oS | Al. 2A s / a lag VOLUME 79 Number 1 Journal of the March, 1989 WASHINGTON ACADEMY.. SCIENCES TNS ‘ ISSN 0043-0439 Issued Quarterly _-* at Washington, D.C. SYMPOSIUM ON AFRICAN LINGUISTICS CONTENTS Articles: Paulin G. Dyjité, French in Céte D’Ivoire: A Process of Nativization ....... Hayib N. Sosseh, Market Encounters as Social Events in the Open PE TUNE CLP LDP SErR Sere Nn a RMIMIMeHES dna See Classifiers im) WOIOL . 2... . ce ese eee ee ee ec eee lees Simon P. X. Battestini, The Interface Between Writing and Speech TE UES ALURIG) zene 26 fy OS ea aa Adetokunbo Adekanmbi, Tone of Yoruba Language .................... Ambe Suh Achuo, The Processes in the Formation of a Lexicon, Barfut: Washington Academy of Sciences Founded in 1898 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE President James E. Spates President-Elect Robert H. McCracken Secretary Donald O. Buttermore Treasurer R. Clifton Bailey Past President Ronald W. Manderscheid Vice President (Membership Affairs) M. 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No claims will be allowed because of failure to no- tify the Academy of a change in address. Change of Address Address changes should be sent promptly to the Academy office. Such notification should show both old and new addresses and zip number. Published quarterly in March, June, September, and December of each year by the Washington Academy of Sciences, 1101 N. Highland St., Arlington, Va. 22201. Second class postage paid at Arlington, Va. and additional mailing offices. Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences, Volume 79, Number 1, Pages 1-8, March 1989 French in Cote d’Ivoire: A Process of Nativization Paulin G. Djité Department of Romance Languages Howard University Washington, D.C. Introduction The revival of Francophonie has renewed interest in the study of French outside of France. In recent years, linguists, educators, and the public have focused considerable attention on Ivorian French, the ‘“‘non-native’’ variety of French in Cote d’Ivoire.' However, the misconception remains that French is the dominating medium for interethnic communication in the country. This paper describes the sociolinguistic picture of Cote d’Ivoire with regard to French and provides a better understanding of the place and role of Ivorian French. It also shows how Ivorians bend the French language to suit both their communicative needs and cultural schematas. French in Cote d’Ivoire At independence in 1960, the diversity of the local languages and the prestige of French led to the adoption of the latter as the national and official language of Cdte d'Ivoire. French was not only perceived as a neutral language, it was also considered a proven medium of science and technology. To date, al- though, it has neither substituted the local languages in everyday face-to-face interactions nor spread in its standard form to the masses—only 10 percent of the total population of Francophone Africa actually speaks French, all varieties included*—the prestige of French has helped in its maintenance and in the development of a number of “‘non-native”’ varieties. Manessy (1974, 1978) subdivides Ivorian French into three major varieties: (1) the French of the elite, a variety similar to the standard, (2) the French of the educated, and (3) the French of the less educated or Popular French, 1 2 PAULIN G. DJITE also called “francais de Moussa’’, “‘petit francais’, or ‘‘francais de Treich- ville’’.* Lafage (1982:19) adds that the French of the elite is only spoken by 0.5 percent of the total population, the French of the educated by 5.3 percent, and Popular French by 29.2 percent. More recent studies suggest that the proportion of Popular French is rapidly increasing (Dyjité forthcoming; Hat- tiger 1983). Hattiger (1983 :51—53), along the same lines, subdivides Ivorian French into: (1) the French of the radio, which serves as a model for the populations, (2) the French spoken in professional situations, which is limited to the domains of the office, the workplace, and to bargaining between the Europeans and Africans in the marketplace, and (3) Popular French, a variety which covers all domains of everyday life. While his description of (3) (i.e., Popular French) is in line with most other research on Ivorian French, the characterizations of (1) and (2) are not totally accurate. With reference to (1), Hattiger implies that French is learnt through the radio. It is not clear how the populations, most of whom do not read or write French, can learn the language in this informal way. It is important to realize that this is a context in which the radio also serves the social function of showing off one’s material possessions and of postulating for some kind of socioeconomic achievement. Thus, the radio is not, in most cases, for one to listen to but for others to see.* Moreover, since (2) is the French spoken for professional situations, one would expect it to be used on radio. However, because it is further described as a variety in which there is a great frequency of imperative verbal phrases, creativity, tones and argotic lexical items and a systematic use of deixis (i.e., non-verbal and gestual language), it is not adequate for such use. Again, there is a gross underestimation of the verbal performance—and even of the com- petence—of the Ivorian “‘professional” here. Clearly, the variety used in the office domain is not the same as that which is used on the marketplace and the two cannot be equated. What these subdivisions have in common is that they all reflect the socio- economic stratification in Céte d’Ivoire. The description of each variety is made along the lines of social (elite, educated, less educated) rather than linguistic variables. The more prestigious varieties are associated with the elite stratum, while the less prestigious ones are associated with speakers from under-privileged, low-status groups. A Continuum of Varieties The problems of clearcut subdivisions and adequate descriptions bring to light the fact that all these varieties of French are not discrete but rather points on a continuum (Manessy 1984:14). In fact, it is difficult to establish a clear linguistic break between Standard French (i.e., the norm) and the French of the educated for instance, or the French spoken in professional situations and Popular French. Only at each end of the continuum can distinct varieties, sometimes not mutually intelligible, be isolated. FRENCH IN COTE D’IVOIRE 3 The varieties on the continuum may be part of the verbal repertoire of the same speaker. In that case, code-switching from one variety to the other is possible whenever the situation requires it. The use of any of these varieties in a given context is more a matter of appropriateness rather than correctness. While the less educated speaker is likely to produce deviant structures in attempting to speak (Standard) French, the educated speaker is equally likely to perform poorly in Popular French. Nevertheless, only the use of the “wrong” variety in a situation will constitute a social faux pas.° Thus, even when the verbal repertoire of the speaker encompasses all the varieties on the continuum, his/her actual performance is constrained by other social vari- ables such as the level of education, the domain of the interaction, and the interlocutor. In Ivorian French, there are at least five points on the continuum. In addition to the varieties mentioned above, there are two others: the Nouchis and a student idiolect which bears no name. Like Popular French, the Nouchis is attested in the local press (Ivoire Dimanche). Both are used by small speech communities (groups of friends living in the same quarter or on the same campus) to express a (transitory) group identity. Together with Popular French, they are dynamic and innovative varieties of French. The Process of Nativization This broad range of “‘non-native”’ varieties attest to the linguistic phenom- enon of nativization in Cote d’Ivoire. Kachru (1981:15-—39), with reference to (World) English defines nativization as the “systematic changes that have occured in the phonological, lexical, syntactic, discoursal, and stylistic features of English that deviate from established ‘‘native speaker” varieties’’. I believe this useful concept can be extended to the description of the evolution of French outside of France. The Francophones, like their Anglophone coun- terparts, have adapted the French language to their own expressive needs. In the words of Manessy and Wald (1984: 13). Tout leur effort tend a modeler cette forme sur son contenu, c’est- a-dire a adapter la langue francaise 4 des maniéres de sentir et de concevoir proprement africaines. . . . Le francais en Afrique serait déja devenu en fait un francais africain.® Ivorian French however could not (yet) be described as a totally nativized form of French. It is an ongoing process that has not yet crystallized (Manessy and Wald 1984; Hattiger 1983). Victim of social prejudice early on, perceived as the dialect of the poor, the uneducated and the unambitious, Ivorian French has established itself in recent years as one of the two major linguae francae in Céte d’Ivoire.’ Even the elite and the international community are now learning this “non-native” variety in order to become fully functional in this society. In fact, it is almost 4 PAULIN G. DJITE fashionable today in Céte d’Ivoire to be able to speak a “‘non-native”’ variety of French, and Ivorians no longer feel embarrassed to use it. The pressure to conform to the norm Is progressively decreasing. Features and Functions of Ivorian French Nativization has generally been attributed to transfer from speakers’ other language(s) and simplication or overgeneralization of rules from native speaker varieties. Some of these processes are illustrated below in Popular French: (1) Popular French: Tu veux mouiller mon pain. French: ‘Tu veux me créer des ennuis. English: You want to make trouble for me. (2) Popular French: ‘Tu veux manger ton piment dans ma bouche. French: Tu veux me créer des ennuis. English: You want to make trouble for me. (3) Popular French: Ancien du feu (pour allumer c’est pas fort). French: Il est facile de raviver un vieil amour English: It’s easy to rekindle an old flame. (4) Popular French: Cabri mort (n’a pas peur de couteau). French: Ventre affamé n’a point d’oreille. English: It’s no use preaching to a hungry man. Clearly, transfer from speakers’ other language(s) is operating in all the examples above. The problem is to pinpoint which specific language is being resorted to. In his extensive study of Popular French, Hattiger (1983) makes the point that it is difficult to show the source of transfer in a multilingual situation. In addition, most of the written texts in Popular French are artificial reconstructions and stereotypical approximations of the spoken language (Du- ponchel 1979:403-—411). ‘“‘La Chronique de Moussa’’, ‘“‘Dago’’, ““Zézé’’ of Ivoire Dimanche, the comic strip Zazou, the tape-recorded materials of L’ Abbé Paul Kodjo (‘“Le Saint Homme Job’’, and ‘“‘La Création’’) and similar works are deliberate attempts by some intellectuals to give a picturesque distortion of Popular French (Duponchel 1979:405). Their main purpose is to achieve a comical effect. Needless to say, they are not authentic represen- tations of the variety. No one in real life speaks like the characters in these texts. With this in mind, it is easy to understand the strong reactions from teachers, educators, and parents when the first issues of ““‘La Chronique de Moussa” came out in the early seventies. They were objecting to what they considered a degenerate, careless and dangerously corrupted form of French and they feared that it could negatively affect the acquisition process of their children. FRENCH IN COTE D’IVOIRE = Some examples of such stereotypical distortions are shown below: (5) Popular French: Lé Dié, i /é prend cing Ja journée . . . (La Création) French: Dieu prit cing jours... English: It took God five days... (6) Popular French: i voyé dormiment lé Adam. (La Création). French: Il vit Adam en train de dormir English: He saw Adam sleeping (7) Popular French: A condé quéilé content trop. (Le Saint Homme Job). French: Parce quil était trés content. English: Because he was very happy. (8) Popular French: . . Sl les yous i tiyaient les bris. (La Chronique de Moussa) . . $1 les policiers tuaient les brigands. . . lf the policemen killed the robbers. French: English: In (5), three articles have been inserted before a unique lexical item (Dié), a verb (prend), and a lexical item modified by a