Perak.

1911. Johnson, H. S. B., c/o The Borneo Co., Ltd., 26

Fenchurch Street, London, E. C.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

XVII

1920. Johnston, J., Librarian, Baffles Library, Singapore.

1918. Jones, E. P., Fleet Paymaster, 20 Watchbell Street,

Rye, Sussex, England.

1910. Jones, H. W., Dist. Officer, Kuala Lipis, Pahang.

1913. Jones, S. W., Ex. Engineer, Kuala Lipis, Pahang.

1919. * Jordan, A. B., c/o Federal Secretariat, K. Lumpur.
1916. Ivamaraizaman, Baja, bin Raja Mansur, Tapah,

Perak.

1916. Kellagher, G. B., 50 Greenvale Road, Eltham,

London, S. E. 9.

1909. Kemp, Hon. Mr. W. Lowther, c/o Messrs. F. W.
Barker & Co., Singapore.

1913. Kempe, John Erskine, Pekan, Pahang.

1920. Kerr, Dr. A: F. G., Govt. Botanist, Bangkok, Siam.

1920. King, E. M., Juru Estates, Ltd., Province Wellesley.

1906. King, W. E., Forest House, Seremban.

1900. flvLOSs, C. Boden, The Museum, Kuala Lumpur.

(Council, 1904-1908: Vice-President, 1920).

1915. Knight, Valentine, Raffles Museum, Singapore.

(Hon. Treasurer, 1920).

1920. Kortright, F. H., Miri, Sarawak.

1914. Lambourne, J„ Castleton Estate, Telok Anson, Perak.
1920. Law, C'apt. H. R. S., c/o The Asiatic Petroleum

Co., Ltd., Singapore.

1906. f Lawrence, A. E., Kuching, Sarawak.

1913. Leicester, Dr. W. S., Kuantan, Pahang.

1917. • Lemberger, V. V., c/o United Engineers, Ltd.,

Singapore.

1894. *Lemon, Hon. Mr. A. H., c/o Crown Agents, London.
(Vice-President, 1916-18).

1920. Lendeick, J., Korregade 34, Aarhus, Denmark.
1890. Lewis, J. E. A., b.a ...ttbtt Harada Mura, Kobe, Japan.

1915. Lewton-Brain, L., Director of Agriculture, Kuala

Lumpur.

1897. Lim Boon Keng, Hon. Dr. o.b.e., m.d., c/o The
Dispensary, Singapore.

1915. Lim Cheng Law, Millview, Penang.

1918. Loh Kong Imm, Sepang-Tanah Merah Estate,

Sepang, Selangor.

1914. Lornie, J., m.a., b.sc., c/o Crown Agents, London.

1909. Low, H. A., c/o Messrs. Adamson, Gilfillan & Co.,

Singapore.

1918. Lucy, S. H. R., m.r.c.s., c/o Crown Agents, London.

1907. Lyons, Rev. E. S., Methodist Publishing House,

Manila, P. I.

1918. MaCALISTER, G. H., M.A., B.cll., M.D., D.P.H., M.R.C.S.,
Medical School, Singapore. (Council 1920).
1920. MacBryan, G. T. M., Limbang, Sarawak.

1910. *fMAcFADYEN, Eric, c/o Sports Club, London.

1920. MacKie, Vivian, Kuala Lumpur.

1910. MacLean, L., Johore Baharu.

iii LIST OF MEMBERS.

1918. Madge, Raymond, Kuala Lumpur.

1920. Mahmud, Raja, bin Raja Ali, Agricultural Dept.,
Kuala Lumpur.

1904. Mahomed, Hon. Dato, bin Mahbob, Johore Bahru,
J ohore.

1903. (Makepeace, W., c/o Singapore Free Press, Singa-
pore. (Council, 1914, 1916, 1920: Hon. Libra-
rian, 1909-1912: Vice-President, 1917: Hon.

Secretary, 1918-1919).

1908. Main, T. W., Cheng Estate, Malacca.

1916. Mann, W. E., Chinese English School, Samarang, Java.
1907. *Mabrineb, J. T., Kuantan, Pahang.

1902. -(Marriott, The Hon. Mr. H., b.a.. General Adviser,

Johore. (Council, 1907-1908, 1910-1913, 1915-
1918; Vice-President, 1919).

1909. Marsh, F. E., Municipal Offices, Singapore.

1920. Marsh, W., Municipality, Singapore.

1909. f Marshall, Harold B., 8 Medina Villas, Hove,
Sussex.

1918. Martin, T. A., North Lansdale, B.C., Canada.

.1918. Martin, T. A., Kennedy & Co., Penang.

1903. (Maxwell, Hon. Mr. W. G., c.m.g., Kuala Lumpur.

(Council, 1905, 1915: Vice-President, 1911, 1912,
1916, 1918, 1920: President, 1919).

1909. May, C. G., c/o Crown Agents, London.

1909. McArthur, M. S. H., Alor Star, Kedah.

1920. McCabe, Dr. J. B., m.c., m.b., ch.B., Kapoewas

Estate, Pontianak, West Borneo.

1897. McCausland, C. F., c/o Crown Agents, London.
1920. McIver, Miss Agnes,, Kuala Lumpur.

1914. (Mead, J. P., Forest Dept., Kuching, Sarawak.

1920. Millar, J. W. R., Port Dickson.

1910. Miller, T. C. B., Fairlie, Nassim Road, Singapore.

1913. Mollett, H. B„ Ipoh, Perak.

1920. Monk, H. F., b.a., c/o Crown Agents, London.
1920. Morkill, A. G., District Officer, Kuala Pilah.

1919. Morrison Library, Mitsubishi Building, Xo. 26,

Marunonchi, Tokyo, Japan.

1909. *( Moulton, Major J. C., m.a., b.sc., Director, Raffles

Museum, Singapore. (Council, 1916-1919: Hon.
Secretary', 1920).

1920. Mowbray, G. A. de Che de, c/o Crown Agents,

London.

1915. *Mundell, IT. D., c/o Messrs. Sisson and Delay,

Singapore.

1920. Murison, Hon. Sir J. W., Singapore. (President
1920).

1913. Murray, Rev. W., m.a., Gilstead Road, Singapore.

1917. Nagle, Rev. J. S., m.a., Singapore.

1909. (Nathan, J. E., b.a., Singapore.

1920. Neubronner, A. W., 1 Killiney Road, Singapore.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

xiz

1920. Xeubrouner, C. A., 45 Race Course Rd., Singapore.

1910. Niven, W. G., 11, Derby Crescent, Kelvinside, Glas-

gow, Great Britain.

1900. Norm an, Henry, Alor Star, Kedah.

1920. Norris, F. de la Mare, b.sc., f.e.s., Kuala Lumpur.
1906. Nunn, B., b.a., Singapore.

1920. Nutt, Hon. Mr. W„, o.b.e., Singapore.

1911. O’May, J., c/o Messrs. Barker & Co., Singapore.

1916. Ong Boon Tat, Messrs. Ong Sam Leong & Co.,

Stamford Road, Singapore.

1920. Osman, Megat, Secretary to Majlis Ugama Islam,
Kota Bahru, Kelantan.

1920. O’Sullivan, T. A., Education Dept., Alor Star.

1913. f Overbeck, H., c/o Behn, Meyer & Co., Samarang,

Java.

1919. Park, Mungo, Vimy Estate, Kuang, Selangor.
1908. *f Parr, The Hon. Mr. C. W. C., o.b.e., Residency,

Kuala Lipis, Pahang. (Vice-President 1919).

1917. Pears, R., c/o F. W. Barker & Co., Singapore.

1914. f Pepys, W. E., c/o Crown Agents, London.

1920. Perkins, C. J., Acting Surveyor-General, Kuala

Lumpur.

1917. Perkins, D. Y., Messrs. Drew & Napier, Singapore.

1920. Peskett, A. D., Malacca Rubber Plantations, Bukit

Asa'han, Malacca.

1920. Peters, E. V., Kuala Kemaman, Trengganu.

1910. Pratt, Capt. E., Johore Bahru.

1906. Pykett, Rev. G. F., M. E. Mission, Penang.

1915. Raggi, J. G., Phlab Phla Jai Road, Bangkok, Siam.

1917. Rattray', Dr. M., Europe Hotel, Singapore.

1916. Rayman, L., c/o Fed. Secretariat, Kuala Kubu.
1910. *Reid, Dr. Alfred, c/o Principal Med. Officer, Kuala

Lumpur.

1910. Reid, Alex, c/o Messrs. McAlister & Co., Singapore.

1915. Richards, A. F., Colonial Secretary’s Office, S’pore.

1911. Richards, R. M., The Caledonia Estate, Province

Wellesley.

1918. Ritchie, C., The Sagga Rubber Estates, Silian, F.M.S.

1917. Ridout, H. E. Major-General Sir D. H., k.b.e.,

c.b., c.m.g., 139 Haviland Road, Bournemouth.

1912. Robertson, J., c/o Messrs. Lyall & Evatt, Singapore.

1911. Robinson, H., c/o Messrs. Swan and Madaren,

Singapore. (Council 1916-1920).

1904. f Robinson, H. C., The Museum, Kuala Lumpur.

(Vice-President, 1909; 1913, Council, 1920).

1916. Rogers, A., h.m.i.c.e., Jasin, Malacca.

1896. Rostados, E., Lunas, South Kedah. (Council, 1901).

1918. Russell, P. C., Swan and Maclaren, Singapore.

1919. Santry', Denis, Swan and Maclaren, Singapore.

1920. Sathasivam, M., Public Works Dept., Johore Bahru.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

1896.

1920.

1904.

1920.

1910.

1906.

1888.

1915.

1918.

1S94.

1909.

1917.
1912.
1920.

1910.

1918.

1909.

1910.

1920.

1910.

1917.

1911.
1910.

1917.

1912.

1918.
1908.

1913.

1917.
1920.

1918.
1918.
1887.

1909.

1920.

1917.

1916.

1916.

Saunders, C. J., b.a., Singapore. (Vice-President,
1910-1911, 1914-1915: President, 1916-1918).
Scharff, Dr. J. W., Health Office, Singapore.
Schwabe, E. M., Cheras Estate, Kajang, Selangor.
* Scott, Dr. G. Waugh, Sungei Siput, Perak.
Scott, E., b.a., Penang.

fScRivENOR, J. B., Govt. Geologist, Batu Gajah, Perak.
Seah Liang Seah, c/o Chop Chin Hin, Singapore.
♦See Tiong Wah, c/o Hongkong and Shanghai Bank,
Singapore.

' Sennett, C. W. A., b.a., Kuala Lumpur.

Shellabear, Bev. Dr. W. G., d.d., c/o Board of
Foreign Missions, 150, Fifth Avenue, Kew York
City, II. S. A. (Council, 1896-1901, 1904: Vice-
President, 1913: President, 1914-1915).

Sims, W. A., c/o Commercial Union Assurance Co.,
Singapore.

Shillitoe, G., Kuantan, Pahang.

Smith, Harrison W., Papeete, Tahiti.

Son View Jin, L. Devonshire Eoad, Singapore.
Song Ong Siang, Hon. Mr. m.a., l.l.m., c/o Messrs.

Aitken and Ong Siang, Singapore.

Stanton, Dr. A. T., Kuala Lumpur.

Steadman, V., Castle Green, Bristol, England.
Steedman, K. S., Eahman Hydraulic Tin, Tntan,
Perak.

Stevens, F. G., Bodyk and Davidson, Singapore.
Still, A. W., c/o Straits Times, Singapore.
(Council, 1914-1915).

*f Stirling, W. G.. c/o Crown Agents, London.
Stuart, E. A. G., c/o Crown Agents, London,
f Sturrock, A. J., Kuala Lumpur.

Sumner, II. L., c/o Education Otfic-e, Singapore.
Swayne, J. C., Bintulu, Sarawak.

Sykes, G. B., m.a., Chinese Protectorate, Singapore.
Tan Cheng Lock, 59, Heeren Street, Malacca.
Taylor, Lt. Clarence J., Telok Manggis Estate,
Sepang, Selangor.

Tennent, M. B.. Chiengmai, Siam.

Thomson, H. W., b.a., British Adviser, Kelantan.
Uda, Baja, Kuala Pilah, N. S.

Valpy, G. C., b.a.. Official Assignee, Singapore,
f Van Beuningen van Helsdingen, Dr. B., 135 Bukit
Timah Boad, Singapore. (Hon. Librarian, 1914-
1915, 1920).

Ward, A. B., Kuching, Sarawak.

Warner, W. H. Lee, c/o Crown Agents, London.
Watson, J., Education Office, Penang.

Watson, J. G., Forest Dept., Johore Bahru, Johore..
Watson, Dr. Malcolm, Klang, Selangor.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

xxi

1920. Weisbekg, H., District Officer. J elebu, Xegri Sembilan.

1920. Weller, A. J., M.A., b.d., Chief Inspector of English
Schools, S. S'., and F. M. S., Taiping, Perak.
1910. Whitehead, C. B., Police Office, Bntterworth, Pro-
vince Wellesley.

1920. f Wilkinson, H. E. Mr. R. J., c.m.g.. Government
House, Sierra, Leone.

1910. Williams, S. G., Municipal Offices, Singapore.

1919. Wilson, F. K., Segamat, Johore.

1910. *Winkelmann, H., Malacca Street, Singapore.

1904. f Winstedt, K. 0., m.a.. d. LiTT. (Vice-President,

1914-1915, 1920), Singapore.

1918. Wolde, B., Somme Rubber Co., Ltd., South Kedah.

1910. Wolferstan, Hox. Mr. L. E. P., m.a., Resident

Councillor, Malacca.

1902. Wolff, E. C. H., b.a.. The Secretariat, Singapore.
1908. *Wood, E. G., c/o Henry S. King & Co., London.

1913. Wood, W. L., Rengam Estate, Rengam, Johore.

1920. Woolley, G. C., Sandakan, British Xorth Borneo.

1911. Worsley-Taylor, F. E., c/o Messrs. Vade & Co.,

Singapore.

1915. * Worthington, A. F., Kuala Kubu, Selangor.

1914. Wyley, A. J., Lehong Tandai, Benkoelen, Sumatra.

1917. * Yates, Major W. G., West Kent Regiment, c/o

Messrs. Cox & Co., 16 Charing Cross, London.
1920. Yewd.all, Capt. J. C.. Sitiawan, Lower Perak.

1916. Young, E. Stuart, Kapoewas Estate, Pontianak,

West Borneo.

1904. *Young, H. S., Rosemount, Tain, Rosshire, Scotland.

Members are particularly requested to inform the Hon. Secre-
tary of any changes in their description or address.

RULES

of the

Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.

I. Name and Objects.

1. The name of the Society shall be ‘ The Straits Branch
of the Royal Asiatic Society.’

2. The objects of the Society shall be: —

(a) The increase and diffusion of knowledge concerning
British Malaya and the neighbouring countries.

(b) the publication of a Journal and of works and maps.

(c) the formation of a library of books and maps.

II. Membership.

3. Members shall be of three kinds — Ordinary, Corresponding
and Honorary.

4. Candidates for ordinary membership shall be proposed
and seconded by members and elected by a majority of the Council.

5. Ordinary Members shall pay an annual subscription of $5
payable in advance on the first of January in each year. Mem-
bers shall be allowed to compound for life membership by a pay-
ment of $50.

Societies and Institutions are also eligible for ordinary mem-
bership.

6. On or about the 30th of June in each year the Honorary
Treasurer shall prepare and submit to the Cbuncil a list of those
Members whose subscriptions for the current year remain unpaid.
Such Members shall be deemed to be suspended from membership
until their subscriptions have been paid, and in default of payment
within two years shall be deemed to have resigned their membership.

No Member shall receive a copy of the Journal or other publi-
cations of the Society until his subscription for the current year
has been paid.

7. Distinguished persons, and persons who have rendered
notable service to the Society, may on the recommendation of the
Council be elected Honorary Members by a majority at a General

RULES.

xxiii

meeting. Corresponding Members may, on the recommendation of
two members of the Council, be elected by a majority of the Coun-
cil, in recognition of services rendered to any scientific institution
in British Malaya, or to Science generally in British Malaya. They
shall pay no subscription : they shall enjoy the privileges of Members
except a vote at meetings, eligibility for office and free receipt of
the Society’s publications.

III. Officers.

8. The Officers of the Society shall be : —

A President.

Three Vice-Presidents, resident in Singapore, Penang and
the Federated Malay States respectively.

An Honorary Treasurer. An Honorary Librarian.

An Honorary Secretary. Four Councillors.

These Officers shall be elected for one year at the Annual
General Meeting, and shall hold office until their successors are
appointed.

9. Vacancies in the above offices occurring during airy year
shall be filled by a vote of the majority of the remaining officers.

IV. Council.

10. The Council of the Society shall be composed of the
Officers for the current year, and its duties and powers shall be : —

(a) to administer the affairs, property and trusts of the
Society.

(b) to elect Ordinary and Corresponding Members and to
recommend candidates for election as Honorary Members of the
Society.

(c) to obtain and select material for publication in the
Journal and to supervise the printing and distribution of the
Journal.

(d) to authorise the publication of works and maps at the
expense of the Society otherwise than in the Journal.

(e) to select and purchase books and maps for the Library.

(f) to accept or decline donations on behalf of the Society.

(g) to present to the Annual General Meeting at the expira-
tion of their term of office a report of the proceedings and condition
of the Society.

(h) to make and enforce bye-laws and regulations for the
proper conduct of the affairs of the Society. Every such bye-law
or regulation shall be published in the Journal.

11. The Council shall meet for the transaction of business
once a month and oftener if necessary. Three officers shall form
a quorum of the Council.

XXIV

RULES.

V. General Meetings.

12. One week’s notice of all meetings shall be given and of
the subjects to be discussed or dealt with.

13. At all meetings the Chairman shall in the ease of an
equality of votes be entitled to a casting vote in addition to his
own.

14. The Annual General Meeting shall be held in February in
each year. Eleven Member’s shall form a quorum.

15. (i) At the Annual General Meeting the Council shall
present a Report for the preceding year and the Treasurer shall
render an account of the financial condition of the Society. Copies
of such Keport and account shall be circulated to Members with
the notice calling the meeting.

(ii) Officers for the current year shall also be chosen.

16. The Council may summon a General Meeting at any
time, and shall so summon one upon receipt by the Secretary of a
written requisition signed by five Ordinary Members desiring to
submit any specified resolution to such meeting. Seven Members
shall form a quorum at any such meeting.

17. Visitors may be admitted to any meeting at the discretion
of the Chairman but shall not be allowed to address the meeting
except by invitation of the Chairman.

VI. Publications.

18. The Journal shall be published at least twice in each
year, and oftener if material is available. It shall contain material
approved by the Council. In the first number in each year shall
be published the Report of the Council, the account of the financial
position of the Society, a List of Members, the Rules, and a List
of the publications received by the Society during the preceding
year.

19. Every Member shall be entitled to one copy of the
Journal, which shall be sent free by post. Copies may be presented
by the Council to other Societies or to distinguished individuals,
and the remaining copies shall be sold at such prices as the Council
shall from time to time direct.

30. Twenty-five copies of each paper published in the Journal
shall be placed at the disposal of the author.

VII. Amendments to Rules.

21. Amendments to these Rules must be proposed in writing
to the Council, who shall submit, them to a General Meeting duly
summoned to consider them. If passed at such General Meeting
they shall come into force upon confirmation at a subsequent
General Meeting or at an Annual General Meeting.

RULES.

xxv

Affiliation Privileges of Members.

Royal Asiatic Society. The Royal Asiatic Society has its
headquarters at 22 Albemarle Street, London, W., where it has a
large library of books, and MSS. relating to oriental subjects, and
holds monthly meetings from November to June (inclusive) at
which papers on such subjects are read.

2. By rule 105 of this Society all the Members of Branch
Societies are entitled when on furlough or otherwise temporarily
resident within Great Britain and Ireland-, to the use of the Library
as Non-Resident Members and to attend the ordinary monthly
meetings of this Society. This Society accordingly invites Mem-
bers of Branch Societies temporarily resident in Great Britain or
Ireland to avail themselves of these facilities and to make their
home addresses known to the Secretary so that notice of the meet-
ings may be sent to them.

3. tinder rule 84, the Council of the Society is able to accept
contributions to its Journal from Members of Branch Societies,
and other persons interested in Oriental Research, of original
articles, short notes, etc., on matters connected with the languages,
archaeology, history, beliefs and customs of any part of Asia.

4. Bv virtue of the afore-mentioned Rule 105 all Members
of Branch Societies are entitled to apply for election to the Society
without the formality of nomination. They should apply in writ-
ing to the Secretary, stating their names and addresses, and men-
tioning the Branch Society to which they belong. Election is by
the Society upon the recommendation of the Council.

5. The subscription for Non-Resident Members of the Society
is 30/- per annum. They receive the quarterly journal post free.

Asiatic Society of Bengal. Members of the Straits Branch
of the Royal Asiatic Society, by a letter received in 1903, are
accorded the privilege of admission to the monthly meetings of
the Asiatic Society of Bengal, which are held usually at the
Society’s house, 1 Park Street, Calcutta.

Exchange List and Donations, 1920,

The following is a list of the Scientific Institutions and
Societies on our Exchange List, together with the Publications
received from them during the year 1920.

A list of Donations to the Society’s Library is also appended.

AMERICA (NORTH).

Canada.

Toronto. Ifoyal Canadian Institute, Transactions, No. 27, 1019.

United States of America.

Baltimore. John Hopkins University.

Berkeley. University of California.

(i) Bulletin, 3rd Ser., No. 5, Vol. 13.

(ii) Publications in Zoology, Nos. 3-4, Vol. 21, 1919-

20.

Cambridge. Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard, Bulletin
Vol. 64, Nos. 1-2, 1920.

Chicago. Field Museum of Natural History.

New York. American Museum of Natural History.

New York. Zoological Society of New York, Bulletin, Vol. 23,
Pts. 4-o, 1920.

Oberlin. Wilson Ornithological Club, Bulletin, 1919-1920.
Philadelphia. Academy of Natural Sciences, Proceedings, Vol.

70, Pt. 3, 19 IS; Vol. 71, Pts. 1-2, 1919.

Pittsburg. Carnegie Museum.

Washington. Smithsonian Institution.

(i) Annual Report of the U. S. National Museum

for 1919.

(ii) Proceedings of the U. S. National Museum,

Vol. 54, 1919.

Hawaiian Islands, Honolulu. Bernice Pauahii Bishop Museum.

(i) Memoirs, Vol. 6, Pts. 1-2, Vol. 7, Pt. 1.

(ii) Monographic Study of the Hawaiian Species of

the Tribe Lobelioideae, Family Campanulaceae,
by -J. F. Rock.

ASIA.

Ceylon.

Colombo. Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
Colombo. Colombo Museum, Spolia Zeylanica, Vol. 2, Pts. 41-
42, 1920.

EXCHANGE LIST AND DONATIONS

xxvn

India.

Bombay. Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Journal,
Vol. 25, No. 2, 1918-19.

Bombay. Bombay Natural History Society.

Calcutta. Asiatic Society of Bengal,

(i) Journal and Proceedings, Vol. 16, Pts. 1-1 \, 1920.

(ii) Memoirs, Vol. 7, Pt. 8, 1920.

Calcutta. Geological Survey of India,

(i) Records, Vol. 51, Pt. 1, 1920.

(ii) Memoirs, Vol. 46, Pa. 1, and Vol. 47, Pt. 1.

1920.

Calcutta. Indian Museum, Records, Vol. 17, Vol. 19, Pt. 1, Vol.

20.

Goa. Government of Portuguese Indies, 0 Orients Portugues,
Vols. 16 and 17, 1919-1920.

Hyderabad. H. E. H. The Nizam’s Government, Archaeological
Series No. 3. Inscriptions at Palampet and Uparpalli.
Jammu. Archaeological Department Jammu and Cashmere States,
Annual Progress Report, 1919.

Lahore. Pan jab Historical Society.

Pusa. Agricultural Research Institute, Memoirs of Department of
Agriculture in India

(i) Entomological Series, Vol. 5, Pts. 5-6, Vol. 7,

1-2, 1920.

(ii) Bacteriological Series, Vol. 1, Pt. 9, 1920.
Simla. Archaeological Survey of India.

(i) Memoirs, Nos. 2 and 4, 1920.

(ii) Reports for Northern Frontier , Western and

Southern Circles, 1919-1920.

(iii) New Imperial Series, Vol. 2, 1920.

Burmah.

Mandalay. Archaeological Survey of Burmah,

(i) Epigraphia Birmanica, Vol. 1, Pts. 1 and 2,

1919-20.

(ii) Reports, 1920.

Rangoon. Burmah Research Society.

Malaysia.

Borneo (Sarawak). Sarawak Museum.

Java (Batavia). Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten in
Wetensehappen,

(i) Notulen van de Algemeene en Directievergade-

ringen Deel 57, Pts. 1-4, 1919.

(ii) Tidschrift voor Indische Taal, Land-en Volkm-

kunde, Deel 59, Pt. 4, 1920.

XXVI

EXCHANGE LIST AND DONATIONS

(iii) Register of Verhandelingen an Tijdschrift ,

1009-1919.

(iv) Ouheidkundig Verslag, Erste Kwartaal, 1920.

(v) Gids voor den Bezoeker van de Ethnographische

Verzameling: — Zaal A Sumatra, Java, en de
Omliggende Eilanden. Zaal B, Bali en
Lombok.

( vi) General Literature, Penoendjoek Djalan

1919. Popular W etenscha ppelijke Serie — No.
1 “ lets over oud-Batavia” ; No. 2 Beschrij-
ving van den Temple Tiao-Kak-Sie . . . .

Java (Batavia). Department Landbouw, Xijverfieid en Handel
in Xederlandsc-h Indien.

Java (Batavia). Het Algemeen Proefstation der A.Y.R.O.S.,
Xededeel ingen.

(i) Algemeene Serie Nos. 5-6, 1919.

(ii) Rubberserie Nos. 16-23, 1919, and Nos. 25-26,

1920.

Buitenzorg. Jardin Botanique de Buitenzorg,

(i) Bulletin 3rd Ser. Vol. 1, fasc. 1, 1918, fasc. 2,

3 and 4, 1919, fasc. 5, 1920, Vol. 2, Liv. 1-4,
1920.

(ii) Treubia, Vol. 1, Pts. 1, 2 and 3, 1919.

Malay Peninsula (Kuala Lumpur). F. M. S. Museums, Jour-
nal Vol. 8, Pts. 2-3, 1918, Vol. 9, Pts - 1-2, Vol. 10, Pts.
1-2, 1920.

Malay Peninsula (Kuala Lumpur). Department of Agricul-
ture, F. M. S. Agricultural Bulletin, Vol. 1 , Pt, 5, Vol.
8, Pts. 1-2.

Singapore. Raffles Museum and Library, Reports 1914-1918.
Singapore. Botanic Gardens, Bulletin, Vol. 2, Nos. 6-11, 1920.

Siam.

Bangkok. Natural History Society of Siam, Journal, Vol. 3, Pt.

1, 1918. Pts. 2-4,1919, Pt. 5, 1920, Vol. 14, Pt. 1, 1920.

Bangkok. iSiam Society, Journal Vol. 12, PI. 3, 1918, Vol. 13,
Pts. 1-2, 1919.

Indo-China.

Hanoi. L’Ecole Francaise de l’Extreme Orient, Bulletin, Tome
19, Pts. 1-5, 1919, Tome 20, Pts. 1-2, 1920.

Saigon. La Societe des Etudes Indo-Chinoises, Bulletin, Nos. 55-
69, 1905-19.

EXCHANGE LIST AND DONATIONS

XXIX

Philippine Islands.

Manila. Bureau of Science,

(i) Philippine Journal of Science, 1 ol. 16, Pts. 1-6 ,

Yol. 17, Pts. 1-2, 1920.

(ii) Annual Reports, 17th and ISth.

(iii) Mineral Resources of the Philippine Islands,

1917-1919.

China.

Shanghai. Xorth China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society,
Journal, Yol. 50, 1919, and Yol. 51, 1920.

Japan.

Tokyo. Asiatic Society of Japan.

Australia.

Adelaide. Royal Society of South Australia.

Sydney. Royal Society of Xew South Wales.

EUROPE.

Finland.

Helsingfors. Finska Yetenskaps Soeieteten.

(i) Bidrag till kannedom, II. 7 If, Pt. 1+ and 6, 1912.

Issued 1919.

(ii) Acta Societalis Scientiarum Fennicae, Tome 1+8,

Pts. 8-1+ , 1919.

France.

Havre. iSociete tie Geographic Commerciale du Havre, Bulletin,
Vol. 36, 1919.

Marseilles. Soeiete de Geographie et d’Etudes Coloniales.

Paris. Soeiete Asiatique de Paris. Journal Asiatique, 11 Serie,
Tome IS, Pts. 1-3, 1919, Tome 11+, Pts. 1-3, 1919, Tome
15, Pts. 1-2, 1920.

Paris. iSociete de Geographie. La Geographie, Tome 32, Pts. 5-6,
1918-19, Tomes 33-3J+, 10 Pis., 1920.

Paris. 'Soeiete de l'Historie des Colonies Francaises, Annuaire,
1919.

Paris. Institnt Francais d’Archaeologie Orientale.

Paris. Commission Archaeologique de l’lndo Chine.

Paris. L’Ecole des Langues Orientales.

Great Britain and Ireland.

London. Royal Anthropological Institute, Journal, Yol. 50, Jan.-
June, 1920.

London. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland,
Journal, 1920.

XXX

EXCHANGE LIST AND DONATIONS,

London. Royal Colonial Institute. United Empire , Vol. 10,
1919, Vol. 11, 1920.

London. Royal Botanical Gardens, Kew, Bulletin, 1919.

London. School of Oriental Studies, London Institution, Bulletin,
Vol. 1, Pts. S-h, 1920.

Holland.

Amsterdam. Ivoloniaal Instituut.

Amsterdam. Koninklijk Xederlandsch Aardrijkskumdig, Genood-
schap, Tijdschrift, D eel 36, Pts. 1-2, 1/-6, 1919.

Hague. Koninklijk Institut voor de Taal, Land-en Volkendunde
von Xederlandsche Indie,

(i) Bijdragen Deele 75, 1919 ; 76, 1920.

(ii) Lijst der Leden, Jan. 1919, Apr. 1920.

Leiden. Ethnographisches Reichsmuseum, Katalog, Bd. 1\ & 18.

Leiden. Universiteits Bibliotheek. Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden,
Rede: De Sumatraansche Periode der Javaansche Seschie-

denis, voor Dr. U. J. Krom.

Switzerland.

Zurich. X at u ri'o rsch en de Gesellschaft, Virteljahrschrift, Vol. 61f,
1919. Vol. 65, Pts. 1-2, 1920.

DONATIONS.

AMERICA.

Canada.

Toronto. Munition Kesources Commission, Canada, Final Report
1915 ( Publ . 1920).

United States of America

Boston. Museum of Fine Arts, Bulletin Yol. 28, Pt. 109, Oct. 1920,

Lincoln. University of Nebraska, Agricultural Experiment Sta-
tion,

(i) Bulletin Nos. 173-174, 1919.

(ii) Circular No. 6, 1919.

New York. American Society of Civil Engineers,

Proceedings Yol. 40, Pt. 2, Feb. 1920.

Washington. American Historical Association,

The life of a Monastic Sho in mediaeval Japan, by K.
Asakawa, 1919.

Mexico.

Vera Cruz. Institute Geologico do Mexico,

(i) Boletin Nos. 18-19, 1919.

(ii) Anales Nos. 6-7, 1919 d: No. 8, 1920.

Brazil.

Rio de Janeiro. Ministerio da Agricultura, Monographias do
Servico Geologico and Mineralogico do Brazil, Vol. 2,
1919.

ASIA.

India.

Calcutta. Third Entomological Meeting, Report of Proceedings
1920.

The Old Observatories at Delhi etc., Guide to, by J.
R. Kaye, F.R.A.S., 1920.

Malaysia.

Singapore. The Committee for Malay Studies.

(i) Papers on Malay Subjects ( 2nd series).

(ii) Malay Literature Series, Pt. 15, Misa Melayu,

1919 & Pt. 16. Hikayat Bayan Budiman,
1920.

XXX11

EXCHANGE LIST AND DONATIONS,

(a) Joihol, Inas, Muar, etc Their his-

tory and Constitution.

{h) A history of the Peninsular Malays.

( c ) Life and Customs, Pt. v. The Incidents of
Malay Life.

Batavia. " Deiran Ra’jat "—herita pendek.

Balai Poestaka.

(a) Pada Menjatakan oleh Piiemdijk dan

Habbema, 1919.

(b) Sri Poestaka, talioen 2, Pts. 1-12.
Batavia. Commissie voor <le Volkslektu ur, 21 Malay Hikayats

and Industrial Manuals.

EUROPE.

Belgium.

Brusselt.s. Soeiete Beige d’Etmles Coloniales. Bulletin, Vol. 26.
Pis. 1-Jf and 7-8.

Austria.

Wien. Anthropologisehe Gesellseliaft, Mitteilungen, Bd. 50, Ii 2
& 3, 1920.

France.

Paris. I.e Prince Bonaparte, Notes Pteridologiques.

Germany.

Hamburg. Geographische Gesellseliaft in Hamburg, Mitteilungen
Bd. 32.

Great Britain and Ireland.

Oxford. Oxford University Press, The Nighantu and the Nirukta,
by Lakshman Sams M.A., Ac., 1920.

Italy.

Pome. Beale Societa Geografica Italians, Bulletin, Ser. 5, Vol. 9,
1920.

A Naning Recital.

BY

J. L. Humphreys.
Malayan Civil Service.

When stationed at Alor Gajah in 1908, I heard an
eld Malay, named Ungkai Lisut, recite at a wedding-feast a
pleasant speech of Menangkabau customary sayings. He after-
wards repeated the recital for my benefit (it was printed, with a
translation, in Number 72 of this Journal), and some time later
gave me the tattered manuscript of a longer and f deeper ’ speech —
the text now published. The restoration of the manuscript has
been a difficult task: Ungkai Lisut’s memory of the sayings proved,
in fact, more accurate than his document; and the present version
contains several passages that came back to his mind (after a
special discipline of prayer and fasting) during a visit he paid me
at Singapore in the year 1914.

An explanation of all the references in the recital would fill a
small volume, but a few words will make it intelligible.

Naning, now included in the Settlement of Malacca, was
formerly one of the Nine States — the original Negri Sembilan —
founded by Sumatran immigrants, who crossed the Straits of
Malacca in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and brought with
them the Menangkabau Custom ( Adat Menangkabau) of exo-
gamous tribes, descent of property through females, and mild
criminal procedure of compromise and reparation. Naning' came
under Portuguese influence, and afterwards (by treaty made in
1643) paid nominal tribute to the Dutch conquerors of Malacca;
but remained in effect an autonomous and semi-democratic State,
with a constitution of Chief (the Dato’ Naning), Heads of Tribes,
and Elders of Clans.

After the East India Company had replaced the Dutch, at-
tempts to levy a full tribute led to the Naning War of 1831-1832 :
Dol Said, the Dato’ Naning, made a stubborn resistance to the
Indian troops, but finally succumbed ; the tribal constitution was
abolished (even the use of ‘ the terms Dattoo and Sookoo ’ was for-
bidden); and Naning became a Malacca ‘ District’, divided into
Mukims under territorial Penghulus.

In spite of political annihilation and the steady pressure of
Colonial Courts and Law, the tribal Custom still survives with
remarkable vitality in all matters affecting property, marriage and
inheritance. The survival is due partly to the neighbourhood of
Rembau, where the fuller Adat still survives; but it must also be

Jour. Straits Branch R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

2

A NANING RECITAL.

attributed in part to the natural fitness of the Custom for regulat-
ing the life of a peasant community of exogamous clans. Changed
economic conditions are weakening its hold (ten years of the rub-
ber industry, for example, have already left their mark) ; but it
is the union of ancient customary law with a lenient British rule
that has given the Naning peasantry so comfortable a lot with so
few regrets for the past. When the Attorney General (J) referred to
them a few years ago in the Legislative Council of the Colony, he
quoted the famous lines :

0 fortunatos nimi-um, sua si bona norint.

Agricolas!

This speecli (or, rather, poem) is intended for recital by the
Elder of a Clan at the formal ceremony of marriage, when the
bridegroom, his clansman, comes in torchlight procession to the
bride’s house for payment of the bride-price. The escort, armed
with spear and kris, and waging a realistic sham fight with the
retainers of the bride, forces its way slowly through the crowded
l-ampong, with charges, retreats and rallies; the torch-lit space
under the coconut palms is filled with the swaying crowd of
fighters ; drums, fifes, guns, gongs and Chinese crackers make a con-
tinuous din; and the sorah war-cry or the shrill voices of the
dzUcir-singers round the bridegroom rise at intervals above the
general tumult. At length the steps of the house are reached, a
fee is paid to open the cord across the entrance, and the bride-
groom, dressed in silks and loaded with armlets and anklets, is
led up into the house by his friends. The Elder of the bride’s
clan is seated with his clansmen at the far end of the brightly lit
verandah, and to him the speaker addresses the recital, pausing and
raising his hands together in salutation ( sembah ) at each recur-
rence of the words ‘ Homage, 0 Chief ! ’.

Ungkai Lisut informed me that these recitals are less regarded
now than when he was young — wedding guests are more impatient
for the arrival of curry and rice — and that he had recited the full
speech only on two occasions. The first was the wedding of the
daughter of Kathi Ahmad — a man of great note in the Kelemak
Mukim in those days ; the second, a marriage at Jelatang. On
this latter occasion a ‘ very clever ’ man from Brisu, famous for
his knowledge of customary sayings, was known to have been en-
gaged ‘to receive the bride-price’ ( menerima adat) : he would
undoubtedly make an oration and put the bridegroom and his
people to shame if they could not produce a rival speaker.

In these circumstances, although the bridegroom was not of
his own elan, Ungkai Lisut was called on for help and invited
‘to pay the bride-price’ ( mengisi adat) ; he accepted the invita-
tion and delivered this recital. At the end of it the clever man
from Brisu sat as discomfited and dumb as the Queen of Sheba

(1). The Hon’ble Mr. J. R. Innes (formerly a District Officer of Alor
Gajah), in proposing an amendment of the Malacca Lands Ordinance, designed
to secure the Naning Malays in safe enjoyment of their ancestral holdings.

Jour. Straits Branch,

A NANING RECITAL.

3

after hearing all the wisdom of Solomon ; there was no more spirit
in him.

Ungkai Lisut’s own account of his triumph was as follows :

“‘Wliat is this?’ I said, ‘No answer? Surely a drum
should be beaten at both ends, not at one end only? Have I been
displaying fine clothes to the blind, showing off a fine voice to the
deaf? Am l both to spin the top and peg it as well? If you can
go higher, show me the branches: if you Can go deeper, show me
the roots!’

The Brisu man made a sour face and kept absolutely dumb.
When, my people saw that he could not give an answer they raised
three lotid cheers, and then I paid over the bride-price and we went
i on with the wedding.”

The recital falls naturally into three divisions:

First, a prelude, addressed to the Elder of the bride’s clan and
the wedding guests (lines 1 to 51) ;

Second, a Song of Origins ( Teromba ), telling the myth of
the two Malay Customs (the law of Talion and the law of Re-
paration) and the coming of Menangkabau immigrants to the-
Peninsula (lines 52 to 2715) ;

Third, a peroration, telling of the speaker’s present purpose —
the marriage of his clansman (lines 277 to 330).

It is not easy to find an English parallel to this form of com-
position, but the ‘ Song of Origins ’ recalls at times the tone and
mood of an older Oriental poem — the ‘historical’ Psalm:

“I will open my mouth in a parable: I will declare hard
sentences of old;

Which we have heard and known: and such as oxlx fathers have
told us

When there were yet but a few of them: and they strangers in
the land;

What time as they went from one nation to another: frotn one
kingdom to another people. ... *

That their posterity might know it: and the children which
were yet unborn.”

If we want to feel whether the ‘ Song of Origins ’ is good poetry
or not we must picture the crowded wedding-feast, and the old
man reciting the tale of the Custom (with gesture and beat of
drum at each cadence of the rhythmical accented verse) to the sons
of Menangkabau ‘in a strange land ’ : only then can we understand
how good the work is, how fitted for its time and place, how full
of true pleasure.

I am indebted for suggestions to several friends, in particular
to Mr. J. E. Nathan, District Officer of Kuala Pilah, whose in-
quiries with Negri Sembilan Chiefs have greatly helped the elucida-
tion of some obscure passages in the Malay text.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

Teromba

Malim Kunong Malim Ivinang
Singgah di-rnmah Bilal Lata :
Makan sireh dengan pina'ng,

Saya ’nak mula'i pangkal kata.

Terbang balam terbang merbali,

Terbang melayap ka-dalara padi :
Member! salam serta sembah,

Sembah lalu salam kembali.

Baju Jakmi dari hulu;

10. Anak undan di-permatang tebat:

Sembah ampun Dato’ Penghulu !

Memberi salam pada nang rapat.

Anak sembilang di-atas langsat;

Ayer dalam Sungai Landai :

Sava membilang mana nang dapat;
Nang tinggal sama di-pakai.

Bukan lebah sa-barang lebah,

Lebah hinggap dalam chempaka :
Bukan sembah sa-barang sembah,

20. Sembah saya sembah pesaka.

Bukan lebah sa-barang lebah,

Lebah hinggap di-hujong akar:
Bukan sembah sa-barang sembah,

Dari Invjong sarnpai ka-pangkal.

Sembah, Dato’ !

Ada-lah pebilangan adat:

Mengaji kapada alif,

Membilang kapada esa ;

Pebilangan pada nang tua-tua,

30. Perkhabaran pada nang kechil-kechil.

Apa perkhabaran nang kechil-kechil ?
Sa-pertama waktu yang lima,

Kedua hari yang tujoh,

Ketiga bulan yang dua-belas,

Keempat tahun yang ’lapan.

Apa pebilangan nang tua-tua?

Alam beraja,

Luak berponghulu,

Suku bertua,

Jour. Straits Branch

Translation.

Astrologers and sages twain

Are come to Bilal Lata’s door.

Friends, chew the betel nut, and deign
To listen to a tale of yore.

The ground-dove and the nightingale
Above the planted rice are fleeting :

‘ Homage ! ’ I cry to you, and ‘ Hail !

And you, 0 friends, return my greeting.

A country coat of dusky hue !

10. A cygnet white in reedy nest ! (*)

‘ Homage ! 0 Chief, I cry to you,

And ‘ Hail ! ’ to every wedding guest.

Deep, deep, the Landai waters flow !

A stinging fish among the fruit !

I tell the story that I know.

But tales forgotten are not mute.

The bee no bee of common wing —

The bee upon the champak flower!

No common song the song I sing —

20. A song of legendary power.

Goodly the bee, of golden wing,

Alighting on the flowery sprays !

Goodly the ancient song I sing,

A bond with bygone yesterdays.

Homage, 0 Chief !(

Now the saying of the custom runs :

Spell from the letter A !

Count from the figure I !

Tradition is with the old,

30. Report is with the young.

What is the report of the young ?

The Hours that are five,(2)

The Days that are seven,

The Months that are twelve,

The Years that are eight. (3)

What is the tradition of the old?

For the Realm a Ruler,

For the Province a Chief,

For the Tribe a Head,

B. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

The Wedding
Guest recites
a verse of
greeting
to the Chief
of the Bride’s
clan.

And a pre-
lude of an-
cient custo-
mary wisdom

6

A NANING RECITAL.

40. Anak buah beribu-bapa,

Orang semenda bertempat-semenda ;

Galas bersandaran,

Perahu bertambatan,

Dagang bertepatan.

Maka ada pebilangan pula:

Nau pangkat turun,

Pulai pangkat naik,

Manusia berpangkat- pangkat,

Dari pangkat nang tua sampai pangkat nang kechil,
50. Mengikut-lah pebilangan daripada suku yang empat

telapakan ’lapan.

Sembah, Dato’ !

Ada pun pebilangan yang di-pakai itu
Pebilangan yang turun di-Menangkabau,

Tanah yang bernama

Sa-lilit Pulau Percha,

Sa-lembang Tanah Melayu,

Sa-bingkal tanah terbalek,

Sa-helai akar putus,

Sa-batang kayu rebah.

60. Siapa yang empunya bilangan ?

Maharaja Di Raja,

Turun di-Gunong Berapi,

Tempat sialang berlantak besi,

Tempat kemuntong membilang bungkur,

Tempat penyengat bertimbal jalan.

Sembah, Dato’ !

Maka turun-lah Maharaja Di Raja,

Turun ka-Periangan Padang Panjang,

Tempat sesap berjeramian,

70. Tempat tunggul berpemarasan,

Tempat pendam berkuburan,

Hendak mendirikan Istana di-Periangan Padang
Panjang.

Yang jauh berpanggilan,

Yang dekat berimbauan :

Yang jauh sudah datang,

Yang dekat sudah tiba.

Maka bertitah-lah Maharaja Di Raja,

Kapada orang di-dalam Periangan Padang Panjang:

‘ Tepong tawar di-buat,

80. Akar di-tetas,

Kayu di-tetak,

Tanah di-gali ! ’

Jour. Straits Branch

A NANING RECITAL.

7

40. For the Clan an Elder,

For the Bridegroom the Kin of the Bride ;(4)

For the burden a support, (5)

For the boat a mooring,

For the stranger a surety.

And there is another saying :

The sugar-palm grows down to death, (G)

The elm grows up to death,

But man endures in generations,

From the generation of the old to the generation of
the young,

50. Obeying the tradition of the Four Tribes and the

Lesser Eight. (T)

Homage, 0 Chief !

Now the tradition that they keep

Is the tradition that came down in Menangkabau,

The land that is called

The circle of the Isle of Sumatra,

The stretch of Malay Land,

Wherever a clod of earth is turned,

Wherever a trail of creeper cut,

Wherever a tree-trunk felled.

60. From whom came the tradition?

From Maharaja Di Baja, (8)

Who descended from the Hill of Fire,

Where the hiving trees are pegged with iron,(9)
Where wasps haunt every knotted bole.

Where hornets guard the path on either hand.

Homage, 0 Chief !

And Maharaja Di Baja came down,

Down to the plain of Padang Panjang,

A place of stubble and severed scrub, ( 10 )

70. A place of stumps and tree-trunks felled,

A place of graves and upturned earth,

To build him a Palace there in the plain of Padang
Panjang.

The far folk were bidden,

The near folk were called :

The far folk came,

The near folk met together.

Then sipake Maharaja Di Baja

To the folk of the plain of Padang Panjang:

‘Mix ye the magic rice-paste^11)

80. Cut ye the creeper.

Fell ye the tree,

Delve ye the sod ! ’

The song
tells of the
revelation
of the Custom
in Menang-
kabau.

Of the
coming of the
King, Maha-
raja Di Raja.

Of the build-
ing of his
magic Palace

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

8

A NANING RECITAL.

Kemudian tepong tawar di-buat di-renjiskan,
Akar di-tetas di-ikatkan,

Kayu di-tetak di-tindiskan,

Tanah di-gali di-timbunkan,

Istana di-dirikan :

Istana bernama Tiang Teras Jelatang,
Bertaboh pulut-pulut,

90. Bergendang seleguri.

Istana sudah, tukang di-bunoh:
Tukang tidak mendua kali.

Di-situ-lah tempat pesaka yang terletak.

Tempat kebesaran yang terlonggok,
Tempat tombak yang berhuraian,
Tempat pedang yang bersampaian.

Apa pesaka yang terletak?

Keris bisa Sempana Tempang:
Menitek sa-titek ka-laut
300. Menjadi tumpah karam,

' Menitek sa-titek ka-darat
Menjadi siar bakar.

Apa kebesaran yang terlonggok?

Sa-pertama tali pengikat,

Kedua pedang pemanchong,

Ketiga besi penindeh,

Keempat keris penyalang.

Sembah, Dato’ !

Malta bertitah-lah Maharaja Di Raja,

110. Suroh menghimpunkan orang

Isi negeri Periang Padang Panjang.

Maka berhimpun-lah rayat,

Arang patah datang bertongkat,

Arang buta datang berhela,

Yang pekak datang bertanya:

Yang baik apa-tah lagi?

Orang sudah terkampong,

Raja menobat,

Penghulu berkerojan.

120. Maka bertitah Raja kapada Penglvulu yang dua sila,

Dato’ Perpateh Pinang Sa-batang dan Dato’ Temenggong:
e Bukit sama di-daki,

Lurah sama di-turuni !

Gantang sama di-tolok,

Chupak sama di-pawai,

Jour. Straits Branch

A NAN1NG RECITAL.

9

And straight the magic paste was mixt and sprinkled,

The creepers were cut and tied,

The trees were felled and piled,

The sods were delved and heaped,

The Palace was raised:

The Palace called ‘ Pillars of Tree-nettle Trunks ’,
With big drums all of mallow stems,

90. And little drums all of star-apple stalks. (12)

The Hall was built, the builder slain.

The builder shall not build again !(13)

There in the Palace was the royal heirloom set.
There were the royal emblems stored,

There were the spears with tasselled knots.
There were the swords in scabbards hanging.

What was the royal heirloom ?

The poisoned kris, the ‘ Lucky Cripple * :
One drop of poison shed to sea
100. Makes storm and shipwreck,

One drop of poison shed to land
Makes fire and conflagration.

What were the royal emblems?

The cord to bind.

The sword to sever,

The iron to hold, ( 14 )

The kris to slay.

Homage, 0 Chief !

Of the Royal
Kris.

And of the

Royal

Emblems.

Then spake the King, Maharaja Di Eaja,

110. Bade call together the people.

The folk of the land of Padang Panjang.
And straight the people came,

The halt came on crutches,

The blind came with a guide,

The deaf came asking the way :

Of the hale what need to tell ?

The Folk were met together,

The King held his state.

The Chiefs made festival.

How the King
would have
made a dual
dominion for
the two
Chieftains.

j 120. Then spake the King to the Chieftains twain,

I)ato’ Perpateh Pinang Sa-batang and Dato’ Temenggong : (16)
‘ Together climb the hill,

Together descend the valley !

Together trim the measure,

Together test the scales,

R. A. Soe., No. 83, 1921.

10

A NANING RECITAL.

130.

140.

150.

160.

Adat sama di-kataksm !
Bertimbang sama berat,
Berbahagi sama banyak —
Gedang sama gedang,

Kechil sama kechil !

Mendapat sama laba,

Chichir sama rugi,

Mengukur sama tinggi,
Mengidas sama gedang!

Berat sama di-tating,

Ringan sama di-letakkan,

Dek Penghulu yang dua sila ! ’

Sembah, Dato’ !

Maka menjawab-lah Penghulu yang dua sila:
‘ Sembah ampun, Tuanku !

Tutoh dahan meranti,

Buat baliu kilangan :

Di-bunoh patek mati,

Tuanku juga yang kehilangan !

Nau sa-batang dua sigai,

Sa-jinjang dua pelesit,

Satu negeri dua Penghulu,
Kepantangan adat dengan pesaka,
Alamat negri akan gadoh ! ’

Maka bertitah-lah Sultan Maharaja Di Raja:
‘ Orang chulas boleh di-umpohkan,
Orang lambat boleh di-nanti,

Orang berebut boleh di-bahagikan :
Orang ta’mahu apa-kan daya?’

Sembah, Dato’ !

Maka lepas daripada itu

Turun-lah Maharaja Di Raja,

Membawa Penghulu yang dua sila,

Turun ka-tempat pembahagian,

Turun ka-laut ka-Bandar Rokan,

Tempat perahu yang silang-sali,

Tempat dayong yang lentang-lentong,
Tempat galah yang legah-legoh :

Di-situ-lah tempat pembahagian,

Dato’ Temenggong dengan Dato’ Perpateh —
Menghilir ka-Kampar Kiri,

Menghulu ka-Kampar Kanan.

Sembah, Dato’ !

Jour. Straits Branch

130.

140.

150.

160.

A NANING RECITAL. 11

Together declare the custom !

Weigh with an equal weight.

Divide with an equal share —

If great together great.

If small together small !

Profit with equal gain,

Forfeit with equal loss,

Mete to an equal height,

Span to an equal breadth !

Together bear the heavy load,

Together lay down the light,

0 ye Chieftains twain ! *

Homage, 0 Chief !

Then made answer the Chieftains twain :

‘ Pardon we crave, 0 King !

The lopped bough, though leaves be shed,

Will serve to shaft a grinding mill :

Slay us ! — But if thy slaves be dead
Thine too the irreparable ill ! (1G )

One sugar-palm two climbers, ( 17 )

One master two familiar spirits.

