THE TRAGEDY

OF

JULIUS CjESAR

THE WORKS

OF

SHAKESPEARE

THE TRAGEDY OF JULIUS OESAR

EDITED BY

MICHAEL MACMILLAN

TL

METHUEN AND CO.

36 ESSEX STREET: STRAND

LONDON

1902

PR

FEB 11955

37799

PREFACE

In preparing this edition of Julius Ccesar I have derived great assistance from the Elizabethan lore of Mr. W. J. Craig, the editor of Lear, in the same series. I have consulted almost all the recent editions of Julius Ccesar, especially the very exhaustive and able edition prepared for Indian Colleges by Mr. Mark Hunter, Principal of the Government College, Mangalore. Mr. Moulton's book on Shakespeare's dramatic art has also been of great use to me. My obligation to Dr. Abbott is sufficiently indicated by the frequent references to his Shakespearian Grammar in the notes. The extracts from Plutarch are taken from Skeat's Shakespeare's Plutarch. The references to Shakespeare's plays other than Julius Ccesar are in accordance with the numbering of the lines in the Globe edition. I have not had the temerity to suggest many new readings. For some time I flattered myself that I had improved V. i. 35 by the con- version of a full stop into a note of interrogation, but it afterwards turned out that the emendation had been anticipated by Delius. I cannot find that any previous commentator has thought of making the return to the reading of all the Folios advocated in my note on III. i.

vi PREFACE

171, or the dash that I have put at the end of IV. iii. 5. Other alterations in the generally accepted text, that I have pointed out as possible, but not ventured to introduce into the text of this edition, will be found suggested in the notes on I. iii. 65, II. i. 83, ii. 46, iv. 18, III. i. 39, ii. 118, and IV. iii. 240. The only passage, as far as I know, to which, without departing from the usual reading, I have given an entirely new interpretation is III. i. 174, 175. Few notes on the scansion of par- ticular lines will be found in the following pages. Shakespeare's metre is a large subject, which requires general treatment with reference to all the plays. The commentary on any individual play would be over- burdened, if an attempt were made to examine all the metrical irregularities that occur in it. The notes in this edition are mostly explanatory, and even with this restriction it has been found difficult to keep the com- mentary within due bounds.

CONTENTS

PAGE

Preface v

Introduction ix

The Tragedy of Julius Caesar i

Appendix . 169

INTRODUCTION

Synopsis of Introduction. — Determination of date of play. Compared with the Ajax of Sophocles as a play with the climax in the middle. How far the interest is sustained after the climax. Symmetry and unity due to the chain of Nemesis. How unity is maintained in spite of the death of Caesar in the middle of the play. Neither Caesar nor Brutus the hero. It is a drama with- out a hero, but with several heroic characters. The representation of Caesar seems at first almost a travesty. Not, however, devoid of noble characteristics, when the whole play is regarded. Why Shakespeare did not adequately represent Caesar's greatness. From a historical point of view the picture given is rather one- sided than untrue, and this one-sided representation is justifiable on dramatic grounds. Brutus resembles Hamlet in being called upon to undertake a task which he was ill fitted to perform. Though politically a failure, from a moral point of view he deserves all honour. Though morally admirable, his great deed was wrong. How then was this morally excellent man induced to commit such a crime ? His soliloquy shows that he did it for the general good, though his reasoning is inconclusive. The virtue of Brutus, consisting in the cultivation of his own honour, which was the great object of his life, would deprive him of our sympathy, were it not tempered by gentler and more engaging characteristics. Contrast between Brutus and Cassius in Plutarch and Shakespeare. Cassius superior to Brutus in practical fore- sight, but weaker in will-power and less calm at the moment of action. Cassius, though morally inferior to Brutus, far from a villain and not entirely actuated by selfish motives. Contrast

x INTRODUCTION

between Brutus and Antony illustrated by their speeches. Rhetorical dexterity of Antony. Character of Casca — why intro- duced. Portia the ideal Roman wife. Her resemblance to Lady Macbeth. Mob in Shakespeare compared to Greek chorus. Shakespeare's contempt for the mob rather social than political. He was not keenly interested in abstract political principles. Duration of action much shorter than historical chronology. Few indications of long time. Shakespeare's readiness to borrow especially manifested in plays based on Plutarch. His close adherence to Plutarch. Alterations due to idealisation of char- acter and of justice. Amplification for poetical embellishment. Object of bringing into closer combination events separated by long intervals in Plutarch's narrative. Chief passages in Plutarch that supplied materials for Julius Ccesar.

Although there is no record of Julius Ccesar having been printed before the first Folio edition of Shakespeare's works published in 1623, the date of the first appearance of the play may be determined within very narrow limits by external evidence of a fairly convincing character. The play is not mentioned in Meres's Palladis Tamiay Wifs Treasury y published on 7th September 1598, and may therefore be assumed to be posterior to that date. In John Weever's Mirror of Martyrs are found the following lines : —

The many-headed multitude were drawn

By Brutus' speech, that Caesar was ambitious.

When eloquent Mark Antony had shown

His virtues, who but Brutus then was vicious?

This passage must he regarded as a distinct reference to Shakespeare's play. The antithesis gives very exactly the effects of the speeches of Brutus and Antony in the second scene of the third act, and such a contrast is not found in Plutarch or in any other of the historians, who

INTRODUCTION xi

gave an account of Caesar's death and the events that followed. The Mirror of Martyrs was published in 1601, but, as is pointed out by Mr. Percy Simpson in Notes and Queries (Feb. 1899), the author in his Dedication asserts that the work " some two years ago was made fit for the print." We may therefore conclude with some confidence that Shakespeare's Julius Ccesar was not brought out later than 1599. This conclusion is strongly supported by a passage quoted by Mr. Percy Simpson from Every Man out of His Humour, a play of Ben Jonson's belonging to the year 1599, in which Clove, who talks fustian, begins a speech by saying, " Then coming to the pretty animal, as Reason long since is fled to animals, you know," which is evidently a jibing reference to Julius Ccesar, III. ii. 1 1 2. In the same play the words " Et tu, Brute," taken by them- selves, might have been derived, not from Shakespeare, but from the same source as that from which Shakespeare derived them. But coming, as they do, in the works of a dramatist prompted by mingled feelings of jealousy and admiration to lose no opportunity of parodying or criti- cising the first play in which his great rival, meeting him on his own ground, took his plot from Roman history, and in a play in which there is at least one distinct refer- ence to Julius Ccesar, they indicate that they also are a reference to that play, the popularity of which had evidently given the last words of Caesar much the same vogue as the last words of Marmion have enjoyed since the beginning of the nineteenth century.

So much evidence to show that Julius Ccesar was brought out as early as the year 1 599 is too strong to be shaken by Wright's argument based on the use of the

xii INTRODUCTION

word " eternal " in i. ii. 158. " For some reason or other," he urges, " whereas in three plays which were all printed in 1 600, Shakespeare uses the word ' infernal,' he substitutes ' eternal ' for it in Julius Ccesar, Hamlet, and Othello, and my inference is that he did so in obedience to the popular objections which were urged against the profanity of the stage, and that the plays in which ' eternal ' occurs as the equivalent of ' infernal ' were produced after 1600." In answer to this, it may be pointed out that " infernal " was never a favourite word of Shakespeare's, and is only thrice found in his dramas, and that "eternal" in I. ii. 158 can hardly be regarded as a substitute for " infernal," which would be an extremely weak epithet for the devil, while eternity is quite as naturally attributed to the devil as to his bon- fire in Macbeth, II. iii. 2 2. Therefore Wright's argument cannot be regarded as giving even a slight presumption in favour of the date that it is supposed to indicate, and, even if it had some weight, must yield to the strong proof of an earlier date brought forward by Percy Simpson.

The earlier date is also supported by the evidence of the most trustworthy of those metrical tests, by which the chronological order of Shakespeare's plays is de- termined. It has been found by experiment that in Shakespeare's later plays there are more lines with double endings, that is, with extra syllables added at the end of the five regular feet, as in

Well, honour is the subject of my story,

than in his earlier plays. Now in Julius Ccesar there are fewer of these weak endings than in Henry V., brought

INTRODUCTION xiii

out in I 5 99, and not many more than in the Merchant of Venice \ which was composed before 1598. With the exception of Pericles and Timon, which, as being to a large extent the work of other dramatists, cannot be taken into account, all the other plays of Shakespeare attributed to 1600 and later dates have a larger proportion of double endings than Julius C&sar.

Lastly, we come to the chronological evidence afforded by the style. Dowden has shown how in Shakespeare's later plays the language is overburdened with the weight of thought and becomes obscure, while in the middle period of his dramatic workmanship thought and language are commensurate, so that the latter can easily and clearly express the former. This contrast may be readily illustrated by comparing Julius Ccesar with Antony and Cleopatra and Coriolanus, the Roman tragedies that were composed after an interval of at least eight or nine years. But as, in considering the evidence of style, the subjective element may pervert our judgment, and we may be suspected of exaggerating the com- parative clearness of the language of Julius Ccesar, owing to our preconceived opinion of the date of the authorship, it is well to be able to appeal to impartial evidence on the subject. This is afforded in his Shakespeare and his Pi-edecessors by Boas, who, although he thinks that " 1600— 1 60 1 may be confidently accepted as the date" of the play, nevertheless points out that " the style of the drama is similar to that of the best comedies and English history-plays," thus bringing us back to the time of the composition of the Merchant of Venice and Henry V., and connecting our play chronologically with those

xiv INTRODUCTION

dramas rather than with the great tragedies of what is called the third period of the development of Shake- speare's dramatic art. This conclusion is further sup- ported by the internal evidence afforded by the allusions to Caesar in plays written before 1600. As Portia is a Roman character, whose heroism would not be likely to be known to other than classical scholars, the reference to her in the Merchant of Venice, 1. i. 166, makes it probable that Shakespeare had already begun to study Plutarch when he was writing that play. Further interest in Plutarch is indicated by the references in the Second Part of Henry IV. (1 597-1 598) and in As You Like It (1599— 1600) to striking events recorded in Plutarch's Life of Ccesar, by the mention of Alexander and Pompey in Henry V. (1599), and still more by the prologue to the fifth act, in which it is related how the mayor, the aldermen, and the citizens of London,

Like to the senators of the antique Rome, With the plebeians swarming at their heels, Go forth and fetch their conquering Cassar in.

As Mark Hunter points out, this historical parallel drawn from an unimportant episode of Caesar's life recorded in Plutarch's Life of Antony may well be due to the fact that " when the prologue in question was composed, Shakespeare had recently been studying Plutarch, and probably with a view to a play on the subject of Julius Caesar."

Thus the internal evidence afforded by the study of Julius Cczsar and other plays is in harmony with or even directly supports Percy Simpson's inference from the external evidence in the Dedication to the Mirror of

INTRODUCTION xv

Martyrs, that Julius Ccesar was composed not later than the year I 5 99.

Julius Ccesar is one of the plays of which Moulton gives an elaborate analysis to illustrate the principles of Shakespeare's dramatic art. As he points out, the dis- tinguishing characteristic in the construction of the play is that the climax is in the centre and not at the end. In this feature it closely resembles tkdAjaJtof Sophocles. In that play the tragic interest is maintained at a high pitch until the death of Ajax puts an end to the hopes and fears of the spectators. Yet after that great cata- strophe the play runs on for some hundreds of lines, which to modern readers at any rate appear to be a tedious and unnecessary continuation. In Shakespeare's Julius Ccesar, too, it would appear to be inevitable that the interest of the play must fall off after the successful accomplishment of the plot and the death of the great man, whose life and death have so long been trembling in the balance. This natural result of the disappearance from the stage of the great and imposing personality of Caesar is, however, pre- vented, or at any rate postponed for a while, by the rich resources of the poet's genius. Immediately after Caesar's death comes the dramatic meeting of the conspirators with Antony, the destined avenger, who immediately comes forward as the efaSpo? of his dead friend and patron. In this interview Antony obtains permission to deliver his famous funeral speech, by the oratorical power of which the feelings of the spectators are more powerfully moved to pity and sympathy than they were at the scene of the actual assassination. After the subsidence of the effect

produced by Antony's eloquence our interest is allowed to b

xvi INTRODUCTION

flag for a while during the end of the third and the beginning of the fourth act. We begin once more to think that the wine of life is at the lees, and that our feelings cannot again be powerfully excited by the drama. However, a surprise is in store for us. A new source of interest is provided in the quarrel and recon- ciliation of Brutus and Cassius, which is not only of sur- passing beauty and a splendid specimen of dramatic art, but also revives our sympathy with the two chief con- spirators, who had somewhat fallen in our estimation, owing to the vivid portrayal of their victim's greatness and goodness in Antony's speech. That this scene was as much appreciated by Elizabethan audiences as it is at the present day, is shown by the eulogistic lines contributed to the Folio edition by Leonard Digges :

So have I seen when Caesar would appear,

And on the stage at half-sword parley were

Brutus and Cassius, O, how the audience

Were ravish'd ! With what wonder they went hence !

When some new day they would not brook a line

Of tedious, though well-laboured, Catiline.

It must be admitted that in the fifth act the interest of the play is not sustained at such a high pitch as in the preceding acts. It begins with a parley, in which the leaders of the opposing armies indulge in mutual taunts and recriminations, a scene which is not suggested by any- thing in Plutarch, and which reminds us of the bandying of abuse between Warwick on the one side and Edward IV. and Gloucester on the other before the battle of Barnet ( J Henry VI.V. i.), and several other passages in Shakespeare's earlier historical plays, e.g., i Henry VI. ill. ii. and King John, ii. i. The battle piece which follows is an im-

INTRODUCTION xvii

pressive scene of dreary desolation, with its long-drawn farewells and monotonous repetition of evil omens, deaths, and suicides. Like De Quincey in his Opium Eater, we have a vision of " sudden alarms, hurryings to and fro, trepidations of innumerable fugitives, darkness and light, tempest and human faces, and at last with a sense that all was lost . . . clasped hands with heart-breaking partings, and then — everlasting farewells." When all is over and the battle is lost and won, Shakespeare, according to the practice that he usually follows at the end of his tragedies, sets about restoring our strained feelings to peace and contentment. The concluding speeches of Octavius and Antony give us the satisfaction of knowing that the virtue of Brutus is recognised even by his enemies, and that his dead body is to receive honourable treatment, so that he too, like Duncan, after the fitful fever of life, may sleep well.

As already indicated, the central point of interest in the drama is also the central point in the order of the events represented, namely, the assassination of Julius Caesar. The artistic unity and symmetry of the play is mainly secured by the fact that everything in the first two acts leads up to this great historical event, that the death of Caesar and its immediate consequences form the subject-matter of the third act, and that the last two acts narrate the necessary but more remote consequences of Caesar's death down to their natural conclusion in the death and defeat of the two conspirators at the battle of Philippi. The play is further bound into one whole by the chain of Nemesis, which links together the principal

xviii INTRODUCTION

incidents and connects them with what went before in Roman history. Just as in the story of the Iliad the death of Patroclus leads to that of Hector, and Hector's death requires the death of his conqueror, which he fore- tells with his last breath, so we are led to regard the assassination of Caesar at the foot of the statue of Pompey the Great as an appropriate sequel to Pharsalia, and Philippi as retribution for the assassination of Caesar. And as the unseemly exultation of Hector and Achilles over their fallen enemies provokes Nemesis more than their success on the field of battle, so Shakespeare makes Caesar provoke Nemesis by his imperial pride, and still more by daring to triumph over the conquered at Munda, although they were not only Roman citizens, but also the sons of the great adversary through whose overthrow he had risen so high. His slayers in their turn provoke Nemesis by washing their hands in their victim's blood, and by their triumphant anticipation of the admira- tion of posterity. Thus the unity of action is doubly provided for.

On the other hand, at first sight the unity of the action seems to be impaired in the middle of the play by the overthrow of the great man, whose fate is in the beginning of the play the main centre of interest. This apparent breach of continuity is, however, repaired by the art of the poet, inasmuch as the dead Caesar is represented as still acting with tremendous efficacy in the spirit, which ranges far and wide on its mission of vengeance, haunts Brutus, and makes the conspirators turn their swords against themselves, while his bodily presence is, as it were, continued in his avenger Mark Antony, and still more in

INTRODUCTION xix

the person of his heir and successor, the other Caesar, who is not doomed to add slaughter to the sword of traitors. This posthumous prolongation of Caesar's power is, it may be remarked, not a fiction of the poet's. It is in accord- ance with historical fact and with Plutarch's account of the consequences of Caesar's death. What was said by Macaulay of the execution of Charles I. may be asserted with even greater truth of the assassination of Caesar. It was not only a crime but also a blunder. The degenerate Roman world could not do without a master. This historical truth is amusingly manifested by one of the spokesmen of the Roman crowd, who ex- presses his admiration of Brutus by proposing that Brutus should be Caesar ! The spirit of Caesarism was rather strengthened than weakened by Caesar's death. Soon afterwards Cicero had bitter reason to exclaim, " We have taken away the tyrant ; the tyranny survives." As to the fruits that the individual conspirators reaped from their action, Plutarch relates that Caesar's " great prosperity and good fortune that favoured him all his life- time, did continue afterwards in the revenge of his death, pursuing the murderers both by sea and land, till they had not left a man more to be executed, of all them that were actors or counsellors in the conspiracy of his death." Plutarch is also the authority for the story of the spirit that twice appeared to Brutus. He does not, however, declare the spirit that appeared at Sardis and Philippi to have been the ghost of Caesar. It is Shakespeare who identifies the dim phantom of Plutarch with the spirit of the dead dictator, and thus, by an impressive use of the supernatural machinery supplied by Plutarch,

xx INTRODUCTION

manifests in a visible form the survival and powerful working of Caesar's personality after death, so that Brutus exclaims over the dead body of Cassius :

O Julius Caesar, thou art mighty yet !

Thy spirit walks abroad, and turns our swords

In our own proper entrails ;

and, when his hour has come and he prepares to run on his own sword, his last words are,

Caesar, now be still : I killed not thee with half so good a will.

On the grounds that the personality of Julius Caesar is thus continued to the final act with no diminution of power, and that the play bears his name, some com- mentators maintain that he is intended by the poet to be the hero of the drama. The case of Cytnheline, however, shows clearly that the title of a Shakespearian play does not determine who is the hero. No one can be regarded as the hero of a drama unless his personality or his fortune is the principal subject on which our interests are centred from the beginning to the end. This cannot be said of Caesar. In the first two acts of the drama our interest is about equally divided between him and the conspirators, and in the last two acts, although we are not allowed to forget Caesar, our sympathy is almost entirely concentrated on the declining fortunes of Brutus and Cassius. Can we then accept the view of Dr. Immanuel Schmidt and other commentators, who main- tain that Brutus is the hero of the play ? This opinion cannot be rejected on account of the defects that will be found in the character of Brutus. The weak points in Hamlet and Othello are generally recognised, but no one

INTRODUCTION xxi

has ventured to dispute their claim to be the heroes of the two great tragedies which are named after them. The claim of Brutus to the first position in Julius Ccesar has to be rejected, but on other grounds, namely, on the subordinate position he occupies in large and important portions of the drama. In the first half of the play, as we have seen, our interests and sympathies are almost equally balanced between Caesar and the conspirators. But Brutus is only one of the conspirators, a band including not only Cassius, but also Casca, who plays a very conspicuous part up to the moment of the death of Caesar. If up to the great catastrophe we compare Brutus alone with Caesar, we shall be conscious that the historical greatness of the name and the fame of the latter entirely casts the former into the shade. In the latter half of the third act, after the assassination of Caesar, the funeral speech of Antony, by exalting the glory of Caesar and rousing the passions of the mob, reduces Brutus with the other conspirators for the time to obscurity and insignificance. Even in the last two acts of the play it is on Brutus and Cassius rather than on Brutus alone that our attention is fixed, until the con- cluding speeches of Antony and Octavius exalt Brutus above his friend and brother. From these considerations it will be seen that Shakespeare never intended that Brutus should be the hero of the play, and this con- clusion is supported by the title. Although we cannot infer that Julius Caesar was meant to be the hero, because his name is given to the play, we may be pretty certain that, if Brutus had been intended to be the hero, the play would have been called Brutus and not Julius Caesar.

xxii INTRODUCTION

It is an unjustifiable insult to our great poet to suppose that he intended Brutus to be the hero, but refused to give the play the name of Brutus, because he thought that the great name of Julius Caesar would prove more attract- ive to the playgoing public of his time. We may rather suppose that, as the drama had no one hero, in the sense in which Hamlet and Othello are the heroes of the two great tragedies of which they are the subject, he followed the practice he had followed in his English historical plays, and gave his first Roman play the name of him who was to all intents and purposes the monarch of Rome at the time when he fell beneath the daggers of the conspirators.

Julius CcBsar may then be described as a play without a hero, inasmuch as it does not chain our attention to any one principal figure. But if it has no hero in this sense of the word, it is far from being destitute of heroic characters, whose greatness and weak- nesses must now be subjected to detailed examination.

Shakespeare's treatment of Julius Caesar is at first sight extremely disappointing. A noble and full re- presentation of one of the greatest characters in the history of the world is naturally expected from the greatest of dramatic poets. This expectation is certainly not fulfilled. The representation that Shakespeare has given us of the living Julius Caesar in the first half of the play is so one-sided and unappreciative, that at first sight it painfully reminds us of the cynical travesties of the Homeric heroes in Troilus and Cressida. Shakespeare's Caesar is pompous, theatrical, subject to epileptic fits, fond of flattery, superstitious, and servile in his attitude

INTRODUCTION xxiii

to the rabble of Rome. His vanity makes him eager for the empty honour of a kingly diadem, but he is so weak that the disapproval of the mob makes him reject the proffered honour. The same vacillating disposition is manifested in the second scene of the second act. He first haughtily rejects Calpurnia's advice that he should stay at home, then yields to her solicitations, and finally is persuaded by Decius Brutus to change his mind again and go to the senate-house. We are even led to doubt his courage. Decius Brutus says :

But when I tell him he hates flatterers,

He says he does, being then most flattered ;

and his cynical account of the great man is justified by the success of his persuasions. So, when Caesar expresses in bombastic language his contempt of danger (II. ii. 44—48), he is naturally suspected of being really timid, especially as he immediately afterwards consents to yield to his wife's fears, and determines to send an excuse to the senators. No reference is made to all that he had done for Rome and the human race, nor to the great schemes that were left unaccomplished at his death. Instead of the real historical Caesar's lively energetic personality, full of impetuosity and audacity, never at a loss for the word and action required in any emergency, we are presented with a heavy figure that moves slowly over the stage, uttering grandiloquent sentences and affecting extreme firmness and superiority to all feelings of danger, but really full of anxiety and wavering to and fro under the influence of the wills of others.

On the other hand, Julius Caesar is far from being represented throughout the play as an entirely ignoble

xxiv INTRODUCTION

character. In his reception of the conspirators, when they come to his house, he manifests the courtesy and urbanity for which he was famous. On the way to the Senate, he postpones the reading of the paper presented by Artemidorus, remarking,

What touches us ourself shall be last serv'd,

and his noble spirit of self-denial costs him his life. It is not a tyrant, but a ruler anxious to follow the principles of justice and benevolence, who opens the meeting of the Senate by inviting appeals for redress of anything that has been done amiss (ill. i. 31). Even Brutus admits that Caesar, as a ruler, has been guided by reason. Finally, after his death, we hear little of the defects of Caesar, and see only the nobler side of his character. Not only in his funeral speech, but also before that in his conference with the conspirators, Mark Antony gives a splendid picture of the military glory, public spirit, and benevolence of his dead friend and leader, whom he describes as " the noblest man that ever lived in the tide of times" (ill. i. 257).

Nevertheless, though the nobler side of Caesar's character is not entirely ignored, the general impression produced by Shakespeare's representation of him falls far below the real greatness of the founder of the Roman Empire, and we have to account for this discrepancy on historical or dramatic grounds. In the first place, it must be noticed that it did not suit Shakespeare's design to represent Caesar in all the grandeur of his historic position and greatness of character, enhanced, as it might have been, to the highest pitch by poetic art and dramatic

INTRODUCTION xxv

power. Had he done so, the figures of the conspirators would have been completely dwarfed, and their great deed would have appeared to be a brutal and entirely inexcus- able murder. The poet's aim was to produce in the first part of the play an even balance in our sympathies, so that they should waver to and fro, inclining alternately to Caesar and the conspirators. This design is clearly manifested by the skilful management of the scenes in which we are induced at one time to share the anxiety of Calpurnia for her husband, and at another to listen with agonised suspense to the rumours that the air conveys or seems to convey to Portia from the Capitol.

But although considerations of dramatic effect required that Caesar's greatness should not be represented in all its dazzling brightness, it was not lawful for Shakespeare in a historical play to be guilty of any material misrepresentation of the great facts of history. Nor has Shakespeare done so. His representation of Caesar may be described as rather one-sided or inadequate than untrue. Every one of the defects attributed to Julius Caesar by Shakespeare is mentioned or implied in Plutarch. We must remember that Shakespeare is concerned with the last phase of Caesar's life and character. It is evident from Plutarch's account, and still more from the pages of Suetonius, that Caesar at the end of his life showed signs of deterioration in mind and body, as Napoleon did at a somewhat earlier age during the Waterloo campaign. It seems strange to hear the author of the Commentaries^ one of the simplest and most unpretending narratives of great deeds that can be found in the autobiographical literature of ancient and modern times.

xxvi INTRODUCTION

speaking of himself in high-flown language as if he were conscious of being exalted far above human nature. But this will cease to surprise us if we may believe Suetonius' information, that he declared that his " words ought to be regarded as laws," and still more that he had a golden chair in the Senate, that his statue was carried through the Circus with the same pomp as the statues of the gods, and that he had temples, altars, and priests. If he is represented by Shakespeare as treating the Senate, " his Senate " as he calls it (ill. i. 32), with impolitic haughtiness and disdain, we read in Plutarch that once when the Consuls, Praetors, and the whole Senate came to confer new honours upon him, he remained " sitting still in his majesty, disdaining to rise up unto them when they came in," which " did not only offend the Senate but the common people also, to see that he should so lightly esteem the magistrates of the commonwealth." Afterwards, when he reached his house, he bared his neck and " cried aloud to his friends that his throat was ready to offer to any man that would come and cut it." Plutarch relates that he made a similar theatrical exhibition of himself a second time at the Lupercalia, which is reproduced in Casca's account of what happened at the feast. Plutarch is not responsible for Caesar's expressed belief in the efficacy of the leather thongs to avert the "sterile curse" (1. ii. 9), but it is evident that he had " superstitious grown of late " (11. i. 195), for he who had fought and won the battle of Munda in spite of adverse omens, is said by Plutarch to have determined to adjourn the fatal meeting of the Senate on the ides of March because the sacrifices were unfavourable, and by Dion to have propitiated Nemesis

INTRODUCTION xxvii

by crawling up the steps of the Capitol on the occasion of one of his triumphs. The case of Louis XI. of France illustrates the compatibility of free-thinking with super- stition, so that Shakespeare was perfectly justified in following his authorities and ascribing this combination to Julius Caesar. The same may be said of the physical defects of Caesar, to which such prominence is given in the conspirators' conversations. Plutarch relates that he was often " subject to headache and otherwhile to the falling sickness." The deafness which Shakespeare adds to the list of his physical defects, may be regarded as due to the epileptic attacks from which he suffered.

It may, however, be urged that a one-sided account, even though all that it asserts is true, is to all intents and purposes false, because it conveys a false impression. A biographer who, in giving an account of Nelson's character, dwelt too exclusively on the weak points in his character, his peevishness, his impatience of control, his "thrasonical brags," his infatuation for Lady Hamilton, and his readiness to receive the incense of flattery that she poured so profusely upon him, would be condemned as untrue, even though he could prove by indubitable testimony all that he asserted. The fact, however, that Julius Cczsa7' is a dramatic work prevents its author from being subject to such a condemnation. We have to bear in mind that from the conditions of the drama our impressions of the characters are based upon what they say themselves and what is said of them by the other characters. With regard to the latter kind of evidence, it is plain that the defects of Julius Caesar are with dramatic propriety given undue prominence in the speeches of the

xxviii INTRODUCTION

conspirators, Cassius, Casca, and Decius Brutus, who could not well be expected to express admiration of his greater characteristics. So far as Caesar himself reveals his weakness by his own acts and words, we must consider the circumstances under which this self-revelation takes place, namely, in the privacy of his home, when he is in conference with his wife and with one whom he considered to be his devoted friend. Towards the end of the scene he calls for his toga, throws off with his undress " night-gown " all appearance of vacillation and weakness, and henceforward acts and speaks in a manner not un- worthy of his high place in history. Indeed, the whole catalogue of defects objected against Caesar by the con- spirators, or revealed by himself in the privacy of his home, does not amount to very much. They are not incom- patible with true greatness, and only illustrate the truth conveyed in the proverb, that no man is a hero to his valet. If this is the case, it is, as Carlyle remarks, discreditable rather to the valet than to the hero. The greatest hero that ever lived cannot hope to be exempt from human weak- nesses, and in Caesar's case the superficial defects in his character became more prominent towards the end of his life. Shakespeare is constrained by the conditions of the dramatic art, and by the exigencies of the plan of this particular drama, to dwell upon these defects in the beginning of the play. He shows, however, by the magnificent eulogy pronounced upon Caesar by Mark Antony, and by the references to Caesar in his other plays, that, although he recognised his human frailty, he was by no means inclined to underrate the greatness of his intellect, character, and achievements.

INTRODUCTION xxix

Shakespeare's conception of Brutus does not present so much difficulty as his conception of Julius Caesar. Nevertheless here, too, there must be some grounds of controversy, for, while most commentators find a strong family likeness between Brutus and Hamlet, Gervinus is of opinion that he closely resembles Hamlet's opposite, the matter-of-fact Horatio. The opinion of Gervinus on this subject may be dismissed as a paradox, which would be hardly worth mentioning except to illustrate the extra- ordinary difference in the estimates formed of even those who are seemingly the plainest of Shakespeare's characters, by the wisest commentators. There can, however, be no doubt that there is a close resemblance in two important points between Hamlet and Brutus. Both of them were primarily students and philosophers, and were suddenly called away from their books to do in the eyes of the world a great act of violence that seemed imposed upon them by imperious necessity. Hamlet wavered under the burden of the task that he had to fulfil, and postponed it again and again with fatal irresolution. Brutus, on the contrary, as soon as he had convinced himself that Caesar ought to be slain, took the earliest opportunity of killing him. Still, to some extent, it may be said that in the case of Brutus, as Goethe said of Hamlet, " a lovely, pure, noble, and most moral nature, without the strength of nerve which forms a hero, sinks beneath a burden which it cannot bear and must not cast away." His failure as a political leader is brought into clear light by the con- trast made between him and Cassius, who is in every way better fitted to be the leader of the conspirators. Brutus is taken into the conspiracy in order that his high

xxx INTRODUCTION

reputation for virtue may convince the world of the purity of the conspirators' motives. So great is the deference paid to his honour, that he is immediately allowed to take the first place. His idea of conducting a conspiracy for assassination on strictly moral principles is found to be impracticable. He cannot himself exact money by unjust means, but the money is necessary for his troops. He has therefore to ask supplies from Cassius, who is less scrupulous in his financial measures, and, when Cassius cannot give him all he wants, he is indignant and unjust to his friend. The natural feelings that he has violated by assassinating his benefactor oppress his mind, and make him conjure up the dread spectre that visits him at Sardis and before the battle of Philippi. His career ends in premature despair of success, followed by defeat and death.

But his life, though politically a failure, is from a moral point of view triumphant. Just before his death he proudly declares —

I shall have glory by this losing day, More than Octavius and Mark Antony By this vile conquest shall attain unto.

His glory is that he has lived a virtuous life, and carried out in action the precepts of his philosophical guides with unswerving constancy. Shakespeare and Plutarch agree in describing Brutus as one of the most virtuous men that ever lived. Plutarch, after mentioning his promise to reward his soldiers for their valour by allowing them to sack the cities of Thessalonica and Lacedaemon, remarks that " in all Brutus' life there is but this only fault to be found." Shakespeare does not even refer to this

INTRODUCTION xxxi

promise, lest it should detract from the flawless perfection of his virtue. Modern historians have accused Brutus of covetousness, on the strength of an account given in one of Cicero's letters of how he lent money to Ariobar- zanes and the Salaminians at an enormously high rate of interest, and how eager he was that Cicero should exert his official power to exact payment from his debtors to the uttermost farthing. Plutarch, on the contrary, repre- sents him as being free-handed to excess. He contrasts the moderation of Brutus in Asia Minor with the grasp- ing exactions of Cassius, and the liberality of his gift of fifty silver drachmas to each soldier with " the misery and niggardliness " of Octavius. Again, when he heard that his soldiers had lost all their baggage, he " promised every man of them two thousand drachmas in recompense," a promise which made them " cheer again, wondering much at his great liberality." Shakespeare, no doubt, intends us to believe that he really felt the contempt for money that he expresses in the quarrel scene. In fact, whatever the historical Brutus may have been, the Brutus of Shakespeare and Plutarch is as free from the vice of covetousness as he is from all other vices. It has been truly said that no other Shakespearian hero rises to such a high pitch of moral perfection.

It does not follow from this that Brutus always did what was absolutely right. Moralists distinguish between subjective and objective rightness. Subjective Tightness consists in doing what you believe to be right, objective rightness is determined by a standard of eternal law independent of the opinion of the agent. We may say that Brutus in the great act of his life was subjectively

xxxii INTRODUCTION

right, but objectively wrong. This is evidently the opinion of Plutarch. Though his biographer holds up to our admiration the moral excellence of Brutus, as of one who " having framed his manners of life by the rules of virtue and study of philosophy, and having employed his wit, which was gentle and constant, in attempting of great things, was rightly made and framed unto virtue," he nevertheless clearly condemns the assassination of Caesar. He shows in his comparison between Dion and Brutus, that the latter had less justification for conspiring, as Caesar's tyranny was rather nominal than real, and such was the condition of Rome that it evidently required a master, and Caesar was no more than a tender and skilful physician appointed by Providence to heal the dis- tempers of the State. Again, at the end of the life of Caesar he points to the ghost that appeared to Brutus as " showing plainly that the gods were offended with the murder of Caesar." Yet in this action he gives Brutus the credit of being actuated by the highest motives, the good of the community and justice. " For the good of the community," he remarks, " Brutus, though an enemy to Pompey, became his friend ; and though a friend to Caesar, he became his enemy. His enmity and his friendship arose from the same principle, which was justice."

How then does Shakespeare, who entirely agrees with Plutarch's high opinion of Brutus's moral excellence and also with his condemnation of Caesar's murder, account for the action of Brutus ? The answer to this is the soliloquy in which Brutus discusses with himself the question of the necessity of Caesar's death ? The general

INTRODUCTION xxxiii

tenor of his reflections on the subject is somewhat remark- able. He has no personal motive for killing Caesar, and if he had, he is not the man to be swayed by personal considerations. He therefore carefully considers whether he cannot derive adequate motives for the contemplated deed from a consideration of the general good. Iago's soliloquy in Othello, I. iii., has been called by Coleridge " the motive-hunting of a motiveless malignity." The soliloquy of Brutus might almost be described as the motive - hunting of a motiveless benignity. Yet one would think that Brutus had a distinct enough motive for killing Caesar. He was a republican, and Caesar had overthrown the republic. The title of king that Caesar was about to assume would merely be the verbal ex- pression of his sovereignty that had already become an accomplished fact. He had therefore already committed what was in the eyes of any strict republican an un- pardonable crime, which could not be atoned for by the excellence of his exercise of the power he had usurped. This is the view of Plutarch's Brutus, who remonstrates with Cicero because " he chose to be subject to a mild and courteous bondage," and indignantly reminded him that " their predecessors would never abide to be subject to any masters, how gentle or mild soever they were." Nevertheless Shakespeare's Brutus thinks that no justi- fication for the assassination can be derived from what Caesar actually was. He therefore goes out of his way to seek a justification in what seem to be improbable possibilities. Caesar as virtual ruler of Rome had com- mitted no excesses, but the title of king might possibly transform him into a cruel tyrant. Therefore he must

xxxiv INTRODUCTION

be killed. Brutus might well have concluded his soliloquy in the words of I ago :

I know not if 't be true ; But I for mere suspicion in that kind Will do as if for surety.

Yet, however unconvincing this train of hypothetical reasoning may appear to us, we cannot for a moment doubt that it convinced Brutus of the righteousness of his cause, so that in Shakespeare, as in Plutarch, he is really regarded as taking part in the conspiracy for the sake of the general good and to satisfy his idea of justice, and this view of the unselfishness of his motives is confirmed by Antony's eulogy at the end of the play.

Virtuous characters are often more admired than loved, especially when they show themselves to be too clearly conscious of their superiority to the weak- nesses of ordinary men. This pride of conscious virtue appears to have been expressed too plainly in the words and writings of the historical Brutus, for Cicero writes to Atticus : " Nullas unquam ad me litteras misit Brutus, in quibus non esset arrogans a/coivcovrjTov aliquid." It is also very apparent in Shakespeare's Brutus, especially in the quarrel scene (IV. iii. 66-69). His earnest pursuit of virtue amounts to a refined kind of egoism. The great object of his life is to show himself worthy of the name he derives from his famous ancestor, who ex- pelled the Tarquins from Rome, and to live up to his own high ideal of virtue. He is really as ambitious as Caesar, but his ambition takes a different form. He is ambitious, not of political power, but of personal honour,

INTRODUCTION xxxv

the honour to be derived from living a consistently

virtuous life. He might therefore say, like Henry V.,

If it be a sin to covet honour, I am the most offending soul alive.

The desire to satisfy his high sense of his own honour is the ultimate motive that leads him to do the great act of his life. His honour requires him to shrink from no virtuous act. He persuades himself that the considera- tion of the general good requires him to kill Caesar. Having once determined that the act is dictated by the virtues of justice and benevolence, he must do it or forfeit his claim to be regarded as a virtuous man. He is very different from Othello, as he is of a comparatively cold and passionless disposition. But he resembles Othello inasmuch as his high sense of honour is brought into conflict with strong personal affection, and gains the victory in the struggle. Like Othello, he might call him- self an " honourable murderer," since " nought he did in hate but all in honour." He is ready to offer his life as a sacrifice to his honour (i. ii. 86), and it is to his honour that Cassius makes his strongest appeal. In his speech to the multitude he appeals to them to believe him for his honour, and to have respect to his honour, and such is the impression that he has made upon the world by his reputation for virtue, that they are not entirely deaf to his appeal. In his last moments he finds some satis- faction that the man who helps him to get rid of the burden of life has " some smatch of honour " (V. v. 46). He even goes so far in his high self-estimate of himself and his honour, as to think death at his hands an honour that any young man might reasonably be expected to

xxxvi INTRODUCTION

desire (v. i. 59, 60). This high opinion of himself and what is due to his name and fame would be far from attractive, if it were not tempered by engaging courtesy towards his associates and by the tenderest consideration for his inferiors.

Cassius is evidently intended to bring out the main features of the character of Brutus more distinctly by contrast. This contrast is clearly marked in Plutarch. Brutus, we read, " having framed his manners of life by the rules of virtue and study of philosophy, and having employed his wit, which was gentle and constant, in attempting great things, methinks he was rightly made and framed unto virtue," whereas Cassius was " not so well given and conditioned as he." Further on we are told that it was reported that " Brutus could evil away with the tyranny, and that Cassius hated the tyrant " ; and, again, that Cassius was commonly reputed " to be very skilful in wars but otherwise marvellous choleric and cruel," but " Brutus in contrary manner, for his virtue and valiantness, was well beloved of the people and his own, because he was a marvellous lowly and gentle person, noble minded, and would never be in any rage, nor carried away with pleasure and covetousness, but had ever an upright mind with him, and would never yield to any wrong or injustice." Shakespeare works into his play almost all the characteristics indicated in these antitheses. He makes Cassius himself confess his choleric nature in his dispute with Brutus (IV. iii. 1 1 9, and compare 43, 46). He illustrates both his choler and his cruelty by inventing the incident of the slain standard-bearer (v. iii. 4), and his cruelty is implied in

INTRODUCTION xxxvii

Brutus' remark that he could not wring from the hard hancls of peasants their vile trash by any indirection. Shakespeare adds to the contrast by representing Brutus as finding solace in the strains of Lucius' instrument, while Cassius shows his fitness for stratagems and con- spiracies by the fact that he " hears no music " (I. ii. 201). Cassius has more political foresight and more military skill than Brutus, but he is inferior to Brutus in force of will. Both Plutarch and Cicero quote a remark that Caesar is said to have made on Brutus, " Quidquid vult, valde vult " ; and Plutarch adds that when his mind "was moved to follow any matter, he used a kind of forcible and vehement persuasion, that calmed not till he had obtained his desire." The strength of Brutus's will and the forcibleness of his vehement persuasion are shown by the manner in which he overrules the wiser opinion of Cassius, with results ruinous to his party — firstly when he refuses to consent to the death of Antony, secondly when he permits him to deliver the funeral oration, and thirdly when he insists on giving battle at Philippi. The pas- sionate excitable nature of Cassius, on the other hand, makes him less calm than Brutus at the moment of action, so that just before the time fixed for the assassina- tion he is very near spoiling everything by precipitate action (ill. i. 19—22). His harsh, choleric disposition makes him less amiable than the gentle Brutus, and this want of attractiveness gives pain to his nature, which was passionate and loving, and made him secretly hunger after the love of his fellow-men. He thus feels distress at the way in which Brutus appears to neglect him (1. ii. 31-34), and his hatred of Caesar may be regarded as

xxxviii INTRODUCTION

partly due to the affectionate relations in which Brutus and Caesar stood towards each other and from which he was excluded (i. ii. 318 ; IV. iii. 105). It is his sense of unrequited friendship that makes him resent so bitterly Brutus's neglect of his wishes in the case of Lucius Pella, and feel so deeply the taunts of Brutus in the quarrel scene. Being prone to hero-worship, he has from con- stant association with Brutus come to regard him with a loving admiration for his noble character, which Brutus, being of a colder disposition, and seeing less to admire in the character of Cassius, by no means returns in an equal degree. For Brutus is as much less passionate than Cassius both in anger and affection, as he is superior to him in moral virtue. We must not, however, exaggerate the moral inferiority of Cassius. He is less unscrupulous in the employment of means for the attainment of his ends than Brutus is. But we cannot for a moment accept the interpretation of I. ii. 313-315, which would make him out to be consciously trying to seduce Brutus from the path of honour. Cassius is evidently intended by the poet to secure a considerable portion of our interest and sympathy, and is very far indeed from being a villain. Too much is made of the passage already quoted from the Life of Brutus, in which Plutarch says that " Brutus could evil away with the tyranny, and that Cassius hated the tyrant." This is not intended to imply that Cassius became a tyrannicide only through hatred of the particular tyrant whom he overthrew, for immediately after making this antithesis Plutarch tells an anecdote showing that " Cassius even from his cradle could not abide any manner of tyrants." In Plutarch and still more

in SI reput

INTRODUCTION xxxix

Shakespeare Cassius is represented as a man of true republican spirit, whose passionate temper and real or fancied injuries made him feel a strong personal hatred against the great subverter of Roman republicanism. Had he been actuated by no higher motives than malice and envy, he would neither have won the devotion of his followers, who were faithful to death, nor the friend- ship of Brutus.

Brutus is contrasted not only with his friend Cassius, but also with his enemy Antony. The main point of contrast is very plain : Antony is a dissolute sensualist, while Brutus is an austere moralist, distinguished by his strict life. Brutus is narrow-minded ; Antony is suscept- ible to every kind of beauty, even to the beauty of virtue to which he himself makes no pretence. Thus it is that, while Brutus wrongly supposes that Antony being a lover of sports and pleasure is a person who need not be seriously considered as a possible adversary (II. i. 185— 189), Antony can appreciate the nobility of Brutus's character, and give an eloquent testimony to the purity of his motives (v. v. 68-75). His aesthetic susceptibility is so strong that he thoroughly appreciates the sublimity of the spectacle presented by the conspirators standing with their bloody swords over the body of their mighty victim, whom he sees lying as an offering to Nemesis at the foot of Pompey's statue. At the same time he is so keenly alive to all means of furthering his ambitious projects, that the admiration he expresses for the scene before him is intended to disarm the hostility and suspicions of the conspirators, just as he afterwards finds in his friendship for the dead friend, to whom he was really devotedly

xl INTRODUCTION

attached, a means to discomfit his political adversaries and raise himself to the highest position of power in Rome.

The contrast between his political dexterity and the simplicity of Brutus, between his wealth of imagination and emotional susceptibility and Brutus's cold and rational temperament, is brought out most plainly in the speeches of the two men. The difference is in the first place plainly indicated by the fact that the speech of Brutus is in prose and that of Antony is in verse. The evenly-balanced sentences of Brutus express his calm confidence in himself and in the righteousness of his cause, but do not to any great extent move his audience. He makes an appeal, which is not a very strong appeal, to their reasoning powers, and his drift is so entirely incomprehensible to them, that they are disposed to reward him for his polite deference to their opinions by exalting him to the place left vacant by Caesar's death. His great fault as an orator is that he entirely fails to adapt his speech to his hearers. He speaks to the degraded mob as if they were patriotic Romans full of republican ardour, and as enlightened as the citizens of Plato's republic. Antony's procedure is very different. He knows well that to give reasons to an excited mob is to cast pearls before swine. He is evidently making an ironical reference to Brutus's folly, when he tells his hearers that the wise and honourable conspirators will no doubt with reasons answer them (ill. ii. 222), but for himself he appeals to their feelings. In accordance with the principle frequently insisted upon by Cicero, that the orator who wishes to move his audience must himself manifest the feelings he wishes to excite, we find him in his speech giving the loose to his

INTRODUCTION xli

own emotional nature, and depicting his grief, anger, and affection in the rich flow of his Asiatic eloquence.1 He also applies with great effect the well-known principle expressed in Horace's lines :

Segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem Quam quae sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus,

when he emphasises his remarks by pointing to the rents in Caesar's garment and suddenly tearing the robe away and revealing the mangled body of Caesar (ill. ii. 203, 204). Thus, although Shakespeare had probably never read in the original or in translations any of Cicero's oratorical treatises, he happens to attribute to his Antony the same magnetic influence of real passion felt by the speaker and transmitted to the audience, and the same overpowering appeal to pity and indignation by tearing away the robe and displaying the wounds of the subject of his eulogy, as were employed with such effect on a similar occasion by his grandfather, the famous orator, who is represented by Cicero (De Oratore, II. xlvii.) as saying to Crassus : " Quern enim ego con- sulem fuisse, imperatorem ornatum a senatu, ovantem in Capitolium ascendisse meminissem, hunc cum afflictum, debilitatum, moerentem, in summum discrimen adductum viderem, non prius sum conatus misericordiam aliis commovere, quam misericordia sum ipse captus. Sensi equidem turn magnopere moveri judices, cum excitavi moestum et sordidatum senem, et cum ista feci, quae tu,

1 Plutarch says that "he used a manner of phrase in his speech called Asiatic, which carried the best grace and estimation at that time, and was much like to his manners and life : for it was full of ostentation, foolish bravery, and vain ambition."

xlii INTRODUCTION

Crasse, laudas, non arte, de qua quid loquar nescio, sed motu magno animi ac dolore, ut discinderem tunicam, ut cicatrices ostenderem."

Another device employed in the speech reminds us of the artifices of Iago. Antony, knowing that his hearers are in such a state of mind that they will not listen to reason, suggests that possibly, although he does not know it, some satisfactory justification may be given of the assassination (ill. ii. 216-222), and exasperates them further by making a show of opposition to their anger, just as Iago, when he has sown the seed of suspicion in Othello's mind, raises him to a more violent pitch of anger against Desdemona by seeming to argue against his jealousy,1 and urging him to control his temper. He also, like Iago, conceals his cleverness and cunning under the garb of blunt honesty (ill. ii. 225). This affectation of bluntness and straightforwardness is in accordance with the principle followed by Pericles and enunciated by Whateley, that the orator should depreciate his own powers of persuasion, " since whatever is attri- buted to the eloquence of the speaker is so much deducted from the strength of his cause." In fact, a large number of the most effective methods of persuasion that can be derived from the art of rhetoric and from knowledge of human nature may be found exemplified in this famous masterpiece of Shakespearian oratory.

The personality of Casca has a peculiar interest, inasmuch as his is the only character in the play entirely evolved out of the poet's own consciousness. His name is well known in history as that of the conspirator who

1 See Othello, in. iii. 432 : "She may be honest yet."

INTRODUCTION xliii

struck the first blow. Shakespeare introduces him as the narrator of what took place at the Lupercalia, and, as it is his object at this portion of the play to let us see Caesar in the light in which he appeared to his detractors, he endows Casca with a coarse kind of cynical humour. In the third scene he is utilised again as the narrator of the prodigies that foretold Caesar's death. Here the signs and wonders that he has seen have frightened him out of his cynicism, and he is contrasted with Cicero, whose intellectual scepticism prevents him from being deeply impressed by the disturbed sky. In his con- versation he is distinguished from his associates by his rude words and demeanour like that of

some fellow Who, having been praised for bluntness, doth affect A saucy roughness, and constrains the garb Quite from his nature ; he cannot flatter, he, An honest mind and plain, he must speak truth,

and yet in the presence of Caesar at the Lupercalia it is he who leads the chorus of obsequious adulation (I. ii. I — 13). In the meeting of the conspirators he shows again the want of constancy in his character, by first supporting the proposal of Cassius to invite the adhesion of Cicero, and then immediately after going round to the opposite opinion of Brutus. Casca plays a prominent part in the beginning of the play, but, after he has carried out the dramatic purpose for which he was intended, he disappears somewhat suddenly from the action, although Plutarch informs us that he was present at the battle of Philippi, where he distinguished himself by his cruelty. The paucity and unimportance of the female char-

xliv INTRODUCTION

acters give an air of austerity to Julius Ccesar as compared with Shakespeare's other plays. In this drama Portia and Calpurnia are the only women among the dramatis personcz. The latter answers to Pope's descrip- tion of women in general as having no character at all. We can only say of her that she manifests a proper spirit of wifely solicitude for her husband's safety. Portia, on the contrary, is a woman of the noblest character. She is a heroic example of the Roman wife, corresponding to the example of Roman motherhood afterwards given in the character of Volumnia. So far as a good woman can resemble a bad one, she resembles Lady Macbeth. They are both of them women of high spirit and dauntless courage, who inspire their husbands with resolution to do and dare terrible deeds. In both of them at first the will-power seems entirely superior to the weakness inherent in their sex, but eventually their highly-strung nervous temperament breaks down under the tremendous strain to which it is subjected. At the great crisis when Duncan's fate is trembling in the balance, Lady Macbeth surpasses her husband in courage and resolution ; but when the deed is done, and action is no longer required, she swoons, and ever afterwards in her sleep the horror of what she has gone through overpowers her till she dies. In like manner Portia has such strength of will, that she inflicts a severe wound on herself to prove her constancy ; but the agony of suspense, when she is left at home, is too great for her. She then realises " how weak a thing the heart of woman is." She who had declared that the wife of Brutus and the daughter of Cato might be expected to be stronger than

INTRODUCTION xlv

her sex, and that the voluntary wound she had given herself proved her possession of constancy enough to preserve her husband's secrets, utters an exclamation that might have led to the discovery of the whole plot. In the end she yields to despair, although before the battle of Philippi and the death of her husband there was no sufficient reason for despair, and commits suicide. It must further be remarked that she did not kill herself with calm resolution after the Roman manner exemplified by her father, her husband, and Cassius, but in a fit of temporary madness due to grief and impatience (IV. iii. 1 51-15 5).