quantifier (cing jours). In (6), an article has been inserted just before a personal noun (Adam). This shows disregard for the genuine processes that actually occur in Popular French. As a general rule, Popular French would delete (and not insert) the articles of the standard form of French. In (6), (7) and (8), the productive process of lexical creativity is erroneously exaggerated. The authors often have to explain such lexical items in footnotes. These examples show that the general beliefs about Popular French, and Ivorian French for that matter, are not always true. Deviations from the norm in Ivorian French (e.g, article deletion, amalgamation, use of resumptive pronouns and of double emphasis) are fairly limited and generally predictable. In comparison with Popular French, the Nouchis and the student idiolect have received less attention. Ivoire Dimanche has only started publishing short dialogues in Nouchis in 1987. Both of these varieties are mainly characterized by their creative lexicon. Examples of Nouchis below are a good illustration of that creativity: (9) Nouchis: J’ai lorgné ta go ce matin. (Ivoire Dimanche, n° 864, 30/8/87) J’ai vu ta copine ce matin. I saw your girlfriend this morning. French: English: (10) Nouchis: Son grand frére voulait me kourou hier. (Ivoire Di- manche, n° 864, 30/8/87) Son grand frére voulait me battre hier. Her older brother wanted to beat me. French: English: (11) Nouchis: Son vieux est déja venu pour m’embiancer .. . (Ivoire Dimanche, n° 864, 30/8/87) Son pére est déja venu me faire des reproches Her father has already come to scold me... French: English: 6 PAULIN G. DJITE (12) Nouchis: Il est tout de suite devenu cool. (Ivoire Dimanche, n° 864, 30/8/87) Il s’est tout de suite calmé. He calmed down right away. French: English: While the words “go” (girlfriend), “‘kourou” (beat), and ‘‘cool” (calm down) are borrowings from other languages, “‘lorgner’’ (to see), “‘vieux” (father), and “‘embiancer’’ (to scold) are French words that have taken on new meanings. This is one of the reasons why the “‘non-native”’ varieties can be unintelligible to the native speaker of French. Lexical creativity is also used extensively in the student idiolect as shown from (13) through (18): (13) St. Idiolect: Les politiciens se mettent au beurre French: Les politiciens vivent dans le luxe English: The politicians live in luxury (14) St. Idiolect: Elle est allée voir son grimpeur French: Elle est allée voir son copain English: She went to see her boyfriend (15) St. Idiolect: Il aime faire le caiman French: II aime étudier sérieusement English: He likes to study hard (16) St. Idiolect: Ou est le chief-talker? French: Ot est notre ami le bavard? English: Where is our talkative friend? (17) St. Idiolect: La semaine noire commence demain French: Les examens commencent demain English: The examinations begin tomorrow (18) St. Idiolect: Ta soeur devrait se mettre au régime, elle est trop nombreuse French: Ta soeur devrait se mettre au régime, elle est trop grosse English: Your sister should diet, she’s too fat Again, French lexical items are adapted and given new meanings in (13), (14), (15), (17), and (18). In (16), “‘chief-talker’’ is an amalgamation of the English words “‘chief”’, reinterpreted here to mean “‘friend’’, and “talker”, a shortened form for “‘talkative’’. This lexical creativity is a very dynamic and ongoing process. New words are continuously being introduced in Nouchis and the student idiolect. In the summer of 1987, while driving from the airport of Abidjan-Port-Bouét where a friend picked me up around 4:30 a.m., we saw a man jogging across the boulevard in the morning fog. To indicate that this was a dangerous thing to do, my friend said: ‘“‘Ca c’est pas du jogging, c’est du morting!”. The new word “‘morting”’ is an amalgamation of the French word “mort” (death), and of the “ing” of the English word “‘jogging’’. In contrast with the lexicon, the syntax of both Nouchis and the student idiolect are not always deviant with reference to the norm. This is because FRENCH IN COTE D’IVOIRE 7 the speakers of these varieties generally have some level of formal education. In most cases, beyond (Standard) French, they also have some knowledge of other foreign languages such as English. Some research suggest that these kinds of idiolects that are used essentially for a ‘‘phatic function”? (Malinowski) are usually short lived. It is not clear if this will be the fate of these two varieties of Ivorian French. In response to the question ‘“‘Peut-on détruire les patois?” (Can patois be eradicated?), L’Abbé Grégoire quotes one of his respondents as saying: “(Le patois) est une langue de fréres et d’amis . . . . Pour le détruire, il faudrait détruire le soleil, la fraicheur des nuits, . . . homme tout entier.”’* Personally, I use the student idiolect whenever I write a letter to or get together with a member of my old circle of friends. I am not sure that I will ever stop using it. Conclusion This description of the nativization of French in Cote d’Ivoire shows that a main function of language is that of establishing and maintaining social relationships. Although (Standard) French remains an important social re- source, Ivorian French is increasingly being called upon to play a greater role as a social dialect. To date, it has clearly established itself as a viable alternative for interethnic communication, and it is considerably reducing the domains of (Standard) French. The development of Ivorian French should be welcomed as an enrichment of the French language. After all, it is the nativization of English in countries such as Tanzania, India, and Jamaica that has made it an international language spoken by approximately 400 million people who are not native speakers of English (Strevens 1982). Notes 'The word Ivorian French is a cover term for all ‘‘non-native varieties of French in Cote d’Ivoire. *Cf. A. Salon, L’Action culturelle de la France dans le Monde Paris, Nathan, 1983. *Manessy was quoted in Lafage (1982:19). Also Cf. Duponchel (1979:385-417) for other subdivisions of French in Cote d'Ivoire. ‘““Moussa” is the main character of ‘‘La Chronique de Moussa’’ published in the weekly sports magazine Ivoire Dimanche. “‘Treichville” is a popular quarter of Abidjan (former capital of Cote d’Ivoire). The word ‘‘Petit”’ of “‘Petit francais” is used to draw attention to the fact that this variety is not autonomous and is the result of the erroneous approximation of (Standard) French. ‘In fact, the radios are often turned on “‘full blast” in order to achieve that goal. °Cf. P. Djité. ““The Spread of Dyula and Popular French in Céte d’Ivoire: Implications for Language Planning”, forthcoming. *“All their effort tends to mould this form on its content, that is to say to adapt the French language in order to suit concepts and feelings that are purely African. . . . In fact, French in Africa might already have become an African French.” My own translation. ’The other lingua franca is Dyula. *“(The patois) is a language of brothers and friends . . . To eradicate it, one would have to destroy the sun, the coolness of the nights, . . . the entire human race.” My own translation. Cf. J.-Y. Lartichaux, “Politique linguistique de la Révolution Frangaise,”’ in Diogéne, 97, 1977:77-96. Works Cited Bamba, S. 1987. “‘Les Nouchis”’ Ivoire Dimanche n° 864, Société Ivoirienne d’Imprimerie-SPECI, Abidjan, 30 Aott, 1987:49. 8 PAULIN G. DJITE Djité, P. Forthcoming. “The Spread of Dyula and Popular French in Cote d’Ivoire: Implications for Language Planning”’. Duponchel, L. 1979. “‘Le frangais en Cote d'Ivoire, au Dahomey et au Togo”’, Le Francais hors de France, Valdman, A. (ed.), Paris: Champion, 385-417. Hattiger, J.-L. 1983. Le francais Populaire d’Abidjan: Un cas de pidginisation, n° 87, Abidjan: I.L.A., 348 pages. Kachru, B. 1981. ‘““The Pragmatics of non-native varieties of English.”, English for Cross-cultural Com- munication, Larry E. Smith (ed.), New York: St. Martin’s Press, 15-39. Kodjo, P. ‘“Textes de ’ Abbé Paul Kodjo: Le Saint Homme Job et La Création.”, Antares Records 13, Toulouse, n.d. Lafage, S. 1982. ‘‘Esquisse des relations interlinguistiques en Céte d’Ivoire.”, Bulletin de Il’ Observatoire du francais Contemporain en Afrique Noire, n° 3, Abidjan: I.L.A./C.N.R.S., 9-27. Lartichaux, J.-Y. 1977. ‘“‘Politique linguistique de la Révolution Frangaise.”’, Diogéne, 97, 1977:77-96. Manessy, G. 1978. ‘“‘Le francais d’Afrique Noire, francais créole ou créole francais?” Langue francaise n° 37, 91-105. . “Programme d’enquéte linguistique.” Bulletin du Centre d’Etudes des Plurilinguismes, n° 1, Nice, Décembre, 2-13. Manessy, G. et P. Wald. 1984. Le francais en Afrique Noire: Tel qu’on le parle, tel qu’on le dit Paris: L’Harmattan, 115 pages. Moussa, (La Chronique de). 1987. “‘A fakaya! Bitcho! Si les yous i tiyaient les bris comme ga, ga allait de étre trop bon quoi?” Ivoire Dimanche n° 864, Société Ivoirienne d’Imprimerie-SPECI, Abidjan, 30 Aoat, 1987:43. Salon, A. 1983. L’action culturelle de la France dans le monde Paris: Nathan. Strevens, P. 1982. ‘““World English and the World’s English--or, whose language is it anyway?” Journal of the Royal Society of the Arts, June, 418-431. Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences, Volume 79, Number 1, Pages 9-13, March 1989 Market Encounters as Social Events in the Open Markets of Dakar, Senegal Hayib N. Sosseh Northern Virginia Community College, 8333 Little River Turnpike, Annandale, VA 22003 Introduction Dakar, the capital of the Republic of Senegal, is situated on the western- most point of the continent of Africa. The city has at all times a large number of tourists from Europe, the U.S., and other African countries. Senegalese from the various administrative regions go to Dakar in great numbers to visit, find work, or as market and/or street vendors. Open market and street vending is the livelihood of thousands of Senegalese. Other market vendors come from neighboring countries such as Mauritania, Mali, Guinea, or as far away as Niger. Open markets are designated areas where people go to buy, sell, and barter goods and services of their choice. Such market places are mostly associated with bargaining: a process whereby two parties negotiate the price of goods or services between them. However, in this paper, I will propose and discuss that open markets are settings in which social events including bargaining occur, and that there is more to bargaining as a speech event than striking a deal. The open market community interact on two levels: socially, to discuss topics of interest; and on the business level, as customers and vendors, they bargain for goods and services. Dakar has over ten open markets, some of which are relatively small neigh- borhood open markets and others which are in business districts and are for larger crowds. The main market, Sandaga, is located in the down town section of the city. The Sandaga spreads for acres. Hundreds of permanent stalls surround the main market building. In addition, vendors set up shop on the 10 HAYIB N. SOSSEH sidewalks, the curb and in some areas, even on the streets. Other markets in the city include The Kermel, Cours des Maures (The Mauritanian Silver Mar- ket), The Tilene, Village Artisanal (The Artisan’s crafts village), Salle des Ventes (Auction-Room), Daral Ba (Livestock market), Grand Dakar, HLM, Colobane, and Castor. All the markets offer a variety of goods and/services. Dakar open market prices are not fixed. Prices of all goods and services are bargained for. Vendors try to sell their goods with a maximum profit and customers try to buy them at a minimal price. As a result, shopping in the open markets is interactive. The customer and the vendor are in constant contact, and interactions are not limited to price negotiations. Interactants carry on conversations, discuss politics and other issues of interest. At market, business is social and interactive. Bargainers often deviate from the content focused forms of hard bargaining to involvement focused forms of interaction: conversations, tete-a-tetes, and arguments. The ability to maintain the fragile yet critical balance between the two is what is expected of both buyer and seller. A cross section of Senegalese society (people of all ethnic backgrounds, male and female, young and old, rich and poor) go to market daily as vendors, customers, laborers or simply to exchange news. Vendors often have seats at their stalls or vending areas for people to sit and argue, yak or tell stories. Family members that keep a stall often sit around and converse among them- selves or