One land two Chiefs —

These things are abhorred by custom and tradition,
A token of strife to come on the land ! ’

How they
would not
obey his
decree.

Then spake the King, Maharaja Di Raja :

‘ For the sluggard a task may be set,

For the laggard we may tarry-,

For the greedy tfe may divide :

But what availeth us with the froward ? ’

Homage, 0 Chief !

And how the
King divided
the dominon.

And thereupon

The King Maharaja Di Raja went down,
Down with the Chieftains twain,

Down to the place of division,

Down to the sea at Bandar Rokan,

Where the ships lie moored in criss-cross maze,
Where the oars creak and groan,

Where the boat-poles clank and thud :

There was the place of division

Of Dato’ Temenggong and Dato’ Perpateh — -

Down stream to Kampar Kiri,

Up stream to Kampar Kanan.

Homage, 0 Chief!

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

12

A NANING RECITAL.

170.

180.

190.

200.

210.

Menghilir ka-Kampar Kiri !

Tempat ayer yang bergelombang,
Tempat ombak yang memechah,
Tempat pasir yang memuteh,

Tempat beting yang menyulur,
Tempat pulau yang menanjong,
Tempat dagang keluar masok,
Tempat saudagar berjual-beli :

Siapa yang empunya?

Dato’ Temenggong Bendahara Kaya.

Maka mengundang-lah dia:

Siapa berhutang siapa membayar,

Siapa salah siapa bertimbang,

Siapa bunoh siapa kena bunoh,

Itu-lah adat Dato’ Temenggong Bendahara Kaya.

Sembah, Dato’ !

Kemudian menghulu ka-Kampar Kanan !

Tempat aver sa-gantang sa-lobok,

Tempat pasir tambun-menambun,

Tempat batu hampar-menghampar,

Tempat akar berjembet daun,

Tempat kayu bersanggit dahan,

Tempat tupai turun naik,

Tempat kera berlompat-lompatan,

Tempat berok berbuai kaki,

Tempat si-papas berulang mandi,

Tempat si-dengkaDg berulang tidor,

Tempat enggang terbang lalu,

Tempat ular tidor berlengkar,

Tempat musaug tidor bergelong,

Tempat katak berbunyi malam,

Tempat siamang bergegauan,

Tempat ungka bersayu hati,

Tempat puntianak berjerit-jeritan,

Tempat gunong yang tinggi padang yang luas.

Maka di-pandang pula padang yang luas.

Tampak binatang dua kaki,

Pandang jauh gagak hitam,

Tengok dekat bangau puteh,

Sayap-nya lebar kepak-nya panjang,

Membubong tinggi,

Mengelebang menvisir awan,

ITinggap kavu meranting,

Mana yang jauh tampak-lah dia.

Jour. Straits Branch

A NAMING RECITAL. 13

Down stream to Kampar Kiri !

170. Where the water conies in rolling billows,

Where the waves break white in foam,

Where the beaches glare in the sun,

Where the sand-banks stretch seaward,

Where the long islands lie on the tide,

Where the merchandise goes out and in,

Where the traders sell and buy:

Who was the sovereign there?

Dato’ Temenggong Bendahara Kaya.

And there he made this law :

180. The debtor shall quit the debt,

The sinner shall pay the forfeit,

The slayer shall be slain.

That was the Custom of Dato’ Temenggong Benda-
hara Ivaya. ( 18 )

190.

200.

Homage, O Chief !

And then,

Up stream to Kampar Kanan !

A place of pools, a gallon to each,

A place of sandy banks and ledges,

A place of boulders scattered and heaped,

A place of climbing and twining creepers,

A place of tangled and chafing boughs;

Where squirrels race and frisk on the trees.

Where monkeys leap from branch to branch.
Where long-armed apes dangle and swing,

Where mouse-deer nig’vtly come to bathe,

Where water-voles return to slumber.

Where the hornbill flits and passes by;

A place of snakes sleeping and coiled,

A place of wildcats sleeping curled,

A place of bullfrogs nightly croaking,

A place of black apes howling and calling,

A place of gibbons sadly moaning,

A place of birth-ghosts shrieking and wailing, (19)
A place of high hills and open glades.

And they looked to the open glade.

And were ware of a two-legged fowl,
Beheld from afar a black crow,

Seen near at hand an egret white,
Broad of wing and long of pinion,
Soaring aloft,

210. Skimming along cloud-high,

Alighting on a leafless tree,
Kenning all things afar.(20)

The song
tells of the
seaward
realm of
Dato’ Te-
menggong.

And of his
Law of
Talion.

Of the
landward
realm of
Dato’ Per-
pateh.

And fin the
parable of a
strange fowl
seen therein)
of the Cus-
tom that he
made.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

14

A NANING RECITAL.

220.

230.

240.

250.

Maka pulang-lah negeri itu

Kapada Dato’ Perpateh Pinang Sa-batang.

Maka mengundang-lah dia :

Chenchang berpampas,

Bunoh berbalas —

Anak di-panggil makan,

Anak buah di-sorongkan balas;

Gawar berbeli;

Kupur tambat ;

Dendang beli darah,

Diat beli nyawa,

Upah beli penat;

Sah salah bertimbang,

Sah hutang di-bayar,

Sab piutang di-terima ;

Sesat ka-hujong jalan —

Balek ka-pangkal jalan !

Sesat ka-hujong kata —

Balek ka-pangkal kata !

Itu-lah adat Dato’ Perpateh Pinang Sa-batang.
Semibah, Dato’ !

Maka kemudian daripada itu di-bilang pula,

Pesaka yang turun dari Pagar Ruyong,

Turun ka-Periangan Padang Panjang,

Menghilir sungai tiga laras,

Sa-pertama Kuantan, kedua Kanipar, ketiga Batang:
Ari.

Rantau berturut dengan undang,

Xegeri bertempek dengan pesaka,

Ivampong berbunyi berketak tangga.

Baja bertitah di-istana-nya,

Pengliulu mengundang di-balai-nya,

Lembaga berkata di-telaga-nya.

Sembah, Dato’ !

Maka lepas daripada itu ada pebilangan pula :
Asal-asal usul-usul,

Asal jangan di-tinggalkan !

Bertuan ka-Menangkabau,

Beraja ka- Johor,

Itertali ka-Siak,

Berpengkalan ka-Melaka,

Bermak ka-Naning,

Berulur-jumbai ka-tanah Jelebu.

Jour. Straits Branch

A NANING RECITAL.

15

220.

230.

240.

250.

And all that land was given
To Dato’ Perpateh Pinang Sa-batang.

And there he made this law :

Whoso wounds shall atone.

Whoso slays shall replace —

Bidding a son to the feast,

Sending a clansman to replace the slain ;(21)

Whoso bargains shall buy ;

Whoso boasts shall recant ;

The blood-price redeems the blood,

The life-price redeems the life.

The hire-price redeems the toil;

If the sin is clear the forfeit is paid,

If the debt is clear the debt is quitted,

If the credit is clear the credit is received ;

Astray at the end of the track —

Back to the start of the track!

Astray at the end of the talk —

Back to the start of the talk ! (22 )

That was the Custom of Date’ Perpateh Pinang Sa-
batang.

Homage, 0 Chief !

And now my tale proceeds.

Of the tradition that came from Pagar Ruyong,

Down to the plain of Padang Panjang,

Down the streams of the three rivers,

Kuantan, Kampar, and Batang Ari :

Each river- reach obeyed its Chief,

The land was at peace, the custom reigned, (23)

The hamlets rang with voices, the house-ladders
creaked with tread.

The King gave sentence at the Palace,

The Chief gave judgment at the Hall,

The Headman gave order at the Well.

Homage, 0 Chief!

And after that there is another saying :
Our sires, our origins.

Forget we not our origins !
Menangka'bau our overlord,

Johor our Raja,

Siak our ally,

Malacca our landing-place,
Naning our mother.

The land of Jelebu our offshoot!

(”

)

The Law of
Dato’ Per-
pateh, the
Law of
Reparation.

The song now
tells how the
people

multiplied in

Menang-

kabau.

And how
from among
them c*me
oversea the
folk of the
Negri Sem-
bilan.

R. A. Soc„ No. 83. 1921.

16

A NANING RECITAL.

260.

270.

280.

290.

Maka di-bilang pula

Dek Penghulu yang empat sila,

Anak Batin Maha Galang:

Sa-pertama, Petra Indera Pahlawan,
Kedua, Lela Perkasa Setiawan,

Ketiga, Maharaja Lela Sedia Raja,
Keempat Paduka Alam Penghulu Adil.
Semujong balai melintang,

Johol balai bertingkat,

Jelebu balai balairong,

Rembau tanah berkerojan,

Seri Men anti tanah mengandong.

Maka di-bilang pula :

Chenchang tiga chenchang,
Tingkat tiga tingkat :
Di-rentang paniang,
Di-gumpal sengkat.

Chenchang sa-kali chenchang,
Iverat sa-kali kerat:
Chenchang-menyenchang,
Kerat-mengerat.

Sembah, Dato’ !

Maka lepas daripada itu di-bilang pula :
Mengkudu lagi bergawar,

Konon pula chempedak muda!
Penghulu lagi bergawa,

Konon pula saya yang muda!

Buah langsat, kemarau kandis —

Arak ka-Bentan akan memelihara-nya !
Gedang kasad saya ka-mari,

Menengar intan berita-nya.

Bintongan ambilkan tangga,

Akan tangga Manggawari :
Junjongan mengimbau saya,

Menengar intan di-dalam negeri.

Chenchang batang lumai-lumai,
Akan menuba si-Batang Ari :
Sunggoh saya di-suak sungai,

Ada maksud saya ka-mari.

Jour. Straits Branch

260.

270.

280.

290.

R. A.

A NANING EECITAL. 17

And then the saying tells
Of the four Chiefs,

The sons of Batin Maha Galang :

First, Petera Indera Pahlawan,

Second, Lela Perkasa Setiawan,

Third, Maharaja Lela Sedia Raja,

Fourth, Paduka Alam Penghulu Adil.(25)

For Sungai Ujong a hall athwart,

For Johol a hall of tiers,

For Jelebu a hall of assembly, ( 26 )

Eembau the place of installation,

Sri Men anti the Royal home.

And after that the saying runs :

The stroke, the triple stroke,

The court, the triple court:
Stretch out the cord — how long !
Roll up the cord — how short !

And the stroke, the single stroke,

The cut, the single cut:

The stroke that divides.

The cut that severs. (27)

Homage, 0 Chief !

And now my story runs :

Even sour plums are watched, we know :

The more, then, ripening jack-fruit green !
Even a chief to lords bows low :

The more, then, I so poor and mean !

The damson droops, the berries wither —
Their bloom at Bentan Isle repair !
^aint with desire am I come hither —
Desire to win a jewel rare.

Bintongan took away the stair

And Manggawari mourns in vain:
I come to take a jewel rare —

Thy loss will be my precious gain.

Chenehang batang lumai-lumai,

To fish the Batang Ari stream !( 28 )
From far I come with weary foot
To seek the jewel of my dream.

Soc., No. 83, 1921.

Of their
Chiefs.

And of their
tribal polity.

The Wedding
Guest now
hints in
homely verse
the purpose
of his coming.

18

A NANING RECITAL.

300.

310

320.

330.

Ayam puteh terbang siang,

Terbang hinggap papan gendeng,
Berkili-kili gading,

Mengelebang-ngelebang daman yang luas,
Berseri-seri kampong yang besar,

Akan gembala rumah yang gedang.

Ayam hitam terbang malam,

Hinggap di-rumpun pandan,

Kukut-nya ada tampak-nya tidak.

Kain puteh sa-belit,

Sa-belit di-buat pengikat timba:
Chelaka tanjong berbelit,

Beluni di-chari sudah tersua.

Sembah, Dato’ !

Maka lepas daripada itu di-sebut pula bilangan
Dek suku yang empat telapakan ’lapan :
Sa-pertama tali berwaris,

Kedua tali pesaka,

Ivetiga tali bersemendaan :

Tali berwaris ta’boleh putus,

Tali pesaka ta’boleh di-ubah,

Tali bersemenda ta’boleh ehachat.

Maka lepas daripada itu

Adat tidak menggalang,

Hukum tidak menghambat,

Hams bersemenda bersemendaan,

Chaehat jangan chedera jangan.

Janji di-laboh di-muliai,

Janji sampai di-tepati:

Maka ini-lah saya datang,

Laksana sikat kurang pendapat,

Laksana jalan kurang pasar,

Saya datang menepati janji,

Mengisi adat,

Serta anak buah.

Habis kata.

Sembah, Dato’ !

Jour. Straits Branch

300.

310.

320.

330.

A NANING RECITAL. 19

A white fowl flies by day.

Flies and alights on the gable edge.

With anklets of ivory,

Flitting about a spacious court.

The pride of a wide demesne,

Fit queen for a goodly house !

A black fowl flies by night,

And alights on the screw-pine clump,

His croak is heard, but lie is not seen.

A single twist of linen white

Will serve to make a bucket-string:

Unsought they met their troth to plight —

Curse on the stream meandering !(29)

Homage, 0 Chief !

And after that is said this saying
Of the Four Tribes and the Lesser Eight:

First the tie of the kin,

Second the tie of the custom.

Third the tie of the wedlock :

The tie of the kin may not be severed,
The tie of the custom may not be changed.
The tie of the wedlock may not be marred.

And so it was, that

Custom set no bar,

Eeligion set no ban,

To this marrying and giving in marriage,
Without blemish and without stain.

A bond was made and proclaimed,

A bond due is fulfilled :

And therefore come I now.

Like a harrow that harrows amiss,

Like a street of little traffic,

I come to fulfil the bond,

I pay the bride-price,

I bring the bridegroom my kinsman. (30)

My tale is told.

Homage, O Chief!

The worth of
the Bride.

And the un-
worthiness of
the Bride-
groom.

The Wedding
Guest now
recites the
Marriage
Custom.

And tells of
the making
of the mar-
riage bond to
fulfil which
he (all un-
worthy) is
now come.

II. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

120

A NANING RECITAL.

Notes.

1. Lines 9-10. There may be a hidden reference to the ‘dark’
bridegroom and the ‘ fair ’ bride : compare lines 294-302.

2. Line 32. The Muhammadan hours of prayer.

3. Line 35. The cycle of eight Muhammadan years (and the
method of computing it) is described in The Achehncse, Vol.
1, page 197.

4. Line 41. Under Menangkabau exogamous custom the bride-
groom on marriage enters into the tribe of the bride, is subject
to her family, lives in her house, and tills her fields. On
divorce the children of the marriage remain with her, the
husband removes his personal property, joint earnings or debts
are divided.

See Waning Proverbs (Journal No. 67), and A Xaning
Wedding-speech (Journal Xo. 72).

3. Lines 42-44- The meaning is: a stranger entering a Menang-
kabau country or colony must attach himself definitely to some
clan that will ‘ support ’ him by going surety for his debts and
provide a ‘mooring’ where he may be found. Only then can he
be accepted in marriage by another exogamous clan. Without
such ties he is called ‘a stroller’ or ‘a drifter’ ( dagang iva-
yang, dagang hanyut).

6. Lines 40-43. These lines (of which there are several versions)
are very difficult. Mr. I. H. Burkill, Director of Gardens,

S. S., has in reply to inquiries sent me the following note
which supports the translation given :

“The Nail, or Kabong (Arenga saccharifera), certainly
dies downwards. It does not flower until it is aged and then
it sends out bunch after bunch of flowers from dormant buds,
commencing at the top and exhausting itself with the lowest.

The Pulai (Alstonia scholaris), like most forest trees,
when it dies .... dies first at the top.”

Mr. A. Caldecott in his Jelebu Sayings (Journal Xo. 78)
gives :

Pulai nan pangkat naik,

Manusia berpangkat turun,

and translates,

The pulai tree broadens as it goes up,

Family trees as they descend.

A similar text is given in Kitab Kiliran Budi, Xo. 627;
both readings seem defective.

Jour. Straits Branch

A NANING RECITAL.

21

?. Line 50. Of the original twelve tribes only four are now
known in Naning — the Seri Melenggang, Tiga Batu, Mungkal,
and Anak Melaka ; but each has many exogamous sub-clans in
many different Mukims. Their heads were known as the
‘Pillars of the Hall’ of the Dato’ Naning ( Tiang Balai) ;
the word telapakan appears to mean the outer platform that
surrounds the Balai slightly below the level of its floor.

A full description of the twelve tribes in Rembau is given
by Parr and Mac-kray in Rembau (Journal No. 56) ; see
also Notes on the Negri Sembilan, Part 2, in Papers on Malay
Subjects (F. M. S. Government Press).

8. Line 61. Maharaja Hi Baja was the mythical Sultan of
Menangkabau who — according to Naning tradition — divided
the empire of the world with his two brothers Maharaja De-
pang (Emperor of China) and Maharaja Alif (Emperor of
Borne and Byzantium). All three (according to the same
tradition) were sons of Alexander the Great; who was himself
the ninety-first and last child of Father Adam, and — the ninety
elder offspring having been paired off in Ptolemaic fashion —
was provided (on the special intercession of the Prophet
Muhammad) with a heaven-sent wife known as Tuan Puteri
Siti Kayangan.

Newbold gives a somewhat similar tradition. All the
Peninsular Sultans claim descent from Alexander the Great
through the Sassanidae; the mythical ancestry of the Negri
Sembilan Rulers is given in Seri Menanti (Papers on Malay
Subjects, F. M. S.).

9. Line 63. This line might be translated — ‘ where swarming
bees have stings of steel and this would agree in sense with
the two following lines ; but the translation in the text is most
probably correct. Trees where bees regularly hive are in some
places considered a perquisite of the Baja, and pegs ( paling )
are hammered into the trunk to facilitate climbing. So too
durian trees in the jungle : a line frequently found' with the
line in the text is —

Tempat durian di-takok Raja f

Where the durian trees are notched by the Baja.

The three lines 63 to 65 convey the idea of forbidden
Royal ground ( tanali larangan Raja).

10. Lines 69-71. These three lines are now a proverbial expres-
sion for the three stages of Menangkabau jurisdiction. They
are clearly out of place in this context.

The word sesap means (like the more common word
tebas) , ‘ to fell small scrub, clear undergrowth ’. Berpemarasan
refers not to the levelling of earth, but to the cut ends of the
severed trunk and the stump.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

22

A NANING RECITAL.

The lines are a noted crux and have received many trans-
lations, none of them very satisfactory. Mr. J. E. Nathan
informs me that the three lines mean in Negri Sembilan the
Lembaga, the Undang, and the Raja respectively (the Tribal
Head, the Chief, and the Euler, lines 37-39 above) : but no
Malay can explain how they came to get this secondary
meaning.

I suggest that the connection is a? follows: the three
lines describe three stages of clearing and preparing land for
a grave, viz., cutting down the scrub (tebas), felling the trees
( tebang ), digging the pit ( pend am ) ; and so, metaphorically,
the graded jurisdictions of the Tribal Head, Chief, and Ruler.
They might be paraphrased :

‘ Where scrub has been cut, stubble is found ;

Where stumps remain, trees have been felled:

Only where a pit has been dug is a grave made ’.

In other words, the jurisdictions of the Lembaga and
Undang are limited, and their decisions are not final (‘stubble’
or ‘stumps’ are left) : it is the Raja who is the ultimate foun-
tain of justice ( keadilan ) and the final court of appeal.

See also note on lines 268-275, below.

As to the respective jurisdictions of the three Courts, see
Rembau, chapter 2 (Journal No. 56), and Notes on the
Negri Sembilan, Part 2.

11. Line 79. For the use of ceremonial rice-paste and Malay
building ceremonies see Malay Magic (Skeat).

12. Lines SS-90. The magic Palace of Pagar Ruyong — one of the
royal marvels ( kebesaran ) of the Sultans of Menangkabau.
The miracle was the supernatural size of the nettle, mallow,
and star-apple, that could furnish pillars and drums. The
drums were covered with the ‘ skin of lice ’ ( Tculit tuma) .

The Menangkabau Regalia included (among other child-
ish prodigies) ‘the diadem of the Prophet Solomon; the
mountain where grow the plaintive bamboos which entrap
wild birds by the fascination of their melody; the elephant
Sakti; the padi, Sitanjo Rani, on which His Majesty feeds at
mid-day; the flower Seri, the odour of which extends a day’s
journey — it is sown, grows up, produces leaves, flowers and
fruit, in a single day ’ ; and many other strange and curious
things. A list of the Regalia is given in Newbold, who trans-
lates from a Malay document. See also a footnote on page 28
of Malay Magic.

The Malay text from which Newbold translates will be
found in Volume 921 of the Society's Library in Singapore, a
very interesting work.

Jour. Straits Branch

A NANING RECITAL'. 23

A curious corruption of line 89 may 'be found incor-
porated in a charm addressed to the Demon Sungkai (Malay
Magic, page 105) :

Bertaborkan batang purut-purut,

translated ‘ Strewn over with the stems of purut-purut ’ —
whatever that may mean !

13. Lines 91-92. It has been suggested that the ‘killing’ of the
architect does not seem a Malay idea — and that bunoh here
means only that he was prohibited from practising his art.
That is a possible translation of bxinoh ; but (apart from the
fact that most Malay romance is borrowed from the Hindu),
I think the meaning here is the primary one of kill. There is
a parallel in the story of Awang Sulong Merah Muda : a tooth-
filer is hired for him at a fee of $28 and then killed

( Sa-liari sudah tukang di-bunoh,

Jangan tertiru di-Mengkasar) ,
shrouded, buried, and feasted over for seven days. And in
the story of Anggun Che’ Tunggal, for the building of the
hero’s ship —

Tiga-puloh di-bunoh tukang

Baharu di-ambil tukang bongkok

(Dr. Winstedt translates:

‘ Thirty craftsmen slain, they summoned
Hunch-back exile from Macassar.’).

14. Line 106. Besi pemndeh seems to mean the iron prong used

to ‘ hold ’ an amok runner.

But it might also riiean iron weights used for torture, similar
to the peine forte et dure, a form of torture that was legal in
England until the reign of George III.

Lines 10k-107 are out of their context: the ‘cord’ be-
longed to the Lembaga, the ‘ kris ’ to the Undang, and the
‘ sword ’ to the Raja. See Rembau, page 104, and Notes on
the Negri Sembilan, pages 40-42.

15. Lines 120-121. The ‘Chieftains Twain’ are the famous law-
givers of Malay myth.

Newbold says : “ The lawgivers, Kai Tumungong and
Perpati Sabatang, were brothers, and pretended, by Moham-
medan writers, to have been among the forty persons who went
with Noah into the ark. Some say that Perpati was no other
than Japhet: others, with more plausibility, affirm that Perpati
is a corruption of the Hindoo Prajapati, signifying Lord of
creatures ; and that the two brothers were ministers of one of
the Hindoo sovereigns of Menangkabau, who reigned long
before the introduction of Islam.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

24 A NANINO BECITAL.

The Javanese, however, claim the names Perpati and
Tumungong as appertaining to two high officers still extant
in that country, viz. Pati, a minister, and Tumungong, an
inferior sort of ruler and magistrate. The latter of these titles
is in common use in Malayan countries; for instance, the
Tumungong of Johore.”

The word sila is used as a numeral coefficient for Chief-
tains— an interesting use not, I think, recorded in dictionaries.

16. Lines ll/l-Uflf This pantun seems to be a commonplace for
deprecation of a Raja’s wrath ; it is used bv the midwives in
the Hikayat of Awang .Sulong Merab Muda (Malay Literature
Series, No. 5).

17. Line 1^5. The ‘ climber ’ ( sigai ) is a bamboo pole by which
the tapper climbs to tap the blossom of the palm ( mayang )
for the sugar-juice; two poles to one tree imply either a thief
or a disputed claim: in Naning the line is a proverb for a
lady with a lover as well as a husband. (See Malay Proverbs,
42, in Journal No. 67).

18. Lines ISO-183. For a discussion of the Adat Temenggong
see Papers on Malay Subjects, Law, Introductory Sketch (Wil-
kinson). Mr. Wilkinson considers that the Adat Temenggong
is simply the Adat Perpateh — the true law of the Malays — in
a state of disintegration after exposure to the influence of
Hindu despotism and Moslem Law, and administered on auto-
cratic lines.

The 1 dat Temenggong is, in fact, the law of a sea-faring
mercantile community; the Adat Perpateh is the democratic
Custom of an inland folk away from foreign intercourse.
Hence the well known proverb

Bodoh Menanglcaba/u yang tiada menumpoh laut

(Stupid the Menangkabau folk that have no footing
on the sea)

— a proverb very pleasantly illustrated by a Rabelaisian
dialogue in Tja'kap-tjakap Rampai-rampai (Batavia, 1868).

19. Lines 186-202. These lines, describing Malay forest where the
upper waters of a river narrow to rapids, are one of the most
famous passages in Malay literature; fragments appear in
many forms in many Hikayat.

20. Lines 205-212. The strange fowl, observing everything and
visible to all, is a symbol of the mild democratic Ackit Per-
pateh, impartial, even-handed, and understood of every
peasant.

21. Lines 217-219. The principle of reparation and restitution
under the Adat Perpateh extended even to crimes of homicide.
See Rembau, page 27 :

‘ Death is regarded by the Custom as a diminution of
tribal wealth. Hence in the case of murder an equivalent
return was exacted from the murderer’s tribe : not the death

Jour. Straits Branch

A NANING RECITAL.

25

of the murderer but the transfer of the slayer’s blood-relation
to the tribe of the slain. The murderer cannot make the sub-
stitution in person — his tribe must make good the damage
inflicted. Hence his son — who (under the exogamic custom)
cannot be a member of bis father’s tribe — is exempt, and his
nephew suffers vicariously

On the Adat Perpateh principles of compensation and
restitution see Eembau passim, and Papers on Malay Subjects,
Law, Introductory Sketch.

22. Lines 228-231. These lines are a moral for judges — let in-
quiry be cautious and thorough. The metaphor is of a wrig-
gling lizard ( biawak bengkong) , climbing slowly from the base
to the top of a tree — a type for the cautious seeker after truth,
not ashamed to retrace his steps when the line of inquiry has
proved wrong.

See Malay Proverbs, 73, Journal No. 67.

23. Line 2^0. Bertempek is probably a phonetic form of bertepat.
and has been translated accordingly.

24. Lines 250-25 If. The influence of Johor over the Menang-
kabau colonies of the Negri Sembilan probably dates from
their foundation ; it became weak after the installation of Eaja
Melewar as the first Sovereign of Negri Sembilan in 1773, and
(in spite of some attempts by the late Sultan Abubakar to
revive it) is now extinct.

The references to Johor and Siak have been usually ex-
plained (Eembau, page 101 ; Sri Menanti, pages 12 and 13) in
relation to the appointment of the first Yam Tuan (Eaja
Melewar) in 177*3 ; but the expression ' Jolior our Raja ’ seems
inconsistent with this explanation.

Mr. Wilkinson refers the lines

Malacca our landing-place ,

Naning our mother

to the same historical event. It is much more probable that
the lines were in existence before that date and refer to the
founding of the Negri Sembilan colonies in the loth and 16th
centuries.

25. Lines 25S-261. These are the hereditary titles of the Chiefs
( Undang ) of Sungai Ujong, Johol, Eembau, and Jelebu.

26. Lines 262-261f. The pavilions erected at Sri Menanti for the
four Undang (of Sungai Ujong, Johol, Jelebu, and Eembau),
when they come there for the installation of a Yam Tuan or
for a periodical audience, are each of special design and posi-
tion. See Journal No. 19, page 50; Negri Sembilan Govern-
ment Gazette, August 1898 ; and Sri Menanti, section XII.

The Sungai Ujong pavilion is built at right angles (me-
lintang) to the pavilion of audience ( balai pengadapan) . The

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

26

A NANING RECITAL.

significance of this position is variously explained ; probably
the suggestion is that the Dato’ Klana can bar innovations by
the Raja.

The Johol pavilion is built with a tier. No one can ex-
plain this feature — not even the present Dato’ Johol, whom
Mr. Nathan consulted. It is thought by some to be connected
with the tradition that the first Dato’ Johol was a woman, whose
balai was built with a raised floor screened by a curtain. I
think this is probably correct. The shrine of the famous
Kramat Hidup of Sungai Baru, Alor Gajah, was built in this
fashion. When I visited her in 1908, the Kramat, a very
handsome girl, was seated in her shrine within a yellow mos-
quito curtain, but emerged later to give me curry and tea.

Jelebu balai balairong — a ‘ hall of assembly’; another
reading is balai berlorong, which gives no satisfactory sense.

The pavilion is actually a balai serong, ‘a hall aslant’,
built at an angle to the Johol and Rembau pavilions. No good
explanation has yet been given.

Rembau tanah berkerojan. Berkerojan is probably a pho-
netic corruption of berkerjaan , and the reference seems to be
to the installation of Raja Melewar at Penajis in Rembau, in
1773.

27. Lines 26S-2'75. This rather cryptic passage seems to contrast
the long drawn out litigation of contentious persons (through
the Courts of the Lembaga, Undang, and Raja) with the
Menangkabau ideal of a quick and peaceful settlement by com-
promise.

See Malay Proverbs 51-89, in Journal No. 67, referred to
' above. The ideal is summed up in the following proverb:

Menang berkechvndang,

Alah berketundokan,

Sa-rayu berjabat tangan.

Victory — a defeated foe ;

Defeat — a bowed head;

Agreement — a joining of hands.

The point is : even successful litigation is unsatisfactory — it
leaves an embittered foe.

28. Lines 290-291. In tuba fishing the juice of the pounded tuba
root is poured into the river far upstream ; the fish to escape the
stupefying juice flee downstream and are stopped by a barri-
cade and speared. A delightful account of a Tuba-fishing is
given in Mr. W. G. Maxwell’s book “ In Malay Forests ”.

The connection between the two halves of this verse lies in
the suggestion of the bridegroom coming from far upriver to
win a bride downstream.

Jour. Straits Branch

A NANING RECITAL.

27

29. Lines 303-306. The sense of this verse is probably a risque
suggestion that the bride and bridegroom have already met
together, while the old man, the speaker, was delayed by his
winding (imaginary) journey downstream.

30. Lines 310-323. A fuller account of the adat of Xaning mar-
riage is given in my paper ‘A Xaning Wedding-speech’, in
Journal Xo. 72.

A Note on the Pantun ami the prosody
of the Teromba.

The quatrains of the prelude and peroration are rough and
rather bucolic verse, poor specimens of the Pantun art. They may
be well compared with the very similar quatrains used at an Acheh
wedding, and quoted by Snouck Hurgronje(1) with the following

ing words

‘ the first two lines are* not in any way connected in

point of sense with the second pair but serve chiefly to supply rhym-
ing words.’

This criticism is now hardly acceptable; and it seems possible
without very strained interpretation to trace something more than
mere assonance in the structure of most of the Pantun in the text.
An attempt has been made in translation to bring out what element
of sense-connection could be discovered in the couplets, but lost
topical or local allusions (in lines 1 and 2, or 286 and 287, for
example) make it impossible to recover the full intention of their
author.

Marsden in dealing with Malay versification (2) recognised on-
ly two forms — the shaer and the pantun, and remarked: “Rhyme

is an essential part of Malay metrical composition, blank verse being
unknown to the Malays”. This judgment takes no account of such
compositions as the present Teromba, or of the metrical passages
that occur in romances like Awang Sulong Merah Muda or Malim
Deman. The truth is, as Mr. Wilkinson has noticed, that ‘ much
Malay prose-literature is in a transition stage’; it contains metrical
and, occasionally, rhyming passages; it was composed not for read-
ing but for recitation by a rhapsodist; and its appeal was to the
ear and not to the eye.

The language of the Teromba is clearly metrical (in the sense
of ‘measured’) throughout, and analysis shows the essential prin-
ciple of the verse to be the recurrence in the lines of a regular
number of stressed or accented syllables. The number varies —
according to the length of the lines — from two to four. For ex-
ample in the lines

(1) The Achehnese, Vol. 1, page 312.

(2) A Grammar of the Malayan Language, page 120.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

The Pantun.

The prosody
of the
Teromba.

28

A NANING KECTTAL.

Sa-Ulit Pulau Percha
Sa-lcmbang Tanah Melayu

there are two accented syllables in each line; in the lines
Tempat sesap berjerdmian,

Tern pat tunggul berpemurasan
there are three ; and there are four in the lines
Tempat sidlang berlantak best,

Tempat kemuntong membxlang bungkur.

I noticed in Ungkai Li silt's recitation of the verses that tha
accented syllables were strongly emphasized and that a distinct
caesura was made in each line (in the lines containing three or
four accented syllables it occurred after the word containing the
second). The effect produced was a rhythmic recitative, slightly
reminiscent of an intoned Psalm. In the lines with four beats it
was observable that the second and fourth were much more em-
phatic than the first and third, and in the lines with three beats
that the second and third were much more emphatic than the first.
Further examination of the verses shows that in each case the most
important words in the sentence are -so placed that the accentual
beat falls inevitably upon them, and they are lengthened in pro-
nunciation, or pronounced with greater force, by a natural union of
sense and rhythm.

It would, perhaps, be true to say that it is whole words (or
word-roots), rather than syllables, that are accented, and that in
each line — whatever its length — there are two key-words that both
give its meaning and sustain the principal accentual beats.

For example, in the specimen lines already quoted
Tempat sesap berjeramian,

Tempat tunggul berpemarasan
Tempat sialang berlantak best,

Tempat kemuntong membilang bungkur,
it is the eight underlined words

. clearing stubble.

. stumps severing

. hiving -trees iron

.irasps nodes. .

that are chiefly stressed in recitation, just as it is these words that
convey — in the elliptical or ‘ telegraphic ’ Malay idiom — the essen-
tial meaning of the lines. The metrical system is, in fact, bound
up with the two main principles of Malay composition, balance
and antithesis, on which a most interesting note will be found in
Dr. Winstedt’s Malay Grammar.

There is little doubt, I think, that this composition (like the
metrical passages in Malay romances such as Seri Pama or Malim
Deman) was originally intended for singing or recitative, with a
beat of the drum ( rebana ), as in pantun singing, to mark each
accented word.

Jour. Straits Branch

A NANING RECITAL.

29

In lines with four beats, such as
. . . .Turun ka-laut ka-Bandar Rohan,

Tempat peralm yang silang-sali,

Tempat dayong yang leniang-lentong . . . .
there is observable a certain superficial resemblance to the four-
foot trochaic metre, most familiar in the song of Hiawatha —

... .She was thinking of a hunter.

Young and tall, and very handsome,

Who one morning in the Spring-time
Came to buy her father's arrows. . . .
and the resemblance has led translators to adopt this rather mono-
tonous metre for their versions of Malay metrical romances and
Teromba. It is, however, clear that the Malay verse is not ‘metri-
cal ’ (in the sense of resolvable into ‘ feet ’ that scan), but accentual.
As such it may be compared with an only slightly less primitive
form of composition — the old English accented and alliterative
verse, such as Beowulf :

....Wallowing waters, coldest of weathers,

Night waning wan, while wind from the North,.
Battle-grim blew on us; rough were the billows. . . .
or Piers Plowman :

. . . .Deeth can dryvynge after, and al to duste passhed

Kynges and kynghtes, kdysers and popes,

Manye a lovely ladye and lernmans of knyghtes
Swowned and swelled for sorwe of hise dyntes.

Apart from the alliterative principle, and the far greater majesty
of the English verse, there is a similarity of rhythm in the two-
forms. Just as the emphatic words in the Malay lines are marked
by beat of the rebana, so were the accented and alliterated syllables
of the English verses marked by a stroke of the harp. And it may
be remarked in passing that although the Malay verse is primarily
accentual there are evident traces in it of both the intermediate
ornaments between vers libres and perfect rhyme, viz. assonance
and alliteration. Both may be seen in the lines already quoted:
Tempat sialang berlantak besi,

Tempat kemuntong membilang bunqkur.

The whole system of Malay prosody — including pantun structure —
deserves more examination than it has yet received. The Jelebu
Sayings, recorded by Mr. A. Caldecott in Journal No. 78,
are particularly worthy of close study in this respect; so too are
the metrical passages interpolated by Raja Haji Yahya (‘ an in-
corrigible rhymester,’ as Hr. Winstedt calls him) in the various
Hikayat edited by Dr. Winstedt and published in the Malay Litera-
ture Series.

Trengganu.

July , 1919.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

Report on Malay Studies.

By C. 0. Blagden.

(Read at the joint session of Orientalist Societies at
Paris, July, 1920.)

I have been asked to contribute a report on the progress of
Malay studies in recent years. This is a branch of research that is
not often mentioned in meetings of Orientalist Societies; it plays
but a very small part by the side of larger subjects as India, Islam,
China, and the like. I am glad, therefore, to comply with the re-
quest. For practical reasons I must confine myself to Malay studies
properly so called, excluding the numerous other languages and
peoples of Indonesia. Even in regard to Malay studies proper, I
can venture to deal only witli the work done by British scholars.:
to take a wider range would occupy more time than I have at my
disposal, and I must therefore omit from my survey the excellent
work done by many eminent Dutch and other foreign scholars in
This and the cognate lines of research. The Dutch, owing to their
extensive possessions in Indonesia, naturally take the lead in this
department, and their great names, among whom I cannot refrain
from mentioning those of H. N. van der Tuuk and of my old friend
Dr. H. Kern, will always be regarded with reverence. If I omit
to deal with the work done by Dutch and other non-British scholars,
it is not for want of appreciation but merely because I could not
do justice to it in the time at my command.

Within the last few years British research in this branch of
studies has received a new and remarkable impetus. This has been
due to several causes, but chiefly, to the fact that the growth of the
British sphere of administration and influence in the Malay Penin-
sula has brought home to the local Governments the desirability of
encouraging by all possible means the systematic study of the
Malay language and people. It was felt that the haphazard way
formerly pursued of allowing individual officers of Government to
pick up at first hand, each one for himself alone and without assis-
tance, such information as he could acquire, was inadequate to the
growing needs of our time. The interests of good administration
demanded that an attempt should be made to collect and co-ordinate
all such information in a methodical manner. The senior officers
of Government realized that the younger men were tending to lose
touch with native life. In former days a junior Government officer
was often stationed in a district where he was the sole European:
he was thus almost inevitably forced to learn something about his
Malay neighbours. Nowadays that seldom happens: he is sur-
rounded by European neighbours, and has not the same compelling
incentive for interesting himself in the native population. His
official routine duties also have increased materially and leave him
less time and energy for individual research.

Jour. Straits Branch R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

REPORT ON MALAY STUDIES.

31

Accordingly it was decided to set up a Committee for Malay
Studies in the Federated Malay States which should encourage and
assist the collection and publication in a systematic form of all
manner of information on such subjects as Malay life, customs,
history, language, literature, etc. This committee was set up a few
years ago and the results have been very satisfactory, both from the
practical and the scientific point of view.

The movement I have referred to arose out of the actual prac-
tical needs of the situation. But movements are generally inspired
by individuals, and in this case the chief merit is due to one man,
Mr. R. J. Wilkinson, now Governor of Sierra Leone. A Malay
scholar of distinction, author of an excellent Malay-English dic-
tionary, he had also planned a comprehensive work on the Malays
of the Peninsula, but eventually decided to issue it provisionally in
the more manageable form of separate monographs. In 1906 he
published his “ Malay Beliefs,” a stimulating and interesting
pamphlet on the subject of Malay religion and folklore, in which
he describes and assesses the relative importance of the influence
of Islam, the present official faith of the Malays, and of the sur-
viving relics of their former faiths, such as Hinduism and Animism.
This was to have been the first of his series of monographs, but it
was also the last. The work of continuing the series was taken up
bv the Committee for Malay Studies, of which he became the leader
and virtually the motive force. Interesting and valuable pamphlets
were now brought out in quick succession under the Committee’s
auspices, on Malay History, Literature and Law, Malay Life,
Customs and Industries, and on the Aboriginal Tribes of the
Peninsula, and these were followed by another series of monographs
dealing with the history and constitution of several of the Malay
States of the Peninsula individually.

More than half of these opuscula are from the pen of Mr.
Wilkinson himself, and they all mark a considerable advance both
in the collection of material and in the critical treatment of it.
That one should always find oneself in agreement with every word
contained in such an extensive range of monographs, was not to
be expected, nor were their authors all equally qualified to do full
justice to their subjects. Mr. Wilkinson, in particular, sometimes
disposes too hastily of the views of his predecessors and occasionally
fails to give them the credit which was their due. But no one who
studies his work will come away from it without having derived new
information, and what is even more important, fresh stimulus from
its perusal. On the whole Mr. Wilkinson was also fortunate in
his collaborators, among whom one must specially mention Dr. R.
0. Winstedt. That gifted scholar’s contributions to this series of
“ Papers on Malay Subjects,” as they are modestly styled, are of
peculiar value owing to his exceptionally intimate acquaintance with
native life and his complete mastery of the language, both colloouial
and literary. He has also to his credit an excellent grammar of
Malay, published in 1913 by the Clarendon Press, an English-

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

REPORT ON MALAY STUDIES.

32

Malay dictionary based on Wilkinson’s Malay-English dictionary
but containing many additional words, and a number of minor
works, some of which I shall have to refer to presently.

Pari passu with the issue of the “ Papers on Malay Subjects,”
the Committee for Malay Studies undertook the publication of
another important series, styled the “Malay Literature Series,”
containing a number of Malay texts mainly printed in the Roman
character. The population of the Peninsula is very cosmopolitan.
Nearly half of it, in these days, is non-Malay. Yet Malay is the
lingua franca of the country; everybody speaks it, more or less
correctly, whenever it becomes necessary to communicate with a
person of another race wrho does not happen to know the speaker’s
own mother-tongue. Europeans, Chinese of different dialects, In-
dians of various provinces of India, Indonesians from the different
islands of the Archipelago, and all other strangers, use colloquial
Malay freely as a means of intercommunication. Now, for the
last five centuries or so Malay literature has been written in the
Arabic character, a script hallowed by religious prestige but ill
adapted to the phonetic requirements of the language. There was
of course no idea of suppressing the use of this script, but the
Government felt that its exclusive use constituted a barrier to the
exchange of knowledge which had to be surmounted. True, certain
of the Government officials had always been required to master it,
but the rest of the non-Muhammadan community declined to do so.
Accordingly it was decided to issue a number of Malay texts in the
Roman character, which is far better suited for the expression of
Malay sounds than the very imperfect Arabic script.

Moreover, without dropping the teaching of the latter, the
study of the Roman script was introduced beside it into the Malay
vernacular schools, where it lias been found to assist considerably
in the acquisition of the power of fluent reading. In this matter
we followed in the Peninsula the precedent set by the Dutch in
their Indonesian dominions years ago. Although at first the an-
cient prejudices against the use of the Roman character found some
expression, no serious opposition was encountered, and the two
scripts now subsist side by side without friction or difficult}' of any
kind. While the study of Malay in the Arabic character is actively
pursued in the schools, a number of text books in Roman script
are also in use. Several of these, as well as others in the Arabic
script, are from the hand of Dr. Winstedt, and one in particular,
a history of the Malays in Malay, deserves special mention as an
excellent introduction to the subject.

From the starting of the “Malay Literature Series” in 1906
up to the present time fifteen texts have been issued in it in the
Roman character. These include both works that had been published
before, such as the classical Sejarah Melayu and Hang Tuah
and the modern writings of Abdullah bin Abdulkadir, and also
various hitherto unpublished texts, both traditional and modern,
as well as collections of riddles, quatrains, etc. In the editing of

Jour. Straits Branch

REPOET ON MALAY STUDIES.

33

many of these texts Dr. Winsteclt lias again played a great part.
His Introduction to the collection of quatrains in the pantun form
is a very valuable critical account of the subject founded in part
■on the work of his predecessors but adding much that is both new
and illuminating.

I have attempted to do justice to the new-born activities of
the Committee for Malay Studies. But meanwhile the old es-
tablished Straits Branch of our Royal Asiatic Society steadily con-
tinued its labours in the same field. That branch was founded in
1877, and its Journal with its 81 numbers now fills quite a respect-
ably sized shelf. In the last ten years it has issued about 25
numbers of very varied contents. A great part of its activities has
always been devoted to Natural History, a subject on which I will
not enlarge, as it does not concern the studies with which we have
to deal here. But it has also issued a number of valuable papers
on matters that interest us more directly, and has published a good
many Mala\r texts. I must particularly mention the Seri Rama,
printed (in the Arabic character) in 1916, from the early 17th
century MS. in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. No existing
Malay MS. is much older than this one, and the work, which is a
Malay prose recension of the Rdmdyana, is interesting from several
points of view. It illustrates the changes of style, language, and
orthography that have taken place in Malay in the last three cen-
turies, and it is a good example of the way in which the ancient
Indian epic has been remodelled to suit Malay ideas. The recen-
sion was, of course, made after the Malays had already been con-
verted to Islam, but in spite of consequent anachronisms it still
retains much of the flavour of its old Indian original. An analy-
tical comparison of the two made by its editor, Dr. W. G. Shella-
bear, in No. 70 of the Journal will be found of interest to Indianists
who care to follow up the fortunes of the old Sanskrit epic in
foreign lands.

Two other texts of more local interest published in the Journal
are the histories of Kedah and Pasai, both of which had already
been issued in the Arabic character but had long been out of print.
Amongst a large number of miscellaneous articles that have ap-
peared in the Journal there are several which owe their origin to
the extension of British influence over the North-Eastern States of
Trengganu and Kelantan, where a very curious dialect of Malay
is spoken that differs considerably from the Malay of the Southern
States. I may perhaps be permitted to mention that a paper con-
taining specimens of this dialect recorded phonographically and ex-
pressed in the symbols of the international phonetic alphabet will
appear before long in the Bulletin of our London School of Oriental
Studies. In the Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic
Society Dr. Winstedt has found another outlet for his superabun-
dant intellectual activity, and the last few numbers contain many
articles from his pen, all of them contributing something to our
knowledge of Malay life, customs, history, or language.

R. A. Soc., No. 83. 1921.

34

REPORT ON MALAY STUDIES.

What 1 have mentioned goes to show that there is no lack of
good work in this particular field: there is plenty of enthusiasm
locally, but unfortunately it inspires only a rather limited number
of workers. That is a criticism that may legitimately be made, but
one may hope that other recruits will be enlisted. A gratifying
aspect of 'the matter is the growing tendency on the part of the
workers to co-ordinate their work amongst themselves and also to-
link it up witli that of Orientalists in other fields. It is quite im-
possible to do justice to Malay studies if one neglects either the
element of Indian civilization that influenced the Malay race for at
least a thousand years up to the close of the 14th century, or the
more recent and now all-pervading factor of Islam, which super-
vened upon the decline of Indian influence and replaced it as the
dominant ideal. I am glad to see that local students have begun
to realize to the full the great importance to their studies of under-
standing these two factors.

Conversely, I would turn to the Indianists and the Islamic
scholars here, and suggest that for them too Malay studies have
interest and value. They will see therein, if they care to look,
some curious specimens of the application and development of their
own systems, working on an alien population, blending and inter-
mingling with local customs and ideas in a very peculiar way. I
venture to think that it is part of the functions of Societies like ours
to co-ordinate studies, to take broad and comprehensive views of
them, and to think (as it were) in continents. It will give a much
needed stimulus to local students in a distant corner of the Asiatic
field, if they know that the headquarters staff is interested in their
work and has its eye upon them. On these grounds I feel I need
make no apology for having taken up some of your time with this
necessarily brief and inadequate notice of what has recently been
achieved by British scholars in the part of the world with which,
as Header in Malay in the University of London, I am most directly
concerned.

Contraband.

By W. G. Stirling.

Whenever the Revenue laws expressly forbid the doing of cer-
tain things, one is sure to find some persons with the desire of
adventure, and others more readily from the desire of gain, to break
them.

From all the ingenious examples brought to notice, smug-
gling to-day would appear to be reduced to a fine art, and one can
•safely say that one has never learnt all that there is to be learnt
about smuggling.

Such drugs as morphia and cocaine are very easy to handle, as
the fine white powder is light and easily compressed, and might
well pass as salt or alum ; one comes across bottles of it in barrels
of cement, bags of rice, in the double bottoms of a bird cage, the
lining of coats, and the soles of shoes, etc.

Raw opium, and chandu, i.e. opium prepared for smoking,
is not half so easy to manipulate, having its peculiar smell and the
weight which so often leads to its discover}-.

Big “ jobs ” are usually run by wealthy persons who rarely
appear, but pay people ready to run the risk ensuring them a sum
of money should they get caught !

Big smugglers will even go the length of purposely allowing
the capture of a consignment and by so drawing this “ herring ”
across the track sometimes ensure the safe passage of a very much
more valuable lot.

The following few examples demonstrate some of the more in-
genious methods resorted to and one cannot help but admiring the
clever mind which has thought out and patiently worked on these
methods in the attempt to defy the laws of the Colony.

EXPLANATION OF THE DIAGRAMS.

1. This ingenious device consists of a kerosine oil tin and a
triangular receptacle soldered to the bottom of the tin which, when
filled with liquid, makes it difficult to detect at sight the triangular
tin at the bottom.

2. This shows a well constructed drawer with a double bottom
which slides out at A.

3. The diagram A shows an opium pipe of bamboo (hollow
from the mouthpiece to B, as indicated by the shaded portion) ; a
metal tube A is inserted at the mouthpiece up to the hole at B.
This allows the smoker to use his pipe with perfect ease and at
the same time smuggle his supply.

Jour. Straits Branch R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

36

CONTRABAND.

Weight would not be an indication that there was any chandtr
or opium in the pipe as some pipes are ordinarily very heavy and
acquire weight through constant use.

C. A walking stick; a common method for the Dope fiend to-
carry about his supply. Unscrewed at D a hypodermic syringe and
needles are disclosed, while the lower portion contains the morphia
or cocaine.

4. The Chinese wear padded clothes in winter time and the
diagram A shows an ordinary coat, into which are sewn thin slabs
of opium. This is rather dangerous as the Revenue officers in the
course of their searching duties often pass their hands over a person.
The more ingenious way however is to take out the lining, soak it
in liquid opium or chandu, dry it in the wind and repad the coat.
The lining is afterwards taken out, immersed in boiling water and
the drug is extracted. The same method is employed with towels
and clothes used to stuff mattresses and pillows.

It is a common sight to see a Chinese carrying about his mat
and pillow, and no uncommon thing to find bladders of chandu
concealed in the stuffing.

B. Shows the ordinary Chinese shoe, the soft cloth sides-
lined with packets of morphia and the sole has a slab of opium
inside.

C. The soles of European shoes have often been used to con-
ceal slabs of opium.

D. The heel of the wooden clog or trompak hollowed out to-
contain morphia ; there is nothing uncommon or suspicious in
seeing Chinese carrying their clogs when not in use.

5. On examining some barrels of dried walnuts A and dates
B it was found that the shells of the walnuts and husks of the dates
had been all carefully prized open, the dried fruit extracted and a
small quantity of opium wrapped up in paper in their place.

The preparation must have taken a considerable time and
shows how profitable the smuggling of opium is, as well as an
example of celestial patience.

6. A is meant to represent three ordinary ducks one of which
was found to be dead and very heavy, its inside had been extracted
and live bladders of chandu “ b ” placed there instead.

The live ducks were to do the quacking and thus allay suspicion.

B. shows a fish treated in the same fashion with bladders of
chandu at “b .”

7. The diagram represents a book which one expects to see
in the hands or with the luggage of most travellers; a certain por-
tion of the reading matter is treated as shewn.

A similar device is used to conceal an outfit for injecting
morphia or cocaine.

Jour. Straits Branch

CONTRABAND.

37

8. A represents a Chinese saw; the centre piece (shaded) is
hollowed out and filled with opium.

B is a chisel; the wooden handle filled with opium.

9. A shows one of the most laborious and ingenious methods
of smuggling 1 have yet seen. Deep holes were drilled in between
the dovetailing of a cabinet and tubes containing chandu were
inserted. B shews a section of the dovetailing and X the posi-
tion of the tubes as they lay on the top and sides of the cabinet.

10. Another well constructed piece of work entailing much
time and patience was disclosed in some barrels of fruit. The staves
were all carefully hollowed out to take a tin made to size, the bot-
tom of the barrel was treated in a similar manner, and the whole
carefully fitted together. The ends of the staves were planed
down so that on looking down into the barrel the thickness at the
centre would not be so noticeable.

11. Saucers would hardly be expected to be of use to the
smuggler, but when one has the Chinese saucer or cup stand to
deal with it becomes quite another matter; the method of packing
is simple.

Take half a dozen or so of European saucers and place them
at the top and bottom of a stack of Chinese saucers (which have a
hole in the centre into which the cup fits) ; the space made by the
saucers is filled up with bladders of chandu and the whole carefully
done up with straw packing.