There still remains for consideration the character of the mob, a collective personage that plays an important part in several of Shakespeare's historical plays. The mob in Shakespeare corresponds in some respects to the chorus in Greek plays. It holds an intermediate position between the actors and the audience. In Julius Ccesar, the speeches of Marullus, Brutus, and Antony are heard by two audiences — the mob of Rome on the stage, and the spectators seated on the benches of the theatre. The remarks made by the Roman citizens help the spec- tators to enter into the spirit of the speeches, and to some extent guide their sentiments, although not to the same extent as the chorus in ancient tragedy was intended to lead the sentiments of Greek spectators in the right direction. For the chorus in Greek tragedy always ex- presses feelings that would naturally be produced in well- regulated human minds, whereas Shakespeare's mobs are sometimes stupid and wicked. Julius Ccesar^ Coriolanus^ and the Second Part of Henry VI. make it perfectly

xlvi INTRODUCTION

plain that Shakespeare heartily despised the multitude. If we want a direct expression of Shakespeare's opinion of the character of the many, we find it in the Induction to the Second Part of Henry IV., where Rumour speaks of

the blunt monster with uncounted heads, The still-discordant wavering multitude.

Their fickleness is illustrated in the first scene of the first act of Julius Ccesar, and still more in the second scene of the third act. In the last scene of the third act we have a specimen of their brutal cruelty, and also of the curious fact, so abundantly illustrated by the French Revolution, that a large collection of men can be guilty of excesses that no single member of the collection would approve of if he stood alone. No one of the individuals composing the mob would have thought for a moment of killing a man simply because he happened to bear the name of a person whom they hated, and yet to do so seems a good joke to the murderers of Cinna. It is a significant fact that Shakespeare deliberately goes out of his way to add this touch of wanton injustice to the character of the Roman mob. In Plutarch's account the citizens kill Cinna because they really think him to be the conspirator of that name. Another characteristic that Shakespeare attributes to the crowd is fondness for logic of a sort. Though they are entirely led by their feelings, they like to imagine that they are eminently reasonable. One of his hearers eagerly takes in Antony's suggestion that Caesar could not be ambitious, as he had thrice refused a kingly crown. " Mark'd ye his words ! " says the third citizen. " He would not take the crown ; therefore 'tis certain he was not ambitious." The crowd no doubt found

INTRODUCTION xlvii

as much convincing force in the preceding syllogisms, depending on such extremely disputable assumptions, as that no men who fill the general coffers with the ransoms of their captives, or sympathise with the sorrows of the poor, can be ambitious. Many similar paralogisms are put into the mouths of Jack Cade and his followers in the Second Part of Henry VI. Shakespeare also expresses with unpitiful frankness the contempt for the external appearance and habits of the common people which has led to their being stigmatised as the great un- washed. He is never weary of putting into the mouths of his characters references to their greasy caps, stinking breath, and even their hands disfigured with honest toil. " The rabblement," says Casca, " shouted and clapped their chopt hands, and threw up their sweaty night-caps, and uttered such a deal of stinking breath, because Caesar refused the crown, that it had almost choked Caesar ; for he swounded, and fell down at it : and for mine own part, I durst not laugh, for fear of opening my lips and receiving the bad air." Very different is the reference to the workman's hand in Carlyle's Sartor Resartus : " Two men I honour, and no third : First, the toilworn craftsman that with earth-made implement laboriously conquers the Earth and makes her man's. Venerable to me is the hard Hand ; crooked, coarse ; wherein notwithstanding lies a cunning virtue, indefeasibly royal, as of the Sceptre of this Planet." The spirit of modern democracy has produced deeper sympathy with the lower classes, and a tendency to regard what is base and unlovely in their life and character and external

aspect as their misfortune rather than their fault, and d

xlviii INTRODUCTION

therefore deserving of pity rather than contempt. Such sympathy can hardly be found in early English poetry, except in the Vision of Piers Ploughman. Few traces of it are discernible in the works of Spenser, Shakespeare, and the other great writers of the Elizabethan age, who looked to the court for patronage, and most of whom, like their courtly patrons, were fine gentlemen, and looked down upon the labouring classes as " base dung-hill villains and mechanical." In Shakespeare there is little of political sentiment in this contemptuous attitude towards the lower classes as a whole. Shakespeare was not very deeply interested in political questions, as is shown by the absence of political discussions in Julius Ccesar. Although this play is a record of a great struggle between the principles of monarchy and republicanism, arguments in favour of these two forms of government are not brought forward by either of the contending parties. Shakespeare's contempt for the masses is not political, but rather the caste feeling of social superiority, which may be even found coexisting with radical sentiments, as for instance in the case of Lord Byron.

In order to shorten the duration of the action of the play, Shakespeare has in Julius Ccesar brought together historical events that were really separated by consider- able intervals of time. In the first scene of the play, when the crowd are preparing to celebrate Caesar's triumph over the sons of Pompey, " it is the feast of Lupercal " ; but Caesar's triumph over Pompey's sons was celebrated in October, 45 B.C., and the feast of the Luper- calia, at which Caesar refused the crown, did not take place until February 1 5 in the following year. Historically

INTRODUCTION xlix

there should be an interval of a month between the Lupercalia and the 15 th of March, the date of the assassination. This interval also appears to be annihil- ated in Act 1. Scene iii., which describes the terrible night that preceded the fatal day. In the first line of that scene, Cicero asks Casca whether he brought Caesar home, which, taken in connection with what goes before, is naturally understood to mean " home from the Luper- calia." Further, in the preceding scene Casca had declared himself to be engaged for supper that night, and promised to sup on the morrow with Cassius, who, no doubt, intended to enlist him in the conspiracy during the supper. In the third scene, Cassius meets Casca and sounds him. There is no reference to their having met in the interval at supper or elsewhere, and the conversation makes it almost impossible that such a meeting could have taken place. Therefore it would appear that Casca, when he meets Cassius, is returning home from the supper at which he had promised to be present on the night of the Lupercalia. Shakespeare makes Antony deliver his funeral oration immediately after Caesar's death (m. i. 29 1), although there was an interval of four or five days between his death and his funeral. Directly after his funeral oration, Antony is informed that " Octavius is already come to Rome" (ill. ii. 262), but in history Octavius did not reach Rome until May, about two months after Caesar's death and funeral. There was an interval of a year and a half between the arrival of Octavius in Rome and the proscriptions of the triumvirate recorded in Act IV. Scene i. During this interval great events happened, of which Shakespeare makes no mention. Antony refused

1 INTRODUCTION

to give up to Octavius the money due to him as Caesar's heir. Octavius therefore united with the Senate, whose counsels were at the time entirely determined by Cicero. At the great orator's instigation, Antony was declared a public enemy, and the two consuls, with Octavius, led an army to attack him. Antony was defeated in battle, and fled across the Alps, where he won over the army of Lepidus. At this time, Octavius, finding that Cicero was trying to make a tool of him with a view to restoring the ancient republic, deserted the Senate, and, uniting himself with Antony and Lepidus, formed the triumvirate. This struggle between Antony and Octavius, and the pre- dominance of Cicero at Rome during their difference, is omitted by Shakespeare, so as to preserve the dramatic unity of the play. He prefers to represent Antony and Octavius as uniting together immediately after Caesar's death to take vengeance on his murderers. In in. ii. 264, Antony arranges to meet Lepidus and Octavius at Caesar's house, and their meeting is described in IV. i. We may regard IV. i. 7, which implies that the meeting did not take place at Caesar's house, as a slight incon- sistency due to an oversight. An interval of about a year must be supposed to separate the first and second scenes of Act IV. As Sardis is in the middle of Asia Minor, and Philippi is in the east of Macedonia, geography as well as history requires a considerable interval of time between the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth act. Spectators, however, and even careless readers of the play, would probably not be conscious of any gap, as they would suppose the unwise movement of the repub- lican army, referred to in V. i. 1-6, to be the advance

INTRODUCTION li

from Sardis to Philippi, which the experienced Cassius opposes in IV. iii. 197—201. The last historical interval of time annihilated by the poet is the twenty days separating the two battles at Philippi, which Shakespeare represents as taking place in the same day.

We do not find in Julius Ccesar the elaborate system of double time which Professor Wilson has demonstrated to exist in Othello. Here, as in the other historical plays, the spectators' knowledge of history, however hazy it may be, supplies easily the background of longer time, whenever it is required to give probability to the events recorded. The only clear instance of long and short time side by side is in II. i. 61, which must naturally be understood to mean that Brutus had passed several sleepless nights since Cassius urged him to join the plot, although the distinct marks of time (see I. iii. 153, 154, and compare I. ii. 320 and iii. 144, 145 with II. i. 36) show that Brutus made this remark on the morning after the day on which Cassius had first incited him to action. Discrepancy between long and short time appears also to be implied in III. ii. There are two passages indicating the lapse of several days between IV. iii. and V. i. In V. i. 84, the words " this morning " seem to imply several other mornings on which the eagles were present. The appearance of the ghost of Caesar two several times by night, once at Sardis and " this last night here in Philippi fields," also requires several days for the march from Sardis to Philippi. But although, as we have seen, at first sight the comparison of v. i. 1—6 with IV. iii. 197—201 suggests immediate sequence, these passages are not necessarily inconsistent with the interval here re- quired by both historical and geographical considerations.

Hi INTRODUCTION

Emerson remarks with reference to Shakespeare that " great men are more distinguished by range and extent than by originality," and that " the greatest genius is the most indebted man." That there is a considerable amount of truth in this paradox may be proved by the evidence afforded in the works not only of Shakespeare, but also of Homer, Virgil, Horace, Lucretius, Milton, and Tennyson. Some writers of the second class, who live in the fear of being accused of imitation, injure their work by abstaining too strictly from the use of suitable materials supplied by others. Shakespeare, elevated by his greatness far above any such fear, borrows freely the plots of his plays from Italian novelists, English chroniclers, and the biographies of Plutarch. He never alters an incident in the stories simply to show his inventive powers. If what he finds in his sources suits the purpose of his drama, he does not take the unneces- sary trouble of altering it, and thus has more energy to devote in other directions to the perfecting of his compositions. In Plutarch he found a writer after his own heart, a biographer who, like himself, took the deepest interest in great characters, and made the persons whose lives he related reveal their strength and weakness by characteristic anecdotes. Therefore he found less to alter in his works than in those of other less artistic writers who supplied the materials of his dramas. He treated Plutarch almost with the same religious reverence as Milton shows to the Bible, often taking from his biographies not merely incidents but even the language in which North translated his stories into English. Many instances of such verbal borrowing will be found in the

INTRODUCTION liii

following notes on the play. At the same time, when the purposes of his drama required him to do so, he sometimes amplified, sometimes curtailed the accounts of facts given by Plutarch, and sometimes rearranged his materials in new and more effective combinations. He also, though seldom, took a liberty with Plutarch, that Milton never ventures to take with his biblical materials. Milton, however much he may amplify and give a new colour to the facts of the Bible, never dares to introduce in his poems anything in direct disagreement with the biblical narrative. Shakespeare, when he thinks it con- venient, does occasionally relate what is inconsistent with his original. For instance, Plutarch relates that Caesar took the memorial from Artemidorus, but " could never read it, though he many times attempted it, for the number of people that did salute him." Shakespeare prefers to represent Caesar as deliberately refusing to read the memorial, so that he may put into his mouth the fine expression of kingly self-effacement that we have already quoted (ill. i. 8). The free use that Shakespeare makes of the facts and words of Plutarch reveals his admiration for the great Greek biographer. The cases in which he refuses to follow Plutarch's guidance are still more interesting, as they give us an insight into the design which Shakespeare had in his mind in the com- position of his Roman dramas. As Shakespeare never wantonly departed from his original, it is incumbent on the critic not only to point out all such deviations, but also to account for them, as far as possible, by reference to the principles of dramatic art by which Shakespeare was guided.

liv INTRODUCTION

The principal modifications that history undergoes when dramatised by Shakespeare are due to the tendency to idealisation, which forms the great distinction between poetry and history. Bacon calls poetry feigned history, and well remarks that " the use of this feigned history hath been to give some shadow of satisfaction to the mind of man in these points wherein the nature of things doth deny it, the world being in proportion inferior to the soul ; by reason whereof there is agreeable to the spirit of man a more ample greatness, a more exact goodness, and a more absolute variety, than can be found in the nature of things. Therefore, because the acts or events of true history have not that magnitude which satisfieth the mind of man, poesy feigneth acts and events greater and more heroical : because true history pro- pounded the successes and issues of actions not so agreeable to the merits of virtue and vice, therefore poesy feigns them more just in retribution and more according to revealed providence ; because true history representeth actions and events more ordinary and less interchanged, therefore poesy endueth them with more rareness, and more unexpected and alternative variations ; so as it appeareth that poesy serveth and conferreth to magnan- imity, morality, and to delectation. And therefore it was ever thought to have some participation of divineness, because it doth raise and erect the mind, by submitting the shows of things to the desires of the mind ; whereas reason doth buckle and bow the mind unto the nature of things." Every point of contrast between history and poetry that Bacon insists upon in this fine passage might be strikingly illustrated by the changes that Shakespeare

INTRODUCTION lv

makes history undergo before he can invest it in the garb of dramatic poetry.

The process of idealisation in the composition of Shakespeare's dramas produces less modification of the narratives of Plutarch than of ordinary histories, inasmuch as Plutarch himself idealises history in order to inculcate moral lessons and give impressive pictures of great men. However, Plutarch cannot invent purely fictitious events, and is more strictly bound down to the facts of history than the poet who dramatises his biographies. Plutarch idealises to some extent, but Shakespeare idealises more. We see this in the superiority of Shakespeare's Cassius as compared with the Cassius of Plutarch. Plutarch represents Cassius as prompted to hatred of Caesar, because the latter had taken away from him some lions that he had provided for the sports to be celebrated during his aedileship, and had made him only an ordinary praetor, while giving Brutus the more honourable city praetorship, on which account he also quarrelled with Brutus. Shakespeare also makes Cassius hate Caesar, and the estrangement between him and Brutus referred to in I. ii. 31-35 is no doubt suggested by the story of their rivalry for the city praetorship, but Shakespeare ennobles the character of Cassius by making no mention of the trivial causes that roused his spleen. Again, Cassius in Shakespeare is so full of earnestness that he " seldom smiles" (I. ii. 202), and evidently regards a "common laugher " as the most contemptible of mankind (1. ii. 71) ; in Plutarch we find, to our surprise, that he was a common laugher, " too familiar with his friends, and would jest too broadly with them." The process of idealisation is still

lvi INTRODUCTION

more clearly illustrated by the treatment of the character of Brutus, who is both by the biographer and the dramatist held up to our admiration as a model of virtue. Plutarch does not choose to tell us of Brutus's harsh deal- ings with his Salaminian debtors, and of the usurious interest he wanted Cicero to extort from them by force. He does not relate how Brutus without reason divorced his first wife Claudia, in order that he might marry Portia. He does, however, record his hero's promise to allow his soldiers to sack Lacedaemon and Thessalonica, which Shakespeare omits. Shakespeare also omits, as deroga- tory to Brutus's dignity, the disease that attacked him at Dyrrachium in the form of a " cormorant and unsatiable appetite to eat." From the same tender regard for the dignity of Brutus, he abstains from mentioning the doubt as to his descent from L. Junius Brutus, and the scandalous gossip that he was a bastard son of Caesar's, although both these possibilities are discussed by Plutarch. Plutarch more than once praises the remarkable gentle- ness of Brutus's disposition. Shakespeare brings this characteristic into greater prominence by inventing the incident of Lucius falling asleep over his instrument. Plutarch relates that the conspirators, after killing Caesar, took refuge in the Capitol, until they were assured that they could leave it with safety. Shakespeare omits this, as such careful regard for his safety might seem to be unworthy of Brutus, especially at the moment of his triumph. Therefore Brutus in Shakespeare goes straight to the market-place. It is true that, later on, Shake- speare relates the hurried flight of Brutus and Cassius from Rome. But this is after Mark Antony's speech, the

INTRODUCTION lvii

effect of which has to be manifested by the contrast between the former confidence of the conspirators and their sub- sequent headlong flight. For the same reason Shake- speare is not content with simply relating, as Plutarch does, that they fled. In order that the contrast may be more emphasised, they are reported by the servant to have " rid like madmen through the gates of Rome." In this sudden turn of the wheel of fate in the direction of retribution, we have an example of Shakespeare's idealisation of justice, which we must next proceed to consider.

The idealisation of justice in Shakespeare's plays does not usually result in the carrying out of what is called poetic justice, the reward and punishment of the good and bad in exact proportion to their goodness and badness. In Shakespeare, as in real life, vice is always punished, but often the virtuous suffer and die without being restored to happiness. Shakespeare would be false to fact if he satisfied our mind by always representing the triumph of virtue. He does, however, idealise justice not only by making the punishment of the wicked according to their deserts more evident than it is in real life, but also by introducing a special relation of appropriateness between the crime and the punishment, as when in Hamlet we see the " enginer hoist with his own petar," and as in Julius Ccesar the spirit of their victim makes the conspirators turn the very swords, which they had used in the assassination, into their proper entrails (v. iii. 46, 95). Justice is also idealised by being regarded as a manifestation of Nemesis. A peculiar satisfaction is afforded to the mind by the connection

lviii INTRODUCTION

expressed in the proverb that pride comes before a fall. Therefore, as we have seen, Caesar's overthrow in Shake- speare is partly explained as a satisfaction to the Nemesis he had provoked by his victory over Pompey, and there is no mention of the fact recorded by Plutarch that Caesar had propitiated Nemesis by setting up again the statues of Pompey, which had been thrown down. The conspirators in their turn are represented as provoking Nemesis by the additional incident of their bathing their hands up to the elbows in Caesar's blood, which Shakespeare adds to the incidents recorded in Plutarch's narrative of the murder.

It is not only in the idealisation of great characters and of justice that poetry corrects the facts of history so as to make them more agreeable to the spirit of man. The same principle is seen at work whenever the poet by his imagination and constructive art embellishes the plain facts of history. Among the most conspicuous examples of such amplification and embellishment are the speeches of Satan in Paradise Lost and Paradise Regained, and the speech of Antony in Julius Ccesar. With regard to Antony's funeral harangue, Plutarch only says that " when he saw that the people were very glad and desirous also to hear Caesar spoken of, and his praises uttered, he mingled his oration with lamentable words; and by amplifying of matters did greatly move their hearts and affections unto pity and compassion. In fine, to conclude his oration, he unfolded before the whole assembly the bloody garments of the dead, thrust through in many places with their swords, and called the malefactors cruel and cursed murderers." On this very small foundation

INTRODUCTION lix

of historical fact Shakespeare builds the lofty fabric of Antony's eloquence. An interesting example of ampli- fication in detail is afforded by Shakespeare's treatment of the bloody garments of the dead. He brings the scene more vividly before us by substituting the particular for the general. Antony gives the rent garment a special significance by declaring it to be the one that Caesar wore for the first time after winning his great victory over the Nervii. The scene is made still more definite by the picture given of the great conqueror sitting in his robe after the great struggle and enjoying the calm repose of a summer evening. The whole image presented to the imagination makes an effective contrast with the figure of the dead body lying marred with wounds, and it is utterly unimportant from a poetical point of view that Antony, not having been in the campaign, could not have remembered such an incident, and that the victory over the Nervii was not won in summer - time. One would think that the force of eloquence could no further go. But Shakespeare has a climax to crown the pathetic appeal conveyed in this reminiscence, and still further moves the feelings by making Antony suddenly tear the robe away and reveal the mangled body to the horrified spectators. In like manner, out of the few words in which Plutarch describes the dissatisfaction felt by the Romans at Caesar's triumph over the sons of Pompey, is evolved the speech of Marullus in the first scene of the first act. This scene forms an admirable opening to the play, as by its reference to Pompey it not only fixes the time of the action by bringing it into connection with preceding events in Roman history, but

lx INTRODUCTION

also reminds us of the instability of human greatness and popular favour.

Another interesting instance of dramatic amplification is afforded by the conclusion of the quarrel scene. In Plutarch there is a long account of the differences between Brutus and Cassius, but hardly anything is said of the reconciliation, which is rather implied than expressly stated to have taken place. In Shakespeare the quarrel is a prelude to the reconciliation that follows. That the friend- ship of Brutus and Cassius should be strengthened by the violence of their temporary difference, is psychologically true, for " amantium irae amoris integratio est." The transi- tion from suspicion and anger to love is also arranged in accordance with the principle of contrast that underlies all art. " Is not," asks Bacon, " the precept of a musician to fall from a discord or harsh accord upon a concord or sweet accord alike true in affection ? " The harsh dis- cord in the scene we are considering, when

Each spake words of high disdain And insult to his heart's best brother,

gives a grander effect to the deep heartfelt concord that succeeds and will last to death.

Shakespeare's treatment of the quarrel also illustrates the skill with which he rearranges his materials in more effective combinations. In the account of Plutarch the quarrel extends over two days. We are not told what were the subjects of complaint on the first day, and it is not until the second day that Brutus offends Cassius by condemning and noting Lucius Pella. Shakespeare com- presses the quarrel into a single day, and makes Cassius

INTRODUCTION Ixi

begin the wrangling by blurting out his complaint about Lucius Pella the moment he and Brutus enter the tent. In Plutarch the death of Portia is mentioned at the very end of the life of Brutus. Shakespeare represents the tidings of her death as having reached Brutus just before the quarrel, so that it accounts for the unusual harshness he manifests, and also, when announced to Cassius after the reconciliation, adds powerfully to the revulsion of feeling by which he is affected. Another instance of rearrangement of materials will be found in the account of the Lupercal. According to Casca, Caesar, after re- covering from his swoon, said that " if he had done or said anything amiss, he desired their worships to think it was his infirmity." The apology and the suggestion of the swoon are taken from Plutarch's account of another inci- dent— Csesar's arrogant omission to rise when the Senate came to do him honour in the market-place, for which act of folly he excused himself by saying that " their wits are not perfect which have this disease of the falling evil, when standing on their feet they speak to the common people, but are soon troubled with a trembling of their body and a sudden dimness and giddiness." Again, it was, according to Plutarch, a garland of flowers turned backwards, the accidental fall of Cassius' image, the appearance of a marvellous number of fowls of prey and of beehives, that shook Cassius' Epicurean disbelief in omens. This effect is attributed by Shakespeare to the disappearance of the eagles mentioned by Plutarch in a different context, and to their being replaced by ravens, crows, and kites. The other less impressive signs are left unrecorded.

lxii INTRODUCTION

We have already considered and exemplified Shake- speare's compression of the events related by Plutarch into a narrower compass of time. The artistic object of this compression is not far to seek. Shakespeare is not a slave to the principle of unity of time, which he violates conspicuously in the Winter's Tale by introducing an interval of sixteen years between the third and the fourth acts. Nevertheless, other things being equal, he prefers a short to a long duration for the action, so as to make the spectacle of his plays as close an imitation of real life as possible. A well-constructed drama makes us feel for the time as if the events represented were really taking place. The effect of a play upon the audience largely depends upon the success with which this illusion is kept up, and long intervals of time tend to destroy this illusion, because they remind the spectators that they are looking, not at real events, but at a scenic representation. Therefore Shakespeare, as a practical and skilful playwright, prefers to make the events represented in his dramas succeed each other in rapid succession. He has also in some cases other reasons for shortening the time of the action. For instance, in dramas like Julius Ccesar, which deal with retribution, the retribution is rendered more im- pressive if it is not long delayed.

The following extracts from North's Plutarch are the principal passages on which Shakespeare's Julius Ccesar is based : —

How Ccesar triumphed over the sons of Pompey.

He wan this battle [Munda] on the very feast-day of the Bacchanalians, in the which men say that Pompey the Great

INTRODUCTION lxiii

went out of Rome, about four years before, to begin this civil war. For his [Pompey's] sons, the younger scaped from the battle; but, within few days after, Didius brought the head of the elder. This was the last war that Caesar made. But the triumph he made into Rome for the same did as much offend the Romans, and more, than anything that ever he had done before : because he had not overcome captains that were strangers, nor barbarous kings, but had destroyed the sons of the noblest man of Rome, whom fortune had overthrown. And because he had plucked up his race by the roots, men did not think it meet for him to triumph so for the calamities of his country, rejoicing at a thing for the which he had but one excuse to allege in his defence unto the gods and men, that he was compelled to do that he did. And the rather they thought it not meet, because he had never before sent letters nor messengers unto the common- wealth at Rome, for any victory that he had ever won in all the civil wars : but did always for shame refuse the glory of it. — [Life of Casar.]

How Antony offered Ccesar a diadem at the Lupercalia,

At that time the feast Lupercalia was celebrated, the which in old time men say was the feast of shepherds or herdmen, and is much like unto the feast of the Lycaeans in Arcadia. But howsoever it is, that day there are divers noblemen's sons, young men (and some of them magistrates themselves that govern then), which run naked through the city, striking in sport them they meet in their way with leather thongs, hair and all on, to make them give place. And many noblewomen and gentle- women also go of purpose to stand in their way, and do put forth their hands to be stricken, as scholars hold them out to their schoolmaster to be stricken with the ferula: persuading themselves that, being with child, they shall have good delivery ; and so, being barren, that it will make them to conceive with child. Caesar sat to behold that sport upon the pulpit for orations, in a chain of gold, apparelled in triumphant manner. Antonius, who was Consul at that time, was one of them that

lxiv INTRODUCTION

ran this holy course. So when he came into the market-place, the people made a lane for him to run at liberty, and he came to Caesar, and presented him a diadem wreathed about with laurel. Whereupon there rose a certain cry of rejoicing, not very great, done only by a few appointed for the purpose. But when Caesar refused the diadem, then all the people together made an outcry of joy. Then Antonius offering it him again, there was a second shout of joy, but yet of a few. But when Caesar refused it again the second time, then all the whole people shouted. Caesar having made this proof, found that the people did not like of it, and thereupon rose out of his chair, and commanded the crown to be carried unto Jupiter in the Capitol. After that, there were set up images of Caesar in the city, with diadems upon their heads like kings. Those the two tribunes, Flavius and Marullus, went and pulled down, and furthermore, meeting with them that first saluted Caesar as king, they committed them to prison. The people followed them rejoicing at it, and called them Brutes, because of Brutus, who had in old time driven the kings out of Rome, and that brought the kingdom of one person unto the government of the Senate and people. Caesar was so offended withal, that he deprived Marullus and Flavius of their tribune- ships, and accusing them, he spake also against the people, and called them Bruti and Cumani, to wit, beasts and fools. — [Life of C&sar.]

The Romans by chance celebrated the feast called Lupercalia, and Caesar, being apparelled in his triumphing robe, was set in the Tribune where they use to make their orations to the people, and from thence did behold the sport of the runners. The manner of this running was thus. On that day there are many young men of noble house, and those specially that be chief officers for that year, who running naked up and down the city, anointed with the oil of olive, for pleasure do strike them they meet in their way with white leather thongs they have in their hands. Antonius, being one among the rest that was to run, leaving the ancient ceremonies and old customs of that solemnity, he ran to the tribune where Caesar was set, and carried a laurel crown in his hand, having a royal band or diadem wreathed

INTRODUCTION lxv

about it, which in old time was the ancient mark and token of a king. When he was come to Caesar, he made his fellow-runners with him lift him up, and so he did put his laurel crown upon his head, signifying thereby that he had deserved to be king. But Caesar, making as though he refused it, turned away his head. The people were so rejoiced at it, that they all clapped their hands for joy. Antonius again did put it on his head : Caesar again refused it ; and thus they were striving off and on a great while together. As oft as Antonius did put this laurel crown unto him, a few of his followers rejoiced at it : and as oft also as Caesar refused it, all the people together clapped their hands. And this was a wonderful thing, that they suffered all things subjects should do by commandment of their kings : and yet they could not abide the name of a king, detesting it as the utter destruction of their liberty. Caesar, in a rage, arose out of his seat, and, plucking down the collar of his gown from his neck, he shewed it naked, bidding any man strike off his head that would. This laurel crown was afterwards put upon the head of one of Caesar's statues or images, the which one of the tribunes plucked off. The people liked his doing therein so well, that they waited on him home to his house, with great clapping of hands. Howbeit Caesar did turn them out of their offices for it. [Life of Antony.']

How Ccesav mistrusted lean men.

It is reported that Caesar answered one that did accuse Antonius and Dolabella unto him for some matter of conspiracy : " Tush," said he, " they be not those fat fellows and fine combed men that I fear, but I mistrust rather these pale and lean men," meaning by Brutus and Cassius, who afterwards conspired his death and slew him. — [Life of Antony.]

Caesar also had Cassius in great jealousy, and suspected him much : whereupon he said on a time to his friends, " what will Cassius do, think ye ? I like not his pale looks." Another time when Caesar's friends complained unto him of Antonius and Dolabella, that they pretended some mischief towards him : he

Ixvi INTRODUCTION

answered them again, " As for those fat men and smooth-combed heads," quoth he, "I never reckon of them; but these pale- visaged and carrion-lean people, I fear them most," meaning Brutus and Cassius. — [Life of Ccesar.]

How Cassius and others stirred up Brutus against Ccesar.

Now they that desired change, and wished Brutus only their prince and governor above all other, they durst not come to him themselves to tell him what they would have him to do, but in the night did cast sundry papers into the Praetor's seat, where he gave audience, and the most of them to this effect: "Thou sleepest, Brutus, and art not Brutus indeed." Cassius, finding Brutus' ambition stirred up the more by these seditious bills, did prick him forward and egg him on the more, for a private quarrel he had conceived against Caesar: the circumstance whereof we have set down more at large in Brutus' life. — [Life of Ccesar. ~\

But for Brutus, his friends and countrymen, both by divers procurements and sundry rumours of the city, and by many bills also, did openly call and procure him to do that he did. For under the image of his ancestor Junius Brutus (that drave the kings out of Rome), they wrote : " O, that it pleased the gods thou wert now alive, Brutus ! " and again, " that thou wert here among us now 1 " His tribunal or chair, where he gave audi- ence during the time he was Praetor, was full of such bills : " Brutus, thou art asleep, and art not Brutus indeed." — [Life of Brutus.]

How Ccesar s death was predicted by a soothsayer and preceded by signs and wonders.

Certainly destiny may easier be foreseen than avoided, con- sidering the strange and wonderful signs that were said to be seen before Caesar's death. For, touching the fires in the element, and spirits running up and down in the night, and also

INTRODUCTION lxvii

the solitary birds to be seen at noondays sitting in the great market-place, are not all these signs perhaps worth the noting, in such a wonderful chance as happened ? But Strabo the philo- sopher writeth, that divers men were seen going up and down in fire : and furthermore, that there was a slave of the soldiers that did cast a marvellous burning flame out of his hand, insomuch as they that saw it thought he had been burnt ; but when the fire was out, it was found he had no hurt. Caesar self also doing sacrifice unto the gods, found that one of the beasts which was sacrificed had no heart : and that was a strange thing in nature, how a beast could live without a heart. Furthermore there was a certain soothsayer that had given Caesar warning long time afore, to take heed of the day of the Ides of March (which is the fifteenth of the month), for on that day he should be in great danger. That day being come, Caesar going unto the Senate- house, and speaking merrily unto the soothsayer, told him, " the Ides of March be come " : "so they be," softly answered the soothsayer, "but yet are they not past." And the very day before, Caesar, supping with Marcus Lepidus, sealed certain letters, as he was wont to do, at the board : so, talk falling out amongst them, reasoning what death was best, he, preventing their opinions, cried out aloud, "death unlooked for." Then going to bed the same night, as his manner was, and lying with his wife Calpumia, all the windows and doors of his chamber flying open, the noise awoke him, and made him afraid when he saw such light : but more, when he heard his wife Calpurnia, being fast asleep, weep and sigh, and put forth many fumbling lamentable speeches : for she dreamed that Caesar was slain, and that she had him in her arms. Others also do deny that she had any such dream, as, amongst other, Titus Livius writeth that it was in this sort : the Senate having set upon the top of Caesar's house, for an ornament and setting forth of the same, a certain pinnacle, Calpurnia dreamed that she saw it broken down, and that she thought she lamented and wept for it. Insomuch that, Caesar rising in the morning, she prayed him, if it were possible, not to go out of the doors that day, but to adjourn the session of the Senate until another day. And if that he made

lxviii INTRODUCTION

no reckoning of her dream, yet that he would search further of the soothsayers by their sacrifices, to know what should happen him that day. Thereby it seemed that Caesar likewise did fear or suspect somewhat, because his wife Calpurnia until that time was never given to any fear and superstition : and that then he saw her so troubled in mind with this dream she had. But much more afterwards, when the soothsayers having sacrificed many beasts one after another, told him that none did like them : then he determined to send Antonius to adjourn the session of the Senate. — [Life of Ccesar.']

How the great name of Brutus induced men to join the conspiracy.

Furthermore, the only name and great calling of Brutus did bring on the most of them to give consent to this conspiracy : who having never taken oaths together, nor taken or given any caution or assurance, nor binding themselves one to another by any religious oaths, they all kept the matter so secret to themselves, and could so cunningly handle it, that notwithstanding the gods did reveal it by manifest signs and tokens from above, and by predictions of sacrifices, yet all this would not be believed. — [Life of Brutus.']

How Brutus was troubled in mind.

Now Brutus, who knew very well that for his sake all the noblest, valiantest, and most courageous men of Rome did venture their lives, weighing with himself the greatness of the danger : when he was out of his house, he did so frame and fashion his countenance and looks that no man could discern he had anything to trouble his mind. But when night came that he was in his own house, then he was clean changed : for either care did wake him against his will when he would have slept, or else oftentimes of himself he fell into such deep thoughts of this enterprise, casting in his mind all the dangers that might happen :

INTRODUCTION lxix

that his wife, lying by him, found that there was some marvellous great matter that troubled his mind, not being wont to be in that taking, and that he could not well determine with himself. — [Life of Brutus. ~\

How Antony's life was spared.

All the conspirators, but Brutus, determining upon this matter, thought it good also to kill Antonius, because he was a wicked man, and that in nature favoured tyranny : besides also, for that he was in great estimation with soldiers, having been conversant of long time amongst them : and especially having a mind bent to great enterprises, he was also of great authority at that time, being Consul with Caesar. But Brutus would not agree to it. First, for that he said it was not honest : secondly, because he told them there was hope of change in him. For he did not mistrust but that Antonius, being a noble-minded and courageous man (when he should know that Caesar was dead), would willingly help his country to recover her liberty, having them an example unto him to follow their courage and virtue. — [Life of Brutus.']

How Cicero was not asked to join the conspiracy.

For this cause they durst not acquaint Cicero with their con- spiracy, although he was a man whom they loved dearly, and trusted best : for they were afraid that he being a coward by nature, and age also having increased his fear, he would quite turn and alter all their purpose, and quench the heat of their enterprise (the which specially required hot and earnest execution), seeking by persuasion to bring all things to such safety, as there should be no peril. — [Life of Brutus.]

How Ligarius rose from his sick bed.

Now amongst Pompey's friends, there was one called Caius Ligarius, who had been accused unto Caesar for taking part with

lxx INTRODUCTION

Pompey, and Caesar discharged him. But Ligarius thanked not Caesar so much for his discharge, as he was offended with him for that he was brought in danger by his tyrannical power ; and therefore in his heart he was always his mortal enemy, and was besides very familiar with Brutus, who went to see him being sick in his bed, and said unto him : " Ligarius, in what a time art thou sick ? " Ligarius rising up in his bed, and taking him by the right hand, said unto him : " Brutus," said he, " if thou hast any great enterprise in hand worthy of thyself, I am whole." — [Life of Brutus. ,]

How Porcia claimed the right to share her husband's counsels.

This young lady, being excellently well seen in philosophy, loving her husband well, and being of a noble courage, as she was also wise : because she would not ask her husband what he ailed before she had made some proof by her self: she took a little razor, such as barbers occupy to pare men's nails, and, causing her maids and women to go out of her chamber, gave herself a great gash withal in her thigh, that she was straight all of a gore blood : and incontinently after a vehement fever took her, by reason of the pain of her wound. Then perceiving her husband was marvellously out of quiet, and that he could take no rest, even in her greatest pain of all she spake in this sort unto him: "I being, O Brutus," said she, "the daughter of Cato, was married unto thee; not to be thy bed-fellow and companion in bed and at board only, like a harlot, but to be partaker also with thee of thy good and evil fortune. Now for thyself, I can find no cause of fault in thee touching our match : but for my part, how may I shew my duty towards thee and how much I would do for thy sake, if I cannot constantly bear a secret mischance or grief with thee, which requireth secrecy and fidelity ? I confess that a woman's wit commonly is too weak to keep a secret safely: but yet, Brutus, good education and the company of virtuous men have some power to reform the defect

INTRODUCTION lxxi

of nature. And for myself, I have this benefit moreover, that I am the daughter of Cato, and wife of Brutus. This notwith- standing, I did not trust to any of these things before, until that now I have found by experience that no pain or grief whatsoever can overcome me." With those words she shewed him her wound on her thigh, and told him what she had done to prove herself. Brutus was amazed to hear what she said unto him, and lifting up his hands to heaven, he besought the gods to give him the grace he might bring his enterprise to so good pass, that he might be found a husband worthy of so noble a wife as Porcia : so he then did comfort her the best he could. — {Life of Brutus, .]

How Decius Brutus persuaded Ccesar to go to the Senate.

But in the meantime came Decius Brutus, surnamed Albinus, in whom Caesar put such confidence, that in his last will and testament he had appointed him to be his next heir, and yet was of the conspiracy with Cassius and Brutus : he, fearing that if Caesar did adjourn the session that day, the conspiracy would be betrayed, laughed at the soothsayers, and reproved Caesar, saying, " that he gave the Senate occasion to mislike with him, and that they might think he mocked them, considering that by his com- mandment they were assembled, and that they were ready willingly to grant him all things, and to proclaim him king of all his provinces of the Empire of Rome out of Italy, and that he should wear his diadem in all other places both by sea and land. And furthermore, that if any man should tell them from him they should depart for that present time, and return again when Calpurnia should have better dreams, what would his enemies and ill-willers say, and how could they like of his friends' words ? And who could persuade them otherwise, but that they would think his dominion a slavery unto them and tyrannical in himself? And yet if it be so," said he, " that you utterly mislike of this day, it is better that you go yourself in person, and, saluting the

lxxii INTRODUCTION

Senate, to dismiss them till another time." Therewithal he took Caesar by the hand, and brought him out of his house. — [Life of Casar.]

How Porcids anxiety made her swoon.

Now in the meantime, there came one of Brutus' men post haste unto him, and told him his wife was a-dying. For Porcia, being very careful and pensive for that which was to come, and being too weak to away with so great and inward grief of mind, she could hardly keep within, but was frighted with every little noise and cry she heard, as those that are taken and possessed with the fury of the Bacchantes ; asking every man that came from the market-place what Brutus did, and still sent messenger after messenger, to know what news. At length Caesar's coming being prolonged (as you have heard), Porcia's weakness was not able to hold out any longer, and thereupon she suddenly swounded, that she had no leisure to go to her chamber, but was taken in the midst of her house, where her speech and senses failed her. Howbeit she soon came to herself again, and so was laid in her bed, and attended by her women. When Brutus heard these news, it grieved him, as it is to be presupposed : yet he left not off the care of his country and commonwealth, neither went home to his house for any news he heard. — [Life of Brutus.]

How Artemidorus presented a memorial to Ccesar.

And one Artemidorus also, born in the isle of Gnidos, a doctor of rhetoric in the Greek tongue, who by means of his profession was very familiar with certain of Brutus' confederates, and therefore knew the most part of all their practices against Caesar, came and brought him a little bill, written with his own hand, of all that he meant to tell him. He, marking how Caesar received all the supplications that were offered him, and that he gave them straight to his men that were about him, pressed nearer to him, and said : " Caesar, read this memorial to yourself,

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and that quickly, for they be matters of great weight, and touch you nearly." Caesar took it of him, but could never read it, though he many times attempted it, for the number of people that did salute him : but holding it still in his hand, keeping it to himself, went on withal into the Senate-house. — [Life ofCasar.]

How Popilius Lcena alarmed the conspirators.

Another Senator, called Popilius Laena, after he had saluted Brutus and Cassius more friendly than he was wont to do, he rounded softly in their ears, and told them : "I pray the gods you may go through with that you have taken in hand; but withal, despatch, I reade you, for your enterprise is bewrayed." When he had said, he presently departed from them, and left them both afraid that their conspiracy would out.

When Caesar came out of his litter, Popilius Laena (that had talked before with Brutus and Cassius, and had prayed the gods they might bring this enterprise to pass) went unto Caesar, and kept him a long time with a talk. Caesar gave good ear unto him : wherefore the conspirators (if so they should be called) not hearing what he said to Caesar, but conjecturing by that he had told them a little before that his talk was none other but the very discovery of their conspiracy, they were afraid every man of them ; and, one looking in another's face, it was easy to see that they all were of a mind, that it was no tarrying for them till they were apprehended, but rather that they should kill themselves with their own hands. And when Cassius and certain other clapped their hands on their swords under their gowns to draw them, Brutus, marking the countenance and gesture of Laena, and considering that he did use himself rather like an humble and earnest suitor than like an accuser, he said nothing to his companion (because there were many amongst them that were not of the conspiracy), but with a pleasant countenance encour- aged Cassius. And immediately after Laena went from Caesar, and kissed his hand ; which shewed plainly that it was for some matter concerning himself that he had held him so long in talk. — [Life of Brutus.}

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How Ccesar was killed.

So Caesar coming into the house, all the Senate stood up on their feet to do him honour. Then part of Brutus' company and confederates stood round about Caesar's chair, and part of them also came towards him, as though they made suit with Metellus Cimber, to call home his brother again from banishment : and thus prosecuting still their suit, they followed Caesar till he was set in his chair. Who denying their petitions, and being offended with them one after another, because the more they were denied the more they pressed upon him and were the earnester with him, Metellus at length, taking his gown with both his hands, pulled it over his neck, which was the sign given the confederates to set upon him. Then Casca, behind him, strake him in the neck with his sword; howbeit the wound was not great nor mortal, because it seemed the fear of such a devilish attempt did amaze him and take his strength from him, that he killed him not at the first blow. But Caesar, turning straight unto him, caught hold of his sword and held it hard ; and they both cried out, Caesar in Latin : " O vile traitor Casca, what doest thou ? " and Casca, in Greek, to his brother: "Brother, help me." At the beginning of this stir, they that were present, not knowing of the conspiracy, were so amazed with the horrible sight they saw, they had no power to fly, neither to help him, nor so much as once to make an outcry. They on the other side that had con- spired his death, compassed him in on every side with their swords drawn in their hands, that Caesar turned him no where but he was stricken at by some, and still had naked swords in his face, and was hackled and mangled among them, as a wild beast taken of hunters. For it was agreed among them that every man should give him a wound, because all their parts should be in this murther : and then Brutus himself gave him one wound about his privities. Men report also, that Caesar did still defend himself against the rest, running every way with his body : but when he saw Brutus with his sword drawn in his hand, then he pulled his gown over his head, and made no more resistance, and was driven either casually or purposedly, by the

INTRODUCTION lxxv

counsel of the conspirators, against the base whereupon Pompey's image stood, which ran all of a gore-blood till he was slain. Thus it seemed that the image took just revenge of Pompey's enemy, being thrown down on the ground at his feet, and yielding up the ghost there, for the number of wounds he had upon him. For it is reported, that he had three-and-twenty wounds upon his body : and divers of the conspirators did hurt themselves, striking one body with so many blows. — [Life of Ccesar.]

Now all the Senators being entered first into this place or chapter-house where the council should be kept, all the other conspirators straight stood about Caesar's chair, as if they had had something to say unto him. And some say that Cassius, casting his eyes upon Pompey's image, made his prayer unto it, as if it had been alive. Trebonius on the other side drew Antonius aside, as he came into the house where the Senate sat, and held him with a long talk without. When Csesar was come into the house, all the Senate rose to honour him at his coming in. So when he was set, the conspirators flocked about him, and amongst them they pre- sented one Tullius Cimber, who made humble suit for the calling home again of his brother that was banished. They all made as though they were intercessors for him, and took Csesar by the hands, and kissed his head and breast. Caesar at the first simply refused their kindness and entreaties ; but afterwards, perceiving they still pressed on him, he violently thrust them from him. Then Cimber with both his hands plucked Caesar's gown over his shoulders, and Casca, that stood behind him, drew his dagger first and strake Caesar upon the shoulder, but gave him no great wound. Caesar, feeling himself hurt, took him straight by the hand he held his dagger in, and cried out in Latin : " O traitor Casca, what dost thou?" Casca on the other side cried in Greek, and called his brother to help him. So divers running on a heap together to fly upon Caesar, he, looking about him to have fled, saw Brutus with a sword drawn in his hand ready to strike at him : then he let Casca's hand go, and casting his gown over his face, suffered every man to strike at

lxxvi INTRODUCTION

him that would. Then the conspirators thronging one upon another, because every man was desirous to have a cut at him, so many swords and daggers lighting upon one body, one of them hurt another, and among them Brutus caught a blow on his hand, because he would make one in murthering of him, and all the rest also were every man of them bloodied. — [Life of Brutus J]

How the Senators fled in confusion, and the conspirators went first to the Capitol and then to the market-place, where Brutus addressed the people.

When Caesar was slain, the Senate (though Brutus stood in the middest amongst them, as though he would have said some- thing touching this fact) presently ran out of the house, and flying, filled all the city with marvellous fear and tumult. Inso- much as some did shut to the doors, others forsook their shops and warehouses, and others ran to the place to see what the matter was : and others also that had seen it ran home to their houses again. But Antonius and Lepidus, which were two of Caesar's chiefest friends, secretly conveying themselves away, fled into other men's houses and forsook their own. Brutus and his confederates on the other side, being yet hot with this murther they had committed, having their swords drawn in their hands, came all in a troop together out of the Senate and went into the market-place, not as men that made countenance to fly, but otherwise boldly holding up their heads like men of courage, and called to the people to defend their liberty, and stayed to speak with every great personage whom they met in their way.

The next morning, Brutus and his confederates came into the market-place to speak unto the people, who gave them such audience, that it seemed they neither greatly reproved nor allowed the fact : for by their great silence they showed that they were sorry for Caesar's death, and also that they did reverence Brutus. — {Life of Ccesar.]

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Csesar being slain in this manner, Brutus, standing in the middest of the house, would have spoken, and stayed the other Senators that were not of the conspiracy, to have told them the reason why they had done this fact. But they, as men both afraid and amazed, fled one upon another's neck in haste to get out at the door, and no man followed them.

Brutus and his consorts, having their swords bloody in their hands, went straight to the Capitol, persuading the Romans as they went to take their liberty again. Now at the first time, when the murther was newly done, there were sudden outcries of people that ran up and down the city, the which indeed did the more increase the fear and tumult. But when they saw they slew no man, neither did spoil or make havoc of anything, then certain of the Senators and many of the people, emboldening themselves, went to the Capitol unto them.

There, a great number of men being assembled together one after another, Brutus made an oration unto them, to win the favour of the people, and to justify that they had done. All those that were by said they had done well, and cried unto them that they should boldly come down from the Capitol: whereupon Brutus and his companions came boldly down into the market- place. The rest followed in troupe, but Brutus went foremost, very honourably compassed in round about with the noblest men of the city, which brought him from the Capitol, through the market-place, to the pulpit for orations. When the people saw him in the pulpit, although they were a multitude of rakehels of all sorts, and had a good will to make some stir ; yet, being ashamed to do it, for the reverence they bare unto Brutus, they keep silence to hear what he would say. When Brutus began to speak, they gave him quiet audience : howbeit, immediately after, they shewed that they were not all contented with the murther. For when another, called Cinna, would have spoken, and began to accuse Caesar, they fell into a great uproar among them, and marvellously reviled him ; insomuch that the con- spirators returned again into the Capitol. — {Life of Brutus^

lxxviii INTRODUCTION

How Antony delivered his funeral oration and roused the people to fury.