with friends, next-stall-neighbors, or customers when there is no bargaining being performed. In the process of bargaining customers may switch to other topics as the need arises, or as a strategic move to reach a settlement. I witnessed a bargaining event between a vendor and a customer which had started in the middle of a conversation about the first Negro Arts Festival in Dakar, Senegal. The customer became an active participant in the conver- sation. After many exchanges that went on for almost an hour, the customer turned to the vendor and said ‘‘do ko wani’’ (will you reduce the price?). Bargainers often engage themselves in conversations or other speech events that will help them to get to know each other, thus increasing their chances of coming to terms. Some onlookers simply stand around and listen to other people bargain. Bargaining: A Social Speech Event Bargaining is a persuasive and dialogic form of discourse in which inter- actants, as co-participants who share the same language, cultural background and conventionalized open market bargaining repertoire, use speech and be- havior in order to reach a settlement. Bargaining in the open market is, as Rubin and Brown (1975) put it, “the cardinal illustration of social interaction”. In the open markets, there is more to being in business than making a sale or purchasing an item or services. This observation has been made in a number of works. Horace (1953), writing about the city of Timbuctoo, states that MARKET ENCOUNTERS AS SOCIAL EVENTS 11 ‘“commerse of course was the activity that brought the heterogenous popu- lation of Timbuctoo together and functioned to maintain the communication for centuries”’ (p. 53). Frank (1961), states that in the city of Dakar, “‘business is not so much a means of earning a living as it is a form of social intercourse. It perpetually leads to fascinating contacts and conversations and is the best antidote against loneliness and seclusion, which is probably what the African dislikes most. If you do sell something, it is of course even more wonderful. But if you don’t and people just stop and bargain for hours, at any rate you have not lost your day” (p. 8). Ong (1982), states that “in primary oral cultures, even business is not business: it is fundamentally rhetoric. Purchasing some- thing at a Middle East souk or bazaar is not a simple economic transaction, as it would be at Woolworth’s and as a high-technology culture is likely to presume it would be in the nature of things. Rather, it is a series of verbal (and somatic) maneuvers, a polite duel, a contest of wits, an operation in oral agonistic” (p. 69). As indicated above, open market bargaining does not only function as a tool for negotiating prices, but fosters social intercourse. Bargainers fulfill personal needs: to make a profit, or purchase an item or services; and social requirements: to greet, negotiate in a sociable manner, take leave, give lagniappe, and the like. In a study of 86 bargaining encounters in the open markets of Dakar, Senegal, (Sosseh, 1987) I found that interactants may perform one or more of six functional units: Summons, Greeting, Inquiry, Price Setting, Service, and Leave-Taking. The performance of Price Setting with any of the other units provides the bargainer with the opportunity to interact in a sociable manner. Some of these functional units are used more often than others as indicated below. The functional units and their frequency of occurrence in 86 recorded encounters Summons Greeting Inquiry Price Setting Service Leave-Taking 23 79 39 86 47 18 (26.74%) (91.86%) (45.34%) (100%) (54.65%) (21.93%) The chart above indicates that Summons is performed in 23 of the 86 en- counters; Greetings in 79 of the encounters; Inquiry in 39 of the encounters; Price Setting in all 86 encounters; Service in 47 of the encounters; and Leave- Taking in 18 of the encounters. Indicated below each number is the corre- sponding percentage of frequency that unit is performed in the 86 bargaining events. These units are constituent parts of open market discourse and all of them may occur in a bargaining encounter. As many different speech events take place at market, some of these individual units occur in events other than bargaining. The following matrix shows the open market bargaining functional units, speaker turns as initiator or respondent, structural segments, and whether or not a functional unit is recurrent. 12 HAYIB N. SOSSEH Functional Structural segments : Units Structure (Language functions) Recurrence I(B,S) Summons R(B,S) Phatic R Greeting I(B,S) Salutation Request prayer R R(S,B) Response Response ratification Inquiry I(B,S) Request R R(S,B) Response Beco sc tine oe Request negative resp./counter offer z Response affirmation/another offer + R Service I(B,S) Transit R R(S,B) Receipt + Leave-taking I(B,S) Bid farewell Response y R(S,B) Acknowledge Request + The first column of the bargaining matrix above shows the Functional Units of the speech event: Summons, Greeting, Inquiry, Price Setting, Service, and Leave-Taking. The second column indicates possible Speaker Turns as initiator (1) and respondent (R), with either buyer (B) or seller (S) taking these roles. The function column indicates adjacency pairs and their attendant language functions. The plus sign (+) means that other structural segments may be used in the performance of that unit. The minus (—) means that the corresponding unit is not recurrent. A bargainer performs one or more unit in the course of a bargaining encounter. An encounter includes the social interaction, “‘the factor that leads bargainers to understand one another’s expectations, to submit to each other’s influences and to collaborate on joint settlements” (Putnam and Jones, 1982 p 264). An open market, as shown above, functions as a social milieu where people interact on issues not limited to business. Greenwood (1974) puts it best when he concludes that “‘successful bargaining is most likely in a cooperative social climate permitting unrestricted communication”. While bargaining, interac- tants may perform other speech events or shift to an entirely different topic with all as part of the ‘“‘global’’ event of bargaining. Senegalese society is communal. Many aspects of the culture are performed marked by collective adherence to Senegalese custom. Bargaining is no ex- ception. Bargainers greet, converse, and can be sociable just as if participating in traditional social settings. Shopping in the open markets fosters human relations. Bibliography Frank, Frederick, S. 1961. African Sketch Book Holt, Rinehart and Winston/Newe York. Greenwood, J. G. 1974. “Opportunity to communicate and social orientation in imaginary reward bargaining” in Speech Monographs. 41 (1), pp. 79-81. Horace, M. 1953. The Primitive City of Timbuctoo. American Philosophical Society. Ong, Walter. 1982 Orality and Literacy. Methuen. Putnam, L. L. and Jones, T. S. 1982. “The role of communication in bargaining” in Human Communication Research 8, 3. Spring. pp. 262-280. Rubin, J. Z. and Brown, B. R. 1975. The Social Psychology of Bargaining and Negotiation. New York, Academic Press. Sosseh, Hayib. 1987. Bargaining As a Speech Event in The Open Markets of Dakar, Senegal. Dissertation. Georgetown University, Washington, D.C. Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences, Volume 79, Number 1, Pages 13-19, March 1989 Classifiers in Wolof Solomon Sara, S. J. Department of Linguistics, Georgetown University, Washington, DC 20057 Wolof is the language spoken primarily in Senegal and Gambia. It has two major dialects: the Senegalese dialect, often referred to as Dakar Wolof (Stew- art, 1966), and the Gambian Wolof. Most of the attention has been given to Dakar Wolof. Gambian Wolof has been left practically undisturbed by both the native and the nonnative linguists. The reasons for this oversight are many. It may be due to the fact that the cosmopolitan capital city of Senegal, Dakar, makes it a natural place with which to begin; Senegal happens to be a larger country than Gambia, and with the greater number of Wolof speakers; and the fact that there are many more studies of Wolof done in French by the French linguistics reflects the linguistic status of French in the country as the second language of choice among the speakers. In Gambia, however, the second language of choice is English. The French linguists have been active in the analysis of Wolof for a long time, while the English linguists have not. Dakar Wolof became the preferred field of study. Many other considerations may be mentioned that led to this imbalance, but this is not the proper forum for such a discussion. The present paper is concerned with Gambian Wolof. I began collecting data on Wolof of Gambia over ten years ago from Mr. Hayib Sosseh, a native 13 14 SOLOMON SARA, S. J. speaker of Wolof, and a doctoral candidate at the School of Languages and Linguistics, Georgetown University. This paper will concentrate on the noun classifiers in Gambian Wolof. It will account for their number, and some of the lexical contexts of their occurrences as much as can be determined at this time. What is intriguing about Wolof and the other Bantu languages is the fact that many of the classifiers occur with nouns with homophonic initial consonants. There is, for example, a preponderance of /si/ and /mi/ classifiers with words that begin with /s..../ and /m. .. ./ respectively. They do not, however, neither consistently nor exclusively occur in this fashion. Moreover, not all the words that begin with /s... ./ or /m. . . ./ command /si/ or /mi/ classifiers, nor are /si/ and /mi/ classifiers restricted to words that begin with /s..../and/m..../. This general pattern is observed with the rest of the classifiers with various degrees of variation as the following lists will indicate. All the examples given below are taken from the dictionary of WOLOF_ ENGLISH and ENGLISH_WOLOEF based primarily on the speech of Mr. Sosseh. This dictionary will eventually be published (Sara, to appear). There are some indications that the initial consonants have or may have had some determining influence on the selection of the classifiers. The fol- lowing examples, however, will indicate that the selection of the classifier is a far more subtle and complex process than matching the choice of the classifier with the initial consonant of the noun. Gambian Wolof has the following nine singular noun classifiers: /f- s- k-/ /b- |- g-/ /m- j- w-/ which follow the noun in discourse. They will be discussed and exemplified below. Wolof has also two plural markers: /n-, y-/. The classifiers occur with the vowels: /-i, -a, -u/. The significance of the choice of the vowel will not be dwelt on here, but in brief, these vocalic specifiers indicate the degree of the proximity of the referent to the speaker. enue /fas wi/ ‘horse, close to the speaker’ /fas wa/ ‘horse, far from the speaker’ /fas wu/ ‘horse, referred to in its absence’ THE CLASSIFIER /fi/: /fEnEn fi/ ‘other place’ /fEna fi/ ‘individual place’ /fi/ occurs with a limited number of lexical items. It may or may not be relevant to include /fi/ among the classifiers that are much more productive. Any general statement with reference to /fi/ would be otiose in this context. It is included here for completeness sake and for the sake of consistency of the pattern. CLASSIFIERS IN WOLOF 15 THE CLASSIFIER /b-/: /bOrOm bi/ ‘owner’ /daan bi/ ‘raid’ /forfor bi/ ‘kidney’ /jOIOF bi/ ‘Wolof /kOI bi/ ‘glue’ /ligey bi/ ‘work’ /maaNgo bi/ ‘mango’ /nax bi/ ‘trick’ /Os bi/ ‘hook’ /pimpi bi/ ‘soot’ /tTEEn bi/ ‘root’ /saga bi/ ‘tiger’ /toy bi/ ‘fool’ /wEEr bi/ ‘moon’ /xuf bi/ ‘hunger’ /yax bi/ ‘bone’ As it can be seen from the above list, /bi/ occurs with words that begin with /b. . ./, and consonants other than /bi/. It should be pointed out that / bi/ is often the alternate choice with the other classifiers, i.e. when a noun permits more than one classifier. THE CLASSIFIER /mi/: /borombutigimbaga mi/ ‘hawker’ /caax mi/ ‘thread’ /domimuus mi/ ‘kitten’ /feey mi/ ‘swim’ /joy mi/ ‘brawl’ /kaf mi/ ‘jest’ /mbaga mi/ ‘wing’ /Nax mi/ ‘grass’ /ndenda mi/ ‘large drum’ /pica mi/ ‘bird’ /reew mi/ ‘nation’ /sow mi/ ‘sour milk’ /taga mi/ ‘nest’ /xEl mi/ ‘intellect’ /mi/ is among the frequently used classifiers. It is as frequent and free in its occurrence as the /bi/, /wi/ and the /gi/ classifiers as the above examples show. THE CLASSIFIER /si/: /cuuj si/ ‘chick’ /caaku si/ ‘sacule’ /dEnaak si/ ‘early morning’ /fudan si/ ‘henna’ /jaaNgOrOsixat si/ ‘tuberculosis’ /mOOI si/ = ‘pony’ /nalla si/ ‘footpath’ /ndaw si/ ‘lady’ /NgOOn si/ ‘evening’ /pax si/ ‘hole’ /safara si/ Ee’ /xurfaan si/ ‘cold’ /xalOg si/ ‘puppy’ /yax si/ ‘ossicle’ The classifier /si/ occurs most frequently with nouns that being with /s.../, even though it co-occurs with other consonants, as the above examples indicate. THE CLASSIFIER /li-/: /cat li/ ‘tip’ /najig li/ = ‘price’ /ndiga li/ ‘waist’ /tistin i/ ‘heel’ /xojox li/ ‘climber squirrel’ /yuxa li/ ‘yoke’ /li/ occurs most frequently with nouns beginning with /n-, n-, t-, c-/, and in rare cases, with /x-/. 