A shows the stack, B a European saucer and C a Chinese
saucer.

12. All bamboo furniture is highly suspicious; it is usually
cheap to buy and one wonders why some people bother to move
old tables and chairs; however the bamboo legs tell their tale.

13. Chinese go in for poultry a great deal and make a great
success of it. One man had a sitting hen, which he must have prized,
and it was not surprising as her eggs were found to be worth their
weight in gold, for these eggs were pots of chandu worth $12 each.
He depended on the reluctance of the sitting hen leaving her eggs,
or of letting any one touch them.

B represents a pail of rice. Fowls are usually kept in pens
on a ship for the use of the larder and they naturally require food,
but an inquisitive Bevenue Officer interfered with their meal just
before the ship was leaving port and found a valuable lot of chandu
concealed at the bottom of the pail under the cooked rice.

14. The Chinese employed in packing the chandu for sale to
the public resort to every means to steal it. The Chinese say of
any one who has anything to do with opium that, some of it is bound
to stick to the fingers. (Therein lies a double meaning).

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

38

CONTRABAND.

What easier than to put a plaster on the leg, and chance being
asked to show the sore place?

15. A shows a strainer with a double side.

B the handle of an old kerosine oil tin converted into a tin
for water carrying. Chinese travelling about often use such tins
for packing up their odds and ends. This handle wras detachable,
so that it could be used on several occasions.

6

A

1

6.

a

10

A

jEurO|P€?aj
4SLUC cr

11.

A

Cfceitss

*****

tz

13.

A Vocabulary of Brunei Malay.

BY

H. B. Marshall.

(With notes by J. C. Moulton).

This list of Brunei Malay words represents the work of several
years. It was undertaken at the suggestion of Mr. W. H. Lee-
Warner, then Assistant Resident, and compiled by the author when
he was travelling throughout the State of Brunei prospecting.

Mr. I. H. Burkill, Director of the Botanic Gardens, Singapore,
has kindly named the fruits and plants, while Dr. R. Hanitsch and
Major J. C. Moulton, respectively the late and present Directors
-of the Raffles Museum, Singapore, are responsible for the identi-
fications of the shells.

H. B. Marshall.

[Mr. H. B. Marshall lias kindly permitted me to annotate his
interesting vocabulary. He tells me it was intended to be a list
of words peculiar to Brunei. But in addition to the parallels
mentioned by Mr. Marshall, I have found a great number of words
identical with those used by Sarawak Malays. In some the origin
is obviously Dayak, while others have parallel words in the Malay
Peninsula, very close if not identically the same both in form and
meaning. The residue of true Brunei words, i.e. those without
any obvious connection with neighbouring dialects is comparatively
small.

The letter ‘ S ’ after a word indicates that it is also used in
that form and sense in Sarawak; the letter ‘W’ that it is given
in Wilkinson’s Malay Dictionary. I have relegated to foot-notes
any suggestions as to parallels in Sarawak and Malay Peninsula
Malay, and as to possible derivation from other languages. Out
of the 505 words given by Mr. Marshall, about 35 per cent are
now without the letter ‘ S ’ or ‘ W ’ or a foot-note. These are, so
far as I know, true Brunei words for which parallels and possible
derivations are still to be sought. Xo doubt this number can be
still further reduced without much difficulty. On the other hand
there are undoubtedly many more peculiar Brunei words to be
recorded.

Mr. H. S. Haynes published in this Journal (Xo. 34, 1900,
pp. 39-48) a list of 295 Brunei words, of which 93 are given by
Mr. Marshall. Mr. Lee-Warner lias recently supplied a list of 33
words, of which 24, new to this vocabulary and not given by Mr.
Haynes, have now been incorporated. The letter a immediately

•Jour. Straits Branch R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

46

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

after the number denotes them. Mr. C. N. Maxwell has kindly
allowed me to make use of a list of Brunei Malay words compiled
by him at Limbang in 1893. Out of 138 words in this list I
have added 23 to Mr. Marshall’s vocabulary, which are not given
by Mr. Haynes; they are denoted by the letter b immediately after
the number.

In annotating this list I must acknowledge valuable advice
and assistance received from Mr. H. B. Crocker of the Sarawak
Civil Service].

J. C. Moulton.

Singapore, 1st February, 1921.

1.

Aga.

S.

Bring, conduct, go. Aga tali = “ Off
with you then.”

2.

Agan.

s. w.

Mati beragan to die naturally of old age
and not from any specific disease or
by reason of accident.

3.

Ajai.

The chin.

4.

Akan.

Used to form the transitive verb : —
surat atu sudah ku-terima akan;
jangku binasa akan; turun akan.

5.

Akun.

s.

To agree = mengaku.

6.

Alai.

Mengalai, the playing of music and
dancing = meronggeng.

7.

Alang.

w.

The projecting platform in the bows of
a sailing pakarangan.

1. In Sarawak = “draw near to,” “approach," “go to," not “bring"

or ‘ ‘ conduct. ’ ’

2. Mati beragan “death without sign of death; death which resembles

life” (W.) Meragan in Sarawak.

3. R. S. Douglas gives jaan, ja and daali as the Kayan, Kenyali and

Kalabit words respectively for “chin" ( Sarawak Museum Journal,
Vol. I, No. 4, pp. 84-85, 1911).

4. The Malay transitive suffix -lean. Apparently one of the many Brunei

words which have a long o prefixed to them, e.g. arnun insitead
of the ordinary mun, which is used commonly in Sarawak for-
“if."

5. “To admit" rather than “to agree" in Sarawak, where mengalcu

is also used for the same, perhaps more commonly. The Da yak
has the same word for “admit" in the sense of “confess,” viz.
alcu or ngalcu.

7. In a translation by Sir Stamford Raffles of the more important
passages of the Malacca Maritime Codes ( Journ . Soy. As. Soc. Str.
Br., No. 3, pp. 62-84, 1879), there is the following passage under
the heading “The Division of a Prahu": —

“The Alang’ muka (the place before the Nakhoda’s Cabin)
is appropriated for the Tukang tengali, Tukang-kanan, and
Tukang-kiri. If any of the Crew go there they shall be punished
with three stripes.”

The general meaning of alang in Malay is “across" or “at
right angles to anything,” hence the specalized use for it in the
above passage and in Brunei Malay as the “space across the fore-
part of the ship."

Jour. Straits Branch.

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY. 47

8.

Alik.

The external laths which secure kajang
laths.

9.

Alun.2

s.w.

Mati beragan, to die naturally of old age-

10.

Aman. -

s.

= senang : endah aman ’ku.

106.

Amas.

= emas, mas, gold.

11.

Amban.

w.

Cork-jacket for sailors.

12.

Ambit.

Pull, drag, = tarek.

13.

Ambok.

Monkey, applied more especially to the
kera.

14.

Ampa.

s. w.

The husk of padi.

15.

Ampus.

s.

SaJcit ampus = batok kering, consump-
tion.

16.

Amun.

Tf, provided that. ? = lamun Mai.

17.

Anau.

The sugar palm, Arenga saccharifera.

18.

Andang.2

s. w.

Customary law. Andang buat-nya, he
is accustomed to do so.

19.

Andir.

Undar-andir, part of the loom.

20.

Angin.

w.

Balik angin, a tree occurring in tertiary
jungle.

21.

Angkap.

s.

A rack or shelf in the upper part of a
native house used for stowing away
goods.

22.

Ani.

This, = ini.

23.

Antai.

Just now, = tadi.

24.

Arong.

s.

A gulley, nullah.

25.

Aru.

The casuarina tree.

26.

Asah.

s. w.

M eng asah dawat, to rub up ink on a
palette.

9. W. compares the Javanese meaning “open space, in front of a Java-
nese palace, used for parades, processions and military exercises.”
It is also used by Dayaks.

10. “Comfortable” in Sarawak, where the word pian is also used, per-

haps more commonly, in the same sense; tida pian, “being busy”
(the reverse of being comfortable!).

11. “A contrivance to increase the carrying power of a boat” (W.)

14. Also in Dayak, with the further meaning of “worthless,” “empty,”

‘ ‘ rubbish, ’ ’ — Malay liampa or hempa.

15. “Shortness of breath” (Sarawak). Cf. ambuslcan (Sar.) “to get

rid of phlegm” or “to blow the nose” and hembxisican “to blow
e.g. fire from dragon’s nostrils” (Malay Peninsula). “Asthma”
(Haynes in Brunei-Malay Vocabulary).

16. Sarawak mun ( vide note 4).

18. ’ndang (Sarawak) = memang “naturally customary,” “always,”
“of course” (when replying to a question). Rather stronger than
merely “customary.”

20. = Mallotus Cochin-Chinensis (Euphorbiaceae) (Ridley).

21. The Brunei long a prefix.

24. i.e. a gulley, which may or may not have water.

25. The Brunei long a takes the place of the usual Malay short e.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

48

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

27.

Asah.

S.

Aying asah-asaiian, perfumed water
used by natives for sprinkling over
graves.

28.

Asang.

s.

The gills of a fish.

29.

Atu.

= itu, that.

30.

Au.

s.

The affirmative.

31.

Aur.2

A red skinned edible kandis (Gar-
cinia) ; the dried skin used as asam
in curries.

32.

Awal.

S', w.

Early, in good time. Ia man berjalan
esok awal sikit, he will leave early to-
morrow morning.

33.

Awat.

A large oar used for sculling tongkangs
from the stern. Beraivat = to scull
in this manner.

34.

Ayangan.

The compartment in a Tcelong (fishing
trap) leading into the bunolim (the
place where the fish are collected).

35.

Aying.

Water, = ayer.

36.

Babang.

A dam, harrier to keep hack water.

37.

Babas.

To slit open.

38.

Babat.

A Brunei measure, = 10 kayu or $1.40.

39.

Babau.

(i) Dumb, (ii) Si-babau: kemudi si-
babau, a. rudder operated from the
hows of a boat.

39Z>.

Babut.

To pluck or pull out, = chabut.

40.

Badok.

A long cylindrical drum ( tabok ).

41.

Badong.

s. w.

A fish resembling an eel, three to four
feet long.

28. Dayak and Sarawak Malay ansang.

29. The Brunei long a prefix as in ani for ini.

30. Dayak and Sarawak Malay.

32. Arabic and Hindustani. The Brunei use is common in Penang.

35. More often ain in the Limbang and Baram districts of Sarawak,
where Brunei Malay is spoken by up-river tribes. The final r
of many words is turned into an n, thus ilir becomes ilin, blajar
becomes blajan, sa’ekor, s’elcong, etc.

37. In Sarawak bebas.

38. “To tie” (Haynes).

39. Probably — bibi in Sarawak, an onomatopaeic word representing the-

sound a dumb man makes. Punai bibi is used for the large thick-
billed green pigeon ( Butreron capellei Temm.) which makes a
somewhat similar, half-stifled noise.

Babau is used in Sarawak in the sense of “careless,” “con-
tinually making mistakes. ’ ’

39 b. Dayak.

40. BedoTc in Sarawak and elsewhere (W.) The Brunei long a takes

the place of the usual Malay short e.

Jour. Straits Branch

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

49

ilb. Bai.

42. Bakang.

43. Bakut.

Pig, = babi.

A rotan hold-all, made partly of wood
and strapped on the back.

S. Ground thrown up in the river, on which
houses are built and coco-palms
planted : —

Sungai damit bakut mcnumpok ,

Sana banyak ikan sembilang.

Dayang damit suroh menyubok

Tampat kakanda meminta pinang.

44.

Balat.

Fish trap, kelong.

45.

Bambangan.

A large fruit, probably mango species.

46.

Bangau.

A species of fish.

47.

Bangkala.

A large trunkless palm ( Arenga un-
dulatifolia) , the stem used for mak-
ing blowpipe darts and Malay pens,
also parts of the loom.

476.

Bangkar.

A raft.

48.

Bangkatan.

A long-nosed monkey.

49.

Bangking.

A bed bug.

49a,

Bangota.

Strong.

50.

Bantai.

A pole, a pole with forked end, usually
of bamboo used for gathering fruit
out of reach. (Malay penjolok buali) .
Bantai selambau, the poles which
support the net (V. selambau).

51.

Barai.

To pay : —

Anak ayam kikik-kikik,

Kikik-kikik di-bawah tangga.
Anak orang jangan di-usek;

Kalau di-usek, barai belanja.

516.

Bari.

= dahulu, before.

52.

Barok.

A species of monkey ( Macacus neme-
strinus), = berok.

53.

Basing.

Squirrel. Cliula basing, an aphrodisiac.

43. Dayak: jalai bakut, “a raised road.” Also used by Malays in

Sarawak.

44. Belat in Sarawak and elsewhere (W.) Used as a generic name for

fisliing-traps, e.g. b. kilong, b. jeremal, etc.

45. Bambang in Dayak simply means “large.”

48. Bengkatang (Haynes). Dayak rasong, Sarawak Malay orang blanda.

The only known species of long-nosed monkey ( Nasalis larvatus)
is confined to Borneo.

49. Cf. wangkeng the variant used by the Dusuns on Mt. Kinabalu in

British North Borneo.

51. The Malay word bayar inverted. Cf. Brunei Malay belarai in-
stead of belayar to sail, belureh instead of buleh (contraction for
beruleli) to get.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

50

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

51.

Bata.

Viaticum, provision for a journey,
bekal.

55.

Batas.

W. A raised bed of earth in a nursery
(semai) .

56.

"Batat.

A fruit resembling the wax-gourd but
smaller.

57.

Batian.

Bunting, with child — used of human

beings, but more especially of ani-
mals. Cf. tian.

Pinang mucla beragi-ragi

Oleh membeli dalam padian.
Dayang muda iidale berlaki,

Sa-kali sedar mengandong batian.

58.

Batu las.

S. W.

Bath brick, polishing stone, = batu em-
pelas.

59.

Bayong.

s.

A bag made of mengkuang leaf, used
principally for carrying raw sago.

60.

Bebun.

To talk nonsense.

61.

Bedukang.

s. w.

A fish similar to the American catfish
(uneatable).

62.

Belangking.

A shell (Auricula auris).

63.

Belatak.

A large open basket.

636.

Belebit.

Fluted, grooved (of columns, posts,
etc. ) .

64.

Belengkok.

s.

A variant of bengkok, bent, crooked.

65.

Belian.

s.

A familiar term used by a woman when
speaking of her husband. Aku punya
belian, my old man.

66.

Bel id i.

s.

A bucket.

67.

Beluai.

A buffalo wallow.

68.

Beluboh.

A species of rotan.

69.

Belulang.

s. w.

Used generally for kulit, skin, leather.

70.

Belunoh.

S'.

A fruit: — Mangifera sp.

71.

Belusir.

To run.

54. Cf. Dayak and Sarawak Malay betah “a long time”; betah sudah

“it was a long time ago.”

55. Batas does hot seem to be used in Sarawak. For “nursery” semai

becomes chemai or chemeh.

57. Possibly batian is the Brunei inverted form of betina, “a female,”
vide the expression mengandong batian used above. The use of
batian = bunting is known also in Sarawak.

64. Commonly used in Sarawak Malay and Dayak cf. bengkok, belengkok,

lengkok.

65. Used when referring to one of the “Dato” in Sarawak.

66. More often blddi in Sarawak; baldi in the Malay Peninsula.

69. In Dayak and Sarawak Malay belulang is restricted for leather or
dried skin.

71. Cf. Sarawak and Peninsular Malay berusir . “to pursue.”

Jour. Straits Branch

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNET MALAY.

51

72.

Berakas.

Numerical coefficient, used w.ithnibongs.
Cf. berkas, a tied bundle.

73.

Beriak.

= berak, defecate.

74.

Beribadak.

A common riverside tree ( Cerbera odol-
lam) with white flowers, known in
the F.M.S. as pompong, pong pong
and buta-buta.

74 6.

Beribun.

To toy, trifle.

75.

Berimit.

Slowly, gradually : aging pasang ber-
imit, the last of the flood.

76.

Berkameh.

s.

Vide No. 182, kameh.

7'7.

Bernanang.

Berenang, to swim.

77 b.

Bersaki.

To copulate (of birds and beasts).

77 b.

Berselat.

Resist, oppose, combat.

78.

Beruwar.

s.

A go-between, tout.

79.

Biabas.

s.

A species of jambu (guava). (In the
F.M.S. jambu biji).

80.

Bidai.2

The ribs.

81.

Bidar.

s.

A built up dug-out, the type of boat
most commonly used in Brunei.

82.

Biding.

s.

Sharp ridges on the tail of a crocodile
and certain fish.

83.

Bilak.

s.

Bilak mata, a parasite found on man-
groves and other trees.

84.

Biloyan.

An edible marine bivalve resembling
Unio.

85.

Bingkai.

s. w.

The strip of beading round the gunwale
of a bidar, boat.

86.

Bingkong.

The covered portion at the end of a
jambatan.

87.

Binuang.

w.

A tree of light wood, suitable for floats.

88.

Bipang.

s.

A kind of sweet made of rice and sugar.

89.

Birah.

S'.

Harlot, (from the properties of the
daun birah, a Cladium leaf).

75. Cf. Dayak mimit “small” (adj.) or “slightly” (adv.) and Malay
demit.

78. Hindustani. Sarawak and Malay Peninsula = “pimp.”

80. Bidai, “a long narrow strip of rattan such as is used in making
mats or native blinds,” berbidai-bidai “in long thin strips”
(W.). The Brunei Malay use is evidently an extension of this
idea.

82. Haynes translates it “shark’s fins and tails.”

85. Also used in Dayak.

87. Menuang in Sarawak Malay.

88. Also lipang in Sarawak Malay.

89. Perhaps better translated as “lecherous”, the equivalent of the

Sarawak Malay word “lanji” or “kanji.”

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

52

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

89 6.

Bisai.

Nice, = bagus.

90.

Bius.

One of the Rhizophorae. ( Bruguiera
sp.).

91.

Bodoh.2

A large black beetle which bores into
timber.

916.

Bohun.

A wooden tray.

92.

Boyah.

Foam, = bueli.

93.

Boyok.

M emb.oy ok, to be obstinate, unmanage-
able.

94.

Buah.

(i) Buah telinga, lobe of the ear.

(ii) Anak buah = pupu dua kali , cousin
twice removed.

94a.

Buaya.2

The keelson of a boat.

95.

Bubok.

s.

A kind of small prawn used for making
belachan.

96.

Bubul.

s. w.

The making of fishing nets.

97.

Bubut.

s.

To pursue.

98.

Bugan.

A bird (Malay bangau ? a heron).

99.

Bujak.

s.

Spear.

996.

Bula.2

s.

Nonsense, untrue, a lie (not so strong
as bohong).

100.

Bumbong.

A cylindrical box of bamboo with lid
used for carrying tobacco or pinang,
worn at the waist.

101.

Bumbunan.

The fontanel, the crown of the head.
Of. ubun-ubun (dictionary Malay).

102.

Bungulan.

Bungulan ayam, cockscomb.

103.

Bunohan.

The last compartment of a kelong (fish
trap) from which the fish are finally
taken.

104.

Burian.

A dowry given at marriage = pembrian.

105.

Buting.

Numerical coefficient, used with planks
and other objects.

89b.

“Pretty” (Sarawak).

94.

AnaJc buah in

Sarawak

and Peninsular Malay is commonly used of

‘ ‘ followers. ’ ’ The head-man of a house will thus speak of all the

people of his house, relatives or not.

95. Dayak.

96. According to Wilkinson “the repairing of nets.”

98. Possibly an inverted form of bangau.

99. Dayak.

99b. Dayak.

100. Wilkinson gives bunbong = “a water vessel made from a jo;nt of
bamboo.” Howell records the Dayak use of it to mean “a torch-
shaped receptacle for resin ( damar ).”

104. Berian in Sarawak.

105. Butir or buti in Sarawak. Another instance of the Brunei conver-

sion of the terminal r of ordinary Malay words, to n or ng.

i

Jour. Straits Branch

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY. 53

106.

Chamas.

Inclined to flirt (of a girl) : —
Burong amas terbang Tca-balai,
Permainan anak renchana.

Jatigan chamas, adinda malai!

Paduka kakanda hilang ka-manaf

107.

Chamat.

Hauling a boat in a river by means of
a rope fixed ahead to trees or posts.

108.

Chandasan.

A native sugar mill.

109.

Chandas.

A kind of chopsticks made of bamboo.

110.

Charok.

Used generally for the fore part of a
boat.

111.

Chelapa.

S. An oblong box for holding pinang and
sireh leaf.

112.

Chermin.

Tangkai chermin, the hair on the face
between the ear and cheek.

113.

Chibadak.

The jack fruit, = chempedak (Art cl-
ear pus polyph etna ) .

114.

Chikar (Hind.) S.W. “ Hard over” of the helm.

115.

Chirangin.

A revolving noisy scarecrow like a
windmill.

116.

Chirikan.

A reel or bobbin.

117.

Chupu.

W. A metal box.

118.

Dadap.

S. W. A tree ( Erythrina sp.) with large scar-
let flowers.

119.

Dagang.

S. W. Berdagang = berniaga, to trade.

120.

Damak.

W. A dart with detachable brass barb and
running line used with a blowpipe
for shooting fish.

121.

Damit.

Kechil, small = demit.

122.

Dampar.2

S. Longitudinal rafters of a house laid on
the kasau jantan and supporting the
kasau bini to which the atap is at-
tached.

123.

Daun.

W. Daun telinga = the lobe of the ear.
S. Daun judi = playing cards.

Daun kipas = propeller blade.

123a.

Deda.

Is not, tid’ada (Sarawak), tin da, t’ada
( Malay Peninsula) .

307. Chemat in Sarawak and dictionary Malay.

109. Tandas in Sarawak.

111. Dayak.

114. “Steering-wheel on a ship” (Wilkinson). Kanan shikar is a common
Sarawak Malay nautical expression meaning ‘ ‘ hard a-starboard. ! ’

118. = Dedap.

119. Orang dagang, “a stranger” or “foreigner” in Sarawak and the

Malay Peninsula, is sakai in Brunei Malay.

121. Cf. Dayak mit, “little.”

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

54

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

124.

Didis.

w.

The civet.

125.

Duai.

s.

A fish, the pomfrey ( ikan bawal).

126.

Durong.

A storehouse for padi.

127.

Ekong.

Tail ; sometimes used as a numeral co-
efficient with human beings.

128.

findah.

s.

Xo, not = tidak.

129.

findudol.

A palm, Caryota urens.

1296.

linggar.

s.

Annoyance.

130.

Engkunau.

A tree yielding a fairly tough wood.

1306.

Entadi.

= tadi, just now.

1306.

Eris.

= Tccrat, to cut in lengths ; sa’ eris, a piece
cut off.

131.

Gadong.

s.

Green. Bunga gadong, the ylang ylang
flower.

132.

Gagau.

s.

Work. Bah ay a ada gagau = Sahaya

tidak senang.

133.

Gaguling.

s.

A bed pillow used by the Sultan.

134.

Galang.2

Worms of any kind, earth or intestinal.

135.

Galok.

An earthenware pot with neck, for
drinking water.

136.

Gaman.

A raft of poles propelled by a double
ended paddle, used by natives on the
coast for fishing with hand lines.

137.

Gandam.

Selvage of cloth or linen.

138.

Gangsa.

S', w.

A brass tray with feet.

139.

Ganjur.

A kind of pike carried in processions
of royalty.

140.

Gapit.

An inner lath to which the alik is
nailed; the framework of a door as
distinct from the panelling. Cf.
kapit.

125.

Also duah in Sarawak.

127. = Ekor (vide note on 35).

128. Dayak ’nd-a. Commonly used by Sarawak Malays. Endah usah ,

‘ ‘ never mind. ’ ’

131. Also “purple” in Sarawak. “Blue” in Dayak.

132. Dayak. More correctly “busy” in Sarawak.

133. Dayak and Sarawak Malay “a bolster.”

135. Cf. gelok, “a mug or drinking-bowl made of the shell of a coconut;

a vessel of coconut shell for gutta, water, etc.” (Wilkinson); “a
bowl of three-quarters of a coconut shell” (Winstedt).

137. Cf. gandan, “a large cover of silk cloth; a rich cloth placed over a

divan ’ ’ (Wilkinson) .

138. From the Sanskrit kangsya, “bell-metal,” “bronze.”

139. Cf. kenjor or genjor , “erect,” “stiff.”

140. Cf mengapit “to squeeze,” or “support.” Kepit in Sarawak is

rather “to pinch and hold,” e.g. as a crab’s claw.

Jour. Straits Branch

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

55

141.

Gauk.

Forward, precocious, of a child.

142.

Gedabang.

An edible kandis with yellow fruit.

143.

Gegawi.

A wooden spoon used when cooking
rice.

1436. Gelaga

W.

Sugar-cane.

144.

Gentian.

Fibre of any kind, raw material before
being worked into rope; sometimes
used for benang.

145.

Geranjang.

s.

A large conical open work basket car-
ried on the back.

146.

Geringsin.

A circular brass box with conical cover,
used for holding pinang and sir eh
leaf.

147.

Giak.

s.

The frames (lower) of a boat.

148.

Giam.

A cascade, waterfall. Cf. riam.

149.

Gigis.

To scratch, make a mark as a carpenter
with a nail or marking gauge. Cf.
kikis.

149a.

Gimbar.

Position side by side, as of poles in a
raft or planks in flooring: bergimbar
am pat = 4 side by side.

150.

Giok.

Caterpillar, maggot.

151.

Giring.2

w.

w.

(i) Small bells used when fishing with
hand-lines.

(ii) To drive together (of cattle)
(Maxwell).

152.

Gobang.

w.

A dug-out.

153.

Gochok.

s.

A betel-nut pounder.

154.

Gugur.

s. w.

Commonly used in tire same sense as
jatoh, fall.

141. Also “clumsy,” “awkward,” “loutish” in Sarawak. Da yak:
“wild,” “savage,” “fierce,” “troublesome” e.g. buaya gauk,
“a troublesome crocodile. ” Sarawak Malays use it in this sense
too.

143. Cf. Javanese gawai, “a tool” or “instrument.”

1435. Gelagah in Malay Peninsula for “wild sugar-cane.”

145. Cf. Jceranjang (Sarawak and Malay Peninsula).

147. Dayak.

148. Another instance of the Brunei ’s apparent dislike of using the letter

r either at the beginning or end of a word It is perhaps of
interest to note that they do not follow the Chinese in replacing
r by l. The Land-Dayaks of Sarawak provide a curious con-
trast to the Brunei Malays and Chinese in that they have difficulty
with the letter l. In many Malay words they replace l by r.

149a. Cf. Malay gernbar “twins,” “double.”

152. “A one-masted sea-going native ship ( perahu ) of a Bugis type”

(Wilkinson). Gubong (Haynes in Brunei-Malay Vocabulary).

153. Cf. gochoh, Sarawak Malay and Dayak in this sense.

154. And Dayak.

E. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

5G A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

155.

Guling.

Guling tangan, a set of nine small
gongs forming part of the Javanese
gamelan.

156.

Guna.

Pdku sa-ribu guna, an edible fern.

157.

Gusi.

s.

A kind of jar ( tajau ) with six handles;
outside surface dull, inside smooth
and crackled ; supposed by Brunei
Malays to be made and buried by
spirits. Only three specimens are
said to exist in Brunei.

158.

Griting.

A tree ( Lumnitzera littorea) supplying
a very tough wood; resists teredo
perhaps better than any other.

159.

Halis.

(i) The line of scum marking the point
of contact of two currents.

(ii) Berhalis, with the hair on the
forehead cut in a straight or curved
line.

160.

Hampang.

Analc h. = analc gampang, bastard.

160a.

Hangit.

w.

Foul smelling.

161.

Hangun.

Berhangun, to apply powder on cosmet-
ics— said only of the Sultan.

162.

Hunggu.2

Pointed excrescences from the roots of
pedada, and other trees.

163.

Ikal.

A tree, Artocarpus sp., the young of
which is termed timbaran.

164.

Imini.

A kind of crab; i. supan the flower of
the pitcher-plant.

165.

Inanai.

The warp in a loom.

166.

Indong.

s. w.

Female; ay am i. a hen; i. tangan
thumb; tiang i. main posts of a
house; lobang i. the main level in
mining as distinguished from a cross-
drive lobang bilek.

167.

Ipang.

s.

An earthenware jar.

168.

Ipil.

s.w.

A tree, Afzelia bijuga.

155. “Seven or eight graduated gongs.” (Haynes).

159. Kalis in Sarawak. The nearest approach to the first Brunei meaning

given by Wilkinson for Icalis is “vapour on a glass or metallic sur-
face, ” “ inadhesiveness. ” “ impermanence. ’ ’

160. Ampang in Sarawak Malay and Dayak. Gampang more commonly

in Malay Peninsula and Java.

160a. “Scorching, singeing. Bau h. the smell of burning” (Wilkinson);

Dayak an git ‘ ‘ fresh or fragrant smell. ’ ’ Haynes gives lanto as
the Brunei for “bad smell.”

161. Cf. anggun, “fastidious; affected in one’s manner or dress; dandified;

du dish ’ ’• (Wilkinson) .

166. cf. Dayak indu.

167. Dayak, “a jar with a wide mouth.” Epong (Haynes).

Jour. Straits Branch

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

57

168a.

Iraga.

North.

1686.

Isa.

= satu, one.

169.

Itek.

Itek-itekan a riverside tree ( Heritiera

littoralis), whose fruit ( peler kam-
bing) is used medicinally. It is also
called dungan and atun laut.

170.

I ting.

Spiky barbs on the back of the skate,

ikan sumbilang , etc.

171.

Jangat.

Look! = tengok : j. dahulu.

172.

Jangka.

S. W.

A carpenter’s marking gauge.

173.

Jangkar.

S', w.

Anchor.

174.

Jangku.

Jangan-kau, Don’t.

175.

Jelayan.

Buah jelayan, ■, a species of Calamus or

Daemonarops : the acid fruit is much
used in curries.

176.

Jubit.

Kain jubit, a kind of black calico.

1766.

Kakei.

To chafe or rub, = urut; to scratch.

1 76a.

Kalang.

A pole. Kalang 2, rollers on which a

boat is launched into the sea.

177.

Kalat.

(i) Rope generally, (ii) Astringent.

178.

Kalatiak.

The armpit.

179.

Kalimut.

Mengalimut , to slander, disparage.

180.

Kamah.

s.

Dirty.

181.

Kamas.

s. w.

Sedia, sudah siap = ready.

182.

Kameh.

s. w.

Berkameh = buang ayer kenching, to

urinate.

183.

Kampar.

The line of driftwood shewing the limit

of the tide’s rise and fall.

184.

Kampil.

A small pouch of pandan leaf for hold-

ing pinang or tobacco.

1846.

Kapisan.

To swoon, faint, = pengsan.

185.

Kapsiu.

s.

A brass kettle with wooden handle; it

whistles when water boils.

168 a.

also Uraga.

172. Extended meaning in Malay and Dayak: “thought,” “idea,”

‘ ‘ guess. ’ ’

174. C. N. Maxwell translates it “I said,” “I say.” Apa janku jangan
mudik, “Did I not say don’t go up river?”

177. Cf. kelat (Malay Peninsula and Sarawak). In Sarawak Malay it

may also mean “tired,” “sleepy” as in kelat mata “sleepy-
eyed.” Dayak “astringent,” “acrid” only.

178. Cf. ketiyak (Malay Peninsula and Sarawak), = kechiak (Dayak).

180. Dayak.

181. Cf. kemas.

182. Cf. kemeh, berkemeh.

185. Possibly Chinese origin.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

58

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

1S6.

Karangan.

S.

The rapids of a river.

187.

Karan.

s. w.

An earthen dapor for boiling down
sugar.

188.

Karap.

s. w.

Part of the loom (the comb). Chu-
choJc karap, id.

189.

Karau.

(i) Hard = keras. (ii) To stir ingred-
ients in a pot.

190.

Karok.

(i) A curve, semicircle, (ii) A small
freshwater fish with thorny dorsal fin.

191.

Kaskul.

The lenguai (sireh stand) used by the
Sultan.

192.

Kasugui.

A large hardwood tree.

193.

Kayir.

Opposite to uwet. The turning of
a boat’s head by drawing the paddle
towards the side of the boat.

194.

Kayu.

A Brunei measure = 40 panggal.

195.

Keduit.

B itali keduit, the bottle gourd, ( Lagen -
aria).

196.

Kelabat.

The orang utan, maias ( Simia satyrus ).

197.

Kelakar.

s.

To lie, = bohong.

198.

Kelentugi.

A millipede ( Spirostreptus sp.) resem-
bling the centipede but having yellow
legs: = sumpada (Dayak).

199.

Kelingkasa.

Chameleon.

199a.

Kemai.

Yesterday, = kamari, kemarin, kelmarin.

200.

Kembura.

A species of fish.

201.

Kenawai.

The large white bird found on the Lim-
bang River.

202.

Kendas.

w.

Run aground (of a boat).

203.

Kepuyus.

Part of the selambau (fish trap), the
hinged post which is driven into the
mud, and on which the bantai works.

204.

Kerasek.

s. w.

Coarse sand, gravel.

186. Dayak and Sarawak Malay. Presumably from Icarang, “a reef.”

187. Cf. keran.

189. “Stiff” (Haynes). The second meaning only is used in the Malay
Peninsula. In Sarawak an inverted form kuar is used in this
sense.

191. Cf. Persian kushkul, “a beggar’s bowl.”

194. Cf. satu kayu kain, “a roll of cloth.”

196. The Tabuns on the Limbang River (above Brunei) use kelabat for

the Long-tailed Macaque ( Macacus cynomolgus) , the Malay kra.

197. Dayak and Sarawak Malay in this sense, and by extension “to

chatter. ’ ’

200. Probably same as kemura in Sarawak.

201. Presumably the Egret, Mesophoyx intermedia.

203. Cf. kepuyu , a small freshwater fish?

204. Cf. keresek (Sarawak, Riau and Johore Malay), gercsek (Kedah).

Jour. Straits Branch

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY. 59

205.

Kerapak.

To speak; berkerapak = kata, chakap.

206.

Keratang.

A large seafish (Sea-perch [ Epine -
philus ] Serranus s;p.).

207.

Keruai.

Argus pheasant.

208.

Kerunai.

A musical instrument made of bamboo.

209.

Kian.

= demikian, thus, in this manner, meng-
apa kian?

210.

Kikik.

A kite (paper).

211.

Kikok.

A species of monkey, = lotong.

212.

Kilala.

S.

To recognise, know ( kenal ).

213.

Kipak.

s. w.

Mengipak = mendukong , to carry on the
hip or under the arm (of children).

214.

Kirai.

(i) The eyebrows, (ii) Cigarette wrap-
pers made of nipah leaf.

215.

Kirong.

s.

Berkirong = tattooed, of Dayaks or
Kayans.

216.

Kobak.

w.

To peel, strip off. Arang kobak, out-
crop coal.

217.

Koiok.

w.

A dog.

218.

Kontol.

A dug-out drawn by buffaloes in
swampy districts.

218 a.

Koris.

Skin disease, = kudis.

219.

Kuari.

Kuari pintu, the socket for a door-bolt.

220.

Kuba.

A shrine, a burial place of some person
of rank.

221.

Kubal.

s.

Pearl sago.

222.

Kubamban.

s.

Large silver buttons for women’s
jackets.

205. “To have a talk with’' seems to be the sense in which it is more

commonly used in the Brunei district by Malay-speaking up-river
tribes.

206. Cf. kertang (Sarawak and Malay Peninsula).

207. Cf. Dayak ruai; Sumatra Malay kuaow (Raffles) ; Malay Peninsula

kuang.

208. Cf. serunai (Sarawak and Malay Peninsula) derived from the Per-

sian serenai.

212. Dayak. Commonly used by Sarawak Malays.

215. “ Parti -coloured” e.g. as a tiger or certain snakes (Sarawak Malay).

216. Cf. kupak (Sarawak Malay and Dayak), kupaskan (Malay Penin-

sula) “to skin.”

217. “A cur; an expression (the Orang Laut word for dog) used by

Malays as an abusive form of anjing” (Wilkinson).

218. The same word in Javanese means “stumpy and thick”; burong

kontol “a stumpy-tailed bird.” Perhaps the shape of the dug-
out has suggested the Brunei Malay use of this word.

218a. Cf. Dayak kuris, kureh, “the itch,” “sores.”

220. Cf. Arabic kubur, “a tomb.”

221. Cf. gxibal, “the soft wood between the bark and the heart of the

tree. ’ ’

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

60

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

223.

Kuchai.

S.W.

A kind of small onion.

224.

Kulimpapa.

A tree (Vitex pubescens) , the wood of
which is used almost exclusively in
Brunei for making paddles.

225.

Kulimpapat.

A firefly.

226.

Kulimambang.

A butterfly or moth. Pintuk, folding
doors.

22 7.

Kunal.

The scar of an old wound.

228.

Kunau.

s.

A large edible marine clam ( Cytherea
sp.).

229.

Kunchil.

The crest of a bird.

230.

Kuning.

Bung a kuning, the yellow chempaka
flower.

231.

Kurapa.

A large seafish. (Sea-perch, Epine-
pliilus \Serra?tus\ sp.).

232.

Kurau.

s. w.

A species of fish. ( Lates calcarifer).

233.

Kurita.

The octopus.

234.

Kurong.

S.W.

Berkurong, dammed of water, confined.

235.

Labit.

Gendang labit, a small drum used with
the g tiling tang an.

236.

Labok.

Onom : the sound of anything falling.

237.

Ladun.

Padi round the edge of a field which
ripens later than the main crop.

238.

Lagau.

Melagau, to call, = panggil.

239.

Lakat.

S'.

Dekat, lekat : — lakat lagi hidup = still
alive.

240.

Lamaran.

A fruit similar to buah binjai.

241.

Lambong.

Larnpu l. the side-lights of a ship.

242.

Lamiding.

A creeping fern ( Stenochloena palu-
stris) chiefly used when dried for
binding together kelongs and chicks.

243.

Lampong.

S.W.

Larnpu, a lamp.

223. W. translates this “vegetable” and suggests derivation from the
Chinese ko-chhai. Bawang kuchai = “onion” in the Malay Penin-
sula. For the Brunei use of it to mean “a small onion” com-
pare the Dayak kuchai meaning a ‘ ‘ very small bird. ’ ’

225. Ruling Papat (Haynes). Cf. Dayak salempepat, perapet , perpat ,

“a fire-fly.”

226. Ruling Bambong (Haynes). Cf. Dayak, kelabembang, “a butterfly. ”
228. Runo (Sarawak).

233. Cf. gurita (Skt.) also in Malay Peninsula (Winstedt).

234. In Sarawak and Malay Peninsula the general meaning is “enclos-

ing, ” “ cutting off, ' ’ not necessarily of water.

236. Cf. laboh “letting down,” Dayak “to fall” labohan “an an-
chorage.”

239. Lekat (Sarawak Malay).

242. Cf. Dayak lemiding, “an edible fern.”

Jour. Straits Branch

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY. 61

244.

Lamun.

A common river weed, allied to Pota-
mogeton.

245.

Landing.2

A tree, a variety of the tree known as
griting or terengtang, but yielding
an inferior quality of wood.

245a.

Langgar.

The porch of a house.

246.

Langsang.

Impediment in speech due to cleft
palate or hare-lip.

247.

Lanting.

S. A raft.

2476.

Lapihi.

To unfasten, undo.

248.

Lapisan.

Batu lapisan, shale.

249.

Larak.

To open, unpick, of seams.

250.

Larai.

A sail.

Kapal asap dari Labuan

Number satu bergiling larai.
Tetap 2 hati-mu tuan!

Yang satu jangan bercherai.

251.

Lempaung.

W.

A tree yielding an acid fruit used in
curries;

252.

Lengadai.

A riverside tree, one of the Rhizoph-
orae, the bark of which is used for
the extraction of cutch.

253.

Lenggayong,

A riverside tree. ( Rhizophora sp.).

254.

Lengkok.

s. w.

A variant of bengkok.

255.

Lenguai.

s.

A large circular brass box with tray,
for holding sireh leaf and betel nut.

2556.

Lewat.

Difficult, = pay ah.

256.

Lidi.

s.

Part of the loom.

257.

Lika.

ljalai, forgetful, careless.

258.

Limpang.

■S.

Melimpang, to lie down.

259.

Limpas.

s.

Past, = lalu.

260.

Limpanas.

A tree. A stick made from this tree

is supposed to render the possessor
secure from the attacks of crocodiles
and to protect him from any sickness.
By the natives of Sarawak called
kayu lalcong.

244. Dayak, ‘ ‘ a species of jack-fruit tree, the fruit of which is in the
ground” (Howell).

245a. Cf. Javanese “a small shrine” or “small mosque.”

247. Dayak.

250. Inverted form of the common Malay word layar.

251. Also Dayak, “a jungle tree that has its fruit growing on the

trunk. ’ ’

252. Cf. lenggada “a medicinal plant” (Wilkinson).

255. Also lunggwai in Sarawak.

256. Dayak.

258. Dayak “to go aside, deviate” (Howell).

259. Sarawak “to pass”; sudah limpas “past.”

R. A. Soe., No. 83, 1921.

€2

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

261.

Linggar.

S.

Crank, easily upset, of a sampan.

261a.

Linggi.

w.

The stern post of a boat.

262.

Lindagong.

A tree occurring in tertiary jungle; its
leaves used by Malays as langir (as
soap for washing).

263.

Lokan.

s. w.

An estuarine bivalve ( Cyrena ).

264.

Lonchit.

S'.

Sharp, pointed, - ta jam.

265.

Luak.

A puddle.

266.

Luargan.

A pool, swamp.

267.

Luba.

A thorny palm : Eugeissona sp.

268.

Lukut.

S.

A large fern (Platy cerium sp.) found
on trees.

269.

Lulu.

Cracked, broken, as the bark of a man-
grove tree.

270.

Lumading.

The young of ikan tenggiri.

271.

Lumu.

A kind of black satin.

272.

Mahau.

A tree, Nephelium malayense; mata
kuching.

272a.

Maluah.

Motion outwards, = kaluar.

273.

Malur.

w.

(i) Malur telinga, the drum of the
ear.

(ii) Bunga melur, the jasmine.

274.

Manakan.

s.

Anak manakan (Java), sister’s or
brother’s child.

275.

Mangaris.

A hard heavy red wood (Kumpassia

excelsa ), chiefly used for making
blowpipes and ornamental paddles —
known in Sarawak as mingris, and
in Sumatra as kayu raja.

276.

Mangkok.

A small waggon (mining).

277.

Manik.2

The temples.

278.

Manja.

S.

To coax, wheedle.

279.

Manok S. W.

A bird.

280.

Mantis.

The kingfisher.

281.

Marakubong.

A tiee (sp. ?) yielding a very light
wood.

282.

Marau.

s.

Malacca Cane. ( Calamus Scipionum) .

261. Dayak. Lenggar (Sarawak Malay). Cf. lenggang, “the rolling of a
boat” (Wilkinson).

261a. “The covered or decked portion of a Malay boat (at the prow and
at the stern)” (W.). Dayak “the stern or bow part of a boat.”
264. Cf. Dayak lunchik, “sharp-pointed,” ngclunchik, “to make into a
sharp point.”

268. Dayak.

269. Cf. Dayak luloh, “rotten,” “wasted away,” or Sarawak Malay

lulus, ‘ ‘ to peel off ’ ’ as the skin of a snake or of the hand.

278. Dayak “fractious,” “always crying” (of a spoilt child).

279. Dayak more particularly “a domestic fowl.”

282. Dayak.

Jour. Straits Branch

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY. 63

283.

Mata.

Mata-matai, to Tepair fishing nets.

284.

Matan.

A fruit.

285.

Mauk.

Drunk, = mabok.

286.

Melaban.

An edible fruit.

287.

Meloh.

M. aring, = the sealing-wax palm (Cyr-
cosiachys lacca).

288.

Mempalai.

Naik mempalai , = to wear flowers in the
hair. .

289.

Menangin.

A fish (sp. ?).

*3

a*

CO

Menantang.

To gaze at, = pandang.

289a.

Menaulih.

To turn the face aside, - palis

290.

Mengipak.

S.

To carry on the hips, = mendukong (see
No. 213).

291.

Mengampai.

To lie down.

291b.

Mengano.

To assail.

292.

Menjarang.

S.

To cook rice.

293.

Menungan.

An edible fruit.

2935.

Menyasap.

To clear the ground.

294.

Meraka.

s.

A tree ( Mcrbau sp.) yielding a very
tough wood.

295.

Meritam.

S'.

A fruit resembling rambutan.

296.

Miatu.

Bagitu, like that, quite so.

297.

Miris.

Leaky; not so strong as bubvs.

298.

Misan.

A tombstone, generally of wood.

299.

Mongsang.

= Musang, the polecat.

2995.

Muara.

s. w.

Kuala, mouth of a river.

300.

Mulong.

s.

Raw sago.

301.

Muleh.

= to return, go home, = pulang.

302.

Mumut.

s.

Rotten.

302a.

Myelus.

A fruit resembling sembayau, the
canary nut.

303.

Najar.

is.

Biken niat, to decorate with flowers

Niat.

I

and hangings and worship at a tomb.

289. ? — ikan senangin, a common salt-water fish of the Malay Penin-

sula and Sarawak.

295. ‘‘Pulasan fruit” (Haynes).

296. Also miaiii, ‘‘like this”, or demiani and dcmiatu with the a broader in

Brunei than in Sarawak.

297. = tiris (Malay Peninsula and Sarawak). Bubus is more ‘‘broken or

slit open beyond repair” than ‘‘leaky.”

299. Munsang and musang in Sarawak. Wilkinson gives mongsang as a

variant from Riau.

300. Sarawak Malay and Dayak.

302. Cf. Dayak but, bcbut, ‘‘rotten,” ‘‘stinking.” In Sarawak Malay
mumut also means ‘‘rough” (of wood) e.g. as plants before
planing.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

€4 A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

304.

Nakara.

A small drum made of the monitor-
lizard skin ( hulit biawak), and used
in processions of Royalty.

304a.

Ngalih.

Tired, = penat.

3046.

Nohun.

S.

There, yonder.

305.

Nyaman.

Minyak nyaman, a perfumed oil used
for scenting the hair, distilled from
the flowers of gambir, melur, chem-
paka, etc. and mixed with the glan-
dular secretions of the civet.

305a.

Nyanya.

= K at any a, he said.

306.

Pachar.

S.

Ber pachar inai, to stain with hennt

307.

Padian.

The Brunei water-market.

308.

Pajar (fajr.) S. W.

The dawn.

309.

Paka.

Perhaps = barangkali.

310.

Pakal. S.

w.

To cauik a boat.

311.

Pakarangan.

s.

A large boat carrying sails, used
generally for transport.

312.

Pakis.

An edible fern.

313.

Pakul.

A yoke for oxen.

314.

Palui.

s.

Absurd, senseless, = bodok sakali.

315.

Pampan.

To close a small stream with a balat in
order to drive fish into the sadak;
to close a hole, stop a leak.

316.

Pampang.

s.

Pampang kemudi , a forked support
holding in place the kemudi sepak,
the native rudder : —

Puchok pauh banjar melatang

Pampang di-ambilkan kemudi
Mesti jauh ka-mari datang

Dayang itu yang baik budi.

317.

Panga.

The forked supports used for carrying
poles, etc. in a pakarangan.

318.

Pangga.

The shaft of a waggon drawn by buffa-
loes, used in mining.

304. Arabic. Nekara or negara (Malay Peninsula).

305. Nyaman in Sarawak (and nyamai Dayak), means “nice” of taste,

smell or feeling. In the Malay Peninsula “a sound healthful
feeling; feeling comfortable or ‘fit’ ” (Wilkinson).

306. Cf. pachar, “a plant (unidentified)” (Wilkinson).

308. Arabic fajr.

309. Dayak “if.”

312. And Javanese ( ?) generically for any fern.

313. “A saddle” (Haynes).

314. Dayak paloi, “foolish,” “stupid.”

315. Sarawak Malay pempan.

316. Dayak, “a turning” or “junction.”

317. Dayak, “an angle,” “forked” or “branching” Cf. pangga, “a

scaffolding” or “wooden frame-work used in support of anything”
(Wilkinson).

Jour. Straits Branch

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

65

319.

Panggal.

A Brunei measure, = paku kui.
[40 panggal = 1 kayu (14 cents)
10 kayu = 1 babat asap ($1.40)]
(Maxwell).

320.

Panggau.

S. The Sultan’s bed.

321.

Pantak.

S. Witchcraft.

322.

Panyap.

S. = Simpan, to keep.

323.

Papat.

S. To cut, lop off.

324.

Parangan.

S. Jkan parangan, the swordfish.

325.

Param.

S. P. buah, to keep fruit till ripe.

326.

Parapatan. S. W. The seams of a boat.

327.

Pasah.

Part of a loom.

328.

Patah.2

S'. Pagar patah2, verandah railing, from
its being made up of many separate
pieces.

329.

Payan.2

Bamboo floats, used with the tali-rawai
for hand fishing lines.

330.

Payau.

A deer, = r-usa.

331.

Pelipatan. S.

W. The underside of the knee.

332.

Pemarang.

Parang, the ordinary Malay knife.

333.

Pemata.

A fish hook.

334.

Pemukatan.

The long narrow fishing boat peculiar
to Brunei.

335.

Pengakapan.

Limber holes in the frames of a boat.

336.

Pengalu.

The “ ulu ” market at Brunei.

337.

Penyuchok.

The horizontal poles on which the floor-
ing of a house rests, connecting the
main posts.

338.

Penyusu.

Beliong penyusu, a wood chisel used by
boat-builders.

339.

Perabut.

Quickly, = lekas.

340.

Perada.2

A variety of mangosteen with bright
red skin.

341.

Perhenti.

Tart of the selambau, the tripod on
which the fishermen sit.

319.

Panggal also “to cut in two.” Sa’panggal “a slice,” “division”
in Brunei.

■320. Dayak ‘ ‘ a bed, ” “ sleeping place, ’ ’ not necessarily for persons of
high rank.

321. Maxwell translates it “poison” (vb. and subs.).

323. Sarawak Malay and Dayak pepat, “to cut into small pieces.”

324. Ikon parang 2 in Malay Peninsula and Sarawak.

325. Peram in Malay Peninsula and Sarawak.

326. From rapat, to close.

330. Laud-Da yak, Kayan, Kenyah and Kalabit.

331. From lipat, to fold.

334. Possibly from pukat “a seine-net,” memukat, “to fish with a seine-
net, ’ ’ hence pemukatan ‘ ‘ the boat used when fishing with a
seine-net. ’ ’

337. “Anything that is inserted,” from chuchok “to insert.”

339. Cf. Sarawak Malay berubut “quickly,” “make a dash for,” lit.
“suatch” or “seize.”

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

66 A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

342.

Pertenunan.

s.

The loom.

343.

Petam.

Hinges of a door or box.

344.

Piasau.

Coconut.

345.

Pihit.

To pres® down, weigh down: —
Mayang sirnbur, raayang singgalam,
Tiga dengan mayang simbatu
Santa timbul sama tinggalam
Berat sauh di-piliit batu.

346.

Pilamas.

Panelling pilamas, a method of fishing
for sharks and other large fish form-
erly much practised near Brunei.

347.

Pinanasan.

A variety of the canary nut ( sem -
bayau ).

348.

Pinduan.

s.

The native quoits, played with brass
discs.

349.

Pinis.

A tree ( Sloetia sideroxylon) , yielding
a hard and heavy wood.

349a.

Pipir.

A piece, a strip. Rain tajong dua
pipir, a sarong of two pieces joined
together.

350.

Piri.2

The heartvvood of balcau, mangrove.

351.

Piyai.

A common riverside plant, the young
leaves used as ulam.

352.

Pompong.

s.

To fasten in a bundle, bunch together.

353.

Pulak.

To pluck fruit or flowers.

354.

Pupul.

Idem.

355.

Puputan.

s.

Bellows.

356.

Purun.

s.

A sedge ( Eloeocharis variegata) .

357.

Putar.

s.

Pah at putar, a gouge chisel.

358.

Rabah.

To fall down.

3-5-9.

Ragian.

A shelf in a Malay house.

360.

Raman.

s.

A fish (sp. ?).

3-61.

Rambat.

The Malay casting net, jala. Verb
berambat.

362.

Ramis.

A small marine bivalve (edible).

362a.

Rantau.

A seine net.

363.

Rawai.

w.

(i) Tali rawai, a long line of baited
hooks attached at either end to a
pelampong.

342.

From tenun, “to weave.

y y

345.