Then Antonius, thinking good his testament should be read openly, and also that his body should be honourably buried, and not in hugger-mugger, lest the people might thereby take occasion to be worse offended if they did otherwise : Cassius stoutly spake against it. But Brutus went with the motion, and agreed unto it ; wherein it seemeth he committed a second fault. For the first fault he did, was when he would not consent to his fellow-conspirators, that Antonius should be slain ; and therefore he was justly accused, that thereby he had saved and strengthened a strong and grievous enemy of their conspiracy. The second fault was, when he agreed that Caesar's funerals should be as Antonius would have them, the which indeed marred all. For first of all, when Caesar's testament was openly read among them, whereby it appeared that he bequeathed unto every citizen of Rome 75 drachmas a man; and that he left his gardens and arbours unto the people, which he had on this side of the river Tiber, in the place where now the temple of Fortune is built : the people then loved him, and were marvellous sorry for him. Afterwards, when Caesar's body was brought into the market- place, Antonius making his funeral oration in praise of the dead, according to the ancient custom of Rome, and perceiving that his words moved the common people to compassion, he framed his eloquence to make their hearts yearn the more ; and, taking Caesar's gown all bloody in his hand, he laid it open to the sight of them all, shewing what a number of cuts and holes it had upon it. Therewithal the people fell presently into such a rage and mutiny, that there was no more order kept amongst the common people. For some of them cried out, " Kill the mur- therers " : others plucked up forms, tables, and stalls about the market-place, as they had done before at the funerals of Clodius, and, having laid them all on a heap together, they set them on fire, and thereupon did put the body of Caesar, and burnt it in the mids of the most holy places. And furthermore, when the

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fire was throughly kindled, some here, some there, took burning firebrands, and ran with them to the murtherers' houses that killed him, to set them on fire. Howbeit the conspirators, fore- seeing the danger before, had wisely provided for themselves and fled. — [Life of Brutus.]

And therefore, when Caesar's body was brought to the place where it should be buried, he made a funeral oration in com- mendation of Caesar, according to the ancient custom of praising noble men at their funerals. When he saw that the people were very glad and desirous also to hear Caesar spoken of, and his praises uttered, he mingled his oration with lamentable words ; and by amplifying of matters did greatly move their hearts and affections unto pity and compassion. In fine, to conclude his oration, he unfolded before the whole assembly the bloody garments of the dead, thrust through in many places with their swords, and called the malefactors cruel and cursed murtherers. With these words he put the people into such a fury, that they presently took Caesar's body, and burnt it in the market-place, with such tables and forms as they could get together. Then, when the fire was kindled, they took firebrands, and ran to the murtherers' houses to set them on fire, and to make them come out to fight. Brutus therefore and his accomplices, for safety of their persons, were driven to fly the city. — [Life of Antony.']

How Cinna the poet was killed.

There was one of Caesar's friends called Cinna, that had a marvellous strange and terrible dream the night before. He dreamed that Caesar bad him to supper, and that he refused and would not go : then that Caesar took him by the hand, and led him against his will. Now Cinna, hearing at that time that they burnt Caesar's body in the market-place, notwithstanding that he feared his dream, and had an ague on him besides, he went into the market-place to honour his funerals. When he came thither, one of the mean sort asked him what his name was ? He was straight called by his name. The first man told it to another, and that other unto another, so that it ran straight through them

lxxx INTRODUCTION

all, that he was one of them that murthered Caesar (for indeed one of the traitors to Caesar was also called Cinna as himself) : wherefore taking him for Cinna the murtherer, they fell upon him with such fury that they presently despatched him in the market-place. — {Life of Ccesar.~\

But there was a poet called Cinna, who had been no partaker of the conspiracy, but was always one of Caesar's chiefest friends : he dreamed, the night before, that Caesar bad him to supper with him, and that, he refusing to go, Caesar was very importunate with him, and compelled him ; so that at length he led him by the hand into a great dark place, where, being marvellously afraid, he was driven to follow him in spite of his heart. This dream put him all night into a fever ; and yet notwithstanding, the next morning, when he heard that they carried Caesar's body to burial, being ashamed not to accompany his funerals, he went out of his house, and thrust himself into the prease of the common people that were in a great uproar. And because some one called him by his name Cinna, the people, thinking he had been that Cinna who in an oration he made had spoken very evil of Caesar, they, falling upon him in their rage, slew him out- right in the market-place. — {Life of Brutus.']

How the Triumvirs met in conference.

Therefore he sent certain of his friends to Antonius, to make them friends again : and thereupon all three met together (to wit, Caesar, Antonius, and Lepidus) in an iland environed round about with a little river, and there remained three days together. Now as touching all other matters they were easily agreed, and did divide all the empire of Rome between them, as if it had been their own inheritance. But yet they could hardly agree whom they would put to death : .for every one of them would kill their enemies, and save their kinsmen and friends. Yet at length, giving place to their greedy desire to be revenged of their enemies, they spurned all reverence of blood and holiness of friendship at their feet. For Caesar left Cicero to Antonius' will ; Antonius also forsook Lucius Caesar, who was his uncle by his

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mother : and both of them together suffered Lepidus to kill his own brother Paulus. Yet some writers affirm, that Caesar and Antonius requested Paulus might be slain, and that Lepidus was contented with it. — {Life of Antony '.]

How Brutus asked Cassius for supplies of money.

Now whilst Brutus and Cassius were together in the city of Smyrna, Brutus prayed Cassius to let him have some part of his money whereof he had great store ; because all that he could rap and rend of his side, he had bestowed it in making so great a number of ships, that by means of them they should keep all the sea at their commandment. Cassius' friends hindered this request and earnestly dissuaded him from it, persuading him, that it was no reason that Brutus should have the money which Cassius had gotten together by sparing and levied with great evil will of the people their subjects, for him to bestow liberally upon his soldiers, and by this means to win their good wills, by Cassius' charge. — {Life of Brutus .]

How Brutus and Cassius quarrelled.

Now as it commonly happened in great affairs between two persons, both of them having many friends and so many captains under them, there ran tales and complaints betwixt them. There- fore, before they fell in hand with any other matter, they went into a little chamber together, and bade every man avoid, and did shut the doors to them. Then they began to pour out their complaints one to the other, and grew hot and loud, earnestly accusing one another, and at length fell both a-weeping. Their friends that were without the chamber, hearing them loud within, and angry between themselves, they were both amazed and afraid also, lest it would grow to further matter : but yet they were com- manded that no man should come to them. Notwithstanding, one Marcus Phaonius, that had been a friend and a follower of Cato while he lived, and took upon him to counterfeit a philo-

lxxxii INTRODUCTION

sopher, not with wisdom and discretion, but with a certain bedlem and frantic motion: he would needs come into the chamber, though the men offered to keep him out. But it was no boot to let Phaonius, when a mad mood or toy took him in the head : for he was a hot hasty man, and sudden in all his doings, and cared for never a senator of them all. Now, though he used this bold manner of speech after the profession of the Cynic philo- sophers (as who would say Dogs), yet his boldness did not hurt many times, because they did but laugh at him to see him so mad. This Phaonius at that time, in despite of the door-keepers, came into the chamber, and with a certain scoffing and mocking gesture, which he counterfeited of purpose, he rehearsed the verses which old Nestor said in Homer :

My lords, I pray you hearken both to me, For I have seen mo years than suchie three.

Cassius fell a-laughing at him : but Brutus thrust him out of the chamber, and called him dog, and counterfeit Cynic. Howbeit his coming in brake their strife at that time, and so they left each other.

The next day after, Brutus, upon complaint of the Sardians, did condemn and note Lucius Pella for a defamed person, that had been a Praetor of the Romans, and whom Brutus had given charge unto : for that he was accused and convicted of robbery and pilfery in his office. This judgment much misliked Cassius, because he himself had secretly (not many days before) warned two of his friends, attainted and convicted of the like offences, and openly had cleared them : but yet he did not therefore leave to employ them in any manner of service as he did before. And therefore he greatly reproved Brutus, for that he would shew himself so straight and severe, in such a time as was meeter to bear a little than to take things at the worst. Brutus in con- trary manner answered, that he should remember the Ides of March, at which time they slew Julius Caesar, who neither pilled nor polled the country, but only was a favourer and suborner of all them that did rob and spoil, by his countenance and authority. — [Life of Brutus.']

INTRODUCTION Ixxxiii

How a ghost appeared twice to Brutus.

But above all, the ghost that appeared unto Brutus shewed plainly, that the gods were offended with the murther of Caesar. The vision was thus : Brutus being ready to pass over his army from the city of Abydos to the other coast lying directly against it, slept every night (as his manner was) in his tent ; and being yet awake, thinking of his affairs (for by report he was as careful a captain and lived with as little sleep as ever man did) he thought he heard a noise at his tent-door, and looking towards the light of the lamp that waxed very dim, he saw a horrible vision of a man, of a wonderful greatness and dreadful look, which at the first made him marvellously afraid. But when he saw that it did him no hurt, but stood by his bed-side and said nothing; at length he asked him what he was. The image answered him : " I am thy ill angel, Brutus, and thou shalt see me by the city of Philippes." Then Brutus replied again, and said, "Well, I shall see thee then." Therewithal the spirit presently vanished from him. After that time, Brutus, being in battle near unto the city of Philippes against Antonius and Octavius Caesar, at the first battle he wan the victory, and, overthrowing all them that withstood him, he drave them into young Caesar's camp, which he took. The second battle being at hand, this spirit appeared again unto him, but spake never a word. Thereupon Brutus, knowing that he should die, did put himself to all hazard in battle, but yet fighting could not be slain. So seeing his men put to flight and overthrown, he ran unto a little rock not far off, and there setting his sword's point to his breast, fell upon it and slew himself; but yet, as it is reported, with the help of his friend that despatched him. — [Life of Casar.] Brutus was a careful man, and slept very little, both for that his diet was moderate, as also because he was continually occupied. He never slept in the day-time, and in the night no longer than the time he was driven to be alone, and when everybody else took their rest. But now whilst he was in war, and his head ever busily occupied to think of his affairs and what would happen, after he had slumbered a little after supper,

lxxxiv INTRODUCTION

he spent all the rest of the night in despatching of his weightiest causes ; and after he had taken order for them, if he had any leisure left him, he would read some book till the third watch of the night, at what time the captains, petty captains, and colonels, did use to come to him. So, being ready to go into Europe, one night very late (when all the camp took quiet rest) as he was in his tent with a little light, thinking of weighty matters, he thought he heard one come in to him, and, casting his eye towards the door of his tent, that he saw a wonderful strange and monstrous shape of a body coming towards him, and said never a word. So Brutus boldly asked what he was, a god or a man, and what cause brought him thither ? The spirit answered him, " I am thy evil spirit, Brutus : and thou shalt see me by the city of Philippes." Brutus being no otherwise afraid, replied again unto it : " Well, then I shall see thee again." The spirit presently vanished away : and Brutus called his men unto him, who told him that they heard no noise, nor saw anything at all. Thereupon Brutus returned again to think on his matters as he did before. — [Life of Brutus .]

How the result of the battle of Philippi was foretold by signs and wonders.

When they raised their camp, there came two eagles that, flying with a marvellous force, lighted upon two of the foremost ensigns, and always followed the soldiers, which gave them meat and fed them, until they came near to the city of Philippes : and there, one day only before the battle, they both flew away.

It is reported that there chanced certain unlucky signs unto Cassius. For one of his sergeants that carried the rods before him, brought him the garland of flowers turned backward, the which he should have worn on his head in the time of sacrificing. Moreover it is reported also, that another time before, in certain sports and triumph where they carried an image of Cassius' victory, of clean gold, it fell by chance, the man stumbling that carried it. And yet further, there was seen a marvellous number

INTRODUCTION lxxxv

of fowls of prey, that feed upon dead carcases : and bee-hives also were found, where bees were gathered together in a certain place within the trenches of the camp : the which place the soothsayers thought good to shut out of the precinct of the camp, for to take away the superstitious fear and mistrust men would have of it. The which began somewhat to alter Cassius' mind from Epicurus' opinions, and had put the soldiers also in a marvellous fear. — \Life of Brutus. ~\

How Cassius zvished to postpone the battle.

Thereupon Cassius was of opinion not to try this war at one battle, but rather to delay time, and to draw it out in length, considering that they were the stronger in money, and the weaker in men and armour. But Brutus, in contrary manner, did alway before, and at that time also, desire nothing more than to put all to the hazard of battle, as soon as might be possible : to the end he might either quickly restore his country to her former liberty, or rid him forthwith of this miserable world, being still troubled in following and maintaining of such great armies together. But perceiving that, in the daily skirmishes and bickerings they made, his men were always the stronger and ever had the better, that yet quickened his spirits again, and did put him in better heart. And furthermore, because that some of their own men had already yielded themselves to their enemies, and that it was suspected moreover divers others would do the like, that made many of Cassius' friends which were of his mind before (when it came to be debated in council, whether the battle should be fought or not) that they were then of Brutus' mind. — [Life of Brutus.']

How Cassius spoke with Messala and Brutus on the eve of the battle.

But touching Cassius, Messala reporteth that he supped by himself in his tent with a few of his friends, and that all supper-

lxxxvi INTRODUCTION

time he looked very sadly, and was full of thoughts, although it was against his nature : and that after supper he took him by the hand, and holding him fast (in token of kindness, as his manner was) told him in Greek : " Messala, I protest unto thee, and make thee my witness, that I am compelled against my mind and will (as Pompey the Great was) to jeopard the liberty of our country to the hazard of a battle. And yet we must be lively, and of good courage, considering our good fortune, whom we should wrong too much to mistrust her, although we follow evil counsel." Messala writeth, that Cassius having spoken these last words unto him, he bade him farewell, and willed him to come to supper to him the next night following, because it was his birthday. The next morning, by break of day, the signal of battle was set out in Brutus' and Cassius' camp, which was an arming scarlet coat: and both the chieftains spake together in the midst of their armies. There Cassius began to speak first, and said : " The gods grant us, O Brutus, that this day we may win the field, and ever after to live all the rest of our life quietly one with another. But sith the gods have so ordained it, that the greatest and chiefest things amongst men are most uncertain, and that if the battle fall out otherwise to-day than we wish or look for, we shall hardly meet again, what art thou then determined to do, to fly, or die ? " Brutus answered him, being yet but a young man, and not over greatly experienced in the world : " I trust (I know not how) a certain rule of philosophy, by the which I did greatly blame and reprove Cato for killing himself, as being no lawful nor godly act, touching the gods : nor concerning men, valiant ; not to give place and yield to divine providence, and not constantly and patiently to take whatsoever it pleaseth him to send us, but to draw back and fly : but being now in the midst of the danger, I am of a contrary mind. For if it be not the will of God that this battle fall out fortunate for us, I will look no more for hope, neither seek to make any new supply for war again, but will rid me of this miserable world, and content me with my fortune. For I gave up my life for my country in the Ides of March, for the which I shall live in another more glorious world." Cassius

INTRODUCTION Ixxxvii

fell a-laughing to hear what he said, and embracing him, " Come on then," said he, " let us go and charge our enemies with this mind. For either we shall conquer, or we shall not need to fear the conquerors." — [Life of Brutus.']

How Brutus was victorious on the right wing and Cassius was defeated on the left wing.

In the meantime Brutus, that led the right wing, sent little bills to the colonels and captains of private bands, in the which he wrote the word of the battle ; and he himself, riding a-horse- back by all the troupes, did speak to them, and encouraged them to stick to it like men. So by this means very few of them understood what was the word of the battle, and besides, the most part of them never tarried to have it told them, but ran with great fury to assail the enemies j whereby, through this disorder, the legions were marvellously scattered and dispersed one from the other. For first of all Messala's legion, and then the next unto them, went beyond the left wing of the enemies, and did nothing, but glancing by them overthrew some as they went ; and so going on further, fell right upon Caesar's camp.

There was great slaughter in this camp. For amongst others, there were slain two thousand Lacedaemonians, who were arrived but even a little before, coming to aid Caesar. The other also that had not glanced by, but had given a charge full upon Caesar's battle, they easily made them fly, because they were greatly troubled for the loss of their camp ; and of them there were slain by hand three legions. Then, being very earnest to follow the chase of them that fled, they ran in amongst them hand over head into their camp, and Brutus among them. But that which the conquerors thought not of, occasion shewed it unto them that they were overcome ; and that was, the left wing of their enemies left naked and unguarded of them of the right wing, who were strayed too far off, in following of them that were overthrown. So they gave a hot charge upon them. But, notwithstanding all the force they made, they could not

Ixxxviii INTRODUCTION

break into the midst of their battle, where they found them that received them and valiantly made head against them. Howbeit they brake and overthrew the left wing where Cassius was, by reason of the great disorder among them, and also because they had no intelligence how the right wing had sped. So they chased them, beating them into their camp, the which they spoiled, none of both the chieftains being present there.

Furthermore, the voward and the middest of Brutus' battle had already put all their enemies to flight that withstood them, with great slaughter : so that Brutus had conquered all on his side, and Cassius had lost all on the other side. For nothing undid them but that Brutus went not to help Cassius, thinking he had overcome them as himself had done j and Cassius on the other side tarried not for Brutus, thinking he had been over- thrown as himself was. — [Life of Brutus :]

How Cassius was driven back and slain.

Furthermore perceiving his footmen to give ground, he did what he could to keep them from flying, and took an ensign from one of the ensign-bearers that fled, and stuck it fast at his feet: although with much ado he could scant keep his own guard together.

So Cassius himself was at length compelled to fly, with a few about him, unto a little hill, from whence they might easily see what was done in all the plain : howbeit Cassius himself saw nothing, for his sight was very bad, saving that he saw (and yet with much ado) how the enemies spoiled his camp before his eyes. He saw also a great troupe of horsemen, whom Brutus sent to aid him, and thought that they were his enemies that followed him : but yet he sent Titinnius, one of them that was with him, to go and know what they were. Brutus' horsemen saw him coming afar off, whom when they knew that he was one of Cassius' chiefest friends, they shouted out for joy ; and they that were familiarly acquainted with him lighted from their horses, and went and embraced him. The rest compassed him in round about on horseback with songs of victory and great

INTRODUCTION

lxxxix

rushing of their harness, so that they made all the field ring again for joy. But this marred all. For Cassius, thinking indeed that Titinnius was taken of the enemies, he then spake these words : " Desiring too much to live, I have lived to see one of my best friends taken, for my sake, before my face." After that, he got into a tent where nobody was, and took Pindarus with him, one of his bondsmen whom he reserved ever for such a pinch, since the cursed battle of the Parthians, where Crassus was slain, though he notwithstanding scaped from that overthrow : but then, casting his cloak over his head, and holding out his bare neck unto Pindarus, he gave him his head to be stricken off. So the head was found severed from the body : but after that time Pindarus was never seen more. Whereupon some took occasion to say that he had slain his master without his commandment. By and by they knew the horsemen that came towards them, and might see Titinnius crowned with a garland of triumph, who came before with great speed unto Cassius. But when he perceived, by the cries and tears of his friends which tormented themselves, the misfortune that had chanced to his captain Cassius by mistaking, he drew out his sword, cursing himself a thousand times that he had tarried so long, and so slew himself presently in the field. Brutus in the meantime came forward still, and understood also that Cassius had been overthrown : but he knew nothing of his death till he came very near to his camp. So when he was come thither, after he had lamented the death of Cassius, calling him the last of all the Romans, being unpossible that Rome should ever breed again so noble and valiant a man as he, he caused his body to be buried, and sent it to the city of Thassos, fearing lest his funerals within his camp should cause great disorder. — [Life of Brutus?^

Hozv Marcus Cato was slain.

There was the son of Marcus Cato slain, valiantly fighting among the lusty youths. For notwithstanding that he was very weary and over-harried, yet would he not therefore fly; but

xc INTRODUCTION

manfully fighting and laying about him, telling aloud his name, and also his father's name, at length he was beaten down amongst many other dead bodies of his enemies, which he had slain round about him. — [Life of Brutus .]

How Lucilius tried to save Brutus.

There was one of Brutus' friends called Lucilius, who, seeing a troupe of barbarous men making no reckoning of all men else they met in their way, but going all together right against Brutus, he determined to stay them with the hazard of his life ; and being left behind, told them that he was Brutus : and because they should believe him, he prayed them to bring him to Antonius, for he said he was afraid of Caesar, and that he did trust Antonius better. These barbarous men, being very glad of this good hap, and thinking themselves happy men, they carried him in the night, and sent some before unto Antonius, to tell him of their coming. He was marvellous glad of it, and went out to meet them that brought him. Others also understanding of it, that they had brought Brutus prisoner, they came out of all parts of the camp to see him, some pitying his hard fortune, and others saying that it was not done like himself, so cowardly to be taken alive of the barbarous people for fear of death. When they came near together, Antonius stayed a while be- thinking himself how he should use Brutus. In the meantime Lucilius was brought to him, who stoutly with a bold countenance said : " Antonius, I dare assure thee, that no enemy hath taken nor shall take Marcus Brutus alive, and I beseech God keep him from that fortune : for wheresoever he be found, alive or dead, he will be found like himself. And now for myself, I am come unto thee, having deceived these men of arms here, bearing them down that I was Brutus, and do not refuse to suffer any torment thou wilt put me to." Lucilius' words made them all amazed that heard him. Antonius on the other side* looking upon all them that had brought him, said unto them : " My companions, I think ye are sorry you have failed of your purpose, and that you think this man hath done you great wrong \ but I assure

INTRODUCTION

XCl

you, you have taken a better booty than that you followed. For instead of an enemy you have brought me a friend : and for my part, if you had brought me Brutus alive, truly I cannot tell what I should have done to him. For I had rather have such men my friends, as this man here, than mine enemies." Then he em- braced Lucilius, and at that time delivered him to one of his friends in custody ; and Lucilius ever after served him faithfully, even to his death. — [Life of Brutus, ,]

How Brutus met his death and was buried with honour.

Now Brutus having passed a little river, walled in on every side with high rocks and shadowed with great trees, being then dark night, he went no further, but stayed at the foot of a rock with certain of his captains and friends that followed him.

Furthermore, Brutus thought that there was no great number of men slain in battle : and to know the truth of it, there was one called Statilius, that promised to go through his enemies, for otherwise it was impossible to go see their camp : and from thence, if all were well, that he would lift up a torch-light in the air, and then return again with speed to him. The torch-light was lift up as he had promised, for Statilius went thither. Now Brutus seeing Statilius tarry long after that, and that he came not again, he said : " If Statilius be alive, he will come again." But his evil fortune was such that, as he came back, he lighted in his enemies' hands and was slain. Now the night being far spent, Brutus as he sat bowed towards Clitus, one of his men, and told him somewhat in his ear : the other answered him not, but fell a-weeping. Thereupon he proved Dardanus, and said somewhat also to him : at length he came to Volumnius himself, and speaking to him in Greek, prayed him for the studies' sake which brought them acquainted together, that he would help him to put his hand to his sword, to thrust it in him to kill him. Volumnius denied his request, and so did many others : and amongst the rest, one of them said, there was no tarrying for

xcii INTRODUCTION

them there, but that they must needs fly. Then Brutus, rising up, " We must fly indeed," said he, " but it must be with our hands, not with our feet." Then taking every man by the hand, he said these words unto them with a cheerful countenance : " It rejoiceth my heart, that not one of my friends hath failed me at my need, and I do not complain of my fortune, but only for my country's sake : for as for me, I think myself happier than they that have overcome, considering that I leave a per- petual fame of virtue and honesty, the which our enemies the conquerors shall never attain unto by force or money ; neither can let their posterity to say that they, being naughty and unjust men, have slain good men, to usurp tyrannical power not per- taining to them." Having so said, he prayed every man to shift for himself, and then he went a little aside with two or three only, among the which Strato was one, with whom he came first acquainted by the study of rhetoric. He came as near to him as he could, and taking his sword by the hilt with both his hands, and falling down upon the point of it, ran himself through. Others say that not he, but Strato (at his request) held the sword in his hand, and turned his head aside, and that Brutus fell down upon it, and so ran himself through, and died presently. — [Life of Brutus.]

Furthermore he [Antony] cast his coat-armour (which was wonderful rich and sumptuous) upon Brutus' body, and gave commandment to one of his slaves enfranchised, to defray the charge of his burial.-=-[Z/jfc of Antony.']

How Antony expressed his high opinion of Brutus.

It was said that Antonius spake it openly divers times, that he thought, that of all them that had slain Caesar, there was none but Brutus 'only that was moved to do it, as thinking the act commendable of itself : but that all the other conspirators did conspire his death for some private malice or envy, that they otherwise did bear unto him. — [Life of Brutus.]

INTRODUCTION

XC111

How Porcia killed herself.

And for Porcia, Brutus' wife, Nicolaus the Philosopher and Valerius Maximus do write, that she, determining to kill herself (her parents and friends carefully looking to her to keep her from it), took hot burning coals and cast them into her mouth, and kept her mouth so close that she choked herself. There was a letter of Brutus found written to his friends, complaining of their negligence, that, his wife being sick, they would not help her, but suffered her to kill herself; choosing to die, rather than to languish in pain. Thus it appeareth that Nicolaus knew not well that time, sith the letter (at the least if it were Brutus' letter) doth plainly declare the disease and love of this lady, and also the manner of her death. — {Life of Brutus :]

THE TRAGEDY

OF

JULIUS C^SAR

Conspirators against Julius Casar.

DRAMATIS PERSONS

Julius Oesar.

Octavius Oesar, \

Marcus Antonius, \ Triumvirs after the death of Julius Ccesar.

M. ^Emilius LepidusJ

Cicero, "}

Publius, \ Senators.

Popilius LenaJ

Marcus Brutus, '

Cassius,

Casca,

Trebonius,

LlGARIUS,

Decius Brutus, Metellus Cimber,

ClNNA,

Flavius and Marullus, Tribunes.

Artemidorus, a Sophist of Cnidos.

A Soothsayer.

Cinna, a Poet. Another Poet.

Lucilius, Titinius, Messala, Young Cato, and Volumnius, Friends to Brutus and Cassius.

Varro, Clitus, Claudius, Strato, Lucius, Dardanius, Ser- vants to Brutus.

Pindarus, Servant to Cassius.

Calpurnia, Wife to Ccesar. Portia, Wife to Brutus.

Senators^ Citizens^ Guards^ Attendants^ etc.

Scene : During a great part of the P/ay, at Rome ; afterwards at Sardis and near Philippi.

THE TRAGEDY

JULIUS C^SAR

ACT I

SCENE I.— Rome. A Street.

Enter FLAVIUS, Marullus, and certain Commoners.

Flav. Hence ! home, you idle creatures, get you home : Is this a holiday ? What ! know you not, Being mechanical, you ought not walk Upon a labouring day without the sign

Act I. Scene I. ] In the Folios each act is headed ' ' Actus Primus, Secundus, " etc., "Scaena Prima." The scenes are not distinguished from one another, nor are the places specified in which the scene is laid.

Marullus] is spelt Murellus or Mur- rellus, and several other proper names are wrongly spelt in the Folios. In such cases we may leave the wrong spelling unaltered, when it is in ac- cordance with North's Plutarch. As Marullus is spelt correctly by North, the wrong spelling of the word may be attributed to the copyist or the printer rather than to Shakespeare. Therefore the correct spelling is re- stored in the text.

i . Hence, home] go hence, go home.

The ellipse of the verb of motion with adverbs and adverbial phrases is very common. Compare Marmion's last words, ' ' Charge, Chester, charge ! On, Stanley, on ! " and line 74.

3. ought not walk] For the omission of "to" before infinitives, where we now insert it, and vice versd, see Abbott's Shakespearian Grammar, sec. 351.

4. a labouring day] a working day as opposed to a holiday. " Labour- ing " would usually be explained here

JULIUS CAESAR

[ACT I.

Of your profession ? Speak, what trade thou? First Com. Why, sir, a carpenter. Mar. Where is thy leather apron, and thy rule?

What dost thou with thy best apparel on ?

You, sir, what trade are you ? Second Com. Truly, sir, in respect of a fine workman,

I am but, as you would say, a cobbler. Mar. But what trade art thou ? Answer me directly. Second Com. A trade, sir, that I hope I may use

with a safe conscience ; which is, indeed, sir, a

mender of bad soles.

15. soles] souks F 1, 2 ; souls F 3 ; soals F 4.

art 5

10

15

as a verbal noun used adjectivally. Craik compares "walking stick" and "riding coat." It may, however, be regarded as an instance of hypallage, and compared with ' ' idle hours, " " idle bed," 11. i. 117, "thirsty evil," Measure for Measure, I. ii. 134, "a married life," "hungry prey," 1 Henry VI. 1. ii. 28, "lovers' absent hours," Othello, in. iv. 174, and morientes voces in Cicero.

4. without the sign] There does not appear to have been any law to this effect in Elizabethan England or ancient Rome. There were, how- ever, sumptuary laws in England up to the reign of James I., requiring men to dress in accordance with their rank, and perhaps custom supplemented this by requiring that artisans should on working days show, by clear external signs, what trade they belonged to.

5. what trade'] of what trade. Compare ii. 301.

7. rule] a piece of wood used by carpenters to keep their lines straight. Compare " Mechanic slaves with greasy aprons, rules and hammers," Antony and Cleopatra, v. ii. 209.

10. in respect of] as compared with. "Respecting" is used in the same

sense in Winter's Tale, v. i. 35 : ' ' There is none worthy, respecting her that's gone."

12. what trade art thou ?] The second citizen has already declared his trade by saying that he is a cobbler or mender of shoes. Marullus, how- ever, from the context naturally takes the word " cobbler " in its other sense, as meaning a clumsy workman.

12. thou] in Shakespeare's time was used in addressing near relations or intimate friends, and, as here, in addressing inferiors. When an equal, who is not an intimate friend, is addressed in the singular number, insult is intended. Compare the use of " thou " as a verb in Twelfth Night, in. ii. 48. The citizens never ven- ture to use the singular pronoun in addressing Marullus or Flavius. On the other hand, "you " is often used in speaking to inferiors to express anger, as in line 9, where both the " sir " and the "you" show that the speaker is adopting sarcastically the attitude of mock respect. See Abbott, sec. 233.

12. directly] plainly, in a straight- forward manner.

15. soles] The reference to con- science is intended to make Marullus

SC. I.]

JULIUS CiESAR

Mar. What trade, thou knave ? thou naughty knave, what trade ?

Second Com. Nay, I beseech you, sir, be not out with me : yet, if you be out, sir, I can mend you.

Mar. What meanest thou by that ? Mend me, thou saucy fellow !

Second Com. Why, sir, cobble you.

Flav. Thou art a cobbler, art thou ?

Second Com. Truly, sir, all that I live by is with the awl : I meddle with no tradesman's matters, nor woman's matters : but withal I am, indeed, sir, a surgeon to old shoes ; when they are in great

20

25

16. Mar.] Fla. Ff. 26. woman's] w omens F 1 ; womans F 2, 3, 4 withal /] F 1 ; withall I F 2, 3 ; withal, I F 4.

think that the citizen is speaking of souls. Shakespeare makes the same play upon words in Romeo and Juliet, 1. iv. 15, and in the Merchant of Venice, IV. i. 123 :

"Not on thy sole, but on thy soul, harsh Jew, Thou makest thy knife clean," where some difference of pronuncia- tion is required to make the meaning intelligible to the audience.

16. What trade, etc.} The Folios assign this question to Flavius, and the next question to Marullus. But the word "me" in line 20 shows that the two questions must be assigned to the same speaker, whether that speaker be Flavius or Marullus.

16. naughty] wicked or worthless. In Shakespeare's time the term was applied to inanimate objects and grown-up men, and not, as now, con- fined to children. Compare Lear, in. vii. 37, Merchant of Venice, v. i. 91, Prov. vi. 12, and Jer. xxiv. 2, ' ■ very naughty figs."

18, 19. out with] angry with. Im- mediately afterwards the cobbler uses

"out" in the sense of "worn out," '* torn," which sense still survives in the expression, "out at the elbows." Compare the pun in Measure for Measure, It. i. 59.

26. woman VJfor "tradeswoman's," the prefix "trades" being carried on from "tradesman's" to "woman's," as in Othello, I. i. 30, where "be- lee'd and calm'd" — "be-lee'd and be- calm'd," and Lear, III. iv. 135, "The wall-newt and the water," i.e. "water-newt."

26. withal] ( = with all, i.e. in addi- tion to all) is here an adverb meaning "moreover," and introduces addi- tional information. The sound also suggests "with awl." Most of the later editors follow Steevens, who reads "with awl," and puts a full stop after "awl" and a comma before "but." In this case the secondary meaning suggested by the play upon words is " with all," i.e. " with everything," so that in one sense the sound of the words expresses an apparent contradiction, namely, that he meddles with every- thing, but with no kind of trade.

6 JULIUS CESAR [act i.

danger, I recover them. As proper men as ever trod upon neat's-leather have gone upon my handiwork. 30

Flav. But wherefore art not in thy shop to-day ?

Why dost thou lead these men about the streets?

Second Com. Truly, sir, to wear out their shoes, to get myself into more work. But, indeed, sir, we make holiday to see Caesar and to rejoice 35 in his triumph.

Mar. Wherefore rejoice? What conquest brings he home? What tributaries follow him to Rome To grace in captive bonds his chariot wheels ? You blocks, you stones, you worse than senseless things ! 40

O you hard hearts, you cruel men of Rome, Knew you not Pompey? Many a time and

oft Have you climb'd up to walls and battlements, To towers and windows, yea, to chimney-tops,

42. Pompey?] Pompey Ff; off] oft? Ff. 44. windows,] windowes? Ff.

28. recover] keeps up the metaphor, the second person singular, because

as it means to " restore to health," as the number and person are sufficiently

well as to "mend by covering the indicated by the suffix. The suffix

rents with patches," although there "t" is etymologically equivalent to

is a slight difference between the "thou."

pronunciation of the verb in these two 34. indeed] introduces the direct

senses. (see line 12), plain, serious answer.

28. proper] fine, good - looking, 38. What tributaries] This is a handsome. rhetorical question expecting a nega-

29. trod upon neat's • leather] tive answer.

walked in shoes. Compare Tempest, 39. captive bonds] Compare " sterile

11. ii. 73, "He's a present for any curse," ii. 9.

emperor that ever trod on neat's 40. stones] See note on ill. ii. 147.

leather." 41. hard hearts] For the metonymy

31. art] The ellipse of the pro- compare "slow bellies," Epistle to

nominal subject is most common in Titus i. 12.

sc.i] JULIUS CAESAR 7

Your infants in your arms, and there have sat 45 The livelong day, with patient expectation, To see great Pompey pass the streets of Rome : And when you saw his chariot but appear, Have you not made an universal shout, That Tiber trembled underneath her banks, 50

To hear the replication of your sounds Made in her concave shores ? And do you now put on your best attire ? And do you now cull out a holiday ? And do you now strew flowers in his way, 5 5

That comes in triumph over Pompey's blood ? Be gone !

Run to your houses, fall upon your knees, Pray to the gods to intermit the plague That needs must light on this ingratitude. 60

Flav. Go, go, good countrymen, and for this fault Assemble all the poor men of your sort ;

48. but appear] only appear, before "Say to your sons — Lo, here his it actually came near and passed grave

them. Abbott, sec. 1 39, takes ' ' but " Who victor died on Gadite

with "chariot," in which case the wave."

meaning would be "only his chariot," 56. blood] offspring. Compare

Pompey himself being too distant to 1 Henry VI. IV. v. 16 : be distinctly visible. His interpreta- "The world will say he is not tion of the passage is supported by ill. Talbot's blood,

ii. 196. That basely fled when noble

50. her banks'] It is strange to find Talbot stood."

the river, whom the Romans adored Caesar's last triumph here referred to

as Father Tiber, personified in the celebrated his victory over the sons of

feminine gender here and in line 52. Pompey in Spain. Plutarch says

Although all rivers are masculine in that this triumph " did as much

Latin, even Milton in Comus personi- offend the Romans and more than

fies the Severn as a female goddess anything that he had ever done before ;

under the name of Sabrina. because he had not overcome captains

56. That] has for antecedent the that were strangers, nor barbarous

possessive "his "in the preceding line, kings, but had destroyed the sons of

This construction is still common in the noblest man of Rome, whom

poetry, e.g. Marmion, Int. i. 71 : fortune had overthrown."

s

JULIUS CiESAR

[ACT I.

Draw them to Tiber banks, and weep your tears Into the channel, till the lowest stream Do kiss the most exalted shores of all. 65

[Exeunt all the Commoners. See whether their basest mettle be not mov'd ; They vanish tongue-tied in their guiltiness. Go you down that way towards the Capitol ; This way will I. Disrobe the images If you do find them deck'd with ceremonies. 70

Mar. May we do so?

You know it is the feast of Lupercal.

Flav. It is no matter ; let no images

66. whether'] where Ff ; mettle] Ff, metal Johnson and later editors.

63. Tiber banks'] the banks of Tiber. "Tiber" is used adjectiv- ally. Compare v. i. 34 and Abbott, sec. 22.

65. the most exalted shores] the highest banks. The passage is hyper- bolical. " Lowest "or " highest is redundant, as the lowness of the stream implies the height of the banks, and vice versd.

66. whether] is spelt "where" in the Folios, which indicates that it must be pronounced as a monosyllable. Abbott compares the contraction of "other" into "or."

66. basest mettle] their disposition base though it be. • ' Metal " and ' ' mettle " are etymologically the same word, although the latter spelling is now preferred to express "courage." The two spellings appear to have been used indiscriminately in Shake- speare's time. Here " basest " indi- cates that the speaker is consciously using metaphorical language.

69. Disrobe the images] " There were set up images of Gesar in the city, with diadems upon their heads like kings. Those the two tribunes,

Flavius and Marullus, went and pulled down " {Plutarch).

70. ceremonies] symbols of honour and majesty, namely, the diadems mentioned in the above quotation from Plutarch, which are called trophies in line 74, and scarfs in ii. 289. For this concrete use of "ceremony," compare Measure for Measure, It. ii.

59:

" No ceremony that to great ones 'longs, Not the king's crown, nor the

deputed sword, The marshal's truncheon, nor the

judge's robe, Become them with one half so

good a grace As mercy does." 72. the feast of Lupercal] the Lupercalia, a festival celebrated at Rome on 15th February in honour of Lupercus, the god who defended sheep against wolves. Shakespeare prob- ably Anglicises the name of the feast in this short form for metrical convenience. In Latin lupercal meant a cavern on the Palatine hill sacred to Lupercus.

sen] JULIUS CAESAR 9

Be hung with Caesar's trophies. I'll about

And drive away the vulgar from the streets : 7 5

So do you too where you perceive them thick.

These growing feathers pluck'd from Caesar's wing

Will make him fly an ordinary pitch,

Who else would soar above the view of men

And keep us all in servile fearfulness. [Exeunt.

SCENE if.— Tki Same. A public Place.

Enter ; in procession, with music, C^SAR ; Antony, for the course; Calpurnia, Portia, Decius, Cicero, Brutus, Cassius, and Casca ; a great crowd following, among them a Soothsayer.

Cces. Calpurnia !

Casca. Peace, ho ! Caesar speaks.

[Music ceases. Cces. Calpurnia !

1, 7, 183. Calpurnia] Calphurtiia Ff.

74. Casar's trophies] ornaments in participial construction, in which an honour of Caesar. A trophy now abstract idea is expressed by a con- means a sign of victory generally con- crete noun and a participle. Compare sisting of spoil taken from the con- P. L. x. 332 and Othello, II. iii. 350 : quered, but in Shakespeare it means "All seals and symbols of redeemed any honourable decoration, such as sin," i.e. of the redemption of sin. the diadems on Caesar's images. In 78. pitch] being a term of falconry, Hamlet, IV. vii. 173, Ophelia's keeps up the metaphor. Compare "coronet weeds" are identical with Richard II. I. i. 109: "How high " her weedy trophies " in line 175. a pitch his resolution soars."

74. I'll about] I '11 go about. Com- pare line I.

Scene it.

75. the vulgar] Compare the use of 1. Calpurnia] The name is gener-

"the general" in 11. i. 12 and in ally but not always spelt correctly

Hamlet, II. ii. 465: "Caviare to without the " h " in North's Plutarch. the general." 1. Peace, ho] Here Casca shows

77' These growing feathers plucked] himself to be one of Caesar's most

the plucking of these growing feathers, servile flatterers, unless he is speaking

This is a good instance of the Latin ironically.

10 JULIUS CiESAR [act i.

Cat. Here, my lord.

Cces, Stand you directly in Antonius' way

When he doth run his course. Antonius ! Ant. Caesar, my lord. 5

Cces. Forget not, in your speed, Antonius,

To touch Calpurnia ; for our elders say,

The barren, touched in this holy chase,

Shake off their sterile curse. Ant. I shall remember :

When Caesar says " Do this," it is perform'd. 10

Cces. Set on ; and leave no ceremony out. [Music.

Sooth. Caesar ! Cces. Ha ! Who calls ? Casca. Bid every noise be still ; peace yet again !

[Music ceases.

3. Antoniui] Antonio's Ff. 4, 6. Antonius] Antonio Ff.

3. Antonius] In the Folios through- the feast called the Lupercalia. See out the play we find "Antonio" the extract from North's Plutarch instead of " Antonius." As this form on p. lxiii.

of the name is not found in North, 7. touch] with one of the leather

and as " Anthonius " occurs twice in thongs mentioned in Plutarch's

Antony and Cleopatra, we may sup- account of the feast,

pose that "Antonio" is due to the 9. Shake off their sterile curse]

copyist and not to Shakespeare. For "sterile curse" compare " cap-

We cannot, however, be certain. The tive bonds," "insane root that

fact that in Antony and Cleopatra the takes the reason prisoner," Macbeth,

name of the hero is only thrice given I. iii. 84, " oblivious pool," P. L. i.

its full Latin form, indicates that 266.

Shakespeare did not think that form 10. Do this] Compare Luke vii. 8.

very suitable for English verse. He This is a hyperbolical way of saying

may possibly have chosen to use by that Caesar's orders are immediately

preference the modern Italian form, and inevitably carried out. Similarly

which would be very familiar to when Othello asks Iago to kill Cassio

English men of letters of the time, within three days, Iago replies, " My

many of whom knew Italian well, friend is dead ; 'tis done at your

and had read the Life of "Marco request."

Antonio" in Italian translations of II. Set on] start, begin. This in-

Plutarch. transitive use of the verb survives in

4. run his course] run the race "set out." through the city that took place at

sen.] JULIUS CiESAR 11

Cces. Who is it in the press that calls on me ? 15

I hear a tongue, shriller than all the music, Cry " Caesar ! " Speak ; Caesar is turn'd to hear.

Sooth. Beware the ides of March.

Cces. What man is that ?

Bru. A soothsayer bids you beware the ides of March.

Cces. Set him before me ; let me see his face. 20

Cas. Fellow, come from the throng ; look upon Caesar.

Cces. What say'st thou to me now ? Speak once again.

Sooth. Beware the ides of March.

Cces. He is a dreamer ; let us leave him : pass.

[Sennet. Exeunt all but Brutus and Ccesar.

Cas. Will you go see the order of the course ? 25

Bru. Not I.

Cas. I pray you, do.

Bru. I am not gamesome : I do lack some part Of that quick spirit that is in Antony.

15. press] crowd, as in Mark ii. 4, 24. Sennet] flourish of trumpets,

v. 30 ; Luke xix. 3. In Tennyson's 24. Brutus] Marcus Junius Brutus,

Princess we find "made at me through not Decimus Junius Brutus, whom

the press." Shakespeare calls Decius or Decius

1 7. Ccesar] He shows his pride by Brutus. According to Plutarch, Cassius

speaking of himself in the third person, was angry with Caesar and Brutus

Compare II. ii. 10, 12, 28, 29, 44, 45, because Cassar had given Brutus the

48, 65, 68 ; in. i. 32, 40, 47. Othello city prsetorship, which was a more

reveals his pride by the same charac- honourable and powerful office than

teristic trait. the ordinary prcetorship conferred

17. turned] The word is especially on Cassius. There is, however, no appropriate in a person deaf of one mention of this ground of quarrel in ear. See line 210. Shakespeare.

18. ides of March] March 15th. In 25. go see] See note on IV. i. Plutarch the soothsayer had made this 45.

prophecy "long afore." 28. quick spirit] liveliness. There

19. soothsayer] The prevalence of is a great contrast between the earnest, the ancient belief in prophecy is indi- serious character of Brutus and cated by the fact that " soothsayer" Antony's love of pleasure, which was by derivation means a teller of the superficially the chief element in his truth. nature. On this account Brutus

24. pass] (first person plural) pass wrongly despised Antony as a man of we, let us pass. no power. See II. i. 185-189.

12

JULIUS CiESAR

[act I.

Let me not hinder, Cassius, your desires ;

I '11 leave you. 30

Cos. Brutus, I do observe you now of late :

I have not from your eyes that gentleness

And show of love as I was wont to have :

You bear too stubborn and too strange a hand

Over your friend that loves you. Bru. Cassius, 3 5

Be not deceiv'd : if I have veil'd my look,

I turn the trouble of my countenance

Merely upon myself. Vexed I am

Of late with passions of some difference,

35. friend . . . loves'] F 1 ; friends . . . loves F 2, 3 ; friends . . . love ¥ 4.

33. as] The relatival use of "as," except after "such" and " the same," is now a vulgarism, but was not so regarded in Shakespeare's time. Compare line 172 and Abbott, sees. 112 and 280. Conversely in ill. i. 41 we have "that" where we should now be compelled to use "as."

34. You bear, etc.] Cassius com- pares himself to a horse and Brutus to a rider or driver. Compare Lear, in. i. 27 :

" The hard rein which both of them have borne Against the old kind king." "Stubborn" expresses a heavy as opposed to a light hand in riding or driving. Compare "stubborn bits," Henry VIII. v. iii. 23. The epithet "strange," expressing Brutus' cold- ness and reserve, does not keep up the metaphor. For the combination of metaphorical and ordinary words compare IV. iii. 220.

36. veiVd my look] practised reserve, not allowed my countenance to reveal my thoughts. Brutus had not " worn his heart upon his sleeve" {Othello, I. i. 64), and consequently had appeared to his friends to be cold and distant.

He turned the trouble of his counten- ance upon himself, that is to say, he did not communicate to his friends the secret troubles that were indicated by his sad face. They saw that his countenance was not frank and open as before, but were not able to ' ' con- strue the charactery of his sad brows " (11. i. 308), so that the jealous Cassius, not knowing the true cause of his gloominess, attributed it to unfriendli- ness and estrangement.

38. Merely] entirely. The use of "merely " here is scarcely distinguish- able from its presentuse,andshowshow the word from meaning "entirely," " absolutely," came to mean "only."

39. passions of some difference] contending feelings. Brutus was at war with himself (line 45), because his love for Caesar was opposed to his love for Rome and freedom. Com- pare the words put into his mouth in the Earl of Sterline's/?//?V/.y Ccesar:

1 1 1 owe him much, but to my country more. This in my breast hath great

dissension bred. I Caesar love, but yet Rome's enemy hate."

sen.] JULIUS CiESAR 13

Conceptions only proper to myself, 40

Which give some soil perhaps to my behaviours ;

But let not therefore my good friends be griev'd,

Among which number, Cassius, be you one,

Nor construe any further my neglect,

Than that poor Brutus, with himself at war, 45

Forgets the shows of love to other men.

Cas. Then, Brutus, I have much mistook your passion ; By means whereof this breast of mine hath buried Thoughts of great value, worthy cogitations. Tell me, good Brutus, can you see your face ? 50

Bru. No, Cassius ; for the eye sees not itself, But by reflection by some other things.

Cas. 'Tis just :

And it is very much lamented, Brutus,

That you have no such mirrors as will turn 5 5

Your hidden worthiness into your eye,

That you might see your shadow. I have heard,

51. itself] F 1 ; himself Y 2, 3, 4. 52. reflection] reflection, Ff ; by some] from some Pope, Dyce ; things] Ff, thing Dyce.

40. only proper to myself] that con- Through which it gathers know- cern myself only. As his thoughts ledge by degrees ;

only concerned himself, he did not Whose rays reflect not, but spread

feel bound to reveal them to his outwardly ;

friends. Not seeing itself, when other

41. behaviours] often used in the things it sees ? "

plural by Shakespeare. and from Marston's Comedy of the

46. shows of love] outward mani- Fawn, 1606: "The eye sees all festations of affection. things but its proper self."

47. passion] state of mind. 52. by reflection by some other

48. By means whereof] on account things] by being reflected by other of which misunderstanding. Com- things, namely, mirrors. If we retain pare Troilus and Cressida, III. iii. the comma after "reflection," then 104, 105. "by some other things" is an

51. sees not itself] Steevens quotes adverbial phrase modifying "sees

from Sir John Davies' poem on the itself," as " by reflection " does.

Immortality of the Soul, 1599: 57- shadow] reflection, as in King

"Is it because the mind is like the John, II. i. 498, and in the passage

eye, quoted from Maplet on II. i. 205.

14 JULIUS CAESAR [act i.

Where many of the best respect in Rome, Except immortal Caesar, speaking of Brutus, And groaning underneath this age's yoke, 60

Have wish'd that noble Brutus had his eyes.

Bru. Into what dangers would you lead me, Cassius, That you would have me seek into myself For that which is not in me ?

Cas. Therefore, good Brutus, be prepar'd to hear ; 6 5

And since you know you cannot see yourself So well as by reflection, I, your glass, Will modestly discover to yourself That of yourself which you yet know not of. And be not jealous on me, gentle Brutus : 70

Were I a common laugher, or did use

71. laugher] Rowe, Pope; laughter Ff.

58. of the best respect] who are self, he must hear of his worthiness looked up to with the greatest rever- from Cassius. The reference being ence. Compare v. v. 45. obscured by the intervening lines, the

59. except] This ironical exception reason why Brutus must hear of" his is intended to excite envy or indigna- worthiness is repeated in line 65. It tion in the mind of Brutus, such as seems simpler, however, to make Cassius himself felt at the thought " therefore " refer to what immediately that one man was so much exalted precedes. Brutus has asked a question above all other Romans that no and therefore must be prepared to one could be compared with him in hear the reply.

honour. 68. modestly] moderately, without

61. had his eyes] was not blind, exaggeration. Compare "o'erstep

realised the situation and his duty to not the modesty of nature," Hamlet,

the republic. Compare II. i. 46. III. ii. 21.