16 SOLOMON SARA, S. J. THE CLASSIFIER /ji-/: /baay ji/ ‘dad’ /caaf j1/ ‘roasted peanuts’ /dOIE ji/ ‘power’ /gErtEbaxal ji/ ‘boiled peanuts’ /jiko ji/ ‘behavior’ /kumpa ji/ ‘secret’ /legi ji/ ‘instant’ /mag ji/ ‘older sister’ /njabOOt ji/ ‘family’ /naNgam ji/ ‘sum’ /papa ji/ ‘papa’ /TEE ji/ ‘laugh’ /tata ji/ ‘castle’ /wax ji/ ‘speech’ yOmba ji/ ‘pumpkin’ The overall occurrence of /ji/ is not very frequent, nor does it occur with nouns that begin with fricatives. THE CLASSIFIER /k-/: /kEna ki/ ‘somebody’ /kinu?ay ki/ ‘guilty person’ /kujaanga ki/ ‘educated person’ /nit ki/ ‘person’ Even though /ki/ is more frequent than /fi/, it has a very restricted occur- rence. It occurs with nouns that begin with /k . . ./, or nouns that refer to ‘person’. THE CLASSIFIER /gi/: /bObO gi/ ‘hive’ /cafka gi/ ‘flavor’ /dEK gi/ ‘fever’ /gaal gi/ ‘rowboat’ /jil gi/ ‘drum’ /Kemij gi/ ‘ledge’ /lEKa gi/ ‘food’ /muj gi/ ‘result’ /NEmEn gi/ ‘valor’ /naanu gi/ ‘pipe’ /pEEI gi/ ‘shovel’ /rOn gi/ ‘bottom’ /sixa gi/ ‘rooster’ /tEfEs gi/ ‘shore’ /wEt gi/ ‘side’ /xEn gi/ ‘smell’ /yuur gi/ ‘brain’ The occurrence of /gi/ rivals that of /bi/, /mi/ and /wi/ in its freedom of occurrence with the other consonants. It occurs with a variety of consonants and with vowels. THE CLASSIFIER /wi/: /bOriyOOn wi/ ‘wayside’ /bOrOmaay wi/ ‘criminal’ /caaxaan wi/ ‘joke’ /day wi/ ‘dung’ /far wi/ ‘fiance, m’ /gub wi/ ‘wheat ear’ /jin wi/ ‘fish’ /kapa wi/ ‘buttock’ /leeb wi/ ‘story’ /melin wi/ ‘fashion’ /Nam wi/ - ‘food’ /naat wi/ ‘turkey’ /pelit wi/ ‘slice’ /rab wi/ ‘animal’ /sax wi/ ‘worm’ /teen wi/ ‘louse’ /WEEr wi/ ‘month’ /XEER wi/ ‘gravel’ /yika wi/ OD. /wi/ is among the four most frequently used classifiers, i.e. /bi, mi, gi, wi/. With the illustrations for /wi/ the list of classifiers is completed. CLASSIFIERS IN WOLOF 17 The above examples illustrate the occurrence of all the classifiers in a sum- mary fashion. They are arranged in a manner that indicates if a specific clas- sifier co-occurs with words that begin with certain consonants. /bi/ is the most frequently used classifier and has the least number of restrictions on its oc- currences. /fi/ is the least frequently used, and has the most restrictions. /fi/ occurs only with words that begin with /f . ./ and with only very few words. /gi/ is frequent with no restrictions except that it does not occur before words that begin with /f. ./. /ji/ is not frequent, nor does it occur with words that begin with a fricative. /ki/ is more frequent than /fi/ but restricted to words beginning with /k . ./ or to words that refer to ‘person’. /li/ occurs primarily with words that begin with /n-/, /n-/, /c-/, stop /t-/ and fricative /x-/, with very rare exception with other sounds. /mi/ is a frequently occurring classifier with very few restrictions, e.g. it does not occur with nouns that begin with /p-/. /si/ occurs most frequently with words beginning with /s-/. /wi/ is a free occurring classifier that does not have restrictions. There are also semantic and derivational restrictions on the selection of the classifiers. By way of exemplification, when a noun refers to a tree or the fruit of the same tree, there is a consistent occurrence of two different classifiers. e.g. /gi/ bi/ /garab gi/ “thee: /garab bi/ ‘fruit’ /pOm gi/ ‘apple tree’ /pOm bi/ ‘apple’ /banaana gi/ ‘banaanatree’ /banaana bi/ ‘banana’ /sanaana gi/ ‘pineapple tree’ /sanaana bi/ ‘pineapple’ The diminutive nouns generally take the classifier /si/, e.g. /Ci/ /s1/ /Ngalaw li/ ‘wind’ /Ngalaw si/ ‘breeze’ /yax bi/ ‘bone’ /yax si/ ‘ossicle’ /pax mi/ ‘hole’ /pax si/ ‘pore’ /xaj bi/ ‘dog’ /xaj si/ ‘puppy’ /ganaar gi/ ‘chicken’ /cuuj si/ ‘chick’ In addition to semantic criteria for selecting the proper noun classifier, there are derivational considerations that need to be mentioned in this context. By way of exemplification, the derivational suffixes: /-kay, -aay, -kat/ take the Classifier /bi/. This is exemplified below: NOMINAL DERIVATIVES: /saNgukay bi/ ‘bathroom’ /karantikay bi/ ‘blockade’ /xamEkay bi/ ‘brand’ /citaxawaay bi/ ‘abruptness’ /mbootaay bi/ ‘association’ /dEkuwaay bi/ ‘habitation’ 18 SOLOMON SARA, S. J. /waxalkat bi/ ‘advisor’ /naaNkat bi/ ‘appelant’ /atkat bi/ ‘arbitrator’ The lexical data point to a hierarchy of choice in the selection of the clas- sifiers. As a rule, semantico-morphological criteria seem to prevail over the phonological. We must mention two antithetical tendencies in Wolof in the use of the classifiers. On the one hand there is a free alternation among several classifiers for the same lexical item without any semantic difference, e.g. /Keyit wi/ ‘paper’ /Keyit gi/ ‘paper’ /Keyit bi/ ‘paper’ This is coupled with the opposite tendency to differentiate the same lexeme by the sole use of the classifiers, e.g. /garab bi/ ‘fruit’ /garab gi/ ‘tree’ . /garab wi/ ‘medicine’ /yax bi/ ‘bone’ /yax si/ ‘ossicle’ /yax bi/ ‘dog’ /xaj si/ ‘puppy’ THE PLURAL MARKERS: The plural is marked by the use of a classifier, and there are two forms: /yi/ and /ni/. THE PLURAL MARKER /jyi/: /garab yi/ ‘trees’ /fas yi/ ‘horses’ /paaka yi/ ‘knives’ THE PLURAL MARKER /ni/: This plural marker occurs with a very restricted class of nouns. Formally with singular nouns that have a /k-/ classifier, or with a restricted class of humans referring to person. e.g. /kena ni/ ‘people, someones’ /nit ni/ ‘person’ To further determine the phonological conditioning of the classifiers by the initial consonants, a list of all the words beginning with a vowel was drawn up and the co-occurring classifiers tabulated. All the classifiers occur with words beginning with one of the vowels with the exception of /fi, ki, li/ classifier. e.g. {DIS hapa bi; ‘limit’ /uus bi/ ‘neglect’ /gi/ /waajur gi/ ‘household’ /umu gi/ ‘misfortune’ CLASSIFIERS IN WOLOF 19 Mile ne Pal qi ‘goods’ /aaxa ji/ ‘fault’ /li/ = /waccu li/ ‘puke’ (yuxaliy “yoke /mi/ /warEEf mi/ ‘cause’ /at mi/ ‘age’ /si/ — /opa si/ ‘illness’ /ilig si/ ‘morning’ /wil /Et wi/ ‘stick’ /aat wi/ = ‘quarrel’ If the classifiers are not phonologically predictable, then the other options are morphosyntactic and semantic. There is some justification for the claim that there are semantic categories that are marked with specific classifiers, e.g. the tree category. Trees have the classifier /gi/, while the fruit of the tree is indicated by the same morphemic sequence with a different classifier, i.e. /bi/. With the fruit of the tree the classifiers may be refined a bit. The usual classifier is /bi/ if one is talking about a single type fruit. When the fruit comes in bunches one may find /ji/ classifier/ or /li/; other exemplification can be given to illustrate that the semantic classification will have to be a refined one in terms of subclasses within categories. This is merely a sketch based on the lexicon with no account taken of the great majority of morphological or syn- tactic considerations that will need to be considered in a complete account of the classifiers. Bibliography LEXIQUE WOLOF-FRANCAIS. 5 VOLS. 1976. Dakar: IFAN Sara, Solomon I. WOLOF-ENGLISH, ENGLISH-WOLOF LEXICON. [to ap- pear] Sauvageot, Serge. 1965. DESCRIPTION SYNCHRONIQUE D’UN DIALECTE WOLOF; LE PARLER DU DYOLOF. Dakar: IFAN. Stewart, William A. 1966. INTRODUCTORY COURSE IN DAKAR WOLOF. Washington, D.C. Center for Applied Linguistics. Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences, Volume 79, Number 1, Pages 20-28, March 1989 The Interface Between Writing and Speech in West Africa Simon P. X. Battestini Georgetown University 1. Introduction. In The Interface Between the Written and the Oral (1987) Jack Goody states that: Since I am dealing mainly with the results of linguistic and psycho- linguistic research, I shall concentrate on the two main issues that have been of immediate concern to contributors to these fields, namely (1) differences between the written and oral registers of the same language, and (2) differences between the performance of individuals in the written and in the oral registers. Neither of these issues is directly related to the one that concerns us most closely, namely, the differences between those languages that have been written and those that have not. It is one we will return to later but it should be said that little attention has been paid to this linguistically since the nineteenth century, although at the semantic and pragmatic levels the problem has been raised by an- thropologists. . . pp. 262-3. This paper is an attempt to partially remedy this state of affairs. Goody declares that little research has been conducted by linguists. Yet he based his own work on these grounds. The bibliographies of his two latest books do not include linguistic descriptions of languages but instead references to gen- eral theories of linguistics. Curiously, Goody does not refer to the series of articles by David Dalby on West African systems of writing (1966, 1967, 1968, 1969, 1970, 1986), to Scribner and Cole’s unique and extensive study of the Vai (1981) or to Kotei (1972 and 1981) and he chooses to ignore the research conducted since World War II in applied linguistics. Goody’s generation of researchers, as typified in I. J. Gelb (1952), belongs to an episteme dominated by a logocentric perception of the world, rooted in one type of writing and 20 INTERFACE BETWEEN WRITING AND SPEECH 21 in the mythic perfection of the latin alphabet and its numerous adaptations. (Anon.:1986) We will attempt to show that the imposition of the Latin alphabet on until then ‘‘unwritten” West African Languages (Migeod: 1913; Dalby: ;1966, 1967, 1968, 1969, 1970, 1986; Battestini: 1988), while solving economically a fair amount of problems such as rapid Christianization, actually generated im- portant transformations of the local languages at all levels of the linguistic analysis (Zima: 1974; Diri-Kidiri: 1983). By examining a few of the systems of writing and other systems of com- munication native to or long implanted in West Africa, we will show that most of these systems were either logographic or syllabic (See Griaule & Dieterlen: 1951; Calame-Griaule & Lacroix: 1969; Calvet: 1984). Their relatively recent modifications into alphabetic notation occurred under the combined influences of the Latin alphabet and of a type of Arabic script. Our intention here is also to expose certain stereotypes with regard to writing in Africa, and to show the relationships between the written and the oral in West Africa and their implications. 