Cf. pichit or apit,

‘ ‘ to

press” or “to squeeze.” In Sarawak kena

pirit is used of a person run over by a steam-roller or train.
355. From puput ‘ ‘ to blow. ’ ’ In Dayak puputan — ‘ 1 forge. ’ ’

Also “straw” in Sarawak, e.g. topi purun, “a straw hat.”

357. Cf. putar “rotation,” “motion on an axis” (Wilkinson).

358. Eebah in Malay Peninsula and Sarawak.

362. Remis in Malay Peninsula and Sarawak.

362a. Cf. W. “a reach of a river,” “a long straight stretch of coast.”

Jour. Straits Branch

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY,

07

(ii) Papan rawai, the ornamental
moulding or carved work on the walls
of a Malay house.

364.

Renchangan.

Diamond shaped lattice work.

365.

Rengit.

Used generally for mosquitoes.

366.

Repana.

Tambourine.

367.

Rigis.

S'.

A method of catching fish much em-
ployed at Brunei.

368.

Ringkat.

s.

A tiffen carrier.

369.

Rokam.

s. w.

A small fruit resembling a plum.

370.

Ruit.

s. w.

Barb. Ruit permata, fish-hook barb.

371.

Rumahan.

A fish (sp. ?).

372.

Sadak.

s.

A kind of fishing net made of sago
palm fibre.

373.

Sadayan.

A boathouse.

374.

Saham.

The wooden cross-piece supporting the
kemudi sipak and panga.

375.

Saka.2

A tree with small red fruit; the leaves
are used as ulam, vegetables.

376.

Sakar.

s. w.

Sugar.

377.

Salajur.

s.

Immediately, direct.

378.

Salam.

To dive.

379.

Salang.

Resinous exudation of trees, damar.

380.

Salat.

Durian salat = Anona muricata, the
durian belanda.

381.

Sandak.

s.

A spud, spudding hoe.

382,

Sanga.2

A mould for casting brass.

383.

Sangkal.

s.w.

(i) Beliong sangkal, an adze used by
boat builders,

(ii) To lie, prevaricate: —

Kayu tebang bangkar2

Liak 2 di-bawah iangga.
Jangan-lali abang kuwat bersangkal!
Chinchin perak buatkan tanda.

363. Ba-ai in Sarawak.

365. And lcarengit (Dayak) in Sarawak, “a sandfly.” In Malay Penin-

sula “A species of minute tick; a small insect pest.” (W.).

366. Bebana in Malay Peninsula and Sarawak.

372. Dayak.

373. Cf. sadi ‘‘to dry a boat” (Haynes).

376. Persian.

377. In Sarawak and Brunei Malay generally with the idea of motion,

e.g. jalan salajur, ‘ ‘ to go straight on. ’ ’

378. Selam in Malay Peninsula, Sarawak Malay and Dayak.

379. Cf. selang in Sarawak, ‘‘lamp black” or ‘‘black sooty marks.”

381. Dayak.

382. ‘‘The scum or dross in smelting” (Wilkinson).

383. In the Malay Peninsula and Sarawak sangkal is ‘‘to deny” rather

than ‘ ‘ to lie ” or “ prevaricate. ’ ’

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

68

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

384.

Sangku. S'.

A spear. The head is fastened on with
rotan ( simpai rotan). Lembing has
the head secured with a brass ferrule
( sampak tcmbaga).

385.

Sarah.

Surrendering, giving over.

386.

Sarang.2

An implement, consisting of a bamboo-
split at the end and used for deepen-
ing holes in the ground.

387.

Sarut.

An open basket of plaited cane closed:
at the top with network, carried on
the back.

3876.

Sasaban.

A chopping block.

388.

Sasap.

To hoe up weeds.

389.

Sasar.

(i) Dried prawns.

(ii) To drive fish into the sadalc.

390.

Satak.

An edible crustacean.

394.

Sawang.

A hole. Sawang kumbang, = the bilge
hole in the bottom of a boat.

392.

Sawar.

Mahan sawar, the early morning meal
between 2 a.m. and 3 a.m. during
bulan puasa.

393.

Sayang.

A sheerlegs.

394.

Sedaman.

A well-known tree.

395.

Sekui.

Buali sekui, the water melon, = buah
semangka.

396.

Selambau. S.

A method of fishing with net, peculiar
to Borneo.

397.

Selayan.

A gridiron made of bamboo on which
fish is roasted.

398.

Selidai.

A fish.

399.

Selingkawang.

A common fern ( Gleiclienia linearis) ,
sometimes used for making Malay
pens.

384.

Dayak. SangJcoli in Sarawak Malay.

385.

Serah in Sarawak ‘ ‘ to

surrender. ’ ’

386. “A dish cover” (Haynes).

387. Jarut in Sarawak.

388. Sesap in Sarawak.

389. Sesar in Sarawak.

391. Dayak.

392. Sahor in Sarawak.

393. Cf . Wilkinson tombalc sayang, ‘ ‘ a kind of gaff used to keep the front

of the sail from flapping.”

395. Cf. sekowi, ‘‘Italian millet” (Wilkinson).

396. And Dayak.

Jour. Straits Branch

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

69

400.

Selisip.

Mother of pearl shell.

401.

Sembayau.

The canary nut.

402.

Sempayan.

= tutup tiang, the holes, linking together
the main posts of a house.

403.

Sempilau.

Wooden pegs for hanging clothes on.

404.

Sempiran.

s.

A tree ( Casuarina sp.).

405.

Senatu.

(? = sana itu), there.

406.

Sendakan.

Part of the pilamas made of nibong
and attached to the line above the
hook (v. pilamas).

407.

Serapit.

The fruit of a tree ( Willughbeia sp.).

406.

Serawong.

The Malay conical hat.

409.

Siabun.

A kind of unbleached linen, coarser
than belachu.

410.

Siar.

s.

A kind of large prawn.

411.

Sibabau.

V. babau. Kemudi si-babau, a rudder

used when line fishing from the bows
of a boat, operated by a long pole on
the side opposite to which the man
is paddling.

412.

Sigai.

Takoyong sigai, a shell, Cypraea.

413.

Sigi.

Cleanse.

414.

Sigup.

Tobacco.

415.

Sikap.

s.

In readiness, with clothes on, for a
journey.

416.

Sikut.

To carry on the back as a child is
carried.

417.

Silap.

To fire a cannon.

418.

Singgan.

s.w.

Singgan sini = sampai sini.

419.

Sipak.

s.

Kemudi sipak, the Malay rudder.

420.

Sirah.

Salt.

421.

Sirik.

The fins of a fish.

422.

Siring.

s.

(i) Edge.

(ii) Buang ayer, when speaking of the
Sultan.

423.

Sirong.

s.w.

Tapered at the end as the blade of a
paddle.

402. Cf. Dayak jempayan.

405. Cf. Sarawak nyatu, “that’s the one.” Sana itu becomes Sana ya in
Sarawak contracted to siya, 1 ‘ there. ’ ’

408. Cf. saoung (Kenyah), raong (Kalabit).

414. Dayak.

415. Dayak. Cf. siyap (Malay Peninsula).

421. Strip in Malay Peninsula and Sarawak.

423. “Aslant” in Sarawak. “Out of the straight line, crooked, awry,
at an angle” (Wilkinson). “The spaces between the posts of a
house” (Haynes).

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

70

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

424.

Sisang.

A fly, extremely malodorous, very des-
tructive to padi. Kasisang (Maxwell).

425.

Sisipkan.

S', w.

To caulk the seams of a boat.

426.

Siti.

A whistle, cylindrical.

427.

Siut.

(i) A landing net, a small hand net
for catching prawns.

(ii) An earth basket.

428.

Songsang.

Menyongsang, to fall down suddenly
and unexpectedly as when a boat
runs aground.

429.

Suai.

Lampu svai, the masthead light of a
boat.

430.

Subok.

w.

Menyubok, to peep from a window, as
Malay women. (See No. 43).

431.

Sudok.

Tersudok , tripped up, catching the foot
in an obstacle.

432.

Suga.2

s.

The kingposts of a house.

433.

Sukang.

A variety of durian.

434.

Sulang.

s.

(i) An earthenware bottle with lid for
holding drinking water.

(ii) A fruit used for colouring rice
yellow.

435.

Sulap.

A hut, temporary shelter.

436.

Sulau.

Takoyong sulau, a shell, generic name
for shells of Conus and Voluta species.
The cone shell is used as obat to
avert the evil spirits of childbirth
(pontianak) .

437.

Suling.

w.

An earthenware vessel with bamboo out-

let used for distilling essences made
in Brunei from gambir, melur, chem-
paka, gadong, podak, etc. Bersuling,
to distill essences.

424. Perhaps “a bug” (Bhynchota) , of which there are several malodorous

species destructive to padi.

425. In Sarawak and the Malay Peninsula “to tuck in,” “thrust be-

tween,” “insert,” not necessarily restricted to caulking the seams
of a boat.

428. In Sarawak ( sunsang ) and the Malay Peninsula “upside down.”

429. Cf. tali smcai, “sway-ropes” f romt the English “sway” as a nautical

term (Wilkinson).

430. Cf. pcnyobok, “a thief who prowls about at night on the look-out

for facilities for theft” (Wilkinson). In Dayak subok means “a
surprise,” or “persuasive talk” (Howell).

434. Cf. Malay Peninsula sense “joining in a drink,” “drinking to-

gether. ’ ’

435. Bangau or lancho in Sarawak.

437. Suliii in Sarawak.

Jour. Straits Branch

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY. 71

438.

Sumbu.2

S.

(i) A species of Nepenthes, pitcher-
plant.

(ii) Sumbuan, the touchhole of a can-
non.

439.

Sungkai.

Breaking fast at 6 p.m. during the
month of Ramthan.

440.

Sungkit.

s.

s.

(i) The projecting platform at the
stern of a pakarangan.

(ii) Menyungkit, to raise by means of
leverage, to extract, pick out.

(iii) Bersungkit, vaccinated.

441.

Sungkum.

To prop up. Kayu s., props to shore
up a vessel on the sea-beach.

442.

Suraga.

s.

Bantal suraga, a bed-pillow used by
the Sultan.

443.

Suri.

s.

Part of the loom.

444.

Tabok.

A peep-hole in a Malay house.

445.

Tabur.

s. w.

Padi tabur = swamp padi.

446.

Tachi.

s.

(Chinese) elder sister, = kakak.

447.

Tagai.

One of the Rhizophorae ; bark used for
extraction of cutch.

448.

Tagal.

S'.

Nanti sa-tagal = nanti sadikit, wait a
minute.

449.

Tagar.

(i) Steady, of the helm in steering.

(ii) Rust; bertagar = rusted, oxidized.

450.

Tajok.

s. w.

The frames of a boat securing the up-
per planking to the dug-out. (Cf.
giak ).

451.

Tajong.

s. w.

Kain tajong, the sarong.

452.

Takoyong.

8.

A shell.

Takoyong timba = Neritina crepidularia.
Takoyong pulas = Polamides cerithium.
Takoyong rimba<= land shells in general.
Ulun takoyong = a well-known water-
bird, with ash-grey plumage.

439. Sungkeh in Sarawak.

441. Cf. sokong in Sarawak and Malay Peninsula, “propping up.’’

442. Cf. bantal seraga, “a flat, square-sided State cushion.’' (Wilkinson).

Also saraga in Sarawak.

444. Haynes and Maxwell translate tdbok “window.”

445. In Sarawak padi that has been sown broad-cast, as opposed to padi

carefully planted, from tabor “scattering,” “sprinkling.”

448. Cf. tegal in Malay Peninsula and Sarawak.

449. Tegar in Sarawak. In Dayak “rust.”

451. “A silk cloth of Bugis make” (Wilkinson).

452. Also Dayak.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

72

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

453. Takul.

454. Tambak.

455. Tambing.

456. Tampang.

W.

457. Tampik.

458. Tanai. S.

459. Tandas.

460. Tanding.

461. Tangang.

462. Tangas. S. W.

463. Tangkisi.

464. Tangkong.

465. Tanglong.

466. Tapang. S. W.

467. Tapok. S. W.

468. Taras.

To embrace, = pelok.

Tongkang puteh dart Mempakul
Jaga-jaga dari Kimanis

Dayan g puteh dapat dv-takul

Melihat chinchin di-jari manis.

(i) Menambak, to catch fish by driving
them into a sadak (V. sadak).

(ii) A Malay kitchen, consisting of a
box filled with earth on which is
placed the tungku.

Edge, bank of a river. Cf. tebing.

(i) Tampang ( serunai ), the mouth-
piece of a flageolet.

(ii) Tampang keladi, a severed portion
of the plant ready for planting.

(iii) Tampang tebuni, the severance
and tying up process at childbirth.

Sa-tampik = sa-belah, on one side.

To carry on the upturned palm.

Menyandas, to crush gelagah in a mill
(cliendasan) .

Comparison, = banding.

A vine ( Gneturn edule), the bark of
which is used for and makes good
rope.

Menangas, to warm the body over fumes
rising from burning herbs used medi-
cinally.

Bunga kuning dirdalam chupu
Di-tangas oleh orang kedayan

Puteh kuning rambut melaku

Kepala kampong Sungai Kedayan.

Wooden supports holding the flooring
joists of a house.

A musical instrument made of bamboo.

Part of the loom.

A tree ( Kumpassia excelsa) a variety
of the wood known as mangaris.

Bertapok, to hide. (Intrans.).

The heartwood of a tree, = teras.

453. In Sarawak “to put a heavy weight on something light,” e.g. a
weight on a piece of paper.

456. Also means “vaccine” in Sarawak, and “to cut” (as a coconut is
split).

460. Dayak.

465. “A Chinese lantern” in Sarawak and the Malay Peninsula.

467. Also Dayak. Wilkinson notes it as a Trengganu word.

Jour. Straits Branch

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

73

468a.

Tawar.2

Aii orchid ( Bromheadia palustris) ; a
decoction of the root applied extern-
ally in cases of severe headache.

468a.

Tekibing.

A hanging Malay shutter for closing
the tingkap or window.

469.

Telimbu.

A crowbar.

470.

Telinting.

A noisy scarecrow used in padi fields.

471.

Temburukai.

A fish resembling an eel which, when it
bites, is supposed to leave its teeth
behind.

472.

Temaa.

S.

To ask a second time; importune. Cf.
tama.

473.

Tembiangan.

The marine cookie.

474.

Temparik.

A thunderclap as opposed to deep roll-
ing thunder.

475.

Tengal.

One of the Bhizophome ( Ceriops sp.),
the bark used for extraction of cutch.

476.

Tenggalam.

To sink, = tenggelam.

476a.

Tepat.

Barat tepat, south-west.

477.

Terajun.

To descend, = terjun : tempat aging ter-
ajun = a waterfall.

478.

Terchatok.

A wooden mallet of mangrove wood
used by boatbuilders.

479.

Teripas.

A small green parakeet, - burong serin-
dit. ( Loriculus galgulus). .

479a.

Tewas.

w.

= kalah, to lose, get the worst of.

480.

Tikiding.

A long basket made of plaited bamboo
or bamban and carried on the back.

481.

Timbaran.

A tree ( Artocarpus sp.) ; the young of
the tree known as terap deal. Kulit
timbaran, the tough bark of this tree
which is used for making rope.

482.

Timbok.

S'.

To bank up.

483.

Timong.

The back of the head, occiput.

484.

Tinggalong.

Pagar tinggalong, the wood lattice work
in Malay windows.

485.

Togal.

s.

The stick used for planting padi: —
padi togal = hill padi. Cf. tugal.

486.

Tuah.

s.

(i) Tuah berma, wine stains, red birth-
marks; these, if covered with hair, are
supposed to denote a long life.

486. (ii) Arok priok in Dayak. I believe these are held to be peculiar
to children of Mongolian races and at present unexplained.

R. A. Soc.. No. 83. 1921.

74

A VOCABULARY OF BRUNEI MALAY.

(ii) Tuah period, dark blue patches on
the sacrum of small children ; these
generally fade away as the children
grow up.

487. Tuhut.

The knee; tempurong tuhut, the knee
cap.

488. Tui.

A tree, probably Acacia sp., with large
white flowers.

489. Tulah.

s. w.

Takut tulah, fear of the anger of one’s
parents.

490. Tumbang.

s. w.

To fall over, fall down.

494. Turn pong.

s.

A bamboo used for carrying water.

492. Tundak.

A tuft of hair on the forehead of boys.

493. Tundun.

Nape of the neck.

494. T urok.2

= ch aping, a metal plate generally of
silver, but sometimes made of coco-
nut shell. Of. turolc Jav.

494a. Tus.

= kering, dry. Nasi belum lagi tus, rice
not sufficiently boiled.

4945. Ubar.

A dye.

495. Udar.

To strain tight, of a rope when moor-
ing a ship.

4955. Ujar.

U jarnya, he said.

496. Ujur.

s.

? = uzur; tua u. feeble from age.

497. Umban.

To throw.

498. Umpok.

s.

A round or oblong basket with cover of
nipah leaf.

499. Unjar.

To seek.

500. Untang.2

s.

A wooden winder for weaving thread.

501. Upas.

s.

Dart for blowpipe, probably so-called
from the poison in which they were
dipped.

502. Uras.

S'.

Rubbish, dirt.

503. Usong.

w.

To carry on the head.

504. Uwar.

s.

To stir, mix ingredients in a pot.

505. Wasai.

Cataracts, rapids.

487. Palatut in Sarawak, contracted from kepala lutut.

488. Cf. tuwi , a tree ( Ixonanthes icosandra) (Wilkinson).

489. In Sarawak “retribution,” “evil befalling a wrong-doer.” In

the Malay Peninsula “calamity,” “injury,” “misfortune.” In
Dayak “under a curse.”

492. Tunduk (Haynes).

495. Odar in Sarawak.

496. Also “sick,” “ill” in Sarawak.

497. Cf. umban tali “a kind of sling” (Wilkinson).

502. Dayak.

503. “Carrying between two or more by the use of a pole, as a litter is

carried.” (Wilkinson).

Points of the Compass in Brunei Malay.

By J. C. Moulton, m.a., b. sc. (Oxon.).

Director of the Baffles Museum and TAhrary, Singapore.

Some seven years ago I made a note of the Malay words used
for the points of the compass by Brunei Malays. In Sarawak the
ordinary dictionary words are used, but in Brunei they have a
slightly different system. A curious feature of it is that in nearly
every instance the points of the compass are moved round one place,
either “upwards” or “downwards:” thus utara, “North” in or-
dinary Malay, is “North East” in Brunei Malay, while selatan,
“ South,” becomes “ South East ” in Brunei Malay. The follow-
ing table shows the two systems : —

Dictionary and Sarawak Brunei

Malay Malay

Utara . . . . . . Iraga

North
North East
East

South East
South

South West
West

North West

Timor laut

Timor

Tenggara

Selatan

Barat daya

Barat

Barat laut

Utara
Timor
Selatan
Barat daya
Barat tapat
Barat laut
Angin laut

It will be seen that the two systems agree on one word only,
viz. timor for “ East.” The four words for South, South
West, West and North West are all moved round one place in one
direction, while utara for North is moved one place in the opposite
direction. I can offer no suggestion as to the reason for this rather
curious difference in the two systems, and. I only call attention to
it in the hope that someone else may be able to throw some light
on it.

For “ North” the Bruneis introduce a new word I rag a (some-
times Uraga ), for which I have been unable to find any parallel
or possible derivation in other Malayan dialects.

The Brunei use of barat tapat for South-West is interesting
in view of the fact that tapat means literally “due,” “exact;”
thus barat is “West,” and barat tapat “due West” in ordinary
Malay.

On the coast of Northern Sarawak both systems are known.
In that part of Borneo there must be many instances of Sarawak
and Brunei Malays working together in the same ships and one
would imagine that some confusion must arise over the similarity
of the two systems, which however differ from one another in such
important details.

Messrs. C. I). Adams and F. H. Kortright, of the Sarawak
Civil Service have been kind enough to verify the accuracy of my
notes from Brunei Malays in their districts (Baram and Miri). I
have also received independent confirmation from Mr. W. H. Lee-
Warner who made a note of the Brunei system -when he was Assis-
tant Resident in that District.

Jour. Straits Branch R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

Some Hemiptera Heteroptera from
N. W. Borneo.

By E. Bergroth.

In a previous paper* I have published descriptions of a num-
ber of new Reduviidae from Sarawak, communicated to me for
study by Mr. J. C. Moulton. Below I am describing from the
same material some new species chiefly belonging to other Families
and have besides enumerated some previously known species, nearly
all of which are now for the first time recorded from Borneo. The
types of the new species are deposited in the Helsingfors Museum,
cotypes of a few of them will be placed in the Sarawak Museum.

Fam. BEX TAT 0 M I D A E .

1. Scotinophara inermis Hagl. — Sadong.

2. Tolumnia papulifera n. sp.

Oc-hraceous, a callus at anterior margin of cicatrical areas, a
large spot at middle of pronotal antero-lateral margins, the humeral
angles of the pronotum, and a rounded callus at basal angles of
scutellum reddish fulvous and impunctate, apex of scutellum with
a convex levigate stramineous callus occupying the whole posterior
half of the postfrenal part, connexivum, a posteriorly abbreviated
median vitta to propleurae, a median spot to mesopleurae, and a
small round spot at the base of all acetabula brassy or bluish black,
the connexival segments with a median interiorly rounded pale
ochraceous lateral spot, a blackish vitta between eves and apex of
antenniferous tubercles, a spot at basal and apical angles of ventral
segments, a median subbasal spot to last ventral segment, and the
spiracles dark fuscous, sometimes a little aenescent ; above rather
densely but irregularly punctured with fuscous, the punctures here
and there, especially on the head and pronotum, brassy greenish-
black, connexivum thickly and more finely punctate; beneath re-
motely and rather finely punctured with fuscous; first three an-
tennal joints (last two wanting), rostrum, and legs pale testaceous,
rostrum beneath with a blackish line and with the last joint black,
antennfe and legs sparsely sprinkled with fuscous points, tibia;
above with a dark sanguineous or blackish line. Head as long as
broad, elypeus slightly longer than juga, an oblong area at interior
margin of eyes impunctate, second antennal joint slightly shorter
than third, rostrum reaching base of abdomen. Pronotum with
straight lateral margins and somewhat prominent, narrowly round-

* Sarawak Mas. Journ. I, 3, pp. 25 — 38 (1913).

! Jour. Straits Branch R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

SOME HEMJPTERA HETEROPTERA FROM N. W. BORNEO.

77

■ed lateral angles. Scutellum with the basal area distinctly ele-
vated, reaching its middle. Elytra slightly passing apex of abdo-
men ( $ ), apical margin of corium straight, membrane slightly
bronzed, here and there a little infuscated. Abdomen with the
■apical angles of the segments somewhat rectangularly prominent,
second ventral segment at the base slightly and very obtusely tuber-
culate, last male ventral segment in the middle one-fourth longer
than the preceding one, male genital segment arcuately sinuate at
-apex. Length, $ 12.5 mm.

Fourth mile. Rock Road, near Ivuching, Sarawak.

Apparently coming nearest to T. ferruginescens Bredd., but
much larger, much more sparingly punctured beneath, with a
•distinct callus at the scutellar basal angles and quite different
colour- markings of the pronotum and connexivum.

3. Aeschrocoris saucius n. sp.

Black, with the apical part of the pronotal median carina
and many irregular spots in all parts of the body, excepting head,
sanguineous or ferruginous, coarsely and rather densely punctured,
head more thickly, and scutellum less thickly so ; antennas fuscous,
articulations between the first four joints narrowly whitish;
rostrum piceous ; legs black, a broad median annulation to femora
and often also a narrower annulation just before middle of tibiae
sanguineous. Head two-thirds longer than broad, laterally broadly
but not deeply sinuate, vertex with two parallel longitudinal keels
near each other, elypeus narrow but percurrent, carinately elevated
in its basal half, juga a little longer than elypeus but not meeting
in front of it, obliquely truncate or sinuate at apex, first two an-
tennal joints of equal length, the following joints successively
increasing in length, rostrum reaching apical margin of second
ventral segment. Pronotum with a rather strong percurrent longi-
tudinal keel in the middle, the reddish spots of the anterior part
of the disk c-allosely elevated, the apical angles produced in a short
porrect acute tooth, the humeral processes shaped as in A. obscurus
Dali., directed outwards, forwards and more or less upwards, the
apical teeth horizontal. Scutellum somewhat elevated at the base
and with a large and deep fovea at the basal angles, the apex raised
in a stout conical semi-erect tubercle as high as the transverse dia-
meter of the pronotal humeral processes. Elytra slightly passing
apex of abdomen, corium conspicuously shorter than scutellum, its
apical angle rounded, membrane somewhat longer than corium,
fuscous until a more or less distinct dark testaceous basal spot, the
veins connected near apex with the adjacent veins bv a more or
less distinct transverse vein, but not otherwise reticulated. Abdo-
men at the apical angles of the segments with a small tubercle,
male genital segment sinuate at apex. Length, $ 7 mm., hum.
width 8 mm. ; 2 8 mm., hum. width 8.5 mm.

Fourth mile, Rock Road, near Kuching, Sarawak; Sumatra
(my collection).

78 SOME HEMIPTERA HETEROPTERA FROM N. W. BORNEO.

Both in structural characters and in colouring very distinct
from the six previously known species.

One of the most remarkable characters of this genus, not
mentioned by Dallas and Distant in their descriptions, consists
in the structure of the second ventral segment. It is longitudinally
grooved in the middle and angularly projecting over the basal half
of the third segment, and each side of the groove is raised in a
strong tubercle. The spiracles in this genus are placed in the-
lateral margins of the abdomen.

4. Carbula trinotata H. Sch. — Lundu, Sarawak.

5. Menida schultheissi Bredd. — Lundu, Sarawak.

This species has been redescribed from the Philippines bv C..
Banks under the name Apines grisea.

6. Rhynchocoris margininotatus Bredd. — Matang Load,

Sarawak.

7. Hypencha ophthalmica Stal. — Sarawak.

I have forgotten to make a note of the exact locality.

8. Hypencha alata Bredd. — Marapok Mts. on the borders be-

tween Sarawak and British North Borneo.

Fam. COFTOSOMIDAE.

9. Spathocrates neuter n. sp.

Ovate, moderately convex, somewhat shining, black, smooth
and almost im punctate, only the scutellum remotely and extremely
finely punetulate, rostrum and antennae pitchy testaceous, last an-
tennal joint and legs piceous. Head one-third broader than long,
notched at apex, somewhat convex, especially clypeus together with
adjacent parts of juga, interocular space about five times broader
than an eve, first and third antennal joints subequal in length,
fourth as long as second and third together (fifth wanting), ros-
trum almost reaching middle of fourth ventral segment, the whole
last joint lying behind the posterior coxae. Pronotum with a
shallow transverse median impression, more distinct toward the
sides but not nearly reaching the lateral margins, and with a dis-
tinct node at the humeral angles. Scutellum with a transverse
basal area posteriorly terminated by a shallow broadly arcuate im-
pression. Fifth female ventral segment with its apical sinuosity
forming a right angle for the reception of the sixth segment, which
in the middle is almost as long as the three preceding segments
together. Length, 9 5.7 mm., width 3.8 mm.

Mt. Penrissen, Sarawak.

Allied to S. histeroides Walk., but larger, not aeneous, very
much less punctured, and with narrower head, much longer rostrum,
and much darker legs.

Jour. Straits Branch

SOME HEMIPTERA HETEROPTERA FROM N. W. BORNEO. 79

This is the third species of the genus ; all occur iu Borneo.

In his description of this genus Montandon says that the
Bead is “ presque aussi longue que large,” but this is incorrect.
I have a cotype of S. atroaeneus Mont., and the length of the head is

I. 5 mm., whereas its width is 2.6 mm.

10. Brachyplatys submarginatus n. sp.

Boundedly ovate, hlac-k, shining (except pectus), above sub-
asnescent, a sublateral line (above and beneath) to pronotum and
corium, a continuous submarginal line to scutellum, a very small
spot near basal angles of scutellum. a patch enclosing the bucculae,
apex of orifieial fold, the visible lateral part of the first ventral
segment, margin of venter and a series of oblong longitudinal
•slightly elevated spots (two in each segment) a little inside the
ventral margin pale flavous or reddish, antennae (last two joints
wanting) and rostrum piceous, legs pitchy black; above very finely
:and moderately thickly punctured, head and middle of pronotum
almost impunetate. Head with the margin narrowly and bluntly
■elevated, rostrum not quite reaching middle of venter. Abdomen
beneath scarcely punctate, last female ventral segment in the middle
subacutely produced forward. Length, 2 6 — 6.5 mm., width 5.6 —
5.8 mm.

Kuching, Sarawak.

To be placed near B. nigripes Stal.

II. Tiarocoris decoratus n. sp.

Shortly and broadly ovate, shining (except sterna), im-
punctate, black, except the following yellow parts and markings:
head, excluding base as far as a line connecting the posterior
angles of the eyes, pronotal apical and lateral borders, the latter
much widened anteriorly but intersected by an oblique longitudinal
blackish line, a transverse band not reaching lateral borders some-
what before middle of pronotum. a short obliquely longitudinal band
a little within humeral angles, the small narrow callus at the basal
angles of the scutellum, its large transverse posteriorly rounded
basal callus (interrupted by black in the middle), two large ob-
liquely transverse discal spots to scutellum immediately behind its
middle, scutellar lateral and apical borders, the latter widened but
anteriorly angularly sinuate in the middle, prosternum, lateral
margin of corium and of abdomen, an irregular ventral vitta a
little inside the lateral margin, very narrowly interrupted at the
segmental sutures and composed of two subconfluent spots (the
anterior one much larger) in each segment; extreme apical margin
of head fuscous; antennas (except the last two fuscous joints),
rostrum, and legs pale yellowish testaceous. Head almost one-half
broader than long, anteocular part ( 2 ) very slightly longer than
the longitudinal diameter of the transverse eyes, interocular space
24 times broader than an eye, rostrum passing posterior eoxas.
Pronotum at apex distinctly broader than head, the antemedian

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

80 SOME HEMIPTERA HETEROPTERA FROM N. W. BORNEO.

yellow fascia posteriorly terminated by an impressed line, the
lateral margins anteriorly laminately dilated. Scutellum with an
impressed line posteriorly terminating the transverse basal callus^
Tibia’ very finely sulcated above. Length, 9 3.5 mm., width 3 mm.

Lawas, Northern Sarawak.

Allied to T. luminatus Mont., but it is a much smaller and
more shining species with shorter anteoeular part of head and more
transverse eyes, the yellow pronotal apical border and discal fascia
are not united by a short vitta, the yellow discal spots of the scutel-
lum are not rounded, but obliquely transverse, and its yellow
apical border is broader and anteriorly notched.

Of T. luminatus I have a female Malaccan specimen, deter-
mined by Montandon himself and agreeing with his good and
detailed description. Distant (Rlyynch. Brit. Tnd. I, p. 15) des-
cribes under this name a Burmese species which has very little
resemblance to the true luminatus, having the yellow markings of
the pronotum quite dissimilar and partly punctured with black, the
basal scutellar spots also punctured with black, and no spots at
all on the disk of the scutellum. For T. luminatus Dist. nee Mont..
I propose the name T. suppositus.

Fam. COREIDAE.

12. Homoeocerus pupillatus n. sp.

Brownish ochraceous, above and on pleurae finely punctured
with very pale fuscous, basal third of pronotum (except posterior
margin) darker and with much darker puncturation, head with
some blackish markings above, corium at the inner apical angle
with a rather large oval pale ochraceous impunctate spot surrounded
by black, the spot occupying the greatest part of the rectangular-
cell and the adjacent part of the endocorial area, pleurae with an
ill-defined sublateral fuscous patch, more distinct on the meta-
pleura. dorsum of abdomen reddishj, venter pale castaneous with
a sublaterai series of blackish spots, one on each segment, situated
inside the level of the whitish spiracles, female genital segments
above and beneath dark fuscous, femora streaked with blackish.
Head not projecting before the antenniferous tubercles, first an-
tennal joint a little shorter than second but longer than pronotum
(the two last joints wanting), third joint of rostrum considerably
longer than second, but slightly shorter than fourth. Pronotum
across the right-angled, a little prominent humeral angles, broader
than the length of its lateral margins, with an indistinct levigate
median line. Membrane transparent with the inner basal area
blackish and a distinct lateral fuscous spot immediately behind the
exterior apical angle of the corium. Abdomen as broad as elytra,
sixth female ventral segment posteriorly in the middle with a sub-
acutelv angular incision which is about as broad as deep, the basal
plica not quite reaching the middle of the segment’s median length,
obtuse-angled at apex. Length, 9 16.5 mm.

Jour. Straits Branch;

SOME HEMIPTERA HETEROPTERA FROM N. W. BORNEO.

81

Trusan, Northern Sarawak.

Structurally somewhat allied to H. albiventris Dali., but very
different in its colouring.

13. Homoeocerus herbaceus n. sp.

Grass-green, head, anterior part of pronotlim, and the whole
under-side pale yellowish testaceous, more or less tinged with green
and in the live insect probably entirely green, antennae black, first
joint fuscous on the inner side, fourth joint whitish green with
the base narrowly and the apex more broadly fuscous, rostrum and
legs green, tibiae infuscated. Head somewhat produced before the
base of the antennae, first antennal joint longer than pronotum,
second as long as first, third one-fourth shorter than second, fourth
a little longer than third, Tostral joints of equal length. Prono-
tum across the right-angled, a little prominent humeral angles,
somewhat broader than the length of its lateral margins. Mem-
brane pellucid with a slight brownish shade, at the inner basal
angle and between the subbasal transverse vein and the corimn
blackish. Abdomen not broader than elytra, spiracles pale, sixth
female ventral segment posteriorly in the middle rather deeply
acute-angularly incised, the basal plica occupying a little more than
one-third of the segment’s median length, obtuse-angled at apex.
Length, 2 19.5 mm.

Lundu, Sarawak.

Allied to II. immaculatus Stal, from which it differs by the
structure and colour of the antennae, the shorter fourth rostral
joint, and the more prominent and less obtuse pronotal humeral
angles.

14. Homoeocerus breviplicatus n. sp.

Ochraceous, the levigated veins of eorium and of clavus and a
round apical spot in the rectangular cell near interior apical angle
of eorium, often also basal margin of pronotum and apex of
scutellum, very pale ochraceous, the claval and interior corial vein
bordered on each side bv a fuscous band, the puncturation of the
upper side fuscous, except in anterior half and lateral borders of
pronotum, on scutellum, and in basal half of exocorium, where it
is concolorous; antennae blackish, first joint interiorly or entirely
brown (last joint wanting) ; legs ochraceous, tibiae often fuscous
or blackish. Head somewhat produced before the antenniferous
tubercles, clvpeus slightly longer than juga, first antennal joint
longer than pronotum, second as long as first, third shorter than
second, rostral joints subequal in length or third slightly the
shortest. Pronotum constructed as in II. herbaceus Bergr. Mem-
brane subhyaline, often somewhat bronzed, at inner basal angle
and along basal margin blackish. Abdomen as broad as the closed
elytra, spiracles pale, sixth female ventral segment posteriorly in
the middle rather deeply acute-angularly incised, its basal plica very
short, occupying only about one-fifth of the segment’s median

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

82 SOME HEMIPTERA IIETEROPTERA FROM N. W. BORNEO.

length. First joint of hind tarsi two-thirds longer than the two
other joints together. Length., $ 18.5 — 19 mm.

Kuching and Sadong, Sarawak.

Remarkable by the very short basal plica of the sixth female
ventral segment and the long metatarsus of the hind legs. It is
allied to II. lineaticollis Stal, but is much larger with longer second
rostral joint, less obtuse and more prominent pronotal humeral
angles, almost lacking (or only anteriorly faintly indicated) smooth
median line to pronotum, and brown-bordered claval and inner
corial veins.

15. Homoeocerus tenuicornis Stal. — Kuching, Sarawak.

16. Colpura brevipennis n. sp.

Elongately ovate, black, rather coarsely and moderately thickly
punctured, sparsely set with narrow yellowish scales arising from
the punctures which on pleurae and anterior part of venter are
cinereous, membrane brownish-ochraceous, first two rostral joints,
anterior orificial tubercle, and trochanters luteous, last two rostral
joints pale piceous. Head somewhat longer than broad, gense un-
armed, first antennal joint about one-fourth longer than head,
second distinctly longer than first, third one-fifth shorter than
first (fourth wanting), rostrum reaching apical margin of second
ventral segment. Prothorax about twice as high as the head,
pronotum moderately declivous, one third broader than long, slight-
ly transversely impressed before middle, longitudinally rather
broadly impressed between posterior parts of cicatrical areas, lateral
margins slightly (sometimes almost imperceptibly) sinuated in the
middle, lateral ruga distinctly visible also from above, apically
produced in a short obtuse porrect tooth, humeral angles rounded,
not prominent. Elytra reaching middle of penultimate dorsal seg-
ment. Metapleurge foveately impressed at middle of lateral margin,
their posterior margin straight, posterior angles right-angled. Ab-
domen considerably broader than pronotum, apical angles of fifth
segment slightly prominent, venter slightly grooved from its base
to base of fourth segment. Femora finely granulated, but unarmed.
Length, 2 12.5 — 13 mm.

Female: basal plica of sixth ventral segment reaching the
middle of the segment, very obtuse-angled at apex.

Mt. Matang, 3200 ft., Sarawak.

In build and general aspect much resembling the East Asiatic
<7. lativentris Motsch., as redescribed by Kiritshenko,* but at once
distinguished by the longer, anteriorly much less declivous head,
the paler membrane, the unicolorous connexivum, and the yellow
trochanters.

* Faune de la Russie, Hem., VI, 2, p. 115, pi. II, fig. 13 (1916).— In
the description the pronotal lateral margins are said to be “profunde
sinuati,” but this statement is in contradiction to the apparently correct
figure in which these margins are represented as very slightly sinuated.

Jour. Straits Branch

SOME HEMIPTERA HETEROPTERA FROM N. W. BORNEO. 83

17. Colpura diplochela n. sp.

Oblong, black, more or less incrusted with fuscous, an oblong
spot near middle of apical margin of corium and apical margin of
last three ventral segments (except laterally) ochraceous, mem-
brane brown, its inner basal area and the basal border darker, apical
border of connexival segments (above but not beneath), anterior
orificial tubercle, and trochanters dark luteous or ferruginous, first
rostral joint pale brownish (the other joints wanting) ; above
sparsely punctured, more thickly so beneath, puncturation on
pleime coarser and cinereous; above, and more distinctly beneath,
sparingly clothed with short hair-like yellowish scales. Head one-
fourth longer than broad, distance between eyes and apex of an-
tenniferous tubercles scarcely longer than the longitudinal diameter
of the eye, gense unarmed, first antennal joint slightly longer
than head, second less than one-half longer than first (last two

joints wanting). Prothorax twice as high as head, pronotum
moderately declivous, one-third broader than long, very feebly
convex, transversely slightly impressed before middle, lateral mar-
gins very broadly and slightly sinuate, lateral ruga very distinct
also from above, anteriorly a little widened, apically produced in

a strong triangular tooth directed for-
wards and very slightly outwards, humeral
angles rounded, not prominent. Meta-
pleurae foveately impressed near middle
of lateral margins, their posterior margin
straight. Abdomen a little broader than
pronotum and elytra, apical angles of
fifth segment distinctly prominent, ven-
ter conspicuously grooved from its base
to near apex of fifth segment. Femora
two or three small tubercles bearing a

Male genital segment of C.
diplochela:

unarmed, beneath with

bristle. Length, $ 14.5 mm.

Male: genital segment (of. fig.) behind in its apical half
broadly and slightly impressed, the apical margin laterally pro-
duced in a strong curved acute horn, median part of the margin
with two inwardly hooked processes.

Mt. Penrissen, Sarawak.

Allied to the Indian C. erebus Dist. (as redescribed by Bred-
din from a cotype), but with shorter second antennal joint, dif-
ferently constructed pronotal apical angles, etc. In the structure
of the male genital segment it is very distinct from all species of
which this segment has been described.

18. Colpura variipes Westw.

Mt. Penrissen, Sarawak.

With the many Bornean specimens of both sexes before me —
all taken at the same time and locality — I do not hesitate to unite
C. armillata Bredd. with variipes Westw. ( annulipes Dali.). It is

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

84 SOME HEMIPTERA HETEROPTERA FROM N. W. BORNEO.

more variable than any other Colpura known to me. The pronotal
apical angles are usually shortly produced in a right-angled pro-
minence, but sometimes more acutely, dentately projecting, the
tooth being directed forwards, rarely slightly outwards. The later-
al ruga of the pronotum is usually coneolorous, but occasionally
luteous anteriorly. The third antennal joint is either coneolorous
or pale at the base. The two pale annulations to the tibiae are in
some specimens less distinct or even entirely wanting. All these
varieties agree in the structure of the male and female genital seg-
ments.

The species has also been recorded from Malacca, Cambodia
and Java.

19. Colpura scrutatrix Bredd.

Kuching, Sarawak.

Originally described from the small island of Banguey, off the
northern cape of British Xorth Borneo.

20. Stenocolpura annulata n. sp.

Elongate, parallel from humeral angles to apex of fourth ab-
dominal segment, black, membrane (excluding interior basal area,
basal border, and basal half of interior border) brownish-ochraceous,
the somewhat eallose scutellar apex, a. small spot near middle of
apical margin of corium, orificial tubercles, base of second and
third antennal joints, fourth antennal joint (except base), rostrum,
trochanters, base of femora, and two annulations to tibiae yellowish,
abdomen with a very obscure paler spot at the apical angles of the
segments, tarsi brown ; above moderately thickly punctured, scutel-
lum more remotely and more finely so, but along apical half of
lateral margins with a row of deeper and larger punctures; beneath
rather densely punctured with cinereous, more coarsely so on the
pleurae; sparsely clothed with short and narrow yellowish scales.
Head two-thirds longer than broad, first antennal joint as long as
head, second two-fifths longer than first, third scarcely shorter than
first and a little longer than fourth, rostrum reaching base of fifth
ventral segment. Prothorax three times higher than head, pro-
notum strongly declivous, broader than long, transversely impressed
before middle, posterior lobe a little1 convex with a longitudinal
impression within the rounded, not prominent humeral angles,
lateral margins straight, lateral ruga narrow, but in its anterior
half distinctly visible also from above, apically obtuse-angled, not
at all dentately prominent, evanescent towards the humeral angles.
Elytra almost reaching apex of abdomen. Metapleura1 with straight
posterior margin. Abdomen beneath deeply grooved down its
whole length, the groove shallow only in the last segment. Femora
unarmed, the anterior pair beneath only with very few minute
granules bearing a short seta. Length, $ 12 mm.

Male : genital segment with the apical margin evenly rounded,
neither sinuate nor impressed at apex.

Jour. Straits Branch

SOME HEMIPTERA HETEROPTERA FROM N. W. BORNEO. 85
Mt. Fenrissen, Sarawak.

Allied to /S', stenocephwla Bredd., 'from which it differs by
smaller size and in having the head a little shorter, the pronotum
less convex with the lateral ruga distinctly visible from above in
its anterior half, the femora unarmed, the antennae and tibiae much
more distinctly palely annulated, and the pale spots at the apical
angles of the abdominal segments scarcely distinguishable. It is
very similar in. colour to Colpura variipes Westw., but is at once
distinguished by the generic characters.

Stenocolpura was originally described by Breddin (Revue
d’Ent. 1900, p. 203) as a subgenus of Colpura, but in agree-
ment with his later suggestion (Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. 1906, p. 55)

T consider it generically distinct. It differs from Colpura prin-
cipally in the structure of the head and the sexual characters of
both sexes. The head is longer and narrower than in Colpura, the
eyes are more removed from the base, the lateral margins behind
the eyes are only slightly rounded without the conspicuous posto-
cular callus so characteristic of Colpura, the apical margin of the
male genital segment is evenly rounded, not at all sinuated, the
sixth female ventral segment is not cleft in the middle, as in
Colpura, but posteriori}' triangularly incised with the basal plica
reaching the incisure, and the latero-apical lobes of the female
genital segment are much broader than long. To this can be added
that the prothorax seen in profile is higher compared with the
head, the pronotum strongly sloping, the rostrum very long, and
the venter deeply grooved almost down its whole length.

The Coreidae of the division Hygiaria are apparently more
frequent, both as to species and specimens, in mountain regions
than in the lowlands. In addition to the five species recorded above
there is in the Sarawak Museum a specimen (from Trusan) of the
Bornean Colpura pacalis Bredd.

21. Dasynus shelfordi n. sp.

Brownish-ochraceous, the narrow costal margin of corium and
the levigate veins and apical margin of corium and clavus, and a
percurrent longitudinal band on each side of venter between its
middle and lateral margins of a lighter ochraeeous colour, a narrow
percurrent vitta immediately within pronotal lateral margins fus-
cous, membrane brown with its inner basal area olivaceous-black,
the two pale ventral vittae at their exterior margin with a series of
short fuscous streaks, one in each segment, the spiracles pallid;
antennae fuscous, first joint brownish ochraeeous, apex of the three
first joints fuscous-black, fourth joint black with a broad subbasal
pale ochraeeous annulation ; rostrum and legs brownish ochraeeous ;
above, excluding head and apical pronotal area, rather thickly
punctured with fuscous-black, pleura1 coarsely and thickly punctate
with pale fuscous. Head slightly broader than long, very dis-
tinctly produced beyond antenniferous tubercles, above almost im-
punctate, beneath obscurely eoneolorously punctured, bucculae un-

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

86

SOME HEMIPTERA HETEROPTERA FROM N. W. BORNEO.

armed, obtusely subangular anteriorly, antennae slender, longer
than the body, first joint as long as head and pronotum together,
second much shorter than first and a little longer than third, fourth
a little longer than second, rostrum reaching anterior margin of
metastemum, first joint reaching posterior margin of eyes, second
much longer than third which is slightly shorter than fourth. Pro-
notom somewhat broader than long, lateral margins straight, slightly
raised, humeral angles obtuse-angled, a little acuminate at apex,
scarcely prominent. Elytra almast reaching apex of abdomen.
Metapleura? with straight posterior margin. Abdomen beneath
finely alutaceous, impunctate, male genital segment with the
rounded apical margin acute-angularly incised in the middle.
Length, $ 11.5 mm.

Kuching, Sarawak.

Belongs to Stal’s group dd, from the other species of which
it is very distinct in its small size, longer and quite differently
constructed antennae, much shorter rostrum, and totally different
structure of the male genital segment.

Named in memory of the late R. Shelford to whom we owe
so much of our knowledge of the Bornean fauna.

Fam. MYODOCHIDAE.

22. Pachygrontha semperi Stab— Lundu, Sarawak.

Fam. REDtJVIIDAE.

23. Panthous tarsatus Dist. — Kuching.

24. Pygolampis foeda Stal.

Kuching, Sadong, and Santubong, Sarawak.

This species is distributed from Oevlon to Australia and the
Fiji Islands, but was not previously recorded from Borneo. It is
somewhat variable in colour and still more so in size, and I am
convinced that P. biguttata Reut. is the same species.

25. Sastrapada oxyptera n. sp.

Narrow, ochraeeous, elytra whitish grey mottled with pale
brown, a lateral band to head crossing eyes, the transverse veinlet
separating the discal cell from the interior membranal cell, a small
oblong spot near middle of exterior membranal cell, some more or
less distinct longitudinal lines on pleurae and on ventral lateral
areas, a band running through middle of sterna and venter, a small
spot at apical angles of abdominal segments, spiracles, and a small
basal sublateral spot to ventral segments dark fuscous; antennae,
rostrum, and1 legs ochraeeous, second antennal joint toward apex,
third and fourth antennal joints, apex of rostrum, two rows of
short streaks on upper side of front femora, under-side of these
femora including the small spinelets, apex o>f tibiae, and tarsi fus-

Jour. Straits Branch

SOME HEMIPTERA HETEROPTERA FROM N. W. BORNEO. 87

cons, the four anterior coxae (except apical margin) blackish, the
larger spines of the fore femora whitish. Head a little shorter
than pronotum, anteocular part as long as postocular part with
the eyes, unarmed beneath, postocular part very distinctly longer
than broad, first antennal joint as long as head, second joint more
than half as long again as first, third about one-third the length
of first, fourth one-half longer than third. Pronotum twice longer
than broad, humeral node angular and subacuminate at apex.
Elytra ( $ ) reaching base of last dorsal segment, the membrane
pointed at apex, its interior margin more or less sinuate before the
tip. Abdomen ( <J ) with the last dorsal segment parallel, its
apical margin broadly sinuate, the apical angles subacute. Fore
coxae not quite reaching posterior margin of prosternuni; fore
femora as long as the distance between anterior margin of eyes
and base of pronotum, a little incrassated, about, eight times longer
than broad. Length, S 16.8 mm.

Kuching and Santubong, Sarawak.

This species comes very near to S. bipunctata Bredd. ( nec
Walk.), but the fore and middle tibiae are not blackish at base and
the last male dorsal segment is sinuate, not truncate, at apex. It
is remarkable by having the membrane pointed at apex owing to
the inner margin being a little sinuate before the tip. This charac-
ter occurs, as noted by Stal, in some Neotropical genera of the
Pygolampinae, but it is also met with in certain Old World species,
although not mentioned in the descriptions.

The Bornean S. brevicornis Bredd. is represented in the Sara-
wak Museum by specimens from Baram.

I suppose Distant has correctly identified S. bipunctata
Walk, with the South Asiatic species which he regarded as belong-
ing to S. baerensprungi Stal, but in Rhynch. Brit. Ind. V, p. 185
lie wrongly places also S. bipunctata Bredd. as a synonym of that
species. The species described by Breddin is totally different both
in its structural and colour-characters, being narrower with much
longer basal antennal joint, longer pronotum with acuminate humeral
nodes, longer and less incrassated fore femora, and quite differently
constructed last male dorsal segment. As to S. baerensprungi
Dist., it will probably prove to be distinct from the true South
European baerensprungi (of which Reuter in Ofv. Finsk. Vet. Soc.
Forh. LV, 14, pp. 64 — 65 has given a detailed redescription), but
whether the Asiatic species should bear the name incerta Sign., or
bipunctata Walk., or a new name, can be decided only after a
thorough re-examination of Signoret’s and Walker’s types. S.
bipunctata Bredd. must be renamed unless bipunctata Walk, proves
to be the same species.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

India and Malay Beliefs.

By R. 0. Winstedt, D. Litt., (Oxon).

By the kindness of Dr. 0. Schrieke, Assistant Adviser for
Native Affairs to the Government of the Dutch Indies, I have had
my attention drawn to an article by M. Wmternitz — “ Bemer-
kungen znr mal'aischen Volksreligion ” — being a review of Mr.
Skeat’s “ Malay Beliefs,” in Wiener Zeitsclirift fuer die Kunde des
Morgenlandes, XIV Band, pages 243-264: Wien 1900. I am

further indebted to the Batavian Society for a loan of the journal,
since no library in the Peninsula possesses it. I propose here to
summarize the conclusions of the reviewer, author also of “ Altin-
disches Hochzeitsrituell ” ( Denkscriften der leads. Akademie d.
Wiss., AVien 1892, page 68) as contributing further evidence on a
subject I handled in a paper on “ Hindu Survivals in Malay
Custom” ( Journal of the Federated Malay States Museums,
Arolume IX, part I). And I add some additional matter.

In a Javanese version of “ the churning of the ocean ” Wiseso
(= Visvesa) or Brahman is still the highest of the Gods and sup-
plies Batara Guru or Siva with the water of life wherewith to
sprinkle the Gods and restore them to life (E. Metzger, Globus
Bd. 44 (1883), p. 171 ff.). But in another Javanese legend Brah-
man and Visnu are sons of Batara Guru (ib. page 184). And in
the Ht. Sang Samba-, the Malay version of the Bhaumakavya,
Batara Guru is the supreme God and as such is accepted by Malay
magicians (Skeat pages 86-87). Now, Skeat says, “I was re-
peatedly told that the Spectre Huntsman was a God, Batara Guru.”
In Malay legend the Spectre Huntsman is not only a God, Batara
Guru, but known by other appellations of that God, such as “ King
of the Land-folk” (ib., page 120) (= To’ Panjang Kuku, page
90), and identified at times with the Raja Hantu (page 418) who
is sometimes said to be Batara Guru. Skeat compared the Malay
legend with the English legend of the wild huntsman and his dogs
or Gabriel’s hounds (page 113) : Sir William Maxwell opined it
was of Aryan origin. In European folklore the wild huntsman is
identified with historical or half -historical personages and a con-
nection between him and the old German God AArodan can be traced
(Grimm, Deutsche Mytliologie 4. Anfl., page 766 foil.) Now
Batara Guru or Siva is Rudra of Aredic times, Rudra “ the roarer,
the terrible,” the God of storms ( Dowson’s “ Classical Dictionary
of Hindu Mythology”). And it has been pointed out that in
Rudra we find the same characteristics which are found in the
German Wodan or Odin (and in the classical myths of Dionysus
and Mars) namely those of a storm-god followed by hosts of spirits,
a leader of lost souls, identified both in Malay and German legend

Jour. Straits Branch

INDIA AND MALAY BELIEFS.