65. Therefore] Craik thinks that 70. on] This use of "on" after

"the eager impatient temper of "angry " and "jealous" still survives

Cassius, absorbed in his own one idea, in provincial English. "Jealous " =

is vividly expressed by his thus con- "suspicious." In Lowland Scotch

tinuing his argument as if without the verb "jealouse "means "sus-

appearing to have even heard Brutus' pect."

interrupting question ; for such is the 71. laugher] If we retain the only interpretation which his therefore original reading, ' ' laughter " must would seem to admit of." If "there- mean "subject of laughter," "laugh- fore "refers to what Cassius has said ing-stock," as in I v. iii. 112. There before, it refers especially to lines is considerable plausibility in the 54-57. As Brutus could not see him- suggestion made in Kinnear's Cruces

sc. ii] JULIUS CiESAR 15

To stale with ordinary oaths my love

To every new protester ; if you know

That I do fawn on men and hug them hard,

And after scandal them ; or if you know 7 5

That I profess myself in banqueting

To all the rout, then hold me dangerous.

[Flourish and shout.

Bru. What means this shouting ? I do fear the people Choose Caesar for their king.

Cas. Ay, do you fear it ?

Then must I think you would not have it so. 80

Bru. I would not, Cassius ; yet I love him well. But wherefore do you hold me here so long ? What is it that you would impart to me ? If it be aught toward the general good, Set honour in one eye and death i' the other, 85

Shakespearian^ that "talker" is successive person that solemnly

the true reading. "Talker" occurs declares his love for me. Compare

in three other passages, in all of Troilus and Cressida, in. ii. 182.

which it is used as a term of blame, where lovers' rhymes are described as

while "laugher" is found nowhere "Full of protest, of oath and big

else in Shakespeare's plays. Also compare."

a talker ("a fleering tell-tale," 74. Brutus was not like Casca.

iii. 117) would be more dangerous See line 2.

in a conspiracy than a laugher. 75. after scandal] afterwards de-

On the other hand, ■ ' He seldom fame.

smiles " (line 202), gives some sup- 76. profess myself] make profession

port to the reading "laugher." of friendship. Compare Othello, 1.

72. stale] here, as in IV. i. 38, is a iii. 342, "I have professed me thy

verb meaning ' ' make common or friend. "

worthless." The adjective "stale" is 77. then] in that case, if these

connected with "stall," a standing conditions are fulfilled. Cassius

place, and expresses the fact that means that, as these conditions are not

meat or drink kept long standing in fulfilled, he is not to be considered

one place loses its savour. "Stale" dangerous.

meaning "a decoy" is a different 85. Set honour, etc.] Honour re- word connected with " steal." quires him to promote the public

72' every new protester] every good, and the fear of death will not

1G JULIUS CiESAR [act i.

And I will look on both indifferently ; For let the gods so speed me as I love The name of honour more than I fear death. Cas. I know that virtue to be in you, Brutus,

As well as I do know your outward favour. 90

Well, honour is the subject of my story. I cannot tell what you and other men Think of this life ; but for my single self, I had as lief not be as live to be In awe of such a thing as I myself. 95

I was born free as Caesar ; so were you : We both have fed as well, and we can both Endure the winter's cold as well as he : For once, upon a raw and gusty day, The troubled Tiber chafing with her shores, 100 Caesar said to me, " Dar'st thou, Cassius, now Leap in with me into this angry flood, And swim to yonder point ? " Upon the word,

86. both] Ff, death Theobald. 101. said"] saide F 1 ; sates F 2, 3 ; says

deter him from following honour, himself was. "Thing" has a con- He can contemplate indifferently (i.e. temptuous sense when applied to composedly, with equanimity) "an persons.

enterprise of honourable - dangerous 99. once] This incident is not

consequence" (iii. 124), because his to be found in Plutarch or Suetonius ;

love of honour is stronger than his but both these writers relate how

fear of death. Ccesar saved his life and his Com-

86. both] honour and death to- mentaries by swimming in the

gether, a course of action prescribed harbour of Alexandria, from which

by honour and leading to death. it is clear that he was a good

90. outward favour] looks. Com- swimmer, pare " ill-favoured," "well-favoured" 100. chafing] Compare pontem

and the provincial use of "favour" indignatus A raxes } Aineid, viii.

for ' ' resemble in appearance. " 728.

95. such a thing as I myself ]namely, 100. her] See note on i. 50. Caesar, who was only a man as Cassius

sen.] JULIUS C^SAR 17

Accoutred as I was, I plunged in

And bade him follow; so indeed he did. 105

The torrent roar'd, and we did buffet it

With lusty sinews, throwing it aside

And stemming it with hearts of controversy ;

But ere we could arrive the point propos'd,

Caesar cried " Help me, Cassius, or I sink." 1 1 o

I, as ^Eneas, our great ancestor,

Did from the flames of Troy upon his shoulder

The old Anchises bear, so from the waves of Tiber

Did I the tired Caesar. And this man

Is now become a god, and Cassius is 115

A wretched creature and must bend his body

If Caesar carelessly but nod on him.

He had a fever when he was in Spain,

And when the fit was on him, I did mark

How he did shake ; 'tis true, this god did shake ; 1 20

His coward lips did from their colour fly,

104. accoutred"] F I ; accounted F 2, 3, 4.

104. In like manner Horatius in 121. coward] used adjectivally.

Macaulay's lay : Compare I. i. 63, and for the inversion

11 With his harness on his back compare Plunged headlong in the tide." " The eyes fly from their lights."

108. hearts of controversy] emulous, Lucrece, 461. combative hearts. Compare "man "To wring the widow from her of valour" (valiant man). They had customed right."

to contend not only against each other, 2 Henry VI. v. i. 188.

but also against the strong current. "This Gloster should be quickly

109. arrive] used transitively as in rid this world."

P. L. ii. 409. 2 Henry VI. in. i. 233.

in. as sEneas] See JEneid, ii. "You to your former honour I be -

721. This comparison occurs also in queath."

2 Henry VI. v. ii. 63. /Eneas was As You Like It, v. iv. 192 ;

considered to be the ancestor of the and other instances collected in the

Romans generally, on which account Appendix to Schmidt's Lexicon.

they were poetically called /Eneadse, Many such inversions will be found

descendants of ^neas. The Julian pointed out in Conington's Virgil, e.g.

Gens especially claimed descent from sEneid,\i. 229. Compare also Electra,

lulus or Julus, the son of /Eneas. 119, Medea, 35. No doubt, in this

18

JULIUS CESAR

[ACT I.

Bru.

Cas.

And that same eye whose bend doth awe the world Did lose his lustre ; I did hear him groan ; Ay, and that tongue of his that bade the Romans Mark him and write his speeches in their books, 125 " Alas ! " it cried " Give me some drink, Titinius," As a sick girl. Ye gods, it doth amaze me A man of such a feeble temper should So get the start of the majestic world, And bear the palm alone. [Shout. Flourish.

Another general shout! 130 I do believe that these applauses are For some new honours that are heap'd on Caesar. Why, man, he doth bestride the narrow world Like a Colossus ; and we petty men

instance, as suggested by Steevens, the inversion is prompted by the desire to play on the word "colour," which in the plural means a flag. This enables Shakespeare by a conceit to compare the eyes to cowardly soldiers deserting their colours. The same play upon wordsis found in Lucrece,4J 6- 48 I, and in Daniel's Complaint of Rosa mond: "And nought -respecting death, the last of pains, Placed his pale colours, the en- sign of his might, Upon his new-got spoil before his right."

122. bend\ look, glance, as in Antony and Cleopatra, II. ii. 213 : "made their bends adornings." ' ' Bent " is used in this sense in Henry V. V. ii. 16 and Troilus and Cressida, IV. v. 282. In Hamlet, v. i. 238, dead Caesar is called ' ' earth which kept the world in awe."

123. his] the neuter possessive. See Abbott, 228. "Its" is rare in Shakespeare, occurs thrice in Milton's poetry, and never in the Authorised Version of the Bible.

124. that tongue of his] This doubly marked genitive appears to be due to the confusion of two con- structions, "that his tongue" and " that tongue of him."

125. books] writing tablets.

126. Alas] had best be put in in- verted commas as Caesar's exclama- sion of distress and weakness. If it is not reported speech, then it ex- presses Cassius' ironical affectation of sorrowful surprise at Caesar's weak- ness.

129. get the start of] outstrip in the competition for power, honour, and glory.

133. Why, man] Here Cassius in his excitement adopts a tone of familiar expostulation.

133. narrow] is proleptic. Caesar makes the world seem narrow by be- striding it.

134. a Colossus] Shakespeare is thinking of the famous Colossus at Rhodes, which was popularly sup- posed to bestride the entrance of the harbour so that ships could sail under its huge legs.

sen] JULIUS CAESAR 19

Walk under his huge legs, and peep about I 3 5

To find ourselves dishonourable graves.

Men at some time are masters of their fates :

The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars,

But in ourselves, that we are underlings.

Brutus and Caesar: what should be in that

"Caesar"? 140

Why should that name be sounded more than

yours ? Write them together, yours is as fair a name ; Sound them, it doth become the mouth as well ; Weigh them, it is as heavy ; conjure with 'em, " Brutus " will start a spirit as soon as " Caesar." 145 Now, in the names of all the gods at once, Upon what meat doth this our Caesar feed, That he is grown so great ? Age, thou art sham'd !

137. masters of their fates'] Com- heaven, that should be ( = would seem pare IV. iii. 217, and the song of For- to be) my handkerchief!" which tune in Enid: "For man is man and might be the reply to " What should master of his fate." this be?" Compare Henry VIII.

138. The fault, etc.] Compare in. ii. 160: "What should this Edmund's reflections in Lear, r. ii. : mean ? " = " What may this be sup- * ' This is the excellent foppery of the posed to mean ? " This use of world, that, when we are sick in " should " in questions expresses per- fortune (often the surfeit of our own plexity. In the following line behaviour) we make guilty of our " should "=" ought to. "

disasters the sun, the moon, and the 141. sounded] celebrated by the

stars " ; and Odyssey, i. 32-34. The voice of fame, as in the Taming of

use of " ill-starred " and " disastrous " the Shrew, II. i. 193: "Thy

in the sense of " unfortunate " gives virtues spoke of and thy beauty

evidence of the prevalence of this sounded." tendency. 145. start] raise from the lower

139. underlings] in a position of world. Compare 11. i. 323. The inferiority. "Underling" is formed invocation of certain names, e.g. by adding the diminutive termination Demogorgon, was supposed to be "ling " to " under." particularly powerful in conjuring

140. what should be] This is the spirits. Compare Middleton's Mayor interrogative use of the inferential of Queenborough, v. 1 : "I conjure "should," which we find in such thee by Amsterdam."

sentences as Othello, iv. i. 148 : "By

20

JULIUS CAESAR

[act I.

Rome, thou hast lost the breed of noble bloods ! When went there by an age, since the great flood, 150

But it was fam'd with more than with one man ? When could they say, till now, that talk'd of Rome, That her wide walks encompass'd but one man ? Now is it Rome indeed and room enough,

153. walks] Ff, walls Rowe.

149. bloods'] men of spirit. Gene- rally in the plural it means young men of spirit, as in Much Ado About Nothing, ill. iii. 141 : "All the hot bloods be- tween fourteen and five-and-thirty."

150. since the great flood] This reference to "the great flood" as the beginning of the history of the world seems rather in accordance with Jewish or Christian than with Roman thought. Compare line 158. It may be justified as a reference to the flood described in classical mythology as having taken place in the time of Deucalion and distinctly referred to in Coriolanus, II. i. 102. This classic deluge was not, however, such an im- portant and well-known mythological event that a Roman or Greek could refer to it simply as "the great flood." When Juvenal refers to it mSatire,i.8i, he clearly specifies what flood he means.

153. walks] the reading of the Folio has been plausibly altered into "walls" by later editors. It is certainly more natural to talk of walls than of walks encompassing a man or men. Although "wide" at first sight is not quite applicable to "walls," we find the word similarly employed to express extent of com- pass in As You Like It, II. vii. 161 : ' ' His youthful hose a world too wide for his shrunk shanks." Still " wide " is more naturally applied to " walks," as in Titus Andronicus, II. i. : "The forest walks are wide and spacious " ; where, as in this passage and in ill.

ii. 254, "walks" means tracts of garden, park, or forest. The populous part of ancient Rome was almost en- tirely surrounded by a green girdle of gardens and pleasure grounds, as the cities of New Zealand now are and as modern Rome will presently be. It was proposed in Elizabeth's time that a permanent green girdle should be secured for London, and Shake- speare may have learnt that this de- sirable object had been achieved long ago in ancient Rome. We may there- fore retain the reading of the Folio.

154. Rome indeed] "Rome" was pronounced like "room," which gives occasion to the play of words here, in in. i. 289, and in King John , in. i. 180 : "I have room with Rome to curse a while." Wright compares the similar pun on the name "Pole" in 2 Henry VI. iv. i. 70. On the other hand, it would appear from 1 Henry VI. III. i. 51, where Warwick plays upon the similarity of sound between " Rome" and "roam," that even in Shake- speare's time ' ' Rome " was sometimes pronounced as it is pronounced now. The old pronunciation survives in Rum, the Oriental name of Constanti- nople, which was so called as being the capital of the Roman Empire. The tendency to pronounce "o" as "00" is exemplified in many English words, e.g. "tomb," " whom," " do," 1 ' move. " In some provincial dialects of English ' ' come " is pronounced "coom." For Shakespeare's punning

SC. II.]

JULIUS CESAR

21

When there is in it but one only man. 155

O ! you and I have heard our fathers say, There was a Brutus once that would have brook'd The eternal devil to keep his state in Rome, As easily as a king. Bru. That you do love me, I am nothing jealous ; 1 60 What you would work me to, I have some aim : How I have thought of this and of these times, I shall recount hereafter ; for this present, I would not, so with love I might entreat you, Be any further mov'd. What you have said 165 I will consider ; what you have to say I will with patience hear, and find a time

164. not, so with . . . you] not so

158. eternal] Ff, infernal Johnson. {with . . . you) Ff.

in serious passages see the first chapter of Trench's Study of Words.

1 55. man] For the rhetorical repeti- tion of "man" at the conclusion of lines 153, 155, compare King John, 11. i. 427, 429, 431.

157. a Brutus once] namely, the old Lucius Junius Brutus, who played the principal part in the expulsion of the kings from Rome.

1 58. the eternal devil] The epithet " eternal " rather expresses the extent of the devil's wickedness than his deathlessness. Compare ' ' eternal villain" {Othello >, iv. ii. 129) and the colloquial use of "tarnal" (short for "eternal") and "everlasting" in this sense in America. Perhaps Shake- speare originally wrote ' ' infernal, " and the word was altered into "eternal" by the editors of the first Folio, on account of the statute passed in 1605 against profane language in plays. " Eternal " appears to be still used in provincial English as a euphemism for ' ' infernal, " as " darn " in English and " morbleu " in French

are used respectively for "damn" and "mort dieu." See Halliwell's Archaic and Provincial Dictionary. If we take " eternal " in the ordinary sense of the word, we may compare "auld Hangie," "auld Hornie," "auld Cloots," and "auld Nickie Ben " in Burns's Address to the Deil. For the anachronism by which a Roman speaks of the Jewish or Christian devil, compare line 150.

160. That you do love me, etc.] I do not at all doubt your affection for me. See line 70 for "jealous."

161. work me to] Compare line 314. 161. aim] conjecture, as in the Folio

reading of Othello, I. iii. 6 : "Where the aim reports."

163. for this present] sc. time. Compare the English Prayer- Book, "that those things may please Him which we do at this present. "

164. so with love, etc.] provided I might in a spirit of affection make this request of you.

165.] For Brutus's brief antithetical manner ofspeech,see note on ill. ii. 13.

22 JULIUS CiESAR [act i.

Both meet to hear and answer such high things.

Till then, my noble friend, chew upon this :

Brutus had rather be a villager 1 70

Than to repute himself a son of Rome

Under these hard conditions as this time

Is like to lay upon us.

Cas. I am glad

That my weak words have struck but thus much show Of fire from Brutus. 175

Bru. The games are done and Caesar is returning.

Cas. As they pass by, pluck Casca by the sleeve, And he will, after his sour fashion, tell you What hath proceeded worthy note to-day.

Re-enter CAESAR and his Train.

Bru. I will do so. But, look you, Cassius, 1 80

The angry spot doth glow on Caesar's brow, And all the rest look like a chidden train : Calpurnia's cheek is pale, and Cicero Looks with such ferret and such fiery eyes

169. chew] ponder. Compare Pope's stances are quoted in which "to" is Moral Essays , i. 228: "Old politi- omitted in the former and inserted in cians chew on wisdom past. In the latter of two clauses after the this metaphorical sense we employ same verb.

" ruminate," as Shakespeare does ex- 172. as] See note on 33.

cept in this passage. 174. struck] By this metaphor Cas-

170. a villager] the inhabitant of a sius compares his words to the steel small village as opposed to a Roman and Brutus to the flint from which citizen. The story of St. Paul illus- sparks are struck. Compare iv. iii. trates the proud position of the civis no.

Romanus. 181. The angry spot, etc.] With a

171. to repute] Compare King few graphic touches the poet places John, 1. i. 134: the group before our eyes individu-

" Whether had'st thou rather be a ally and collectively. The angry spot

Faulconbridge on Caesar's brow would be red. Com-

And like thy brother to enjoy pare "red-look'd anger," Winter's

thy land." Tale, 11. ii. 34. See Abbott, sec. 350, where other in-

SC. II.]

JULIUS CAESAR

23

As we have seen him in the Capitol, 185

Being cross'd in conference by some senators.

Cas. Casca will tell us what the matter is.

Ccbs. Antonius !

Ant. Caesar?

Ccbs. Let me have men about me that are fat ;

Sleek-headed men and such as sleep a-nights. 190 Yond Cassius has a lean and hungry look ; He thinks too much : such men are dangerous.

Ant. Fear him not, Caesar, he's not dangerous ; He is a noble Roman, and well given.

[90. a-nights] F 1, 2 ; a nights F 3, 4 ;

188. Antonius] Antonio Ff. 0' nights Capell and later editors.

185. As] Here we have a blending of two constructions, "with ferret and fiery eyes as we have seen," etc., and "with such ferret and fiery eyes as he has been seen to have," etc. Ferrets' eyes are red.

190. Sleek-headed men] men with smooth, glossy, unwrinkled faces. Cassius is called the "lean and wrinkled Cassius" in Antony and Cleopatra, III. xi. 37.

190. a-nights] This is a combina- tion of two ways of expressing time, (1) the preposition "on" or "an" weakened into "a" as in such words as "aboard," and (2) the genitive suffix "s" forming a temporal adverb as in "whiles," line 206. Compare "nowadays" and "of yore" for the redundancy in the phrase.

191. Yond] survives, slightly al- tered, in the Scotch " yon " = that. Plutarch says that Caesar was thinking of Brutus as well as Cassius when he expressed his fear of lean men. Hear- ing that Antony and Dolabella were plotting against him, he said, "As for these fat men and smooth-combed heads, I never reckon of them; but these pale-visaged and carrion-lean people, I fear them most " — meaning

Brutus and Cassius. On another occa- sion Plutarch represents Caesar as say- ing with special reference to Cassius, 1 ' What will Cassius do, think you ? I like not his pale looks." Warburton remarks that Ben Jonson is parodying this passage in his Bartholomew Fair, when Knockham says to the pig- woman, "Come, there's nojmalice in fat folks ; I never fear thee, if I can 'scape thy lean moon -calf there." The Earl of Sterline transforms Caesar's expression of the harmless- ness of fat men into the pompous line : " No corpulent sanguinians make me fear." Fat men are indeed generally regarded as merry and good-natured. Hence the proverb " Laugh and grow fat." Wilkie Collins, however, in his Woman in White, describes Count Fosco as "immensely fat." There are few, if any, other fat villains in fiction.

194. well given] of an excellent disposition. The expression occurs in North's Plutarch, where, however, we are told that Cassius was not " so well given and conditioned" as Brutus. Elsewhere in Shakespeare we find "virtuously given," " lewdly given, " and " cannibally given."

24 JULIUS CiESAR Tact i.

Cces. Would he were fatter! But I fear him not: 195 Yet if my name were liable to fear, I do not know the man I should avoid So soon as that spare Cassius. He reads much ; He is a great observer, and he looks Quite through the deeds of men ; he loves no plays, 200

As thou dost, Antony ; he hears no music ; Seldom he smiles, and smiles in such a sort As if he mock'd himself, and scorn'd his spirit That could be mov'd to smile at any thing. Such men as he be never at heart's ease 205

Whiles they behold a greater than themselves, And therefore are they very dangerous. I rather tell thee what is to be fear'd Than what I fear, for always I am Caesar. Come on my right hand, for this ear is deaf, 210 And tell me truly what thou think'st of him.

[Sennet. Exeunt Ccesar and his Train. Casca stays behind.

Casca. You pull'd me by the cloak ; would you speak with me?

196. my name] is merely a peri- Nor is not moved with concord

phrasis for "I." The confusion be- of sweet sounds,

tween names and persons is natural Is fit for treasons, stratagems,

and common in poetry. Compare and spoils."

AZneid, vi. 763, Revelation xi. 13 209. / am Ccesar] In Plutarch,

(margin), P. L. ii. 964, 965, and Balbus prevents him from rising in

Othello, iv. ii. 117: "Am I that honour of the Senate, saying, "What,

name." do you not remember that you are

200. through the deeds of men] sc. Caesar ? "

to their characters. 210. this ear is deaf] This is in-

201. 710 music] Compare the Mer- tended for the information of the audi- chant of Venice, v. i. 83 : ence. The remark is not dramatically

1 • The man that hath no music in appropriate, as Antony, being Gesar's himself, familiar friend, must have been well

sen] JULIUS CiESAR 25

Bru. Ay, Casca ; tell us what hath chanced to-day, That Caesar looks so sad.

Casca. Why, you were with him, were you not ? 215

Bru. I should not then ask Casca what had chanced.

Casca. Why, there was a crown offered him ; and, being offered him, he put it by with the back of his hand, thus ; and then the people fell a-shouting. 220

Bru. What was the second noise for ?

Casca. Why, for that too.

Cas. They shouted thrice : what was the last cry for ?

Casca. Why, for that too.

Bru. Was the crown offered him thrice ? 225

Casca. Ay, marry, was 't, and he put it by thrice, every time gentler than other; and at every putting-by mine honest neighbours shouted.

Cas. Who offered him the crown ?

Casca. Why, Antony. 230

Bru. Tell us the manner of it, gentle Casca.

Casca. I can as well be hanged as tell the manner of it : it was mere foolery ; I did not mark it. I saw Mark Antony offer him a crown ;

216. had] Ff, hath Steevens.

acquainted with his defect. Caesar's 228. mine] See Abbott, sec. 237.

deafness is not mentioned by Plutarch. 228. honest] often used, as here, of

219. thus] Here Casca imitates inferiors in a patronising, half-con-

Csesar's action. For this use of "thus " temptuous sense,

referring to the speaker's gesture or 231. gentle] is a strange epithet to

action, compare III. i. 123, IV. iii. 26, apply to Casca, whom Brutus after-

Ot hello, V. ii. 236, AUneid, ii. 643, iv. wards more correctly calls "blunt"

660, and Homer's Xapddviov fjLakaroiov. (300). The epithet is intended to

226. marry] a corruption of Mary, conciliate Casca, so that he may was an oath by the Virgin Mary. comply with the request of Brutus.

227. gentler than other] more gently Compare "gentle Catesby" {Richard than the previous time; " other " = III. in. i. 169) and " gentle Tyrrel " "the other," as in "each other." {Richard III. iv. iii. 28).

26 JULIUS CESAR [act i.

yet 'twas not a crown neither, 'twas one of 235 these coronets ; and, as I told you, he put it by once; but, for all that, to my thinking, he would fain have had it. Then he offered it to him again ; then he put it by again ; but, to my thinking, he was very loath to lay his 240 fingers off it. And then he offered it the third time ; he put it the third time by ; and still as he refused it, the rabblement shouted, and clapped their chopped hands, and threw up their sweaty night-caps, and uttered such a 245 deal of stinking breath because Caesar refused the crown, that it had almost choked Caesar ; for he swounded and fell down at it. And for

243. shouted] howled F I, 2, 3; houted F4; hooted Johnson. 248. swounded] swoonded Ff. swooned Rowe and many later editors.

235, 236. one of these coronets'] Ac- well be used to express shouts of cording to Plutarch "a diadem wreathed applause. The shouting here is the about with laurel." This self-correction same as that heard by Brutus in gives a wonderful air of naturalness line 78, and there spelt " showting " in to Casca's remarks. Many such the Folio. Also in line 228 of this touches may be found in Gulliver's scene the Folio has "showted." It 7 ravels and Robinson Crusoe — e.g., is not likely that Shakespeare should "The moment he cried out, they in line 243 suddenly employ a different fired — I mean the two men, the and inappropriate word to describe captain himself reserving his own the same shouting.

piece." 244. chopped hands] hands cracked

236. these] indicates that his hearers and scarred with manual labour, were familiar with the kind of coronets "Chop" and "chap" are different meant. So "these" is here nearly forms of the same word. Here, and equivalent to the colloquial use of in the similar passages in Coriolanus, "your" in Ha?nlet, II. ii. 3: "But if we seem to see the contempt felt by you mouth it as many of your players the perfumed Elizabethan gallants for do." the "great unwashed."

243. shouted] Dyce is almost cer- 248. swounded] This form is found

tainly right in supposing that the in Chaucer and Spenser. The "d"

initial letter of this word dropped out is added for greater ease in pronun-

in printing the Folio. It is true that ciation, as in "thunder," "sound,"

"hoot" is spelt "howt" in the Folio and in "vildly," the Folio spelling for

in iii. 28, but this verb always implies "vilely" in IV. iii. 132. contempt or ill-will and could not

sen.] JULIUS CAESAR 27

mine own part, I durst not laugh, for fear of opening my lips and receiving the bad air. 250

Cas. But soft, I pray you : what ! did Caesar swound ?

Casca. He fell down in the market-place, and foamed at mouth, and was speechless.

Bru. 'Tis very like he hath the falling-sickness.

Cas. No, Caesar hath it not; but you, and I, 255

And honest Casca, we have the falling-sickness.

Casca. I know not what you mean by that ; but I am sure Caesar fell down. If the tag-rag people did not clap him and hiss him, accord- ing as he pleased and displeased them, as they 260 use to do the players in the theatre, I am no true man.

Bru. What said he when he came unto himself?

Casca. Marry, before he fell down, when he perceived

251. swound] Ff, swoon Rowe. 254. like he] Ff; like; he Theobald, Dyce.

254. like he hath] In North's Plu- of a fact that Casca had distinctly tarch we read that Caesar "was lean, asserted on the evidence of his eyesight, white, and soft-skinned, and often 254. falling- sickness] epilepsy, so subject to head-ache, and otherwhile called because those afflicted with it to the falling-sickness (the which suddenly fall down. For the use of took him the first time, as it is re- " falling " see note on i. 4. ported, in Corduba, a city in Spain)." 256. Cassius means that, in a truer On the strength of this passage, and deeper sense of the term, they Theobald, Craik, Dyce, and other had the falling-sickness, because they editors put a semicolon after "like," had fallen to the position of under- arguing that, as Brutus knew that lings (line 139), as compared with Caesar was subject to the falling-sick- Caesar.

ness, he certainly does not mean to 258. I am sure] Casca thinks that say, " It is very likely that Caesar hath Cassius is casting doubt on his asser- the falling-sickness. " Such minute tion that Caesar fell down, consistency with Plutarch can hardly 258. tag-rag] is a contemptuous be assumed in Shakespeare. Also, term for the people regarded as a if the fact that Caesar had the falling- ragged appendage to society. The sickness was notorious, why should longer form is "tag-rag and bob- Brutus inform his hearers of the fact ? tail." "Tag" is used alone in this It is not in accordance with Brutus's sense in Coriolanus, ill. i. 248. usual courtesy that he should here pro- 259. hiss him] when he seemed nounce an opinion of the probability inclined to accept the crown.

28 JULIUS CESAR [act i.

the common herd were glad he refused the 265 crown, he plucked me ope his doublet and offered them his throat to cut. And I had been a man of any occupation, if I would not have taken him at a word, I would I might go to hell among the rogues. And so he fell. 270 When he came to himself again, he said, If he had done or said anything amiss, he desired their worships to think it was his infirmity. Three or four wenches, where I stood, cried "Alas! good soul," and forgave him with all 275 their hearts ; but there 's no heed to be taken of them : if Caesar had stabbed their mothers, they would have done no less.

Bru. And after that, he came, thus sad, away ?

Casca. Ay. 280

Cas. Did Cicero say any thing?

266. me] ethical dative, expressing Abbott, sees. 1 01-103. The old

Casca's interest in the fact he was spelling " and " in conditional clauses

relating. Compare Horace, Ep. I. is almost always given in the Folios,

iii. 15: "Quid mihi Celsus agit?" and there seems no reason to alter it

and the many instances collected in into "an," as is done by Dyce and

Abbott, sec. 220. other recent editors. Here the two

266. doublet] Shakespeare follows forms of the conditional particle are North in giving Caesar an Elizabethan convenient. ' ' And " introduces a doublet instead of a classical tunic. conditional clause subordinate to the

267. offered them his throat] Com- conditional clause introduced by pare ill. i. 157, iv. iii. 99. Cato in "if."

Addison's drama, when plotted 268. a man of any occupation] a

against, says to the conspirators : workman. Compare Coriolanus, IV.

" Behold my bosom naked to your vi. 97 :

swords, "you that stood so much

And let the man that's injured Upon the voice of occupation,

strike the blow." and

267. A nd] with the subjunctive ex- The breath of garlic-eaters."

pressed conditionality. Afterwards, 269. at a word] at his word, as we

as the force of the subjunctive became should now say.

weaker, " and " in conditional clauses 273. think it was his infirmity]

was strengthened by the addition of ascribe it to his weak state of health. "if," and altered into "an." See

sen] JULIUS CiESAR 29

Casca. Ay, he spoke Greek.

Cas. To what effect?

Casca. Nay, and I tell you that, I '11 ne'er look you

i' the face again; but those that understood 285 him smiled at one another and shook their heads ; but, for mine own part, it was Greek to me. I could tell you more news too ; Marullus and Flavius, for pulling scarfs off Caesar's images, are put to silence. Fare you 290 well. There was more foolery yet, if I could remember it.

Cas. Will you sup with me to-night, Casca ?

Casca. No, I am promised forth.

Cas. Will you dine with me to-morrow? 295

Casca. Ay, if I be alive, and your mind hold, and your dinner worth the eating.

Cas. Good ; I will expect you.

Casca. Do so. Farewell, both. {Exit.

Bru. What a blunt fellow is this grown to be ! 300

289. Marullus] Murrellus F I ; Murellus F 2, 3, 4.

282. spoke Greek] Cicero knew Greek 289. scarfs] Suetonius says that a almost as well as his mother tongue, "laurel crown fastened with a white on which account the common people fillet " was placed on Caesar's statue, called him "the Grecian." From So the diadems, which, according to the smile that followed his remark Plutarch, were placed on Caesar's we may suppose that it was one of images, being partly composed of the biting sarcasms for which he was cloth, could naturally be called scarfs, famous, and which sometimes, as we 296. and your mind hold] This see in Plutarch's Life of Cicero, took condition implies a cynical belief in the form of Greek quotations. the fickleness of men. Casca pro- 284. and] See note on 267. fesses to think that Cassius may 287, 288. Greek to me] unintel- suddenly change his mind and not ligible to me. Here ' ' Greek " has want his company at dinner. Walker its secondary proverbial meaning, suggests "and my mind hold," con- Plutarch, however, happens to men- demning "your" as absurd, tion that Casca himself spoke Greek 300. blunt] plain, rough, unpolished, when calling upon his brother to help as in in. ii. 222. him at the assassination of Caesar.

30 JULIUS C^SAR [act i.

He was quick mettle when he went to school.

Cas. So is he now in execution

Of any bold or noble enterprise,

However he puts on this tardy form.

This rudeness is a sauce to his good wit, 305

Which gives men stomach to digest his words

With better appetite.

Bru. And so it is. For this time I will leave you : To-morrow, if you please to speak with me, I will come home to you ; or, if you will, 310

Come home to me, and I will wait for you.

Cas. I will do so : till then, think of the world.

[Exit Brutus. Well, Brutus, thou art noble ; yet, I see, Thy honourable mettle may be wrought From that it is dispos'd : therefore 'tis meet 3 1 5 That noble minds keep ever with their likes ;

306. digest] F 3, 4 ; disgest F 1 , 2. 314. mettle] F 1 ; metall F 2 ; metal F 3, 4.

301. mettle] stands for " of mettle " when present as " you," except in the or "mettled," but there is no reason to rhetorical passage 1 v. iii. 102-106. follow Collier's MS. corrector and alter 314. Thy honourable mettle] thy it into "mettled." This use of the ab- noble disposition may by association stract for the concrete, which Masson with those who are not noble be calls the Miltonic ellipse, is common altered so as to act contrary to its in Shakespeare and Milton. Com- nature. Here, as in i. 62, the com- pare I. i. 5, P. L. i. 285, and Othello, parison implied in the application of v. ii. 253: "It is a sword of Spain, the term "mettle" or "metal" to the ice -brook's temper." the disposition is present to the con-

304. tardy form] appearance of sciousness of the speaker. Shake- sluggishness, speare is thinking of the attempts of

306. digest] the spelling of the the alchemists to transmute base

third and fourth Folio, is to be pre- metals by taking away their natural

ferred, as the first Folio also spells the qualities and superinducing on them

word in this way in IV. iii. 47. the qualities of gold. For the spelling

312. the world] sc. and how it is of the word, see note on i. 66. enslaved by Caesar. Compare 129, 133. 315. From that it is dispos'd] from

313. thou] Here Cassius uses the that (to which) it is disposed. For familiar " thou " in addressing the the ellipse of the relative compare absent Brutus, whom he addresses II. i. 309, iv. iii. 64.

SC. II.]

JULIUS CiESAR

31

For who so firm that cannot be seduc'd ?

Caesar doth bear me hard ; but he loves Brutus :

If I were Brutus now and he were Cassius,

He should not humour me. I will this night, 320

In several hands, in at his windows throw,

As if they came from several citizens,

Writings all tending to the great opinion

That Rome holds of his name ; wherein obscurely

Caesar's ambition shall be glanced at : 325

And after this let Caesar seat him sure ;

For we will shake him, or worse days endure. [Exit,

317. who so firm that] a blending of two constructions, " who is there that " and " who so firm that he."

318. doth bear me hard] regards me with ill-will, bears me a grudge. The phrase occurs again in II. i. 215, and in ill. i. 157.

319. If 1 were Brutus ; etc.] Johnson is undoubtedly right in his interpret- ation of this passage. The meaning is that, if Brutus and Cassius were to change places and Cassius became the object of Caesar's love, then Cassius would not be perverted from his prin- ciples by Caesar's affection as Brutus was. In the Earl of Stexline's fa lius Casar Cassius regards Caesar's favour as likely to pervert Brutus, and says :

1 F Lest of his favour thou the poison

prove From swallowing of such baits in

time now spare." According to Plutarch, Cassius' friends prayed Brutus to "beware of Caesar's sweet enticements and to fly his tyrannical favours, the which they said Caesar gave him, not to honour his virtue, but to weaken his con- stant mind." Warburton explains the passage as meaning "If I were Brutus and Brutus Cassius, he should not cajole me as I do him." This interpretation, which commends itself

to Craik, Aldis Wright, and Verity, is based on a misconception of the character of Cassius. If we adopt it, we should have to regard Cassius in line 314 as cynically contemplating the perversion of the noble disposition of Brutus, and as recognising his own ignobility. Cassius is not so high minded as Brutus. He is somewhat unscrupulous in his use of means, and his conduct is no doubt partly in- fluenced by personal feelings of envy. But he is not a villain conscious of his villainy like Richard III. {Richard III. 1. i. 30) and Iago {Othello, 1. iii. 399; 11. i. 321). He really has a high opinion of his own uprightness, and regards himself as a true patriot.

321. hands] handwritings, as in Hamlet, IV. vii. 52 : " Know you the hand ? 'Tis Hamlet's character."

324. his name] because a great deal of the honour paid to Brutus was due to his having the same name as the ancient Brutus.

327. worse days] because, as was generally recognised, the failure of a plot against a tyrant made his rule more tyrannical. Hume remarks in his Principles of Morals that tyranni- cide was highly extolled in ancient times, but, ' ' history and experience having since convinced us that this

32 JULIUS CAESAR [act i.

SCENE III.— The Same. A Street

Thunder and lightning. Enter, from opposite sides, CASCA, with his sword drawn, and ClCERO.

Cic. Good even, Casca : brought you Caesar home ?

Why are you breathless ? and why stare you so ?

Casca. Are not you mov'd, when all the sway of earth Shakes like a thing unfirm ? O Cicero ! I have seen tempests, when the scolding winds 5 Have riv'd the knotty oaks ; and I have seen The ambitious ocean swell and rage and foam, To be exalted with the threat'ning clouds : But never till to night, never till now, Did I go through a tempest dropping fire. 10

10. tempest dropping fire] tempest-dropping- fire Ff.

practice increases the jealousy and weight of earth," and, owing to the

cruelty of princes, a Timoleon and close similarity of sound, it was

a Brutus, though treated with in- altered into " the sway of earth."

dulgence on account of the prejudices Compare Virgil, Eclogue iv. 50:

of their times, are now considered as ' - Aspice nutantem convexo pondere

very improper models for imitation." mundum." Another way to under-

Notice the rhymed couplet here at stand the passage is to take " sway "

the end of a scene and in v. v. 80, 81 in the sense of " government," and

at the end of the play. As Abbott understand the meaning to be that

remarks, sec. 515, " Rhyme was often there was such confusion in the earth

used as an effective termination at the that the reign of law was in danger of

end of the scene. When the scenery succumbing to chaos and anarchy,

was not changed, or the arrangements Compare P. L. ii. 896 and 988, where

were so defective that the change was Milton calls chaos an "anarch." not easily perceptible, it was, perhaps, 5. scolding winds'] This supports

additionally desirable to mark that a the reading of the Folio in Othello, II.

scene was finished." i. 12: "The chidden billow seems

„ to pelt the clouds," as against the

Scene III. Quarto << chiding." 1. brought yoii\ did you conduct ? 6. knotty] implies hardness. Com-

3. sway of earth] "the balanced •p&xQTroilusandCressida,i.\\\.^o,&x).d

swing of earth," according to Craik ; 316: " Blunt wedges rive hard knots. " " the whole weight or momentum of 10. a tempest dropping fire] "fires in

this globe," according to Johnson, the element, " North's Plutarch. The

Compare King fohn, II. i. 575 : " The expression vividly suggests showers of

world who of itself is peised well." meteors such as were seen in England

Perhaps Shakespeare wrote "this in November 1866.

SC. III.]

JULIUS CAESAR

33

Either there is a civil strife in heaven,

Or else the world, too saucy with the gods,

Incenses them to send destruction.

Cic. Why, saw you any thing more wonderful ?

Casca. A common slave, you know him well by sight, I 5 Held up his left hand, which did flame and burn Like twenty torches join'd ; and yet his hand, Not sensible of fire, remain'd unscorch'd.

Besides, I ha' not since put up my sword, Against the Capitol I met a lion, Who glaz'd upon me, and went surly by, Without annoying me ; and there were drawn

20

19. hd] Ff, have Capell and later editors. Rowe, gaz'd Malone.

21. g/az'd] Ff, glar'd

14. more wonderful'] than the tempest dropping fire, which the coldly intellectual Cicero regards as a natural phenomenon and not wonder- ful enough to justify Casca's excite- ment. Craik understands "anything more wonderful " to mean "anything more that was wonderful," comparing Coriolanus, IV. vi. 62 :

11 The slave's report is seconded and more, More fearful, is delivered." Abbott, sec. 6, supposes "more wonderful " to have the sense of the Latin comparative and mean " more wonderful than usual."

15. A common slave] in Plutarch ' ' a slave of the soldiers, that did cast a marvellous burning flame out of his hand" and yet was not burnt. A soldier's slave would be a slave of the lowest class. The wonderful character of the portent was increased by the fact that it was manifested by an ordinary slave, not a mysterious stranger, but a man whom Cicero himself happened to know by sight. It has been suggested that Shake- speare meant by "common slave" a public slave attending at one of the

3

public offices, whom Cicero as a public man would know well by sight. This is, however, an unnecessary divergence from the meaning indi- cated by Plutarch's words.

19. ha'] Casca's excitement is indi- cated not only by the naked sword which he had forgotten to return to the scabbard, but also, as Mark Hunter points out, by the contraction of ' ' have. "

20. a lion] is not mentioned in Plutarch's account of the signs and wonders that preceded Caesar's death. There were at the time in Rome many lions, that had been imported for the sports of the amphitheatre. But what probably suggested to Shakespeare the appearance of a lion against the Capitol was the fact that in the Tower of London, the English Capitol (see note on 11. i. no), lions had been kept since the time of Henry I. These lions were regarded with superstitious awe by the people of London.

21. glaz'd] looked fixedly, stared. "Glaze" is still used in this sense in provincial dialects. The English Dialect Dictionary gives ' ' What be 'ee glazin' at ?"

22. annoying] See note on n. i. 160.

34 JULIUS CESAR [acti.

Upon a heap a hundred ghastly women, Transformed with their fear, who swore they saw Men all in fire walk up and down the streets. 25 And yesterday the bird of night did sit, Even at noon-day, upon the market-place, Hooting and shrieking. When these prodigies Do so conjointly meet, let not men say "These are their reasons, they are natural" ; 30 For, I believe, they are portentous things Unto the climate that they point upon.

Cic. Indeed, it is a strange-disposed time :

But men may construe things after their fashion, Clean from the purpose of the things themselves. 3 5 Comes Caesar to the Capitol to-morrow ?

Casca. He doth ; for he did bid Antonius

Send word to you he would be there to-morrow.

Cic. Good night then, Casca : this disturbed sky Is not to walk in.

Casca. Farewell, Cicero. [Exit Cicero. 40

28. Hooting] Johnson ; howting F I, 2, 3 ; houting F 4. 37. Antonius] Antonio Ff.

25. Men all in fire] " Strabo the instruction." The whole passage is an

philosopher writeth that divers men elaborate instance of what Ruskin calls

were seen going up and down in in his Modern Painters the pathetic

fire " {Plutarch). fallacy. For other passages in which

29. Let not men say, etc.] short for poets have expressed the sympathy "Let not men suggest physical ex- between external nature and human for- planations and say such and such are tune, see P. L. ix. 782-784, ICXDI-1003. their reasons, etc." "These" = 32. climate] country, as in Richard " these and these " in 11. i. 31. For II. iv. i. 130.

the general meaning compare Lear, 1. 35. Clean from the purpose] in a

ii. 112: "These late eclipses in the way entirely opposed to their real

sun and moon portend no good to us. meaning. This use of " clean,"

Though the wisdom of nature can which is now colloquial, was common

reason it thus and thus, yet nature in Shakespeare and the Authorised

finds itself scourged by the sequent Version of the Bible, e.g., Psalm

effects"; and Othello,\v. i. 40: "Nature Ixxvii. 8. For "from," see line 64. would not invest herself in such 40. ?wttowalkin] Compare Lear,\ 11.

shadowing passion without some iv. 116: "Anaughtynighttoswimin."

sc.m.] JULIUS CiESAR 35

Enter CASSIUS.

Cas, Who's there?

Casca. A Roman.

Cas. Casca, by your voice.

Casca. Your ear is good. Cassius, what night is this ?

Cas. A very pleasing night to honest men.

Casca. Who ever knew the heavens menace so ?

Cas. Those that have known the earth so full of faults. 45 For my part, I have walk'd about the streets, Submitting me unto the perilous night, And, thus unbraced, Casca, as you see, Have bar'd my bosom to the thunder-stone ; And when the cross blue lightning seem'd to open 50 The breast of heaven, I did present myself Even in the aim and very flash of it.

Casca. But wherefore did you so much tempt the heavens ? It is the part of men to fear and tremble

42. what night is this?] what manner quantum in ipsis fuit Qesarem occi- or kind of night is this ? Casca asks derunt."

Cassius what he thinks of the strange 48. unbraced] See note on n. i. 262. night. For "what" in the sense of 49. thzmder- stone] a stone supposed " what kind of," compare Cymbeline, to fall with destructive effect in thun- IV. ii. 207: " Jove knows what man der-storms, and therefore called in thou mightst have made." Dyce Cymbeline, IV. ii. 271, "the all- alters the note of interrogation into an dreaded thunder-stone." The fossil exclamation point, on the ground that bones, called belemnites (Gr. belem- Casca is "not putting a question, non, a bolt), were supposed to be but uttering an exclamation of sur- thunder-stones.

prise," as Cinna certainly is in line 50. cross] zig-zag, forked, as in

137. In such exclamations "a" may Lear, iv. vii. 35.

be omitted after ' ' what " in Shake- 50. blue] As sulphur burns with a

spearian English, as in Venus and blue flame, "blue" is equivalent to

Adonis, line 1075 : "Alas, poor world, " sulphurous," the epithet applied to

what treasure hast thou lost ! " lightning in Measure for Measure, II.

43. honest men] men of right ii. 115, Lear, ill. ii. 4, and Pericles, political principles, equivalent to boni, in. i. 6. Milton has "thwarting the term applied by Cicero to members thunder blue " {Arcades, 5 1 ), which is of the aristocratic party, as, for in- exactly equivalent to " cross blue stance, when he said " Omnes boni lightning."

36

JULIUS CiESAR

[ACT I.

When the most mighty gods by tokens send 5 5 Such dreadful heralds to astonish us. Cas, You are dull, Casca, and those sparks of life That should be in a Roman you do want, Or else you use not. You look pale, and gaze, And put on fear, and cast yourself in wonder, 60 To see the strange impatience of the heavens ; But if you would consider the true cause Why all these fires, why all these gliding ghosts, Why birds and beasts, from quality and kind — Why old men, fools, and children calculate, 65

64. kind — ] kind Ff. 65. Why old men, fools, and] Ff ; why old men fool and Grant White and later editors.

56. astonish] astound.

57. You are dull] Cassius says this to rouse Casca. His reply to Brutus in ii. 302-307 shows that he did not really suppose Casca to be dull.

59. gaze]\ook with fixed,staring eyes.

60. put on] For the metaphor com- pare ii. 304, Macbeth, III. iv. 105, " Trembling I inhabit," and the passage quoted below from Much Ado About Nothing.

60. cast yourself in wonder] throw yourself into a state of wonder. Compare Psalm lxxvi. 6, " The chariot and horse are cast into a dead sleep," and All 's Well, 11. hi. 222 : "Do not plunge thyself too far in anger." For "in" with verbs of motion, compare the Merchant of

Venice, v. i. 56 : " Let the sounds of music creep in our ears," and see Abbott, sec. 159. Dyce accepts "case," the reading suggested by Mr. Swynfen Jervis, who quotes Much Ado About Nothing, IV. i. 146, "attir'din wonder."

61. impatience] anger, as in 11. i. 248. 64. from quality and kind] Most

commentators understand ' ' are " and explain the line as meaning, "Why birds and beasts act in a way opposed

to their natures," comparing the use of "from " in line 35. It seems better to suppose that the speaker at first intended to say, "Why beasts and birds from quality and kind change to monstrous quality" (cf. 66, 68), but left the clause incomplete owing to change of thought and the interrup- tion due to the next clause. Such breaks of construction are common and natural in excited conversation. Compare 11. i. 115, and Winter's Tale, v. ii. 94, quoted in Abbott, sec. 415. 65. old men, fools] In King John, IV. ii. 185, when five moons appear, " Old men and beldames in the streets Do prophesy upon it danger- ously." Here the prodigies are so awful, that their alarming significance makes not only those who are aged and there- fore wise, but even fools and children prophesy. Another way to interpret the passage is to regard the exhibi- tion of prophetic power by old men as something unnatural. If we take the passage thus, we must think of the last age described in As You Like It, II. vii. 165, when old age reduces men to a state of "second childish-

SC. III.]

JULIUS CAESAR

37

Why all these things change from their ordinance,

Their natures, and preformed faculties,

To monstrous quality, why, you shall find

That heaven hath infus'd them with these spirits

To make them instruments of fear and warning 70

Unto some monstrous state.

Now could I, Casca, name to thee a man

Most like this dreadful night,

That thunders, lightens, opens graves, and roars

As doth the lion in the Capitol, 75

A man no mightier than thyself or me

In personal action, yet prodigious grown

And fearful as these strange eruptions are.

68. why,'] why Ff. 71, 72, 73. Capell makes the metre regular by reading :

Unto some monstrous state. Now could I, Casca, Name thee a man most like this dreadful night. 74. roars] F I ; tears F 2, 3, 4.

ness and mere oblivion." As, how- ever, ripe wisdom is more naturally connected with old age, most editors now read "old men fool" (i.e. think and act foolishly), the reading sug- gested by Mitford, or retaining the original reading, make "old men" subject and "fools" predicate. See Appendix.

67. preformed faculties] the powers with which they were originally en- dowed by nature.

7 1 . monstrous state] unnatural state of affairs. ' ' Monstrous " is repeated from line 68 to mark the correspondence be- tween the signs and the thing signified.

74. That] has ' ' man " for antece- dent. Caesar thundered, lightened, and opened graves like the dreadful night, and roared like the lion. "Thun- ders" and "roars" express the awe inspired by his voice, " lightens," the brightness of his glory indicated in line 1 10. We may compare the descrip-

tion in Aristophanes (Achamians, 531) of how Pericles -fjo-TpaTrreu, ifipdvTa, ZvveKiuKa tt)v 'EXh&da. Shakespeare may have read and remembered the translation in North's Plutarch of the line of Teleclides on the same Pericles : " He thundereth fast and threateneth every state." Compare also P. R. iv. 270, and Matthew Arnold's Tris- tram and fseult, in which we read that Alexander

11 thundered on To die at thirty-five in Babylon." Caesar is hyperbolically described as opening graves, because his name was so great that it might almost call up spirits from the lower world. Compare ii. 145, where Cassius to serve his purpose is depreciating the greatness of Caesar's name.

75. the lion] mentioned in line 20. Although we were not then told that it was roaring, there is no reason why this detail should not now be added.