2. On Writing. Africa, nature and culture, did not provide much of the experience from which our sciences emerged. It is well known that Africa was a terra incognita to Marx and, until Malinovsky, to most social scientists. If we admit that all our sciences, institutions, frames of reference and many of the so-called uni- versal patterns of thinking, behaving and feeling slowly emerged from chaos and then from confrontations with other cultures, we must remember that for most of us, Africa, until recently, was thought to have little if anything to contribute to humanity (The first history of Africa course was offered in the States in 1965 and the first African Linguistics course offered in French- Speaking Africa in 1966). Less than a generation ago slavery was still accepted in many parts of the world and the prejudices towards the black people are still with us today. They shade not only our interpretations of African data but even our methodologies based on erroneous perceptions, lack of infor- mation, indigence of our tools of description and interpretation, definitions and classifications. The Africanist discourse is still ideologically a colonialist one. According to Derrida “‘writing” is at the core of our episteme and delin- eates our frames of reference, our categories said to be “‘logocentric” (Bat- testini: 1988) Let us take an example. It is common to many social scientists, including linguists, to believe that the more literate a society is the more complex its language and therefore its institutions and means of reflexion are. All of Goody’s work tends to make this point. Lévi-Strauss, many years back, con- cluded a series of lectures at the Collége de France on “primitive cultures” with these words: ‘‘And then there was the Greek miracle’’. It is appropriate that one distinctive criteria between the written and the oral of a given language is the greatest complexity of the sentence and “‘consequently” of the articu- 22 SIMON P. X. BATTESTINI lation of the system of thought. In a literate society a sentence may express more than one or two ideas. Clauses are logically and syntactically linked by grammatical words unknown to cultures dominated by oral tradition. I be- longed to a European society in which my parents’ generation proceeded from an ‘“‘oral culture” to a “‘written” or literate one, and in a foreign language. I have spent thirty two years in Africa, mainly West Africa. Based on my repeated observations, I may state that any recourse to a hierarchy of values which could lead us to conclude that oral cultures produce simpler sentences than cultures where the written medium is largely in use is a grave error loaded with prejudice. West African story-tellers use complex sentences. But since the type of communication used is verbal and within a manipula they resort to supra- and infra-linguistic features, gestures, mimicry and connotations. Semiotically, certain of these paralinguistic elements may be equated to these morpho-syntactic linking elements. Rather, it is our mode of recording (still the blind tape-recorder) and our linguistic definition of what language is to us, the literate peoples, which are taking away the complexity of the sentence, which are preventing us from seeing that our data has been reduced to what it is not. So we establish that these removed features are absent and demonstrate the simplicity of the data. The presence of “‘unsuitable”’ verbal features (such as tones, vowel harmony, clicks, labio-velars) for the written medium do not permit to infer an intrinsic primitiveness or poverty of the simplified data. The written medium is different from the oral medium not superior. Relative clauses exist in both if expressed differently. It may be unscientific to apply a method or a frame of reference to data totally foreign to the cultures from which these methods and frameworks originated. All of Gelb’s “‘historical’’ categories are simultaneously present in West Africa today, mocking his chronological organisation. Some systems of writing such as the Mum of King Njoya evolved from ideographic to alphabetic in a few decades, yet managed to retain, at each state of the transformation, some of the features of the preceding stages. Therefore our concept of diachrony, which relativizes events in terms of time, and is often combined with a sense of continuum from origin, simple, primitive, to achievement, complex, mod- ern, is inapplicable to many parts of West Africa. As one of my Senegalese students stressed in the 1960’s: “‘According to the system of classification of your history book, my mother is definitely a prehistoric woman, my father a medieval character and I believe that I would be a 20th century citizen of my newly created country. It’s a wonder that we may communicate and live together”. Africa is so pluralistic and diversified that it challenges our minds. African systems of writing are numerous and yet they have been ignored or repressed (See Fédry: 1977 and compare to Dalby’s works). 3. West African Systems of Writing. 3.1 Arabic. The Arabic script has been in use in West Africa since the end of the first millenium, maybe earlier. For many centuries a few clerks, malams, qadis, INTERFACE BETWEEN WRITING AND SPEECH 23 traders . . . were able to read and write in this script. To the masses, Arabic writing was seen as a concrete and yet strange manifestation of control of surrounding forces, cultural as well as natural. The people used (and many still do) this script for geomancy, divination, astrology and amulet-making. Some literates had names known all over the Islamic world (Battestini: 1986). I described elsewhere the impact of this medium on literary forms, showing that initially the content was indigenized. The addition of many exotic terms into the medium led to the conviction that the script had to be adapted to the local pronunciation of Arabic and finally a radically modified script was used to reduce African languages to writing. This ’Ajami, or non-Arab script, resembles the Arabic script but with—not mentioning additions and subtrac- tions—a precise vocalisation absent from the original. We see that over the centuries islamized Africans could not accept a system of writing which would be almost uniquely consonantal. The notation of the syllable seems to have appeared indispensable. We will come back to this point. 3.2 Tifinagh. Another system of writing is the tifinagh of the Tamashek language of the Touareg. These people were crossing the Sahara for the Romans and the Phoenicians in Antiquity. Their language is Berber. All written letters are read and each letter is a consonant pronounced with a centralized vowel. Watching a young Targui attempting to read a word is astonishing. It goes like this for + [| :. + iéTé..€é, éMmé.éé, eNné.. é., iéR...ésSé..€6.€. étT then while singing his process of discovery he/she uncovers the meaning of the melody and may pronounce it correctly: Tamanrasset or phonemically /temenreset/ (Blaguernon: 1955). Here we must pay attention to the fact that the reading is syllabified and sung. In the West it is commonly accepted that certain schoolchildren learned the “song” of their multiplication tables and the alphabet to memorize them. Poetic meters were initially mnemonic de- vices. There was a written literature in this script clearly deriving like our alphabet from the Phoenician. Actually the terms /tefener/, /fenisian/ and /fonetic/ have a common base which is /F-N/ of /fon-/ for sound. 3.3 Nsibidi. Created around 1700 in the Cross River Basin of what is today the South East of Nigeria, the Nsibidi script is logographic or ideographic and is men- tioned here uniquely because it may be read in at least 5 distinct languages: Efik, Ekoi, Efut, Igbo (Some igbophones of Aro-Chukwu) and Annang. | have not found any trace of literature in this script but there are archives, court cases and Ekpe recordings (Battestini: forthcoming). This system is used by a secret society and is known only to its members (Dugast & Jeffreys: 1950). Signs are shown in public as a manifestation of the power of the Ekpe society. The non-initiates recognize them as being Nsibidi signs but cannot read them. This secrecy of knowledge considered as a source of power is quite common to many West African societies. Exclusively used by a ruling minority, it is respected and/or feared by the majority (Campbell: 1983). 24 SIMON P. X. BATTESTINI 3.4 Vai. The Vai script, mainly from Liberia, as it is known and used today derives from a set of ancient symbols (Massaquoi: 1911). It is mainly a syllabari. Most of the signs stand for a syllable of the CV type but seven signs are for vowels to which can be added a diacritic for nasal, including labiovelar stops such as kpV, nkpV, kpnV, gbV, labionasals such as mbV, palatonasal as njV and others of the types dhV, thV, IbV, hnV, shV, zhV. Punctuation exists. All together there are approximately 273 signs, some of which have allographs. Signs denotating similar sounds—sharing one or more phonological fea- ture(s)—show graphic similarity. This suggests an accurate phonological anal- ysis of the medium. Arabic, Latin and even Cherokee influences have been invoked but no one went further than suggesting the borrowing of some principles which is common to all systems of writing. The system looks like an inventory of all the possible syllables of the Vai language. A fair amount of local literature has been written in this system as well as the Bible, the Iliad and the Qur’an. The Vai script is widely used today for posters, correspon- dence, contracts, shop notices, in schools, road signs. It was believed that Vai could become the written medium of a lingua franca for West and Central Africa but it has never been used outside Sierra Leone, the North of Liberia and some neighbouring parts of these two countries. Massaquoi wrote in 1911: It might appear to some that, since on the advent of the English language all native languages must vanish, the sooner Vai and others disappear the better. But it should be borne in mind that it is one thing for a man to die a natural death and another for him to be strangled or starved. To neglect these languages on the ground that some day they must die is to starve them to death, and thereby commit a philological crime. I wonder what would have been the state of things if great poets, scientists, philosophers and other ge- niuses were all neglected and suffered to die in the cradle on the grounds that man must die. p. 466. Migeod noticed that “It will take only a fraction of the time that it takes to learn to read with an alphabet . . .”, conclusion with which we agree for linguistic reasons. The Vai script does not seem to take into consideration the tonal characteristic of the Vai language but illustrates clearly the marked preference of West Africans for the syllabari. Some other scripts of this sub- region of West Africa such as the Mende, the Loma, the Kpelle, the Bete, the Bassa and the Gola may have been influenced by the Vai script, as they share some or many of.its features. However, each is modified to a point of non-recognition and truly adapted to the reduction to writing of its own lan- guage. Adoption in Africa is never blind; it is rather an adaptation. 3.5 Mum. This script, created by the King Njoya, had 466 signs. This logographic system evolved rapidly. In 25 years it reproduced the complete history of INTERFACE BETWEEN WRITING AND SPEECH 25 writing. The third version (1902) was largely a syllabari. Schools were training adults as well as children. Njoya wrote a book of pharmacopeia and one on the history of his people in the third version of the script. In 1918 schools were closed and destroyed, books burned. Njoya was arrested and exiled to the new capital of the colony. He died two years later. He was condemned by the powerful colonial tenants of the Latin alphabet. 5. Diversity. It is true that linguists have created numerous languages in West Africa. Long before the notions of mutuality and degree of intelligibility were con- ceived, dialects of the same language were considered as different languages. It may be said that there are as many languages in Africa as dissertations about them in the West. A written language, and a literary one for that matter, the Pular or Fulani, is in use in a territory as wide as Europe. The diversity of West African languages is a myth. The diversity of the imposed systems of writing invented by the West, on the contrary, is just another source of chaos. We may mention the Romanist adapted system, the many adapted versions of the IPA, the World Orthograph formerly the African Alphabet . . . none exhibiting the slightest interest for the local scripts (See Lepsius: 1883/1981; Taylor: 1928; International Institute of African Languages and Cultures: 1930; Burssens: 1972; UNESCO: mainly 1966, 1976 and 1981; Oyelaran & Yai: 1976; Gregersen: 1977 and personal communication). A rapidly emerging consensus for homogeneity is to be noticed at UNESCO’s level as well as by regions and language clusters (Bot-Ba-Njok: 1974). African linguists, willing to preserve their languages in their authenticity, multiply graphic signs to denote minute phonological features and produce irrealistic and uneconomical scripts. Let us imagine a vowel being open, slightly centralized and nasalized, long, affected with a raising-falling tone, potentially harmonized and included in a climb of some sort, the linguist will have to make a selection among the features (Jegede: 1986, personal communication). The chosen sign to repre- sent this amalgam of sounds will nevertheless be much too complex. The relative unity of the phonological systems of West Africa authorizes the ho- mogenization of the orthographies (Bamgbose: 1983) now in use and those to be created. 