89

with the Spectre Huntsman. Accordingly it has been surmised
that we must premise an Indo-Germanic storm-god, the common
source of the Indian and German myths (L v. Schroeder: Wiener
Zeitschrift fuer die Kunde des Morgenlmdes Bd. IX, 1895, pages
235-252). The identification by the Malays of the Spectre Hunts-
man with Siva clearly corroborates the relationship between Siva or
Rudra and Odin.

Again just as in German folklore there are various versions of
the tale of the wild huntsman, so Malay legend sometimes identi-
fied him with Hama and even made him a descendant of the Prophet
Joseph (Skeat, page 119).

Further evidence that Malay magic came from India is the
practice of Malay magicians declaring they know the source of the
spirit they would exorcize or repel (ib. page 117) : parallels for this
occur in the Atharvaveda e.g. I, 3 ; VII, 76, 5. Compare also the
use of hong = om in Malay charms. “ The syllable om is the door
of heaven. Therefore he who is about to study the Veda shall
begin his lesson by pronouncing it. If he has spoken anything
else than what refers to the lesson, he shall resume his reading
by repeating the word om: thus the Veda is separated from pro-
fane speech. And at sacrifices the orders given to the priests are
headed by this word. And in common life at the occasion of
ceremonies performed for the sake of welfare the sentence shall
be headed by this word1” (Apastamba p. 49, “Sacred Books of
the East vol. II). In this context I would quote two sentences
from Havell’s “ Aryan Pule in India ” (pages 46 and 118) on the
mantra, the Vedic- forerunner of the Malay magician’s charm: —
“ A mantra could bring victory or defeat in wars, assure the pros-
perity of a State or the destruction of its enemies; it could be
used to win votes in a popular assembly or to silence the arguments
of an opponent and either by itself or in conjunction with medicinal
prescriptions it could stop a cough or promote the growth of hair.
It lost its efficacy if a single syllable were incorrect in expression
or intonation.” Moreover it had to he kept secret. In every
respect the Malay charm corresponds with it. (Cf. J. R. A. S.,
S. B. 81, p. 8).

The idea that eclipses of sun or moon are due to the attempt
of a dragon to swallow those bodies is not now associated by Malays
with Indian legend. But there is a Javanese legend (Metzger, op.
cit. page 186) practically identical with the Indian legend of Ralm
quoted by Skeat (page 11).

Belief in were-tigers or were-wolves is worldwide. It was
current in India in Vedic. times: in the Vaja-saneyi-Samhita XXX
and the Satapatha-Brahmana XIII 2, 4, 2 are mentioned puru-
savvaghra or “ men-tigers.” (H. Oldenberg, Religion den Vedas,
Berlin 1894, p. 84).

Tabu vocabularies are emploved in all departments of Malay
magic (Skeat, pages 35, 139, 192, 315, 253, 523). They were

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

90

INDIA AND MALAY BELIEFS.

common in ancient India :-^-Satapatha, Br. VI, 1, 1, 2, etc.; the
Mantrapatha ( Anecdota Oxoniensia ) Oxford 1897, p. 29. The
Snataka or young Brahman, who had concluded his study of the
Vedas and taken vows, had to observe many such tabus : — he must
say bhagala for kapala “ head,” inanidhatms for indradlianus “ rain-
bow,” dhenubhavya “ a cow which will become a milch-cow,” in-
stead of adhenu “a cow which gives no milk” (Gautama Dhar-
masastra IX, 19-22; Apast. Dharmas. I, 31, 11; 12; 15; 16; —
“The Sacred Laws of the Aryas ” Part I, pages 216-224, 92-98,
Oxford; Baudh. Dh. II, 6, 11, 18; Vasistha Dh. XII, 32).

Wintemitz finds parallels for the figurative language of Malay
betrothal verses (Skeat pages 364 and 634), where the girl is called
a calf, in the language of the Ests where the wooer pretends to
search for a lost calf (L. v. Schroeder, Hochzeitsbrauclie der Esten ,
Berlin 1888, page 36) ; of the Finns where the wooer pretends he
wishes to buy a bird ; of the Sardinians, where the wooer as’ks for
a white dove or a white calf.

The mimic combat for the person of a Malay bride (Skeat,
page 381) is widespread, of course, even in Europe: it was prac-
tised in ancient India (Wintemitz: AXtindisches H ochaetisrituell,
page 68). The throwing of rice over the head of the bridegroom
(Skeat, page 382) is commonly observed bv all Indo-Germanie
peoples. Confarreatio forms part of a Malay wedding as of mar-
riages among so many races : it was a ceremony known in ancient
India (Wintemitz, op. cit., page 79). Malay bride and groom are
princes for the wedding-day (Skeat, page 388). In Kashmir the
bridegroom is entitled for the day Maharaja : — cf. A. Stein’s Raja-
tarangini I, page 131. In the Ramavana “a marriage-crown” is
mentioned: — Growse’s “Ramayana” Book I, page 182 (Allahabad
1877). In Modern Bengal the poorest bridegroom wears a tinsel
crown (Lai Behari Day, “Bengal Peasant Life” 1884, page 88) —
A similar custom obtains in Russia, Scandinavia and parts of
Germany.

Wintemitz notes that Malay animistic beliefs concerning trees
and plants are derived neither from Islam nor from Brahamanism

There are other customs and beliefs which the reviewer might
have noted, had he found space. The belief in the need for human
sacrifice at the founding of a building is common to East and
West: — Skeat, page 144; Crooke’s “Introduction to Popular Re-
ligion and Folk-lore of Northern India” page 237 and Index;
Robertson Smith’s “Religion of the Semites” page 158; Greek
modern folk-songs (Passow Carm. Pop. Gr. 512, and “Folklore”'
1899). The Malay notion of a mousedeer in the moon (Skeat,
page 13) must be derived from the “hare” in the moon common
in Indian folk-lore and found in the Sanskrit epithets sasin ,
marganka, harinanka “ having the mark of a deer.” The Brah-
man held the work of a police officer to be degrading: — Gautama,

Jour. Straits Branch

INDIA AND MALAY BELIEFS.

91

XVII, 17 (“The Sacred hands of the Aryas ” Volume I, Oxford).
So to this day does the Malay. In the code of Manu among per-
sons to be avoided were physicians, sufferers from phthisis, ele-
phantiasis, epilepsy, leprosy and erysipelas, persons with thick hair
on the body, a one-eyed man, a usurer, a mariner, a gambling-
house keeper and dancers. Even now the Malay regards the pro-
fessions of physician and sailor as degrading, and distrusts one-
eyed men and hairy persons.

The Brahman student “ shall not eat food offered at a funeral
oblation” (Apastamba, pp. 7 and 43, “ Sacred Books of the East.”
vol. II) : there are Malay rajas who observe this tabu. “He shall
not sit on a seat higher than that of his teacher” (ib., p. 30) ; '“ he
shall not drink water standing or bent forward” (ib., p. 57);
“sheep’s milk is forbidden” (ib., p. 83). All these tabus are
common among Malays. The Brahman student, “ may not feed
a thief, a eunuch, an outcast, an atheist, a destroyer of the sacred
fire, the husband of a younger sister married before the elder, the
husband of an elder sister whose youngest sister was married first,
. . . , a younger brother married before the elder brother, an

elder brother married after his younger brother ” (Gautama, ib.,
p. 254). The objection to younger children, especially girls, marry-
ing before elder is called by Malays langkah batang and universally
disliked.

The henna dance with lighted candles (Wilkinson’s “Incidents
of Malay Life, 2nd ed., p. 58 and Skeat’s “Malay Magic”)
is hardly likely to have been invented by a primitive people to whom
candles were unknown. A dance with lighted candlesticks is com-
mon in Persia (Hales’ “From Persian Uplands,” p. 121. London
1920) and the Malay dance would seem to have come with other
marriage-ceremonies from India.

There would seem to be a similarity between the outlook of
those of Hindu faith towards Mahameru, the abode of Indra and
Vishnu, the pivot of the universe, (Dowson op. cit.) and the out-
look of the Greek towards Olhmpus. “ Whatever the original
meaning of Olympus may be, it seems clear that the Olympian gods,
wherever their worshippers moved, tended to dwell on the highest
mountain in the neighbourhood and the mountain thereby became
Olympus” (Gilbert Murray’s “Four Stages of Greek Religion”:
of. Journal 81, page 26).

Though I do not suggest its introduction to have been of
early date, yet perhaps one may note in a paper dealing with India
and Malay beliefs the fact that the language of signs practised in
Malay intrigue is identical with that practised in Kandy: —
“ Kandian girls make almost imperceptible signs to each other.
If without moving the head, the eyes be momentarily directed to-
wards the door, the question is asked, “ Shall we go out ? An
affirmative reply is given by an expressionless gaze, a negative one
by closing the eyes for an instant” (Parker’s “Village Folk-Tales
of Ceylon,” Volume II, page 32).

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

The Folklore of the Hikayat Malim Deman

By R. 0. Winstedt, D. Litt., (Oxon).

In the Malay folk romance Malim Deman (ed. R. 0. Winstedt
and A. J. Sturrock, Singapore 1908) the hero from whom the tale
takes its name finds the ring and a tress of hair of the princess he
is fated to wed in a golden bowl afloat on a stream. He fumigates
them with incense whereupon their owner and her six sisters fly
down from fairy-land. Malim Deman steals the magic flying
raiment of the youngest princess and so wins her for his bride.
Owing to neglect she flies home to fairy-land with her child.
Malim Deman borrows a boral ■ — the flying animal whereon the
Prophet Mohamed ascended to heaven — from genies, pursues and
regains his wife and brings her back to earth.

Now the episode of a prince falling in love with a princess
from finding her hair floating downstream, besides occurring in an
Egyptian romance three thousand years old (Clouston’s “Popular
Tales and Fictions,” vol. I, p. 351), is common in Indian folk-
lore:— No. 4 of Lai Bahari Day’s “Folk-tales of Bengal,” and
the second story of the Tamil romance “ Madana Kamaraja Kadai,”
translated by Pandit S. M. Natesa Sastri. In a Sinhalese folk-
tale a king finding a hair in a fish’s belly wishes to wed the owner
(Parker’s “Village Folk-Tales of Ceylon,” vol. II, p. 168, Tale
111). Incidentally one may note that a hair in a bowl is one of
the regalia of the Yamtuan of Negri Sembilan.

Magic flying raiment ( baju laijang kain layang ) is part of the
stock-in-trade of the world’s folk-lore. Nymphs, apsaras or fairies
bathing, and one of them having her clothes (Tawney’s Katha
Sarit Sagara, vol. II, p. 452 and 576; a Bengal story in “ The In-
dian Antiquary,” vol. I A', p. 54; Thornhill’s “ Indian Fairy Tales”
p. 15) or flying garments ( Swynnerton’s Indian Nights “Enter-
tainments, p. 343) stolen by a man who marries her is a very
common plot in Indian folk-lore and literature. In the Persian
romance of King Bahrain Ghur and Husin Banu the hero obtains
his fairy bride by filching her dove-dress (Clouston op. cit., vol. I,
pp. 182-191).” There is a Santali version of the story and a Jap-
anese (B. H. Chamberlain’s “Classical Poetry of the Japanese”).
Of. also Parker op. cit., vol. II, Tale 152, p. 359. But of course
the classical story of the bride-maidens is the tale of Hasan of
Bassorah in the “Arabian Nights” (Burton, vol. VIII, p. 7).

The world-wide circulation of the myth of the swan-maiden
and its various forms and stages is discussed by Hartland on pages
255-332 of “The Science of Fairy Tales” (London 1891).

Jour. Straits Branch

The Princess of Gunong Ledang.

By R. 0. Winstedt, D. Litt., (Oxon).

It is related in the “ Malay Annals” (Shellabear’s Romanized
edition, vol. II, page 177, 1910: chapter 27) that Sultan Mahmud
of old Malacca wished to wed the fairy princess of Gunong Ledang.
She replied to his messengers, “ If the prince of Malacca desires
me, make me a gold and a silver bridge from Malacca to this
mountain : for a betrothal gift I want seven trays of mosquitoes’
livers, seven trays of lice’s livers, a tub of tears, a tub of the juice
of young betel-palms, a basin of the prince’s blood and a basin of
the blood of his son Raja Ahmad.”

There is a parallel to this episode in the Persian Sindibad
Nama. “ A merchant arriving at Ivashgar sells his stock of sandal-
wood to a rogue, who persuades him it is valueless, on condition
that he give in return ‘Whatever else he may choose.’ Finding
himself swindled he resorts in disguise to the house of the blind
chief of the rogues and hears him rate his subordinate, ‘ You are a
fool; for instead of this merchant asking a measure of gold, he
miay require you to give him a measure of male fleas with silken
housings and jewelled trappings and how will you do that? ’ Next
day before the Ivadzi the merchant makes this demand and gets
back his sandal-wood. The same story contains the incident of a
worsted gambler being required to drink up the sea.” (C'louston’s
“Popular Tales and Fictions,” Vol. II, pages 105-106).

Jour. Straits Branch R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

Hikayat Abu Nawas.

By R. 0. Winstedt, D. Litt., (Oxox.)

In Journal No. 81, pp. 15-21 I gave an outline of the two
Malay recensions of the Hikayat Abu Nawas. In the present paper
I propose to give further parallels for some of the tales in the
second version, my references being to pages in the former Journal.

(a) “ p. 18, Tale IV. Harun A’r-Rashid orders Abu Nawas

to tell him the number of the stars of heaven and to
determine the centre of the world.”

This story with the same solution to the two pro-
blems occurs in Sinhalese folk-lore (Parker’s “ Village
Folk-Tales of Ceylon,” vol. I. p. 152) : —

“ The king asked, ‘ Dost thou know the centre of
the country and the number of the stars?’

The youth fixed a stick in the ground, and showed
it. ‘ Behold ! Here is the centre of one’s country.
Measure from the four quarters, and after you have
looked at the account if it should not be correct, be
good enough to behead me.’ The king lost over that.

Then he told him to say the number of the stars
in the sky. Throwing down on the ground the goat-
skin that he was wearing, ‘ Count these hairs and count
the stars in the sky. Should they not be equal, be good
enough to behead me.’ The king lost over that also.”
The two stories are identical. Parker adds variant
versions, one collected in Colombo, one in Cairo.

(b) p. 20, Tale XIV. The episode of a clever brother taking

service under a cruel master, who has mutilated a
foolish brother by cutting off his nose, a hand or an
ear or pludking out an eye, and then retaliating on the
master in kind is a common plot in Indian stories e.g.
“ Folktales of the Santal Parganas” (Bodding) pp. 124
and 258 and 497; “Folk-Tales of Kashmir (Knowles)
2nd ed., p. 98 ; “ Indian Nights’ Entertainments ”
(Swynnerton) p. 106; “The Orientalist,” vol. I, p. 131.

(c) p. 21, Tale XXII. In “The Indian Antiquary” vol. I,

p. 345, in a Bengal story, a shepherd discriminates a
demon from a man whose form he has taken, — living
with his wife during the man’s absence, — -by boring
through a reed and saying that the true person must be
one who could pass through it. In the South-Indian
“Tales of Mariyada Raman” (P. Rainachandra Rao)

Jour. Straits Branch

HIKAYAT ABU NAWAS.

95

p. 43 the test between husband and demon is entering a
narrow-necked jug. In “ Folk-Tales of Bengal ” (Day)
p. 182 a similar story is found.

( d ) I gave a parallel for the story of Abu Nawas sewing a

broken mortar in my last article. I have since come
across several more. In the Persian metrical Sindibad
Namah a rogue produces a stone — for some reason not
mentioned in the MS. — and says to him, ‘ Make me
from this piece of marble a pair of trousers and a
shirt.’ Taking bis cue from the rogue’s chief, he asks
first for an iron thread to sew them -with. In the
Talmud there is the story of a.n Athenian who walking
about Jerusalem picked up a broken mortar and asked
a tailor to patch it. £ Willingly ’ said the tailor, tak-
ing up a handful of sand, ‘ if you will make me a few
threads of this material.’ (Clouston’s “Popular Tales
and Fictions,” vol. II, pp. 105 and 112). *In Muham-
madan legends of Putri Balkis, one of the problems
she gives Solomon is to thread a diamond (Weil’s
“ Biblical Legends of the Mussulmans,” London 1846).

(e) p. 20 Tale XITI. This tale is told of Abu’l-Husin in the

“Arabian Nights” (Payne’s “Tales from the Arabic,”'
vol. I, pp. 31-42) in a far more spirited fashion.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

*

Hikayat Puspa Wiraja.

By B. 0. Wixstedt, D. Litt., (Oxox).

There is a M'S. of this tale at Leiden (Codex 1401, Juynboll’s
■“ Catalogue ” p. 156, CXXIX) : it was written at Krokot in A.H.
1237. Xo other MS. of the work is recorded in anv public library.
J. C. Fraissinet printed it as the Hikaydf Bispu Baja at Leiden
in 1S49. A fragment was published in Meursinge’s “ Maleisch
leesboek ” I, 2nd ed., pp. 20-44. A version was printed in 1899
at the Government Press, Singapore. This paper will not deal
with textual criticism and I have not had access to Fraissinet’s
text. But by the kindness of the Batavian Society I have been
able to consult van der Tuuk’s criticism of Fraissinet’s text in the
Tijdsehrift voor Xederlandseh Indie” 1849 II, p. 1-15: — no
copy of the volume exists in the Peninsula ! From that paper I
infer that the Singapore text is certainly of the same recension
and may perhaps be Fraissinet’s text corrected by a Malay pundit.
Both texts are entitled Hikayat Bdpu Raja and both read ^».
The Singapore text retains the Leiden MS.’s ganii baginda keraja-
an (p. 12, 1. 11) where Freissinet wrongly alters to ganti kemjaan
baginda (p. 15, 1. 1). On the other hand it follows Fraissinet’s
a yah hendak baiva (p. 15, 1. 6) for hendak bapa of the MS.

Van der Tuuk has elucidated and amended names of persons
and places. For (or 'jS of the Singapore ed.) he

would read “ lovely ” of a woman. For “ Astana Pura

Negara ” he would substitute “ Hestina Pura Negara.” “ City of
Elephants,” pointing out how the author has borrowed two other
words out of the Hikayat Pandawa Jaya, the Malay version of the
Mahabharata, — clioch or the name of a swallow (p. 6, 1. 18) rajasa
the name of a tree. He translates “ Samanta Pura Negara ” as
“Frontier City” and derives o jp (or jjT Singapore text, p. 7),
the name of a tree, from the Indian nyagrodhah , He detects in
the Leiden MS. traces of a Javanese copyist, merentahkan for
memer’mtahkan, masang for memasang , confusion between b and p
leading in the title to “ Bispu Baja” instead of the correct “ Puspa
Wiraja.”

Jour. Straits Branch

HIKAYAT PUSPA WIRAJA.

97

The tale purports to be from the Siamese. Certainly van der
Tuuk is right in doubting such an origin not only from the lack
■of any Siamese word or title in the text, to which he calls atten-
tion, but also from the closeness of resemblance between Malay
and Perso-1 Indian versions, which render an intermediate Siamese
channel highly improbable. He adverts to the Indian names in
the tale and1 surmises that the bare plot of the story, disaster
following children’s molestation of young birds, may have come
from the Pali. He suggests that the word “ Taksla,” which is
given in the tale as the Siamese equivalent of “ Astana Pura
Negara,” may be “ Takshasila ” the great Indian university of
Buddhist literature.

I propose here to give an outline of the- story and deal with
it only from the standpoint of comparative folklore.

In Astana Pura Negara ‘ the City of Palaces” called in the
Siamese language Taksla, livqd Raja Puspa Wiraja with his con-
sort Kemala Ivisna Dewi aiu^ their two sons Jaya Indra and Jaya
Chindra. One day Antaraja, his brother and heir-apparent, plot-
ted with the young men to dethrone Puspa Wiraja and steal his
consort. Puspa Wiraja determined to vacate his throne and flee,
so as to avoid civil war. His consort agreed — “ Where you go, I
will go. For I am as it were a shoe: if the shoe is left be-
hind, the foot is hurt” — a simile found also in the XVIth cen-
tury Malay version of tire Persian “ Tales of a Parrot” (7 Tikayat
Bayan Budimon, p. 31, ed. Winstedt). They fled into the
forest and at dawn rested under a tree by the side of. a river three
miles broad. In the tree was a parroquet’s nest, in which were
two young parroquets twittering for their mother. The young
princes begged for the birds, though their father warned them
that to separate nestlings from the mother bird was unlucky.
However lie gave them to the boys and a little later restored them
to the nest; when their mother returned, she detected the smell
•of man’s hands on her offspring and pecked them. The prince
carried his consort across the river, leaving his two sons to be
fetched next. Before he can return, they are found and taken
away and adopted by two fishermen. While he is searching for
them, a sea-captain carries off his consort from the opposite bank.
The prince is left desolate and wanders on, till one day he comes
to a small pavilion outside a city and climbs into it and falls
asleep. Now the king of that country had been dead three days
leaving no heir. So the chiefs harnessed an elephant with the
royal trappings and let him loose to choose a king. The elephant
went straight to the pavilion wherein Puspa Wiraja slept and lifted
him up on his back. Slo he became king of S'amanta Pura Negara.
One day the fishermen who had adopted the two little princes they
found beside the river determined to take them to court and offer
their services to this new just king. They are rewarded and the
boys, who they swear are sons of their loins and not adopted, be-
come royal heralds: — (in this part of the story apparently only one

B. A. Soc„ No. 83, 1921.

98

HIKAYAT PUSPA WIRAJA.

fisherman is spoken of but it is not quite clear if there are still
two.) The captain who had carried off Puspa Wiraja’s consort
heard of the fame of the elephant chosen king and sailed off to
Semanta Pura Xegara. He was well received and feasted. As the
feasting Avas to last all night, the king sent his tAVo young heralds
to guard the captain’s ship. Keeping watch on board outside the
cabin wherein their mother unknown to them was confined, the
two young men talked and the elder to. keep the younger aAvake
told him Avho their parents really Avere. Their mother, Avaking
from a dream that a young man gave her tAvo fio Avers ( bunga ian-
jong) overheard their talk, recognized that they must be her sons
and rushing out of her cabin embraced them to the scandal of the
crew who reported to their master. The king in a rage at the loose
conduct of his young heralds ordered their execution. In vain
their mother cried out the truth: the captain kept her on board.
The boys Avere led to execution, but the watchman at the eastern
gate of the city refused egress, declaring it Avas an old custom that
execution might not take place at night, and in the morning the
king mijght change his mind. He points the moral with the tale of
the golden plantain.

“ Once a prince ordered his chief astrologer to choose an
auspicious moment for commencing to build a palace. ‘ Begin to
build when T strike my magic gong and the palace will be golden,’
said the astrologer. On the sound of the gong the first post Avas
planted but the palace did not turn to gold and the astrologer was
executed. One day an old husbandman brought a golden plantain
to the prince. ‘ I got it,’ he explained, ‘ from a. sucker I planted
at the stroke of the gong beaten when the building of your palace
commenced.’ Then too late the prince repented of the execution
of his astrologer.”

So the executioners went to seek egress from the southern
gate. “ These boys accused of making love ! ” said the gate-keeper.
“ Besides, executions may not be carried out at night, and the king
may repent of his haste. Have you not heard the tale of the magic
mango.

“ Once a prince had a pet parroquet, which would fly into
the forest and bring him fruit. One day the parroquet came to a
mango tree and heard the birds in its foliage say, ‘ Whoever eats
the fruit of this tree, his body will become golden.’ So he took a
mango back in his beak and told his master. ‘ We Avill plant the
mango and get many fruit,’ said the king. When the tree grew
up, the prince ordered an old man to go out and eat the first ripe
mango which had fallen. It had rolled unnoticed into a cobra’s
nest and there Avas venom on it. The old man fell dead. In fury
and suspicion the prince killed his parroquet. ‘ The fruit of this
tree shall be used instead of the creese for executions,’ he ordered.
But the first robber ordered to eat of the fruit turned golden.
Only then did the prince, sorrowing for his parroquet, make en-
quiries and discover the existence of the cobra’s nest.”

Jour. Straits Branch

HIKAYAT PUSPA WIRAJA.

99

This story occurs in the Persian “ Tales of a Parrot,” where a
sick prince sends a parrot to wet fruit of the tree of life. The parrot
gets it but tells the story of Solomon and the Water of Life — which
inset tale alone occurs in the Malay lit. Bayan Budiman. The first
fruit taken by an old man had been poisoned by a serpent. The
parrot doomed to death gets another fruit and by it restores an
old woman to youth and beauty, and so the parrot escapes death.
In a Canarese story Katlia Manjari the fruit is a youth-giving
mango; the parrot is killed; the real virtue of the fruit is dis-
covered by a washerman’s mother who eats it to commit suicide
but finds herself restored to youth. The king stabs himself for
sorrow. There is a similar story in the Tamil Alakesa Katlia
(pp. 174-6 (Houston’s “ Flowers from a Persian Garden,” London
1890 and “Group of Eastern Romances and Stories,” 1889).

So the executioners took the lads to the western gate. Here
again the keeper refuses to open the gate and tells the tale of the
snake and the mongoose.

“ Once a peasant and his wife went to work in the rice-fields,
leaving their baby in the care of a pet mongoose. A snake crept
out and bit the child so that it died. The mongoose thereupon
tore the snake to pieces and hid his body underneath some rolled-
up mats: after which the mongoose with bloodied mouth lay to
rest in the doorway. The peasants returned, saw the dead baby
and the bloodied mongoose and, suspecting him of killing the baby,
slew their pet.

Then opening the mat to make a shroud for the baby’s corpse
they saw the dead snake and realized too late how the mongoose
had fought for their child.”

So the executioners turned to the north gate, where the keeper
hearing there has been no proper trial tells the tale of the faithful
watch-dog.

“ Once a poor man and his wife owned a pet dog. The man
went to sea to earn a livelihood and the wife encouraged a lover.
At last the husband returned and was made welcome by his false
wife. A't night he had to return to watch his ship. So the

woman’s lover came. The dog killed false wife and lover. In the
morning the man came up from his boat, saw his wife’s corpse and
speared the dog before he discovered her lover’s body. His re-
morse for killing the faithful dog was great.”

Day broke and the four gate-keepers went to the chief astro-
loger and arranged to intercede 'for the two lads. The king con-
sents to hear their case, discovers to his joy that they are his sons;
sends for their mother and believes the captain when he declares
a fierce heat has always prevented him from approaching her.
Amid great rejoicings the royal family ite re-united.

After some years Puspa Wiraja grows old and resolves to
abdicate in favour of Java Indra, his son. An elaborate bathing-
house ( puncha persada) of 17 tiers is erected and after ceremonial
bathing with limes the young prince is installed.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

100

HIKAYAT PUSPA WIRAJA.

Antaraja, the usurper, dies and Java Chiudra the younger son
of Puspa Wiraja is raised to the tlirone in the city of palaces.

There is another Malay version of the story in that pastiche,
the Ilikayat Maharaja Ali, but details differ.

Maharaja Ali and his queen were banished because of an un-
ruly son. Twelve thieves robbed the royal fugitives as in a tale
of the Hikayut Bayern Budiman. The unruly son is lost and be-
comes later keeper of the prison into which his two brothers are
thrown for execution. The queen begging alms at a mosque is
carried off by Raja Serdala king of the country and delays his
advances by relating how Solomon detected and sentenced thieves
who tried to steal a dream princess from her husband : when the
king persists, she pfays that his arms may be shortened so that he
may not embrace her, and her prayer is fulfilled. Meanwhile
Maharaja Ali has been devoured by a crocodile and bis two sons
adopted by a ferryman. Maharaja Ali’s skull rolls at the feet of
the Prophet Jesus and its owner is restored to life, (an episode
borrowed from the Hikayast Raja Jumjumah ) and placed by Jesus
on his former throne, unrecognfeing and unrecognized by his people
who had banished him. Raja Serdala comes to Maharaja ‘Ali for
medicine for .his shortened arms, bringing the chaste queen in his
ship. Her two sons are put to guard the ship, talk of their origin,
are embraced by their mother and sentenced to death. The keeper
of the prison proves to be their eldest brother. He takes them
before the king and all comes right, as in the other version. Raja.
Serdala is kindty treated and married to a vizier’s daughter.

In this recension the incident of the crocodile bears some
relation to a Kashmirian version ( vide infra).

There is yet another Malay version of the tale in the Ilikayat
Bahli tiar , which is far closer to that of the Ilikayat Puspa Wiraja.
It is shorter and omits the names of people and places, trees and
birds. One fisherman, not two, rescues the two young princes.
Their mother jells her story to the sea-captain and is honoured and
respected. There are three gate-keepers, not four: the order of the
tales they recite as a. warning against hasty action (te different, and
the tales differ slightly in detail. The first gate-keeper tells the
story of how a baby killed by a snake was avenged by a cat, not
a mongoose; and the baby is motherless. The second tells the story
of the dog killing a faithless wife and her lover: it is not stated
that the husband is a sailor. The third watchman tells the story
of the palace 'which did not turn golden ; and this version is
clearer in that it is related how the old man whose plantain did
turn golden deliberately arranged to plant his sucker at the exact
moment prescribed by the astrologer for commencing to build the
palace and how the builders of the palace /in their excitement were
just too late. The plot of a queen being caught kissing a tall son
by a previous husband or lover occurs in the Persian, “Tales of a
Parrot” and in the BakhMar Kama (Clouston’s “Tales from a
Persian Garden,” pp. 166-172).

Jour. Straits Branch.

HJKAYAT PUSPA WIRAJA.

101

Now as Braudes noticed, the Hikayat Bakhtiar, the II ik ay at
Gholam, the older Malay version of the Kalila dan Darnina, all
have a very remote origin in the Persian Bakhtiar-N amah , though
now they differ from it entirely and variously in framework and
in tales. That the Malay Ilikayat Bakhtiar is somewhat nearer
the Persian than the Hikayat Puspa Wiraja may he inferred from
a conclusion drawn by Clouston (“ Popular Tales and Fictions,”
vol. II, pp. 166-186). He points out how i’n the India Office copy
of the Persian Sinbad Namah, written in verse in 1374 A.D., there
is a story of a cat saving a baby from a cobra, whereas in the
Panchatantra it is an ichneumon or mongoose, in the Ilitopadem
a weasel, in a Chinese version a mongoose, in Syriac Greek Hebrew
and old Castilian versions a dog. Again. Only in the Persian
version is the babv motherless, its mother having died in child-
birth. Clouston gives the following abstract of the story as told in
Sinbad Namah : —

“ In a city of Cathay there dwelt a good and blameless woman
and her husband, who was an officer of the king. By-and-by she
bore him a son and thereupon died and the officer procured a nurse
to bring up the child. Now he had a. cat of which he was very
fond, and to which his wife also had been much attached. One
day he went out on some business and the nurse also left the
house, no one remaining but the infant and the cat. Presently a
frightful snake came in and made for the cradle to devour the
child. The cat sprang upon it, and after a desperate fight suc-
ceeded in killing it. When the man returned, lie was horrified at
seeing a mangled mass lying on the floor. The snake had vomited
so much blood and poison that its form was hidden and the man
thinking that the cat, which came up to him, rubbing against his
legs, had killed his son, struck it ,a blow and slew it on the spot.
Immediately after he discovered the truth of the matter, how the
poor cat had killed the snake in defence of the boy ; and hiis grief
knew no bounds.”

This is very close to the version of the Malay Hikayat Bakh-
tiar. But unlike this Persian version and the Panchatanira and a
modern Indian version quoted bv Clouston from “ Past Days in
India” and a Sinhalese recension collected by Parker (“Village
Folk-Tales of Ceylon,” vol. Ill, pp. 27-28) and' the versions which
are current in Europe, both of the Malay recensions mar the plot
by allowing the snake to kill the child !

The main plot of the Hikayat Puspa Wiraja is also with minor
alterations the framework plot of the Malay Hikayat Bakhtiar.
In the latter story a king dies leaving two sons, of whom the
younger plots against the elder. The elder son abdicates and en-
ters the forest with his queen, who there bears a son she is forced
in their flight to desert. A childless merchant Idris and his wife
Siti Sara adopted the infant and call him Bakhtiar. The royal
wanderers reach a land, whose king has just died without issue;
and they are selected to succeed to the throne by a sagacious ele-

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

102

HIKAYAT PUSPA WIRAJA.

pliant. One day Idris goes to court. Bakhtiar insists on accom-
panying him and unrecognized is given the post of chief vizier to
his own royal father. The older viziers are jealous and get him
imprisoned and sentenced to death on a false charge of having an
amour with one of the king’s mistresses. He postpones his exe-
cution (for 17 days) by telling (4) tales, the last of which is the
shorter version of the Hikayaf, Puspa Wiraja. Finally the king
discovers Bakhtiar is his own son.

An outline of the Persian Bakhtiar Narnah or “ History of
the Ten Viziers,” the Muhammadan imitation of the Indian story
of Sinbad or “ The seven Viziers ” may be read in “ The Encyclo-
paedia of Islam,” (Houtsma and Arnold, No. X, pp. 602-3) to-
gether with references to literature on the work. The writer of
that, article remarks, “ The story was originall3r written in Persian,
and the older Persian version, which we possess, seems to have
been composed about 600 A.H.” Brandes has constructed a
stemma codicurn for the Malay version (translated from the
Arabic) called lit. Gholam (Tijdsc-hrift voor Indische Taal Land
en-Volkenkunde, Bat. Gen. XXXVIII, p. 191) and he has written
on the Malay versions termed II\t. Bakh tiar ( ib p. 230 and XLI,
p. 292). It may be noted that in Ouseley’s later Persian redac-
tion from India, as also in most well-known editions of the
“ Arabian Nights,” in the lit. Gjwlam and in the older Malay
Kalita dan Damm/i, the tale with which the Puspa Wiraja is per-
haps connected, that of Abu Sabar, is the third inset tale. None
of these tales of Abu Sabar are so close to the Puspa Wiraja as
tales to be found in Indian folk-lore.

In “Folk-Tales of Kashmir” (Knowles, 2nd ed., p. 154) an
exiled king with consort and two children takes a passage by a
vessel, which sails away with the queen, leaving her husband and
children behind. She is sold to a merchant whom she consents to
marry if she is not reunited with her family for two years. The
king crossing a .river to fetch his sons is carried away by the stream,
and is swallowed by a fish : when the fish dies on the bank, he is
saved bv a potter and trained to that trade. He is selected to be
king of the potter’s country by a royal elephant and hawk. The
fisherman who had reared his sons brings them to court and un-
recognized they become pages. They are set to guard the ship of
the merchant who had bought their mother. She overheard the
older telling the younger of their lineage and fate. Persuading the
merchant to complain to the king of their conduct, she gets the
chance of revealing her story and the royal family is re-united.

In Bedding’s “Folklore of the Santal Parganas” (p. 183)
the same story occurs, with a few minor alterations.

Two Sinhalese versions, identical in plot but damaged in the
telling, are lecorded in Parker’s “Village Folk-Tales of Ceylon”
(vol. Ill, pp. 380-383 and pp. 91-92), an exhaustive collection of
tales, enriched with references among which are many of those
quoted in this paper.

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HIKAYAT PUSPA WIRAJA.

103

A version fairly near the Malay may be read in Payne’s
“ Tales from the Arabic of the Breslau an Calcutta editions of the
1001 Nights,” vol. II, pp. 66-80, (London 1884). The hero is a
king of Hind. The queen is persuaded to go aboard the merchant’s
ship by the treachery of an old man with whom she and the king
lodged after the loss of their children at the river. The king is
chosen to a vacant throne by an elephant. There is a proper trial
of the two pages who are the king’s sons, and they are acquitted.
The merchant, a Magian, is tortured to death. No tales are inset.

In the “Arabian Nights” (Lady Burton’s ed., vol. Ill, p.
366) a poor Jew with his wife and two sons are wrecked, and
separated. The father becomes king of an island where a voice
reveals to him buried treasure. His sons, not knowing that lie is
their father or the}'' are brothers, take service at court. They are
set to guard their mother who is brought by a merchant. Con-
versing they discover they are brothers and their mother overhear-
ing them recognizes them to be her sons. She persuades the mer-
chant to complain to the king of their improper conduct and so
they are revealed to the king as his sons and she as his wife.

The selection of a ruler by a sagacious elephant is common in
Indian stories: — Parker, op. cit., vol. I, p. 81; Natesa Sastri’s
“The Story of Madana Kama Baja,” p. 125, ff., a Tamil story;
Hay’s “ Folk-Tales of Bengal,” p. 99. Sometimes a festal car
drawn by horses takes the place of an elephant. “ It is said that
in Benares, when a king died, four lotus coloured horses were
yoked to a festive carriage, on which were displayed the five em-
blem's of royalty (sword, parasol, diadem, slipper and fan). This
was sent out of a gate of the city and a priest bade it proceed to
him who had sufficient merit to rule the kingdom.” (The Jatakas,
No. 445, ed. E. B. Cowell IV, 25 ; cf. also Francis and Thomas’
. “Jataka. Tales,” p. 418).

That the insetting of plot within plot is Indian is remarked
in my paper on the Hikayat Nakhoda Muda.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

Hikayat Nakhoda Muda.

By R. 0. Winstedt, D. Litt., (Oxon.)

" When thou canst get the ring upon my finger which never shall
come off, and show me a child begdtHen of thy ibody that I am father
to, then call me husband: but in such a ‘ then ’ I write a ‘never’.”

All’s Well that Ends Well, Act III, Sc. II.

It was Dr. H. H. Juynboll in his Catalogue of Malay manu-
scripts in Leiden University Library (p. 171) who pointed out
how the plot of Shakespeare’s play occurs also in a Malay romance,
the Hikayat Nakhoda Muda.

He might have added that the plot which Shakespeare got
from Boccaccio is common in Indian tales. In Mary Stokes’ “ In-
dian Fairy Tales”, p. 216, a merchant going on a long journey
tells his wife that on his return he shall expect to find a well built
and a son born. By a trick the woman got money to build the
well. Disguised as a milk-maid she met her husband’s boat and
was taken by him to live on it; when discarded, she went home
taking Iris cap and portrait. Returning from his long journey,
the merchant found a well built, a child born and his own cap and
portrait — evidence of its parentage. A similar plot occurs in
“ The Story of Madana Kama Raja ”, edited bv Natesa. Sastri,
p. 246, and in Knowles’ “ Folk-Tales of Kashmir ”, 2nd edition,
p. 104 and in Sinhalese folklore, — Parker’s “ Village Folk-Tales
of Ceylon ”, vol. II, No. 92, pp. 81-2, and vol. Ill, No. 249, pp.
235-627. In the Katha Sarit Sagara of the 11th century Kash-
mirian poet Somadeva (Tawney’s ed. vol. II, p. 620) a Brahman
deserts his wife, whereupon she goes to his native town and esta-
blishing herself as a courtesan rejects all visitors1 till her husband
unaware of her identity stays with her: she bears him a child who
reconciles them.

There are two manuscripts of the Malay tale, (which is also
known as Hikayat Siti Sara), one at Leiden (Cod. 1763 (1))
written at Batavia in 1825, one in the Batavian Library (Bat.
Gen. 77) copied at Macassar in 1814. The plot is summarized by
Juynboll (p. 171) as follows. Sultan Mansur Shah of Ghazna
( j.t ) dreamt of a princess and sent Husain Mandari and
Husain Mandi, sons of his vizier, to search for her. In Batlawi
they find Siti Sara who resembles the princess of the Sultan’s
dream. Sultan Mansur Shah weds the princess but deserts her

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HIKAYAT NAKHODA MUD A.

105

for barrenness, sailing off to the island Langkawi with his treasure
and a mare. He declares that he will return only when his trea-
sure-chamber shall be refilled, his mare be with foal and his wife
with child. Disguised as sea-captain ( Nakhoda Mu da) she visits
Langkawi, and beating her husband at chess wins his treasure and
his mare. Pretending to be the unfaithful mistress of the sea-
captain, she visits the Sultan by night and becomes with child.
Then she summons him home, saving that his three vows are
fulfilled.

It may be remarked that the Ghaznevid dynasty (976-1186
A.D.) founded in Afghanistan by_ a Turkish slave ruled for a few
years from Lahore to Samarcand and Ispahan, and permanently
established Islam in the Punjab: its court in the 11th century
formed the rallying-point of all that was best in the literary and
scientific culture of the day (A. R. Nicholson’s “A Literary His-
tory of the Arabs”, pp. 268-9). So it would not be surprising to
find a Ghaznevid playing a part in an Indian Moslem romance.

The Batavian MS. reads Ajnawi for Ghaznawi, Sahel for
Husain Mandari, Nain for Husain Mandi, Patalawe for Batlawi,
Birandewa for Langkawi and Bujangga Indramuda for Nakhoda
Muda. The names Sahel and Nain show that the story has been
confused with the tale of another dream princess, No. 24 in my
edition of the Hikayat Bayan Budiman, the Malay version of the
Tutti Nameh or “Tales of a Parrot”.

This identification is corroborated by a third version of the
Hikayat Nakhoda Muda in a Batavian MS. of the Hikayat Bayan
Budimian (Collectie v.d. Wall 173, No. LXIX, v. Ronkel’s Cat.,
pp. 82-84), where it actually takes the place of that story. The
name of the king is of Ghazna. Two sons of a vizier

and Husain (or j £- ) Mandi go to seek his dream princess
and get locked up by an old fellow who mistakes their talk for
lunatic raving. The old fellow’s daughter, Siti Sara, sends them
dainties by her maid Dalimah. They discover in Siti Sara the
princess of the king’s dream and one of them takes back her
portrait to show. The Mantri and the Mangkubumi fetch her to
marry the king. One day hunting the king kills a deer and see-
ing her fawns bewail her thinks of his own childlessness and sails
off to the island Birama Dewa. His consort disguised as a sea-
captain, under the name of Dabu Janggela Indra Muda, sails after
him, wins at chess his mare, which becomes with foal; then pass-
ing herself off as the faithless mistress of the sea-captain whom

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

106

HIKAYAT NAKHODA MUDA.

she is impersonating sleeps with the king and finally still unre-
cognized returns him his mare and his ring and departs. She
bears a son . The mare foals. The princess has ful-

filled her lord’s seemingly impossible conditions that on his return
he shall find a son, a foal by his mare, and his ring on his own
finger. This recension as outlined in van Ronkel’s catalogue, is
closer to Shakespeare’s version than the two former in that the
episode of the ring is mentioned though apparently bungled.

Yet another Version of the tale is given in van Ophuijsen’s
Maleisch Leesbock, No. 52. Sultan Mansur Shah ruler of ‘ Aznawi
dreams of a girl standing at a door, holding a fried sheep’s liver
and dressed in red cloth ( gerim ). The sons of his vizier, Husain
Mandari and Husain Mandi, go in quest of her. Like the youth
in my version of Musang Berjanggut (J. R. A. S., S. B., No. 52,
p. 122) they enquire of an old rustic for the house that has no
kitchen, call a railless bridge a monkey’s bridge, put on their shoes
when passing through a stream and open their umbrellas in the
.forest shade. The rustic’s daughter Siti Sarah explains their
strange conduct and sends them for several days, by her maid Si-
Delima, thirty cakes, seven bowls of palm-sugar, and a vessel of
water, always giving the same message, “ The month has thirty
days, the week seven days and the tide is full and not ebbing.”
One day Si-Delima meets a lover, gives him four of the cakes, a
bowl of sugar and a drink of water. The sons of the vizier send
a return message, “ The month lacked four days, the week lacked
a day and the tide ebbed before its time.” The maid’s pilfering is
thus revealed bv parable to her mistress. Exactly the same episode,
with 31 loaves a whole cheese a stuffed cock and a skin of wine
instead of the Eastern fare, occurs in a modern Greek tale of a
prince who marries a clever village girl skilled in figurative speech.
(E. Legrand’s “ Receuil de Contes Populaires Grecs, Tale IV,
Paris 1881, quoted on pp. 276-7 Clouston’s “ Flowers from a
Persian Garden”; c-f. Parker op. cit., vol. Ill, pp. 112-114 for a
clever girl solving enigmas). One day Siti Sarah invites the sons
of the vizier to a meal and awaits them at the door clothed in red
cloth, with a fried sheep’s liver in her hand. They recognize her
as the dream princess and despatch her picture to their king, who
sends his vizier to Betalawi to fetch her. He marries her, but one
day killing a fawn thinks of his childlessness and sails to Langkawi,
swearing he will not return till his consort has born a sol, his
treasuries are full, his mare has foaled and the ring he always wears
is found in the palace where he leaves his consort. As in the other
versions she follows him, disguised as Xakhoda Muda (from the
land of Ardap) and fulfils the hard conditions. In this excellent
little version of the tale the parallel with Shakespeare’s plot is
exact.

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III KAY AT NAKHODA MUD A.

107

Falling in love through a dream is a common incident in In-
dian romance, e.g. in the Vasavadalta by Subhandu, 7th century,
(Colebrooke ‘Asiatic Researches' vol. X) : the motive is found also
in Talc XI of my edition of the Hikayat Bayan Budimcm, and in
that pastiche, the Hikayat Maharaja Ali.

The title Nakhoda Muda is also given to a Malay romance
known too as the Hikayat Maharaja Bikrama Sakti. Of this tale
there are five manuscripts at Batavia (van Ronkel’s “Catalogus”,
pp. 135-138), one manuscript in the Bibliotheque Royale at Brus-
sels, Xo. 21512, and a version lithographed at Singapore for the
second time in 1900 A.D. : of the tale inset in the Singapore ver-
sion van Ophuijsen has printed a romanized text. No. 50 in his
Maleisch Leeshock. The following is an outline of the Singapore
text.

Maharaja Bikrama Sakti and his consort Sinar Bulan,
daughter of the ruler of Juita, reign over Maha Hairan (or
Mihran) Langkawi. They die, leaving a son Maharaja Johan Shah
and a daughter Ratna Kemala. The son sets out to travel under
the name of Nakhoda Lela Genta, comes to Rumenia (-in the MSS.
Rumbia — van Ronkel, p. 135) Island, where pips of the fruit from
which the island takes its name, if cast to the ground, spring up
immediately as trees. Taking some of the pips he sails to Beranta
Indra where reigns Maharaja Dekar (= Pendekar, ‘Champion’ —
Malayalim) ‘Alam, the father of prince Bikrama Indra. There
he stakes self and ship on the magic property of the pips ; loses his
wager and is made a groom. His sister disguised as a sea-captain
( Nakhoda Muda), with a female crew also disguised, goes in quest
of her brother, comes to Rumenia Island, discovers the magic trees
and taking pips and soil together sails on to Beranta Indra where
her faithful parroquet finds her luckless brother at work as a
groom. Staking self and ship on the rumenia pips, she wins and
recovers her brother and his ship by sprinkling secretly the spot
where the pips are to be sown with soil from their native island.
After that she would sail away to Langgadura (= in the MSS.
Langga Widura and Langkadura, ib., pp. 136-7) to the court of
Sultan Mengindra Sakti, father of prince Dewa Laksana and
princess Indra Madani, to ask the hand of the latter for her rescued
brother. But the crown prince Bikrama Indra, detains her,
suspecting that she is a girl and loving her, though unaware that
she is actually his betrothed.

His father tells him how to test her sex but her parroquet
overhears all their plots and forewarns her. She does not pick and
choose her food ; she gambles, heedless as to luck or loss ; when
jewels are offered to her, she does not select but takes a handful at
random ; she displays skill at cock-fighting, climbs a tree, plucks
flowers carelessly fresh and faded, races on a pony, bandies qua-
trains, dances, jumps over ditches, and being trapped into retiring
to the prince’s chamber whiles away the night bv telling a tale or
rather two tales in one: —

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

108

H IK AY AT NAKHODA MUD A. ,

Once a king died, bequeathing each of his three sons a treasure-
house ( gudang ) and a magic stone ( kemala ). The eldest son
plots to rob the youngest of his inheritance who resists. The
vizier advises them all to take the case before a neighbouring just
king. The eldest and second brother travel to his court with a
retinue. The youngest on foot and alone encounters a headless
corpse and the tracks of a buffalo. Two men ask him if he has
met their brother. ‘ Xo ’ he replies, ‘ but I saw just now the
corpse of a confirmed betel-eater with a moustache and black
teeth ’. Seeing that the corpse is headless, they infer he must have
been the murderer and arrest him. Two more men come up and
ask if a stray buffalo has been noticed. ‘ Xo ’ replies the prince,

‘ but I passed the tracks of a toothless old buffalo, blind in the
right eye ’. They think he must be the thief. He is carried off
to prison in the country of the righteous king, who tries the case.
The prince explains that he recognized the headless corpse as that
of a betel-eater, because the first finger was red and the finger-nails
full of lime; his teeth would be black, because the ring finger was
black with burnt coconut-shell (y crapy) : he must have had a
moustache because his chest was hairy. As for the buffalo, he was
large because his tracks were large, and blind in one eye because
he fed only on one side of the path, and toothless because he failed
to bite the grass clean. He is acquitted of murder and theft.
The just king proclaims that whoever can settle the dispute be-
tween the three brother princes shall be made vizier. A merchant’s
son undertakes the task, choosing the sea-shore for the trial. The
eldest prince produces two magic stones1 and says the third is lost.
The judge snatches them, runs off and pretends to throw them into
the sea. The eldest prince stands still, the two younger race to
save the stones. The judge declares that indifference shows the
eldest prince must have had his stone; he lies in denying he ever
had one.

The night spent in story-telling, the disguised sea-captain re-
turns to her ship. Her parroquet hears that the next test of sex
is to be bathing. She arranges that all shore-lw>ats be made unsea-
worthy and that her ship shall seem afire as the bathing, which is
by her request to be on the shore, begins. At the cry of fire she
hurries back to her ship. Other boats follow to help dout the fire
but sink. The onlookers from the shore see blazing coconut husk
cast overboard, the fire douted and the captain with loosened
woman’s hair preparing to sail away. Bikrama Indra faints and
his father distracted cries, “What mountains do you climb? What
plains do you traverse that your ears are deaf to my cries?”

Maharaja Johan Shah marries princess Indra Medani of Lang-
gadura and returns home with his bride and her brother Dewa Lak-
sana. Xinety-nine princes (as in the Hikayat Indraputra — Snouek
Hurgronje’s “The Achehnese” vol. 88, p. 148) come to woo the
heroine, Ratna Kemala, their boats meeting at sea “ like buffaloes
on a plain Her brother announces that by his father’s will his

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HI KAY AT NAKHODA MUD A.

109

\

sister is to marry the archer who can cleave a hair at the first shot.
All the suitors fail except Bikrama Imlra who thus wins his love : —
later the suitors trv to wrest her away at sea ‘but are defeated by
her husband and his friends after battle in which gcnies and fairies
take part. Uewa Laksana marries Lela Mengerna daughter of
Raja Mengindra Dewa of the country of Merta Indra. On pages
80-90 there is a spirited picture of the princess’ maids frightened
by the parroquet, which reminds one of the comic interludes in
•such Malay folk-tales as Awang Sulong and Raja Honan. (Papers
■on Malay Subjects; Literature II. pi 32: E. 0. Winstedt).

This lithographed version would appear to correspond closely
with one only of the Batavian MSiS. (Collectie v. de Wall 166;
van Eonkel’ Catalogue CXCIX, p. 137), as in other MSS. the 99
suitors Vlo not occur, Gardan Shah Dewa of the land of Belanta
Dewa taking their place and being slain in an attack on Mihran
Langgawi.

The- episode of the seeds which cast to the ground spring up
immediately as trees must be based on the well-known mango trick
of Indian conjurers. Another reference to it occurs in the Ht.
Hang Tuah (Shellabear’s ed., Singapore 1909, part III, p. 143)
where the hero amuses Kishna Ray ana with the trick.

This tale of Maharaja Bikrama Sakti, like the tale of Siti
Sara, is evidently from an Indian source. The insetting of a long
tale within which is yet another tale is in a fashion which research
has shown to be specifically Indian, the sole example of such a
•device outside Indian influence being Ovid’s Metamorphoses.
(“Encyclopaedia of Islam”, Xo. 4, p. 254, Alf-laila wa-laila).
Other examples of such insetting of tale within tale in Malay
romances translated or adapted from Indian originals are found
in the Hikayat Kalila dan Damina,, the Ilikayat Baya\n Budiman,
the Hikayat Bakhtiar, the Ilikayat Pus pa Wiraja '( Bispu Raja).