38 JULIUS CAESAR [act i.

Casca. Tis Caesar that you mean ; is it not, Cassius ? Cas. Let it be who it is : for Romans now 80

Have thews and limbs like to their ancestors ;

But, woe the while ! our fathers' minds are dead,

And we are govern'd with our mothers' spirits ;

Our yoke and sufferance show us womanish. Casca. Indeed, they say the senators to-morrow 85

Mean to establish Caesar as a king ;

And he shall wear his crown by sea and land,

In every place, save here in Italy. Cas. I know where I will wear this dagger then ;

Cassius from bondage will deliver Cassius : 90

Therein, ye gods, you make the weak most strong ;

Therein, ye gods, you tyrants do defeat :

Nor stony tower, nor walls of beaten brass,

Nor airless dungeon, nor strong links of iron,

Can be retentive to the strength of spirit ; 95

But life, being weary of these worldly bars,

Never lacks power to dismiss itself.

If I know this, know all the world besides,

That part of tyranny that I do bear

I can shake off at pleasure. [Thunder still.

Casca. So can 1 : 1 00

So every bondman in his own hand bears

82. woe the while] For the case of proclaimed Empress of India, it was

" while" ( = time), compare in. i. 258. provided that she should not assume

88. save here in Italy'] According to her new title of Empress in England.

Plutarch, Decius Brutus told Caesar 91. Therein] in this way, i.e. by

on the day of the assassination that the giving man the power of ending his

Senate were ready "to proclaim him own life.

king of all the provinces of the em- 93. walls of beaten brass] Compare pire of Rome out of Italy, and that he Horace, Odes, I. xvi. 1, and Love- should wear his diadem in all other lace's well-known lines : places both by sea and land." In " Stone walls do not a prison make, like manner, when the Queen was Nor iron bars a cage."

SC III.]

JULIUS C^SAR

39

The power to cancel his captivity.

Cas. And why should Caesar be a tyrant then ? Poor man ! I know he would not be a wolf But that he sees the Romans are but sheep; 105 He were no lion were not Romans hinds. Those that with haste will make a mighty fire Begin it with weak straws ; what trash is Rome, What rubbish, and what offal, when it serves For the base matter to illuminate 1 1 o

So vile a thing as Caesar ! But, O grief! Where hast thou led me ? I perhaps speak this Before a willing bondman ; then I know My answer must be made : but I am arm'd, And dangers are to me indifferent. 115

Casca. You speak to Casca, and to such a man

That is no fleering tell-tale. Hold, my hand :

102. cancel his captivity'] Henley compares Cymbeline, v. iv. 28 : " take this life And cancel these cold bonds." In both passages the verb "cancel" is used, because "bond," besides meaning a chain, also means a written obligation that may be cancelled.

105. the Romans are but sheep] Compare III. i. 45, 46. Tacitus mentions a tradition that Tiberius, as often as he went out of the Senate, used to cry out in Greek, " How fitted for slavery are these men ! " Compare Lear, 1. ii. 54 : ' ' Aged tyranny, who sways, not as it hath power, but as it is suffered," and for the converse, 3 Henry VI. 11. vi. II-21.

106. hinds] deer. The word also suggests the contemptuous meaning of "servant," "menial," which it bears in Romeo and Juliet, I. i. 73> ' ' heartless hinds. "

108. trash] originally meant twigs,

leaves, and other rubbish such as could be used to light a fire. This original meaning suits the passage well and seems to be intended by Shakespeare, who, in Tempest, I. ii. 8, uses the verb "trash" to ex- press the pruning of trees.

109. offal] is also used in its ori- ginal sense, and means chips and shavings which fall off when wood is cut, and can be conveniently used to light a fire.

114. My answer must be made] I shall be denounced to Caesar and be called upon to give an account of my words.

117. That] See note on ii. 317.

117. Hold, my hand] Some modern editors, following Theobald, omit the comma after ' ' hold " so as to make "hold " govern " hand." Dyce shows that the expression is elliptical, quot- ing from an old play : ' ' Hold thee, George Bettes, there 's my hand and my heart."

40 JULIUS CAESAR [acti.

Be factious for redress of all these griefs, And I will set this foot of mine as far As who goes furthest. Cas. There 's a bargain made. 1 20

Now know you, Casca, I have mov'd already Some certain of the noblest-minded Romans To undergo with me an enterprise Of honourable-dangerous consequence ; And I do know, by this they stay for me 125

In Pompey's porch : for now, this fearful night, There is no stir or walking in the streets ; And the complexion of the element In favour's like the work we have in hand, Most bloody, fiery, and most terrible. 130

124. honourable-dangerous] honourable dangerous Ff. 129. In favour's like'] Johnson ; Is Fauors, like F 1 , 2 ; Is Favours, like F 3, 4 ; IsfeavWous like Rowe ; Is favour 'd like Capell ; It favours like Steevens ; Is Mavors, like Browning. 130. bloody ', fiery] Ff, bloody -fiery Dyce following Walker.

118. Be factious] form a party, a redundant subject, and the resem-

Johnson takes "factious" to mean blance being expressed by " like," as

"active." well as by "favours." Reed's con-

120. who] relative with antecedent jecture is supported by the parallel

understood. passage in Macbeth (11. iii. 66), in

124. honourable - dangerous] See which we find the line: "Some say

note on ii. 85. the earth was feverous and did shake. "

126. Pompey's porch] Plutarch re- Perring, in his Hard Knots in Shake-

lates that "Pompey's porch," one of speare, ingeniously suggests that "h"

the porches round the great stone has been dropped before "is." We

theatre built by Pompey, B.C. 55, should then read " his favour's like, "

was the place where the Senate met, "his" being neuter, as in ii. 123, and

and where Caesar was assassinated on referring either to "complexion" or

the Ides of March. Shakespeare, "element," and take "complexion"

however, makes the Capitol the scene as a noun left absolute owing to

of Caesar's assassination, and utilises change of construction, like Marmion,

Pompey's porch as a meeting- place for II. xix. 18-23, and I. xv. 21 : the conspirators on the stormy night. " His bosom — when he sigh'd

128. element] sky, as in Twelfth The russet doublet's rugged fold Night, 1. i. 26. Could scarce repel its pride."

129. favour] See note on ii. 90. The poet Browning suggested "Is Hunter's reading "it favours like" Mavors, like," i.e. is red and threaten- has a double redundancy, "it" being ing like the planet Mars.

sc. in.] JULIUS CESAR 41

Casca. Stand close awhile, for here comes one in haste. Cas. 'Tis Cinna ; I do know him by his gait : He is a friend.

Enter ClNNA.

Cinna, where haste you so ?

Cin. To find out you. Who 's that ? Metellus Cimber ?

Cas. No, it is Casca ; one incorporate 135

To our attempts. Am I not stay'd for, Cinna ?

Cin. I am glad on 't. What a fearful night is this !

There 's two or three of us have seen strange sights.

Cas, Am I not stay'd for? Tell me.

Cin. Yes, you are.

O Cassius ! if you could 140

But win the noble Brutus to our party —

Cas. Be you content. Good Cinna, take this paper, And look you lay it in the praetor's chair, Where Brutus may but find it ; and throw this In at his window; set this up with wax 145

144. but] Ff, best Hudson.

131. Stand dose] keep yourselves Scotch marriage contracts provision

concealed, as in 3 Henry VI. IV. v. was usually made for children " gif

17: "Stand you thus close to steal ony beis" (if there are any). Skeat

the bishop's deer ? " asks in Notes and Queries ; * * What

134. Metellus Cimber] This con- had a Warwickshire man to do with a

spirator is so called in North's trans- northern plural ? " To this it may be

lation of the Life of Brutus. His replied that the boundaries of the

real name was Tillius Cimber. dialects were not fixed by hard-and-

138. there's] For the plural in "s," fast lines. Even at the present day,

which appears to be a relic of the Scotticisms and northern peculiarities

plural of the old northern dialect in of speech may be found farther south

English, see III. ii. 30, Abbott, sees, than Warwickshire.

333, 335, 336. It is, as might be 144. Where Brutus may but find it]

expected, common in Dunbar and "only taking care to place it so that

Burns. Compare at the end of the Brutus may be sure to find it " (Craik).

Twa Dogs: "There's some excep- But see Abbott, sec. 128, where

tions, man and woman." In old different interpretations are given.

42 JULIUS CiESAll [act i. sc. m.

Upon old Brutus' statue : all this done,

Repair to Pompey's porch, where you shall find us.

Is Decius Brutus and Trebonius there?

Cin. All but Metellus Cimber, and he's gone

To seek you at your house. Well, I will hie, 150 And so bestow these papers as you bade me.

Cas. That done, repair to Pompey's theatre.

[Exit Cinna. Come, Casca, you and I will yet ere day See Brutus at his house : three parts of him Is ours already, and the man entire 155

Upon the next encounter yields him ours.

Casca. O ! he sits high in all the people's hearts : And that which would appear offence in us, His countenance, like richest alchemy, Will change to virtue and to worthiness. 160

Cas. Him and his worth and our great need of him You have right well conceited. Let us go, For it is after midnight ; and ere day We will awake him and be sure of him. [Exeunt.

148. Decius Brutus] The historical i $6. yields] the present used to person meant is Decimus Brutus, express certainty of the future. Corn- North, following Amyot, calls him pare P. L. iv. 965, and Othello, 11. Decius Brutus, and Shakespeare and iii. 276 : " Sue to him again, and the Earl of Sterline repeat the mis- he 's yours. " This usage may be take. As Craik points out, "Decius" accounted for by the fact that in is a gentilitial name, and not, like A.S. there was no distinct form for " Decimus," a praenomen. the future, so that the present was

152. Pompey's theatre] See note used in a future sense.

on 126. 159. countenance] approval.

IS5- ^] See note on 138. But 159. alchemy] Compare ii. 314.

"three parts" may be taken collec- 162. conceited] thought. Compare

tively and regarded as singular in "horrible conceit," Othello, III. iii.

sense. We commonly say, for in- 115. The meaning has become

stance, " Three-fourths of twelve is specialised in a bad sense since

nine." Shakespeare's time.

act ii. sci.] JULIUS CiESAR

43

ACT II

SCENE I. — Rome. Brutus 's Orchard.

Enter BRUTUS.

Bru. What, Lucius ! ho !

I cannot, by the progress of the stars,

Give guess how near to day. Lucius, I say !

I would it were my fault to sleep so soundly.

When, Lucius, Lucius !

when ! Awake, I say ! What,

5

Enter LUCIUS.

Luc. Call'd you, my lord ?

Bru. Get me a taper in my study, Lucius :

When it is lighted, come and call me here. Luc. I will, my lord. Bru. It must be by his death : and for my part,

I know no personal cause to spurn at him,

[Exit. 10

Orchard] is by derivation an ort- geard or enclosure for worts (herbs). In Shakespeare's time the word was not, as it now is, confined to the meaning of fruit garden, but used in a more general sense. Compare in. ii. 255, where "orchards" corre- sponds to "gardens" in North's Plutarch. Here, also, "orchard" means "garden."

1. What, ho !] a shout used to rouse any one. "What "is used alone in the same sense in v. iii. 72.

5. When] elliptical for "When are you coming?" expresses impatience. Compare " Come thou tortoise when," Tempest, 1. ii. 316, and Jacob and Esati, IV. iii. 7, "Come forth : when

Abra ! What, Abra, I say ! " which combines "when" and "what" as exclamations of impatience.

8. come and call me here] come here and call me. An adverbial phrase is similarly misplaced in P. L. ii. 917.

11. no personal cause] no "private grief" (ill. ii. 220). On the con- trary, he had a strong personal cause for gratitude, as Caesar spared his life after Pharsalia and made him Governor of Cisalpine Gaul in 46 and city Praetor in 44 B.C.

11. spurn] which by derivation means kick, usually implies contempt, as here and in in. i. 46. Here it expresses angry opposition under the

44

JULIUS CESAR

[ACT II.

But for the general. He would be crown'd :

How that might change his nature, there's the

question. It is the bright day that brings forth the adder ; And that craves wary walking. Crown him I

that ! I 5

And then, I grant, we put a sting in him, That at his will he may do danger with. The abuse of greatness is when it disjoins Remorse from power; and, to speak truth of

Caesar, I have not known when his affections sway'd 20

15. Crown him! that!'] Crown him that, Ff.

image of a refractory horse, as in King John, III. i. 141 :

"Why thou against the church, our holy mother, So wilfully dost spurn."

12. for the general] for the sake of the general public, for "public reasons" (in. ii. 7). Compare 1. i. 75, and Hamlet, II. ii. 457, "Caviare to the general." The sentence is concluded as if it had begun " I know no cause to spurn at him." For this common form of sense construction compare notes on 125, 127, and III.

i. 47.

14. brings forth] out of its hole.

15. that craves wary walking] the fact that adders are about makes it necessary to guide our footsteps warily.

15. Crown] the uninfiected form of the verb, merely presents the idea for consideration. " That " is in apposi- tion to the idea of crowning, and indi- cates that the speaker is dwelling on the idea. Perring, however, in his Hard Knots in Shakespeare compares III. i. 103 : "Grant that and then is death a benefit," which indicates that " that " may be governed by " grant " understood.

16. we put a sting] Brutus talks as

if the practically absolute power that

Caesar already possessed could not do

any harm unless he had the title of

king. "What is singular enough,"

Plutarch remarks, " while the Romans

endured everything that regal power

could impose, they dreaded the name

of king as destructive of their liberty."

17. do danger] work mischief,

Compare Romeo and Juliet, V. ii. 20 :

' ' the neglecting it

May do much danger."

19. Remorse] pity, as often in Shake- speare, e.g. Macbeth, 1. v. 44 : "Stop up the access and passage to remorse.

20. affections] is here used in a wider sense than that in which we now use the term. It means the feel- ings, as opposed to the reason. In this sense the word is used by Hobbes, who speaks of "anger, envy, fear, pity, and other affections," and by Bishop Butler in his Sert?ions. Thus Brutus means that he does not re- member any occasion on which Caesar allowed himself to be ruled by his feelings rather than by reason. For the wider sense of the term compare 1 Henry IV. in. ii. 30, Henry V. IV. i. no, and Spenser, F. Q. II. iv. 34:

SC. I.]

JULIUS CAESAR

45

More than his reason. But 'tis a common proof,

That lowliness is young ambition's ladder,

Whereto the climber-upward turns his face ;

But when he once attains the upmost round,

He then unto the ladder turns his back, 2 $

Looks in the clouds, scorning the base degrees

By which he did ascend. So Caesar may :

Then, lest he may, prevent. And, since the quarrel

Will bear no colour for the thing he is,

Fashion it thus ; that what he is, augmented, 30

23. climber-upward] cli?nber upward Ff.

" Most wretched man, That to affections does the bridle lend.

Wrath, jealousy, grief, love, this squire have laid thus low."

21. a common proof] a matter of common experience.

22. young ambition 's ladder] Malone compares Daniel's Civil Wars, 1602 :

"The aspirer once attained unto the top Cuts off those means by which himself got up."

26. base degrees] low steps which he now scorns. ' ' Base " combines the ideas of lowness and contempt. For this use of "degree" compare Twelfth Night, ill. i. 134: "I pity you ; that 's a degree to love."

28. prevent] first person plural of the subjunctive used imperatively as "fashion" (line 30), "think" (line 32), "kill" (line 34), "pass"(i. ii. 24), "break" (11. i. 116), and "go" (iv. iii. 223).

28. quarrel] (Lat. querela, com- plaint) ground or principle of op- position. Compare " I could not die anywhere so contented as in the king's company, his cause being just, and his quarrel honourable" {Henry V. iv. i. 133), and Bacon's 29th Essay: "The Turk hath at

hand for cause of war the propagation of his law or sect ; a quarrel that he may always command."

29. Will bear no colour] cannot be justified on the ground of his actual conduct. Compare 2 Henry VI. III. i. 236 : " But yet we want a colour for his death." Coleridge well re- marks that "surely nothing can seem more discordant with our historical preconceptions of Brutus, or more lowering to the intellect of the Stoico- Platonic tyrannicide, than the tenets here attributed to him, the stern Roman Republican, namely, that he would have no objection to a king, or to Caesar, a monarch in Rome, would Caesar but be as good a monarch as he now seems disposed to be." Per- haps Shakespeare was afraid that he might offend his royal patron if he attributed pure republican sentiments to the most attractive character in the play, and therefore represented him here as opposed not to monarchy in the abstract, but only to bad monarchy.

30. Fashion it thus] let us regard it in this light. Brutus here, as in 175-180, is wrongly supposed to be contemplating deliberate hypocrisy. He is really trying to put such a con- struction on the deed as will satisfy his own conscience, and is not think- ing of the opinion of the world.

46 JULIUS CiESAR [act n.

Would run to these and these extremities ; And therefore think him as a serpent's egg Which, hatch'd, would, as his kind, grow mis- chievous, And kill him in the shell.

Re-enter Lucius.

Luc. The taper burneth in your closet, sir. 35

Searching the window for a flint, I found This paper, thus seal'd up ; and I am sure It did not lie there when I went to bed.

[Gives him a letter.

B}'u. Get you to bed again ; it is not day.

Is not to-morrow, boy, the first of March ? 40

Luc. I know not, sir.

Bru. Look in the calendar, and bring me word.

Luc. I will, sir. [Exit

40. first] Ff, ides Theobald and later editors.

31. these and these extremities] "Ides." It is more probably a slip

certain extremes that he has in his of the poet's, traceable to a passage in

mind but does not specify. Compare the life of Brutus in which we read

the use of " these " in I. iii. 30. that Cassius asked Brutus "if he

33. his kind] its species. "His" were determined to be in the Senate is neuter possessive, as in I. ii. House the first day of the month of 123. March, because he heard say that

34. in the shell] Craik well remarks Caesar's friends should move the that "it is impossible not to feel the Council that day, that Caesar should expressive effect of the hemistich here, be called king by the Senate." The line itself is, as it were, killed in Shakespeare, reading this passage, the shell." naturally supposed that it referred to

40. first of March] As is plain the day of the assassination, on which

from the answer of Lucius (line 59), the the Senate had resolved to give a crown

morrow, or rather the day then com- to Caesar (11. ii. 93). He thus from

mencing, for it is evident from 1. iii. his original got two dates mixed up in

163 that it was past midnight, was his mind, and in the hurry of writing

the fifteenth or Ides of March. It is for the stage may have overlooked

therefore generally supposed that the inconsistency, "first" in the Folios is a misprint for

SC. I.]

JULIUS CAESAR

47

Bru. The exhalations whizzing in the air

Give so much light that I may read by them. 45

[Opens the letter. Brutus, thou sleep 'st : awake, and see thyself. Shall Rome, etc. Speak, strike, redress ! " Brutus, thou sleep'st : awake ! " Such instigations have been often dropp'd Where I have took them up. 50

" Shall Rome, etc." Thus must. I piece it out : Shall Rome stand under one man's awe? What,

Rome? My ancestors did from the streets of Rome The Tarquin drive, when he was call'd a king. " Speak, strike, redress ! " Am I entreated 5 5

To speak and strike ? O Rome ! I make thee

promise ; If the redress will follow, thou receiv'st Thy full petition at the hand of Brutus !

52. What, Rome ?] What Rome ? Ff. 56. thee] Fi, 4; the F 2, 3.

44. exhalations] meteors. See note on 1. iii. 10.

48.] This is not the end of the letter, but the beginning repeated as a sub- ject for reflection.

51. piece it out] fill up the gap. Brutus by the uncertain light of the meteors reads only the beginning and end of the letter, and conjectures the rest to be of a tenor similar to the instigations that have been dropt in his way before.

52. stand under one man's awe] be cowed by one man. For the pos- sessive used as an objective genitive, compare Richard II. I. i. 128: "my sceptre's awe."

52. What] expresses surprise and

53. ancestors] Ff, ancestor Dyce.

indignation that Rome should be so servile and submissive.

53. My ancestors] The plural may be justified on the supposition that several members of the Brutus family took part in the expulsion of the Tarquins. Brutus was a plebeian, and not descended from the patrician family to which the old Brutus be- longed. The common name, how- ever, naturally made people believe that the later was descended from the earlier Brutus, and expect that he would emulate the glory of his sup- posed ancestor. To give credit to this belief, a third son was invented for the old Brutus in addition to the two sons whom he executed in their youth

48

JULIUS CiESAR

[ACT II.

Re-enter Lucius.

Luc. Sir, March is wasted fifteen days.

[Knocking within.

Bru. Tis good. Go to the gate : somebody knocks. 60

[Exit Lucius. Since Cassius first did whet me against Caesar, I have not slept.

Between the acting of a dreadful thing And the first motion, all the interim is Like a phantasma, or a hideous dream : 65

The genius and the mortal instruments

59. fifteen] Ff, fourteen Theobald and later editors.

59. wasted] here merely expresses the lapse of time, as perhaps in Othello, 1. iii. 84: "Till now some nine moons wasted."

59. fifteen] As this was the morn- ing of the fifteenth of March, strictly speaking only a little more than fourteen days of the month had run. Therefore most editors alter "fif- teen" into "fourteen." The change is, however, not warranted. Shake- speare merely made Lucius reckon inclusively, as many people still do and as the Romans themselves did in reckoning time, e.g., in the Roman Calendar the thirteenth of March was called the third day before the Ides, although according to our reckoning it is only two days before the Ides or fifteenth of March. Compare Matthew xxvii. 63, and Iliad, ix. 363 as interpreted by Socrates at the be- ginning of the Crito.

63. Between the acting, etc.] Addi- son reproduces the sense of these lines in his Cato, 1. iii. :

"O think what anxious moments pass between The birth of plots and their last fatal periods.

Oh ! 'tis a dreadful interval of

time, Fill'd up with horror all and big

with death."

65. phantasma] an apparition, something horrible and unreal. The Greek termination shows that the word was not perfectly naturalised in Shakespeare's time. Elsewhere Shakespeare uses the Anglicised form "phantasm."

66. genius and the mortal instru- ments] the spirit or mind, and the "corporal agents" {Macbeth, I. vii. 80) by which it carries out its purposes. The key to this difficult passage may be found in lines 175, 176, IV. i. 33, and in Othello, 1. iii. 271, where Othello speaks of his " speculative and active instru- ments, "meaningrespectivelyhisorgans ofthought and action. "Genius" here corresponds to "speculative instru- ments" there, and the "mortal in- struments " of this passage are the "active instruments" spoken of in that passage, which are here dis- tinguished from the genius or mind by their mortality and as being the instruments employed by the mind. The epithet "mortal" shows that

SC. I.]

JULIUS CAESAR

49

Are then in council ; and the state of man, Like to a little kingdom, suffers then The nature of an insurrection.

Re-enter LUCIUS.

Luc. Sir, 'tis your brother Cassius at the door, 70

Who doth desire to see you. Bru. Is he alone ?

Luc. No, sir, there are moe with him. Bru. Do you know them ?

Luc. No, sir ; their hats are pluck'd about their ears,

And half their faces buried in their cloaks,

67. of man,'] F 2, 3, 4 ; of a man, F X. F 2 ; cloaths F 3, 4.

74. cloaks'] cloakes F I ; cloathes

Shakespeare here follows the doc- trine of Aristotle, who denied the immortality of all but the rational soul. The general meaning of the passage is that the mind takes counsel with the active organs by help of which the deed is to be ac- complished. It is no doubt strange to make the bodily organs deliberate, but they are represented as doing so again in Coriolanus, I. i. 105. For "genius" in the sense of "mind" or "spirit" Craik quotes The Comedy of Errors, V. i. 332 :

" One of these men is genius to the other ;

And so of these : which is the natural man

And which the spirit ? "

68. Like to a little kingdom] The comparison between the mind of man and a political state is elaborately worked out in Plato's Republic.

69. insurrection] So in Winter's Tale, I. ii. 355, Leontes contemplat- ing the murder of Polixenes is de- scribed as being "in rebellion with himself." For the civil conflict in the soul of Brutus, see 1. ii. 39. A similar war of contending feelings is

described in Macbeth, in Othello, in the Medea of Euripides, and in the Choephorce of ^Eschylus as preceding the execution of dreadful deeds. Macbeth in describing his state of mind (1. iii. 137) says :

1 ' My thought, whose murder yet is but fantastical, Shakes so my single state of man,

that function Is smothered in surmise," which supports the omission of "a" before "man" in the later Folios.

70. brother] for "brother-in-law." Cassius married Junia, the sister of Brutus.

73. their hats] Ancient Romans of high rank generally went about bare- headed, but they would naturally cover their heads at this early hour of the morning. Suetonius mentions that Nero used a cap as a disguise, when he went incognito through the streets. The ancient Greeks and Romans also sometimes wore a felt hat (petasus), the brim of which could be pulled down over the ears.

74. cloaks] The Romans were in the habit of covering their heads with a portion of their togas. This, how-

50

JULIUS CESAR

[ACT II.

That by no means I may discover them 75

By any mark of favour. Bru. Let 'em enter. [Exit Lucius.

They are the faction. O conspiracy ! Sham'st thou to show thy dangerous brow by night, When evils are most free ? O ! then by day Where wilt thou find a cavern dark enough 80

To mask thy monstrous visage? Seek none,

conspiracy ; Hide it in smiles and affability : For if thou path, thy native semblance on,

83. path, thy] F 2 ; path thy F I, 3, 4 ; hath thy Q (1691) ; march, thy Pope ; put thy Dyce ; hadst thy Grant White ; pace, thy Anon.

ever, could not well be done over a brimmed hat. We must therefore suppose that the conspirators with their togas covered the lower part of their faces.

75. discover] identify.

76. favour] See note on 1. ii. 90.

79. most free] least subject to restriction. Compare the Gospel of John iii. 19.

82. smiles and affability] Compare Lady Macbeth's exhortation to her husband :

" Bear welcome in your eye, Your hand, your tongue : look

like the innocent flower, But be the serpent under it."

83. if thou path, thy native sem- blance on] if thou goest about undis- guised in thy true colours. Many nouns are used as verbs by Shake- speare and other Elizabethan writers, most of them as transitive verbs, but "bench" is intransitive in Lear, III. vi. 40, and "fault" in the Preface to North's Plutarch: "Cannot fault twice." The conditional sentence is irregular, as the verb in the antecedent clause is in the present

subjunctive, while the verb in the consequent is in the past tense. The irregularity is no doubt due to the wish to avoid such an ugly word as "pathed" or "pathedst." Although Steevens quotes examples of "path " used as a verb by Drayton, e.g. in his Polyolbion : ' ' Where from the neighbouring hills her passage Wey doth path," and "unpath'd waters " occurs in Winter's Tale, I v. iv. 578, the commentators are not satisfied with the word. Coleridge proposed to read "put," which is pronounced to be "certainly" right by Walker, and is adopted by Dyce. Grant White suggests "hadst," which is supported by "hath," the reading of the Quarto of 1691. The reading "hadst" would remove the irregularity in the construction of the sentence, as also would " passed," if we may venture to suggest another emendation, slightly altering the read- ing • ' pass " suggested by the author of the Footsteps of Shakespeare.

83. thy native semblance on] Com- pare Taming of the Shrew, iv. i. 51: "Every officer his wedding garment on."

sc.i] JULIUS CiESAR 51

Not Erebus itself were dim enough

To hide thee from prevention. 85

Enter the Conspirators, CASSIUS, CASCA, DECIUS, Cinna, Metellus Cimber, and TREBONIUS.

Cas. I think we are too bold upon your rest :

Good morrow, Brutus ; do we trouble you ? Bru. I have been up this hour, awake all night.

Know I these men that come along with you ? Cas. Yes, every man of them ; and no man here 90

But honours you ; and every one doth wish

You had but that opinion of yourself

Which every noble Roman bears of you.

This is Trebonius. Bru. He is welcome hither.

Cas. This, Decius Brutus.

Bi'u. He is welcome too. 95

Cas. This, Casca; this, Cinna; and this, Metellus

Cimber. Bru. They are all welcome.

What watchful cares do interpose themselves

Betwixt your eyes and night ? Cas. Shall I entreat a word ? 100

[Brutus and Cassius whisper. Dec. Here lies the east : doth not the day break here ?

86. are too bold upon your rest] thy sake, so that thou wilt show thy-

take an undue liberty in thus disturb- self to be the man thou art taken for

ing your rest. and that they hope thou art. "

92. that opinion] Cassius in Plut- 98. watchful cares] Compare 1 17

arch says to Brutus, "Be thou well and I. ii. 9.

assured that at thy hands they specially 101. Here lies the east] This dis-

require as a debt due to them, the cussion as to the exact spot at which

taking away of the tyranny, being the sun will rise fills up the time

fully bent to suffer any extremity for during which Brutus and Cassius

52

JULIUS CESAR

[ACT II.

Casca. No.

Cin. O ! pardon, sir, it doth ; and yon grey lines That fret the clouds are messengers of day.

Casca. You shall confess that you are both de- ceiv'd. 105

Here, as I point my sword, the sun arises, Which is a great way growing on the south, Weighing the youthful season of the year. Some two months hence up higher toward the north

are whispering. Such a discussion at such a time is very natural. Experi- ence shows that men are inclined at a great crisis to relieve their high- wrought feelings by talking of the weather or such indifferent matters.

ioi. doth not the day break here] Compare Marston's Antonio and Mellida, Part I. III. i.:

"Is not yon gleam the shuddering morn that flakes With silver tincture the east verge of heaven ? "

102. No] Notice the characteristic- ally curt negative of the blunt Casca.

104. fret] There are two verbs spelt "fret" in English, which are apt to be confused as they are identi- cal in form ; but one is derived from the old French freter, to interlace ; and the other from the A. S. fretan, to eat. The former verb applied to architecture expresses the ornamenta- tion of lines crossing each other at right angles, and may be used in a wider sense to express ornamental work that variegates cloth, so that the metaphor in the line before us may be regarded as comparing the clouds to a richly embroidered canopy. Compare the use of " lace " in Romeo and Juliet, III. v. 7 : " what envious streaks Do lace the severing clouds in yonder east " ; in which passage the word "sever-

ing " suggests also the other meaning of "fret." The light of morning in both passages seems to be regarded as not only ornamenting, but also as gnawing its way through, breaking through the clouds. See Ruskin's letter recorded in the Transactions of the New Shakspere Society, nth Oct. 1878.

106. Here as] in this direction towards which. Compare the old meaning of " whereas "=" in which place."

107. growing on the south] Here "grow" expresses approach or proximity, not to a condition, but to a place, as in Midstuiimer Night's Dream, 1. ii. 10 : "Read the names of the actors and so grow to a point," and Timon, 11. ii. 227 :

"And nature, as it grows again towards earth, Is fashion'd for the journey, dull and heavy." The sun rises due east at the vernal equinox on 21st March. On the 15th it rises only a little to the south of due east. We must therefore under- stand "a great way" with reference not to due east, but to the point to the north of east, at which the sun rises two months after the 15th March.

108. W^z^w^participleabsolute), when one takes into consideration. The sun rises more to the south in spring than in summer.

sc.i.] JULIUS CAESAR 53

He first presents his fire ; and the high east 1 1 o Stands, as the Capitol, directly here.

Bru. Give me your hands all over, one by one.

Cas. And let us swear our resolution.

Bru. No, not an oath : if not the face of men,

The sufferance of our souls, the time's abuse — 1 1 5

If these be motives weak, break off betimes,

And every man hence to his idle bed ;

So let high-sighted tyranny range on,

Till each man drop by lottery. But if these,

As I am sure they do, bear fire enough 120

To kindle cowards and to steel with valour

The melting spirits of women, then, countrymen,

What need we any spur but our own cause

To prick us to redress ? what other bond

1 14. if not the face] Ff, if that the face Theobald, if that the fate War- burton, if not the faith Mason. 115. abuse — ] abuse ; Ff.

no. the high east] the full or per- natural change of construction,

feet east. High is used in this sense Theobald and Warburton change

in "high time," "high day," and "not " into " that." "high noon." As Wright remarks, 117. idle bed] See 98 and I. i. 4, and

the Tower of London, the English compare "naked bed," "sickbed." counterpart of the Capitol, was due 118. high-sighted tyranny range 011]

east of the old Globe Theatre. The metaphor compares tyranny to a

III. directly here] As he says these hawk ranging through the fields of

words, Casca points his sword in a upper air, and looking down for prey

different direction, due east. from his "watch-tower in the skies."

114. No, not an oath] Plutarch Compare I. i. 78 and ill. i. 270. relates that the conspirators took no 119. by lottery] when his turn

oaths, but does not say that Brutus comes. Brutus supposes that Gesar

dissuaded them from doing so. will renew the proscriptions, and

114. the face of men] their reproach- that all the Roman nobles will be put ful looks. Steevens quotes from to death one after another, whenever Cicero, "Nihil horum ora vultusque they happen to offend the monarch or moverunt ? " become objects of suspicion to him.

115. time's abuse — ] Compare 1. 123. What] why? Compare the iii. 64. The negative conditional Latin quid.

clause is here broken off, and the 124. prick] spur, as in the first meaning is continued in an affirmative line of the Faerie Queene. Compare conditional clause. To avoid this Macbeth. 1. vii. 26.

54

JULIUS CiESAR

[ACT II.

Than secret Romans, that have spoke the word 1 2 5

And will not palter ? and what other oath

Than honesty to honesty engag'd,

That this shall be, or we will fall for it ?

Swear priests and cowards and men cautelous,

Old feeble carrions and such suffering souls 1 30

That welcome wrongs ; unto bad causes swear

Such creatures as men doubt ; but do not stain

The even virtue of our enterprise,

Nor the insuppressive mettle of our spirits,

To think that or our cause or our performance 135

Did need an oath ; when every drop of blood

125. that have spoke the word] Compare the description of a trust- worthy man as one whose "word is his bond." As " that have spoke the word" is equivalent to the participle "having spoken the word," the construction may be regarded as a variation of the participial construc- tion. "Secret Romans that have spoke the word " = the fact that secret Romans have spoken the word. Since a word or the speaking of a word is not the same as a bond or written document, we have here a con- fusion of thought like that in the next question. The sentence goes on as if Brutus had said, " What other pledge" instead of ' ' What other bond. Com- pare notes on line 127 and in. i. 47.

127. honesty to honesty engaged] pledge of honour given by one honourable man to another. As an instance of the Latin participial con- struction, this may be compared to 1. i. 77. As such a pledge of honour is not an oath, we may compare P. L. & 678, 335. and 336 :

' ' What peace can we return, But to our power hostility and hate."

129. Swear] may be either the second person imperative of a transit-

ive verb, or the third person plural of an intransitive verb. There is the same room for doubt with regard to "fall not a tear" in Antony and Cleopatra, III. xi. 69.

129. cautelous] crafty, deceitful. Compare "cautelous baits," Corio- lanus, IV. i. 33.

130. carrions] used contemptuously of men as in Henry V. iv. ii. 39 : " Yon island carrions."

130, 131. such . . . That] See note on 1. ii. 33.

130. suffering] submissive, patient.

133. even] constant, uniform, stead- fast. We may say of Brutus, as Lady Macbeth said of her husband, that what he would highly, that he would holily.

134. insuppressive] indomitable. Many adjectives ending in " ive " and other terminations, which we should only use in an active sense, have a passive sense in Shakespeare. Abbott, sec. 3, quotes "plausive," " uncom- prehensive," " respective, " and "un- expressive." Compare Lycidas, 176.

136. Did need] The past tense may be explained on the ground that some time has elapsed since Cassius ex- pressed his opinion that an oath was necessary. There is, however, a

SC. I.]

JULIUS CiESAR

55

That every Roman bears, and nobly bears,

Is guilty of a several bastardy,

If he do break the smallest particle

Of any promise that hath pass'd from him. 140

Cos, But what of Cicero ? Shall we sound him ?

I think he will stand very strong with us. Casca. Let us not leave him out. Cin. No, by no means.

Met. O ! let us have him, for his silver hairs

Will purchase us a good opinion 145

And buy men's voices to commend our deeds :

It shall be said his judgment rul'd our hands ;

Our youths and wildness shall no whit appear,

But all be buried in his gravity. Bru. O ! name him not ; let us not break with him ; 150

tendency in the English language to use the past tense to express what is not actual, as "It would be a good thing, if he came"; "It is necessary that he should come."

137. nobly dears'] is ennobled by bearing. Compare Henry VIII. IV. i. 90 :

" The rod and bird of peace and all such emblems Laid nobly on her."

138. several] redundant after the distributive "every."

139. smallest particle] This is in accordance with the Stoic doctrine that the smallest is as bad as the greatest transgression of a moral law.

144. silver hairs] Cicero was only sixty-two years old in B.C. 44, but men aged more rapidly in ancient Rome and in Elizabethan England than they do now.

145. purchase] and "buy" in the next line show that, though ' ' silver " is here used to express colour, the poet is also thinking of silver as a

precious metal, and makes Metellus Cimber commit the fallacy of am- biguous middle. Compare the similar confusion of thought in Maud, lines 11,12:

" And out he walk'd when the

wind like a broken worldling

wail'd, And the flying gold of the ruin'd

woodlands drove through the

air " ; and Macbeth, 1. vii. 32 : "I have bought golden opinions."

145. a good opinion] This was the motive which induced Cassius to make such great efforts to enlist Brutus in the conspiracy.

147. shall] See note on ill. i. 212.

148. Our youths] The plural of the abstract term is here used because the youth of many men is spoken of.

150. break with him] communi- cate the plot to him. Compare 1 Henry IV. III. i. 144 : " Break with your wives of your departure hence."

56 JULIUS C^SAR [act ii.

For he will never follow any thing That other men begin.

Cas. Then leave him out.

Casca. Indeed he is not fit.

Dec. Shall no man else be touch'd but only Caesar ?

Cas. Decius, well urg'd. I think it is not meet, 155

Mark Antony, so well belov'd of Caesar, Should outlive Caesar : we shall find of him A shrewd contriver ; and, you know, his means, If he improve them, may well stretch so far As to annoy us all ; which to prevent, 1 60

Let Antony and Caesar fall together.

Bru. Our course will seem too bloody, Caius Cassius, To cut the head off and then hack the limbs, Like wrath in death and envy afterwards ;

151.] Plutarch says that Cicero was speare, especially after negative parti -

not invited to join the conspiracy, ciples as "unwhipt of justice," Lear,

because his old age and timidity ill. ii. 53.

would make him shrink from bold 158. shrewd contriver] mischievous

and rapid action. This is perhaps plotter. Compare Bacon's remark

implied in Brutus's rejection of Cicero, that "an ant is a wise creature for

As a consular, Cicero was offered the itself, but it is a shrewd thing in an

command of the army at Pharsalia orchard or garden," and As You Like

after Pompey's flight. He could //, I. i. 151, "a secret and villanous

hardly take a subordinate position, contriver."

even if his vanity would have allowed 159. improve them] turn them to

him to do so, and by his old age and account, take full advantage of. I.

timidity he was ill fitted to be the Schmidt compares :

leader of a desperate conspiracy. " How doth the little busy bee

153. he is not Jit] Contrast 143. Improve each shining hour."

This is such an extraordinarily sudden 160. annoy] injure, as in I. iii. 22.

change of opinion on Casca's part, Compare the use of the noun in

that Hanmer assigns the remark to Richard J II. V. iii. 156: " the boar's

Decius. A similar inconsistency has annoy." This stronger sense is found

been already noted in the second in P. L. vi. 369 :

scene of the first act between Casca's " Nor stood unmindful Abdiel to

excessive deference to Caesar, when annoy

Caesar is present, and the contempt- The Atheist crew. "

uous way in which he speaks of Caesar 164. Like wrath in death] it would

behind his back. then seem that the killing of Caesar

J56. of] expresses agency in Shake- was prompted by personal anger, and

SC. I.]

JULIUS CAESAR

57

For Antony is but a limb of Caesar. 165

Let us be sacrificers, but not butchers, Caius.

We all stand up against the spirit of Caesar ;

And in the spirit of men there is no blood :

O ! that we then could come by Caesar's spirit,

And not dismember Caesar. But, alas ! 1 70

Caesar must bleed for it. And, gentle friends,

Let 's kill him boldly, but not wrathfully ;

Let's carve him as a dish fit for the gods,

Not hew him as a carcass fit for hounds :

And let our hearts, as subtle masters do, 175

Stir up their servants to an act of rage,

And after seem to chide 'em. This shall make

that even after his death the conspira- tors hated Caesar. " Envy" is used in the sense of the Latin invidia, hatred.

166.] Compare Othello, V. ii. 63 : " O perjured woman ! thou dost stone my heart, And mak'st me call what I intend

to do A murder which I thought a sacrifice." Othello, like Brutus, killed one whom he loved, and was actuated to do the deed by general principles of right. Both of them hated the sin, while they loved the sinner, and both wished to preserve the calm feelings of sacrificing priests instead of acting like murderers actuated by hate and anger.

173. carve] Mr. Justice Madden in his Diary of Master William Silence finds in this passage an allusion to the practice of hunters, with whom it was an article of faith that ' ' the carcase of the hart should not be thrown rudely to the hounds as the fox, the marten, or the gray, but should be reverently disposed of." The cere- monious cutting up of the deer here

expressed by the verb H carve," as opposed to " hew," was called in the language of the chase the breaking up or brittling of the deer. Compare the extract from Scott given in the note on in. i. 206. In the end Brutus' idea of killing Csesar reverently and with dignified composure was not realised. See v. i. 40-44. Plutarch says that Csesar "was hackled and mangled among them, as a wild beast taken of hunters."

1 76. their servants] See note on 66.

177. seem to chide"] Thus Shake- speare makes King John chide Hubert for the supposed murder of Arthur, although he had himself incited Hubert to commit the murder. Com- pare also the conduct of Bolingbroke in the last scene of Richard II., and in history Elizabeth's exhibition of grief and indignation after the death of Mary, Queen of Scots. See Appendix.

177. this shall ?nake] if we act thus, we shall do the deed not in a spirit of personal hatred, but animated by the deliberate conviction that it is neces- sary. Craik, following Collier's MS. annotator, reads "mark." But

58 JULIUS CiESAR [act ii.

Our purpose necessary and not envious ;

Which so appearing to the common eyes,

We shall be call'd purgers, not murderers. 1 80

And for Mark Antony, think not of him ;

For he can do no more than Caesar's arm

When Caesar's head is off.

Cas. Yet I fear him ;

For in the ingrafted love he bears to Caesar —

Bru. Alas ! good Cassius, do not think of him : 185

If he love Caesar, all that he can do Is to himself, take thought and die for Caesar : And that were much he should ; for he is given To sports, to wildness, and much company.

Treb. There is no fear in him ; let him not die ; 1 90

For he will live, and laugh at this hereafter.

[Clock strikes.

Bru. Peace ! count the clock.

Cas. The clock hath stricken three.

" make " is preferable, for here Brutus than can be naturally expected of

is trying to inspire his associates with him.

the highest motives. It is only inci- 190. There is no fear in Aim]

dentally in lines 179, 180 that he Trebonius was a friend of Antony's,

thinks of the construction that will be He therefore wishes to save his life,

put on their action by the world. and is employed to keep him out of

184. ingrafted] deep-rooted in his the way at the time of the assassina-

soul. Cassius is probably going to tion.

point out that Antony's love for 191. laugA at this Aereafter] Com-

Csesar will be a sufficient stimulus to pare v. i. 118 and Richard III. ill. ii.

rouse him to energetic action, but 57 : " But I shall laugh at this a

Brutus will not let him finish his twelvemonth hence." The prophecy

sentence. of Trebonius is fulfilled, but not in

187. tAougAt] as opposed to effect- the way that he intended. No doubt ive action. Steevens compares Antony Antonius afterwards laughed at the and Cleopatra, III. xiii. I, where after folly of the conspirators in sparing Actium Enobarbus tells Cleopatra him, who was destined to be Gesar's that there is nothing else to do but avenger.

" think and die." 192. TAe clock AatA stricke?i tAree]

188. were mucA Ae sAould] would The Romans had dials and water- be much for him to do, i.e. is more clocks, but no clocks that struck the

SC. I.]

JULIUS CAESAR

59

Treb. Tis time to part.

Cas. But it is doubtful yet

Whether Caesar will come forth to-day or no For he is superstitious grown of late, Quite from the main opinion he held once Of fantasy, of dreams, and ceremonies. It may be, these apparent prodigies, The unaccustom'd terror of this night, And the persuasion of his augurers, May hold him from the Capitol to-day.

Dec. Never fear that : if he be so resolv'd,

I can o'ersway him ; for he loves to hear That unicorns may be betray'd with trees,

195

200

hours. Shakespeare commits a further anachronism in the measurement of time. The Romans counted their hours from sunrise to sunset, each twelfth part of the interval being an hour. Therefore, as the dawn was hardly discernible in line 10 1, at this point, according to the Roman reckon- ing, the first hour can hardly have begun. It would appear from line 221 that the sun has not yet risen. Shakespeare evidently means three o'clock in the morning according to our reckoning.

196. Quite from] in a way entirely opposed to what was formerly his general opinion on these subjects. For this use of "main" compare Henry VIII. IV. i. 31 :

" By the main assent Of all these learned men she was divorced."

196. held once] For Csesar's super- stition, see 1. ii. 6-9.

197. fantasy] imagination produc- ing prophetic spectres in the brain. See note on line 231.

197. ceremonies] See note on ii. 13.

198. apparent] From V. i. 78, it would appear that "apparent" here has its later meaning "seeming," as opposed to real. We may suppose that in 1. iii. 69-71 Cassius pretended a belief in the prodigies to suit his purpose.

199. unaccustomd] hypallage for "unusual." The word is used thrice in this sense in Romeo and Juliet. Compare "unacquainted change," King John, in. iv. 166, and "un- exempt condition" (condition from which no one is exempt), Comus, 685.

202. Never] is here merely a strong negative and has no temporal sense. Compare the use of numquam with hodie in Virgil, ALneid, ii. 670, and Eclogue, iii. 49, and the Vicar of Wakefield's "Never falter, man," addressed to Mr. Burchell.

204. with trees] Spenser in the Faerie Queene, II. v. 10, describes how a unicorn, charging a lion stand- ing in front of a tree, misses the lion, which slips aside, and fixes its horn so firmly in the tree that it is at the mercy of its enemies.

60 JULIUS CAESAR [act ii.

And bears with glasses, elephants with holes, 205

Lions with toils, and men with flatterers ;

But when I tell him he hates flatterers,

He says he does, being then most flattered.

Let me work ;

For I can give his humour the true bent, 2 1 o

And I will bring him to the Capitol. Cas. Nay, we will all of us be there to fetch him. Bru. By the eighth hour : is that the uttermost ? Cin. Be that the uttermost, and fail not then. Met. Caius Ligarius doth bear Caesar hard, 2 1 5

Who rated him for speaking well of Pompey :

I wonder none of you have thought of him. Bru. Now, good Metellus, go along by him :

He loves me well, and I have given him reasons ;

Send him but hither, and I'll fashion him. 220

Cas. The morning comes upon 's : we '11 leave you, Brutus.

And, friends, disperse yourselves ; but all remember

215. hard] F I ; hatred F 2, 3, 4.

205. with glasses] Shakespeare may and how mirrors are used in hunting

have derived his information from tigers or leopards,

a passage in Maplet's Green 209. work] work him, exert my

Forest, published in 1567, which influence on him.

is quoted by Beeching : "And 210. true bent] the proper direction,

the same (Pliny) saith also that 213. eighth hour] See note on 192.

there is another way that some 215. bear Ccesar hard] See note on

huntsmen beguile her (the tiger) I. ii. 318.

with, as to bestrew and spread 216. rated him] According to

in the way glass, by the which she Plutarch, Ligarius was accused of

coming and espying her own shadow taking part with Pompey and dis-

represented, weeneth through such charged by Caesar. This, however,

sight that these were of her young." did not prevent him from hating

Shakespeare perhaps remembered Caesar on account of the tyrannical

the passage imperfectly and thought power that he exercised,

that it referred to bears. 218. by him] past his house, so

205. holes] concealed pits into that you may visit him on the way.

which they fall. Somerville in the 220. fashion] = "work " in 1. ii.

third book of his Chase describes how 161. Compare 209. elephants are captured by pitfalls,

SC. I.]

JULIUS CiESAR

61

What you have said, and show yourselves true Romans. Bru. Good gentlemen, look fresh and merrily ;

Let not our looks put on our purposes, 225

But bear it as our Roman actors do, With untir'd spirits and formal constancy : And so good morrow to you every one.

[Exeunt all but Brutus. Boy ! Lucius ! Fast asleep ? It is no matter ; Enjoy the honey-heavy dew of slumber : 230

Thou hast no figures nor no fantasies

230. honey-heavy dew] hony -heavy -Dew Ff, heavy honey-dew Collier.

224. fresh and merrily] freshly and merrily. So in the Merchant of Venice, II. i. 46, "blest or cursed'st =most blest or most cursed. For the way in which prefixes and suffixes can be understood from one word and attached to another, see note on i. 1. 26.

225. Let not, etc.] let our looks conceal our purposes and not reveal them by their external appearance.

226. JRoman actors] Compare Mas- singer's Roman Actor and Beaumont and Fletcher's Double Marriage, Act I. ii., where the heroine says :

' ' Father, this is a glorious stage of

murder ! Here are fine properties too, and

such spectators As will expect good action ! To

the life Let us perform our parts."

227. formal constancy] dignity and firmness. Compare 299 and in. i. 22.

230. honey -heavy dew] Sleep is often compared to dew on account of the softness of its falling on the eyes. Compare sEneid, v. 854, Richard III. iv. i. 84, "golden dew of sleep," P. L. iv. 614, "the timely dew of sleep," and Keble's evening hymn,

"the soft dews of kindly sleep." The epithet "honey-heavy" adds the idea of soundness and sweetness. Perhaps also soporific power may have been attributed to honey on the strength of AZneid, vi. 420. It is possible that Shakespeare may have intended "honey-heavy dew" to be equivalent to "honey dew," the name of the sweet moisture that is found on the leaves of plants in the early morn- ing. It is really secreted from the plants, but was supposed to be a kind of dew. Honey-dew is mentioned in Coleridge's Ktibla Khan and in Titus Andronicus, ill, i. in :

" Then fresh tears Stood on her cheeks, as doth the

honey-dew Upon a gathered lily almost withered." With the compound "honey-heavy" compare " thought - sick, " Hamlet, in. iv. 51, " fancy-free," M. IV. D. 11. i. 164, and other compounds given in Abbott, sec. 430.