6. Evolution of Their Interface. We have seen that local systems evolved from earlier forms and were made to suit the actual needs of the majority of the population of Africa except for the 5 to 20% of the westernized élite in power. Let us consider a proto-writing system, the mythograms of the Yoruba or Aroko (Bloxam: 1887). Jensen explains: ‘‘A group of six cowrie shells has the primary meaning “‘six’’, efa. Since, however, efa means ‘“‘attracted”’ (from fa “to draw’’), a cord with 6 cowrie shells sent by a young man to a girl means: 26 SIMON P. X. BATTESTINI “T feel myself drawn to you. Eight cowrie shells means ‘8’, ejo. The same word, however, also means “agreeing” (from jo “‘to agree’’, “‘to be alike’’); hence the sending of eight cowrie shells on the part of the girl to the lover means: I feel as you do, I agree.” (1970:31). In this case, there is a rebus not a written language. Nevertheless, a lexical unit is represented in a referential object, reduced to a “‘string’”’ of sounds, now free to symbolize anything else having approximately the same pronunciation as the one of the lexical units. Taking an object with the acoustic image of its name of which only the “graphic” signifier is kept and then using it to denote a new signified is but a manner of writing. It is not a common understanding of what should be writing but it is logically the same process. Not many Westerners are aware of that the letter ““A”’ did stand for a cow and the letter “‘F” for a snail. In fact, we are used to it, we ignore it or we do not see any primitiveness in these historical relics. Would it be the same if by a strange modification of history Africans were trying to impose these animal symbols on us? It was André Breton who said that the word “knife” never murdered anyone and another surrealist, Magritte, who painted a pipe and wrote under it “‘this is not a pipe’. Let us examine two results of the impact of the Latin alphabet on African languages. A town of Senegal bears the name of /Xombol/ spelled by the French as Khombole. Westernized Senegalese speaking French would say or read /kombol/ but in Wolof they would say /Xombol/ (See Alexandre: 1983). Syntactically the acquisition of new forms from written languages leads to interesting results. A double deductive hypothesis such as “If I went to the meeting, I would have met Jack” was not unthinkable in Africa before the arrival of the Europeans but was never uttered. I tested this on my students in Linguistics at Calabar and later with some African friends. They all agree that such a thought sounds bizarre but it could be expressed in most African Languages. The difference is that the speaker would be immediately identified as a Westernized person or as very weird. None of the criteria invoked to distinguish oral and written forms is acceptable for the Fulani language. We have systematically compared the text of the Ma’dinus-Sa’aadati to phonol- ogical transcriptions of other texts such as those we studied elsewhere (Bat- testini: 1986). The list of distinctive features is long: preferential usage of elaborate syntactic and semantic structures, especially nominal constructions (noun groups, noun phrases, nominalizations, relative clauses) and complex verb structures, preference for subordinate rather than coordinate construc- tions, preferential usage of passive rather than active verb voice, preferential usage of subject-predicate constructions, instead of reference-proposition, preferential usage of declaratives and subjunctives rather than imperatives, interrogatives, and exclamations, preferential usage of definite articles rather than demonstrative, modifier and deictic terms, higher frequency of gerunds, participles, attributive adjectives, modal and perfective auxiliaries . . . Need to make all assumptions explicit, reliance on a more deliberate method of organizing ideas, using such expository concepts as thesis, topic sentence, supporting evidence, preferential elimination of false starts, repetitions, INTERFACE BETWEEN WRITING AND SPEECH 27 digressions, and other redundancies which characterize informal spontaneous speech. It must be said that the text, written in “Ajami, was created to be read aloud and/or recited. The written and oral forms of this African language do not differ significantly. From Gilgamesh, the Ilyad and the Odyssey to Flaubert, narratives were to be read aloud. This is the type of book found today in local libraries of traditional scholars in West Africa. And it has to be so in societies where a large proportion of the population does not read and venerates the uttered text read and discussed by a respected scholar. Bibliography Alexandre, P. 1983. Sur quelques problémes pratiques d’onomastique africaine: toponymie, anthroponymie, ethnonymie. Cahiers d’ Etudes Africaines. XXIII, 1—2:89- 90, 175-188. Anon. 1986. Yoruba alphabet. West Africa, January 20. Bamgbose, A. (ed.). 1983. Orthographies of Nigerian Languages: Manual I (Hausa, Ibibio, Yoruba). Lagos: National Language Centre, Ministry of Education. Battestini, S. P. X. 1986. Muslim Influences on West African Literature and Culture. Journal, Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, VU, July, 2:476-502. Battestini, S. P. X. 1988. Ecritures africaines: inventaire et problématique. In: Actes de la Table Ronde Internationale CNRS-HESO: Pour une théorie de la langue écrite, 23-24 octobre 1986, Paris, Catach, N. (ed.), 1988. Blanguernon, C. 1955. Le Hoggar. Algérie: SNED et Paris: Arthaud. Bloxam, G. W. 1887. Exhibition of African Symbolic Messages. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute XV1:295-299. Bot-Ba-Njock, H. M. 1974. La transcription moderne des langues africaines. In: Les langues africaines, facteur de dévelop-pement. Actes du séminaire pour |’enseigne- ment des langues africaines, 43-54. Burssens, A. 1972. La notation des langues négro-africaines: signes typographiques a utiliser. Bruxelles: Académie Royale des Sciences d’Outre-Mer. Calame-Griaule, G. and P. F. Lacroix. 1969. Graphie et signes africains. Semiotica 5200-272. Calvet, L.-J. 1984. La Tradition orale. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. ‘““Que Sais-Je?”’. Campbell, K. F. 1983. Nsibidi Update: nsibidi actualisé, A Recent Study on the Old Communication System of the Ejagham Peoples of the Cross River Region of Eastern Nigerian and Western Cameroon. Arts d’Afrique Noire (Arnouville) No. 47 (automne):33-46. Dalby, D. 1966. An Investigation into the Mande Syllabari of Kisimi Kamara. Sierra Leone Studies n.s. 19:119-123. Dalby, D. 1967. A Survey of the Indigenous Scripts of Liberia and Sierra-Leone: Vai, Mandé, Loma, Kpellé, Bassa. African Language Studies, 8:1-51. (with map). Dalby, D. 1968. The Indigenous Scripts of West Africa and Surinam. Their Inspi- ration and Design. African Language Studies, 9:156-197. Dalby, D. 1969. Further Indigenous Scripts of West Africa: Manding, Wolof and Fula Alphabets and Yoruba “Holy Writing”. African Language Studies 10:161-181. Dalby, D. 1970. The Historical Problem of the Indigenous Scripts of West Africa and Surinam. Language and History in Africa. New York: Africana Publishing Cor- poration, 109-119. 28 SIMON P. X. BATTESTINI Dalby, D. 1986. L’ Afrique et la lettre. Paris: Karthala Diki-Kidiri, M. 1983. Réflexions sur la graphématique. Cahiers d’études africaines, 13:1-2, 89-90, 169-174. Dugast, I. 1950. La langue secréte du sultan Njoya. Etudes Camerounaises. III (septembre-décembre), 31-32, 232-260. | Dugast, I. and M. D. W. Jeffreys. 1950. L’Ecriture des Bamum: sa naissance, son évolution, sa valeur phonétique, son utilisation. Douala: IFAN, Centre du Cameroun. Fédry, J. 1977. L’Afrique entre l’écriture et loralité. Etudes. Tome 346 (mai): 581- 600. Gelb, I. J. 1952. A Study of Writing: The Foundations of Grammatology. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Goody, J. 1986. The Logic of Writing and the Organization of Society, Studies in literacy, Family, Culture and the State, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Goody, J. 1987. The Interface Between the Written and the Oral, Studies in Literacy, Family, Culture and the State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gregersen, E. A. 1977. Languages of Africa: An Introductory Survey. London: Gordon and Breach. Griaule, M. and G. Dieterlen. 1951. Signes graphiques soudanais. L’Homme, Ca- hier d’Ethnologie, de Géographie et de Linguistique, 3. International Institute of African Languages and Cultures. 1930. Practical Orthog- raphy of African Languages: Memorandum I. London: Oxford University Press. Jegede, E. 1986. Personal Communication, June 20. Jensen, H. 1970. Sign, Symbol and Script: An Account of Man’s Efforts to Write. Transl. G. Unwin. London: Allen and Unwin. Kotei, S. I. A. 1972. The West African Autochthonous Alphabets: An Exercise in Comparative Paleography. Ghana Social Science Journal 2, 1:1-13. Also in Advances in the Creation and Revision of Writing Systems, A. Fishman (ed.). The Hague: Mouton, 1977, 55-7. Also in: The Book Today in Africa, S. 1. A. Kotei, Paris: UNESCO, 1981, 11-30. Lepsius, R. 1863 (1981). Standard Alphabet: for reducing unwritten languages and foreign graphic systems to a uniform orthography in European letters. (Ast edition: 1858; 2nd revised with an introduction by Kemp, A. J.). London: William and Nor- gate. In: Amsterdam Classics in Linguistics. vol. 5. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Massaquoi, M. 1911. The Vai People and Their Syllabic Writing. Journal of the Royal African Society, X: 459-466. Migeod, F. E. H. 1909. The Syllabic Writing of the Vai People. Journal of the African Society 9:46-58. Migeod, G. 1913. The Languages of West Africa Vol II. London: K. Paul, Trench and Trubner. Scribner, S. and M. Cole. 1981. The Psychology of Literacy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Sow, I. 1971 Le Filon du bonheur éternel (par Thierno Mouhammadou-Samba Mombéya). Paris: Armand Colin, “‘Classiques Africains’’. Taylor, F. W. 1928. The Orthography of African Languages with special reference to Hausa and Fulani. Africa 28:241—252. UNESCO. 1966. Rapport final sur la réunion d’un groupe d’experts pour [unification des alphabets des langues nationales. Bamako: UNESCO (28 février-5 mars). UNESCO. 1981. Proceedings of the meeting of experts on the transcription and harmonization of African languages. Niamey, Niger, 17—21 July 1978. Paris: UNES- CO, “African Languages’. Zima, P. 1974. Digraphia: The case of Hausa. Linguistics. 124:57-69. Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences, Volume 79, Number 1, Pages 29-34, March 1989 Tones of Yoruba Language“ Adetokunbo Adekanmbi Georgetown University Washington, D.C. 20057 The Yoruba language is spoken mainly in Southwestern Nigeria and parts of the Dahomey (now Benin Republic), on the West Coast of Africa. It is spoken by approximately 35 million people and has various dialects, some of which are mutually intelligible and some of which are not. However, the speakers of the variant dialects of Yoruba communicate with each other in either the Oyo dialect or the Lagos dialect. The Oyo dialect is considered the more proper, albeit slightly more archaic dialect and is the dialect used in the media-audio, video as well as print. Yoruba belongs to the Kwa language family and has been described as a tonal language. This paper will discuss the tones of the Yoruba language and the different functions that these tones have. But first, what is a tonal language? Pike 1945: 1 defines a tonal language as: “one having significant contrastive pitch on each syllable” Thus, the high or low tones of a tonal language contrast with each other just as the b, d, g in big, dig, and gig do. Ward 1956: 29 also defines a tone language as a. “one which makes use of the pitch of the voice as an essential element in the formation of words and in connected speech. Tone shows itself in the following ways: As part of the ‘make-up’ of a word: e.g. the word for dog is aja [--], and the tones (mid-level followed by high-level) are as much part of the word as the vowels and consonant. b. Following on (a), as a distinguishing factor in meaning: ewa [__] with two low tones, means bean; ewa [-_] the same vowels and consonant sounds, with a mid-level followed by a low-level tone, means beauty; ewa [--] with mid-level tones is meaningless. The difference between the first two words is as important as a difference in vowel and consonant would be... .” To say that a language that lacks the aforementioned tonal contrast is non- tonal would be erroneous. Every language has some sort of tonal character- istics that are unique to it. I will describe three different types of tones. * Presented at 39th Georgetown University Round Table on Languages and Linguistics, April 9, 1988. 