Again the winning of a bride by skill at archery is no more
Malay than are bows and arrows but it is a common episode in
Indian tales and occurs in the Malay version of the Ramayana
(J. R. A. S., S. B., Xo. 70, p. 192).

Seeing so many India folktales are now becoming accessible,
it is to be hoped that parallels may some day be found for the
version of the yakhoda Muda known also as the Ilikayat Maharaja
Bikrama Sakti with its inset tales of the three princes.

ft. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

Hikayat Hang Tuah.

Part I.

By R. 0. Winstkdt, I). Litt., (Oxon.)

New7 bold in his “ British Settlements in the Straits of
Malacca,” Yol. II, page 327, continents as follows on the Hika-
yat:— “ Yalentyn thus speaks of the Hikayat Hang Tuah : ‘ I know
not w7ho is the author of the book, but must declare it is one of
the most beautifully written I ever perused’. Mr. Crnwfurd, in
allusion to this remark, observes, ‘ This favourite of Yalentyn to
my taste is a most absurd and puerile production. It contains no
historical fact, upon which the slightest reliance can be placed;,
no date whatever; and if we except the faithful picture of native-
mind and manners, which it unconsciously affords, is utterly worth-
less and comtemptible The work, however, appears to me to
merit the sweeping censure Mr. Oravfurd has ^bestowed on it, as
little as the enthusiastic Valentyn’s unqualified praise. Leyden,
speaking of these historical romances, observes justly, particularly
of the Hang Tuah, that, ‘ though occasionally embellished by fiction,
it is only from them that w7e can obtain an outline- of the Malay
history and of the progress of the nation ’.” The book is peculiarly
a book of British Malaya, but Newdxdd’s comment is still after
ninety years the last word of British criticism, and the Hikayat
Hang Tuah has been left unheeded under what Newbold reluctantly
called “ the Upas tree of British apathy.” However a Dutch
scholar G. K. Niemann has given us fragments of the Hikayat
with notes in his Bloemlezing (4e druk 1892 I, p. 103, and II,
pp. 54-116). R. Brons Middel has published an abbreviated edi-
tion, Hikajat Hang Tuwah, Leiden, 1893. Dr. Brandstetter has
given us a useful outline in his “ Malaio-Polynesische Forschungen
III,” Luzern, 1894. Professor Dr. van Ronkel has written a paper
on Hang Tuah’s visit to the country of the Tamils (Shellabear,
Vol. II, pp. 121-146) and discussed several difficulties ( Bij. T. L.
en V. K., N. T. Kon. Inst., No. 7, Yol. II, p. 311: 1904). Above
all, Shellabear has published a complete text. References to MSS.
and brief notices of the romance will be found in JuynbolPs “ Cata-
logus van de Maleische en Sundaneesche Handschriften der Leidsche
Universiteits Bibliotheek,” CXYIIT, pages 147-8.

I give here an outline of the tale and propose in a later paper
to furnish critical notes on a wrork of very considerable literary
merit in parts, compounded by various bands of Indonesian folk-
lore, Moslem legend, voyagers’ tales, authentic history and re-
miniscences from such literature as the Javanese Panji cycle and
the Malay version of the Ramayana (e.g. Vol. II, page 196).

Jour. Straits Branch;

HIKAYAT HANG TUAH.

Ill

On the advice of astrologers, a princess, Gemala Rakna Peling-
gam by name, had been put by her parents on an Island Biram
Dewa. Thither to hunt came a prince from keindraan, called Sang
Pertala ( Verio, or Perna, Niemann) Dewa. He wooed and wed-
ded the earthly princess, who bore a son Sang Peri ( Purba or
Sipurba, Niemann) Dewa. That child was made king at Bukit
Si-guntang Mahameru and married a girl born of the vomit of a
hull that came down from heaven. The fruit of their marriage
was four children, Sang Saniaka, Sung Jam Nan, taka, Sang Mani-
aka, Sang Satiaka. A nakhoda from Palembang saw the four boys
and took them to be demigods (anak dewa). Later, chiefs came
from Bentan and Singapore to Palembang to ask for one of the
youths to be their king. Sang Maniaka was chosen and appointed
his court, — four ministers: Bendahara Paduka Baja, Ferdana
Manteri, Temenggong Seri ’diraja, Tun Pikrama ; four captains
(hulubalang) : Tun Bijaya Sura, Tun Bijava ’diraja ; four orang
besar : Tun Aria, Sang Java, Sang Utama, Sang Derma.

Hang Tuah was the son of Hang Mahmud and Dang Merdu
Wati. Hang Mahmud removed from his home at Sungai Duyong
to Bentan. One day he dreamt that the moon fell and illumined
the head of his son. So Hang Tuah was dressed in white and
prayers were offered for him. When he grew big-, he became a
hewer of wood for the Bendahara Paduka Raja. He had four
friends: Hang Jebat, Hang Lekir, Hang Kasturi, and Hang Leki-
wa. One day they sailed for Pulau Tinggi in a perahu lading.
They were attacked by three boatloads of pirates from Siantan and
Jemaja, subjects of Majapahit, under two leaders Penghulu Aria
Negara and Aria Jemaja, who were bound for Palembang 'to raid
it by order of the minister Patch Gajah Mada of Majapahit. They
beat off the pirates and sailed with ten prisoners for Singapore.
The Batin of Singapore, who was sailing to Bentan with 7 boats,
•saved them from pursuit. Hang Tuah and his friends become
pupils of a pandita, Adi Putera, whose eldest brother Pertala was
an ascetic on Gunong Merta Pura in Majapahit and his next
brother, Radin Aria, an officer under the Betara of that kingdom.
One day Hang Tuah killed a man, who was running amuck, with
his wood-chopper. Later he and his comrades saved the Benda-
hara from being murdered by four pengamok. The Bendahara
protested that he was unaware the boys were sons of kakak Dollah,
kakak Mansor, kakak Shamsu and kakak Rejeling (or Samut Nie.)
Hang Tuah finds a chintamani snake. The five youths enter the
service of the Raja of Bentan.

The Ratn of Lasam in Jawa once ordered Patch Kerma
Wijaya to repair the land wasted by Radin Inu Kuripan. The
Pateh went to Padhang and there falling sick sent to Lasam for
his daughter Ken Semerta. The Ratu of Lasam saw and seized
her. In anger Pateh Kerma Wijaya left Lasam and refusing Sang
Agong’s invitation to stay at Tuban passed on to Ja va Katra, where
he was welcomed by the Adipati; and thence to Beutan. Now

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HIKAYAT HANG TUAH.

having hunted for Radin Galoh Puspa Kenchana all over Java,
Radin Inu Wira Xantaja had gone to Tuban, Java Katrai. Palem-
hang and finally Bentan, where he was given the title of Ratu
Melayu. One night after hearing of Hang Tuah’s prowess, he
made Pateh Kerma Wijaya relate how lie had attacked Bali. The
Raja of Bentan went one day with the Ratu Melayu to Pulau
Ledang to hunt. A white mouse-deer turned on their dogs and the
prince decided to found a settlement, calling it Malacca after a
tree on the spot where Hang Tuali and his friends afterwards built
his palace.

Hearing from Radin Daha that Radin Galoh had met Radin
Inu Kuripan at Kegelang, Ratu Melaka proceeded thither by way
of Tuban.

The Raja of Malacca (and Bentan) sends for his brother,
Sang Java Xantaka, to become Raja Muda of Malacca.. They feast
and get drunk. Sang Java Xantaka is stripped, of his honours on
account of his popularity with the people.

But a Tamil merchant, Perma Dewan, who has three sons,
Madiran, Kadiran, Kali dan, seeing in his astrological tables that
the land of Ivalinga should have a prince from Si-Guntang, comes
and picks out the discredited Sang Java Xantaka, disguised as a
poor fisherman. At Kuala Xilapura they encounter and capture Fer-
inggi ships; whose captain Sang Java Xantaka later ennobles with
the title Setia Xegara, commissioning him to ward (payor) at sea
and collect a 10% customs duty (sa-puloh suatu). Sang Java
Xantaka rules over the land of Bijaya (or Wijaya) Pikrama, with
Perma Dewan for his Bendahara, Perma Disa as Paduka Raja and
two other sons of the merchant appointed Maharaja Indera and
Maharaja Lela Setia.

Xow the Raja of Malacca sent an offer of marriage to Tun
Teja, daughter of Bendahara Seri Buana of Inderapura. But the
lady declined, saying that she a sparrow should not math with a
hornbill. So he despatched Pateh Kerma Wijaya, with Hang Tuah
and his comrades, to Majapahit to ask for the hand of a princess
there, Radin Galoh or Mas Ayu. The embassy got a favourable
answer owing to the wit of Hang Tuah in criticizing and curing of
vice a horse, the present of another suitor from Kalinga. The embassy
returned by way of Tuban, Jayakatra and Palembang. The Raja
of Malacca then went to Majapahit, taking Hang Tuah, on whose
life many attempts were made by Javanese warriors. Hang Tuah
killed one assassin, Taming Sari. The Betara of Majapahit pre-
sented him with the island of Jemaja. Hang Tuah and his poor
friends became pupils of Sang Persanta Xila on the mountain
Wirana Pura. One Sang Bimasina was sent to steal Hang Tuah’s
creese. Constant efforts were made to make him drunk. Seventy
assassins attacked him in vain. A champion Sang Winara Semen-
tara engaged him, changing himself into a fire-fly and then a cat
and later a tiger, but he fell and was buried on the mountain Isma

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HIKAYAT HANG TTTAH.

m

Giri. Hang Tuah and his four friends retaliate, wrecking the
pleasaunce of the Betara of Majapahit and defeating 1,000 men.
Pateh Gajah Mada commissions Rangga, Pateh Serangka Doll an
and lviu Temindera, to escort the Raja of Malacca home.

(P. 215) Hang Tuah was slandered by Pateh Kerma W ijaya,
as having an intrigue with a girl in the Raja s Palace. The Raja
condemns him to death but the Bendahara sends him away. He
determines to go to Tnderapura to get the hand of Tun Teja,
daughter of Bendahara Seri Buana, for his master the Raja of
Malacca. Arriving there lie makes friends with her duenna, Dang
Rakna, who tells him the princess wants to poison herself as she
does not wish to marry Panji ‘Alain, a Megat of Trengganu to
whom her father has betrothed her. Hang Tuah plays sepak raga
with Tun Jenal, a son of Bendahara Seri Buana, and the Temeng-
gong called Tun Megat. He tells them who he is but adds he will
serve no master who is not descended from the royal house of
Bukit Si -G untang ( p. 223). Hang Tuah asks to hear singing. The
five singers say, “ Our tunes are not Malayan; for we are half-caste
Malays ( Melayu, kachokan) and not true Malays like the people of
Malacca.” Hang Tuah replies, “ Malacca Malays are also half-
castes. mixed with Javanese from Majapahit” (p. 225). One of
the tunes is called “ Seri Kama menambak tasek, Tasek di-tambak
Langkapuri,” composed by the Da to’ Bendahara Paduka Raja.
The Bendahara takes Hang Tuah before the Raja, who offers to-
give him a court office.

Hang Tuah afraid that he will be sent back a prisoner to
Malacca, pretends he is on his way to Trengganu. He tells how
the Raja of Malacca has sent two emissaries to Siam to get ele-
phants from the Phra Chau. The Raja of Tnderapura promises
him protection. He dresses entirely in white and goes to the
market and buys civet, and makes a love-charm to win Tun Teja.
Dang Rakna smears it on Tun Teja’s bed and she falls in love with
Hang Tuah. He refuses to eat with her, saying that it is tabu
( pantang ) for him to feed with any woman, even his own daughter
(p. 252). For three nights she visits him but he discourages her
advances, meaning to take her to Malacca for his Raja. The two-
emissaries of the Raja of Malacca call at Inderapura on their re-
turn. Hang Tuah puts Tun Teja and her maids on board their
boat and they sail to Pulau Tiuggi (p. 258). By order of the
Raja of Inderapura they are pursued by the Laksamana, the Seri
Maharaja Lela, Tun Jinal and Tun Pikrama. Laksamana lets fly
his 990 arrows at them and finally a storm divides the combatants.
The Tnderapura chiefs return and their Raja decides to inform
Panji ‘Alam of Trengganu. Hang Tuah arrives at Malacca and
with bound hands falls before the Raja, and asks for pardon, say-
ing he has brought the ‘ arrow of love ’ which transfixed his high-
ness ’ breast of yore and ‘ the glass of form ’ he has longed for.
Tun Teja still wants to marry Hang Tuah, till he reads charms
( pustaka ), blows into her cabin and makes her loathe him. Tun

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HIKAYAT HANG TUAH.

Teja is taken to the palace. Hang Tuah is created Laksamana and
given three streams (to rule). The duenna is created Paduka
Mahadewi and given 100 slaves and 20 catties of gold and silver.

When the Raja of Trengganu hears from Sang Ferdana and
Sang Sura, the emissaries from Inderapura, then his son Megat
Panji ‘Alain dons his long Minanvgkabau creese and mounts his
elephant Shah Kertas and sets out with 4,000 soldiers and 2,000
bearers to attack Malacca. He is advised to start at that pro-
pitious moment “ when the snake is worsted by the frog ” on the
9th day of Jamadi’l-awal, a Sunday, when “ the shadows are 134
paces.” He goes first to Inderapura “ camping across the river ”
(p. 272). His relative, Megat Kembar ‘Alt, interviews the Raja,
and asks for audience for Megat Panji ‘Alam. It is admitted that
when anal * raja come from Trengganu, they may come with drums
and processions and sit beside the Raja Muda of Inderapura.

News of the intended attack reaches Malacca. The Laksa-
mana, Tun Jehat and Tun Kasturi sail for Inderapura in the ship
Mendam Berahi, calling at Pulau Tinggi. Tun Utama, Tun Bija
Sura, Hang Lekir, Hang Lekiwa and 3i,000 men go overland. The
Laksamana rows up the river and decides to ivait on the Raja of
Inderapura on the morrow “when the shadows are 7 paces ( tapdk ),
and the Geroda is worsted by the snake” (p. 278). The Raja of
Inderapura says that Megat Panji ‘Alam is setting out on the 9th
of Jemadi’l-awal to attack Malacca. The Laksamana returns to his
ship and reads his pusiaka, and Tun Jebat and Tun Kasturi keep
watch on one leg ( beramal dengan kaki tunggal ) till day-break.
They set out for the Raja of Inderapura’s palace, when the shadows
are 12 paces. Megat Panji ‘A lam comes and is stabbed to death
on the palace steps by Hang Jebat and Hang Kasturi, who then
kill Megat Kembar ‘AM. The Raja of Inderapura orders them to
be impaled for murder before his eyes: but the Laksamana and his
40 warriors draw their daggers, march out. and, taking the elephant
of the murdered prince, set sail for Malacca. The Raja honours
them and bestows raiment on Adipati Jemaja and 6 Batins who
bore titles and the 40 warriors (p. 290).

The wife of the Raja of Malacca, Radin Mas Ayu, was with
child and longed for the fruit of a coconut palm a nyior gading
which grew in the middle of Malacca beside a melaka tree. The
palm was thin and eaten by fire in the middle; no one dared to
climb it and it would be unlucky to fell it. Hang Tuah climbed
the palm (p. 292). The princess, now called Radin Galoh, bears
a son, Radin Bahar. Ambassadors are sent by way of Toban to
inform his grandfather the Betara of Majapahit. Pateh Gajah
Mada receives them and the Betara sends 40 maids and 40 youths
and a tezi horse to his grand-child. Only Laksamana dares ride
the horse.

Radin Mas Ayu bore another son, Radin Bajau. One day a
horse belonging to the boys fell into a midden. Wrapped in 7

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HIKAYAT HANG TUAH.

115

cloths Hang Tuah rescues the animal and then bathes 7 times and
■is bathed by the Raja from 7 jars of scented water (p. 299).

Hang Tuah remonstrates with the Raja for neglecting Radin
Mas Ayu in favour of Tun Teja. The Betara hearing his daughter
is neglected sends Rangga and Barat Ketika to Malacca to en-
quire why his son-in-law never sends embassies to Majapahit. Hang
Tuah with Hang Jebat and Hang Kasturi are sent. The Betara
and Pateh Cfajah Mada trv in vain to slay him. The letter from
the Raja of Malacca is escorted on an elephant to the pcseban.
where Radin Aria reads it. Various champions Perwira Jafra,
Samirang, Sangga Xingsun and bands of 40 and 7,000 warriors
are set to steal Hang Tuah’s weapons and to kill him but all fail.
He returns to Malacca with a letter from the Betara to his Raja
inviting him to go to Majapahit. Three vessels, the Siru’l- alamin ,
Mendam Berahi, and Maratu’s-safa are prepared. Temenggong,
Maharaja Setia, Tun Utama, Sang Raja, Tun Raja ’diraja are
left to guard the harbour; Sang Raja and Tun Bija Sura to guard
Bukit China; Tun Utama in charge of the palace. The Raja takes
leave of his wives. Radin Bahar runs up to his father, holds his
hand and begs him to bring him a prancing white pony (p. 35).

They sail, stay three days with the Adipati of Palembang and
thence go to Java Katra, and then sail on to stay with the Sang
Agong of Toban. Radin Aria is sent to escort the Raja from
Toban. As he passes through the street of Majapahit, the people
whisper in pity that he is going to be killed for having another
wife besides the Betara’s daughter. On an elephant called Indera
Chita he goes to the palace, Karang Daru’s-Salam, prepared for
him. The next day 40 warriors are sent to create a disturbance
in the town, which Hang Tuah is asked to quell. He quells it.
Then a warrior Petala Bumi is sent to slay him. Petala Bumi
transforms himself into a eat and his comrade Barat Ketika into
a rat and so they enter Hang Tuah’s room; then Petala Bumi be-
comes in turn a stump, a dog and a tiger (whereupon Hang Tuah
becomes a bigger tiger), and finally a raksasa, in which shape he is
sorely wounded. Commending his son, Ivertala Sari, who is away
in Dalia, to the care of the Betara, he prepares to slay every one
in the conpound, but is himself killed by Hang Tuah.

The Bendahara Paduka Raja despatches Tun Utama to Maja-
pahit to say that Radin Bahar is sick from longing for his father.
The Raja of Malacca returns home. Merga Paksi and six warriors,
are sent from Majapahit to capture Malacca and kill Hang Tuah :
they hide on Bukit China outside the town, slaughter a stray
buffalo and steal a jar of spirit from the town ; nightly they rob
and ravish. Hang Tuah promises to kill them within seven days.
Dressed in black and pretending to be a liberated gaol-bird he
carries a sack of rice and two [rang of spirit on his shoulder, way-
lays them and and becomes an accomplice of the gang. He helps
them to rob the houses of the Bendahara and Temenggong and

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H1KAYAT HANG TUAH.

finally breaks into the Raja’s palace and carries off eight chests of
treasure. He learns all the robbers’ magic arts, then drugs and
kills them.

All the officers of the court hate Hang Tuah and tells Pateh
Iverma Wijaya he is a “ a fence eating the crop,” an officer of the
court who seduces the Raja’s concubines. Hang Tuah went to the
ulu of Malacca and was fishing with a cast-net, when Hang Jebat
and Hang Kasturi arrived to recall him. The raja orders the
Bendahara to slay him and confers his creese of office on Hang
Jebait. The Bendahara hides Hang Tuah in an orchard seven days’
journey up-country, where a religious teacher Shaikh Mansur
prophesies that in 20 days he will return to Malacca.

The Raja spoils Hang Jebat who takes liberties in the palace.
The Raja styles him1 Paduka Raja, the title of the Bendahara’s house.
He is rude to courtiers and runs loose among the Raja’s women.
At last the Raja detects Tun Jebat'' s madness and removes to the
Bendahara’s house. Hang Jebat sits on the ruler’s mat, bathes in
his jar, wears the royal raiment and sleeps on the royal couch
(p. 75). Pateh Kerma Wijaya leads an assault upon the traitor
in the deserted palace but fails. Hang Kasturi, Hang Lekir and
Hang Lekiwa then attack but fail. The Temenggong attacks.
Hang Jebat leaps down like a tiger, his blade flashing like a vol-
cano in eruption (p. 80). The Raja, sends for the Laksamana’s
son Tun Kadim and adopts him, repenting of killing his father. “ If
Hang Tuah were alive, I should feel as though my revered ances-
tor on Mt. Si-Guntang were restored to life.” The Bendahara
hints ( di-kilat-kilatkan) he is alive. Tun Pikrama and Tun
Kasturi go and fetch Hang Tuah. He gives a knife to Shaikh
Mansur and the shaikh gives him a shabby praying mat (musalla ) .
Hang Tuah is welcomed by the Raja. Stiff for lack of practice of
fencing, he is massaged for five days. He cannot find a creese that
suits him. Hang Kasturi enters the palace and is allowed by
Hang Jebat to get ( boleh p. 91) a creese, an heirloom from Mt.
Si-Guntang. For three days the two weapons selected by Hang
Tuah are sharpened. At midday when the low sound of a single
drum shows that Hang Jebat sleeps, Hang Tuah enters the palace.
Hang Jebat stabs the 700 girls in the palace and their blood runs
through the floor of the palace like rain. Hang Tuah protests.
The traitor replies, “ Cracked by a pounding or a sweeping blow,
crockery still becomes a shard ( di-titeh belah, di-palu pun bclah,
tembekar juga akan sudah^nija) . I’ll sin thoroughly ( sa-pala-pala
narna jahat : jangan kepalang) .” Hang Tuah leaps up into the palace.
They fight, eyeing one another “ like hawks,” “ spinning round
like wheels,” “ the lunges as swift as a boomerang” (baling-baling) .
The crowds gets under the palace and stab at Hang Jebat’s feet but
endanger Hang Tuah too. The two fighters stop and get four
large brass travs and lay them down. Standing on the trays they
renew the fight. They talk. The traitor says his behaviour was
due to the injustice done to Hang Tuah. Kow he has fallen from

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HIKAYAT HANG TUAH.

117

pride like a “bulb crushed by the weight of its bloom' ” (rosak
bawang di-timpa jatnbak-nya) . Hang Tuah replies with the pro-
verb “ Better death with honour than life with shame, so that one
may enter heaven.” ( Baik mati dengan nama yang baik ; jangan
hidup dengan nama yang jaliat, supaya masok slturga jemah ).

Hang Jebat asks Hang Tuah to adopt his unborn child, if a
boy, offspring of him and a waiting-maid Dang Baru. Hang
Tuah snatches his own creese from his opponent and gives him
another. Hang Jebat’s creese gets stuck into a tray as he lunges.
Hang Tuah stabs him. The crowd starts to mount the palace but
seeing Jebat still alive flees in panic; “some fell on their faces,
some in a sitting posture, some broke their legs, others their arms,
others their backs; some fell on their backs, some broke their noses,
others their foreheads. When each got home, his wife asked, ‘ What
broke your nose, father of AWang?’ kissing him and exclaiming,
‘Oh! it must hurt!’” (p. 105). Jebat leaps down from the
palace and slays every one he meets for three days, while Hang
Tuah has retired into his house and sits in seclusion, refusing to
speak. On the fourth day, as Hang Tuah is going to the river to
bathe, he sees Jebat stabbing at people in the market, and calls out
to him to cease. Jebat comes and falls at Hang Tuah’s feet.
Hang Tuah takes him to his house and gives him betel. Jebat
renews his request that Hang Tuah shall adopt his unborn child,
and after that begs that his bandages be undone. He dies on Hang
Tuah’s lap. The Raja has his corpse placed in the middle of the
main gate and after seven days hanged on the main road. Laksa-
mana Hang Tuah is high in royal favour, and bears himself humbly.

Now the Seri Betara of Majapahit and Patch Gajah Mada
desired revenge for the death of Petala Bumi and the six swash-
bucklers killed bv Hang Tuah at Bukit China. They send Petala
Bumi’s son, Kertala Sari, who has just devastated Daha. He
mixes with the Javanese colonists, Pateh Kerma Wijaya’s men,
and perpetrates a series of robberies. Hang Tuah protects the
palace by hanging a row of spears that move and lunge all round it.

Hang Tuah lies like a corpse in the middle of the market
and as Kertala Sari passes jumps up and stabs him. He muti-
lates the robber ( di-hiris-nya pesawat Kertala Sari) and takes his
creese (p. 118). So he proves that he killed the robber against
others who finding the corpse cut off ears and head and hand and
claimed to have done the deed.

The Raja sends Hang Tuah, who can speak Tamil, with Tun
Kasturi, whom he makes Maharaja Stia, to the land of the Klings,
Bijaya Nigrama. A royal letter to the ruler is escorted down to
Hang Tli ah’s boat. After seven days’ sail they reach the island
Biram Dewa, “looking like an elephant,” and go ashore. There
he meets the Prophet Khidlir who foretells his safe return from
this embassy to India and from a later embassy to China. The
prophet also tells him to take seeds from a tree in the island which
will burgeon and flower and fruit as soon as planted i.e. perform

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HIKAYAT HANG TUAH.

the mango trick (p. 124). They reach the land of the Klings.
The port-officer takes them to a merchant Xala Sang Guna who
regales them with dainties made in Xagapatam fashion (p. 129),
gives them anchorage at the spot reserved for the Franks, and
announces their arrival to the king, Kislma Havana (p. 130). The
king summons his champions from Malabar and Kandi. Hang
Tuah and his followers go several days’ journey up to the palace.

The gates of Bijaya Xigara were painted with incidents from
the stories of Sri Rama and the five Pandavas. And there were
thousands of idols and a temple. Laksamana gets his interview
with Kishna Rayana ( ? = Krisnaraja, v. Ronkel) and speaks the
Nigranra language which, only princes and ministers know : — he
learnt it from a religious pundit ( lebai ) at Majapahit. Kishna
Rayana complains that when at Malacca he got interviews only
with the Bendahara and (?) a fisherman (si-pengail) . Hang Tuah
gives the wife of Nila Sang Guna ( ? = Narasinggan, v. R.) medi-
cine to enable her to bear a child. 70,000 Franks, and thousands
of soldiers from Malabar and Khalilat ( ? = Pulicat v. R.) wait
on Kishna Rayana. Laksamana. shows his horsemanship. Kishna
Rayana declares he will visit the house of Xala Sang Guna but
privately forbids all people to sell him firewood. Hang Tuah
solves the problem by bidding him pour oil on bales of his cloth
and so cook fare for royalty. Hang Tuah does the mango trick
(p. 143). He kills a swashbuckler. They visit a temple ( rumah
berhala menjadi sendiri). Captains of vessels and merchants who
may lack capital, borrow gold from the god of the temple, Sang
Brahma (p. 146) and, on pain of disaster for breach of faith, re-
pay it with interest. Hence the wealth of the temple. In it, too,
was a reservoir for oil for its lamps. They visit an alms-house
( balai derma ) where the poor are fed.

Kishna Rayana sends Hang Tuah on an embassy to China.
Trade with China brings tenfold profit ( esa jadi sa-puloh). Hang
Tuah is to declare one of his ships belongs to Xala Sang Guna,
so that it may escape the heavy port duties (p. 148). After two
months Hang Tuah reaches that port of China called Bakang
Hitam (p. 149) and is ordered to anchor upstream at the place
reserved for the Franks.

Hang Tuah presents his credentials to the four viziers, Wang
Kara Seng, Rang Seng, Lu Ti and Sam Pi Pat. There were seven
forts of white stone with doors of brass and gold, and all the houses
of the people were dressed with white stone. The emperor grants
them an interview. Hang Tuah eating beans contrives to lift his
head to see the emperor seated in the mouth of a bejewelled golden
dragon (p. 151). Hang Tuah sees thousands of people collecting
the tears of a large idol, the father of all China, who weeps to see
the sins of his children : bathe in his tears and sins are washed
away. With rich presents and a letter for the Raja of the Klings
Hang Tuah departs. At the mouth of the estuary 40 Portuguese
ships attack the Malays. By reading a charm Hang Tuah stops

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HIKAYAT HANG TUAH.

119

the fire of their guns, and defeats the ships all save three which
sailed away. “ There was one big tall captain, very brave. He
cut at the Laksaniana with a shaky arm. The Laksamana cut him
in two” (p. 158).

Hang Tuali reaches the land of the Klings. Thanks to his
herbs the wife of Nala Sang Guna has conceived, and her husband
piles gold and silver round Hang Tuah up to his neck.

Hang Tuah returns to Malacca. The Seri Betara of Maja-
pahit had died and Pateh Gajah Mada asks for Radin Bahar to
succeed him. Hang Tuah escorts him. On his return a Brunai
raja, Adipati Solok, sails with fifteen ships given by his father
Adipati Agong, to the cape of Jaya-Ivatra, called Tanjong Kera-
wang and there waylays the Malacca fleet. Hang Tuah shoots one
arrow that breaks the mast and one that breaks the rudder of the
Adipati’s boat. He captures him. The Raja of Malacca sends
Hang Tuah to escort Adipati Solok back to Brunai. The Raja of
Brunai sends the Raja of Malacca 3 pikul of camphor, 500 kendaka
each worth a iahil, 10 blow-pipes mounted with gold, 200 kodi of
mats ( tikar pachar) and 3 Brunai slaves, with 90 slaves and cam-
phor for Hang Tuah (p. 174).

Hang Tuah is sent to Siam for elephants. He reaches Ujong
Salang and lands at Patani, whose great gate is adorned with a
carved dragon. He comes to Siam where Awi Phra Klong tells
him he must crawl on his knees into the presence of the Phra Chau
unattended. He refuses and is allowed to present himself in
Malay style. Viziers, captains and court officers (abu-abuan,
ukun-ukun, umbum-umbum) receive him. Hang Tuah speaks
Siamese fluently. Hang Tuah fences with a Japanese bravo and
kills him and five of his followers. Two survivors flee to Kuala
Kemboja. Hang Tuah remarks on the broken coinage ( benda yang
pechah belali) and persuades Phra Chau to substitute the shells he
got from Brunai (kendaka). He is sent home with six elephants
for his Raja and four for himself. The two surviving Japanese
attack his ships but Hang Tuah’s magic lets only smoke issue from
their guns and makes their swords drop. Hang Tuah presents the
elephants to his Raja. The largest is called Podi Manikam and
another Per mat a Selan.

Radin Mas Ayu bears a daughter, Puteri Gunong Ledang;
Tun Teja bears Sultan Mahmud and Sultan Muhammad. The
Raja, of Malacca sends Tun Rakna ’diraja and Tun Maharaja ’di-
raja to Ceylon to buy precious stones.

Hang Tuah opens a settlement for his Raja at Mt. Lingga.

The king of 'Ceylon sends his son Raja Chilian to Malacca
in a ship so large that betel-trees and vines were planted on its
decks with hundreds of fighting-cocks : — when they crowed, the
ship listed. Having been welcomed at Malacca, he asks leave to
sail to Trengganu, where he worsts the cocks trained by Pa Si-
Molong, the Raja’s trainer. The Raja puts out the eyes of his

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HIKAYAT HANG TUAH.

trainer and retires sulking1 to Pulau Sakti. He promises the
trainer four mistresses if lie can find a cock which will defeat Raja
Chilian’s birds. ‘I cannot see them’ says Pa Si-Molong amid
laughter (p. 194). He buys a fowl tied with a string of molong ,
which crows in his hand and tells the Raja it is a cock that cannot
be conquered. The Raja dreams that the ships of Raja Chulan
are devoured by a geroda, and takes his fighting-cocks to Pulau
Sakti confident of victory. The leg of his fowl is broken, when
Pa Si-Molong describes him as ‘The prince with the iron crutch’;
his wing is broken and droops like ‘A sail that waits the wind’;
his crop is pierced and the rice falls out of it — he is ‘ an overladen
ship being lightened ’ ; his thigh is wounded — he is ‘ a prince wear-
ing a sword ’ ; his head is wounded — he is ‘ a prince that has been
•cupped.’ Raja Chilian’s victorious bird flies to his ship whereupon
it sinks with its 90,000 soldiers; and thence he flies to the palace
of the Raja of Trengganu, which is set on fire and burnt with all
the houses in the port (p. 196).

Urged by the princess of Gunong Ledang the Raja of Malacca
sends the Laksamana with 70 ships to conquer Trengganu. He
brings captive the princes Seganda Java Leka, daughter of the
Bendahara, and Megat Ma'asum son of Megat Kembar 'Ali. Sul-
tan Muhammad, son of the Raja of Malacca, is married to princess
Seganda Jaya Leka and given the throne of Bentan. Sultan Mah-
mud is married to the daughter of the Bendahara of Trengganu
(?), and reigns at Lingga.

Inderapura is attacked by todak fish (p. 206). Hang Ivadim
son of Hang Jebat advises a wall of banana stems. Hang Kadim
is entitled Sang Si-Tuah. The Temenggong is jealous and ac-
cuses him of an intrigue with a girl in the palace and he is be-
headed. Hang Ivaniar, a Malacca man trading there, reports the
execution to the Raja of Malacca who sends Laksamana to con-
quer Inderapura. Laksamana anchors at Pulau Tinggi and thence
sails up to Inderapura where he exacts tribute and leads captive
1608 persons, the families of those concerned in the death of
Hang Kadim.

The Raja of Malacca and all his house sail for Singapore.
On the way, while he is looking at a golden-scaled fish, his crown
falls into the sea. (p. 219). Laksamana dives for it, fights a white
crocodile but fails to recover the crown and loses his creese.

Dang Manila and Dang Cheralo, who had escaped from China,
reach Manila and complain to the Portuguese Governor, who gets
the King of Portugal to send 40 ships against Malacca. Two boat-
fuls of Sakai fisherman, capture 10 Portuguese and, by order of
their Batin headman at Bentan, report the intended attack of an
‘ Amiada ’ at Malacca. Laksamana, though sick, repels the in-
vaders. The “Captain Governor” is killed and Dang Suala badly
wounded. They return to Portugal. Laksamana is wounded but
recovers.

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HIKAYAT HANG TU-AH.

121

The Sakai always catch fish near the sunken crown of the
Raja of Malacca, because they float up to avoid its brightness. The
Raja is always sick after the loss of his crown and Laksamana after
the loss of his creese.

The Laksamana is sent to Rum to buy cannon. He arrives at
Aeheh and meets Sultan Silahu’d-din (who was deposed in 1539
A. I)., R. 0. W.). Thence he sails to Pulau Dewa 'and the sea of
Mukha. He comes to Juddah where is the tomb of Siti Hawa
(Eve). He goes ashore and the port officer takes them to Malik
Astur, who takes them to Mecca. At that time 886 A.H. (= 1481
A.U.), Sharif Ahmad son of Zainu’l-abidin ruled Mecca, and an-
other son Sharif Baharu’din ruled Medina — both under the suzer-
ainty of Rome. On the way the Laksamana meets Xabi Khidlir,
who gives him a flask of water wherewith to moisten lips and ears
so that he may speak and understand foreign tongues (p. 240).
Deputations from Egypt and Syria bring the sacred carpet to
Mecca. The Malay visitors go to all the sacred places (p 242) and
to Shaikh .Tamalu’d-din, keeper of the Prophet’s tomb.

They reach Istambul where the port-officer takes them to
Ibrahim Khakan, who describes the glories of Istambul, the royal
garden called Taman Ghairat Berahi, with its gate Xaga Indera
P'aksi, its river Dar’u-l-ashikin, the mountain Ja,balu’l-‘ala, its river
adorned with flower-pots called Rambat Kamali and stone banks
•called Tebing Singga Safa, its rock Tanjong Indera Bangsa where
the Sultan sits to fish, the island Singga Marmar, with its lake
Singga Tasek Kumkuma ; the banks of the river called Ratna
Chuacha and Sembeka, its market-place Medan Hairani, and its
orchards full of Malay fruits (pp. 252-8). They are taken to the
four Mangkubumis and lastly into the presence of the Sultan.
They return with rich presents and guns ( bedil ), reaching Malacca
after a voyage of four months.

The princess of Gunong Ledang is installed ruler of Malacca
(p. 279) ; Tun Mat, son of the Bendahara, is made Bendahara
Paduka Raja ; Tun Karim, son of the Temenggong, is styled
Temenggong Sri Seroja; and Tun Kadim, son of the Laksamana,
gets the title of Laksamana.

The Raja of Malacca offers a reward to whosoever will con-
sent to be buried! alive and bring him news' from the grave. Laksa-
mana consents and on the way gives a cake {a pain) to a poor
dervish (p. 282). He is buried with a string to pull and com-
municate with the Raja who holds the other end. He pulls and
the grave is opened whereupon the Laksamana is found naked with
a broken pot ( belanga ) in his hand. He tells how two fiery vol-
canoes attacked him in the grave and he kept them off with the
pot he found in his hand and how the fire passed the chipped pot
and burnt his clothes.

The Bendahara retires to Tanjong Iveling, the Temenggong
to Tanjong Tuan and the Laksamana to Tanjong Jugera, where
he lived a hermit with his teacher, a Hadramaut Shaikh, who had

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HIKAYAT HANG TUAH.

come to Malacca from Acheh. All sailors fired a shot and cast a
wooden spear in honour of them, when they passed the Tanjong;
failure to do this entailed storms (p. 285). The Ruler of Malacca
wandered about as. a dervish. One day he was given a gourd,
whereupon he took a bite of it and carried the rest with him. The
Prophet Ivhidlir, disguised as a youth, tells him he is carrying not
a gourd but a skull. He opens his bundle, finds a skull and faints.
A voice tells him that dervishes trust in God and do not carry
food. The Raja wandered on and was never again heard of. The
princess of Gunong Ledang ruled Malacca.

A Portuguese ship came from Manila and touched at Malacca.
Xext year another ship came and bought as much land as an ox-
hide would cover, and the captain cut it into five strips and built
a large warehouse which he equipped with cannon. In the night
he fired the cannon and destroyed Malacca. * The Princess of
Gunong Ledang tied and came to a great forest near the land of
the Bataks, who made her their queen.

Bendahara Tun Mat opened Johore. Sultan Mahmud left
Bentan and ruled over Johore.

The Dutch with the help of the Johore Malays ousted the
Portuguese from Malacca. The gold leaf on which the treaty was
made is still in the possession of the Dato’ Paduka Raja of Johore,
who led the attack on Malacca.

Tun Tuah is not dead. He is a saint and lives near the
source of the Perak river, where he is prince of all Bataks and
jungle folk. Sometimes folk meet him and enquire if he wants a
wife. He replies, “ I do not wish to marry again.”

Sungai Ujong.

By R. J. Wjlkinson, c.m.g.

I

Part I.

The Dato’ Klana Putra, territorial chief of Sungai Ujong,
ranks as the premier chief of the Negri Sembilan, though there is
nothing to show how he obtained this precedence. He possesses
a modern title and an ancient chieftaincy: as far back as the
fifteenth century there were rulers of Sungai Ujong, who bore
the title of Penghulu Manteri and acknowledged the Sultan of
Malacca as their overlord. In those days the country was an ap-
panage of the Bendaharas of Malacca, and the chiefs sent to govern
it were members or vassals of that distinguished house. The seal
of the Rulers of Rembau quotes as its authority “ the grace of the
Bendahara Sri Maharaja”, apparently with the date 1707 A.D. ;
that of the Dato’ Bandar quotes Sultan Abdul-Jalil III, 1715;
that of the Dato’ of Jelebu quotes Sultaai Abdul-Jalil V (who
flourished in 1758) ; that of the Dato’ of Johol is dated 1778.
There is the contemporary evidence of the “ Malay Annals ” as to
the political position of Sungai Ujong in 1612 A.D. and as to the
semi-mythical Dato’ Sekudai. Finally in the early days of Sungai
Ujong, descent was not traced through the female line. So one may
brush aside the claim of some Negri Sembilan chiefs that they
govern their territories by virtue of descent in the female line from
the aboriginal Batins, the primeval owners of the country.

According to one story the origin of the Biduanda is ascribed
to a Batin Sri Alarn who met a walking tree-trunk near the waters
of the River Langat. He captured and kept it in captivity till it
laid eggs, forty-four in number. He buried the eggs till they were
hatched, when there emerged forty-four children, the ancestors of
the Biduanda. Batin Sri Alam brought up these children and
supplied them with garments of bark-cloth to cover their naked-
ness. When they grew up, twenty-two of the children crossed to
Sumatra and colonized the coast as far as the borders of the Batak
country: the remaining twenty-two stayed in the Peninsula and
became Biduanda or Ray at — the latter word being said to mean
“ sons of the soil ”. Another story explains that every man falls
from heaven, either on his feet as a raja, or on his seat as a Batin,
or on his face as a slave. Batin Sri Alam rose from his seat and
went round the world ruling the slaves — the Bedouin in Arabia,
the biduan in India and the Biduanda in Malaya, the three words
being translated “ serf ” ! Folklore and etymology are, of course,
irreconcilable enemies.

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124

SUNGAI UJONG.

But those legends of the Creation are not the only tales con-
nected with Batin Sri Alani. He is said to have led an expedition
into Jelebu. There lie found trays of food waiting for him, served
up and ready to eat, but with no one present to explain whence the
food came. Batin Sri Adam did not enquire; he ate the food and
named the place Kuala Dulang, the place of plates, as a record of
his gratitude. He showed less thankfulness in his next adventure.
The Muhammadans of Jelebu did their best to bring Batin Sri
Alam round to their religion. They induced him to repeat the
Confession of Faith; hut when the mudin explained the uses of
the penyepit, Batin Sri Alam vanished. One rumour has it that
he reappeared on Mount Si-Guntang Mahameru ; another that he
disappeared into the caverns of Kota Glanggi in Pahang. But
whatever his fate, he was never seen again by the Moslems who
effected his conversion or by the land he did so much to people.

Xext in this aboriginal genealogy comes Batin Berchanggai
Besi whose wife was Berduri Best and whose brother-in-law was
Ketopong Besi — the Iron-clawed Chief, with his Iron-quilled wife,
and her Iron-helmeted Brother. The legend however adds that
they were primitive people, unacquainted with the use of iron or
even of fire, and that they ate their food raw. One day when hunt-
ing they found a fairy-child hidden in the cleft of a rock. They
adopted her though she showed her real origin by declining to
partake of the bestial repasts of the Sakai and by living on a diet
of fruits and shoots, till the prince of destiny appeared and won
her as his bride. That prince was the Sultan of Johor. He saw
her in a dream and traced her by weighing the river-waters and
selecting the lightest. A son of this marriage was the Benda-
hara Sekudai, the reputed ancestor of the rulers of Sungai Ujong.

Tradition traces a relationship between this Batin Berchang-
gai Besi, and the legendary figures associated with the origin of
the other States: Dato’ Jelundong, founder of Jelebu; Aenek

Kerhau, founder of Johol ; To’ Tukul and To’ Landas, founders of
Klang. The two first were the Batin’s sisters, while To’ Tukul
and To’ Landas derived their titles from the hammer and the anvil
with which they rendered to Batin Berchanggai Besi the service
that Batin Sri Alam vanished to avoid. So invulnerable are these
tough old aborigines, according to Malay belief, that circumcision
is a matter of difficulty.

Batin Berchanggai Besi was the father of To' Darn Derani
whose daughter, Batin Sa-ribu Jaya or Sib u Jaya, married the
Dato’ Sekudai. It is related of these last two ladies that they
fled in terror from Sang Kelambai who was striding through the
country, turning all he met into stone. “ Why flee”? asked an
Achehnese saint who lived at Sungai IJdang between Pangkalan
Ivempas and Permatang Pasir, “ I have a charm that no Kelembai
can face. A candle will keep him away.” So candles were lit
nightly; the population was saved from a stony fate; and the
place is called Pengkalan Dian to this day. The sceptic may see

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SUNGAI UJONG.

125

the petrified properties of this ancient saint, his sword, his stocks,
his spoon and his buckler lying round his tomb at Pengkalan
Kempas.

In those early years the seat of power was not where it is now.
Oiling, Beranang, Pajam, Gibok, Kechau, Langlang, Langkap Ber-
juntai, Lubok Bergoyang, Subang Hilang, Merbok Kerawang,
Tunggul Si-jaga, are the places to which tradition gives import-
ance. Few of them are to be found on maps of the State ; some
lie outside the Xegri Sembilan in the Ivajang district of Selangor.
Doubtless they were old Biduanda communities. The names of one
or two are explained in the native way so common to folklore:
Tunggul Si-jaga was the place where a small Bugis force frightened
the people out of the country by putting torches on tree-slumps
and creating the impression that they were a huge camp surrounded
by thousands of sentries; Subang Hilang was a place where a
Biduanda princess lost her earring. All that we can infer is that
the ancient Biduanda or Belanda tribe — now represented by a few
Mantra in Malacca and a few wandering Kenaboi in the Jelebu
mountains — was once important in that part of the Xegri Sembilan
which lies between the modern settlements of Ivajang and Seremban.

The following is the genealogy of these early heroes as adapted
and arranged by tradition.

Batin Sri A lam .
1

1

Batin Berchanggai

To’ Jelundong

1

Nenek Kerbau.

Be si

(founder of Jelebu.)

(founder of Johol.)

(of Sungai Ujong.)
1

To' Dara Derani.
1

1

(by adoption.)
Puteri Magang Selida

m. the Sultan of Johore.

Batin Sibil) To' Engku Kelang To’ Manteri To’ Johan

Jaya. \nr.J3endahara

Akhir-zaman. Pah law an.

| Sekudai.

1 |

the Rulers of Sungai

the Rulers of

the Rulers the Johol

Ujong.

Klang.

of Jelebu. rulers (by
his marriage
with Puterx
Setiatcan of
Johol.)

It will be seen presently that by a similar arrangement of
parallel lines all the principal titles of Sungai Ujong trace back
to the children of a common ancestor. This, of course, is tradi-
tion ; history does not work with mathematical exactitude.

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12G

SUNGAI UJONG.

The name Sungai Ujong is modern and is due to the associa-
tion ot' Malay States with river-basins. There is no River “Ujong”.
Old traditions speak of the State as Semujong ; the “Malay An-
nals” of 1612 A. I). call it Sengang Ujong-, ancient books of
navigation refer to it by variants of the same old name. What the
real name was, is uncertain.

All accounts — even those of the aboriginal Blandas — agree that
a Dato’ Kelambu was the first to “ open ” Sungai Ujong. A place
has been found for him in the pedigrees as a son of the Bendahara
Sekudai; and the Rulers of Sungai Ujong who claim him as an
ancestor still preserve his tomb as a place of pilgrimage. Tradi-
tion tells us also that the Dato’s name was Muhammad Tumbu
and that lie was known as To’ Jebat because of his brother To’
Musang, and as Dato’ Kelambu because he lived at Kuala Sungai
Kelambu.

The genealogy, more regular than ever, is as follows : —
Bendahara Sekudai.

(m. Batin Sibu Jaya.)

Md. Tumbu. To’ Musang. To’ Semerga. To’ SeriMani.

(m. To’ Chvmbu a (m .To’Jerumbu, (m . Lebai (m. a Terachi

Batin’s daughter.) sister of To’ Mamat, an man and

Chumbu.) Achehnese.) adopted.)

To’ Dara Mudek. m. Penghulu Selat. Dato’ K cling. Dato’ Anduleka
! Mandulelca.

the Klana family. the Bandar family.

the Anduleka
Manduleka family.

In spite of its artificial appearance this pedigree has points
of interest. It suggests that the people who invented it were
people who gave little heed to Sumatran law and custom. To’
Dara Mudek and Penghulu Selat belonged to the same uterine
family ( perut ) ; their marriage would be incest according to Min-
angkabau custom : they were the children of two brothers and as
such within the prohibited degrees of affinity. They were the child-
ren of two sisters ; and, as such, again within the prohibited de-
grees. Such marriages are common in Peninsular Malaya but
would be triply incestuous according to Minangkabau adat. The
later Negri Sembilan Malay, follower of Sumatran matriarchal law,
has invented these traditions of descent from Sakai princesses but
has omitted to be consistent. In the days of the Dato’ Sekudai
it was the male line that was important. Not till the days of
Bngku Sabun, hardly a century ago, was the adat perpateh intro-
duced into Sungai Ujong.

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SUNGAI UJONG.

127

Dato’ Sekudai flourished in the first half of the seventeenth
century and possessed two married children when the “ Malay
Annals ” were written. Sungai Ujong tradition would have us
believe that he wedded Batin Sibu -Jaya in the presence of Sultan
Abdul-Jalil II (1639-1673), and brought up in Sungai Ujong a
second family who elected to be known as To’ Musang and To’
.Tebat — “the Polecat” and “the Skunk” — instead of l>earing the
title of Tun by which members of the great Bendahara family were
known. This is hard to accept. If the I)ato’ Ivelambu did “ open ”
Sungai Ujong he must have lived long before the seventeenth
century, and been confused with some other person — possibly a
real Muhammad Turnbu or To’ Jebat — who obtained from the
Bendahara Sekudai a hereditary right to the ancient title of
Pengliulu Manteri. Anyhow from this time we get a succession of
Rulers of Sungai Ujong: —

Pengliulu Selat;

Pengliulu Kadim;

Pengliulu Pandale;

Pengliulu Chantele;

Pengliulu Rumah Gedang (or Rumah Bcrtatali).

They are names and little more. Tradition varies as regards
the order in which they ruled ; it tells nothing of their relationship
to one another; it is uncertain if Pengliulu Chantele and Pengliulu
Rumah Gedang may not have been one and the same person ; and
it cannot tell us if the names

Pengliulu hilang di-Diwa,

Pengliulu hilang di-Gayan,

Pengliulu hilang di Danau Buaya,

represent additional rulers or are descriptions of those already
mentioned.

In all this mass of doubt there are one or two grains of de-
finite evidence. It is said that the Bugis invasion of Sungai Ujong
took place in the days of Penghulu Chantek; that the first Dato’
Klana (Badur) was the son of Penghulu Chantek; that the second
Klana (Delia) was the son of Penghulu Rumah Gedang; and that
it was in the time of this second Klana the Linggi settlers came.
It is said also that the first Klana (Badur) was installed during
the lifetime of his father ; but this may be an etymological theory
to explain the word Putera in the Klana’s title. This evidence
does not take us far. The Bugis invasion may have occurred at any
daite between 1725 and 1770 A.D. ; and the coming of the Linggi
settlers at any time between 1775 and 1790 A.D. One fact of im-
portance stands out, namely the acquisition of the title of Kelana
Putera by the ruling house of Sungai Ujong. Who conferred it?
When was it conferred? And why? Tradition sometimes ascribes
the title to Sultan Abdul-Jalil II who was far too early (1639-1671
A.D.) : at other times to Raja Melewar (1773-1795 A.D.), who was

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128

SUNGAI UJONG.

perhaps a little too late. An impression of the seal of an old Klana
might settle the point. But no such impression is obtainable. The
Dato’ Penghulu of Jelebu and the Dato’ Bandar of Sungai Ujong
obtained seals from Johor, — the second in 1715 from Abdul-Jalil
III, the first about 1759 from Abdul-Jalil V. The latter prince, who
was only a Regent, was so lavish with his treaties, seals and dig-
nities that one would attribute to him the bestowal of the title of
Dato’ Klana, if it were a Malay title. But it is a Bugis dignity.
The first Bugis Yamtuan Muda of Riau bore the title of Klana
Java Putra. Significant is the local assertion that the rank of
the Dato’ Klana is that of a Raja Muda.. Is it a coincidence that
the ruler of Sungai Ujong bears the title and rank of a Klana
Java Putera, Yamtuan Muda of Riau? The evidence is in favour
of the belief it was from trie Bugis chiefs of Riau that the old
Penghulu Manteri obtained his higher title.

There was, it is true, the Bugis invasion of Sungai Ujong:
they advanced as far as Pantai, where the site of their fort is still
shown opposite the site of the house of the ex-Klana Lela Stia.
But tradition says that at the time of that invasion the Penghulu
of Sungai Ujong was not in the country, but at Singapore, where
he had gone “to see the swordfish attack the island”. Even a
Batin would hardly go to Singapore on such a fool’s errand. It
would appear almost that the Klana was serving in the ranks of
his country’s enemy.

Dato’ Klana Badur was followed by Dato’ Klana Leha whose
reign was signalized by the settlement of the Linggi and Labu
districts. The Linggi settlers came because, the Dato’ of Rembau
refused to permit them to live under their own law, the adat
temenggong , and insisted on their adopting tire matriarchal law of
Minangkabau. This incident corroborates tradition that the adat
perpateh was not adopted in Sungai Ujong till a later date.