231. Thou hast, etc.] Compare the contrast drawn by Henry IV. between himself and the wet sea-boy in 2 Henry IV. II. i.

231. figures] spectres produced by

62

JULIUS CESAR

[ACT II.

Which busy care draws in the brains of men ; Therefore thou sleep's t so sound.

Enter PORTIA.

For. Brutus, my lord !

Bru. Portia, what mean you ? Wherefore rise you now ? It is not for your health thus to commit 235

Your weak condition to the raw cold morning.

For. Nor for yours neither. You 've ungently, Brutus, Stole from my bed ; and yesternight at supper You suddenly arose, and walk'd about, Musing and sighing, with your arms across, 240 And when I ask'd you what the matter was, You star'd upon me with ungentle looks. I urg'd you further ; then you scratch'd your head, And too impatiently stamp'd with your foot ; Yet I insisted, yet you answer'd not, 245

But with an angry wafture of your hand,

246. wafture] Rowe, wafter Ff.

in North's Plutarch. The spelling in the text is, however, probably Shake- speare's spelling, as the name is so spelt in the Merchant of Venice ', I. i. 166, where Portia, the heroine of that play, is declared to be "nothing undervalued to Cato's daughter, Brutus' Portia."

240. your arms across] Por this attitude of melancholy musing, com- pare Lucrece, 793, Love's Labour's Lost, iv. hi. 135, Tempest, 1. ii. 224, and Beaumont and Fletcher's Phil- aster, 11. i. :

" If it be love To sit cross-armed and sigh away the day."

246. wafture] act of waving. Com- pare the use of the verb in the Polio of Hamlet, 1. iv. 61 : "It wafts you to a more removed ground" — i.e. it beckons you with a wave of the hand.

the imagination, as in Merry Wives of Windsor, iv. ii. 231 : " If it be but to scrape the figures out of your hus- band's brain." The verb "figure" means "imagine" in Measure for Measure, I, ii. 53 : " Thou art always figuring diseases in me." Macbeth's visionary dagger, Clarence's dream, and the spectres that Shakespeare represents as appearing to Richard III. before his last battle, are in- stances of figures drawn in the brains of men by care.

231. nor no] For the double nega- tive in this line and in 237, see Abbott, sec. 406.

233. Brutus, my lord!] The dia- logue between Brutus and Portia is closely imitated in the opening scene of Beaumont and Fletcher's Double Marriage.

234. Portia] is correctlyspelt Porcia

sci.] JULIUS CESAR 63

Gave sign for me to leave you. So I did, Fearing to strengthen that impatience Which seem'd too much enkindled, and withal Hoping it was but an effect of humour, 250

Which sometime hath his hour with every man. It will not let you eat, nor talk, nor sleep, And could it work so much upon your shape As it hath much prevail'd on your condition, I should not know you, Brutus. Dear my lord, 255 Make me acquainted with your cause of grief.

Bru. I am not well in health, and that is all.

For. Brutus is wise, and, were he not in health, He would embrace the means to come by it.

Bru. Why, so I do. Good Portia, go to bed. 260

For. Is Brutus sick, and is it physical

To walk unbraced and suck up the humours

251. his] See note on I. ii. 123. 261. sick] This wider use of " sick "

252. //] refers to " impatience " in survives in Ireland, America, and 248. India, and in such expressions as ' 'sick

254. condition] state of mind, bed," "sick nurse."

Compare Desdemona's remarks on 261. physical] good for the health,

the change in her husband : as in Coriolanus, I. v. 19.

"My lord is not my lord; nor 262. unbraced] Here, as in I. ii.

should I know him, 266, iii. 48, Shakespeare gives his

Were he in favour as in humour Romans the Elizabethan doublet.

altered" {Othello, III. iv. 125). Compare Hamlet, II. i. 78: "Lord

For the meaning of "condition" Hamlet with his doublet all un-

compare "the condition of a saint" braced." The doublet could be

(Merchant of Venice, 1. ii. 143). In loosened or tightened, when the

236, "condition" meant "state of wearer wished to be warmer or colder,

bodily health." Here it expresses by means of laces. Murray quotes

"state of mind." from Palsgrave (1530), "I will lace

255. Dear my lord] See Abbott, my doublet for taking of cold." The sec. 13. Romans wore nothing closely corre-

257. that is all] Here the virtue of sponding to the doublet. Under the

Brutus does not prevent him from toga they wore a tunic, which was

telling a lie, as Portia proves by her like a shirt ; but the Roman tunic

reply, in which is implied an ordinary does not appear to have been capable

syllogism followed by a conjunctive of being tightened or loosened by

syllogism of the modus tollens. means of laces or buttons.

259. come by it] obtain health.

64 JULIUS C^SAR [act ii.

Of the dank morning ? What ! is Brutus sick,

And will he steal out of his wholesome bed

To dare the vile contagion of the night, 265

And tempt the rheumy and unpurged air

To add unto his sickness ? No, my Brutus ;

You have some sick offence within your mind,

Which, by the right and virtue of my place,

I ought to know of; and, upon my knees, 270

I charm you, by my once-commended beauty,

By all your vows of love, and that great vow

Which did incorporate and make us one,

That you unfold to me, your self, your half,

Why you are heavy, and what men to-night 275

Have had resort to you ; for here have been

Some six or seven, who did hide their faces

Even from darkness.

Bru. Kneel not, gentle Portia.

Por. I should not need, if you were gentle Brutus.

Within the bond of marriage, tell me, Brutus, 280 Is it excepted I should know no secrets

263. dank'] F I ; dark F 2, 3, 4. 271. charm'] Ff, charge Pope. 279. gentle Brutus] Ff, gentle, Brutus Staunton.

266. rheumy] apt to cause rheum quotes for this use of the word, (a mucous discharge from lungs and Moufet's Silkworms, 1 599 :

nost"ls)- , , . ., ... . . "She Pyram drench'd and then

268. you have, etc.] the illness with thus charms,

which you are troubled is mental , g k } 5 k how h

Compare " stenle curse, in 9, and £ ^ ^ ^ ? ,'„

the use of "offend" in Othello, 111. v

iv. 52 : "I have a salt and sorry 273. incorporate] Compare Matt.

rheum offends me." xix. 5: "And they twain shall be

271. r/zarw] adjure, solemnly charge, one flesh."

As the verb "conjure" means both 274. half] Compare the now col-

" enchant" and "adjure," Shake- loquial "better half," which occurs

speare takes the liberty of making in Sidney's Arcadia.

" charm," which is equivalent only to 275. heavy] depressed with sadness.

the former meaning, express also the Compare "heavy-sad," Richard II.

latter meaning of "conjure." Murray II. ii. 30,

sc.i.] JULIUS CiESAR 65

That appertain to you ? Am I yourself But, as it were, in sort or limitation, To keep with you at meals, comfort your bed, And talk to you sometimes ? Dwell I but in the suburbs 285

Of your good pleasure ? If it be no more, Portia is Brutus' harlot, not his wife.

Bru. You are my true and honourable wife, As dear to me as are the ruddy drops That visit my sad heart. 290

For. If this were true, then should I know this secret. I grant I am a woman, but withal A woman that Lord Brutus took to wife ; I grant I am a woman ; but withal A woman well reputed, Cato's daughter. 295

Think you I am no stronger than my sex, Being so father'd and so husbanded ? Tell me your counsels, I will not disclose 'em. I have made strong proof of my constancy, Giving myself a voluntary wound 300

Here, in the thigh : can I bear that with patience, And not my husband's secrets?

295. reputed,] reputed: Ff, reputed Warburton.

282. yourself] another way of say- 289. ruddy drops'] Gray is indebted ing that husband and wife are one. to this passage for a well-known line See 273. in his Bard: " Dear as the ruddy

283. in sort or limitation] in a drops that warm my heart." particular way, or not entirely accord- 297. father1 d . . . husbanded] Com ing to the full meaning of the words, pare the use of " woman'd " in Othello, Possibly the true reading may be in. iv. 200, and for other instances "sort of limitation." of passive participles formed from

285. suburbs] an allusion to the nouns, see Abbott, sec. 294.

fact that women of bad character 299. made strong proof ] proved my lived in the suburbs of London. firmness by the severest test.

286. good pleasure] affection. 299, constancy] See 227.

5

66

JULIUS CiESAR

[ACT II.

Bru. O ye gods !

Render me worthy of this noble wife.

[Knocking within. Hark, hark ! one knocks. Portia, go in awhile ; And by and by thy bosom shall partake 305

The secrets of my heart. All my engagements I will construe to thee, All the charactery of my sad brows. Leave me with haste. [Exit Portia.

Lucius, who 's that knocks ?

Re-enter LUCIUS with LlGARlUS.

Luc. Here is a sick man that would speak with you. 3 1 o Bru. Caius Ligarius, that Metellus spake of. Boy, stand aside. Caius Ligarius ! how ?

305. thy] The change to the singular pronoun indicates how deeply his heart is moved by the revelation of his wife's devotion. We are not told when the promise now made was ful- filled. At the end of the scene Brutus goes out with Ligarius, appar- ently to the Capitol, so that he has no opportunity of speaking again to his wife before Caesar's death. Nevertheless, in Scene iv. Portia evidently knows the object of the conspiracy.

307. construe] goes so much better with "charactery," that its govern- ment of "engagements" maybe re- garded as an instance of zeugma. The peculiarity of the instance is that the verb suits the more distant object and suggests another verb, " tell," to go with the nearer one. It is, how- ever, to be expected that a poet who composed rapidly, and whose mind was so crowded with thoughts, should often think in advance of what he was actually writing. Compare II. i. 8.

308. charactery of my sad brows]

His sad brows are regarded as sym- bols which have to be construed or interpreted by revealing the thoughts which they express. For charactery as a collective term for symbols com- pare Merry Wives y v.v.77: " Fairies use flowers for their charactery." For the idea I. Schmidt compares Mac- beth, I. v. 63 :

' ' Your face, my thane, is as a book, where men May read strange matters." Compare also Lucrece, 807 :

" The light will show character'd in my brow The story of sweet chastity's decay." 309. knocks'] has for subject the relative pronoun understood. Com- pare I. iii. 138.

311. Caius] is given by Plutarch as the praenomen of this conspirator, although his real praenomen was Quintus. Plutarch represents Caesar as visiting him in his sickroom.

312. how?] an expression of sur- prise at seeing how ill he looked. As

SC. I.]

JULIUS CAESAR

67

Lig. Vouchsafe good morrow from a feeble tongue. Bru. O ! what a time have you chose out, brave Caius,

To wear a kerchief ! Would you were not sick ! 315 Lig. I am not sick if Brutus have in hand

Any exploit worthy the name of honour. Bru. Such an exploit have I in hand, Ligarius,

Had you a healthful ear to hear of it. Lig. By all the gods that Romans bow before,

I here discard my sickness. Soul of Rome !

Brave son, deriv'd from honourable loins !

Thou, like an exorcist, hast conjur'd up

My mortified spirit. Now bid me run,

And I will strive with things impossible ;

320

325

313, 316, 320, 328, 331. Lig.] Cai. Ff.

Brutus had sent for him (line 220), he could not be surprised to see him.

313. Vouchsafe} which generally means "deign to grant," here means "deign to receive." Compare King John, in. i. 294 : " Our prayers come in, if thou vouchsafe them."

315. wear a kerchief] be ill. Com- pare such expressions as ' ' trail a pike " ( = be a soldier) in Henry V. IV. i. 40. Fuller relates that in Cheshire 1 ' if any there be sick, they make him a posset and tie him a kerchief on his head." "Kerchief" has always in Shakespeare the meaning of the French word couvrechef (covering for the head), from which it is derived.

316. / am not sick] Here and in the answer of Brutus we have the subjunctive mood in the conditional clause, and the indicative in the prin- cipal clause. The irregularity must be explained differently in the two cases. In the first case the principal clause is a true consequent. Ligarius means that he is to all intents and purposes not sick, that he can act with the vigour of a healthy man, if

Brutus has any honourable deed for him to do. But by a change of thought he uses the subjunctive in the conditional clause to indicate that he can hardly venture to hope that Brutus has such a deed for him to do. We may therefore compare with this the conditional sentence in in. ii. 87. In the reply of Brutus, on the contrary, the principal clause is not a true con- sequent. The true consequent is not that Brutus has such an exploit in hand, for that is absolutely true, but that Ligarius might take part in the exploit. We may therefore compare with this sentence, iv. 28, 29, Virgil's " Numeros memini, si verba tenerem " and 2 Henry IV. V. ii. 66 :

" I am assured, if I be measured

rightly, Your majesty hath no just cause

to hate me " ; where the true consequent is "your majesty would see that your majesty has no just cause to hate me." See also ii. 92.

324. mortified'] dead. Ligarius thinks that the words of Brutus are

68 JULIUS CJESAR [act *

Yea, get the better of them. What 's to do ? Bru. A piece of work that will make sick men whole. Lig. But are not some whole that we must make sick ? Bru. That must we also. What it is, my Caius,

I shall unfold to thee, as we are going 330

To whom it must be done. Lig. Set on your foot,

And with a heart new-fir'd I follow you,

To do I know not what ; but it sufficeth

That Brutus leads me on. Bru. Follow me then. [Exeunt.

SCENE II. — The Same. Ccesar's House.

Thunder and lightning. Enter C^SAR, in his night-gown.

Cces. Nor heaven nor earth have been at peace to-night : Thrice hath Calpurnia in her sleep cried out, " Help, ho ! they murder Caesar ! " Who 's within ?

330. going} Craik, going, Ff.

such as might "create a soul be- c

neath the ribs of death. " ^cene n'

326. get the better of them] achieve night-gown] a loose undress gown them. worn, not in bed, but out of bed, as

327. make sick men whole] heal is evident from Macbeth, v. i. 5 : "I them. have seen her rise from her bed,

328. make sick] a euphemism for throw her night-gown upon her." "kill." The Elizabethan night-gown was

331. To whom it must be done] on rather a dressing-gown than a night- the way to him against whom our shirt, and might be of considerable action has to be directed. "To value, like the "night-gown furred whom" is elliptical for "to him to with lamb (lambskin) and faced with whom." Compare s&neid, ii. 648, foynes (fur of the foin or beech - ex quo = "ex eo tempore in quo." marten)," bequeathed by a London

334. Brutus leads me on. This is citizen in 1580. another proof of the influence of the 3. Help, ho] Compare the ominous high character of Brutus. dreams of Andromache in Troilus and

Cressida, v. iii.

sen.] JULIUS CJESAR 69

Enter a Servant.

Serv. My lord !

Cces. Go bid the priests do present sacrifice, 5

And bring me their opinions of success. Serv. I will, my lord. [Exit.

Enter Calpurnia.

Cat. What mean you, Caesar? Think you to walk forth ?

You shall not stir out of your house to-day. Cces. Caesar shall forth : the things that threaten'd me 10

Ne'er look'd but on my back ; when they shall see

The face of Caesar, they are vanished. Cal. Caesar, I never stood on ceremonies,

Yet now they fright me. There is one within,

Besides the things that we have heard and seen, 1 5

Recounts most horrid sights seen by the watch.

A lioness hath whelped in the streets;

5. do present sacrifice] offer sacrifice ' ' Calpurnia, until that time, was never immediately. given to any fear or superstition."

6. their opinions of success] whether 16. Recounts] The relative is under- they think the sacrifice favourable or stood. Compare I. iii. 138.

not. In Shakespeare's time "success " 16. horrid sights] Compare Georgics,

was a neutral term meaning "result," i. 465-488, where Virgil gives an ac-

so that Ascham in his Schoolmaster count of the prodigies that occurred

can speak of "good or ill success." at the time of Caesar's death; and

10. shall forth] See note on 1. i. 1. Hamlet, 1. i. :

10. me] For the sudden change of "In the most high and palmy

person, compare IV. iii. 98. state of Rome,

12. are vanished] Compare I. iii. A little ere the mighty Julius fell, 156. The graves stood tenantless, and

13. stood on ceremonies] attached the sheeted dead

much importance to ceremonies. Did squeak and gibber in the

Calpurnia is thinking of the cere- Roman streets :

monies practised by the augurs and As stars with trains of fire and

other soothsayers when they inter- dews of blood,

preted sacrifices and prodigies. Com- Disasters in the sun."

pare i. 197. Plutarch relates that 16. the watch] the watchmen.

70

JULIUS CESAR

[ACT II.

And graves have yawn'd and yielded up their dead ;

Fierce fiery warriors fight upon the clouds

In ranks and squadrons and right form of war, 20

Which drizzled blood upon the Capitol ;

The noise of battle hurtled in the air,

Horses did neigh, and dying men did groan,

And ghosts did shriek and squeal about the streets.

O Caesar ! these things are beyond all use, 2 5

And I do fear them.

What can be avoided Whose end is purpos'd by the mighty gods ? Yet Caesar shall go forth; for these predictions

Cces.

19. fight~\ Ff; fought Grant White, Dyce ; did fight Keightley. 22. hurtled] F I ; hurried F 2, 3, 4. 23. did neigh] F 2, 3, 4 ; do neigh F I.

19. fight upon the clouds'] Compare Georgics, i. 474, and P. L. ii. 533 :

" As when to warn proud cities war appears Waged in the troubled sky, and

armies rush To battle in the clouds " ; which passage is based on the account given by Josephus of the signs that foretold the destruction of Jerusalem.

21. drizzled] used transitively. Red rain, such as lately (April 1901) fell in Italy and other parts of the Continent, is mentioned as ominous of coming bloodshed in Iliad, xvi. 459, and in the Ramayana. The change in tense from "fight" to "drizzled" may be reasonably de- fended. Calpurnia as she spoke could still see, or seemed to see, the battle in the sky. The red rain fall- ing on the Capitol, which could not be seen by her, must have been announced by a messenger, and might, for anything she knew, have ceased. The variation of tenses in the first Folio reading of line 23 may be corrected, as it is much harsher, and admits of no reasonable justification, and as the

correction is supported by the later Folios.

22. hurtled] vividly expresses the shock of battle. The word is used with effect by Gray in his Fatal Sisters :

" Iron sleet of arrowy shower Hurtles in the darken'd air."

24. shriek and squeal] Compare the quotation from Hamlet given above. "Squeal," which in the Merchant of Venice is used of the sound of the fife, expresses the shrill voice of ghosts. It corresponds to Horace's "triste et acutum" {Sat. I. viii. 41), and the Homeric rplfciv applied to the ghosts, whose voices are compared in the Odyssey to the voices of bats.

25. beyond all use] entirely unusual, prodigious.

26. What can he avoided] Compare Hamlet, v. ii. 10 :

"There's a divinity that shapes

our ends,

Rough hew them how we will."

28. Yet] in spite of the signs and

wonders mentioned by Calpurnia.

284 these predictions] what is fore-

sc. it.] JULIUS CAESAR 71

Are to the world in general as to Caesar. Cal. When beggars die, there are no comets seen ; 30

The heavens themselves blaze forth the death of princes. Cces. Cowards die many times before their deaths ;

The valiant never taste of death but once.

Of all the wonders that I yet have heard,

It seems to me most strange that men should fear ; 3 5

Seeing that death, a necessary end,

Will come when it will come.

Re-enter Servant.

What say the augurers ?

Serv. They would not have you to stir forth to-day. Plucking the entrails of an offering forth, They could not find a heart within the beast. 40

C<zs. The gods do this in shame of cowardice : Caesar should be a beast without a heart If he should stay at home to-day for fear. No, Caesar shall not ; danger knows full well That Caesar is more dangerous than he: 45

told by the prodigies. Caesar does him to have a guard for the safety

not see why the prodigies foreboded of his person, he would never consent

evil to him particularly. to it, but said, it was better to die

31. blaze forth'] express in signs once, than always to be afraid of of fire. Plutarch relates there was a death." Malone quotes a letter of "great comet which seven nights to- Essex in which he observes that "as gether was seen very bright after he which dieth nobly doth live for Caesar's death." ever, so he that doth live in fear doth

32. Cowards die many times'] be- die continually."

cause, as Isabella says in Measure for 33. taste of death] Compare Matt.

Measure, " The sense of death is most xvi. 28.

in apprehension," and cowards, as 37. Will come when it will tome] an

often as they fear death, feel the pangs expression of fatalism. Compare 26, 27.

of death. Plutarch says that "when 45. more dangerous than he] a

some of Ccesar's friends did counsel hyperbole the sense of which will

72 JULIUS CiESAR [acth.

We are two lions litter'd in one day,

And I the elder and more terrible ;

And Caesar shall go forth. Cal. Alas ! my lord,

Your wisdom is consum'd in confidence.

Do not go forth to-day: call it my fear 50

That keeps you in the house, and not your own.

We '11 send Mark Antony to the senate-house,

And he shall say you are not well to-day :

Let me, upon my knee, prevail in this. Cces. Mark Antony shall say I am not well ; 5 5

And, for thy humour, I will stay at home.

Enter DECIUS.

Here 's Decius Brutus, he shall tell them so. Dec, Caesar, all hail ! Good morrow, worthy Caesar : I come to fetch you to the senate-house.

46. are] Capell ; heare F I, 2 ; hear F 3, 4 ; were Theobald.

not bear analysis. We may compare also we find two elisions together, such expressions as ' ' Hibernicis We may well suppose that some copy- Hiberniores" and "plus sages que ist chose to alter "I and he" into les sages." "we," but did not draw his pen dis- 46. We are two lions] This con- tinctly through the "he," which jectural emendation gives good sense, therefore remained in the printed but no explanation is suggested to text. Or possibly the imperfect explain how " are " came to be trans- correction was made by Shake- formed into "heare," the reading of speare's own pen, in which case we the first and second Folios. Is it not should of course accept it. I. probable that the right reading may Schmidt retains the reading of the be " I and he are," pronounced " I 'nd Folio, understanding " hear to mean he 're"? The elisions would present "hear of." It might also be suggested no difficulty, except in so far as they that "hear" is used here as in P. L. give a rough beginning to the line. iii. 7, so that "We hear two lions" For the first we may compare Mac- would mean ' ' We are spoken of or beth, in. vi. 14: " Was not this nobly called two lions." But it is highly done? Ay. and wisely too. " For the improbable that Shakespeare should second compare the common "we're" have anticipated Milton's bold Latin- and Macbeth, 1. v. 32: "The king ism, which does not seem to occur comes here to-night. Thou'rt mad in any other passage of Elizabethan to say it," and ill. ii. 221, where literature.

sen.] JULIUS CESAR 73

C<zs. And you are come in very happy time 60

To bear my greeting to the senators, And tell them that I will not come to-day : Cannot, is false, and that I dare not, falser ; I will not come to-day : tell them so, Decius.

Cal. Say he is sick.

Cces. Shall Caesar send a lie? 65

Have I in conquest stretch'd mine arm so far To be afeard to tell greybeards the truth? Decius, go tell them Caesar will not come.

Dec. Most mighty Caesar, let me know some cause,

Lest I be laugh'd at when I tell them so. 70

Cces. The cause is in my will : I will not come ; That is enough to satisfy the senate : But for your private satisfaction, Because I love you, I will let you know : Calpurnia here, my wife, stays me at home : 7 5

She dream'd to-night she saw my statue, Which, like a fountain with an hundred spouts, Did run pure blood ; and many lusty Romans Came smiling, and did bathe their hands in it.

76. to-night] Ff; last night Rowe, Pope; statue,] Ff; statua, Steevens, Dyce.

60. in very happy time] most oppor- 76. statue] must here, as in ill. ii.

tunely. Compare Othello, in. i. 32. 195, be pronounced as a trisyllable.

76. to-night] here as in III, iii. In Richard III. in. vii. 25 we find

1 means the night just past. This the trisyllabic plural: "But like

is in accordance with the Jewish mode dumb statues or breathing stones."

of reckoning the day from sunset to Beaumont has the plural "statuas,"

sunset. Compare Genesis i. 5 and adding the English suffix to the Latin

Merchant of Venice, II. v. 18 : " For form. In Bacon the plural takes the

I did dream of money-bags to-night," form of "statuses." These forms,

where this use of "to-night" is intermediate between the Latin and

appropriately put in the mouth of a the final English form, are due to the

Jew. If Lucius reckoned thus, we fact that the word was not perfectly

have a further explanation of " fifteen " naturalised in the English language in

in i. 59. Shakespeare's time.

74

JULIUS C.ESAR

[act II.

And these does she apply for warnings and portents, 80

And evils imminent ; and on her knee Hath begg'd that I will stay at home to-day.

Dec. This dream is all amiss interpreted ; It was a vision fair and fortunate : Your statue spouting blood in many pipes, 85

In which so many smiling Romans bath'd, Signifies that from you great Rome shall suck Reviving blood, and that great men shall press For tinctures, stains, relics, and cognizance. This by Calpurnia's dream is signified. 90

Cces. And this way have you well expounded it.

81. And] Ff ; o/Capell, Warburton.

80, 81. portents, And evils] hendi- adys for "portents of evils." Com- pare P. L. x. 346, "joy and tidings" = tidings of joy.

83. all amiss] Compare the double interpretation of the dream of Poly- crates in Herodotus. Plutarch says that Calpurnia in her sleep • ' deemed that Caesar was slain." He also tells us that, according to Livy, " the Senate having set upon the top of Caesar's house, for an ornament and setting forth of the same, a certain pinnacle, Calpurnia dreamed that she saw it broken down, and that she thought she lamented and wept fork."

89. tinctures, etc.] "There are two allusions ; one to coats armorial, to which princes make additions, or give new tinctures and new marks of cognizance; the other to martyrs, whose relics are preserved with veneration. The Romans, says De- cius, all come to you, as to a saint, for relics ; as to a prince, for honours." So Johnson. Compare the expression "fountain of honour," commonly

applied to the sovereign. Malone and Steevens suppose that the allusion in "tinctures and stains" is to the practice of dipping handkerchiefs in the blood of martyrs or other revered leaders when executed. Compare in. ii. 141. But this would imply that Caesar's blood was shed and be in accordance with the interpretation of the dream which Decius is trying to prove wrong. Perhaps Decius by a kind of dramatic irony is repre- sented as against his will speak- ing like a true prophet, although he began with the deliberate intention of making a false prophecy. Compare the story of Balaam in the Bible. In the line under consideration "cogni- zance " suggests the heraldic inter- pretation, "stains" and "relics" suggest the idea of preserving hand- kerchiefs red with blood and other relics of one slain, while " tinctures " will suit either interpretation about equally well. "Cognizance" can hardly bear the meaning of memento, which is given to the word in Schmidt's Shakespeare Lexicon.

sc. ii.] JULIUS CiESAR 75

Dec. I have, when you have heard what I can say : And know it now : the senate have concluded To give this day a crown to mighty Caesar. If you shall send them word you will not come, 95 Their minds may change. Besides, it were a

mock Apt to be render'd, for some one to say " Break up the senate till another time, When Caesar's wife shall meet with better dreams." If Caesar hide himself, shall they not whisper 100 " Lo ! Caesar is afraid " ? Pardon me, Caesar ; for my dear dear love To your proceeding bids me tell you this, And reason to my love is liable.

Cczs. How foolish do your fears seem now, Calpurnia ! 105 I am ashamed I did yield to them. Give me my robe, for I will go :

92. / have, etc.'] short for "I have "to your proceeding" with "love,"

expounded it well, and you will see which might be supported by reference

that I have, when, etc." Compare i. to King John, V. ii. II. In this case

318, 319, and the lines of 2 Henry IV. the meaning would be "the loving

quoted in the note on these lines. interest I take in your course of

96, 97. a mock Apt to be rendered] action." Craik understands "pro-

a gibe that will readily suggest itself, ceeding " to mean " advancement." and is likely to be uttered. 104. reason, etc. ] my prudence is

102. dear] means "deeply felt" under the sway of my love, has to as in " dear absence " {Othello, I. iii. submit to my love. For this use of 260). The repetition has the force of "liable," compare King John, 11. a superlative. Compare ill. ii. 232, i. 490 : " Liable to our crown and iv. iii. 231, and Nelson's reference to dignity" ; and for the meaning of the "dear dear Merton " in his diary, sentence, compare Othello, in. iii. 13th September 1805. 375—383, where Iago represents him-

103. To your proceeding] means self as lamenting that his love for " with reference to the course you are Othello had led him to forget his proposing to take," or perhaps "with wisdom and offend his master : reference to your proceeding to the " I '11 love no friend, sith love Capitol," and goes with "tell you breeds such offence.

this." Compare King John, IV. ii. I should be wise ; for honesty 's a

132: "Now what says the world to fool,

your proceedings?" Wright takes And loses that it works for."

76 JULIUS CAESAR [acth.

Enter PUBLIUS, BRUTUS, LlGARIUS, METELLUS, CASCA, TREBONIUS, and ClNNA.

And look where Publius is come to fetch me.

Pub. Good morrow, Caesar.

Cces. Welcome, Publius.

What ! Brutus, are you stirr'd so early too ? no

Good morrow, Casca. Caius Ligarius,

Caesar was ne'er so much your enemy

As that same ague which hath made you lean.

What is 't a clock ?

Bru. Caesar, 'tis strucken eight.

Cces. I thank you for your pains and courtesy. 1 1 5

Enter ANTONY.

See ! Antony, that revels long a-nights,

Is notwithstanding up. Good morrow, Antony.

Ant. So to most noble Caesar.

Cces. Bid them prepare within :

I am to blame to be thus waited for.

114. a clock] Ff, o'clock Theobald and later editors. 116. a-nights] Ff,

d nights Theobald and later editors. 1 19. to blame] F 3, 4 ; too blame F I, 2.

108. Publius]See ill. i. 92, iv. i. 4. Swift's Polite and Ingenious Con-

The person meant is probably Publius versation, a play of words upon the

Silicius, who, as Plutarch relates, wept expression " a clock," which implies

when Brutus was summoned to appear that he regarded " a clock," and not

before the judges. He was pro- " o'clock," as the proper spelling and

scribed by the Triumvirs, and put to pronunciation. "Pray, miss, what's

death. a clock." "Why, you must know;

113. that same] ss Lat. iste, I. 'tis a thing like a bell, and you a fool Schmidt. that can't tell."

114. a clock] is found in old writers 1 14. strucken] See note on i. 192. as well as "o'clock," and there is no 116. a-nights] See I. ii. 190. sufficient reason to alter the " a" into 118. So] also. See Abbott, sec. 65.

"o," as is done by most editors. 119. to blame] Abbott, sec. 73, sug-

he "a" stands for the preposition gests that here and in other passages,

an "(on) or "of." Compare line 116, where the Folio reads "too blame,"

a-nights." M. Beljame quotes from "blame " is an adjective, and " too "

sc.m.] JULIUS CAESAR 77

Now, Cinna ; now, Metellus ; what, Trebonius ! 1 20

I have an hour's talk in store for you ;

Remember that you call on me to-day :

Be near me, that I may remember you. Treb. Caesar, I will : and so near will I be,

That your best friends shall wish I had been further. 125

Cces. Good friends, go in, and taste some wine with me ;

And we, like friends, will straightway go together. Bru. [Aside.] That every like is not the same, O Caesar !

The heart of Brutus earns to think upon. [Exeunt.

SCENE III. — The Same. A Street near the Capitol.

Enter ARTEMIDORUS, reading a paper.

Ccesar, beware of Brutus; take heed of Cassius ; come not near Casca ; have an eye to

129. earns] Ff, yearns Capell and later editors.

means M excessively," as in 1 Henry that all those who are like friends are

IV. III. i. 177: "In faith, my lord, very far from being the same as

you are too wilful-blame." friends in reality. He thinks that

120. Now, Cinna, etc.] Caesar recog- "men should be what they seem"

nises and with princely courtesy ad- {Othello, in. iii. 128), and hates the

dresses by name each of his visitors. dissimulation he has to practise.

125. shall wish I had been further] 129. earns] grieves. Compare

This is an instance of the double Henry V. II. iii. 6 : " Falstaff he is

meaning called dramatic irony, dead and we must earn therefore."

Caesar is intended to understand that In this sense it is generally spelt

his friends will be envious of the "earne" or "erne" in the Folios,

favour shown to Trebonius. But the which is unnecessarily altered into

words bear another meaning to the ' ' yearn " by later editors. The word

spectators, who know that Caesar's takes the form of " erne " in Chaucer,

best friends will have a stronger and _

more unselfish reason for wishing that ocene in.

Trebonius had not come so near. Artemidorus is described by

The remark is treated as an "aside " Plutarch as " a doctor of rhetoric in

by most editors. the Greek tongue, who by means of

128. That every like, etc.] This is his profession was very familiar with

an "aside," though not marked as certain of Brutus' confederates, and

such in the Folio. Brutus means that therefore knew the most part of all

his heart is grieved at the thought their practices against Caesar,"

78 JULIUS CESAR [actii.

Cinna; trust not Trebonius ; mark well Metellus s Cimber ; Decius Brutus loves thee not; thou hast wronged Caius Ligarius. There is but one 5 mind in all these men, and it is bent against C&sar. If thou be'st not immortal, look about you : security gives way to conspiracy. The mighty gods defend thee ! Thy lover,

Artemidorus. 10

Here will I stand till Caesar pass along,

And as a suitor will I give him this.

My heart laments that virtue cannot live

Out of the teeth of emulation.

If thou read this, O Caesar ! thou may'st live ; 1 5

If not, the Fates with traitors do contrive. [Exit.

SCENE IV. — The Same. Another Part of the same Street, before the House of Brutus.

Enter PORTIA and Lucius.

For. I prithee, boy, run to the senate-house ; Stay not to answer me, but get thee gone. Why dost thou stay ?

7,8. thou . . . you] This irregularity 9. lover] as in m. ii. 13, simply

can hardly be explained. means "friend."

8. security] here, as generally in 14. Out of the teeth of emulation]

Elizabethan writers, means not the unassailed by envy. Spenser gives

absence of danger, but the absence of envy " cankred teeth" in F. Q.

apprehension, which lays a man open 1. i. xxx.

to the attacks of conspirators. Com- 16. contrive'] plot. Compare i. 158. pare Macbeth, in. v. 32 :

" And you all know security bcene IV'

Is mortal's chiefest enemy " ; 2. thee] All through this scene

and Massinger's Very Woman, i. I : Portia is speaking to inferiors. She

' ' To doubt is safer than to be therefore addresses them in the

secure." singular, and is addressed by them in

8. gives way to] leaves the path the plural. See note on 1. i. 12.

open for. 3.] Steevens compares Catesby's

sc. iv.] JULIUS CAESAR 79

Luc. To know thy errand, madam.

Por. I would have had thee there, and here again,

Ere I can tell thee what thou should'st do there. 5

0 constancy ! be strong upon my side ;

Set a huge mountain 'tween my heart and tongue ;

1 have a man's mind, but a woman's might. How hard it is for women to keep counsel ! Art thou here yet ?

Luc. Madam, what should I do ? 10

Run to the Capitol, and nothing else ? And so return to you, and nothing else ?

Por. Yes, bring me word, boy, if thy lord look well, For he went sickly forth ; and take good note What Caesar doth, what suitors press to him. 1 5 Hark, boy ! what noise is that ?

Luc. I hear none, madam.

Por. Prithee, listen well ;

I heard a bustling rumour, like a fray,

18. bustling] Rowe and later editors, bussling Ff.

answer to a similar question put by Folios, it is at least equally possible

Richard III. : — that an ' ' 1" has been wrongly inserted

" First, mighty liege, tell me your in the word by the printers, as in

highness' pleasure, IV. iii. 267, where the first and second

What from your grace I shall Folios read "slumbler." Compare

deliver to him." also ' ' alablaster " for "alabaster," in

Compare also Lear, v. iii. 248. Othello, V. ii. 5. "Bustling" rather

6. constancy] See note on II. i. 299. expresses hurried movement than

7. Set a huge mountain] It appears indistinct noise. "Buzzing" seems from this scene that Brutus has a more natural word to express the yielded to her prayer, and told her indistinct murmurs of a multitude as his secret, although we are not told in the passage quoted in Johnson's when he did so. Dictionary from H ay ward : "Here-

18. bustling rumour] The spelling with arose a buzzing noise among of the Folios is "bussling" rumour, them, as if it had been the rustling In all subsequent editions it is as- sound of the sea afar off." Never- sumed that the second "s" is a mis- theless, out of deference to the con- print for "t." As, however, "buzz- sensus of all previous editors, I have ing"is spelt "bussing" in 2 Henry not ventured to alter the received IV, in. i. 11 in the first and second text. Whether we read "buzzing

80 JULIUS CiESAR [act ii.

And the wind brings it from the Capitol. Luc. Sooth, madam, I hear nothing. 20

Enter the Soothsayer.

Por. Come hither, fellow : which way hast thou been ?

Sooth. At mine own house, good lady.

Por. What is 't a clock ?

Sooth. About the ninth hour, lady.

Por. Is Caesar yet gone to the Capitol ?

Sooth. Madam, not yet : I go to take my stand, 2 5

To see him pass on to the Capitol.

Por. Thou hast some suit to Caesar, hast thou not ?

Sooth. That I have, lady, if it will please Caesar To be so good to Caesar as to hear me : I shall beseech him to befriend himself. 30

Por. Why, know'st thou any harm 's intended towards him?

Sooth. None that I know will be, much that I fear may chance.

23. a clock] Ff, o'clock Theobald and later editors. 28, 29. lady,

if . . . me:] Ff, lady. If . . . me> Johnson and later editors.

rumour" or "bustling rumour," what plausibility to Tyrwhitt's substitution

Portia means to express is the noise of Artemidorus for the soothsayer in

of an excited multitude heard indis- this scene. On the other hand, Arte-

tinctly in the distance as "the noise midorus, who wished to warn Caesar

and rumour of the field," King John, expressly against Brutus, would not

v. iv. 45. In both passages the poet be likely to reveal so plainly to the

has chosen words the sound of which wife of Brutus his intention of warn-

is echo to the sense. ing Caesar.

20. nothing] there was really 28-30.] Most editors alter the punc-

nothing to hear, as Caesar had not yet tuation, so that there may be a true

gone to the Capitol. consequent to the conditional clause.

23. a clock] See note on ii. 114. The reading of the Folio may, how-

28. That I have] Nevertheless in ever, be retained, as the irregularity

•he next scene he makes no attempt it involves is common in Shakespeare

to present or pretend to present a (see note on i. 318, 319) and in or-

suit to Caesar. It is Artemidorus who dinary conversation,

does so, in accordance with his resolve 31. harm's intended] harm that is

expressed in iii. 12, This gives some intended, Compare ii. 16,

SC. IV.]

JULIUS C^ESAR

81

Good morrow to you. Here the street is narrow : The throng that follows Caesar at the heels, Of senators, of praetors, common suitors, 3 5

Will crowd a feeble man almost to death : I '11 get me to a place more void, and there Speak to great Caesar as he comes along. [Exit.

For. I must go in. Ay me ! how weak a thing

The heart of woman is. O Brutus ! 40

The heavens speed thee in thine enterprise. [Aside.] Sure, the boy heard me. Brutus hath a suit That Caesar will not grant. [Aside.] O ! I grow faint. Run, Lucius, and commend me to my lord ; Say I am merry: come to me again, 45

And bring me word what he doth say to thee.

[Exeunt severally.

37. more void] less crowded.

42. Sure, the boy heard me] She fears that Lucius may have overheard her remark and guessed her secret, and therefore makes mention of Brutus's suit to Caesar to explain her anxiety.

45. Say I am merry] She sends this message in order that her husband's

mind may not be distracted by anxiety on her account. Similarly Mrs. D' Israeli, when her finger was crushed in the door of her carriage, bore the pain in silence, lest her husband should be disturbed in mind and speak less effectively in the House of Commons, to which they were driving.

82 JULIUS CAESAR [act in.

ACT III

SCENE I. — Rome. Before the Capitol ; the Senate sitting above.

A crowd of People ; among them ARTEMIDORUS and the Soothsayer. Flourish. Enter CAESAR, BRUTUS, Cassius, Casca, Decius, Metellus, Trebonius, Cinna, Antony, Lepidus, Popilius, Publius, and Others.

Cass. [To the Soothsayer."] The ides of March are come.

Sooth. Ay, Caesar; but not gone.

Art. Hail, Caesar ! Read this schedule.

Dec. Trebonius doth desire you to o'er-read,

At your best leisure, this his humble suit. 5

Art. O Caesar! read mine first; for mine's a suit

That touches Caesar nearer. Read it, great Caesar. Cass. What touches us ourself, shall be last serv'd. Art. Delay not, Caesar; read it instantly. Cass. What ! is the fellow mad ?

Pub. Sirrah, give place. 10

Cas. What ! urge you your petitions in the street ?

Come to the Capitol.

I. The ides of March] a reference 8. serv'd] attended to. As the

to the soothsayer's warning in I. verb "serve" in this sense properly

ii. 1 8. governs persons, Craik adopts here

8. ourself] A king in Shakespeare the correction of Collier's MS. :

speaking of himself in the plural ' ' That touches us ? Ourself shall be

number employs the singular "self" last served," which is supported by

— e.g., Richard II. I. iv. 42: "We its similarity to Timon, I. ii. 183:

will ourself in person to this war." " Flav. Vouchsafe me a word ; it

But Tennyson in the Princess makes doth concern you near,

a king say, "We remember love our- Tim. Near? Why then another

selves in our sweet youth." . time I '11 hear thee."

sc.i.] JULIUS CiESAK, 83

C^SAR goes up to the Senate- House, the rest following. All the Senators rise.

Pop. I wish your enterprise to-day may thrive.

Cas. What enterprise, Popilius?

Pop. Fare you well.

[Advances to Ccesar. Bru. What said Popilius Lena ? 15

Cas. He wish'd to-day our enterprise might thrive.

I fear our purpose is discovered. Bru. Look, how he makes to Caesar : mark him. Cas. Casca, be sudden, for we fear prevention.

Brutus, what shall be done ? If this be known, 20

Cassius or Caesar never shall turn back,

For I will slay myself. Bru. Cassius, be constant :

Popilius Lena speaks not of our purposes ;

For, look, he smiles, and Caesar doth not change. Cas. Trebonius knows his time ; for, look you, Brutus, 2 5

He draws Mark Antony out of the way.

[Exeunt Antony and Trebonius. Ccesar and the Senators take their seats. Dec. Where is Metellus Cimber? Let him go,

And presently prefer his suit to Csesar.

20. done J If . . . known,'] Ff, done, if . . . known ? Theobald.

15. Lend] He is called Laena by ance, i.e. he shows that he is not

Plutarch. His real name was Lsenas. deeply affected by what he has just

18. makes to] goes towards. Com- heard from Popilius Lena,

pare v. i. 25 and the quotation from 26. He draws, etc.] This is in

Tennyson on 1. ii. 15. accordance with Plutarch's Life of

21. turn back] return from the Brutus. In the Life of Casar it is Capitol. Decius Brutus who keeps Antony out

22. constant] See note on II. i. 227. of the way.

24. doth not change] sc. his counten- 28. presently] immediately.

84

JULIUS CESAR

[ACT III.

Bru. He is address'd ; press near and second him. Cin. Casca, you are the first that rears your hand. C<zs. Are we all ready ? What is now amiss That Caesar and his senate must redress ?

30

Met.

Cces.

Most high, most mighty, and most puissant Caesar, Metellus Cimber throws before thy seat An humble heart, — [Kneeling.

I must prevent thee, Cimber. 35 These couchings and these lowly courtesies, Might fire the blood of ordinary men, And turn pre-ordinance and first decree Into the law of children. Be not fond,

39. law] Johnson, lane Ff, play Mason.

29. address'd] ready, prepared, as in Love's Labour's Lost, II. i. 82 :

" And he and his competitors in oath Were all address'd to meet you, gentle lady."

30. rears'] We should expect " that rear your" or "that rears his." For the confusion of numbers and persons in relative clauses, compare Titus Andronicus, IV. ii. 176: "For it is you that puts us to our shifts," and other passages quoted by Abbott in sec. 247, which justify him in say- ing that ' ' the relative was often regarded like a noun by nature third person singular, and therefore unin- fluenced by the antecedent. "

31. Are we all ready ?] can we now proceed to business ? Collier's MS. annotator gives this question to Casca, whom it apparently suits better. There is, however, dramatic irony in the remark if uttered by Caesar, as the conspirators and the audience would apply his words to the preparations for his assassination.

34. Metellus Cimber] See note on 1. iii. 134.

36. couchings] altered in Collier's MS. into " crouchings." The altera-

tion seems unnecessary, as " couch- ing " expresses the attitude of humble supplication as well as "crouching" does. Murray quotes from Royster Doyster, " Couch on your marrow- bones," and from Campion, "A lady of such part, that all estates of the realm couched unto her." Even if "couch" necessarily implied "lying on the ground," it would be no stronger than Homer's irpoirpoKv\t.vSo- fievos (Iliad, xxii. 221).

38. pre - ordinance] and "first decree " are equivalent terms, ex- pressing a decree already made. See line 44. This is, however, a curious use of "first." Craik plausibly sug- gests " fixed decree."

39. the law of children] such vari- able and capricious laws as children would make, or, perhaps, the variability which is the law of the nature of children, their natural characteristic. If the latter interpret- ation is right, there is a play on the two meanings of "law " and "ordin- ance," "ordinance" being used in line 38 in the sense of human law, while in line 39 "law" means "natural quality prescribed by the law of nature" as "ordinance" does in 1.

sci.] JULIUS CiESAR 85

To think that Caesar bears such rebel blood 40

That will be thaw'd from the true quality

With that which melteth fools, I mean sweet words,

Low-crooked curt'sies, and base spaniel fawning.

Thy brother by decree is banished :

If thou dost bend and pray and fawn for him, 45

I spurn thee like a cur out of my way.

Know, Caesar doth not wrong, nor without cause

Will he be satisfied.

Met. Is there no voice more worthy than my own,

To sound more sweetly in great Caesar's ear 50

For the repealing of my banish'd brother ?

Bru. I kiss thy hand, but not in flattery, Caesar ; Desiring thee that Publius Cimber may Have an immediate freedom of repeal.

iii. 66. The reading of the Folio "I am your spaniel; and, De- is unintelligible, unless it should be a metrius,

reference to the old nursery rhyme of The more you beat me, I will

the "little boy who lives in the lane." fawn on you " ;

Even Johnson's emendation, "law,'' and the use of " spaniel" as a verb in

does not give quite satisfactory sense. Hanmer's emendation of Antony and

May not the right reading be "rune Cleopatra, IV. xii. 21.

of children," i.e. caprice of children? 45. If thou dost bend'] Compare 1.

The word "lune" is so used in iii. 104, 105.

Winter's Tale, IX. ii. 30, and in 47. Ccesar doth not wrong] See

modern French. See Littre's French Appendix.

Dictionary, where "caprice" is given 48. Will he be satisfied] See

as the equivalent of "lune" in one Appendix.

sense of the word. For the change- 54. repeal] {re, back, and appello,

ableness of children compare "varying call) recall. The verb is used in this

childness" in Winter's Tale, I. ii. sense in line 51, and in Othello, 11. iii.

1 70, and the " moonish " inconstancy 363. Freedom of repeal means

of most boys and women described by restoration to the enjoyment of the

Rosalind in As You Like It, III. ii. civic rights lost by banishment.

430-438. " P'reedom " is here opposed to

40. rebel blood] Compare II. i. 69. "banishment" as in As You Like It,

41. That] See note on 1. ii. 33. I. iii. 140, Richard II. I. iii. 273, 43. Low-crooked] Compare " knee- and Lear, 1. i. 184. " Enfranchise-

crooking knave," Othello, I. i. 45. ment" in line 57 has the same 43. spaniel] For Shakespeare's meaning, so that " immediate free- opinion of the spaniel, compare Mid- dom " here = " enfranchisement im- summer Nights Dream, 11. ii. 203 : mediate " in Richard II. III. iii. 114.

86 JULIUS CiESAR [act in.

Cces. What, Brutus !

Cas. Pardon, Caesar ; Caesar, pardon : 5 5

As low as to thy foot doth Cassius fall, To beg enfranchisement for Publius Cimber.

Cces. I could be well mov'd if I were as you ;

If I could pray to move, prayers would move me ;

But I am constant as the northern star, 60

Of whose true-fix'd and resting quality

There is no fellow in the firmament.

The skies are painted with unnumber'd sparks,

They are all fire and every one doth shine,

But there's but one in all doth hold his place: 65

So in the world ; 'tis furnish'd well with men,

And men are flesh and blood, and apprehensive ;

Yet in the number I do know but one

That unassailable holds on his rank,

Unshak'd of motion : and that I am he, 70

Let me a little show it, even in this,

That I was constant Cimber should be banish'd,

61. true-fix 'd] true-fixt Capell, truefixt Ff, true,fixt Rowe.

60. the northern star] the polar 69. holds on his rank] keeps his star, ' • the ever fixed pole of Othello, position unaltered by any motion. 11. i. 15. Skeat compares the following lines

61. true-fixed] fixed so as to be in the "Parabolae" of Alanus de constant, immovable. "True" is used Insulis :

in this sense in v. v. 35 in "well and <{ iEtherius motus movet omnia

truly laid," and in the proverbial com- sidera, prater

parison" true as the needle to the pole." Unum, sed semper permanet

61. resting quality] immobility. illud idem ;

Compare Othello, v. ii. 336, "You Sic constans et fidus homo sine

shall close prisoner rest," where fine tenebit

" rest " has the meaning of the Latin Hunc in more modum quern tenet

resto, remain. ipse polus."

62. no fellow] no equal. Compare 70. he] the person described in line v. iii. ioi, and Pym's historical say- 69.

ing, " Stone dead has no fellow." 72. constant] fixed in my resolve.

67. apprehensive] intelligent, as in See line 60. # Henry IV. IV. iii. 107.

sc.i.] JULIUS CAESAR 87

And constant do remain to keep him so. Cin. 0 Caesar, —

Cces. Hence ! Wilt thou lift up Olympus ?

Dec. Great Caesar, —

Cces. Doth not Brutus bootless kneel ? 75

Casca. Speak, hands, for me ! [They stab Ccesar.

Cces. Et tu, Brute ! Then fall, Caesar ! [Dies.

Cin. Liberty ! Freedom ! Tyranny is dead !