29 30 ADETOKUNBO ADEKANMBI | Rhythmic Tones: These may also be called intonation or contour. This is the undulation of the human voice when it is engaged in speech. This type of tone, or rather intonation, is easily detected when a speaker of a language A, for instance, Chinese or Swedish, speaks a language B, for instance English, with the accent and intonational contours of language A. Intonation may also display the emotions of the speaker, as in egbon ¢ I’6 yan j¢ his "ther cheated him eebon & |’6 yan je his bro““er cheated him? “gbon € / l’6 yan je. his brother cheated him! (Examples are modifications and translations of english sentences from Bol- inger 1972.) The first example is a statement of fact or report of a fact. The second example is a question of a fact or report of a fact. The third example, however, portrays the speaker’s disbelief that the concerned person’s own flesh and blood could do such a thing. As I said earlier, all languages have this intonation feature. Syntactic Tones: These are the tones that differentiate between the variant syntactic meanings of a sentence or types of sentences, for example, the difference between a declarative and an interrogative. O ti lo he/she/it has gone O ti lo has he/she/it gone? However, in the interrogative, the tones are at a slightly higher pitch than in the declarative and this results from the dropping off of the interrogative particle ‘se’ or ‘nje’. Sé 6 ti lo? has he/she/it gone? The difference between the declarative and interrogative of utterances such as in the above example may also be signaled by a raising of the eyebrows and may depend on who says it first, like if a person A was asking person B about the whereabouts of a person C and asks ‘O ti 10?’, then it is a question, but if person B answers with the same utterance or walks into a room to announce the departure of person C, then it is a declarative. Alternatively, if person B walks into the room and says the utterance, it may be a question. It all depends on the height of the tones in the question. The tone that TONES OF YORUBA LANGUAGE 31 differentiates between the statement and the question is the same but the tone of the question is higher than that of the statement because of the dropping of the interrogative particle ‘se’. The tone of the interrogative particle is transferred to the first word in the question and this intensifies the tone and signals that dropping of the interrogative particle has taken place and that the sentence is a question. Semantic Tones: The third type of intonation involves semantic tones. Semantic tones are tones that establish a different semantic reality for words that are spelt and pronounced the same way, but which have different tones on them. These semantic tones are Pike’s ‘significant contrastive pitches’. The Yoruba lan- guage has four tone levels or tonemes. falling \ do mid or level - re rising / mi falling/rising Fe Semantic tones are superimposed on rhythmic tones. All languages have rhythmic tones, but not all languages have semantic tones. None of the four tones in Yoruba has any inherent semantic realities, i.e. by themselves, they do not mean anything. However, when applied to words in various combi- nations, they change the meanings of the words. Thus we have 1gba ‘calabash or display of wares’ igba ‘eggplant-like fruit’ igba ‘time, era’ igba ‘200’ fo awO ‘wash the plate’ {6 awo ‘break the plate’ fo awd ‘wash the guinea fowl’ {6 awo ‘to betray’ (literally: break up a secret society or cult by revealing secrets or behaving in a manner inappropriate to the members of the society or cult). There does not seem to be a restriction on the place in a word to which a toneme is limited. Any of the four tones can occur in any syllable of a word. 32 ADETOKUNBO ADEKANMBI The fourth toneme, the falling/rising toneme is a combination of any two or all three of the preceeding tones. It’s occurrence seems to signal a. that ellision or dropping of a consonant or vowel has taken place égba from @gbawa _—“2,000’ egba ‘cane’ egba ‘bracelet’ egba ‘a member of the Egba tribe’ orun from oorun ‘sun’ orun ‘ oorun ‘odor, smell’ orun if oorun ‘sleep’ b. The circumflex also appears at the boundary of two words, replacing any of the first three tones that appear on the last syllable of the first word in a boundary pair baba ------------------ baba Bodse¢ ‘Bose’s father’ bata ------------------ bata baba ‘father’s shoes’ In the above example, the circumflex also signals a lengthening of the last vowel in the first word in a boundary pair. It does not signal ellision in this instance because the lengthened vowel or second vowel did not exist as part of the word originally before it became part of the word originally before it became part of the boundary pair. Words whose meanings are differentiated by semantic tones seem to be limited to groups of two to four words. That I have not found groups of five words or more does not mean that they do not exist. Also, the differentiating function of semantic tones seem to be largely limited to bi-syllabic words, although I found only one instance of a tri-syllable word. obi ‘female’ obi ‘kolanut’ obi ‘parents’ agbada ‘large flowing gown worn by men’ agbada ‘large platter’ Semantic tones are not to be confused with stress. In English, regardless of the placement of the stress, the word jump, as a noun or as a verb, still involves the same reality, i.e. the act of jumping. The Yoruba tones, however, involve a complete change in the semantic realities of the word. eré ‘play’ ere ‘statue’ eré ‘beans’ TONES OF YORUBA LANGUAGE 33 Ambiguities in Meanings. Ambiguities in the meanings of words or sentences sometimes arise as a result of the multiple meanings that tones bestow on words or sentences in Yoruba. In Yoruba, semantic tones are a very significant element in the dif- ferentiation between the different meanings of a word or utterance. However, sometimes, this is not enough. In some cases, it is not the tonemes of the language, but rather the context of the utterance that makes the meaningful difference between the two meanings of an utterance, e.g. Obinrin na l’éw Obinrin na Pew the woman has beauty a a the woman has beans. Translations From Other Languages. The Yoruba language was first reduced to writing by church missionaries from England and America. Consequently, the first written records of the language were translations of the bible and various hymn books. When trans- lations of the hymn books were being made from English to Yoruba, the importance of the tones of Yoruba in meaning was not ignored. However, some tones sometimes ended up being substituted for others in the translators’ attempt to fit the Yoruba words into the tunes of the English songs. An example of this substitution of tones is seen in the song ‘O weary heart’, translated into Yoruba with the following tones: Okan are ile kan mbé heart weary home one 1s spoken, the tones should be okan are ilé kan mbé If one were to use the tones of the translated song in speech, it would yield Okan are ilé kan mbé ? commander hardness meet jumping! The gloss is as follows: okan ‘heart’ are ‘weariness’ Okan ‘one’ are ‘commander of Okan 2 armed forces’ ilé ‘home’ kan ‘one’ ile ‘hardness’ kan ‘meet’ mbeé ‘is/exists’ mbé ‘jumping’ 34 ADETOKUNBO ADEKANMBI In the refrain to the song, we have: Duro, roju duro ma Se kun wait, meekly wait do not murmur Duro, roju duro ma S kun wait, meekly wait do not (be) full! Duro, duro, sa roju duro ma Se kun wait, wait, hack meekly wait do not (be) full! (just) The gloss is as follows: kun ‘murmur’ Sa ‘just’ kun ‘full’ SA ‘hack’ (with axe) In lines two and three of the refrain, we have wrong meanings instead of meanings similar to the one we get in line one. Regardless of the abberant meanings the tunes bestow on the words in the song, the message of the song still gets through. This is so because the aberrant meanings of the tones on the translated tunes make no sense to the Yoruba singer, thus they are ignored or do not come into play. Secondly, the tones of the english tune would never be used in speech or when a Yoruba speaker is translating the song for non- english speakers or when she is reading the song for non-readers to sing, so the aberrant meanings do not come into play. Finally, the rhythmic and semantic tone patterns of the Yoruba language may be transferred from a vocal medium to a non-vocal medium, e.g. the talking drums. This phenomena of the talking drums is a valid mode of com- munication among people who speak the same dialect. Bibliography Bamgbose, Ayo. 1965. Yoruba Orthography. Ibadan University Press. Bolinger, Dwight. 1964. Around the Edge of Language: Intonation. in Intonation. Selected Readings. ed. Dwight Bolinger. Penguin Books. Jeffreys, M. D. W. 1945. Some Historical Notes on African Tone Languages. Re- printed from African Studies, Sept. 1945. Lasebikan, E. L. 1962. Learning Yoruba. Oxford University Press, London. Pike, Kenneth L. 1945. Tone Languages. Summer Institutes of Linguistics, Glen- dale, CA. Ward, Ida C. An Introduction to the Yoruba Language. W. Heffer & Sons Ltd. Cambridge. Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences, Volume 79, Number 1, Pages 35-45, March 1989 The Processes in the Formation of a Lexicon. Bafut: A Study Ambe Suh Achuo Linguistics Department Georgetown University Introduction Bafut is a Kingdom in the Republic of Cameroon. Its language (bdfd:)' is still oral and has been classified by the Grassfields Bantu Working Group as belonging to the Ngemba sub-group of the MBAM NKAM, a sub-division of the Grassfields Bantu Language family (see Stallcup 1980*, Leroy 1977°). The processes of lexical formation in this language is examined here in three parts. PART 1: Illustrates a general phenomenon operating in most Grassfields Bantu languages. The processes involved are the use of either a phonemic glottal stop (’)*, the relative duration of sound or length on vowels (:), the use of lexical tones (‘high, low, mid) or a combination of either of these to expand the lexicon by providing semantic differentiation on words which are otherwise segmentally identical. PART 2: Deals with the derivation of words from other word classes by the use of affixes. PART 3: Treats the compounding of words in and outside different word classes to give meanings other than the ones carried by the original com- pounding words. Part 1. Both the glottal stop, length and tones can be used (though not all of these apply on all cases) on a morphological word to give several meanings. In the 35 36 following examples, the neutral or mid tone is unmarked. The words with AMBE SUH ACHUO asterisks are homonyms. BAFUT GLOSS BAFUT GLOSS aba scar ala: the smithy aba: flour ala’a country aba: bag ala’a a wound *aba’a door alu: foams *aba’a a half alu’u a punch abo hand ati a tree abo: a hunt party ati: waist abo: weavels atu head abi: profit atu: refused abil luggage aye’ée a broom abé sore throat aye’é a type of fruit *abeé: a housing plot aya mine *abeé: fault finding aya why abé: outside aya: a path abe’e shoulder ayo yours abu wood ash ayo: something abu: ridge ayo’o a place for basking abu: ribs *ayl his/hers abu’u slave *ayl knowledge aki a wooden bowl *ayl'l ours aki: a trench *ayi'l a hurdle ak’ a stool Part 2 Word Derivation Although the corresponding verbs may not always be found anymore, it seems the basic word class in Bafut is the verb, from which the rest of the classes are derived, either directly or indirectly, by the use of a number of affixes. The data presented here illustrates the use of affixes such as: N_, Ni-, mi-, a-, l-, ta-, ma-, -no, -ka, -sa, -to, -9, -si and -ti for lexical derivation. 