Dato’ Klana Leha was succeeded by Dato’ Klana Bahi. There
is no evidence of the relationship of this chief to his predecessors;
but it is recorded that he belonged to the warts hilir while the
Klana Leha belonged to the waris hulu. What this means may be
conjectured. Dato’ Klana Bahi obtained the title by virtue of
relationship to his predecessors in the male line. At his death the
rule of succession was altered to that of uterine descent. Ulti-
mately there was the usual compromise — the gilir — under which
the two families, that of Ivlana Leha ( waris hulu) and that of
Klana Bahi ( waris hilir) took it in turn to succeed. This rule is
still recognized but it has not been consistently observed, as the
following tables will show.

Waris hulu.

To' Lernbut (f)

D. K. Leha (II) To ’ Tepi (f)

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SUNGAI UJONG.

129

(m. Dato’ Bandar Megat )

D. K. Kawal (IV) D.K. Striding (V) To’ Bay u (f)

Banun (f)

!.

Che ’ Zainab (f)

I

D. K. Maamur (VIII)

Waris hilir.

‘To’ Bedar (f) To’ Raid (f)

' I

I). K. Bald (III) Che ’ Hitam (f)

Clie’ Umu (f) D. K. Saiijid Abdu’r-Rah man (VI)

I

Che’ Runut (f)

* I

Che’ Lui (f)

I). K. Lela Seda (VII)

It will be seen that the death of Dato’ Klana Bahi was fol-
lowed by two successive appointments from the waris liulu, and
we are left to wonder if the theory of the gilir was not put forward
first by the Arab, Saiyid Abdu’r-Bahman, to whom it meant so
much.

The days of the fourth Klana, Dato’ Kawal, were troubled by
petty wars. The first was a war against the Dato’ of Ulu Muar
who favoured the cause of Baja Badin as Yamtuan Besar while the
Klana favoured Yamtuan Sati. Baja Badin was driven out. The
second was a Avar against Yamtaun Sati Avho had offended the
Klana ; Yamtuan Sati was driven out. The third was a Avar
against Baja ‘Ali in the interests of Baja Badin ; Baja ‘Ali was
expelled from Sri Menanti and Baja Badin placed on the throne
by the Klana and the Dato’ of Bembau. Dato’ Kawal Avaged three
successful wars with the futile result that he replaced matters ex-
actly Avhere he first found them. His next contest was eA'en less
satisfactory. He quarrelled with the Dato’ Bandar and plunged
the country into civil war. Yamtuan Badin, avIio Avas invited to
arbitrate, seems to have settled the dispute by appointing the Klana
and Bandar joint rulers of Sungai Ujong. This compromise cre-
ated an impossible position ; the rivalry of the joint rulers gave the
people no peace, till the British intervened.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

130

SUNGAI UJONG.

Malay historians give few dates. Dato’ Klana Kawal’s first
war followed the death of Yamtuan Lenggang in A.D. 1824; his
last war included Baja Eadin’s arbitration in 1849. The date of
his death is not recorded.

He was succeeded by his brother, Dato’ Klana Sanding. It
was during the reign of this — the fifth — Klana that Yamtuan
Bad in died and Tengku Antah, his son, claimed the throne of
Xegri Sembilan. The claim was disputed by Eaja Alang Sohor,
son of Yamtuan Beringin. The Dato’ Klana set aside both claim-
ants and nominated Yamtuan Imam to the vacant throne.

The next Klana, Saiyid Am an or Abdu’r-Bahman, had con-
tinual wars and troubles with Dato’ Bandar. He was an Arab,
while the Bandar was a Malay; he was clear-sighted enough to
desire the pax Britannica, while the Bandar and his friends wel-
comed every Selangor freebooter who sought asylum in the country.
Such a state of affairs could not last. The British intervened;
and the Klana sacrificed his popularity by supporting them. It is
to Saiyid Aman we owe the introduction of the Eesidential system
into Sungai Ujong in 1874.

Part II.

Ceremonially the Dato’ Klana of Sungai Ujong counts for
little when compared with the Yamtuan.

Sa-kechil-keclnl anak putercb, sama besar dengan undang ;

Sa-kech il-kechil anak undang, sama besar dengan lembaga;

Sa-kechil-kechil anak lembaga, sama besar dengan ibu bapa,

“ A prince’s child however small ranks as high as a territorial
chief ”. So runs a royalist saying, hardly consonant with Minang-
kabau custom which traces descent through the mother. Only
when dealing with ceremonial should the non-royal status of the
Klana be emphasized. He had the office of a Eaja Muda but was
not personally sacrosanct. He was wakil kerajaan, Begent; when
a Yamtuan died, it was the Dato’ Klana who sent the envoys to
Siak to ask for a successor: —

I Ulan g raja, berganti raja ; tnenjem put ka-M in an g ka b a u .

It was a Klana (I)ato’ Klana Ivawal) who broke the "tie
with Siak ” and stopped the missions to Minangkabau. To this
day it is the Euler of Sungai Ujong who formally nominates a
Yamtuan. He is the " Imam ” of the four great chiefs, the pillars
of the State; he is their leader and their spokesman.

Within his own territories the Dato’ Klana used to be an ab-
solute ruler. He still claims to be berundang berkeadxlan, techni-
cal terms implying hat he is head of the legal systems of the country.
He was not berkeadilan under the constitution of A.D. 1773; the
head of the courts was the Yamtuan. But Sungai Ujong ceased
to recognize the supremacy of the Yamtuan after the death of
Tengku Imam and did not give up its autonomy under the treaty

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SUNGAI UJONG.

131

•of 1898. The mosques and kathis of Suaigai Ujong are not con-
trolled by Sri Menanti. The Ivlana was, of course,^ head of the
waris who drew so large a portion of the revenues of the country,
but in addition to his share of this income he was entitled to the
proceeds of all farms and monopolies, of all poll-taxes and of all
fines under the religious law.

Import and export duties were divided: those collected on the
Linggi River were shared between the Ivlana, the Bandar and the
To’ Muda Linggi ; those on other rivers between the Ivlana and the
Bandar.

An anomalous element has been introduced into Sungai Ujong
government bv the rise of the Dato’ Bandar to a position of equality
with the Ivlana. In the euphemistic language of Sungai Ujong
jurists, the country is under the care of both rulers equally:

Telor sa-biji sarna di-tatang ;

Pesaka satu santa di-bela;

Hilang di-darat, di-ayer menchari ;

Hilang di-ayer , di-darat menchari ;

Laksana mata hitam dengan maia puteh.

But Malay common-sense, in proverbs as well as in law, de-
claims against the folly of dividing sovereignty. Sometimes the
dictum is a homely caution against putting two cocks into one
yard ; sometimes it is a solemn legal maxim about the powers of
life and death : —

Pantang dalam ‘alum menduakan pedang pemanchong ;

Pantang dalam luak menduakan keri? penyalang.

British protection has put an end to this rivalry by giving the
Ivlana and the Bandar allowances of exactly the same amount and
by dividing equally among their waris their commuted share of the
revenue.

In the days of the Johor supremacy the Ruler or Penghulu
Manteri is said to have sent biennially to the Sultan the famous
bunga mas or golden tree of submission. Tradition points out the
spot where the gold was obtained — the valley between the hill of
Shaikh Abdu’r-Rahman and the Seremlmn Residency. During the
Minangkabau period the Ivlana was expected to send the mas manah
to the Yamtuan Besar as well as gifts of buffaloes on the occasion
of the marriage or circumcision of a prince of the blood.

All this came to an end when Sungai Ujong became inde-
pendent of Sri Menanti at the accession of Tengku Antah. The
treaty of A.D. 1898 (under which the present Yamtuan was in-
stalled) did not alter the position materially. Mas manah is paid
now out of the general revenues of the State and the lvlana’s gifts
are formal and ceremonial. The great Chiefs pay no tribute to
their titular overlord.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

132

SUNGAI UJONG.

Once a year at the hari raya besar the ruler of Sungai Ujong
gives a reception or mengadap, at which all the lesser Chiefs of his
territory are expected to do him obeisance. This ceremony is em-
blematical ; it typifies the harmonious working of the machinery of
State.

Semenda sujud kapada lembaga-nya;

Lembaga sujud mengadap undang-nya;

Itu-lah tanda :

Adat datar, muafakat esa;

Burni senang, padi menjadi.

The ceremonial at this reception is of interest as showing the
relative precedence of the various Chiefs of the country.

The lcebesaran or emblems of rank to which a Ivlana is entitled
are the following: —

(1) two yellow flags (nierual) ;

(2) two black flags ( lunggul ) ;

(3) two pennons ( ular-ular ) ;

(4) two streamers ( panji-panji ) ;

(5) two fringed umbrellas (payong ubur-ubur) ;

(6) two tufted spears ( tombak benderang) ;

(7) two drawn swords ( pedang berchabut ) ;

(8) two long creeses ( keris panjang tersampai) ;

(9) two fajar menyenseng ;

(10) a salute of five guns ;

(11) a dais of five tiers or steps;

(12) insignia-bearers ( juak ) at court ceremonies;

(13) certain pillows and cushions ( bantal bersusun, gun on g

berangkat ) ;

(14) mattresses ( Mam berulit) ;

(15) yellow wrappings for insignia;

(16) a canopy over his dais;

(17) curtains round his dais;

(18) wrappings round his house-pillars;

(19) a marquee over his lawn;

(20) a gong to announce his movements.

These emblems are common to all the four undang and seem
to date back to the constitution of 1773 A.D. The Ivlana possesses
also an heirloom in the form of a spear ( clianggai puteri ) presented
to one of his predecessors by the Yamtuan Raja Melewar.

In accordance with the local dictum : —

Fatali, tumboh ; hilang berganti;

“ a broken twig grows again, a lost life must be replaced,” — the
death of a Klaaia is the signal for the appointment of a. successor.
There must be no interregnum; the new Ruler’s first duty is to
bury the Chief whom he follows :

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SUNGAI UJONG.

133

Bertanam undang dengan undang.

The successor is chosen in alternation from the two branches
of the ivaris di-darat family, the waris hulu and waris lrilirj the
legal phrase being :

Tlilang di-hulu, timbul ka-hilir ;

Hilang di-hilir, timbul ka-hulu.

The electors are three in number : a representative of the
waris hilir (usually the Dato’ Maharaja Lela) ; a representative of
the waris hulu (usually the Dato’ Johan) ; and ja. third party select-
ed for his age, impartiality and knowledge of custom. These three
must be unanimous. When they have come to a decision they
announce their choice to the four principal Chiefs or tiang balai
who proceed to bear the newly elected Klana in the funeral pro-
cession of his predecessor often on the bier. If the three electors
fail to agree, the four tiang balai may nominate a Klana of their
own choice. When the funeral is over, the Chiefs and the waris
in attendance do homage to their new ruler. The formal installa-
tion comes later. It includes ceremonial ablutions at the “ Ivlana’s
well” (telaga undang), a pilgrimage to the tombs of the Peng-
hulus of the past, and a reception ( mengadag ) at which all the
magnates of the country tender homage.

The chiefs of Sungai Ujong subordinate to the Klana may be
divided into five classes according to their order of precedence:

(a) the four territorial lembaga;

( b ) the two heads of the Ivlana’s waris ;

(c) the three tribal lembaga;

(d) the miscellaneous titles;

( e. ) the Klana’s court officials.

The four territorial lembaga or “ pillars of the Court” ( lem - .
baga tiang balai) were :

(1) the Dato’ Sri Maharaja Diraja who was also Bandar;

(2) the Dato’ Anduleka Manduleka of Pantai;

(3) the Dato’ Akhir-zaman of Bantau;

(4) the Dato’ Amar of Klawang.

Time has played havoc with this list. The mukim of Klawang
is no longer included in Sungai Ujong; and the Dato’ Amar is
now a Jelebu Chief.

The dignities of Bandar and of Dato’ Sri Maharaja Diraja
are no longer held by the same person : the officers themselves have
lost importance. It is their antiquity that gives to these titles the
precedence they continue to possess.

The office of Dato’ Bandar dates from 1715 A.D. and was
conferred by Abdul-Jalil III, Sultan of Johor. It carried with it
great powers and revenues.

“ Wherever the waves break,

And the sands of the beach are broken,

R. A. Soc.. No. 83. 1921.

134

SUNGAI UJONG.

Where the wind blows into the estuaries,

And the polers work, and the oarsmen ply,

And the quays are lined with ordered ships.

And the measures are filled, and the scales are used,

And buyers and sellers agree on the price, —

Those are the realms of the Bandar’s rule.”

The Shahbandar levied his toll on the commerce and shipping
of the country; and since the wealth of a Malay State depended
mainly on its development by foreign traders and settlers, his office
might easily become the most profitable post in the land. It was
wealth that raised the Bandar to the position of a ruler of Sungai
Ujong.

The following is a list of the traditional holders of this office:

1.

Dato’

Kling,

7.

Dato’ Megat,

2.

Dato’

Lujar,

8.

To’ Bandar Tedoh,

3.

Dato’

Sangkut,

9.

To’ Bandar Lebai,

4.

Dato’

Ivarang,

10.

To’ Bandar Tunggal

5.

Dato’

Bangkit,

11.

To’ Bandar Ahmad.

6.

Dato’

Kahar,

The first six are said to have held the office of Shahbandar and
the title of Dato’ Maharaja Diraja. The seventh, Dato’ Megat,
began by holding both; but the dual position alarmed Dato’ Klana
Leha. who divided it up, giving the office of Bandar to Dato’ Megat
and the dignity of Dato’ Sri Maharaja Diraja to the Bandar’s
brother, Sohor. In those days the Shahbandar ranked as a simple
lembaga , his only distinction being a right to a salute of four (in-
stead of three ) guns.

In the days of Dato’ Klana Sindang troubles arose over some
Rawa settlers and the Dato' Bandar Lebai refused to aid the Klana
with men, money and gunpowder. A waris di-ayer named Manja
Khatib came forward with the requisite help, thus enabling the
Government to tide over the crisis.

In gratitude the Klana deposed Dato’ Bandar Lebai, conferred
the vacant office on Manja Khatib, and raised him to the position
of joint-ruler of the country. That is one story of a. change wdiich
others attribute to Klana Kawal and Yamtuan Radin. Manja
Khatib came to be known as Dato’ Bandar Tunggal and was the
chief whose turbulence and lawlessness led to British intervention
in the Xegri Sembilan. His character makes it improbable that he
acquired power in any pacific w'ay ; but whatever may have been his
methods, lie was successful in raising his position to an equality
with that of the Klana himself.

The title of Dato’ Sri Maharaja Diraja has been held by the
following persons since the eighth Dato’ relinquished it in order to
retain the position of Bandar :

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SUNGAI UJONG.

135

9. Sohor,

10. Sitam,

11. Che Ara (a woman),

12. Gudam,

13. Suborn (deposed),

14. Said,

15. Haji Ahmad,

16. Mat Sah,

17. Abdullah bin Ahmad bin

Dato’ Ivlana Kawal.

Now that the Bandar has been raised above the rank of a
lembaga, the Dato’ Sri Maharaja may be regarded as the principal
lembaga of the warts di-ay er. This family is divided into five
branches, — one keturunan and four perut, — the traditional pedigree
being as follows:

Bendaliara Sekudai

To’ Semerga
m. Rambutan Jantan or

Behai Marnat of Pasai.

I I . I I I

To’ Sulong (f.) Dato’ Kling To’ Sum To’ Sum To’ Su.su
(Bandar). Tunggal (f.) Ganda (f.) Darn (f.)

In the days of succession through the direct male line the
titles of Bandar and Sri Maharaja Diraja were monopolized by the
descendants of Dato’ Kling. Now, under the adat per pat eh, the
descendants of Dato’ K ling’s sisters also claim to be warn di-ayer,
Historically those claims may not carry weight, but doubtless there
were good reasons why they should be taken seriously. There does
not appear to be any system of gilir or rotation between the various
branches of this large and ancient family.

The title of the Dato’ Anduleka Manduleka also is ancient.
This Dato’ governed the mukim of Pantai and was one of the four
principal lembaga or Hang balai of the Klana’s court; the mem-
bers of his family were included in the waris di-darat or Klana’s
own house. But they were not allowed to succeed to the position
of Klana, an anomaly explained by the theory that this family
descended only by adoption from To’ Sri Mani, daughter of the
Bendahara Sekudai and reputed foundress of the Anduleka Man-
duleka family. The reputed holders of the title are given in the

following list: —

1. Dato’ Lantur,

8.

Alang,

2.

Tebu Amba,

9.

Lembing,

3.

Dengut,

10.

Gentum,

4.

Jadi,

11.

Minah,

5.

Jaya,

12.

Chantek,

6.

Segar,

13.

Haji Muhammad Rashid.

7.

XJlang,

The Dato’ Akhir-zaman of Rantau, another of the lembaga
Hang balai, counts as a waris di-ayer though there does not appear

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

136

SUNG AI UJONG.

to be any historical basis for this classification. There have been
eight holders only of the title, the first six being members of the
same uterine family or perut. But by a recent arrangement four
families are to hold the dignity in rotation. The names of these
chiefs were :

1.

Pasar,

5.

Lajim,

2.

Ranjau,

6.

Mi in,

3.

Bongkok,

7.

Simbok,

4.

Ivahar,

8.

Jamat.

The fourth of the lembaga tiang balai, the Dato’ Amar of
Klawang, is now a Jelebu magnate.

It will be noticed that applied to these four major chiefs the
words lembaga and waris bear a very loose sense. A Sungai Ujong
lembaga is not headman of a matriarchal tribe as in Rembau and
Kuala Pilah, nor is every waris di-darat eligible for the position of
Dato’ Klana. The ad a l perpateh did not obtain over Sungai Ujong
the power that it possesses in Rembau ; and the long period during
which the a. da t temenggong was followed, has introduced a number
of anomalies into the Government of this small State.

Next in precedence after the tiang balai come the two repre-
sentatives of the lvlana’s own family — the Dato’ Maharaja Lela of
the waris hilir, and the Dato' Johan of the waris liulu. These men
are usually electors at the appointment of a Klana and possess a
certain importance as such ; but they have no territorial authority.
From the family pedigrees it would appear that the two titles date
back to the days of Dato’ Klana Bahi when the law of rotation in
families and of succession by female descent was introduced into
Sungai Ujong. They are really the ibu bapa of two important
pend.

Below these two ibu bapa come the lembaga tiga di-Pant ai
who are really tribal headmen of the Rembau type, though the
number of their clansmen is small and their titles are modern.
These three lembaga are : —

Dato' Manteri (Sri Melenggang),

Dato’ Raja ’di-muda (Biduanda),

Dato’ Maharaja Indera (Batu Hampar).

They were appointed originally under other designations by
the Dato’ Anduleka Manduleka of Pantai and exercise no authority
outside his mulcim ; but their present titles were created by the
Klana.

The family of the Dato’ Manteri goes back to a certain Dato’
Alun T’ujoh who lived in the days of the Bendahara Sekudai and
Penghulu Selat. One of this Dato’s descendants accompanied the
Anduleka Manduleka to Kuala Pedas to interview Raja Melewar
and acquired the title of Dato’ Umbi or “the Root” because he
sat with his tongue rooted in his mouth and said nothing! At a
later date the title of “Root” was turned into Dato’ Manteri.

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SUNGAI UJONG.

137

There have been six Daio’ Manieri; one of them was Kasim, father
of the present Klana of Snngai Ujong.

The family of Daio’ Raja’ dv-muda traces its origin to a Batin
Maabud and held a number of minor dignities under the Dato’
Anduleka Manduleka before receiving from Dato’ Klana Kawal
the lembaga — ship of the Biduanda and the title of Dato’ Raja
’di-muda. This title has been held by four persons up to the pre-
sent (1. Pendita, 2. Butang, 3. Muhammad Saleh, and 4. Kulup
Laboh), but the gilir covers eight families in all.

A long story is attached to the dignity of Dato’ Maharaja
Indera. The founder of the family was a certain Gemaboh, khatib
and mudin to the Sultan of Johor in the days of Batin Sri Adam.
This man was sent by the Sultan to Pahang and Negri Sembilan
as a missionary to remove reproach from the uncircumcised. He
wandered up to Penjum, then to Kuala Dulang in Jelebu where
he built a mosque, and finally settled with his wife in the Pantai
rnukim. One of his descendants accompanied the Dato’ Anduleka
Manduleka on the mission to Raja Melewar, and, like the Dato'
Umbi, was nicknamed Dato’ Pikir because he thought so much that
he never spoke at all ! This hereditary nickname was changed re-
cently into the title of Dato’ Maharaja Indera, lembaga of the Batu
Hampar tribe: — there have only been two bearers of the newer
name, — To’ Gudoh and To’ Daud.

The miscellaneous titles are hard to classify, and may be given
in order of precedence.

The Dato’ Dagang of Parui is said to owe his title to the fact
that Raja Melewar once passed through Parui and found no one
there whose business it was to receive him. He complained to the
Klana of this inhospitable treatment, with the result that this
frontier village was provided with a chief, the Dato Dagang, whose
duty was the entertainment of distinguished guests. The pre-
cedence attached to this dignity is doubtless due to the comparative
age of the office.

Next after the Dato’ Dagang of Parui comes the Penghulu
Muda of Labu. The history of this title is lengthy and dates back
to the days of Dato’ Klana Delia. The mukim of Labu was first
settled by a certain Dato’ Mangkun, a waris di-ager, who obtained
from Klana Leha a concession of the locality. The first title given
to the family was won by Dato’ Mangkun herself; she killed an
elephant with one tusk and presented the trophy to the Klana who
dubbed her on the spot the Dato’ Bergajah Tunggal, the lady of
the Solitary Elephant. The higher title, that of Penghulu Muda,
was conferred by Dato’ Klana Kawal on Dato’ Mangkun’s grand-
son Sindeh, with the following emblems of rank: one spear, and

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138

SUNGAI UJONG.

the right of having a State umbrella held ewer his head twice a year
when the minor dignitaries of Labu came to pay their respects.
S'indeh became blind and was succeeded by his cousin Si-Adil of
Sungai Ujong. At Si-Adil’s death, one Sohom became To’ Muda
but went on a pilgrimage to Mecca, leaving Paduka Besar Hasan
to act for him. On Sohom’s return the country was in a state of
civil war and no resumption of the title was possible. When Cap-
tain Murray became Resident of Sungai Ujong and the country
had peace, he was approached on the subject of this office and
nominated Imam Prang Kasim and afterwards one Raja Layang
to be Penghulu Muda of Labu, both appointments turning out
badly and ending in the deposition of the holders. Then a child
named Kosin was named To’ Muda and Haji Abdu’r-Rahman, a
brother of the Bandar, became To’ Mangku or Deputy Penghulu.
Kosin was lost sight of for many years; but when Haji Abdu’r-
Rahman was deprived of his office, Kosin came forward and claimed
Labu. Enquiry elicited the fact that Kosin was illegitimate; so he
was deprived of his title. After this incident a man named Mah-
mud was made To’ Mangku.

The title of To’ Paduka was created by the Bandar in connec-
tion with the dignity of To’ Muda Labu and has been held by two
members of the family of the waris-di-Ayer. Theoretically the
title of Penghulu Muda of Labu should be held alternately by the
descendants of To’ Mangkun and her sister To’ Wi.

The Dato’ Andatar is headman of the village of Situl and is
chosen from the family of the patriarch who founded the village.

The Dato’ Lela Pcrkasa holds a similar position at Mandum.
He is chosen from the ivaris of an aboriginal Chief named Batin
Kamat.

The Dato’ Muda Linggi, who occupies a position of semi-
independence in Sungai Ujong, usually settles the question of his
precedence by staying away from the great audiences at which the
issue might be raised. Outside the Klana’s Court he is a dignitary
of considerable importance. The history of his title is interesting.
About A.D. 1775 a number of settlers from Riau came to Penajis
in Rembau and established a colony there. They seem to have been
law-abiding people but they would not conform with Rembau
matriarchal custom which treats as incest the marriage of members
of the same uterine family. Tradition has it that the ruler of
Rembau at that period was Dato’ Uban. and that he refused to
tolerate their presence in the country unless they accepted the adat
perpateh in all its rigour. The Riau colonists left Penajis and
took refuge in Sungai Ujong where the patriarchal adat terneng-
gong was still in force. They were welcomed by Dato’ Ivlana Leha
who gave them a tract, of country on the Sungai Ujong side of the

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SUNGA1 UJONG.

139

Linggi River, bounded upstream by Kuala Selebu, downstream by
Bukit Tiga and Sungai Serban, and inland by Tampin Kechil
opposite Permatang Pasir. Within these frontiers they govern
themselves, and are allowed to marry their cousins even to this day.
They recognize however a certain vassalage both to Rernbau and to
Sungai Ujong, — beribu kapada Rernbau, berbapa ka-SungaA U jong,
— and are .expected to furnish assistance to the rulers of those
countries, should they ever desire to visit Malacca. The year of
this Settlement is said to have been 1783 A.D. and. helps us to
date both Dato’ Klana Delia and Dato’ Uban of Rernbau. The
leaders of the settlers were Dato’ Awaludin and his sister, Dato'
Sri. At a later date (1798 A.D.) the present site of the village
of Linggi was opened by To’ Lebai Dulaman who received the title
of Penghulu. He was a grandson of Dato’ Sri. He was succeeded
by To’ .1 uragan Abdu’r-Rahman, his paternal uncle, who died
about 1824 A.D. The next chief of Linggi Muhammad Atas was
a Rernbau man who had married a daughter of To’ Juragan Abdu’r-
Rahman, but he was styled only To’ Muda. This To’ Muda Katas,
as he was called, played an important part in local politics at the
time of the Naning War and did much to thwart the ambition of
Saiyid Shaaban. In A.D. 1833 the village of Kuala Linggi was
founded by settlers from Langat. The successors of To’ Muda
Katas have been

2. To’ Muda Haji Muhammad Saleh,

3. To’ Muda Muhammad Peral,

4. To’ Muda Muhammad Bastam.

We now come to the titles of the officers attached to the court
of the Klana and Bandar. Two of these are of the first importance.

The Dato’ Laksamana Raja di-laut is the chief minister of
the Klana; indeed his office is regarded as a stepping-stone to the
rulership. He is, of course, a member of the inner circle of the
tcaris-di-darat. He receives the envoys of foreign chiefs as well
as the magnates of his own state, and is entitled himself to certain
marks of high rank — a spear and a black flag ( tunggul ). The

dignity was created by Dato’ Klana Ivawal and its holders have been

1. Sinding, afterwards Klana;

2. Saiyid Aman, afterwards Klana;

3. Nadim, deposed for recognizing Tengku Antah;

4. Puput ;

5. Ahad (the present holder).

The Dato’ Pengliina Besar holds in the Bandar’s Court the
position that the Dato’ Laksamana holds in the Ivlana’s. The pre-
sent Bandar was Peaglima Besar to his predecessor.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

140

SUNGAI TJJONG.

The other officers of the Court call for little notice. They
are juak or attendants whose humble status is hidden under liigh-
sounding designations such as Sultan Bendahara, Diwangsa, Maha-
raja, Maharaja Singa, Penglima A wan, Imam Perang Kanan, and
so on. Some of these titles have elaborate histories attached to
them ; and all are pesaka or heirlooms in certain families.

The matter of the dispossessed family of Beranang and Semun-
yeh deserves attention, if only from the amount of official corres-
pondence it has caused. The ancient boundaries of the State of
S'ungai Ujong differed greatly from the modern. The frontier ran
from Jugra to Mt. Tunggul Si-jaga, thence to Merbok Krawang,
thence by Ilekok and Subang Hilang, thence to Mt. Perhentian
Berhimpun in Jelebu. It included the Bukut mukiras — and most
of the Langat districts of Selangor. But the Bugis ruler of
Selangor carved out a. kingdom for themselves without reference to
the rights of the To’ Engku of Klang or the Penghulu Mantri of
Sungai Ujong. The coast fell into their possession; they held
Jugra Lukut and even at one time Cape Rachado. They did not
however penetrate to inland territory much of which remained un-
occupied by Bugis and Malay.

The first attempt to colonize Semunveh and Beranang was
made in the days of the Dato’ Ivlana Saiyid Aman who handed the
district over to Baja Husain, a waris of Sungai Ujong. This
chief levied a toll on all settlers in his mukims; but a territory
cannot be developed in this primitive way, and the country re-
mained a waste till the establishment of a settled government under
the British protectorate.

When the frontier between Selangor and Negri Sembilan came
to be defined, the mukims of Beranang and Semunyeh were in-
cluded in Selangor and some portions of the coast district were
ceded to Negri Sembilan. Baja Husain was offered a choice be-
tween the position of a Selangor Penghulu and the sinecure office
of Dato’ Laksamana of Sungai Ujong. He elected to serve under
Selangor. Unfortunately he was extremely incompetent. After a
long and patient trial his services were dispensed with, and his
post was given to one of his relatives. That relative also was a
failure. The position of Penghulu of Semunveh passed out of the
hands of Raja Husain’s family; and Raja Husain himself died
shortly afterwards, leaving a large family to nurse a grievance.

But it is an interesting point in local custom that Raja
Husain’s children have no valid grievance over this lost inheritance.
Raja Husain was a waris of Sungai Ujong through his mother,
Che’ Angsa; his children (under the law of uterine succession)
are not waris at all. The adat perpateh of their native country

Jour. Straits Branch

SUNGAI UJONG.

141

would have disinherited them quite as surely as British dislike for
the inefficient. Their genealogy is interesting however on other
.grounds, as the following table will show:

Baja Adil

Baja Hasil,
Yamtuan Muda,
of Bembau.

I

Tengku Jafar.

I

Tengku Timah m.

of Bembau.

Tengku Kadim,
Tengku Ivechil Muda
of Bembau.

I

Tengku Minah.
m. Tengku Dzia-alam.

I

Tengku Ivechil Muda
m. Che’ Angsa Tengku Laut.

I

Baja Husain.

It is this family which possesses the seals and traditions of
the disinherited house of Baja Hasil through his grand-daughter,
Tengku Timah. Xone the less, Baja Husain personally has no
-claim on the ground of descent from the deposed Yamtuan; and
even his descent from Baja Adil is not in the direct male line.

The interest of the Semunyeh-Beranang question is more official
than historical. Baja Husain never obtained a title from any
Negri Sembilan chief and has no position, except as a wans , in
the court, of the Ivlana.

It remains only to touch on the ceremonial at the Ivlana’s
Court.

The Buler’s insignia ( kebesaran ) have been enumerated al-
ready.

Those of a lenibaga are : —

(1) a salute of three guns ;

(2) a sword;

(3) a long kris;

(4) an umbrella ;

(5) a banner (tunggul) ;

(6) a pennon ( ular-ular ) ;

(?) a streamer (awa-awa?) ;

(8) certain cloth decorations.

These marks of greatness are common to the lembaga of all
the Xegri Sembilan States. The duties differed. The great lem-
baga of Sungai TTjong ( tiang balai) were hereditary territorial
chiefs and not tribal headmen. They received no fees such as the
mas tukul lan iak of Bembau, and did not have their authority
limited to any one tribe.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

Occurrence of the Malayan Badger or
Teledu in Borneo.

By J. C. Moulton, m.a., b.sc. (Oxon.).

Director, Raffles Museum and Library, Singapore.

During a recent collecting expedition into the interior of
Northern Sarawak I heard from the natives there of the existence-
of a cave-dwelling animal, remarkable for its powerful and disagree-
able odour. Subsequent!}' I was fortunate enough to obtain two
flat skins from a native chief (in exchange for a pair of trousers).
Although the head and hind-legs have been cut off, the skins are
in comparatively good condition and quite recognizable as those of
the Malayan Badger.

This Badger differs from the true Badgers of Europe and
Asia in having a long pointed mobile muzzle and a very short tail.
It is only found in Java, Sumatra, Borneo, Great Natuna Islands
and Palawan*. The Javanese species was described by Desmarest
as long ago as 1820. It appears to be by no means uncommon in
that island, where it is known as the Teledu or Sigoeng.

In Borneo, however, it is evidently a great rarity. Only two-
specimens appear to be known hitherto. They are in the British
Museum and were described by Oldfield Thomas in 1902 as Mydaus
lucifer. One is a female collected by Sir Hugh Low in 1876 “ from
the mainland near Labuan,” and the other from Papar (North.
Borneo), collected by A. H. Everett.

The two skins now obtained for the Baffles Museum, Singapore,
agree well with the description of M. lucifer, except in size. Old-
field Thomas gives the dimensions of the type (in skin) as
follows : —

Head and body 340 mm. ; tail 35 mm. ; with hairs 90 mm..
The Baffles Museum skins are much bigger :

Neck and body 540 mm.; tail 40-45 mm.; with hairs 80-
85 mm.

The light marking is very broad and conspicuous on the nape,.
95 mm. across widest part narrowing on the middle of the back
down to 20 mm. in one skin and to 10 mm., followed by a very
short break altogether, in the other. This marking becomes slightly

* Dr. Hanitseh records one captured in the Botanic Gardens, Singapore
in 1909. He suggests that it was probably a specimen escaped from cap-
tivity. It is the Java form; its natural occurrence in Singapore would
certainly be curious. On the other hand it is difficult to imagine anyone
attempting to keep such an odoriferous animal as a pet or indeed for any
purpose !

Jour. Straits Branch R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921..

THE MALAYAN BADGER IN BORNEO.

143

wider again on the lumbar region, whence it passes on to the tail.
In one skin the hairs at the base of the tail are dark, forming a
basal ring which Oldfield Thomas notes is absent in his lucifer.
In the other the underside only of the tail is brownish.

Oldfield Thomas comments on the roundness of the skull of
his type, which he says is generally a youthful character. He adds,
however, that “ the type seems fully adult, its sphenoid suture
being quite and its basilar partly closed.”

If he is right in regarding his two specimens as adults, then
the two skins in the Raffles Museum possibly represent a new
•species, or subspecies, twice the size of that described by Oldfield
Thomas from Borneo as lucifer. I would suggest naming this new
form Mydaus javanensis montanus.

I am inclined to think that it would be more correct to re-
legate all the Mydaus “ species ” to subspecific rank, regarding
them all as geographical races of but one species, which would be
known by the oldest name, viz. M. javanensis Desmarest.

The exceptional size of monianus however might perhaps
■entitle it alone to specific distinction, but until a complete skin
with skull is seen, I prefer to regard it as the Bornean mountain
form of javanensis, while the name lucifer must be restricted! to the
Bornean lowland form.*

Life in the mountain fastnesses of the interior of Borneo, un-
disturbed or perhaps less harassed by native hunters, who alone
would constitute their real danger, might well have favoured the
development of a larger and presumably stronger race, whose
chances of survival were greater than those of their less favoured
relations living in the more populated lowland country.

Evidently both forms are rare and much restricted in their
distribution ; probably they are dying out. Collectors in Dutch
Borneo and Sarawak have apparently failed to find it in that part
of Borneo, but from inquiries made recently in North Borneo it
seems to be known there still. One correspondent, Mr. R. J. Cock-
rill, writes from Lahad Datu, British North Borneo (4th January,
1921)

“ I have twice seen the animal, called here “ Singgoeng ”
in this District, East Coast.

“ The first occasion was some years ago when one came
under my Bungalow in Lahad Datu at night. It was attacked
by my dogs and emitted the very strong smell you mention, —
so much so that my guests and myself had to clear out until
the atmosphere was less’ ‘thick.’ We killed the animal in
my garden.

* The introduction of a new name based on such inadequate material
is usually difficult to defend. I would, however, quote as a precedent the
Argus Pheasant ( A . bipunctatus ) described some 50 years ago from a single
feather, which is still the only known “specimen” of that mysterious species
and still to be sought for in this part of the world.

144

THE MALAYAN BADGER IN BORNEO.

“ A few weeks ago I came across a recently killed one-
near onr cattle sheds on the Segama River, about 8 miles
from Lahad Datu.”

Another correspondent, Mr. E. Stuart Young, who spent eleven
years in British North Borneo, gives me the following interesting
note : —

“It was in 1915 near the banks of the Pegallen River
some ten miles as the crow flies above Tenom, that one of my
natives met this beast at the foot of a big tree. As he got up
to it the powerful odour you mention was emitted and he was
rendered unconscious for about an hour. The animal ran into-
a hole at the base of the tree and the man was carried away by
his companions.

“ The native, who was very intelligent, was a Tvadayan
brought up amongst the Dayaks in Sarawak and had been all
over the jungles whose water flows into Brunei Bay. He had-
never seen or heard of such an animal before.”

The Kalabits informed me that, so far as they knew, these
Badgers, including the two skins they gave me, were only found
in caves on Mt. Murud, a mountain which forms the northern and
highest end of the Pemabo Range at the headwaters of the Baram
River, Long 115° 30' E & Lat 3° 50' X. This mountain has never
been visited by Europeans, although one or two Sarawak Govern-
ment Officers have been within sight of it and passed close to it.

The Kalabits told me of the powerful smell emitted by this
Badger — Dengan-ruit ” is their name for it. They said it was so
bad that dogs, on entering a Badger’s cave, had actually been killed
by the poisonous smell. I am afraid I did not treat this part of
their tale as seriously as perhaps it may have deserved. However,
they assured me that it was strictly true. I was therefore parti-
cularly interested to receive Mr. Stuart Young’s account quoted
above and to find the following note published in the Proceedings
of the Zoological Society of London, 1879 (pp. G64-5) : —

“ The following extracts from a letter addressed to the
Secretary by Mr. Henry 0. Forbes, dated “ Kosala, Bantam,
W. Java, July 27, 879, were read: —

“ My present residence is about 2,000 feet above the sea.
Many, many times, especially in the evening just after dusk,
the Mvdaus ha*s discovered its proximity to us by its extremely
disagreeable and peculiar odour. So powerful indeed is this
that natives attempting to catch these animals, often fall down
insensible if struck by the discharge from their anal battery.
Even at the distance of half a mile and more the stink, as I
must call it, permeates the atmosphere so thickly that it is
plainly discernible by the taste.”

In regard to the altitude at which this Badger is found, Forbes
writes in the above-quoted letter:

Jour. Straits Branch.

THE MALAYAN BADGER IN BORNEO.

145

“ The following note as to the distribution of the Badger-
headed Mydaus ( Mydaus meliceps), called by the Sundanese
“ Sigoeng” (Dutch spelling), may not be without interest.

“ Horsfield says that this species is confined exclusively
to those mountains which have an elevation of more than 7,000
feet above the surface of the ocean. There it occurs with the
same regularity as many plants. The long extended surface of
Java, abounding with isolated volcanoes with conical points
which exceed this elevation, affords many places favourable
to its resort.”

Lydekker makes the following statement in the Royal Natural
History, 1897, Yol. II, p. 88 : —

“ The Malayan badger appears to be confined to the
mountains of Java, Sumatra and Borneo, ranging in the
former island from an elevation of about five hundred to up-
wards of seven thousand feet above the level of the sea. In
Borneo it is found at elevations of not more than eighty or
one hundred feet, and in Sumatra does not ascend above one
thousand feet.”

I do not know on what authority Lydekker makes the above
statement regarding the Bornean species. The two skins from ML
Murud would not come from an elevation of less than 3,000 ft.,
as the country slopes up to the foot of the P'emabo Range, which
rises from a base about 3,000 feet above the sea level to an altitude
of over 6,000 feet. The height of Mt. Murud is probably about
8,000- feet. The Kalabits told me that these badgers were found
in caves on the mountain, but I did not ascertain how far up.

As noted before, only two Bornean specimens have apparently
found their way to European Museums. They are both in the
British Museum, whence Mr. Oldfield Thomas writes to me in a
letter dated 1st January 1921: —

“ I am sorry to say that with regard to Mydaus we are
where we were when I wrote my paper in 1902.

“ We have had no more specimens and I can say no more
than I did then. So Mydaus is evidently a rare animal.”

The Director of the Zoological Museum, Buitenzorg, Java,
informs me that they have no specimens of Mydaus from Borneo
in that Museum.

The nearest allies to the Malay Badgers ( Mydaus ) are the
Hog-Badgers or Sand-Badgers ( Arctonyx ), of which species occur
in China. India, the Malay Peninsula, Sumatra and Borneo.* They
are distinguished from the Malayan Badgers by their longer and
more bushy tails, although they resemble them in the long and
naked muzzle.

* According to Trouessart and Gyldenstolpe, but no definite record of
any specimen from Borneo is given.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

Bibliographical Note.

1820. Desmarest, Mammals, Vol. I, p. 187 (Describes Mydaus

javanensis from Java).

1821. Cuvier, F., Mammals, Yol. II, pi. 159 (Figures Mydaus

meliceps from Java ( ?) = M. javanensis) .

1869. Gray, J. E., Catalogue of Carnivorous, Pachydermatous
and Edentate Mammalia in the British Museum,
p. 131. (Records- three varieties from Sumatra; ap-
parently no specimen in the British Museum at that
date from Borneo or Java).

1879. Forbes, H. 0., Proc. Zool. Soc. Load. pp. 661-5 (Remarks
on their distribution and habits in Java).

1893. Everett, A. H., Proc. Zool. Soc. Bond. p. 491, “ A No-
minal List of the Mammals inhabiting the Bornean
Group of Islands.” (Includes Mydaus meliceps in
his list, but without comment, or note as to locality).

1893. Hose, C., A Descriptive Account of the Mammals of Borneo

p. 27. (States that Mydaus meliceps is found in the
northern part of Borneo, and gives habitat as “ North
Borneo (A. Everett).”

1894. Lydekker, R. The Poyal Natural History, Yol. II, pp. 88-

9. (Gives a figure of Mydaus meliceps and states
that it is confined to the mountains of Java, Sumatra
and Borneo).

1897. Trouessart, E. L. Catalogus Mammalium, Fase. I, p. 255.

(Gives distribution of Mydaus meliceps as “Java,
Borneo, Sumatra, ? Malacca ”.

1902. Oldfield Thomas. Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. ser. 7, Yol. IX,
pp. 442-3. “On the Species of Mydaus found in
Borneo and the Natuna Islands.” (Describes the
Bornean form as Mydaus lucifer,, based on two speci-
mens in the British Museum).

1904. Trouessart, E. L. Catalogus Mammalium. Suppl. p. 189.

(Lists all species of Mydaus described to date, viz.
javanensis from Java and Sumatra, ollula from
Greater Natuna Islands, marchei from Philippines
and lucifer from North Borneo).

1910. Hanitsch, Dr. R. Annual Report on the Raffles Museum
and Library for the year 1909, p. 6.

1920. Gyldf.nstolpe, Count Nils. Kungl. Svenska V etenskaps-
akademiens TIandlingar. Band 60, No. 6, p. 54.
(In list of Bornean mammals records Mydaus lucifer ,
but without comment or note as to locality).

Malaysian Bearded Pigs.

By C. Boden Kloss, f.z.s.

I have for examination a small series of Malaysian bearded
pigs from the Bomean-Sumatran area : those from Borneo are
Sus bnrbatus : pigs from Sumatra and Sumatran islands have been
named, and determined as, Sus oi1 : the latter series is not homo-
genous and it is open to anyone to say that the island animals are
of the Bornean form — but a topo-type of Sus oi is still more like
the latter than are the animals from the islets.

When Miller wrote his “ Xotes on Malayan Pigs ”2 he defined
Sus barbatus of Borneo (after examining 27 skulls of adults) as
having “ the posterior molar, both above and below long, the upper
tooth containing a compressed anterior median ridge, a middle
median ridge, and a large terminal median heel in addition to two
well-developed bicusped cross ridges, the lower tooth containing
three large bicusped cross ridges and three smaller median ridges,
the last of which forms the terminal heel.”

Of Sus oi he wrote in the same article (nine specimens ex-
amined from E. Sumatra, Banka and Ivundur Id: but only two
adults with the last lower molar in good condition) “last molar
both above and below smaller than in the Bornean animal, the
upper tooth retaining all its elements, but with its posterior portion
much narrowed, the lower tooth lacking the terminal heel, but with
the third transverse ridge reduced to a terete heel-like remnant.

“ This species is distinguishable from Sus barbatus chiefly by
the reduced size and complexity of the posterior lower molar, as
shown by the type and by one of Doctor Volz’s Palembang speci-
mens, the only adults yet known with this tooth in good condition.
No tendency toward a similar reduction could be detected in any
of the twenty-seven adults of Sus barbatus that I have examined.
It is very probable that, as Doctor Jentink states, the skull is more
elongated than in the Bornean animal.”

In his key he summarises the differences as follows : —

“ Third lower 'molar with three cross ridges and a terminal

heel.... Sus barbatus.

1 Miller, Proc. Biol. Soc. Washington, XV, 1902, pp. 51-2.

2 Proc. U. S. Nat. Mus. XXX, 1906, pp. 737-758, pis. XXXIX-LXTV.
Jour. Straits Branch R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

148

MALAYSIAN BEARDED PIGS.

Third lower molar with two cross ridges and a terminal

heel. . . . Sus oi.”

Of still larger series of Sumatran and Bornean material Lvon
wrote3 “ The specimens indicate that the members of the Sus
barbatus group of pigs are somewhat more variable than was at
first supposed. The characters pointed out by Mr. Miller, however,
appear as a rule to hold good. The most reliable character for
distinguishing between Sus oi and Sus barbatus is the size and the
shape of the last lower molars. This tooth averages longer in the
Bornean pigs and in the majority of the specimens shows three
distinct cross ridges and a terminal heel, while in the Sumatran
Sus oi most specimens have this tooth shorter, with only two cross
ridges and a terminal heel, or sometimes what appears like three
cross ridges and no heel. As for actual size of the skulls, the
largest in the U. S. National Museum comes from Borneo (Cat.
No. 142351, upper length 487 mm.) It does not, however, reach
the extreme length (505 mm.) given by Mr. Miller for Sus oi. All
the pigs of this group recently taken by Doctor Abbott on Sumatra
or the adjacent islands are distinctly smaller than is the type of
Sus oi.”

My Bornean series consists of five adult skulls with mandibles
and one mandible from the southern half of Sarawak (one with
exceedingly worn teeth, one just adult) which should all be Sus
barbatus : and my Sumatran set4 of a topotype of Sus oi and two
adult skulls with mandibles and one skull only (with very worn
teeth) from Tanjong Batu, south east of Great Durian Id., Rio
Archipelago, which should also be Sus oi. To these may be added
Miller's description combined with his figures of skulls and teeth
which are very large and clear.

The Tanjong Batu examples agree with the topotype and the
figures and descriptions of Sus oi — and so do three of the six
Bornean specimens !

Of the remaining Bornean specimens two clearly have the
mandibular teeth of barbatus of Miller, and another with the de-
tail worn away has the teeth nearly as long; but of the last all
one can say of its exceedingly worn teeth is that the posterior lower
molar is very large and apparently has the form of barbatus though
it is abnormal, ending with a pronounced outward curving spur,
whereas the last lower molar in all the others is rounded. Its
posterior upper molar is truncated and terminates squarely: the
remainder agree with each other in having the end of the last upper
molar rounded.

3 Proc. U. S. Nat. Mus. XXXIY. 1908, p 626.

4 Lent by Raffles Museum, Singapore.

Jour. Straits Branch

MALAYSIAN BEARDED PIGS.

149

Recent writers on Bornean pigs have agreed that S. longi-
rostris, Nehring, is only a synonym of S. barbatus which Miller
says is a large-toothed animal. Is there another pig in Borneo
(besides S. barbatus and S. gargantua) : or is the last molar in the
Bearded Pig as variable as it is in some species of Presbytis — as
variable as many of the characters of the skull? This latter sup-
position seems more likely.

As far as the teeth go T am unable to separate my material
into two forms but there appear to be other characters by which it
may be possible to maintain the Sumatran animal as a slightly
differentiated subspecies.

As compared with S', b. barbatus it has the muzzle (front of
pmx to anterior alveolus of canine) longer — and perhaps a little
broader; the mandibular symphysis longer; the mandible a little
deeper ; while the profile of the face is perhaps a little more con-
cave. And though fewer Sumatran than Bornean animals have
been measured S. b. oi also appears to be a little larger. The
maximum upper length of skull in the U. S. National Museum
series is 490 mm. for barbatus (27 specimens) : 505 for oi. Mv
series shows 480 for barbatus : 520 for oi (from Tanjong Batu).

What is Sus gargantua Miller’, a name based on a very large
skull from S. E. Borneo (the type locality of Sus barbatus) ? Its
molars in, no way differ from those of barbatus and oi, the unique
skull possessing a posterior lower molar with three bicuspid ridges
and a terminal heel.

Its distinctness rests on the size and shape of the skull and
while, though adult, it is only a young adult yet the upper length
of the skull measures some 570 mm. (224 in.) against 490 (19'4
in.) in S. barbatus and 520 (204 in.) in Sus oi. As for the shape
of the skull it differs from that usual in the others principally in
having that part of the cranium lying behind the orbits pushed
backwards and downwards so that it is more prolonged posteriorly
and not so high there, the bottom of the condyles being scarcely
above the alveolar line of the cheek teeth; while lines drawn
through the lower edge of the zygomata and of the alveolus are
either parallelled or, if produced, meet posteriorly whereas the same
lines produced in barbatus and oi always seem to meet anteriorly.

In spite of the skull being larger than the known skulls of
the others the teeth do not exceed theirs in size.

If the type of S. gargantua. is not an example of barbatus of
abnormal shape and size (and there is no reason to believe that it
is) it must be a distinct species since gargantua and barbatus occur
side by side. Perhaps marked external differences will later be
found.

5 Miller, t. c. p. 743 and plates.
R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

150

MALAYAN BEARDED PIGS.

In this connection it is interesting to note that the Malays
inhabiting the central parts of Eastern Sumatra and some of the
islands closely adjacent report the existence there of another pig
much larger than Sus b. oi and regarded by them as quite distinct
from it — the “ Babi branti ” — in habits nomadic and consorting
in droves0. There is no reason to doubt the statements which in-
dicate a Sumatran analogue to the Bornean Sus gargantua, thus
paralleling the case of oi and barbatus.

Excluding — their position being uncertain — Sus gargantua of
South-eastern Borneo, of huge size, and Sus branti of Eastern
Sumatra, breast high at the shoulders and decreasing towards the
rump, it appears to me that there are only three real species of
pig in the Malaysian sub-region (not including the Philippine
Islands and Celebes) : these are Sus scrofa (to which belong S.
crista t us, S. vittatus and all the “ species ” or forms of common
wild swine that have been described from the area7), Sus barbatus
of Borneo and Sumatra and Sus verrucosus of Java.

Literature Consulted.

Rolleston, Transactions of the Linnean Society : Zoology, Yol. I,
pt. 5, Oct. 1877, pp. 251-286, pis. XLI-XLIII.

Lydekker, Memoirs of the Geological Society of India, Palaeon-
tologia Indica, Ser. X, Yol. Ill, pt. 2, 1884, pp. 35-104,
pis. YI-XII.

Jentink, Notes from the Leyden Museum , XIII, 1891, pp. 85-
104; id., op. cit., XXVI, 1905, pp. 155-194, pis. 2-14.

Foksyth Major, Annals and Magazine of Natural History, Ser. 6,
XIX, 1897, pp. 521-542'.

Kloss, Journ, Straits Branch, Roy. Asiatic Soc., Xo. 45, 1905,
pp. 55-60, pis. I-III ; id., op. cit.. No. 49, 1907, pp. 67-69.

twp <t-P
o

3f¥t

« This huge pig, whether of Borneo or Sumatra, must be a fine animal
and is probably so powerful and fierce as to provide excellent sport. It is
to be hoped that the first man so fortunate as to obtain good adult specimens
will not content himself with taking merely the skull and scalp but will
preserve the whole skin and skeleton.
t Also S. leucomystax of Japan.

A New Squirrel from North Sarawak.

By C. Boden Kloss, f.z.s.

Amongst the mammals recently obtained by Major J. C.
Moulton in North Sarawak, mostly of fairly well-known species —
though some, such as the series of Sciurus prevostii baluensis and
S. p. suffusus, are of considerable interest from the point of distri-
bution— are two examples of a squirrel which, when seen in the
forest, must bear a close superficial resemblance to the more rusty-
bellied individuals of the very variable local form of ■ Sciurus vit-
tatus, i.e. 8. v. dulitensis. They are, however, considerably smaller
than this animal and rather more brightly coloured and have, more-
over, large buff patches behind the ears.

On the other hand they are much larger and more richly
coloured beneath than Glyphotes simus from Kinabalu1 (still known
only by the type specimen) which, besides lac-king the buff patches,
has markedly distinct cranial and dental characters. As they ap-
pear to occur side by side with S. v. dulitensis I feel compelled to
regard them as a distinct species — a thing I am loth to do when-
ever I can avoid it.

Sciurus adamsi sp. nov.