Run hence, proclaim, cry it about the streets. Cas. Some to the common pulpits, and cry out 80

" Liberty, freedom, and enfranchisement ! " Bru. People and senators, be not affrighted ;

Fly not ; stand still ; ambition's debt is paid. Casca. Go to the pulpit, Brutus.

75. Doth . . . kneel?'] F I ; Do . . . kneel? F2, 3, 4; Do . . . kneel. Rowe.

75. Doth not Brutus] This is an a in accordance with the popular belief fortiori argument. As Brutus is that Caesar had an intrigue with

pleading in vain, no one else can Servilia, the mother of Brutus ; but expect to move Caesar. "Brutus" Shakespeare does not care to refer here means Marcus Brutus, even to this scandal. In the Mirror for though Caesar is addressing another Magistrates (1587) we read, "And Brutus. Rowe, following the later Brutus thou, my son, quoth I, whom Folios, reads "do." But Decius erst I loved best," the first three Brutus is nowhere else in the play words of which line are a word for called simply Brutus. He is always word rendering of Et tu, Brute. The distinguished as Decius or Decius earliest extant work in which the ex- Brutus even when the more famous clamation appears in its Latin form Brutus is not present. is the True Tragedy of Richard^

76. Speak hands] Compare Mac- Duke of York, published in 1595. It bethy v. viii. 7. may have originated in a Latin drama

76. stab Caesar] contrary to the {Epilogus Ccesaris Interfecti) corn- principle of the Greek drama ex- posed by Richard Eedes on the death pressed in the well-known line of of Caesar and represented at Oxford in Horace: Ne pueros coram populo 1582.

Medea trucidet. In the Earl of 83. ambitioris debt is paid] Ambi-

Sterline's play the assassination of tious Caesar has paid the penalty of his

Caesar is narrated by a messenger. ambition, and no one else need fear us.

77. Et tu, Brute] This exclamation 84. pulpit] Latin pulpitumt a stage is given in the very words in which or platform from which to address an it is supposed to have been uttered, audience. Casca, who has up to this According to Suetonius, Caesar's last point played such a prominent part, words were kclI <rl/, t£kvov, which are takes no more part in the action of

88 JULIUS CiESAR [act in.

Dec. And Cassius too.

Bru. Where 's Publius ? 8 5

Cin. Here, quite confounded with this mutiny. Met. Stand fast together, lest some friend of Caesar's

Should chance — Bru. Talk not of standing. Publius, good cheer ;

There is no harm intended to your person, 90

Nor to no Roman else ; so tell them, Publius. Cas. And leave us, Publius ; lest that the people,

Rushing on us, should do your age some mischief. Bru. Do so ; and let no man abide this deed

But we the doers. 95

Re-enter Trebonius.

Cas. Where 's Antony ?

Tre. Fled to his house amaz'd.

the play. He speaks his last word in 93. your age] you an old man,

101, 102, unless we follow the editors as in Much Ado About Nothing, V. i.

who assign these lines to Cassius. 56. The abstract is used for the

85. Publius] See note on n. ii. 108. concrete, as in Goldsmith's Deserted

86. mutiny] tumult. Village, line 14 :

89. Talk not of standing] Brutus "The hawthorn bush, with seats

scorns to stand on the defensive. See beneath the shade,

line 108. For talking age and whispering

91. Nor to no Roman else] For the lovers made."

double negative, see 11. i. 231. 94. abide] endure the consequences

92. lest that] Before prepositions of, pay the penalty of. Compare ii. were changed into conjunctions, they 122. " Aby " is also used in this sense performed the part of conjunctions in the Quarto of Midsummer Night's by governing the pronoun "that" Dream, ill. ii. 175, 335, where, how- followed by a clause in apposition to ever, the Folio reads ' ' abide. " The " that." See Abbott, sec. 288. This two words, though etymologically dis- conjunctional affix "that" is retained tinct, were confused.

after prepositions used as conjunctions 95. But we] As "but " is a preposi- in Shakespeare, e.g.,iliox that," "after tion here, grammar requires "but us." that," and sometimes as here and in This irregularity is due to the confusion ii. 99 is added by false analogy to con- between "but" the preposition and junctions that were never prepositions, "but" the conjunction, or to the The addition of "that" to "lest" is analogy of nominative absolute con- redundant, as "lest" is etymologic- struction with "except "and "save." ally equivalent to " the less that." See v. v. 69, and Abbott, sec. 118.

SC. I.]

JULIUS CESAR

89

Men, wives and children stare, cry out and run

As it were doomsday. Bru. Fates, we will know your pleasures.

That we shall die, we know ; 'tis but the time

And drawing days out, that men stand upon. 1 00 Casca. Why, he that cuts off twenty years of life

Cuts off so many years of fearing death. Bru. Grant that, and then is death a benefit :

So are we Caesar's friends, that have abridg'd

His time of fearing death. Stoop, Romans, stoop, 105

And let us bathe our hands in Caesar's blood

IOO. stand upon] attach importance to, as in Midsummer Nighfs Dream, v. i. 118.

102. So many years of fearing death~\ These lines are by Dyce and other editors assigned to Cassius, in whose mouth they appear more appro- priate. For the meaning compare Measure for Measttre, III. i. 40 : "Yet in this life Lie hid moe thousand deaths ;

yet death we fear That makes these odds all even"; and the philosophical aphorism ' ' Vita commentatio mortis," which Bacon criticises as implying an exaggerated fear of death. ' ' Groans, convulsions, weeping friends, and the like show death terrible," he allows, "yet there is no passion so weak but conquers the fear of it. Revenge triumphs over death, love slights it, honour aspires to it, dread of shame prefers it, grief flies to it, and fear anticipates it."

104. So are we C Cesar's friends'] This thought gives some satisfaction to the mind of Brutus. See the conclusion of the second scene of the second act.

106. let us bathe our hands] The carrying out of this proposal fulfils Calpurnia's dream. See II. ii. 79.

Plutarch says that the conspirators went with bloody hands and naked swords to the Capitol, but does not describe them as deliberately washing their hands in their victim's blood. In the Earl of Sterline's account of Caesar's assassination :

" That all might have like interest

in his death And by the same look for like

praise or blame, Then Cassius Brutus and the rest

began With that great emperor's blood

to dye their hands." The same motive may be supposed to actuate the conspirators in Shake- speare's play. By washing their hands in Caesar's blood they all acknowledged in the most open manner their responsibility for the deed they had done. Thus the symbolical act expressed the same meaning as the words of Brutus in lines 94, 95. In like manner Pontius Pilate, when disclaiming all responsi- bility for the crucifixion, washed his hands in water. The action of wash- ing their hands in their victim's blood also suggests the comparison between them and hunters, which is more fully worked out in lines 203-210.

90 JULIUS CiESAR [act m.

Up to the elbows, and besmear our swords : Then walk we forth, even to the market-place ; And, waving our red weapons o'er our heads, Let 's all cry " Peace, freedom, and liberty ! " no

Cas. Stoop then, and wash. How many ages hence Shall this our lofty scene be acted over, In states unborn and accents yet unknown !

Bru. How many times shall Caesar bleed in sport,

That now on Pompey's basis lies along 1 1 5

No worthier than the dust !

Cas. So oft as that shall be,

So often shall the knot of us be call'd The men that gave their country liberty.

Dec. What ! shall we forth ?

Cas. Ay, every man away :

Brutus shall lead; and we will grace his heels 120 With the most boldest and best hearts of Rome.

Enter a Servant.

Bru. Soft ! who comes here ? A friend of Antony's. Serv. Thus, Brutus, did my master bid me kneel ; Thus did Mark Antony bid me fall down ;

113. states'] F 2, 3, 4 ; state F I. 115. lies'] F 2, 3, 4 ; lyeY 1.

107. Up to the elbows'] See quotation 114. in sport] in dramatic repre-

from Scott in the note on line 206 in sentation, as opposed to "in earnest." the Appendix. 115. Pompey's basis] the pedestal

112.] Shakespeare puts into the of Pompey's statue, mouths of Cassius and Brutus a pre- 117. knot] band of conspirators as

diction of the drama which he is com- in Merry Wives, I v. ii. 123: "There's

posing. Compare Iliad, vi. 358, xxii. a knot, a gang, a pack, a conspiracy

305, and the concluding lines of the against me."

fourth act of Massinger's /toman Actor: 121. most boldest] double superla-

" Poets adorn his hearse tive. Compare ii. 190, Acts xxvi. 5,

With their most ravishing sorrows, Psalms xxi. 7, and Medea, 1323,

and the stage /xtyio-Tov 4x^ffTV- For ever mourn him." 123. 7 hus] See note on 1. ii. 219.

sc.i] JULIUS CiESAR 91

And, being prostrate, thus he bade me say : 125

Brutus is noble, wise, valiant, and honest ;

Caesar was mighty, bold, royal, and loving :

Say I love Brutus, and I honour him ;

Say I fear'd Caesar, honour'd him, and lov'd him.

If Brutus will vouchsafe that Antony 1 30

May safely come to him, and be resolv'd

How Caesar hath deserv'd to lie in death,

Mark Antony shall not love Caesar dead

So well as Brutus living ; but will follow

The fortunes and affairs of noble Brutus 135

Thorough the hazards of this untrod state,

With all true faith. So says my master Antony.

Bru. Thy master is a wise and valiant Roman ; I never thought him worse.

Tell him, so please him come unto this place, 140 He shall be satisfied ; and, by my honour, Depart untouch'd.

Serv. I '11 fetch him presently. {Exit.

Bru. I know that we shall have him well to friend.

Cas. I wish we may : but yet have I a mind

That fears him much; and my misgiving still 145 Falls shrewdly to the purpose.

128, 129. Say] Here the servant gives no guidance. It therefore

gives the actual words addressed to "craves wary walking." himself instead of the message he was 139. I never thought] Here Brutus

to deliver to the conspirators. Com- is not strictly truthful. Compare 11.

pare P. L. iv. 724. i. 189.

131. be resolv d] have his doubts 142. presently] See note on 28. solved, be assured, as in ii. 184, 143. to friend] Compare 11. i. 293,

and Fletcher's Faithful Shepherdess, and Richard II. IV. i. 308 : "I have

"I am resolved my Chloe yet is a king here to my flatterer. " true." 145. my misgiving, etc.] my doubts

136. this untrod state] this new too often prove to be very near the

state of affairs in which past experience mark.

92 JULIUS CiESAR [act m.

Re-enter ANTONY.

Bru. But here comes Antony. Welcome, Mark Antony.

Ant. O mighty Caesar! dost thou lie so low?

Are all thy conquests, glories, triumphs, spoils,

Shrunk to this little measure? Fare thee well. 150

I know not, gentlemen, what you intend,

Who else must be let blood, who else is rank :

If I myself, there is no hour so fit

As Caesar's death's hour, nor no instrument

Of half that worth as those your swords, made rich 155

With the most noble blood of all this world.

I do beseech ye, if you bear me hard,

Now, whilst your purpled hands do reek and smoke,

Fulfil your pleasure. Live a thousand years,

I shall not find myself so apt to die : 1 60

149, 150.] Compare Cymbeline, III. requires to be "trashed for over- i. 49 : topping," Tempest, I. ii. 81. Com- " Csesar's ambition pare 1. iii. 77. The metaphor com- Which swelled so much, that it pares men swollen with ambition to did almost stretch excessively luxuriant vegetation that The sides of the world " ; requires to be cut. Compare "He's and 1 Henry IV. v. iv. 88 : "111 weav'd a rank weed," Henry VIII. v. i. 52. ambition, how much art thou shrunk? " " Rank " is frequently used by Shake- All three passages may have been speare to express strong condemnation suggested by the reflection of a physi- of all kinds of vicious excess, cian on the death of Alexander in the 157. ye . . . you] In old English Gesta Romanorum: "Yesterday the "ye" was nominative and "you" whole world was not enough to satiate objective. This distinction is kept his ambition; to-day, three or four up in the Bible, as in "I know you ells of cloth are more than sufficient. " not, whence ye are." Shakespeare

152. let blood] is a euphemism for uses the two forms almost indiscrimin-

" killed," as in Richard III. m. i. ately, and here exactly reverses the

183. It here takes the construction old distinction.

of the transitive verb " bleed. " Com- 159. Live] live I, if I live. For

pare Agamemnon, 1287 : 05 rot 6V the ellipse compare ii. 9, and As You

coifa Q6.fx.vov us 8pvis <pbfiij); and Like It, II. iii. 35: "Yet this I will

2 Henry VI. III. i. 233: "ThisGloster not do, do how I can."

should be quickly rid this world." 160. apt] ready. Compare I Tim-

152. rank] so overgrown that he othy, iii. 2: "Apt to teach."

sci.] JULIUS CAESAR 93

No place will please me so, no mean of death, As here by Caesar, and by you cut off, The choice and master spirits of this age. Bru. O Antony ! beg not your death of us.

Though now we must appear bloody and cruel, 165

As, by our hands and this our present act,

You see we do, yet see you but our hands

And this the bleeding business they have done :

Our hearts you see not ; they are pitiful ;

And pity to the general wrong of Rome — 170

As fire drives out fire, so pity pity —

Hath done this deed on Caesar. For your part,

To you our swords have leaden points, Mark

Antony : Our arms, in strength of malice, and our hearts,

170. Rome — ] Rome, Ff. 171. so pity pity — ] so pity, pity Ff. 174. in strength of malice] Ff ; exempt from malice, Pope ; no strength of malice ; Capell ; in strength of welcome, Craik, Collier MS. ; in strength of amity, Hudson, Singer.

162. by] is used in two different which, by their punctuation, evidently

senses in this line. Compare in intend " pity," repeated for emphasis,

Dickens, "Miss Bolo went home in to be the subject of " hath done "in the

a flood of tears and a sedan chair." next line. If we accept their reading,

162. cut off] For the construction, then "pity" in line 170 is left with-

compare note on IV. iii. 151. out a verb, owing to a change of con-

171. Jire drives out fire] How this struction due to the parenthesis (corn- is done is described in the thirty- pare notes on I. iii. 64, 128, and 11. i. third chapter of Fenimore Cooper's 115), and one side of the comparison is Prairie. The same illustration occurs not distinctly expressed, but implied in in Coriolanus, IV. vii. 54, and Romeo the principal clause, it being evident and Juliet, 1. ii. 46 : " One fire burns that pity for Rome could not do the out another's burning," and two other deed without first driving pity for passages. Caesar out of their hearts. For the

171. so pity pity] so pity drives emphatic repetition of "pity," compare

out pity. Pity for Rome drove pity I. iii. 9, ALneid, ii. 602, and xii. 948 : for Caesar out of their hearts. The " Pallas te hoc vulnere, Pallas

generally accepted reading, which Immolat."

makes a parenthesis of this line, 173. leaden points] Compare Love' 's

gives good sense and an unexcep- Labour's Lost, v. ii. 481 : "There's an

tionable construction. We cannot, eye wounds like a leaden sword." however, well ignore the Folios, 174. Our arms, etc.] our arms and

94 JULIUS CAESAR [act m.

Of brothers' temper, do receive you in 175

With all kind love, good thoughts, and reverence.

Cas. Your voice shall be as strong as any man's In the disposing of new dignities.

Bru. Only be patient till we have appeas'd

The multitude, beside themselves with fear, 1 80 And then we will deliver you the cause Why I, that did love Caesar when I struck him, Have thus proceeded.

Ant. I doubt not of your wisdom.

Let each man render me his bloody hand : First, Marcus Brutus, will I shake with you ; 185 Next, Caius Cassius, do I take your hand ; Now, Decius Brutus, yours ; now yours, Metellus ; Yours, Cinna ; and, my valiant Casca, yours ; Though last, not least in love, yours, good Trebonius. Gentlemen all, — alas ! what shall I say ? 1 90

My credit now stands on such slippery ground,

hearts of brothers' temper in strength " The power that I have on you is of malice. Brutus means that towards to spare you ; him they had no more malice than The malice towards you to for- brothers have towards one another. give you : live." " Of brothers' temper " is an adjec- Grant White, one of the few editors tival phrase qualifying "arms" and who retain the reading of the Folio, in- " hearts," and itself modified by the terprets the passage as meaning "our adverbial phrase "in strength of arms, even in the intensity of their malice." The disorder in the arrange- hatred to Caesar's tyranny, and our ment of the sentence is probably due hearts, in their brotherly love to all to " and our hearts " being added as Romans, do receive you in." Brinsley an afterthought in the middle of the Nicholson, following Capell, main- sentence. Compare " And my heart tains that "in" is a misprint for "no," too" (iv. iii. 117). For "strength" making "strength" object of " have" expressing such a small amount of in the preceding line, strength that it is equivalent to weak- 178. disposing of new dignities} ness, compare Hecuba, 227, where Compare ii. 50. This would be a o\kt) means powerlessness. Compare more attractive prospect to such a also Cymbeline, v. v. 419, where man as Antony than was offered by "malice" expresses "absence of Brutus's professions of brotherly kind - malice " : ness.

sci.] JULIUS CAESAR 95

That one of two bad ways you must conceit me,

Either a coward or a flatterer.

That I did love thee, Caesar, O ! 'tis true :

If then thy spirit look upon us now, 195

Shall it not grieve thee dearer than thy death,

To see thy Antony making his peace,

Shaking the bloody fingers of thy foes,

Most noble ! in the presence of thy corse ?

Had I as many eyes as thou hast wounds, 200

Weeping as fast as they stream forth thy blood,

It would become me better than to close

In terms of friendship with thine enemies.

Pardon me, Julius ! Here wast thou bay'd, brave

hart ; Here didst thou fall ; and here thy hunters stand, 205

Sign'd in thy spoil, and crimson'd in thy lethe. O world ! thou wast the forest to this hart ; And this, indeed, O world ! the heart of thee. How like a deer, strucken by many princes, Dost thou here lie ! 210

Cas. Mark Antony, —

Ant. Pardon me, Caius Cassius :

204. hart] F I ; heart F 2, 3, 4. 206. lethe] Lethee F 1 ; Lethe F 2, 3, 4 ; death Pope. 208. heart] Theobald, hart Ff.

196. dearer] more deeply. See 207. forest to this hart] because the

note on 11. ii. whole world seemed made for Caesar,

204. bay'd] brought to bay, as a and he ranged proudly through it.

hunted animal surrounded by baying 208. heart of thee] because Caesar

hounds. stood to the whole world in the rela-

204. hart] To the end of the speech tion borne by the heart to the body

Antony plays on the similarity of which is animated by it, and which

sound between "heart" and "hart." follows its impulses.

206. Sigrid in thy spoil, etc.] 211. Pardon me] Antony, suppos-

stained crimson in thy life-blood, the ing wrongly that Cassius is indignant

sign of their triumph. See Appendix, at his words, excuses himself on the

96 JULIUS CiESAR [act in.

The enemies of Caesar shall say this ; Then, in a friend, it is cold modesty.

Cas. I blame you not for praising Caesar so ;

But what compact mean you to have with us ? 215 Will you be prick'd in number of our friends, Or shall we on, and not depend on you ?

Ant. Therefore I took your hands, but was indeed

Sway'd from the point by looking down on

Caesar. Friends am I with you all, and love you all, 220 Upon this hope, that you shall give me reasons Why and wherein Caesar was dangerous.

Bru. Or else were this a savage spectacle. Our reasons are so full of good regard, That were you, Antony, the son of Caesar, 225

You shall be satisfied.

Ant. That's all I seek:

And am moreover suitor that I may Produce his body to the market-place ; And in the pulpit, as becomes a friend, Speak in the order of his funeral. 230

Bru. You shall, Mark Antony.

Cas. Brutus, a word with you.

ground that he had said no more Bacon, "Some who are prick'd for

than an enemy might have said, and sheriffs," and this use of the verb

that his words as uttered by a friend still survives.

showed moderation verging on cold- 224. full of good regard] worthy of

ness. approbation. Compare IV. ii. 12.

212. shall] here, though in the third 228. Produce] in the sense of the

person, expresses simple futurity. Latin produco^ bring forward.

Compare II. i. 147, 148, 177. 230. in the order of his funeral] in

216. prick'd] marked by a puncture the course of the celebration of his

on a list and so distinguished from funeral. A eulogy pronounced over

others. See iv. i. 1 and 2 Henry IV. the dead body was a regular part of

ill. ii. 124. Johnson quotes from the funeral of great men at Rome.

sc.i.] JULIUS C^SAR 97

[Aside to Brutus.'] You know not what you do ; do not consent That Antony speak in his funeral : Know you how much the people may be mov'd By that which he will utter?

Bru. By your pardon : 235

I will myself into the pulpit first, And show the reason of our Caesar's death : What Antony shall speak, I will protest He speaks by leave and by permission, And that we are contented Caesar shall 240

Have all true rites and lawful ceremonies. It shall advantage more than do us wrong.

Cas. I know not what may fall ; I like it not.

Bru. Mark Antony, here, take you Caesar's body.

You shall not in your funeral speech blame us, 245

But speak all good you can devise of Caesar,

And say you do 't by our permission ;

Else shall you not have any hand at all

About his funeral ; and you shall speak

In the same pulpit whereto I am going, 250

After my speech is ended.

Ant. Be it so;

I do desire no more.

Bru. Prepare the body, then, and follow us.

[Exeunt all but Antony.

235. pardon .*] Ff, pardon, Rowe.

237. our Cesar's death'] according 241. true] due, proper, as in II.

to I. Schmidt means "our assassina- i. 210, so that it is unnecessary to

tion of Caesar." Rather by "our" read "due" with Pope and

Brutus claims to be as much a lover Dyce.

of Caesar as Antony was. Compare 242. wrong] here means harm, not

ii. 203. injustice.

7

98 JULIUS CiESAR [act in.

Ant. O ! pardon me, thou bleeding piece of earth,

That I am meek and gentle with these butchers ; 255 Thou art the ruins of the noblest man That ever lived in the tide of times. Woe to the hand that shed this costly blood ! Over thy wounds now do I prophesy, Which like dumb mouths do ope their ruby lips, 260

To beg the voice and utterance of my tongue, A curse shall light upon the limbs of men ; Domestic fury and fierce civil strife Shall cumber all the parts of Italy ; Blood and destruction shall be so in use, 265

And dreadful objects so familiar, That mothers shall but smile when they

behold Their infants quarter'd with the hands of war ; All pity chok'd with custom of fell deeds :

258. hand] Ff; hands Grant White, Dyce. 262. limbs] Ff; kind Hanmer ; line Warburton ; loins Craik, Collier MS. ; minds Dyce.

254. earth] Compare Iliad, xxiv. 54, regarded as equivalent terms. "A

where dead Hector is called "dumb plague on both your houses" (Borneo

earth," with this line and the " dumb and Juliet ', ill. i. m)= " Curse both

mouths " of line 260. your houses. "

257. tide of times] Compare I v. iii. 262. limbs of men] the bodies of

217. men regarded as divided into different

260. like dumb mouths] Malone parts and so brought more vividly

compares A Warning for Fair before our imagination. Compare

Women, 1599: 11. i. 136. The language is as

" I gave him fifteen wounds, natural as sEneid, iii. 136, where a

Which now be fifteen mouths that pestilence is described as attacking

do accuse me. " limbs, and no one ever thought of

262. A curse] in the form of a altering membris. Wright compares

plague. Plagues were commonly re- Timon, iv. i. 24.

garded as inflicted upon accursed 264. cumber] distress, or, perhaps,

men for the punishment of their overload with corpses. See line 275.

wickedness. Compare I. i. 59. 269. pity chok'd] nominative ab-

Hence plague and curse came to be solute. Compare Lamentations iv,

SC. I.]

JULIUS CiESAR

99

And Csesar's spirit, ranging for revenge, 270

With Ate by his side come hot from hell, Shall in these confines with a monarch's voice Cry " Havoc ! " and let slip the dogs of war ; That this foul deed shall smell above the earth With carrion men, groaning for burial. 275

Enter a Servant.

You serve Octavius Caesar, do you not ? Serv. I do, Mark Antony.

Ant. Caesar did write for him to come to Rome. Serv. He did receive his letters, and is coming ;

And bid me say to you by word of mouth-

280

O Csesar !-

10, "The hands of the pitiful women have sodden their own children."

271. Ate] the Greek goddess of mischief, who plays a prominent part in the Homeric poems. Here, as in Greek tragedy, Ate plays the same part as the Furies, who were repre- sented in Greek mythology as living in the lower world (Iliad, ix. 571). " Hot " suggests the burning hell of the Bible. For a similar anachronism compare 1. ii. 158.

272. with a monarches voice] Com- pare King John, II. i. 357: "Cry 'Havoc,' kings." Only kings and generals were entitled to cry ' ' Havoc. "

273. Havoc] an old cry expressing the refusal of quarter. Among Henry V.'s Statutes and Ordinances to be kept in time of war it is enacted " that no man be so hardy to cry havoc, upon pain that he that is beginner shall be dead therefore, and the remnant that do the same or follow, shall lose their horse and harness." Compare Coriolanus, in. i. 275, King John, II. i. 357, and Hamlet, v. ii. 375.

[Seeing the body.

273. let slip] allow to slip out of the leashes or slips. Compare Henry V. 1. Prologue, 6, where Henry V. is represented as assuming the port of Mars :

"and, at his heels, Leashed in like hounds, should

Famine, Sword, and Fire Crouch for employment."

274. shall smell, etc. ] may have an evil odour (i.e. infamous reputation) like that of the unburied corpses, with which it will be associated in the minds of men.

275. groaning for burial] Shake- speare was acquainted with the misery that unburied ghosts were supposed by the ancients to endure. Compare Titus Andronicus, 1. i. 87 :

"Titus, unkind and careless of thine own, Why suffer'st thou thy sons, un- buried yet, To hover on the dreadful shore of Styx ? " 281. O Ccesar] He is overcome by emotion on suddenly seeing the body of Caesar.

100 JULIUS CESAR [acthi.

Ant. Thy heart is big, get thee apart and weep. Passion, I see, is catching, for mine eyes, Seeing those beads of sorrow stand in thine, Began to water. Is thy master coming? 285

Serv. He lies to-night within seven leagues of Rome.

Ant. Post back with speed, and tell him what hath chanced : Here is a mourning Rome, a dangerous Rome, No Rome of safety for Octavius yet ; Hie hence and tell him so. Yet stay awhile; 290 Thou shalt not back till I have borne this corpse Into the market-place ; there shall I try, In my oration, how the people take The cruel issue of these bloody men ; According to the which thou shalt discourse 295 To young Octavius of the state of things. Lend me your hand. [Exeunt with Ccesar's body.

SCENE II.— The Forum.

Enter BRUTUS and CASSIUS, and a throng of Citizens.

Citizens. We will be satisfied : let us be satisfied. Bru. Then follow me, and give me audience, friends.

283. catching, for] F 2, 3, 4; catching from F 1. 285. Began] Ff; begin Hanmer, Dyce.

282. big] swoln with deep feeling. past so near the present, that in

283. Passion] feeling, as in I. ii. 40. English we should ordinarily use the 285. Began] is condemned as a present, is common in Greek tragedy,

manifest error by Dyce, and altered e.g. ivr/peaa, airtirTvo-a, fiireyvcov.

into "begin." The past is, however, 286. ties] passes the night.

quite justifiable, as Antony's eyes may 289. Rome of safety] See note on

be regarded as beginning to water 1. ii. 154.

when the servant exclaims " Caesar." 294. issue of these bloody men]

The use of the aorist referring to a result of their action.

sc. ii.] JULIUS CiESAR 101

Cassius, go you into the other street,

And part the numbers.

Those that will hear me speak, let 'em stay here ; 5

Those that will follow Cassius, go with him ;

And public reasons shall be rendered

Of Csesar's death.

First Cit. I will hear Brutus speak.

Second Cit. I will hear Cassius ; and compare their

reasons,

When severally we hear them rendered. 10

[Exit Cassius, with some of the Citizens,

Brutus goes into the pulpit.

Third Cit. The noble Brutus is ascended : silence !

Bru. Be patient till the last.

Romans, countrymen, and lovers ! hear me for my cause, and be silent, that you may hear : believe me for mine honour, and have respect 1 5 to mine honour, that you may believe : censure

4. parf\ part we, let us divide the following sentence addressed by

crowd. Brutus to the Pergamenians : "I

7. public reasons] reasons based understand you have given Dolabella

on public grounds, as opposed to money : if you have done it willingly,

•' private griefs" (line 220). you confess you have offended me ; if

9. compare] we will compare, against your wills, shew it then by

Here the subject is understood from giving me willingly." The very

the following temporal clause, as it iteration of the word "offended" in

was understood from the following Brutus's speech seems to indicate that

principal clause in i. 158. Shakespeare composed it with this

13. Romans, etc.] Shakespeare in letter of Brutus before him. Shake-

the composition of this speech peare's Brutus speaks in the same

evidently imitates "the brief com- style in ordinary conversation, e.g., I.

pendious manner of speech of the ii. 165-167, II. i. 88. Lacedaemonians, " which Plutarch 13. lovers] See note on 1 1. Hi. 9. says that Brutus affected. In the 16. censure] judge. "Censure "in

extracts from Brutus's letters given Shakespeare's time was often used as

in Plutarch's Life of Brutus, we see a neutral word and did not express

the same striving after brevity and blame. Compare 2 Henry VI. in.

logical precision as is noticeable in i. 275 : " Say you consent and censure

this speech. For instance, take the well (i.e. approve) the deed."

102 JULIUS CAESAR [act in.

me in your wisdom, and awake your senses, that you may the better judge. If there be any in this assembly, any dear friend of Caesar's, to him I say that Brutus' love to 20 Caesar was no less than his. If then that friend demand why Brutus rose against Caesar, this is my answer : Not that I loved Caesar less, but that I loved Rome more. Had you rather Caesar were living, and die all 25 slaves, than that Caesar were dead, to live all free men ? As Caesar loved me, I weep for him ; as he was fortunate, I rejoice at it ; as he was valiant, I honour him ; but, as he was ambitious, I slew him. There is tears for his 30 love ; joy for his fortune ; honour for his valour ; and death for his ambition. Who is here so base, that would be a bondman ? If any, speak ; for him have I offended. Who is here so rude, that would not be a Roman ? 35 If any, speak ; for him have I offended. Who is here so vile, that will not love his country ?

20. him'] F 1 ; them F 2, 3, 4.

17. senses'] powers of understand- note on 11. i. 166 and the following

ing, as in Pericles, v. i. 124: conclusion of one of Montaigne's

" I will believe thee Essays, which Shakespeare had prob-

And make my senses credit thy ably read : "Quand Timoleon pleure

relation." le meurtre qu'il avoit commis d'une

23, 24. loved Casar less] Brutus si meure et genereuse deliberation, il

means that it was not any deficiency ne pleure pas la liberte rendue a sa

in his love for Csesar, but the excess of patrie, il ne pleure pas la tyran ; mais

his love for Rome that made him rise il pleure son frere. L'une partie de

against Caesar. Craik takes "less" son deb voir est jouee ; laissons luy en

to mean "less than the dear friend of jouer l'aultre." Csesar," and "more" to mean "more 30. is] See note on I. iii. 138. than the dear friend of Caesar." 34. speak] let him speak.

27. As Catsar loved me] Compare 35. rude]= "brutish," line 1 1 2.

sc ii.] JULIUS CiESAR 103

If any, speak ; for him have I offended. I

pause for a reply. Citizens. None, Brutus, none. 40

Bru. Then none have I offended. I have done no

more to Caesar than you shall do to Brutus.

The question of his death is enrolled in the

Capitol ; his glory not extenuated, wherein he

was worthy, nor his offences enforced, for 45

which he suffered death.

Enter ANTONY and Othersy with Ccesar's body.

Here comes his body, mourned by Mark Antony : who, though he had no hand in his death, shall receive the benefit of his dying, a place in the commonwealth; as which of you 50 shall not ? With this I depart : that, as I slew my best lover for the good of Rome, I have the same dagger for myself, when it shall please my country to need my death.

Citizens. Live, Brutus ! live ! live ! 5 5

First Cit. Bring him with triumph home unto his house.

Second Cit. Give him a statue with his ancestors.

Third Cit. Let him be Caesar.

43. question of his death] the con- to Antony, " Nos in hac sententia

sideration of the justice of his death is sumus ut te cupiamus in libera re

recorded in the archives of the Capitol, publica magnum et honestum esse." Shakespeare seems here to indicate 58. Let him be Ccesar] The crowd

that the action of the conspirators had is so utterly insensible to the motives

been discussed at a meeting of the that actuated Brutus, that they would

Senate, and that the result of the debate reward him by exalting him to the

had been inscribed in the public records, height of power that in Caesar's case

There was, however, hardly time for he had condemned as criminal. It

such a debate between i. 253 andii. 1. is a case of " Le roi est mort, vive le

45. enforced'] unduly urged. roi." The people must have an idol

50. a place in the commonwealth] to bow down before, and for the

In a letter extant in Cicero's corre- moment pay Brutus the same defer-

spondence, Brutus and Cassius wrote ence that was formerly paid to Caesar.

104 JULIUS CiESAR [actih.

Fourth Cit. Caesar's better parts

Shall be crown'd in Brutus. First Cit. We '11 bring him to his house with shouts and clamours. 60

Bru. My countrymen, —

Second Cit. Peace ! silence ! Brutus speaks.

First Cit. Peace, ho ! Bru. Good countrymen, let me depart alone,

And, for my sake, stay here with Antony.

Do grace to Caesar's corpse, and grace his speech 65

Tending to Caesar's glories, which Mark Antony,

By our permission, is allow'd to make.

I do entreat you, not a man depart,

Save I alone, till Antony have spoke. [Exit.

First Cit. Stay, ho ! and let us hear Mark Antony. 70 Third Cit. Let him go up into the public chair ;

We'll hear him. Noble Antony, go up. Ant. For Brutus' sake, I am beholding to you. Fourth Cit. What does he say of Brutus ? Third Cit. He says, for Brutus' sake

He finds himself beholding to us all. 75

Fourth Cit. 'Twere best he speak no harm of Brutus here.

59. Shall be] Ff ; shall now be Pope, Dyce. 61. countrymen, — ] countrymen F 4; country-men F I, 2, 3. 73, 75. beholding} F I, 2, 3 ; beholden F 4.

Compare the significant identity of interest of Brutus, but "thanks to

language between line 61 and 1. ii. 1. Brutus." For this use of "sake" com-

59. in Brutus'] in the person of pare Genesis iii. 17, Jonah i. i2,Colos-

Brutus. sians iii. 6, and Othello, I. iii. 195 :

69. Save I] I is here a nominative " For your sake, jewel,

absolute, " save " being regarded not I 'm glad at soul I have no other

as an imperative, but as the equiva- child."

lent of "saved" (excepted) or the 73. beholding] a corruption for

French sauf. Compare v. v. 69. ' ' beholden " = indebted. He means

71. the public chair] the pulpit of that owing to the permission of Brutus

i. 236. he is able to take advantage of their

73. for Brutus^ sake] not for the kindness.

sen.] JULIUS C.ESAR 105

First Cit. This Caesar was a tyrant.

Third Cit. Nay, that 's certain :

We are bless'd that Rome is rid of him. Second Cit. Peace ! let us hear what Antony can say. Ant. You gentle Romans, —

Citizens. Peace, ho ! let us hear him. 80

Ant. Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend me your ears ;

I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him.

The evil that men do lives after them,

The good is oft interred with their bones ;

So let it be with Caesar. The noble Brutus 85

Hath told you Caesar was ambitious ;

If it were so, it was a grievous fault,

And grievously hath Caesar answer'd it.

Here, under leave of Brutus and the rest,

(For Brutus is an honourable man, 90

So are they all, all honourable men)

Come I to speak in Caesar's funeral.

He was my friend, faithful and just to me :

But Brutus says he was ambitious ;

And Brutus is an honourable man. 95

He hath brought many captives home to Rome,

Whose ransoms did the general coffers fill :

78. bless'd] F I ; glad F 2, 3, 4. 80. Romans, — ] Romans — F 4 ; Romans. F 1, 2, 3.

81. Friends, Romans] Compare "And do him right, that, answering

Titus Andronicus, 1. i. 9 : " Romans, one foul wrong,

friends, followers, favourers of my Lives not to do another."

right." 97. general coffers'] Antony means

87. were] The subj unction implies that an ambitious man would have that Antony doubts the assertion. See kept the money to himself, so that it note on II, i. 316. might help him in his struggle for

88. answer'd it] paid the penalty, power. Compare Measure for Measure, II, ii.

103:

106 JULIUS C.ESAR [act hi.

Did this in Caesar seem ambitious ?

When that the poor have cried, Caesar hath wept ;

Ambition should be made of sterner stuff: ioo

Yet Brutus says he was ambitious ;

And Brutus is an honourable man.

You all did see that on the Lupercal

I thrice presented him a kingly crown,

Which he did thrice refuse : was this ambition ? 105

Yet Brutus says he was ambitious ;

And, sure, he is an honourable man.

I speak not to disprove what Brutus spoke,

But here I am to speak what I do know.

You all did love him once, not without cause : 1 1 o

What cause withholds you then to mourn for him ?

0 judgment ! thou art fled to brutish beasts, And men have lost their reason. Bear with me ; My heart is in the coffin there with Caesar,

And I must pause till it come back to me. 115

First Cit. Methinks there is much reason in his sayings. Second Cit. If thou consider rightly of the matter,

Caesar has had great wrong. Third Cit. Has he, masters ?

1 fear there will a worse come in his place.

112. art] F 2, 3, 4 ; are F I. 118. Has he] F 4 ; has hee F 1, 2, 3.

99. When that] See note on i. presses grief too great for words.

92. Compare Macbeth, iv. iii. 210 :

103. on the Lupercal] at the feast " The grief that does not speak

of the Lupercalia. See I. i. 72. Whispers the o'erfraught heart and

114. My heart is in the coffin] bids it break."

Malone compares Daniel's Cleopatra, It is also adroitly employed by the

1593 : poet to give the citizens time for

" Say that my heart is gone into reflection and an opportunity of ex-

the grave pressing the change that their senti-

With him, in whom it rests and ments are undergoing.

ever shall." 1 18. Has he] Craik adds "not " so

115. I must pause] This pause ex- as to make the question expect the

sc. ii.] JULIUS CiESAR 107

Fourth Cit. Mark'd ye his words ? He would not take the crown ; 120

Therefore, 'tis certain, he was not ambitious.

First Cit. If it be found so, some will dear abide it.

Second Cit. Poor soul ! his eyes are red as fire with weeping.

Third Cit. There 's not a nobler man in Rome than Antony.

Fourth Cit. Now mark him ; he begins again to speak. 125

Ant. But yesterday the word of Caesar might

Have stood against the world ; now lies he there, And none so poor to do him reverence.

0 masters ! if I were dispos'd to stir

Your hearts and minds to mutiny and rage, 130

1 should do Brutus wrong, and Cassius wrong, Who, you all know, are honourable men.

I will not do them wrong ; I rather choose To wrong the dead, to wrong myself, and you, Than I will wrong such honourable men. 135

But here 's a parchment with the seal of Caesar ;

answer "Yes" and improve the ports "Ha, has he, masters?" an metre. Capell and Walker effect the emendation suggested by Prof. Little- latter purpose by inserting "my" dale. The question, when preceded before "masters." The question, by an interjection expressive of indig- however, seems weak. One of the nation and surprise at the new idea best emendations is that proposed by that has entered the speaker's mind, Professor H. Morley and conjectured ceases to have any appearance of independently by Mark Hunter in weakness. Compare the use of " ha " India: "That he has, masters." in IV. hi. 147. This not only improves the metre, 122. abide'] See note on i. 94. but also puts an emphatic expression 126. But yesterday] With this of conviction in the mouth of the famous antithesis compare sEneid, speaker. We get still nearer the fourth ii. 554-558.

Folio, if we read "That has he, 128. so poor to do him] For the

masters," in which case we have only construction compare i. 39.

to suppose that "that" was dropped, 135. Than I will wrong] a sense

and that the inversion of subject and construction for "than wrong," as

verb led to the insertion of the note of "I rather choose to wrong the dead "

interrogation. The reading of the is equivalent in sense to "I will

earlier Folios, however, strongly sup- rather wrong the dead."

108 JULIUS CESAR [act m.

I found it in his closet, 'tis his will.

Let but the commons hear this testament,

Which, pardon me, I do not mean to read,

And they would go and kiss dead Caesar's wounds, 140

And dip their napkins in his sacred blood,

Yea, beg a hair of him for memory,

And, dying, mention it within their wills,

Bequeathing it as a rich legacy

Unto their issue. 145

Fourth Cit. We '11 hear the will : read it, Mark Antony. Citizens. The will, the will ! we will hear Caesar's will. Ant. Have patience, gentle friends ; I must not read it :

It is not meet you know how Caesar lov'd you.

You are not wood, you are not stones, but men ; 150

And, being men, hearing the will of Caesar,

It will inflame you, it will make you mad.

'Tis good you know not that you are his heirs ;

For if you should, O ! what would come of it. Fourth Cit. Read the will ! we '11 hear it, Antony ; 155

139. Which, pardon me,] (Which pardon me) Ff.

139. I do not mean to read] Com- supplemented by a more regular con- pare Iago's conduct in Othello, III. struction, compare JEneid, ii. 668, Hi. IOI-104, 120, 121, 152-154, and ix. 427, The Lady of the Lake, vi. Bacon's remark in his Essay on xvii. : "'Down, down!' cried Mar, "Cunning," that "the breaking oft' 'your lances down,'" and "A horse ! in the midst of that one was about to A horse ! My kingdom for a horse," say, as if he took himself up, breeds Richard III. v. iv. 7. a greater appetite in him with whom 148. gentle] See note on I. ii. 23 1/ you confer to know more." 150. stones] Compare I. i. 40,

141. napkins] handkerchiefs, as in "stone -hard heart (Richard III. Othello, in. iii. 290. The word is iv. iv. 228), and Rokeby, in. xxx. used in this sense in modern Scotch. 25 : "The father was steel and the

142. for memory] to remind them mother was stone."

of the dead. 153.] Here by a common rhetorical

147.] For the noun or verb first device Antony, while professing to used in hurried exclamation and then conceal a fact, reveals it.

sc. ii.] JULIUS CiESAR 109

You shall read us the will, Caesar's will. Ant. Will you be patient? will you stay awhile?

I have o'ershot myself to tell you of it,

I fear I wrong the honourable men

Whose daggers have stabb'd Caesar ; I do fear it. 1 60 Fourth Cit. They were traitors : honourable men I Citizens. The will ! the testament ! Second Cit. They were villains, murderers. The will !

read the will ! Ant. You will compel me then to read the will?

Then make a ring about the corpse of Caesar, 165

And let me show you him that made the will.

Shall I descend ? and will you give me leave ? Citizens. Come down.

Second Cit. Descend. [Antony comes down.

Third Cit. You shall have leave. 170

Fourth Cit. A ring; stand round.

First Cit. Stand from the hearse ; stand from the body. Second Cit. Room for Antony ; most noble Antony. Ant. Nay, press not so upon me; stand far off. Citizens. Stand back ! room ! bear back ! 175

Ant. If you have tears, prepare to shed them now.

You all do know this mantle : I remember

The first time ever Caesar put it on ;

'Twas on a summer's evening, in his tent,

158. o'ershot myself] produced conspirators and make the mob re- more effect than I intended, like an sent the application of the epithet archer who shoots his arrow over the " honourable " to them, mark. Compare Macbeth, I. vii. 27 : 161. honourable men!] an ex- " Vaulting ambition which o'erleaps clamation presenting the idea for itself." immediate rejection with scorn.

160. Whose daggers, etc.] This clause 174. far] a comparative here, as in

is intended by its sound as well as by Winter's Tale, iv. iv. 442 : " Far

its sense to describe the ferocity of the than Deucalion off."

110 JULIUS CiESAR [act m.

That day he overcame the Nervii. 1 80

Look ! in this place ran Cassius' dagger through :

See what a rent the envious Casca made :

Through this the well-beloved Brutus stabb'd ;

And as he pluck'd his cursed steel away,

Mark how the blood of Caesar follow'd it, 185

As rushing out of doors, to be resolv'd

If Brutus so unkindly knock'd or no ;

For Brutus, as you know, was Caesar's angel :

Judge, O you gods ! how dearly Caesar lov'd him.

This was the most unkindest cut of all ; 1 90

For when the noble Caesar saw him stab,

Ingratitude, more strong than traitors' arms,

Quite vanquish'd him : then burst his mighty heart ;

And, in his mantle muffling up his face,

Even at the base of Pompey's statue, 1 9 5

Which all the while ran blood, great Caesar fell.

O ! what a fall was there, my countrymen ;

Then I, and you, and all of us fell down,

195. statue] Ff ; statua Steevens, Dyce.

180. That day] on the day on which. 194. muffling up his face] operto

Compare 11. i. 331. capitey Horace, Sat. 11. iii. 37.

180. the Nervii] a people of Gaul Plutarch relates that "when he saw

conquered by Caesar after a desperate Brutus with his sword drawn in his

struggle in 57 B.C. In his Life of hand, then he pulled his gown over

Ccesar Plutarch describes the battle his head, and made no more re-

and the festivities with which the sistance." Compare v. v. 47.

victory was celebrated at Rome. 195. statue] is a trisyllable as in

Antony was not present at the battle. II, ii. 76. An ancient statue, which

186. be resolv'd] See i. 131. was discovered in 1553, and now

188. Ccesar' s angel] Csesar lov'd and stands in the Spada Palace at Rome,

revered him, as if he were an angel. may be the very statue of Pompey

190. most unkindest] a double at the base of which Caesar fell,

superlative. Compare i. 121. Byron devotes a stanza to it. See

192. Ingratitude] In the Earl of Childe Harold, IV. lxxxvii.

Sterline's play Calpurnia remarks 196. ran blood] "against the very base

that, " Nought but unkindness Caesar whereon Pompey's statue stood, which

could o'ercome." ran all a gore of blood " (Plutarch).

sc. ii] JULIUS CiESAR 111

Whilst bloody treason flourish'd over us. O ! now you weep, and I perceive you feel 200

The dint of pity ; these are gracious drops, Kind souls, what ! weep you when you but behold Our Caesar's vesture wounded ? Look you here, Here is himself, marr'd, as you see, with traitors.

First Cit. O piteous spectacle! 205

Second Cit. O noble Caesar !

Third Cit. O woeful day !

Fourth Cit. O traitors ! villains !

First Cit. O most bloody sight !

Second Cit. We will be revenged. 210

Citizens. Revenge ! — About ! — Seek ! — Burn ! — Fire ! — Kill ! — Slay '—Let not a traitor live.

Ant. Stay, countrymen.

First Cit. Peace there ! Hear the noble Antony.

Second Cit. We '11 hear him, we '11 follow him, we '11 215 die with him.

Ant. Good friends, sweet friends, let me not stir you up To such a sudden flood of mutiny. They that have done this deed are honourable : What private griefs they have, alas ! I know not, 220

211. Citizens] omitted in Ff.

199. flourished] triumphed, or, 204. marrd. . . with] mangled by.

perhaps, brandished his sword, as in 213. Stay] Here, as in line 240,

Romeo and Juliet, I. i. 85: Antony has really o'ershot himself, and

1 ' Old Montague is come, has spoken with such effect that his

And flourishes his blade in spite audience are running off, before he

of me." has said all that he wants to say.

201. gracious] betokening goodness 220. griefs] grievances, causes of of heart, which in theological language complaint, as in iv. ii. 42, 46. The was grace or the effect of grace. epithet "private" insinuates that not

202. but behold] Compare I. i. 48. patriotism and the "public reasons"

203. Look you here] Saying these alleged by Brutus in line 7, but words, Antony tears off the mantle personal motives, induced the con- and reveals the body of Gesar. spirators to kill Caesar.

112 JULIUS CAESAR [act hi.

That made them do it ; they are wise and honourable, And will, no doubt, with reasons answer you. I come not, friends, to steal away your hearts : I am no orator, as Brutus is ;

But, as you know me all, a plain blunt man, 225 That love my friend ; and that they know full well That gave me public leave to speak of him. For I have neither wit, nor words, nor worth, Action, nor utterance, nor the power of speech, To stir men's blood : I only speak right on ; 230 I tell you that which you yourselves do know, Show you sweet Caesar's wounds, poor poor dumb

mouths, And bid them speak for me : but were I Brutus, And Brutus Antony, there were an Antony Would ruffle up your spirits, and put a tongue 235 In every wound of Caesar, that should move The stones of Rome to rise and mutiny.

Citizens. We '11 mutiny.

First Cit. We '11 burn the house of Brutus.

227. gave] F I ; give F 2, 3, 4. 228. wit] F 2, 3, 4 ; writ F I.

222. with reasons answer you] cleverness, nor command of language,

There is a subtle irony in Antony's nor ability. Johnson explains " writ,"

remark. He knew well the folly of the reading of the first Folio, as

attempting to give reasons to an meaning a " penned or premeditated

excited mob. Brutus had already oration."

attempted to do this (i. 237), and the 229. Action] used in its oratorical

temporary effect produced by his sense to express the appropriate

reasoning was entirely swept away by movements with which the orator

Antony's impassioned appeal to their accompanied his speech,

feelings. 232. poor poor] See note on 11. ii.

226. that] that I am no orator. 102.

Antony insinuates that the conspira- 232. dumb mouths] Compare i. 260.

tors would not have allowed a good 233, 234. were I Brutus ■, And

speaker to pronounce Caesar's eulogy. Brutus Antony] if I and Brutus

227. public leave to speak of him] exchanged our characteristics, so that permission to speak of him in public. I had the oratorical power of Brutus.

228. wit, nor words, itor worth] Compare I. ii. 319.

sen.] JULIUS CAESAR 113

Third Cit. Away then ! come, seek the conspirators.

Ant. Yet hear me, countrymen ; yet hear me speak. 240

Citizens. Peace, ho ! — Hear Antony — Most noble Antony.

Ant. Why, friends, you go to do you know not what. Wherein hath Caesar thus deserv'd your loves? Alas ! you know not : I must tell you then. You have forgot the will I told you of. 245

Citizens. Most true. The will ! Let 's stay and hear the will.

Ant. Here is the will, and under Caesar's seal. To every Roman citizen he gives, To every several man, seventy-five drachmas.