2.1 Noun Derivation The affixes used for noun derivation are dependent on the root of the noun class membership. The examples in this paper are grouped according to their derivational affixes. THE PROCESSES IN THE FORMATION OF A LEXICON 37 2.1.1 The Derivational Prefix | N-/ Prenasalization is a frequent derivational device found principally with noun classes 9, 10, and to a lesser extent with classes 1 and 3. There are four semantic relationships associated with this derivation - actor, object, abstract and par- ticipial. These are illustrated as follows: VERB GLOSS NOUN GLOSS S.RELATION fwi: thatch m-fwi: thatcher actor swye peck n-swye pecking part fa’o blow m-fa’o a cold object ki’ slice N-kvi operation abstr. kweti help N_kweti helper actor li poison n-li’i poison object 2.1.2 The Derivational Prefix /ni-/ The derivational prefix ni- is the prefix for noun class 5. It derives nouns from verbs as in the following: VERB GLOSS NOUN GLOSS gha: speak ni-gha speech Zi come ni-Zi journey gho: beat ni-gho: sickness dori play ni-dori a play we laugh ni-we laughter 2.1.3 The Derivational Prefix /mi/ The derivational prefix mi- is the prefix for noun class 6. It derives nouns from verbs as in the following: ji eat mi-ji food tu spit mi-twe saliva tu: pay mi-tu-ni payment ic: urinate mi-je: urine 2.1.4 The Derivational Prefix /a-/ The derivational prefix a- is the prefix for noun class 7. It derives nouns from verbs as in the following: kwe’e cough a-kwe’e a cough bri carry a-bi1 luggage fani miss a-fani abomination to’o support a-to’o pillar diiti advise a-di’ti advice 38 AMBE SUH ACHUO 2.1.5 The Derivational Prefix /1-/ The derivational prefix i- is the prefix for noun classes 3 and 8. It derives nouns from verbs as in the following: VERB GLOSS NOUN GLOSS fa’a work 1-fa’a work ywi breathe 1-ywi souls ko’o climb i-ko’o ladder Iwi isi end 1-lwiisi the end sa’a judge I-sa’a a case 2.1.6 The Derivational Morphemes /ta-/ and /ma-/ The morphemes ta- and ma- can both be used as prefixes and pre-prefixes to derive nouns. They have a masculine/feminine contrast and do not feature as noun class prefixes as the ones examined above. The semantic relationship found in these morphemes are those of actor and actress respectively. Ex- amples of their occurrence are found in the following: VERB GLOSS NOUN NOUN GLOSS fi remove m-f11 ta-m-fi’1 remover fa’a work a-fa’a ta-a-fa’a employer ji eat mi-ji ma-mi-ji a glutton gha: speak ni-gha: ma-ni-gha: orator dori play ni-dori ma-ni-dori player 2.2 Verb Derivation Instances of verbs which are derived from other word classes have not been noticed. There are, however, derivations found from intransitive to transitive and from transitive to intransitive verbs. Both these derivations involve the use of suffixes. 2.2.1 Changing Transitive Verbs to Intransitive Ones The verb suffixes -no and -ka when used can convert transitive sentences into intransitive ones. The agent of the sentence is often deleted while the object of the transitive sentence becomes the subject of the intransitive verb. Examples 7a and 8a below are transitive while 7b and 8b are intransitive. Ta ma Na’a mo aba’a I open — pl door ‘““T have opened the door. 7b aba’a ya Na’a-no door the open “The door has opened.” THE PROCESSES IN THE FORMATION OF A LEXICON 39 8a ma fe; njo: ja I untie things my “T have untied my things.” 8b njo: ja feN-koa things my loose ‘““My things got loose.” 2.2.2 Changing Intransitive Verbs to Transitive Ones The verb suffixes -so and -ta when added to intransitive verbs convert them to transitive ones. Examples 9a and 10a are intransitive while 9b and 10b are transitive. 9a mu noN (nibi:) baby suck breast “The baby sucked (the breast).”’ 9b ndi li noN-sa mu mother p2 suckle baby ‘Mother suckled the baby.‘ 10a a is: manji he stand road “He is standing on the road.” 10b a ta:te mikori me he stand feet my “He trampled on my feet.”’ 2.2.3 Deriving a Verb From Another Verb The suffix -no which bears the semantic relationship of excessiveness can derive a verb from another verb. lla a yuu anu he hear something ‘He heard something.”’ lib a yu’u-no ta: yl he obey father his ‘He obeys his father.” 12a a ke’e nibu’u he untie bundle He untied a ‘“‘bundle.”’ 40 AMBE SUH ACHUO 12b a ke’e-no wumbo he inform him ‘‘He informed him of. . .”’ 2.3 Derivation of Adjectives Most adjectives in Bafut are derived from verbs through a process of affix- ation. Some of them are homophonic with the verb while others are simply verb roots. 2.3.1 Adjectives as Verb Roots Despite the assertion in 2.2, the possibility is that the verbs below whose roots are adjectives might have actually been derived from adjectives through affixation. 13. VERB GLOSS ADJ. GLOSS baN-o be red baN red fu’u-si whiten fuw’u white fwe-ti be cool fwe cold fo’o-ni be blind fo’o blind faN-a be fat faN fat 2.3.2 Verbs Used as Adjectives Some adjectives are homophoneous with their verbal counterparts, that 1s, they have the same spellings and the same pronunciation with the verbs from which they are derived. 14. ya:ri select ya:ri selected bo:ni be gentle bo:ni gentle jeNni be sorry jeNni SOITY saNni be happy saNni happy mi’.i abandon mii abandoned 2.3.3 Adjectives Derived Through Affixation A few of the adjectives are derived from verbs through a process of affix- ation. 2.3.3.1 Adjectives Derived Through Prefixation 15 VERBS GLOSS ADJ. GLOSS kwEti help N-kwEti adjunct tswisi make seated ti-tswi-wu absent bi:ti abide m-bi:ti abiding THE PROCESSES IN THE FORMATION OF A LEXICON 41 2.3.3.2 Adjectives Derived Through Suffixation 16 twEo twist bri popped sa’a tear gori bend waki-si shake loose 2.3.4 Reduplicated Adjectives twEo-ki bi’i-ki sa’a-k1 gori-ki waki-ki twisted exploded torn arched loose Some adjectives are derived from verbs through a process of reduplication. When the reduplicated word is an adjective, the first part functions as an intensifier. 2.3.4.1 Reduplicated Verbs burnt laughing stock 17 khi burn khikhi WE laugh wEwE Nki (noun) water NkiNki yao cry ya yo ji eat yi 2.3.4.2 Reduplicated Adjectives 18 ADJ GLOSS ADJ fi: black ident baN red baNbaN fu’u white fu’ufu’u sa’a long sa’asa’a li: sweet lish: watery sobbing child gluttonous GLOSS very black very red very white very long very sweet Alternatively, an intensifying suffix /-mo:/ could be used to produce the same meanings as the intensified adjectives above. Thus, we have baN-ma: “very red’’, fu’u-ma: ‘“‘very white’, etc. 2.4 Derivation of Adverbs A number of adverbs are formed by a process of pronoun and adjective reduplication while a few may be identified as derivations from verbs. 2.4.1 Reduplication 19 PRONOUN mo yu wo bo GLOSS me him/her you them ADVERB GLOSS moma alone (1) yuyu alone (she/he) wowo alone (you) bobo alone (they) 42 20 AMBE SUH ACHUO ADJ GLOSS ADVERB GLOSS S17 much SVISI1 too much la like lala like that IE:ti foolish JE: tHE: ti foolishly mba’a cloudy mba’amba’a early ta’aki stagger ta’akita’aki staggerly 2.4.2 Derivation of Adverbs From Verbs 21 Part 3 VERBS GLOSS ADV GLOSS bu’usi wake bu’wni aback WI inl be awake Wi 1 ki aback kirl look kirl awake biri be ablaze biri ablaze kwusi add kwusi again 3 Compound Morphology Some compounding has already been seen in 2.3.4 and 2.4 above in relation to the derivation of adjectives and adverbs. Most of the compounding words, however, are from noun and noun related classes. 3.1 Noun and Noun Compounds The most common type of compound is the combination of two nouns. Typically, a prefix which means ‘the people of’, combines with the name of a place. 22 ba + awum — Bawum ba + niko: — Baniko: ba + nji: — Banji: ba + akosia — Bakosia ma + nka’a ~ Manka’a ma + nji: ~ Manji: ma + nka: — Manka: ma + nkwi — Mankwi a3 Some compounds are identified because the second noun modifies the first one. mbi + ndoN — mbi ndoN nte’e + nda — nte’e nda goat horn ‘goat’ pillar house ‘pillar’ nda + nwi — nda nwi atu + nda — atu nda house God ‘church’ head house ‘roof’ Some compounds are formed by reference to a location and then the name of the location itself. THE PROCESSES IN THE FORMATION OF A LEXICON 43 24 ntsu + Nki— ntsu Nki atu + Nki — atu Nki mouth water ‘river bank’ head water ‘up stream’ ni + abE: => nti abE: atu + abE: — atu abE: compound ‘lower compound’ head compound ‘upper compound’ Many compound words are found with the word mu “‘child’’, which may be added to almost every noun (with the exception of abstracts). It has a diminutive function. The word mu always precedes the other noun, although it is the modifying element. 25 mu + maNgyE— mu maNgyE mu + ati— mu ati child woman “girl” child tree “seedling” mu + mbaNni— mu mbaNni mu + Ngo’o ~ mu Ngo’o child man “boy” child stone small stone mu + swEyakori ~ mu swEakori child foot “LOG; The opposite of the diminutive, that is, the augmentative, also occurs. It is formed by compounding nouns with the word ma “‘mother.”’ 26 ma + mbi— ma mbi ma + kwiyam — makwiyam mother goat “‘nanny”’ mother pig “sow” Ma + kau — makau ma + Ngu— ma Ngu mother cow “cow” mother hen “hen” 3.2 Verb and Noun Compounds Another, but less common, type of compound is composed of a verb and a noun. Za swi: + mbo: — swi mbo: suck egg “egg-eating snake” leat Nida {Ee ned urinate house ‘a bed-wetting child”’ (nea — njinda eat house “successor” bwuti + ati— bwuti ati peck tree— ‘“wood-pecker”’ 3.3 Compound Pronouns Compound pronouns in Bafut are mostly dual and plural, formed by com- pounding two simple free pronouns. 44 AMBE SUH ACHUO 28 bri + ni— brini we you-pl we-inclusive bri + yu - sg —> briyu we he we-exclusive bu + bo > bubo you-pl they you-pl-exclusive bu + yu buyu you-pl he-sg you-pl-exclusive It should be noted that the exclusive pronouns either exclude the speaker or the listener. 3.4 Compound Possessive Pronouns The possessive pronoun in Bafut has a well developed compounding system which reflects the noun class membership of the nouns they represent. It is possible, for example, to compound the Ist and 2nd persons, the 1st and 3rd persons, the 2nd and 3rd persons and the 3rd and 3rd persons, all of these showing a singular/plural dichotomy. Because the possessive has to reflect the noun class of the object involved, the initial consonant of the possessive identifies the noun class membership (of the head noun), while the remaining fragment identifies the person/number distinctions of the pronoun (although the free pronoun form cannot always be recognized). 1 2 3) 5 6 a 8 9 0 1 —_ jp mine + yours = ours mine + yours mine + his mine + theirs exclusive of others = ours = ours =: ours inclusive exclusive exclusive of of the the listener listener THE PROCESSES IN THE FORMATION OF A LEXICON 45 1 2 3 5 6 Z 8 9 0 1 1 1 yours + his yours + theirs his + his his + theirs = yours = yours = theirs = theirs exclusive of exclusive of exclusive exclusive of the speaker the speaker of the the speaker/ speaker/ listener listener It is worth noting that quite a number of the affixes seen in this paper can be used on the same stem to derive various meanings. This is evident in the following examples. bin “dance!” ji “eat!” m-bin-a “dancing” m-jl “eating” a-bin “a dance” mi-ji “food (sing.) ka: vbe tired ni-ji ‘food (pl.) N-ka: “tiring” a-ji “something to eat for ni-KE4: “tiredness” Hee.” This paper has attempted to document the various processes involved in the formation of a Bafut lexicon. It cannot be claimed that the processes have been adequately described. It is however believed that, since this is an initial work on this topic in Bafut, ground work has been laid on which further and more detail research can be carried out. Notes 1. The Bafut people call themselves bofa: and their language bofa: as well. Bafut is an anglicised form of bofa:. 2. Stallcup, Kenneth. 1980. La Geographie Linguistique des Grassfields. in L7EXPANSION BANTOUE, S.E.L.A.F, Paris, pp. 43-57. 3. Leroy, Jacqueline, 1977. Morphologie et Classes Nominales en Mankon, S.E.L.A.F., Paris pp. 61-62. 4. In this paper examples are given in the currently used orthography for Cameroon languages. There are the following deviations from the IPA system: Ct Saad [x] —— gh [yt]: => ‘ny il ¥ [s] —— sh [e]—- E iy on i! bay ree chang ‘boot’ Avail aang 8h Py Ui Mea ies el hy 3 a a uevow wenheny’ brit) } 2 en 1 ie yratean 9 % Ae DATE it Age vt rll DELEGATES TO THE WASHINGTON ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, REPRESENTING THE LOCAL AFFILIATED SOCIETIES MIMI HENOCIENV EOL VV ASIA GCOM GZ acres ols Noes lene Sayecn sietoiaie saint Sas Rvs bee! Goaray a aeiaie wile Sela RM Vacant RM e Al SGCICCY OleVVASMINPTOM: 6. cs. he a be oie Se mms ears en's len ke ewieiew es & Vacant PESEESMEICEY OL NV ASMINGTONG ro. on) stevie ok tres a ede ee tie Oeale ieee as ees Austin B. Williams SC MENIICIC EVOL WV ASIN TOM ye 2 16 gis eje 3 ofa: Wists clade d)s Ucimie vausee o Ua Bie eo, Bt Ia Jo-Anne A. Jackson SIME AE SOCICLY (OF, WaASKINPLOM 4 255 eich sa). ee Sak soy Sands lobe pew cece ane Gace Vacant MINE EAT EE AENRIC GOCE E YS Fs ey theirs Sc eve) ie eke MeO ial oof ote Papen ee yoo « cere nee niurave oe SWIC aie g Vacant ERE PSCC LY OL WNASHINGTOM crc iia edn Sie od elec Sicttisie seis isl ala we bivttve e pyes@hetiderdn eaiteee « Vacant ne eray OL tHe DISITICL OF COMMMDIAG 5 5 fic Pele onic bw oe ch oe ole isles ses vin eda v eraied wns owe Vacant SEEMED STREET SOCIG UV tote ne arora Oe Te ete tec Ech eN ob Ooeue go mL Spl wpb cimie oe oe Samael ee Vacant SE SMCICTVEOL, VV AS MIN OCOM cities < Somer tys Se cis ew leon atohcee no 08 Mager oe elles we eiraleraias Gere» Vacant meen on American Foresters, Washington Section ..................25-s2000% Forrest Fenstermaker SP NEMMENOCIE WY Ol ENOINECIS 2 15 cits 0s) 2 a2 ele aos Ge Gale + rds Shs + Aladisleg sas Sieye ese George Abraham Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, Washington Section................ 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