Superficially resembling S. vittatus dulitensis Bonhote, in
colour but the grizzled areas rather brighter and less olivaceous,
the yellow element being oohraceous instead of buff. Underparts
of body7 and limbs orange-cinnamon to cinnamon-rufous (Ridgway),
but the chin and throat somewhat greyish. Tail as in S. v. dulit-
ensis but the grizzle more tawny and the extremity without any
rufous suffusion. Round the eyes a tawny ring, the ears with fronts
and edges distinctly tawny and behind the ears a large clearly-de-
fined patch of pure buff, partly on the metectote and partly on the
side of the neck. lateral stripes of buff and black (the latter
slightly grizzled with rufous) as in S. v. dulitensis.

Size much smaller than S. v. dulitensis.

Skull and teeth as is S. v. dulitensis but smaller.

Collector’s external measurements of the type taken in the

flesh: — head and body 176; tail (imperfect) 72; hindfoot, s.u., 48;
ear 15 mm.

Skull measurements2 *: — greatest length, 42.5, 41.0; eondylo-
basilar length, 36.0, 34.8; basilar length, 34.4, 32.0; palatilar
length, 17.7, 16.3; diastema, 9.8, 9.0; upper molar row (alveoli),

1 Thomas, Ann. and Mag. Nat. Hist. (7) II, 1898, p. 251.

2 In each instance the first measurement is that of the type.

Jour. Straits Branch R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

152

A NEW SQUIRREL FROM NORTH SARAWAK.

7.9, 7.6; median nasal length, 11.2, 10.4; interorbital breadth, 14.5,
14.8 ; zygomatic breadth, 25.7, 24.7 nun.

Specimens examined. Two, an adult female with slightly worn
teeth from Long Mujan, about 150 miles up the Baram River,
North Sarawak, about 700-900 ft., and a young adult without any
details but probably from the same locality. I have selected the
former for the type — though the tail and skull are imperfect — as
it is a fully adult animal and has a precise locality.

Remarks. Though Mr. Thomas described Glyph otes simus as
having indistinct whitish postauricular patches while Sciurus adamsi
has very distinct buff ones I cannot think that the two are one
species, though otherwise the general colour scheme is the same.
The only possibility of the three specimens being of the same species
is that Glyphotes simus has been described from an extremely
juvenile individual: but Thomas states that the type is an adult.

At Major Moulton’s request I have named this squirrel in
honour of Mr. C. D. Adams, District Officer, Baram, to whom
Major Moulton was indebted for exceptional facilities accorded to
him during his expedition in that district.

The type and paratype are, for the present, in the Raffles
Museum, Singapore, and the Selangor Museum, F. M. S. respec-
tively.

Chinese Marriages, as regarded by the
Supreme Court of the Straits
Settlements.

By Boland St. John Bbaddell.

When Penang and Singapore were first settled by the English,
they were for all practical purposes uninhabited islands or at all
events they were without settled institutions, as our Courts here
and the Privy Council in England have held. In either view the
Colonists brought with them as part of their baggage the Common
Law of England, which is the birth-right of every subject and is
portable property. But they carried with them only so much of
the English law as was applicable to their own situation and to the
conditions and wants of the inhabitants of the new Settlements.
Furthermore in applying such law as was so applicable the Courts
had to modify it to suit the above circumstances.

A part of the Common Law so imported into the new Settle-
ments was the Statute of Distributions which regulates the dis-
tribution of the estate of an intestate amongst his next of kin and
it is in connection with the application of this Statute to the
Chinese race that the Courts in their reported decisions have con-
sidered the Chinese institution of marriage.

This Statute (22 and 23 Car: 2. c. 10) was passed by a
Christian legislature for a Christian people and doubtless without
any thought of its ever being applied to non-Christian peoples but
from the time that the English became a colonizing race and the
principles of the Common Law as applying to our new territories
became settled our Courts and lawyers held that the English laws
of inheritance were part of the general law applicable to the new
plantations: as to which Blaokstone is clear. The Statute of Dis-
tributions had, therefore, to he applied by the Judges in Penang and
Singapore to the non-Christian and polygamous races in the Settle-
ments over which their jurisdiction extended.

Now, the Statute contemplated marriage only in its Christian
sense, that is to say, “the voluntary union for life of one man and
one woman to the exclusion of all others ”, to use Lord Penzance’s
classic definition in Hyde v Hyde and Woodmansee, L. B. 1 P. &
D. 133. Further polygamy had always been considered by the
jurists as outside the pale of Christian Courts and international
comity, as to which more will be said later. How then were the
•Courts of the Colony to apply this Statute based on monogamy to
a state of polygamy?

-.Tour. Straits Branch R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

154

CHINESE MARRIAGES.

Here was a Statute which spoke of one wife and gave to her a
share in her intestate husband’s estate; here was a Statute which,
bv common legal consent, when it spoke of children meant in Eng-
land legitimate children to the exclusion of bastards and adopted
children. How was such a Statute to be applied to the estate of a
Chinese who died leaving a principal wife ( t’sai ) and several
secondary wives ( t’sip ) ? How was it to' be applied to the adopted
son of a Chinese when such a son by Chinese law and custom was
as much legitimate as one born of the flesh? These and others were
the knotty points which for the past hundred years the Courts of
this Colony have had to settle and it is the purpose of this article
to show from their recorded decisions how they have done so and
how they have sought to justify themselves in so doing.

Penang was founded in 1786 and became a separate Presidency
in 1805; in 1807 the Crown granted to it a Charter of Justice,
which the lawyers here commonly call the first Charter. In 1819
Singapore was founded and in 1826 the Crown granted a second
Charter of Justice to the two Settlements and to Malacca. These
Charters contained clauses directing the Courts to have regard to
the several religions, manners and customs of the inhabitants, and
in particular to exercise their ecclesiastical jurisdiction only so far
as such religions, manners and customs would permit.

In considering the question of the distribution of the estates
of Chinese intestates our Judges had, , therefore, to bear in mind
the words of the Charters as well as the general common law rule
which required them to modify English laws to suit the condition
of the inhabitants of the Settlements. There was also a further
principle by which one at least of them allowed himself to be
guided, that of international comity.

With these preliminary observations it will be possible now to-
pursue our main subject.

In 1843, sitting at Malacca, Sir William Norris (Recorder,.
1836-1847) held that the adopted son and daughter of an intestate
Chinese (who left behind him no widow or widows apparently)
Were jointly entitled to letters of administration to his estate in
preference to his lawful nephew and that the assets were to be
divided between them to the exclusion of the lawful nephew. Sir
William based his decision upon the Charter of which he took the
same view as had been expressed by Sir Benjamin Malkin (Re-
corder, 1833-1835) in the case of In the goods of Abdullah, 1835,.
2 Ivy. Ec. 8, where Sir Benjamin observed “ In the general ex-
pression the Charter seems to have intended to give a certain de-
gree of protection and indulgence to the various nations resorting
here, not very clearly defined, yet perhaps easily enough applied in
particular cases, but not generally to sanction or recognize their
law.”

We have to wait until 1858 for the next recorded decision.
In that year Sir Benson Maxwell (Recorder, 1856-1866; Chief

Jour. Straits Branch.

CHINESE MARRIAGES.

155

Justice, 1867-1871), unaware of the above decision, decided that
an adopted child was not entitled to share. In the course of his
monumental judgment in Regina vs. Willans, 3 Journ. Ind. Archip.
41, and 3 Ky. 16, he reconsiders Iris decision in the light of Sir
William Norris’ view with which however he still disagrees. The
law is now definitely settled as S'ir Benson Maxwell held it and
the final recorded decision is that of Sir Theodore Ford in 1877 in
Ivhoo Tiang Bee et uxor vs. Tan Beng Gwat, 1 Ky. 413.

In Regina v Willans Sir Benson Maxwell went into the ques-
tion of the recognition by our Courts of Asiatic laws and customs
very fully. The following passages, perhaps, illustrate his views
sufficiently : —

“ The law of England, wheresoever administered, respects,
either ex comitate or ex debito justitiae, the religions and usages of
strange sects and nations to the extent to which the Charter re-
quires that they shall l>e respected.”

“It does not seem to me that the Charter has in any respect
modified the law of England by any exceptional adaptation of it
to the religions and usages of the East.”

“ Thus if a Mahomed an or Hindoo or Chinese marriage,
celebrated here according to the religious ceremonies of the parties,
be valid, it is not because the Charter makes it so for, as I have
already observed, it makes no exception in favour of native con-
tracts of any kind — but because the law of England recognizes it.”

He then points out that the general rule of that law is that
the validity of a marriage is to be determined by the lex loci cele-
brationis and cites a passage from the judgment of Lord Stowell in
Dalrymple v Dalrymple, 2 Hagg: 59.

“ But where the law of the place is inapplicable to the parties,
by reason of peculiarities of religious opinions and usages, then
from a sort of moral necessity, the validity of the marriage depends
•on whether it was performed according to the rites of their religion.”

“ In this place where the law of England has been for the
first time brought to bear upon races among whom polygamy has
been established from the remotest antiquity, the Court has had to
•consider the question, and has always held polygamous marriages
valid. Whether the local Judicature erred, or not, in coming to
this decision, I do not stop to Consider. It is enough to say that
if it decided rightly, it is not because our Charter demands an ex-
ceptionally indulgent treatment of the question, but simply because
the principle which makes the validity of a marriage to depend
upon the religions of the parties, extends to polygamous marriages;
while, if the Court has been wrong, it has erred, not in adopting a
principle foreign to, and at variance with the law of England, but
in stretching beyond its legitimate limits, a perfectly well estab-
lished one.”

JR. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

156

CHINESE MARRIAGES.

Sir Benson, then, justified the recognition of polygamy in the
Colony on the grounds of international comity and how bold and
vigorous a decision that was will be seen when the state of legal
opinion in England at the time (1858) is examined. Great writers
on international law such as Kent, Burge and Story, put poly-
gamy outside the pale of the comity of Christian nations without
qualification, as did all the recorded decisions of the English Courts
up to that time.

In 1861 Sir Benson Maxwell had an interesting Chinese case
before him in Penang, the case of Nonia Cheah Yew vs. Othrnan-
saw Merican and anor, 1 Ivy. 160, in which he held that a Chinese
female in this Colony is at liberty to marry, after being divorced
from her former husband, notwithstanding that no guardian was
present at such second marriage, the law of China to the contrary
not being applicable to this Colony.

In Sir Benson’s judgment he holds that by the law of China
to render a second union a marriage there must be a person to give
the woman away to the new husband and a delivery of marriage
presents ; otherwise it was considered simply as a case of con-
cubinage.

“ If this rule were in force here,. it was plain that the marriage
set up could not be sustained, for the plaintiff admitted that
neither her uncle, the head of the family, nor any one else, gave
her away. But the rule could not be held essential here under
English law, where a very different degree of liberty and respect
was accorded to women than in China or other parts of the East.
In China a woman appeared to be, as in India, in a state of per-
petual tutelage, and to be either under a general incapacity to
contract, or to have no right to dispose of her person as she pleased.
The necessity of giving away was not so much a part of the cere-
mony, as a consequence of the general law relating to the status of
a woman. But here this must be determined by the English and
not by the Chinese law.”

The Recorder went on further to find that as a matter of
fact no second ceremony of marriage took place at all, apart from
the question of its legality.

The first part of the decision involved Sir Benson in a strange
departure from the principle of comity which he had laid down in
Regina vs. Willans. If the marriage was bad according to Chinese
law, how could it have been valid according to the English Com-
mon Law?

Chinese law and custom, however, are rejected by the Court
and an artificial creation substituted.

The above is the only recorded case in which the question of
divorce amongst the Chinese lias arisen. In it the judgment shows
that a divorce paper was produced in evidence but how, or even
if, the divorce was proved to have been valid according to Chinese-
law the report is quite silent.

Jour. Straits Branch.

CHINESE MARRIAGES.

157

In 1867 Sir Benson gave his famous decision in the case of
In the^ goods of Lao Leong An, W.O.C1. 35, 1 S.S.L.R. 1, in
which he decdded that the secondary wife (t’sip) of a Chinese in-
testate was entitled to an equal share of the intestate’s property
with the principal wife ( i’sai ).

In that case it was urged in resisting the claim of the second-
ary wife (t’sip) that her condition was not that of a wife but a
concubine, that is to say', that her status was not a legal one at alt
and that she was without legal rights at all; a mere mistress, in-
deed. Sir Benson over-ruled the contention and held that she was
a lawful spouse. He arrived at this result from a perusal of Sir
George Staunton’s translation of the Chinese Penal Code. It is
unnecessary to go into his reasoning here as the matter will be
dealt with later.

For forty years the Courts acted on this decision and it re-
mained unchallenged until the famous Six Widows’ case. Before'
turning to that case there are, however, one or two other decisions
of the Court that need short consideration.

In 1887 in the case of Lee Joo Xeo vs. Lee Eng Swee, 4 Kyr
325, Sir John Goldney held that in distributing the estate of a
Chinese dying intestate domiciled in the Colony and leaving pro-
perty in it. the Statute of Distributions is the only rule, and the
exclusion of females in sharing in such estate according to Chinese
law and custom will not be recognized.

It will be convenient, therefore, to observe here that the law
of this Colony as it now stands gives to the widows, principal and
secondary, the widow’s share under the Statute to divide equally
amongst them, whereas Chinese law would give them merely a
right to maintenance. Again under Chinese law female next of
kin are excluded, save in exceptional circumstances, from any
share in the estate, though they may have claims to maintenance,
whereas by the law of this Colony they take equally with males.

Our law is, therefore, very dearly neither English nor Chinese
law but a mixture of the two.

In 1890 the question was raised in Penang before Mr. Justice
Wood in the case of Regina vs Yeok Boon Leng, 4 Ky: 630, as
to whether a Chinese could be convicted of bigamy. The accused
was acquitted because the prosecution omitted to bring evidence
tjiat by Chinese law or custom the second marriage was void by
reason of its taking place in the lifetime of the first wife.

In 1901 the same question arose at Malacca in the case of
The King vs Sim Boon Lip, 7 S.S.L.R. 4, with most unfortunate
results to the accused who was sentenced to three months’ simple
imprisonment. The accused was at first acquitted before Sir Archi-
bald Law by a majority of four to three, but this majority being
insufficient, a new trial was ordered which duly came on before
Sir M illiam Hynclman- Jones. It would appear, though it is not

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

158

CHINESE MARRIAGES.

•expressly so stated in the report, that the accused took a second
t’sai or principal wife in the lifetime of the first. By Chinese law
this offence is punishable with ninety blows of the bamboo and the
lady must be returned to her parents. The Acting Consul General
for China at that time gave evidence' that the second marriage was
illegal according to Chinese law.

The conviction was most unsatisfactory and the defence of the
accused would not seem to have been conducted too skilfully though
very possibly the report does not do justice to the counsel concerned.

It should be mentioned that the custom in Penang, according
to sworn evidence recorded in the Supreme Court there, is that a
(Chinese can have a t’sai in Penang provided his other t’sai is in
China. The Penang t’sai would then be called a peng t’sai.

There are no other reported decisions on the law of bigamy
as applicable to the Chinese but the present position in this regard
can only be considered as very unsatisfactory.

We come now to the great Six Widows’ Case as it is commonly
called from the fact that in it six women claimed to be the lawful
widows of the late Mr. Choo Eng Choon, a very wealthy and well-
known Chinese gentleman, who was a British-born subject and
domiciled in the Colony. The case is reported in Volume XII of
the Straits Settlements Law Reports, where it occupies one hundred
and six pages; it lasted from October 1905 to June 1909.

A determined attack was made on the settled law of the Colony
by counsel for the son of the deceased by his first t’sai, and by
counsel for a second t’sai whom the deceased married after the
death of liis first. The settled law was upheld bv counsel (of
whom the writer Was one) for the women who claimed merely to
be t’sips ; and the attack upon it was over-ruled by Sir Archibald
Law on appeal from Mr. Registrar Velge’s findings, and by Sir
William Hyndman-Jones and Sir Thomas Braddell on appeal from
Sir Archibald Law.

For the sake of convenience the unsuccessful parties will be
called the appellants, though before Sir Archibald Law all the
parties concerned were appealing, and in the Court of Appeal
several of them.

The first main argument put forward by the appellants was
that the Chinese are not a polygamous race and that the expres-
sion polygamy imports an equality amongst the wives. They
called a somewhat formidable array of expert witnesses amongst
whom were Messrs. Tso Ping Sing, Consul-General for China,
Suen Sze Ting, Acting Consul-General for China, and Lo Tseng
Yao, a former Acting Consul-General for China.

The views of these three gentlemen may be summed up as
follows and undoubtedly accord with a strong body of opinion
amongst the educated Chinese of this1 Colony at the present moment

Jour. Straits Branch

CHINESE MARRIAGES.

159

(1) According to the law of China a man can have only one

lawful wife;

(2) If the husband is of official rankl, she is entitled to official

honour through her husband ;

(3) The proofs of a legal marriage according to Chinese law

are the three marriage documents, the six .stages of the
marriage ceremonies, the go-between and the fetching
of the bride from her guardian’s house in procession
accompanied by a band ;

(4) In addition to his wife a man can take as many con-

cubines as he pleases ;

(5) A concubine is only entitled to official honour through

her sons but not through the father of her children who
is not her husband but her lord and master ;

(6) A concubine may be purchased with money without any

ceremony at all.

This seemed strong evidence that the Chinese are mono-
gamous, but as Sir William Hyn diman- Jones in his judgment said
“ however great the respect we may have for the opinions of the
Chinese gentlemen who have given evidence upon the subject — all
of them, excepting one, holding high official rank and one of them
Mr. Lo Tseng Yao, being not only a high official of his own country
and versed in its laws, but also, as 1 understand, a barrister-at-
law of the Inner Temple1 — T sav however great a. respect we may
entertain for the views of these gentlemen, we cannot allow them
to decide this question for us. On the contrary, it is our duty to
consider the position which the law of China has given to these
women so far as we can gather it from all the sources above indi-
cated and in the light of that law and having regard to the posi-
tion and being aided but not restricted by the evidence to which
I have referred, decide for ourselves the question whether the
Chinese as a race are monogamous or polygamous.”

In addition to the oral evidence of the experts, a large mass
of written evidence was used in the course of the case in the shape
of books and treaties upon Chinese law and custom.

It may be said at once that every Judge who has ever sat on
the Bench of this Colony has, so far as is known, held the Chinese
to be polygamous and so treated them. What these Chinese gentle-
men who gave evidence overlooked was that the Chinese law gave
to the women whom they called concubines1 a very definite legal
status, not as high as that of the t’sai or principal wife it is true
but such as to show that they stood in a very different position to
that of mere mistresses or the subjects of casual connections.

There was, further, an even more important point which these
gentlemen overlooked. The children of the t’ sip are legitimate
according to Chinese law and share with the children of the t’sai
in their father’s estate. How then are you to regard an union as

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

160

CHINESE MARRIAGES.

illicit when the offspring of it are legitimate? To declare the
union of a Chinese with his t’sip as being outside the pale of the
law of the Colony would be to bastardise a large proportion of
Chinese born in the Colony, and to deprive of all rights numbers
of women, most of whom have devoted years of their lives to the
men with whom they lived.

Taking all the facts concerning the position of the t’sip into
consideration Sir Benson Maxwell’s view that they were lawful
wives was upheld on reasoning similar to his. Sir William Hynd-
man-Jones summed the position up thus : —

“ I have already said that in the diversity of opinion before
us we must decide the question of monogamy or polygamy mainly
by a consideration of the position which the law assigns to these
women: and it appears to me that when you find that concubinage
is not only tolerated by the law but recognised as a legal institu-
tion, then concubinage ceases to be that which Western nations are
accustomed to understand by that name and becomes polygamy.”

The argument that polygamy imports equality amongst the
wives was quite unsupported by authority and over-ruled. Indeed
there was a clear English authority against it, the strange case of
Christopher Bethell which may be considered with regard to this
argument as well as with regard to the second main argument of
the appellants namely that if the Chinese are polygamous then, as
English Courts cannot recognise polygamy for any purposes, the
Courts of this Colony cannot recognise their union at all.

In dealing with Regina, vs Willans it was pointed out that up
to the date of that case, 1858, all jurists put polygamy outside the
pale of Christian nations. It is now necessary to see how the law
in England had dealt with the matter between 1858 and the time
when the Six Widows’ Case was being argued.

It is obvious that in England a marriage might come before
a matrimonial Court or might come before a Court which had
merely to decide on rights arising out of the marriage. The
English matrimonial Courts are purely Christian Courts and .their
machinery and weapons are only intended for use in dealing with
monogamous unions : it is obvious that they would withdraw from
any consideration of a polygamous union as between the parties
to it. Whether the rest of the English Courts would refuse to
adjudicate in any circumstances upon the rights of the issue of a
polygamous union is another matter and as yet unsettled.

In 1866, in the case of Hvde v Hyde and Woodmansee, al-
ready referred to, a Mormon husband filed a petition for dissolution
of his marriage on the ground of adultery. Lord Penzance said
that it was obvious that the matrimonial law of England was
adapted to the Christian marriage and wholly inapplicable to poly-
gamy. In rejecting the prayer of the petition on this ground he
was careful to add at the end of his judgment these words “this
Court does not profess to decide upon the rights of succession or

Jour. Straits Branch

CHINESE MARRIAGES.

161

legitimacy which it might be proper to accord to the issue of the
polygamous unions nor upon the rights or obligations in relation
to third persons which people living under the sanction of such
unions may have created for themselves. All that is intended to
be here decided is that as between each other they are not entitled
to the remedies, the adjudication, or the relief of the matrimonial
law of England.”

The only case in which the rights of the offspring of a poly-
gamous union have come before the English Courts is that of In
re Bethelh Bethell v Hildvard, L.R. 28 Ch. Div. 220, but un-
fortunately in that case counsel for the issue of the union made
the admission that if the union was held to be polygamous there
was an end to his client’s case. Again, as will be seen, it was not
a ease of two members of a polygamous race marrying according
to their own rites but of an English Christian making a union with
a woman of a polygamous race.

Christopher Bethell left England for the Cape of Good Hope
in 1878 and never returned : he was killed in Bechuanaland fight-
ing as a trooper in the mounted police in an encounter between
his force and the Boers. In 1888 he had gone through a form of
marriage at Mafeking according to the custom of the Baralong
tribe with a girl named Teepoo by whom he had a child. As he
was the legatee of property in England under his father’s will it
became necessary for the English Court of Chancery to decide
whether in the eyes of the law of England this child was legitimate,
and an enquiry by the Chief Clerk of the Cburt was ordered. This
Official certified that the Baralongs had no religion nor any re-
ligious customs and that polygamy was allowed in that tribe. He
also certified that Christopher Bethell’s domicile at the time of his
marriage was English.

The evidence before the Chief Clerk showed that amongst the
Barolongs “each male is allowed one great wife and several con-
cubines who have almost the same status in the home as the great
or principal wife ” and the chief of the tribe in his evidence said
“ there are those who have two, three or four wives but the first is
the principal wife.”

Mr. Justice Stirling, as he then was, agreed that upon this
evidence the Chief Clerk was right in finding that the Barolongs
were polygamous : and he held that the law of England could not
recognise the union. All the miserable infant got was its costs
out of the estate! This is not the place to discuss the judgment,
though it may be observed that the learned Judge held himself
bound by the decisions of matrimonial Courts!, in particular, by
Hyde v. Hyde and Woodmansee, and that he made no mention of
the saving clause already quoted at the end of the judgment in that
case. ,

This case, however, was really the only one that the appellants
in the Six Widows’ Case c-ould rely on as being in any way on all
fours with the case which they were arguing.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1021.

162

CHINESE MARRIAGES.

On the other hand, in his work on Extraterritoriality Sir
Francis Piggott, late Chief Justice of Hongkong and a jurist of
considerable eminence, gives some very cogent reasoning to the
effect that for the purposes of succession the English Courts would
recognise the offspring of the union of, sayi, a Turkish man and
woman as legitimate and entitled under the Statute of Distribu-
tions, while Professor Dicey regards the whole question as doubtful,
certainly not as decided by Bethell’s case or the matrimonial cases.

The Court of Appeal had little difficulty in over-ruling the
appellants and they based their decision not on international comity,
as Sir Benson Maxwell had done, but on the Charter, which he had
refused to do. This charter was the third one of 1855.

The Six Widows’ Casa, however, added one new decision to
the law relating to Chinese marriages. The Court held that a
child legitimised per subsequent matrimonium according to Chinese
law is legitimate and entitled to share in the two-thirds share which
the Statute of Distributions gives to the children of a deceased
intestate. In doing so the Court followed the well-known English
case of In re Goodman’s Trusts, L.B. 17 Ch. Div. 267, where a
child similarly legitimised under Dutch law was held to be legiti-
mate and entitled to share under the Statute in English property.

It now remains to notice the last two cases in the Colony,
those of Ngai Lau Shia vs. Low Chee Xeo in Singapore and
Cheang Thye Phin vs. Tail Ah Loy in Penang, in both of which
the author appeared as counsel for the claimant ladies, both here
and in the Privy Council. Neither case is as yet locally reported
but the decision of the Privv Council will be found in the Law Re-
ports 1920 A.C. 369.

Nigai Lau Shia claimed to be a lawful daughter of the late
Mr. Low Kim Pong, a wealthy Singapore merchant: she had at-
tempted to prove a ceremony between the deceased and her mother
as a t’sai but the evidence was disbelieved. It was then argued
on her behalf that her mother should be presumed to have been a
t’sip of the deceased from cohabitation and repute, in which she
succeeded, the Court holding that such a presumption may be made
upon ]> roper evidence. It also decided that the Courts here will
now take judicial notice of the fact that the Chinese are a poly-
gamous race.

Tan Ah Loy claimed to be presumed to be a t’sip of the
late Mr. Cheang Ah Quee, the last Captain China of Perak. She
failed to prove a ceremony of any sort and Mr. Registrar Gibson
found against her, as he Avas unaware of the decision in Ngai
Lau Shia’s case and thought that the Six Widows’ Case had de-
cided that some ceremony was necessary to constitute a proper
secondary marriage. Her claim was upheld by the Court of Appeal
and the Pri\Ty Council both of which held that no proof of a cere-
mony is essential, and presumed for her a marriage as a t’sip from
cohabitation and repute.

i

Jour. Straits Branch

CHINESE MARRIAGES.

163

In the case of Ngai Lau Sliia the scholarly pen of Mr. Justice
Eibden has illuminated and summed up the whole views of our
Courts on the subject of Chinese secondary marriages: and an
article such as this would be quite incomplete and ineffective with-
out reprinting in it the following passage from his judgment.

“ The Chinese equivalent of the English word “ marriage ”
in its most careful sense is used only of the man and only with
reference to his union with the t’sai, the principal wife, chosen
for him by his father or by the person under whose patria potestas
he happens to be.

“If the man enters on a second hit-fat union [full marriage]
during the lifetime of his t’sai he is punishable with 100 blows of
the bamboo (the usual instrument) and the union is null and void.

“ The man who degrades a t’sai to the level of a t’sip or raises
a t’sip to the level of a t’sai is punishable with 100 or 90 blows
according to the respective offences, and the ladies in each case are
to be replaced in the position to w'hich they are originally entitled.
The process of elevation or reduction is not defined but the provision
indicates that the t’sip has some position from which she can he
wrongly elevated and to which she can be reduced.

“ The t’sai becomes a relative of her husband’s family and a
‘ senior to be treated with respect.’ The t’sip does not enjoy
these privileges. She cannot share the man’s honours. She can
attain to honours onlv through her sons.

A man having married a t’sai at his father’s choice may buy
or ‘ acquire ’ as many t’sips as he pleases at his own. The t’sai
l! is chosen from his own rank: he may take his t’sips from a lowrer
class. Rut the t’sip may not any more than the t’sai be taken from
the Seh [family name] of the man.

“ As to this the “ Book of Rites ” mentions an interesting
injunction bv Confucius : —

“‘ In marrying a t’sai do not marry anyone of the same family
name so as to make a distinction.

“* So in the purchase of a t’sip whose name is unknown find it
out by divination.’

“This because the t’sip may be drawn from a class in which
girls are the subject of barter and sale in their childhood with
the result that her Seh may have been lost.

“ The Manchu Code accepts the t’sip as having an established
position in the Chinese family system and protects her in that
position though it does not define it.

“ Scholars and lexicographers have not hesitated to define the
concubinage of the patriarchs as amounting to legitimate marriage
though implying an inferior condition of the wife to whom the

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

164

CHINESE MARRIAGES.

husband does not convey his rank or quality : vide, e.g. definitions
of 4 concubine ’ and 4 concubinage ’ in Webster’s Unabridged Dic-
tionary and in Wharton’s Law Lexicon quoting John’s Biblical
Antiquities.

44 If this view is true of the concubine of the Pentateuch it is
certainly true of the t’sip. Abraham from motives of policy pre-
sented Sarai his wife, 44 a fair woman to look upon ” as his sister
to more than one royal suitor. The Pharaoh of the period met
with great plagues in consequence — Ahimelech of Gerar received
timely warning 44 in a dream by night.”

“ Under the Maneliu Code Abraham would have received one
hundred blows even for dealing by Ha, gar or Keturah his t’sips as
he did by Sarai his wife.

44 Again, if Staunton is right in his interpretation of section
116 of the Code, Abraham would have suffered castigation for his
action in turning Hagar out into the wilderness merely to appease
the jealousy of Sarai.

44 Sentiment and the material feelings are doubtless often in-
fluences in the selection of a t’sip. The man’s guardian chooses
his t’sai. He chooses his t’sip for himself. There is a proverb
to the effect that a t’sai is taken for her virtue, a t’sip for her
beauty.

44 But it seems to be fully accepted that the taking of a t’sip
is authorised in order to the fulfilment of the dictates of filial piety
which requires male issue for 'the purpose of ancestor worship.

44 There does not seem to be any need to review what has been
shown before the Courts on former occasions as to the status of
the children of the t’sip. It is enough to say that in some respects
there is no distinction drawn between them and the children of the
t’sai while the sons of the t’sip have their place in the order of
succession to the inheritance and to hereditary dignities. They
also share, though not on equal terms, in the patrimony.

44 Herr von Mollendorf has compared the unions of the t’sai
and of the t’sip to connubium and concubinatus respectively. This
may stand as a rough comparison. The union of the t’sai ap-

proaches justae nuptiae as nearly as the East can approach the
West. But whereas the offspring of concubinatus did not come
under the patria potestas except by process of legitimation, the
offspring of tire t’sip are subject to it as an incident of their birth.

44 English law cannot conceive of varying degrees of legitimacy
of birth or marriage. Birth can be either legitimate or illegiti-
mate and the union between man and woman can be either lawful
or illicit. There is no middle state. It does not seem possible
to interpret the status of the children of the t’sip as anything
but that of legitimate children. They are fully recognised. Nor
does it seem possible to hold that children whom we must accept
as legitimate can have sprung from an union which remains illicit.

Jour. Straits Branch

CHINESE MARRIAGES.

165

“ China is a land of general inversion according to Western
ideas. In the West legitimacy of offspring depends on the lawful
character of the union from which they come.

“ Conversely, the offspring of the t’sip being recognised as
legitimate, the union from which they come must be regarded as
lawful.

“ English law again does not recognise any intermediate system
between monogamy and polygamy and I cannot see how it is open
to us to attribute to the t’sip any status than that of a polygamous
wife.”

It will be seen, then, that English law has been mated by our
Judges to Chinese law and from the union a half-caste offspring
has resulted. It is no fault of the Judges: they have had the al-
most impossible task of welding Eastern ideas into Western law.
What they have done has resulted in very fair justice and those
Who readily clamour for legislation on the subject of Chinese
marriages would do well to remember that several of the best law-
yers we have had here have tried their hands on the subject and
dropped it. The plain unvarnished, fact that governs the whole
matter is that the views of the Chinese of this Colony are so very
divergent that legislation is practically impossible.

In the Federated Malay States Chinese custom is alone ob-
served but, then, the common law of England does not run there,
as it does here.

In conclusion it may lie observed that the Munch u Code (Ta
Ching Lu Li), the most comprehensive source for Western stud-
ents of Chinese Law, was promulgated in 1647 by the Chinese
Justinian, the Emperor Sham Chi. It consists of the Lu, corres-
ponding to the first three parts of Justinian’s Pandects, and the
Li, answering to that Emperor’s Xovellae. It was to the Lu, as
translated by Sir George Staunton and published in London in
1810, that our Courts have gone chiefly for their information.
Staunton was, as is well known, an attache of the first British diplo-
matic mission to China in 1793. Practically no epitome of Chinese
law has appeared since his work.

Lastly it must be remembered always that in the Chinese mind
law (lu li) and general custom ( kuei chu ) are mixed up and can-
not be separated. Chinese family law, in particular, is not purely
a matter of law but includes a large number of general usages.

The difficulties which our Courts have had to overcome can-
not be understated and the writer can speak with very personal
feeling as to tire difficulty in arriving at the precise Chinese law
on any subject that presents itself to any one who can neither read
nor speak the Chinese language.

R. A. Soc., No. 83. 1921.

Odoardo Beccari.

By I. H. Burkill and J. C. Moulton.

At the age of seventy-seven, on October 26th, 1920, Odoardo
Beccari, the great naturalist and traveller, died unexpectedly of
heart failure in Florence.

Beccari obtained a degree in the Natural Sciences at the Uni-
versity of Bologna in 1864; and immediately after that met in
Genoa the Marquis Giacomo Doria, already a traveller of note:
there they planned together the first of Bec-cari’s four journeys to
the wonderful East, — Beccari the botanist, and Doria the zoologist.
The preparations for it took Beccari to London, and caused
the commencement of his life-long connection with Kew. The
two explorers set out in April, 1865, spent a short time in Oeylon,
and reached Sarawak in June via Singapore, thereby starting
Bec-cari’s fifteen years of busy collecting and travelling. It
is well before anything else to state whither those years took
him: — (1) in Sarawak with Doria until March, 1866, when the
latter’s health gave way, and in Sarawak alone to January, 1868:
(2) in Eritrea in the company of the Marquis 0. Antinori from
February to October, 1870; (3) eastwards again, to New Guinea
from November, 1871. with L. M. D5 Albertis, who like Doria broke
down; in the Aru and Kei islands from February to September,
1873; in Celebes to June, 1874; in the Moluccas to January, 1875:
in Dutch New Guinea to March, 1876; and then back to Florence
in July of the same year; (4) in 1877 across India to Australia
and New Zealand with E. D’ Albertis; and parting in Java at
Batavia in 1878, alone for a final exploration in southern Sumatra.

The wealth of the material got upon these travels was enor-
mous: his first journey resulted in 20,000 botanical specimens re-
presenting 3,300 species of the Higher Plants, in a collection of
800 fruits in spirit, in a big collection of timber samples, and in
his 48 orang-utans : his collections from Eritrea ran to 600 num-
bers; and his later collections were upon the same scale, both
botanical, zoological and ethnological. This vast store, so much of
it got together in the Dutch Indies, the Government of the Nether-
lands, it is said, wished to buy ; but Beccari preferred that it should
go to Italy, whence he distributed his duplicates liberally. The
botanical and ethnological parts now lie at Florence, and the
zoological part at Genoa.

Intrepid, and yet very wise in his dealings with the wild tribes,
Beccari wandered almost alone where few white men have been
able to go. His visit to the lvapuas region of central Borneo is a
case in point; his climbing of the Arfak mountains in New Guinea

Jour. Straits Branch

ODOARDO BECCARI.

167

with five natives another : and his penetration of southern Sumatra
a third. When, and in a large part where he travelled, head-hunt-
ing was among the inhabitants an honourable pastime. In Sumatra
he discovered the Aroid, Amorphophallus Titanum , — the tuber1 2
so heavy that it required two men to carry it. In Borneo it was
his wont to fell the enormous Dipterocarps and other forest trees,
that the material which he collected might be perfect. He never
missed an opportunity of collecting and though Singapore was to
him but the means of getting into the wilder lands, he collected not
a little in the island.

Repatriating himself finally in 1880, Beccari settled down in
Florence to study his immense collections, and to publish his re-
sults, his home an old castle, and his way of living very simple.
There he married : and three sons fought for the Allies in the
Great War.

In the first short interval between his expeditions, he had
founded the Xuovo Giornule botanico Italiano, which is still
published as the organ of the Societa botaniea Italiano. On his
return from his second expedition to the Far East lie commenced
his " Malesia ” being essays on groups of interesting Malayan
plants, beautifully illustrated, by his own pencil, the cost of repro-
duction met in part by means of a grant from the Bentham Trus-
tees- in London: the first volume appeared at Genoa in 1877, the
second from 1884 to 1886 and the third from 1886 to 1890, In
1892 he was occupied jointly with Sir Joseph Hooker in mono-
graphing the Indian palms for the Flora of British India. In
1902 he published his Nelle foreste di Borneo, which was trans-
lated into English (1904) by Dr. E. H. Giglioli in a somewhat
modified form under the title of “Wanderings in the Great Forests
of Borneo.” In 1908 and 1914 the Royal Botanic Gardens, Cal-
cutta, published his two magnificent monographs upon the rattan-
palms. The plates for these were executed from photographs taken
by Beccari with the use of an ingenious apparatus for removing
shadows. In 1912 he monographed the palms of Madagascar for
tire Museum of Natural History in Paris. He published many
smaller works, chiefly in the journal Webbia, and for the most part
upon palms.

It is significant of this — his great interest — that Malesia opens
with an account of the palms of New Guinea, and with .the words
“ a predilection for the plants of this family has made me on all
occasions to ensure that they should be represented in my collec-
tions by complete specimens and that I should always re-

1 This great tuber reached Marseilles alive, but perished there because
of the inflexibility of the laws against importing living plants. Beccari,
however, had sent seeds to his friend the Marquis C’orsi Salvatori ; and the
huge herb flowered at Kew from them in 1889, eleven years from the date
of Beccari 's finding it.

2 George Bentham, co-author with Sir Joseph Hooker in the great.
Genera Plantarum, bequeathed in 1884 a sum of money for the provision
of illustrations to botanical works.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

168

ODOARDO BECCARI.

cord their appearance alive.” After this essa}' on palms come
others on various natural groups of plants, selected in each case
with the idea of clearing ground where the difficulties lay thick.
The second volume of Malesia is occupied by his classical essay
entitled “Piante ospitatrici,” that is plants which provide hostels (for
ants, etc.). The third renews the subject of the Palms, and is like
the first, a series of systematic studies in difficult groups of plants.

He prefaced his essay on “ Plants which provide hostels ” by a
discussion upon the part stimulation or irritation by insects could
have had in calling into existence characters now inherited, such
as hollow stems and hollow tubers, eminently prepared as it were,
for the insects to occupy them. In this his views were Lamarckian,
— that is to say he accepted Lamarck’s “ inheritance of acquired
characters” as a working force in the shaping of this world. Such
views have long been unacceptable to the majority of workers on
Evolution : but he set them forth again in his Nelle Foreste di
Borneo where the possibility of the pull of river currents in giving
submerged leaves length that becomes ultimately inherited, is
among further illustrations one of the more striking.

Death found him engaged in preparing for the press his New
Guinea diaries; and in putting the last touches to two further
monographs of palms, one on the Lepidoearyeae in English, and
the other on the Areceae in Italian. These monographs are likely
to be published shortly. A third on the Borassineae was left some-
what advanced.

It is intended in the Botanic Gardens, Singapore, to make,
with palms first described by Beccari a small avenue as a memorial
to this great naturalist, who ever since Singapore had a botanic
department has been a frequent correspondent, and was always
ready to give the assistance of his profound knowledge.

I. H. Bukkill.

In the foregoing pages Mr. Burkill has summarized the travels
which occupied the earlier years of Beccari’s manhood and the
botanical work which filled the remainder of his life. But it is
as no ordinary traveller or worthy botanical systematist that
his name will live or indeed that he himself lived. For an insight
into the true nature of the man one must read his “Wanderings
in the Great Forests of Borneo” — a veritable Natural History
epic, replete with a mass of most varied observations, original and
inspiring theories, and as the narrative of a born naturalist, worthy
to rank with the more widely read nature-diaries of Darwin, Wal-
lace, Bates or Belt.

This book appeared first in 1902 in Italian under the title of
“ Nelle foreste di Borneo.” The English edition, translated by
Dr. E. H. Giglioli and F. H. Guillemard3 and enlarged or other-

s The well-known naturalist, author of the “Cruise of the Marehesa,’'
and himself a traveller of no mean repute in Borneo some twenty years
after Beccari.

Jour. Straits Branch

ODOARDO BECCAEI.

169

wise modified by Beecari was published in 1904. It is de-
dicated to “ Marquis Doria, Macaenas of naturalists,” and the
dedication is perhaps the clearest indication of the happy conditions
under which Beecari commenced his wanderings abroad. The soli-
tary traveller misses much — Guillemard in his editorial note says
“ What would I not have given for the companionship in my
journeys of so skilled a botanist and so enthusiastic a nature-lover
as the author of this volume.” One can imagine the keen en-
thusiasm and abounding energy of youth : the interest in everything
so new, the questions and problems which crowded in on Bec-cari
at every turn, and then, beside him, Doria, the trained naturalist-
explorer companion, whose maturer views and sound reasoning
must have served as a wonderfully safe guide to useful observation
and as an ever-present stimulus to further research on steady lines
into the wonders of Nature, just as no doubt Beec-ari’s own youthful
enthusiasm and fertile imagination must have kindled anew the
keenness of his older companion.

Small wonder then that under these conditions his diaries are
so full of varied and suggestive information. The lapse of some
40 years between those days and the time of writing his book was
an advantage in that he has allowed the wisdom of later years to
develop and modify the immature reasonings of his youth; but at
the same time none of the freshness of a narrative written on the
spot is lost.

As is well known, Wallace's essay on Natural Selection, which
was read before the Linnean Society in conjunction with Darwin’s
essay in 1858, was written at Ternate. It is, however, not so often
remembered that his earlier essay on the Origin of Species, which
may be said to have fore-shadowed that of 1858, was written at
Santubong. Sarawak, three years before. We may be sure too that
this problem must have received many hours of careful thought
during his four weeks stay on Mt. Serambu in Upper Sarawak.
Just as Galapagos and Ternate will share the fame of being the
birthplaces of the Darwin-Wallace Theory of Natural Selection,
so too should Sarawak be remembered as the germinating ground,
so far as Wallace was concerned, for this remarkable Theory.

It is therefore of particular interest to read of Beccari’s visits
to Santubong and Serambu just ten years after Wallace. He too
formulated a theory of his own in regard to the formation of
species, one, however, which has failed to find the same general
acceptance as has that of his famous predecessor. He believed in
the theory “ that the environment, in the widest sense of the word,
has been the most powerful and principal agent in causing animals,
as well as plants, to assume their present form and structure; ” that
the organized “ beings now living have been originated through
the action exerted on them by the external world,” and that species
are “ merely the result of a plasmative force exerted by surround-
ings on primitive beings.” He did not believe in the present vari-
ability of species in Nature, but returned to the opposite and long-

E. A. Soo., No. 83, 1921.

170

ODOARDO BECCARI.

held idea “ of the nearly absolute fixity of existing species.” In
support of this idea he held that heredity today is the great
obstacle in the transmission of individual variations. To fit in
this idea with a theory of evolution he postulated an early “plas-
mative ” period in the history of the world, when exactly opposite
conditions prevailed. During this plasmative period or in the
“ primordial epoch of life,” as he also terms it, the power of
adaptation and response to environment was great, while heredity
was correspondingly feeble: “the further we go back towards the
origin of life the less strong it must have been, is only a logical
sequitur of the admitted strength of the force heredity now exerts.”

His views on the origin of Man are of particular interest.
When he was in London in 18(>5 Sir Charles Lyell, the great geo-
logist, urged Beccari to explore the caves of Borneo for fossil re-
mains. He argued that just as all the fossil mammals yet found
in Australia are marsupials, which Order predominates in Austra-
lia today, so too in Borneo where anthropoid apes now live, one
would probably discover the remains of some extinct species be-
longing to the same Order and perhaps taking us back a stage
nearer to the ape-like common ancestor of man and apes. The in-
teresting fossil remains of a primitive type of man from Java,
known as Pithecanthropus erectus, had not then been discovered.

Sir Charles Lyell died in 1875. Three years later a “Borneo
Caves Exploration Committee ” was formed under the presidency
of Mr. John Evans, F.ms. ; grants from the Royal Society and the
British Association were given. A distinguished naturalist, A. II.
Everett, for many years a member of this Society and contributor
to its Journal, was entrusted with the work. The results of his
exploration of Bornean Caves were published in our Journal No.
6, December 1880. Although interesting fossils were found, none
threw any light on the early history of man.

Beccari’s view was that it was “ very improbable that pri-
mitive Man can have originated in the eminently forestal region to
which Borneo belongs, a region which could not only never have
promoted any aptitude for running or bipedal progression, but also
could never have made him feel the need of a terrestrial (as op-
posed to an arboreal) existence.”

He argued further that the ancestor of the orang-utan was
terrestrial, not arboreal, and that it reached Borneo from regions
less covered by trees. “ Thus the orang-utans in Borneo would
have diverged from the old anthropoid type instead of approximat-
ing to it, and in this case the orang would be, not a progenitor, but
a collateral of man.”

Beccari's many-sided inquiries suggest the delightful, restless,
inquisitive mind of boyhood. The call of the mountains was
naturally irresistible to such a temperament. Just exactly what
is the actual attraction in climbing mountains seems difficult to

Jour. Straits Branch

ODOAEDO BECCARI.

171

define. It is undoubtedly very real. Beecari suggests among other
things contributing to the pleasure of it is “ the sensation of exul-
tation at having reached the upper dominating regions of the at-
mosphere, and vanquished Xature which has tied man down to the
earth. Or it may be,” he continues, “ that our gratification is
merely the outcome of those ambitious feelings which spur on so
many to endeavour to rise above their fellows.” But can we go no
further than this?

Sir Martin Conway, a great traveller and inveterate mountain-
lover, perhaps touches the secret when he writes :

“ At such times Xature gathers her lover unto herself,
transforming his self-consciousness into consciousness of her.
The landscape becomes the visible garment of a great person-
ality whereof he himself is. a part. Ceasing to think, while
Xature addresses him through every sense, he receives direct
inspiration from her. The passage of time is forgotten in
such nirvana , and bliss is approximated if not attained.”4

The mountains of Borneo run to no great height and offer no
great difficulty in climbing as a rule. But the fascination of at-
taining their summits is the same. The pleasure of standing on
the top of Snowden 3,000 ft., — even though one may have been
conveyed thither by the mountain railway ! — is much the same as
that experienced in reaching the top of, say, Mt. Kinabalu, 13,455
ft., the highest point in Borneo — in fact the highest in all Indo-
Malaya from the Himalaya to Xew Guinea.

Beccari climbed many mountains in Sarawak: Matang (3.050
ft.), Santubong (2,650 ft.), Poi (5,600 ft.), Wa (4,000 ft.), close
to l’enrissen, Tiang Laju (4,000 ft.), Lingga (3,000 ft.). Those
who have had the good fortune to follow Beccari's footsteps to
the summits of these mountains have compared, and no doubt will
continue to compare, with keen interest the notes he made thereon
now over 50 years ago. The Journals of this Society contain
descriptions of subsequent explorations of some of these mountains.5

The ascent of mountains within easy reach evidently did not
satisfy his appetite for exploration. An account of his travels in
Sarawak would not be complete without mentioning a remarkable
journey he made from Bintulu, at that time the northern boundary
of Sarawak, right across the whole State of Sarawak to Kuching
the capital, a distance of some 300 miles. This he did in 1867
starting from Bintulu on September 15th and arriving in Kuching
on November 20th. His route lay up the Bintulu river across to
Belaga, down the liejang River to Sibu, thence across country to
Simanggang, Banting and Kuching.

4 Mountain Memories by Sir Martin Conway, pp. 217-218.

Aft. Santubong by J. Hewitt amlH, H. Everett. 1908. No. 51. pp. 1-30.
Mt. Poi by J. C. Moulton, 1913, No. 65, pp. 1-12. Mt. Penrissen by R. Shel-
ford, 1900, No. 33, pp. 1-26.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.

172

ODOAKDO BECCAEI.

Another interesting excursion lie made was up the Batang '
Lupar River to its source and across the Dutch border to the lakes
on the great Kapuas river.

Although his book is rich in botanical notes, as Mr. Burkill
has already mentioned in this article, the large zoological collec-
tions and notes he made testify to the wide interest he took in
evenr phase of Xature. His reptile collection from Borneo con-
tained 88 species, of which 19 were new to science. His collection
of bird-skins totalled some 800, representing 226 species. The
orang-utans particularly interested him; he collected no less than
48. To pick out a selection of his more interesting zoological notes
is a difficult task. To illustrate the variety of his notes one may
refer the reader to his description of the “ sumpitan fish'” which
gains its insect food by squirting a jet of water at them; the edible
birds nests ; the symbiosis of ants and “ hospitating ” plants such
as Nepenthes; the cause of eyespots on the wings of pheasants and
butterflies.

His notes on the natives of the country, their origin, customs,
languages, etc. are equally varied.

Beceari tells us in the introduction to his book that if it had
not been for a happy chance that led to his meeting the Ranee of
Sarawak in Florence, who urged him to the task, he would never
have put together the notes of his youthful travels for publication
after the lapse of some 40 years. He dedicates his book to the
Ranee, and it is thus to that talented lady that we owe this in-
tensely interesting narrative of Bornean life, besides her own de-
lightful book on Sarawak also written many years after her last
visit to that country.6

Beceari visited Sarawak first during the reign of the first
White Rajah, Sir James Brooke, who at the time however was in
England where he spent the last five years of his life. His nephew,
Charles Brooke, then Tuan Muda, practically assumed the reins
of Government in 1863, although he did not become Rajah until
the death of his uncle in 1868. The remarkable policy laid down
by the first Rajah and so faithfully carried out by his nephew the
late Rajah over a long period of 54 years excited Beccari’s warmest
admiration, as indeed it has in many other writers. This policy
was to rule the country for the benefit of its people. The ad-
vantages to be derived by foreigners settling in the country under
the Rajah’s flag, were a secondary consideration. I cannot ' do
better than quote Beccari’s remarks. He revisited Sarawak at the
end of 1877 and found that his earlier favourable impressions of
the Brooke rule were fully confirmed:

“ The Rajah considers himself the father of his people,
who have all his thought and care, and he does his utmost to
lead his subjects along the road of progress and civilisation,
though without sudden or violent changes, to which he is ab-

« My Life in Sarawak, by the Ranee of Sarawak.

Jour. Straits Branch

ODOARDO BECCARI.

173

solutely opposed on principle. He has no wish that the
country he rules should be taken advantage of bv unscrupulous
speculators of European nationalities for their own special bene-
fit alone . . . Any honest trader, and better still any able

agriculturist, who earnestly wishes to deal well with the natives,
may always be sure of a hearty welcome in the dominions of
Rajah Brooke.

“ The Rajah’s Government is eminently impartial towards
the many and varied races it lias to rule. In Sarawak all
religions are tolerated and equally protected . . . And on

his part, the second European Rajah of Sarawak, devoted to the
sole task of increasing the welfare of his native subjects, by
directing the energy of the Dyaks and Kayans towards peace-
ful avocations, by favouring Chinese immigration, and by
developing trade and encouraging agriculture has given to
the country he rules a prosperity which could hardly have been
hoped for, when one looks back at the condition of Sarawak
prior to the advent of the Brookes.”

The death of Beccari removes one of the last connecting links
with the period of Sarawak’s romantic up-hill struggle against
difficulties of every conceivable kind. His name will live in the
annals of that country together with the names of Hugh Low,
Spenser St. John and Wallace, whose narratives have done much
to give us a true idea of the conditions prevailing in Sarawak dur-
ing its early years under the White Rajahs.

Beccari’s connection with our Society, although not personal,
is none the less intimate and lasting both on account of his botani-
cal work and his travels in this part of the world. His adoption
of the name “ Malesia ” for this zoogeographical subregion is of
interest in view of the remarks of our Society’s first President,
Bishop Hose, who, in his inaugural address to the Society in 1878,
commented on the need for some collective name. Lie selected
“ Malaya ” as the name which appeared to him most suitable. Re-
cent writers, including Mr. Boden Kloss, have adopted “ Malaysia ”
for the more restricted area comprising the Malay Peninsula,
Borneo, Sumatra, Java and adjacent small islands. Both Beccari
and Bishop Hose embraced the islands as far East as New Guinea
in their names.

Although Beccari is dead, his work lives. The problems which
interested him will continue to interest Members of this Society,
and reference to his opinions will long be made. To those of us
who have felt the fascination of Malaysia it will cause no surprise
that Beccari maintained his interest in this our chosen field of work
throughout his long life.

J. C. Moulton.

R. A. Soc., No. 83, 1921.