Second Cit. Most noble Caesar ! We '11 revenge his death. 250

Third Cit. O royal Caesar !

Ant. Hear me with patience.

Citizens. Peace, ho !

Ant. Moreover, he hath left you all his walks,

His private arbours, and new-planted orchards, 255 On this side Tiber ; he hath left them you, And to your heirs for ever ; common pleasures, To walk abroad, and recreate yourselves. Here was a Caesar ! when comes such another ?

256. this side] Ff, that side Theobald.

240. Yet hear me] See note on pleasure to the general public. As

213. pleasure " and ' ' pleasance " were

256. this side] The gardens were once equivalent terms (compare really on the other side of the Tiber. Othello, II. iii. 293), and "pleasance," Shakespeare repeats the mistake made though not so used by Shakespeare, by North, who followed Amyot. often has the meaning of " pleasure "On this side" is a prepositional grounds," we might almost give that phrase governing an object. Com- meaning to "pleasures" here and in pare Tennyson's lines : Paradise Lost, ix. 120.

" On either side the river lie 259. when comes such another] — " I

Rich fields of barley and of rye. " shall not look upon his like again,"

257. common pleasures] sources of Hamlet, 1. ii. 188.

8

114 JULIUS CAESAR [act in.

First Cit. Never, never ! Come, away, away ! 260

We '11 burn his body in the holy place, And with the brands fire the traitors' houses. Take up the body.

Second Cit. Go, fetch fire.

Third Cit. Pluck down benches. 265

Fourth Cit. Pluck down forms, windows, any thing.

[Exeunt Citizens with the body.

Ant. Now let it work. Mischief, thou art afoot, Take thou what course thou wilt !

Enter a Servant.

How now, fellow ! Serv. Sir, Octavius is already come to Rome. Ant. Where is he? 270

Serv. He and Lepidus are at Caesar's house. Ant. And thither will I straight to visit him.

He comes upon a wish. Fortune is merry, And in this mood will give us any thing. Serv. I heard him say Brutus and Cassius 275

Are rid like madmen through the gates of Rome. Ant. Belike they had some notice of the people,

How I had mov'd them. Bring me to Octavius.

\Exeunt.

262. fire the] F I ; fire all the F 2, 3, 4. 275. him] Ff, them Capell.

261. the holy place] Plutarch says 273. upon a wish] exactly in accord -

they burnt the body "in the midst of ance with my wishes.

the most holy places." 274. in this mood] "in the giving

267. Mischief] being the English vein," Richard III. IV. ii. 119.

equivalent of Ate (i. 271), Antony 278. How I had moved them] Here

has done much to bring about the "of" first governs a noun, and then,

fulfilment of his own prophecy. to make the meaning clearer, a noun

clause. Compare v. v. 22.

sc. in.] JULIUS CESAR 115

SCENE III.— The Same. A Street.

Enter ClNNA, the Poet.

Cin. I dreamt to-night that I did feast with Caesar, And things unluckily charge my fantasy : I have no will to wander forth of doors, Yet something leads me forth.

Enter Citizens.

First Cit. What is your name ? 5

Second Cit. Whither are you going ?

Third Cit. Where do you dwell ?

Fourth Cit. Are you a married man or a bachelor?

Second Cit. Answer every man directly.

First Cit. Ay, and briefly. 10

Fourth Cit. Ay, and wisely.

Third Cit. Ay, and truly, you are best.

2. unluckily] Ff ; unhicky Warburton, Dyce ; unlikely Craik, Collier MS.

i. to-night] See note on II. ii. sentiment of evil from his dreams.

76. Romeo, on the contrary, on the

2. unluckily] in a way foreboding morning of his death, says :

misfortune. " Unlikely," the reading M My dreams presage some joyful

of Collier's MS. annotator accepted by news at hand,

Craik, does not seem to improve the My bosom's lord sits lightly in

sense. Warburton's emendation " un- his throne."

lucky" is more tempting. Steevens 2. charge] burden, depress, as in

quotes an old treatise on fortune- Macbeth, V. i. 60 : " The heart is

telling, in which it is stated that to sorely charged."

dream of being at banquets betokens 3. / have no will, etc.] Steevens

misfortune. In Plutarch's Life of compares the Merchant of Venice, II.

Brutus, China dreams that Caesar v. 37, where Shylock says :

invites him to supper, and leads him " I have no mind of feasting forth

against his will into a dark place to-night :

where he is marvellously afraid. But I will go."

Cinna, like Shylock in the Merchant 9. directly] in a straightforward

of Venice, II. v. 16-18, derives a pre- manner.

116 JULIUS CiESAR [act in. sc. in.

Cin. What is my name? Whither am I going? Where do I dwell? Am I a married man or a bachelor ? Then, to answer every man i 5 directly and briefly, wisely and truly ; wisely I say, I am a bachelor.

Second Cit. That 's as much as to say they are fools that marry ; you '11 bear me a bang for that, I fear. Proceed ; directly. 20

Cin. Directly, I am going to Caesar's funeral.

First Cit. As a friend or an enemy ?

Cin. As a friend.

Second Cit. The matter is answered directly.

Fourth Cit. For your dwelling, briefly. 25

Cin. Briefly, I dwell by the Capitol.

Third Cit. Your name, sir, truly.

Cin. Truly, my name is Cinna.

First Cit. Tear him to pieces ; he'sa conspirator.

Cin. I am Cinna the poet, I am Cinna the poet. 30

Fourth Cit. Tear him for his bad verses, tear him for his bad verses.

Cin. I am not Cinna the conspirator.

Second Cit. It is no matter, his name 's Cinna ; pluck

16. -wisely] is put in such a posi- mark," i.e. the remark makes him

tion that it may express either the think that Cinna is making a dis-

wisdom of the answer or the wisdom paraging reflection on married men.

of being a bachelor. The future sometimes expresses what

19. you'll bear me a bang] you'll is probably true in the present, what

get a bang. The speaker is evidently will turn out to be true, as when

a married man who resents Cinna's we say, " It will now be ten

disparagement of marriage. By the o'clock." See Appendix, ethical dative "me" (compare I. ii. 21. directly] like wisely in 16, is

266), he expresses his interest in the purposely made ambiguous by its

matter, and indicates indirectly that position. It may express either the

he will himself deliver the blow. Or straightforwardness of the answer or

perhaps the meaning is, ' ' You will be that Cinna is going straight to Caesar's

having a hit at me because of that re- funeral.

act iv. sci] JULIUS CiESAR 117

but his name out of his heart, and turn him 35 going. Third Cit. Tear him, tear him ! Come, brands, ho ! firebrands ! To Brutus, to Cassius ; burn all. Some to Decius' house, and some to Casca's ; some to Ligarius'. Away ! go ! 40

[Exeunt.

ACT IV

SCENE I. — Rome. A Room in Antony's House.

Enter Antony, OCTAVIUS, and Lepidus.

Ant. These many then shall die; their names are prick'd.

Oct. Your brother too must die ; consent you, Lepidus ?

Lep. I do consent —

Oct. Prick him down, Antony.

Lep. Upon condition Publius shall not live,

Who is your sister's son, Mark Antony. 5

Ant. He shall not live ; look, with a spot I damn him.

3. consent — ] Knight, consent. Ff. 5. Who isyour]'Fi,youare his Upton.

35, 36. turn him going] turn him off speare, where no motion is intended,

(iv. i. 25), and let him go. "Going" as here, and, probably, at the be-

is proleptic and expresses the result ginning of Acts 1. and 11. In this scene

of the action of the verb, as in the the three triumvirs may naturally be

colloquial "Set it going." For the supposed to be "discovered" sitting

grim irony of the citizen's remark round a table when the curtain rises,

compare the story of the Earl of 1. prick'd] See note on III. i. 216.

Douglas, who said to Sir Patrick 4. Publius] This description of

Gray, "Yonder is your sister's son Publius is inconsistent with III. i. 92.

lying, but he wants the head : take The nephew of Antony could hardly

his body and do with it what you have been an aged man at this time,

will." To which Sir Patrick replied, Plutarch in his account of the con-

"My lord, if ye have taken from him ference says that Antony "forsook

his head, dispone upon the body as Lucius Caesar, who was his uncle by

ye please." his mother."

6. damn] condemn, as in Whet-

Act IV. Scene I. stone's Promos and Cassandra :

Enter] This stage-direction is often ■ ■ Vouchsafe to give my damned hus-

found in the old editions of Shake- band life."

118 JULIUS CiESAR [act iv.

But, Lepidus, go you to Caesar's house ; Fetch the will hither, and we shall determine How to cut off some charge in legacies.

Lep. What ! shall I find you here ? i o

Oct. Or here or at the Capitol. [Exit Lepidus.

Ant. This is a slight unmeritable man,

Meet to be sent on errands : is it fit,

The three-fold world divided, he should stand

One of the three to share it ?

Oct. So you thought him ; i 5

And took his voice who should be prick'd to die In our black sentence and proscription.

Ant. Octavius, I have seen more days than you :

And though we lay these honours on this man, To ease ourselves of divers slanderous loads, 20

He shall but bear them as the ass bears gold, To groan and sweat under the business, Either led or driven, as we point the way ;

23. point] F 1 ; print F 2, 3, 4.

7. to Cesar's house] This and line 15. So] fit to take a third part of

1 1 show that the scene is laid at the world.

Rome, although the historical meeting- 16. voice] vote, as in III. i. 177,

place of the triumvirs was a small and Othello, 1. ii. 13.

island on the river Rhenus near 17. black sentence] sentence of

Bononia. death. For this sense Murray quotes

9. to cut off, etc.] to diminish the Habington's Castara (1640): "The expenditure in paying Caesar's legacies, black edict of a tyrant grave." Corn- Antony intended to embezzle some of pare "black list "=" list of con- the money, and use it for his own demned persons." purposes. 20. divers slanderous loads] Lepidus

12. a slight unmeritable man] a was to bear the odium of the most

man of no importance and deserving unpopular acts of the triumvirate,

little consideration. "Slight" is so 21. as the ass bears gold] Compare

used again in iii. 37. Measure for Measure, ill. i. 26 :

14. the three-fold world divided] the "Like an ass whose back with

world being divided into three parts. ingots bows,

The adjective is used proleptically, Thou bear'st thy heavy riches

although it precedes its noun, as in but a journey."

Macbeth, ill. iv. 76: "Ere human 22. business] here a trisyllable, as

statute purged the gentle weal." in Richard II. II. i. 217.

sc.i] JULIUS CiESAR 119

And having brought our treasure where we will,

Then take we down his load, and turn him off, 25

Like to the empty ass, to shake his ears,

And graze in commons. Oct. You may do your will ;

But he 's a tried and valiant soldier. Ant. So is my horse, Octavius ; and for that

I do appoint him store of provender. 30

It is a creature that I teach to fight,

To wind, to stop, to run directly on,

His corporal motion govern'd by my spirit.

And, in some taste, is Lepidus but so ;

He must be taught, and train'd, and bid go forth; 35

A barren-spirited fellow ; one that feeds

On objects, arts, and imitations,

37. objects, arts] Ff, abject oris Theobald.

25. take we down his load] Notice pare It. ii. 80. Objects are material the dramatic irony in this speech, things, such as horses, hounds, pic- Antony proposes to treat Lepidus tures, and statues. "Arts" here in- much as he himself was afterwards eludes not only subjects of knowledge, treated by Octavius. as in the expression "liberal arts,"

27. commons] In Shakespeare's time but also modes of speech and be- most English villages had tracts of haviour in society, and everything public ground on which the villagers else that can be acquired by study, could graze their donkeys and other There is much plausibility in Theo- animals. bald's emendation "abject orts," i.e.

32. wind] turn about. scraps and fragments rejected by

33. corporal motion] See note on others. "Abject" is a favourite 11. i. 66. term of contempt in Shakespeare.

34. in some taste] when tested in "Ort" is also a not uncommon some ways, i.e. in some measure. Shakespearian word. It is derived Compare Lear, 1. ii. 47 : " He wrote from or, out, and^/aw, eat, and means this but as an essay or taste of my a fragment left after eating. It there- virtue," which with other passages fore goes naturally with "feeds on" indicates that the nouns "test" and here and in a passage quoted by " taste " were confused. Johnson from Ben Jonson, "Brave

36. barren-spirited fellow] a man plush and velvetmen can feed on orts." destitute of originality. The Cambridge editors, following

37. objects, arts, and imitations] Staunton, read "abjects, orts, and imitations of objects and arts. Com- imitations." This involves less altera-

120 JULIUS CiESAR [act iv.

Which, out of use and stal'd by other men,

Begin his fashion : do not talk of him

But as a property. And now, Octavius, 40

Listen great things : Brutus and Cassius

Are levying powers ; we must straight make head ;

Therefore let our alliance be combin'd,

Our best friends made, and our best means stretch'd

out; And let us presently go sit in council, 45

How covert matters may be best disclos'd, And open perils surest answered.

44. and our best means stretch. 'd out] F 2, 3, 4 ; our best means stretch! a F 1.

tion of the reading of the Folio, forces. Compare 1 Henry IV. IV. iv.

There is no other instance in Shake- 25 : "A head of gallant warriors."

speare of "abject" used as a noun in 44. Our best friends made] those

the sense of "rejected object," but who are likely to be most useful to

Mark Hunter quotes one from Ben us made our friends, and our most

Jonson's Poetaster. On the whole, it powerful resources employed to the

seems better to retain the reading of greatest possible extent. This is how

the Folio, as we find " objects" in a we must interpret the line as enlarged

similar context in Lovers Labour's Lost, by the later Folios. "Our best

iv. ii. 70: "A foolish extravagant friends made " is, however, so incom-

spirit, full of forms, figures, shapes, plete in itself, that it seems likely

objects, ideas, apprehensions, motions, that what is omitted in the first Folio

and revolutions." is an adjective meaning "firm" after

38. Which, out of use, etc.] which " made, " or perhaps an infinitive with

he does not begin to adopt until they "to," so that the line would be nearly

have been discarded by others, and as follows : " Our best friends made

become hackneyed. Like Justice to know our best means stretch'd."

Shallow {2 Henry IV. in. ii. 339), 45. go sit] The fact that the infini-

he "came ever in the rearward of tive without " to " cannot follow the

the fashion." inflected forms of " go " and • ' come "

40. property] a tool. Compare indicates that, when the uninflected Merry Wives, in. iv. 10, and Beau- form of another verb follows the im- mont and Fletcher's False One, v. iii. : perative or infinitive of "go" or

" This devil, Photinus, " come," it is a co-ordinate verb with

Employs me as a property, and, "and " omitted before it. "Go sit "

grown useless, is short for "go and sit." Compare

Will shake me off again." iii. 43 ; 1. ii. 25.

41. Listen] is still used transitively 47. answered] met, encountered, in poetry, e.g. in Heber's verses : as 2 Henry IV. iv. v. 197 :

" In cool Bengala's leafy grove " All these bold fears

Listening the nightingale." Thou see'st with peril I have

42. make head] gather together answered."

sc. ii.] JULIUS CESAR 121

Oct. Let us do so : for we are at the stake, And bay'd about with many enemies ; And some that smile have in their hearts, I fear, 5 o Millions of mischiefs. {Exeunt.

SCENE II. — Camp near Sardis. Before Brutus 's Tent.

Drum. Enter Brutus, Lucilius, Lucius, and Soldiers ; TITINIUS and PlNDARUS meet them.

Bru. Stand, ho !

Lucil. Give the word, ho ! and stand.

Bru. What now, Lucilius ! is Cassius near ?

Lucil. He is at hand ; and Pindarus is come

To do you salutation from his master. 5

Bru. He greets me well. Your master, Pindarus, In his own change, or by ill officers, Hath given me some worthy cause to wish Things done undone ; but, if he be at hand, I shall be satisfied.

gives a

5.] Capell adds as a stage-direction "presenting Pindarus, who letter." 7. officers] Ff, offices Johnson.

48. at the stake] The metaphor is 6. He greets me well] he does me

taken from bear-baiting, a brutal honour by his greeting. This is a

sport popular in the time of Elizabeth, polite acknowledgment of a greeting,

Octavius and Antony were, in the as in 2 Henry IV. in. ii. 69. In

words of Spenser, F. Q. 1. xii. 35, neither case need we suppose that

" As chained bear, whom cruel dogs do "well" refers to the contents of a

bait." Compare also Twelfth Night, letter supposed to be delivered by the

1. iii. 98, 11. v. 9 ; Winter's Tale, IV. messenger.

iii. 109, and Macbeth, V. vii. I : 7. In his own change] owing to

" They have tied me to a stake ; I change of feeling on his own part, or

cannot fly misled by bad officers. Warburton

But bear-like I must fight the reads " in his own charge," i.e. "in

course." matters under his own immediate

control."

Scene 11. I0 j shan be satisfied] I shall

5. do you salutation] Compare III. be rendered satisfaction, receive ex-

ii. 65, and Henry V. iv. i. 26 : "Do planations. my good morrow to them."

122 JULIUS CAESAR [act iv.

Pin. I do not doubt 10

But that my noble master will appear Such as he is, full of regard and honour.

Bru. He is not doubted. A word, Lucilius : How he receiv'd you, let me be resolv'd.

Lucil. With courtesy and with respect enough ; I 5

But not with such familiar instances, Nor with such free and friendly conference, As he hath us'd of old.

Bru. Thou hast describ'd

A hot friend cooling. Ever note, Lucilius, When love begins to sicken and decay, 20

It useth an enforced ceremony. There are no tricks in plain and simple faith ; But hollow men, like horses hot at hand,

13. Lucilius:'] Lucilius F I, 2; Lucilius, F 3, 4 ; Lucilius, — Rowe. 14. you,] Rowe, you: Ff.

12. full of regard] worthy of all Troilus and Cressida, v. ii. 153 : "O

respect. "Full of regard" means instance strong as Pluto's gates."

"wise" according to A. Schmidt, 17. conference] conversation,

who both here and in in. i. 224 takes 21. enforced ceremony] as opposed

"regard" as meaning "thought." to natural kindness. So when Lord

Compare Lucrece, 277, 1400. Castlewood became suspicious of

id. familiar instances] words and Mohun, he "treated him with a acts of friendly importunity, such as is studied and ceremonious courtesy, shown by hospitable hosts who press certainly different from my lord's usual their visitors to eat and drink more frank and careless demeanour " and stay longer. We have a good (Esmond, chap. xiv.). illustration of such friendly impor- 23. horses hot at hand] fiery when tunity in the Winter's Tale, 1. ii. 9- led by the hand. Compare Henry 55. For this meaning of the word, VLIL. v. iii. 21-24 : which is not found elsewhere in ' ' those that tame wild horses Shakespeare, Murray quotes Whis- Pace them not in their hands to Xoris Josephus, " The earnest instances make them gentle, and fervent entreaties of Balak, " and But stop their mouths with stub- gives several passages illustrating born bits, and spur them, the corresponding use of the verb Till they obey the manage." "instance." A. Schmidt, however, Craik quotes from Harington's takes "familiar instances" to mean Arioslo, "gentle to the spur and "proofs of familiarity." For hand," which suggests that "at "instance" in this sense, compare hand " may mean " restrained by the

sc. ii.] JULIUS CESAR 123

Make gallant show and promise of their mettle ; But when they should endure the bloody spur, 25 They fall their crests, and, like deceitful jades, Sink in the trial. Comes his army on ?

Lucil. They mean this night in Sardis to be quarter'd ; The greater part, the horse in general, Are come with Cassius. [Low march within.

Bru. Hark ! he is arriv'd. 30

March gently on to meet him.

Enter CASSIUS and Soldiers.

Cas. Stand, ho !

Bru. Stand, ho ! Speak the word along.

First Sold. Stand !

Second Sold. Stand ! 3 5

Third Sold. Stand !

Cas. Most noble brother, you have done me wrong.

Bru. Judge me, you gods ! wrong I mine enemies ?

And, if not so, how should I wrong a brother ? Cas, Brutus, this sober form of yours hides wrongs ; 40

And when you do them —

26. crests] F 1 ; crest F 2, 3, 4. 34, 35, 36. First Sold., Second Sold., Third Sold.] omitted in Ff.

rein." The meaning would then The opposite condition is described in

be that the horses are fretful when P. L. ix. 633.

checked by the bit, but dull when 27. Sink] fail, succumb. Craik

the rider spurs them on. unnecessarily suspects that " shrink "

26. fall'] transitive, as in the fol- is the true reading. "Sink" is used

lowing quotation and often in Shake- in much the same sense in Othello, 11.

speare. The lowering of the crest iii. 209.

indicates want of spirit and humilia- 29. the horse in general] the whole

tion, as in Richard II. I. i. 188, Merry of the cavalry.

Wives, IV. v. 102, and Troihis and 40. this sober form of yours] this

Cressida, I. iii. 379 : outward appearance of composure

" Make him fall that you put on. Compare "tardy

His crest that prouder than blue form " (1. ii. 304). Iris bends."

124 JULIUS CESAR [act iv.

Bru. Cassius, be content ;

Speak your griefs softly : I do know you well.

Before the eyes of both our armies here,

Which should perceive nothing but love from us,

Let us not wrangle : bid them move away ; 4 5

Then in my tent, Cassius, enlarge your griefs,

And I will give you audience. Cas. Pindarus,

Bid our commanders lead their charges off

A little from this ground. Bru. Lucius, do you the like ; and let no man 5 o

Come to our tent till we have done our conference.

Lucilius and Titinius guard our door. [Exeunt.

SCENE III. — Within the Tent of Brutus.

Enter BRUTUS and CASSIUS.

Cas. That you have wrong'd me doth appear in this : You have condemn'd and noted Lucius Pella For taking bribes here of the Sardians ;

50. Lucius] Craik, Lucilius Ff. 52. Lucilius] Craik, Let Lucius Ff.

41. be content] restrain yourself, the tent in which they met as "our The choleric Cassius in his excite- tent," he could equally well speak of ment has been speaking loud. Brutus its door as ' ' our door. "

knows him well, that is, knows his

liability to violent outbursts of passion, scene in.

and tries to calm him. 2. noted] branded with infamy.

42. griefs] See note on ill. ii. 220. "Brutus upon complaint of the 48. their charges] the troops under Sardians did condemn and note

their command. Lucius Pella for a defamed person "

50. Lucius, do you the like] See (North's Plutarch). The Latin verb

Appendix. noto expressed the mark of degrada-

52. our door] Dyce reads " the tion inflicted by the censors on those

door," supposing that the "our " was who had disgraced themselves. In

repeated by mistake from the previous Lovers Labours Lost, 1 v. iii. 125, " per-

line. But, if Brutus could describe jured note "=" brand of perjury."

sc. in.] JULIUS CiESAR 125

Wherein my letters, praying on his side,

Because I knew the man was slighted off — 5

Bru. You wrong'd yourself to write in such a case.

Cas. In such a time as this it is not meet

That every nice offence should bear his comment.

Bru. Let me tell you, Cassius, you yourself

Are much condemn'd to have an itching palm ; 1 o To sell and mart your offices for gold To undeservers.

Cas. I an itching palm !

You know that you are Brutus that speaks this, Or, by the gods, this speech were else your last.

Bru. The name of Cassius honours this corruption, 1 5

4. letters'] F I ; letter F 2, 3, 4. 5. ?nan was] F 1 ; man, was F 2, 3, 4 ; man, were Malone ; off— ] off. Ff. 9. Let] Ff, And let Dyce. 13. speaks] Ff, speak Pope and later editors.

5. slighted off] dismissed in dis- having, said to have and therefore grace. Cassius wrote in his behalf condemned.

because he heard of his dismissal, 10. / an itching palm !] For the

which he considered to be under the construction compare the quotations

circumstances impolitic. " Slight given in the note on line 240. An

off" is used in this sense in the pas- itching palm is supposed to indicate

sage quoted by Dyce from Dekker : greediness for money. For "itching "

" Brave Shalcan Bohor, all this as expressive of longing, compare

whiie 2 Timothy iv. 3, and Merry Wives,

Our eye has followed yours, and "• i[i- fi> " If I sf a sword out my

seen it smile finSer ltches t0 make one- As 'twere in scorn of what these J3- *£"**) Compare in. i. 30.

men could do, ,, »J *?• The name of Cassius etc]

Which made us slight them off Brutuf 1S speaking generally of the

to engross you, prevalent corruption, and complains

Our best and richest prize." that> as Cassius himself ^ the -T

ample, and was too great to be punish-

Compare also Merry Wives, ill. v. 9, ed, other offenders escape the punish-

" The rogues slighted me into the ment they deserve. They could count

river." See Appendix. on exemption from chastisement,

8. nice offence] what would be con- arguing, as Casca does in I. iii. 158 :

sidered an offence by a nice, i.e. " That which would appear offence

excessively precise and scrupulous in us,

critic, a trifling offence. His countenance, like richest

8. his] neuter possessive, as in I. ii. alchemy,

123. Will change to virtue and to

10. condemned to have] censured for worthiness."

126

JULIUS CiESAR

[ACT IV.

And chastisement doth therefore hide his head.

Cas. Chastisement !

Bru. Remember March, the ides of March remember : Did not great Julius bleed for justice' sake ? What villain touch'd his body, that did stab, And not for justice ? What ! shall one of us, That struck the foremost man of all this world But for supporting robbers, shall we now Contaminate our fingers with base bribes, And sell the mighty space of our large honours For so much trash as may be grasped thus ? I had rather be a dog, and bay the moon,

20

25

27. bay] F 1 ; bait F 2, 3, 4.

17. Chastisement!] Cassius utters this indignant exclamation, thinking that he himself is threatened with punishment.

18.] In this line we have the ar- rangement of words called chiasmus, as in 1. i. 16.

20. What villain touctid] who was such a villain as to touch his body, stabbing for any other motive than justice. Compare v. iv. 2.

23. supporting robbers] Here a new motive is suggested as having actuated the murder of Caesar, and a strange one, seeing that almost all the con- spirators had been advanced to high office by Caesar. Plutarch relates that Brutus told Cassius that "he should remember the Ides of March, at which time they slew Julius Csesar, who neither pilled nor polled the country, but only was a favourer and suborner of all them that did rob and spoil by his countenance and authority."

25. mighty space of our large honours] Compare Measure for Measure, I. i. 24, where the "ample grace and honour " is the high dis-

tinction of acting as the Duke's deputy. Here the "large honours" are the offices of honour and trust that Brutus and Cassius had to confer. It is in accordance with the char- acter of Brutus that he should speak of these honours in grandiloquent terms. He is so full of the con- sciousness of the respect that he ought to have as the liberator of the Roman world, that he thinks it is an honour not only to serve under him but even to die by his sword (v. i. 60). The words of Brutus also suggest another meaning. If Brutus and Cassius sold their honours (offices) for gold, they would also by the same transaction sell something still more valuable, namely, their honour (repu- tation). Both meanings are probably intended. Compare Othello, iv. i., where Othello thinks that Desdemona, by giving away her handkerchief, has not only given away that, but also her honour.

26. thus] Here Brutus would make his meaning clear by grasping ima- ginary money in his hand. See note on 1. ii. 219.

SC. III.]

JULIUS CAESAR

127

Than such a Roman. Cas. Brutus, bait not me ;

I '11 not endure it : you forget yourself,

To hedge me in. I am a soldier, I, 30

Older in practice, abler than yourself

To make conditions. Bru. Go to ; you are not, Cassius.

Cas. I am.

Bru. I say you are not. Cas. Urge me no more, I shall forget myself; 35

Have mind upon your health ; tempt me no further. Bru. Away, slight man ! Cas. Is 't possible ? Bru. Hear me, for I will speak.

Must I give way and room to your rash choler?

28. bait] Ff, bay Theobald. 32. not, Cassius] not Cassius Ff.

28. bait not me] do not persecute, worry, torment me. Many editors follow Theobald in reading "bay not me," on the ground that Cassius is echoing the words of Brutus, and must use the same verb. It is no doubt for the same reason that in 27 the later Folios change "bay" into "bait." But though "bay" is sometimes used in the sense of "bait," "bay" in 27 merely means "bark at." and, if the same word were used again by Cassius, it would naturally be understood in the same sense. He therefore employs the stronger word "bait," comparing himself to a bear or bull tied to a stake and attacked by dogs. See note on ii. 48.

30. hedge ?ne in] restrain my liberty of action, circumscribe my authority.

30. /] The repetition of "I" for emphasis will be found again in v. iv. 7, and is common in Shakespeare. Tennyson often imitates this usage.

" Moi" is used in this way in French, so that M. Beljame translates the passage " Je suis un soldat, moi, plus vieux, etc."

32. make conditions] settle terms in appointing men to offices. See lines 11, 25. The verb "condition" is used of an applicant for office making terms in a passage quoted by Johnson from L' Estrange, " 'Tis one thing, I must confess, to condition for a good office, and another thing to do it gratis," where also the conditions referred to appear to be pecuniary.

32. Go to] an expression of indig- nant disagreement with what has been said.

36. health] welfare. This was no doubt the original meaning of the phrase "drink one's health." Murray quotes Chapman's Iliad, xv. 683 : ' ' There is no mercy in the wars, your healths lie in your hands." Compare the derivation of "wassail."

37. slight matt] See note on i. 12.

128 JULIUS CAESAR [act iv.

Shall I be frighted when a madman stares ? 40

Cas. O ye gods ! ye gods ! Must I endure all this ?

Bru. All this ! ay, more : fret till your proud heart break ; Go show your slaves how choleric you are, And make your bondmen tremble. Must I budge ? Must I observe you ? Must I stand and crouch 45 Under your testy humour ? By the gods, You shall digest the venom of your spleen, Though it do split you ; for from this day forth I '11 use you for my mirth, yea, for my laughter, When you are waspish.

Cas. Is it come to this ? 50

Bru. You say you are a better soldier :

Let it appear so ; make your vaunting true, And it shall please me well. For mine own part, I shall be glad to learn of noble men.

Cas, You wrong me every way; you wrong me, Brutus ; 5 5

I said, an elder soldier, not a better: Did I say " better " ?

54. noble] Ff, abler Collier MS.

43. show your slaves how choleric is the word we should naturally you are] Compare 1 Henry VI. iv. i. expect here, "noble" is charac- 167: "Digest your choler on your teristic in the mouth of the high- enemies." souled Brutus, who would not conde-

45. observe you] study your hum- scend to be instructed except by men

ours so as not to offend you. Com- of high character. The one word

pare 2 Henry IV. iv. iv. 30: "He "noble" is an appeal to Cassius to

is gracious, if he be observed." adhere to the highest moral principles.

47. digest] Cassius is to keep his In line 231 Brutus fully admits the

spleen to himself, and treat it as nobility of Cassius, which in his

Brutus says he treated his mental anger he had doubted. See also v.

trouble in 1. ii. 38. i. in.

54. learn of] take lessons from, as 57. Did I say " better" ?] See 31.

in As You Like It, in. ii. 68, " Learn Cassius had said he was an older

of the wise." soldier, no doubt intending to imply

54. noble] Though "abler" (line 31) that he was also a better one.

sc. in.] JULIUS CiESAR 129

Bru. If you did, I care not.

Cas. When Caesar liv'd, he durst not thus have mov'd me.

Bru. Peace, peace ! you durst not so have tempted him.

Cas. I durst not? 60

Bru. No.

Cas. What ? durst not tempt him ?

Bru. For your life you durst not.

Cas. Do not presume too much upon my love ; I may do that I shall be sorry for.

Bru. You have done that you should be sorry for. 65 There is no terror, Cassius, in your threats, For I am arm'd so strong in honesty That they pass by me as the idle wind, Which I respect not. I did send to you For certain sums of gold, which you denied me ; 70 For I can raise no money by vile means : By heaven, I had rather coin my heart, And drop my blood for drachmas, than to wring From the hard hands of peasants their vile trash By any indirection. I did send 75

To you for gold to pay my legions, Which you denied me : was that done like Cassius ? Should I have answer'd Caius Cassius so ? When Marcus Brutus grows so covetous,

The word "abler" in the same line 75. By any indirection] by any

does not refer to his soldiership. irregular {i.e. unjust) means. Com-

65. should be] ought to be. pare King John, in. i. 276, " In-

73. to wring] See note on I. ii. 171. direction thereby grows direct," and

74. hard] hardened with manual the use of the adjective in 2 Henry labour. Compare 1. ii. 244. IV. IV. v. 185 :

74. vile trash] a contemptuous "God knows, my son,

description of money. Compare By what by-paths and indirect

Othello, in. iii. 157: "Who steals crook'd ways

my purse, steals trash." I met this crown."

9

130 JULIUS CAESAR [act iv.

To lock such rascal counters from his friends, 80

Be ready, gods, with all your thunderbolts,

Dash him to pieces ! Cas. I denied you not.

Bru. You did. Cas. I did not: he was but a fool

That brought my answer back. Brutus hath riv'd my heart :

A friend should bear his friend's infirmities, 85

But Brutus makes mine greater than they are. Bru. I do not, till you practise them on me. Cas. You love me not.

Bru. I do not like your faults.

Cas. A friendly eye could never see such faults. Bru. A flatterer's would not, though they do appear 90

As huge as high Olympus. Cas. Come, Antony, and young Octavius, come,

Revenge yourselves alone on Cassius,

For Cassius is aweary of the world ;

Hated by one he loves ; brav'd by his brother ; 9 5

81. thunderbolts,'] Ff, thunderbolts Collier. 90. do] Ff, did Collier MS.

80. rascal counters] Compare ' ' vile 94. Cassius] is here a dissyllable, trash " in line 74. though it was a trisyllable in the

81. thunderbolts] See note on 1. iii. previous line. Shakespeare in such 49. points takes as much licence as the

87. I do not, till] I do not enforce Greeks : them till. Brutus answers with refer- "quibus est nihil negatum

ence, not to the immediately pieced- Et quos" Apes 'Apes decet sonare."

ing sentence, but to the general sense See Iliad, v. 31, and Martial, ix.

of Cassius' reproach. He would 12.

not for a moment admit that he 94. aweary] This expressive word

exaggerated his friend's faults. is used nine times by Shakespeare.

90. do appear] is more forcible "A," when prefixed to adjectives, as

than "did appear," as it is an in "a- weary" and "a-cold" {Lear, in.

assertion that the faults of Cassius iv. 59), appears to represent the A. S.

really do appear to be as high as intensive prefix "of." See Abbott,

Olympus. sec. 24 (3).

SC. III.]

JULIUS CAESAR

131

Bru,

Check'd like a bondman ; all his faults observ'd, Set in a note - book, learn'd, and conn'd by

rote, To cast into my teeth. O ! I could weep My spirit from mine eyes. There is my dagger, And here my naked breast; within, a heart ioo Dearer than Pluto's mine, richer than gold : If that thou be'st a Roman, take it forth ; I, that denied thee gold, will give my heart : Strike, as thou didst at Caesar ; for, I know, When thou didst hate him worst, thou lov'dst him

better 105

Than ever thou lov'dst Cassius.

Sheathe your dagger : Be angry when you will, it shall have scope ;

98. my] Ff, his Capell. editors.

IOI. Pluto's] Ff, Plutus* Pope and later

96. Check'd] rebuked. The noun is so used in Othello, III. iii. 67 : " Not almost a fault to incur a private check."

97. set in a note-book. This is exactly the way in which Bacon treated the faults of his rivals. See the account of his Commentarius Solutus in Abbott's Bacon.

98. my] It is quite natural that Cassius in his excitement should sud- denly in the middle of a sentence give up speaking of himself in the third person.

100. naked] unprotected by armour, as in Othello,v. ii. 258 and.? Henry VI. v. iv. 42.

101. Dearer] more precious.

101. Pluto's] is altered into "Plutus'" in most editions here and in Troilus and Cressida, III. iii. 197, ''every grain of Pluto's gold," although, as indicated by the deriva- tion of the name, Pluto, as well as

Plutus, was the god of riches and is expressly so called, as M. Beljame points out, by Webster in the Duchess of Malfi, in. ii., "Pluto, the god of riches. " If Shakespeare and Webster identify Pluto and Plutus, they might plead the authority of Aristophanes {Plutus, 727) and Sophocles (Fr. 259) in support of the identification. It should also be borne in mind that Pluto is the Italian form of Plutus. See note on 1. ii. 3.

102. If that] See note on III. i. 92.

102. thou] The use of the singular pronoun shows that Cassius is impas- sioned. The colder Brutus through- out the scene uses the plural pronoun in addressing Cassius.

107. it] your anger, implied in the adjective "angry." Compare v. iii. 4, and Marmion, II. vii. 1 :

" Lovely and gentle and distress'd — These charms might tame the fiercest breast,"

132

JULIUS CiESAK.

[ACT IV.

Cas.

Bru.

Do what you will, dishonour shall be humour.

O Cassius ! you are yoked with a lamb

That carries anger as the flint bears fire, 1 1 o

Who, much enforced, shows a hasty spark,

And straight is cold again.

Hath Cassius liv'd To be but mirth and laughter to his Brutus, When grief and blood ill-temper'd vexeth him ? When I spoke that I was ill-temper'd too. 1 1 5

108. humour] Ff, honour Craik. 109. lamb] Ff, man Pope.

108. dishonour shall be humour] I will overlook any insults you vent upon me as due to your peculiar temper. This is just the way in which Cassius wishes Brutus to treat the poet in line 134.

no. That carries anger] The in- congruity, by which a lamb appears to be represented as liable to flashes of anger, is due to the fact that the image of the lamb is not distinctly present to the consciousness of the speaker, so that he goes on as if he had not said "lamb," but "mild man." Compare such mixed meta- phors as " take up arms against a sea of troubles." This way of look- ing to the sense rather than to the words actually used to express the sense also produces the sense con- structions in line 151, 11. i. 319, and iv. 28.

in. who] may refer to "flint." In Tempest, I. ii. 7, Comedy of Errors, 1. ii. 37, Love's Labour's Lost, iv. ii. 4, Merchant of Venice, II. vii. 4, Winter's Tale, iv. iv. 581, Corio- lanus, ill. ii. 119, we find "vessel," "drop," " pomewater," "casket," "anchors," and "knees" as ante- cedents to "who." There is no reason, however, in the present passage, why "who" should not refer to "lamb," in which case the comparison of the "lamblike"

Brutus to a flint is first expressed by a simile and then by a metaphor.

113. laughter] subject of ridicule. Compare I. ii. 71. If the reading of the Folio is retained there, it gives additional force to this passage. Cassius, not being "a common laughter," would be the more galled at his friend's ridicule.

114. ill-tempered] badly combined, so as to make a man inclined to be ill-tempered in the present sense of the word, which we find in the following line. The expression "ill- tempered blood " is not exactly in accordance with the doctrine of the four humours (see note on v. v. 73), since here the blood is regarded as determining a man's character by itself and not in combination with choler, phlegm, and melancholy. Often "blood" in Shakespeare ex- presses the whole of the passionate side of human nature as distinguished from the reason, e.g., in Hamlet, in. ii. 74:

"blest are those, Whose blood and judgment are

so well commingled, That they are not a pipe for

fortune's finger To sound what stop she please."

114. vexeth] singular, as the sub- ject may be regarded as really one,

115. that] See line 49.

sc. in.] JULIUS CESAR 133

Cas. Do you confess so much ? Give me your hand.

Bru. And my heart too.

Cas. O Brutus !

Bru. What 's the matter ?

Cas. Have you not love enough to bear with me,

When that rash humour which my mother gave me Makes me forgetful ?

Bru, Yes, Cassius ; and from henceforth 120

When you are over-earnest with your Brutus, He '11 think your mother chides, and leave you so.

[Noise within.

Poet. [ Within."] Let me go in to see the generals ;

There is some grudge between 'em, 'tis not meet They be alone. 125

Lucil. [ Within.] You shall not come to them.

Poet. [ Within^] Nothing but death shall stay me.

Enter Poet, follozved by Lucilius, TITINIUS, and Lucius.

Cas. How now ! What 's the matter ?

Poet. For shame, you generals ! What do you mean ?

117. my heart too] For the con- "Forgive me, but my mother hated

nection that exists or ought to exist the French."

between hands and hearts compare 121. over-earnest] a euphemism to

Othello, ill. iv. 46, and the line quoted express what Brutus in his angrier

on 1. iii. 117. In ill. i. 174, instead mood called "rash choler" (39). of hands and hearts, we have arms 122. have you so] not try to check

and hearts closely associated. you.

117. 0 Brutus] Cassius is so deeply 123. Poet.] Plutarch describes him

moved, that, for the moment, he can- as a counterfeit Cynic (see line 132)

not give coherent expression to his philosopher. Shakespeare appears to

feelings. Compare III. ii. 115. attribute to him the couplet which in

119. that rash humour] the choleric Plutarch he quotes from Homer,

temper of Cassius. Thus he is described in the stage-

119. my mother gave vie] Compare directions as "a poet" and in the

Nelson's humorous apology for his text as a "jigging fool." refusal to receive a French messenger :

134 JULIUS CiESAR [act iv.

Love, and be friends, as two such men should be; 130

For I have seen more years, I 'm sure, than ye. Cas. Ha, ha ! how vilely doth this cynic rhyme ! Bru. Get you hence, sirrah ; saucy fellow, hence ! Cas. Bear with him, Brutus ; 'tis his fashion. Bru. I '11 know his humour, when he knows his time: 135

What should the wars do with these jigging fools ? Companion, hence ! Cas. Away, away ! be gone.

[Exit Poet.

Bru. Lucilius and Titinius, bid the commanders

Prepare to lodge their companies to-night.

Cas. And come yourselves, and bring Messala with

you 1 40

Immediately to us. {Exeunt Lucilius and Titinius.

132. vilely] F 4 ; vildely Fi,2; vildly F 3.

131. / have seen more years] In as a dance." "Jig" is derived from

North's translation of Plutarch we French gigue, a fiddle, and came to

read that ' ' he rehearsed the verses mean a lively dance or a song such as

which old Nestor said in Homer : might be composed for the accompani-

• ' My lords, I pray you hearken ment of the fiddle. Hence it is used

both to me, by Ben Jonson as a contemptuous

For I have seen more years than term equivalent to "ballad" to

suchie three." express trifling metrical compositions

Shakespeare, while improving the unworthy of the name of poetry :

sound of the verses, obscures the " Posterity shall know that you dare

logical connection between the in these jig-given times to countenance

principal and subordinate clauses, a legitimate poem."

Compare II. iv. 28. 137. Companion] in Shakespeare's

135. know his humour] recognise time expressed inferiority, as it still and indulge his humour, when he does when we speak of a lady does not manifest it at an unseason- engaging a companion. Hence, like able time. "fellow," it came to be used as a

136. What should the wars do, etc.] term of contempt. Craik quotes a these foolish rhymesters are quite out late example of this use of the word of place in a war. Malone notes from Roderick Random : ' ' Scurvy that "a jig signified, in our author's companion! Saucy tarpaulin! Rude time, a metrical composition, as well impertinent fellow ! "

sc. in] JULIUS CiESAR 135

Bru. Lucius, a bowl of wine. [Exit Lucius.

Cas. I did not think you could have been so angry. Bru. O Cassius ! I am sick of many griefs. Cas. Of your philosophy you make no use

If you give place to accidental evils. 145

Bru. No man bears sorrow better : Portia is dead. Cas. Ha! Portia! Bru. She is dead. Cas. How 'scap'd I killing when I cross'd you so ?

O insupportable and touching loss ! 150

Upon what sickness ? Bru. Impatient of my absence,

And grief that young Octavius with Mark Antony

Have made themselves so strong; for with her death

151. Impatient} Ff, Impatience Capell.

144. your philosophy"] Brutus, being xxxiv. To these illustrations we may a philosopher, should not have been add Taming of the Shrew, Ind. ii. moved by any accidental evil. Com- 135: "And melancholy is the nurse pare what the prince says to the of frenzy."

philosopher in the eighteenth chapter 151.] The emotion of Brutus is

of Rasselas : " Have you then forgot indicated by the confusion of the

the precepts which you so powerfully syntax. The adjective "impatient"

enforced? Has wisdom no strength is coupled with "grief," as if it had

to arm the heart against calamity?" been the abstract term "impatience,"

In both cases the precepts of philo- which it suggests. Compare Cym-

sophy are disregarded under the beline, V. v. 343, " Beaten for loyalty

stress of a great domestic calamity. excited me to treason," where the

145. give place] yield. participle is regarded as equivalent to 149. How 'scap'd I killing] A the fact of having been beaten and

contributor (C. Forbes) to Notes is made the subject of the verb

and Queries, 28th September 1850, "excited." " Grief " is left absolute

finds in this line recognition of owing to a change of construction

the fact that a man may be, in the after the parenthesis. Compare note

words of Petronius, "dolore in on 1. iii. 128.

rabiem efferatus." He well compares 153. Have] because in sense the

Romeo and Juliet, v. iii. 33-39, subject is plural. Compare line 114. 59-67, and the mad fury with which 153. with her death] with the

Mucklebackit flings the hammer at tidings of her death, his boat in Scott's Antiquary, chapter

136 JULIUS CiESAR [act iv.

That tidings came ; with this she fell distract, And, her attendants absent, swallow'd fire. 155

Cas. And died so ?

Bru. Even so.

Cas. O ye immortal gods !

Re-enter LUCIUS with wine and tapers.

Bru. Speak no more of her. Give me a bowl of wine : In this I bury all unkindness, Cassius.

Cas. My heart is thirsty for that noble pledge.

Fill, Lucius, till the wine o'erswell the cup ; 1 60 I cannot drink too much of Brutus' love.

Bru. Come in, Titinius. {Exit Lucius.

Re-enter Titinius with Messala.

Welcome, good Messala. Now sit we close about this taper here, And call in question our necessities.

Cas. Portia, art thou gone ?

Bru. No more, I pray you. 165

Messala, I have here received letters, That young Octavius and Mark Antony Come down upon us with a mighty power, Bending their expedition toward Philippi.

Mes. Myself have letters of the self-same tenour. 170

154. tidings'] though really a plural, 161. of Brutus' love] Compare the

is here treated as a singular noun, term "loving cup." Cassius, in the

Compare the use of "news," which language of Burns, wished to " tak' a

has almost lost its plural signification, richt guid willie waught." "Tidings" is plural in v. iii. 54. 164. call in question] inquire into,

154. with this] sums up the double discuss. We still speak of the

cause of her distraction, which might subject of inquiry as being "in

not be clearly remembered after the question." interruption of the parenthesis.

sc. m.] JULIUS CESAR 137

Bru. With what addition ?

Mes. That by proscription and bills of outlawry,

Octavius, Antony, and Lepidus

Have put to death an hundred senators. Bru. Therein our letters do not well agree; 175

Mine speak of seventy senators that died

By their proscriptions, Cicero being one. Cas. Cicero one ! Mes. Cicero is dead,

And by that order of proscription.

Had you your letters from your wife, my lord ? 1 80 Bru. No, Messala.

Mes. Nor nothing in your letters writ of her ? Bru. Nothing, Messala.

Mes. That, methinks, is strange.

Bru. Why ask you ? Hear you aught of her in yours ? Mes. No, my lord. 1 8 5

Bru. Now, as you are a Roman, tell me true. Mes. Then like a Roman bear the truth I tell :

For certain she is dead, and by strange manner. Bru. Wrhy, farewell, Portia. We must die, Messala :

With meditating that she must die once, 190

I have the patience to endure it now. Mes. Even so great men great losses should endure.

176. seventy senators] This dis- 182. Nor nothing] It is almost im- crepancy gives verisimilitude to the possible to account for this lie, by scene. Compare the conflicting tid- which Brutus makes Messala think ings of the number of the Turkish that he had not already heard of his fleet that came to the different senators wife's death, and so gets more credit in Othello, I. iii. for stoicism than he really deserves.

177. Cicero being one] "and among See Appendix.

that number Cicero was one " (North's 190. once] some time. Compare

Plutarch). Skeat points this out as a Merry Wives, III. iv. 103: "I pray

remarkable instance of Shakespeare's thee, once to-night Give my sweet

verbal adherence to his original. Nan this ring."

138 JULIUS CiESAR [act iv.

Cas. I have as much of this in art as you, But yet my nature could not bear it so.

Bru. Well, to our work alive. What do you think 195 Of marching to Philippi presently ?

Cas. I do not think it good.

Bru. Your reason ?

Cas. This it is :

'Tis better that the enemy seek us : So shall he waste his means, weary his soldiers, Doing himself offence ; whilst we, lying still, 200 Are full of rest, defence, and nimbleness.

Bru. Good reasons must, of force, give place to better. The people 'twixt Philippi and this ground Do stand but in a forc'd affection ; For they have grudg'd us contribution : 205

The enemy, marching along by them, By them shall make a fuller number up, Come on refresh'd, new-added, and encourag'd ; From which advantage shall we cut him t ff, If at Philippi we do face him there, 210

208. new-added] Capell, new added Ff, new aided Singer, new-aided Dyce.

193. this] philosophic self-restraint which concerns the living, not the

and mastery of the feelings. dead"(Craik). Compare how Muckle-

193. in art] theoretically as opposed backit returns to his " work alive " in

to "in practice." For the way in the thirty - fourth chapter of Scott's

which nature in the excitement of Antiquary.

passion and action refuses to obey the 208. new-added] with new additions conclusions arrived at by the intellect to their numbers. Compare "un- in hours of calm meditation, compare look'd " {Richard III. I. iii. 214) for Portia's remark in the Merchant of " unlook'd for," and " death-prac- Venice, I. ii. 20: "The brain may tised " {Lear, iv. vi. 284) for " prac- devise laws for the blood, but a hot tised upon with a view to his death." temper o'erleaps a cold decree," and Craik prefers " new -hearted, "the read- Horace's "Naturam expellas furca, ing of Collier's MS. "New-aided" tamen usque recurret." seems better, as it only requires the

195. to our work alive] "let us alteration of a single letter, proceed to our living business, to that

sc. in.] JULIUS CJESAR 139

These people at our back.

Cas. Hear me, good brother.

Bru. Under your pardon. You must note beside, That we have tried the utmost of our friends, Our legions are brim-full, our cause is ripe : The enemy increaseth every day ; 215

We, at the height, are ready to decline. There is a tide in the affairs of men, Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune ; Omitted, all the voyage of their life Is bound in shallows and in miseries. 220

On such a full sea are we now afloat ; And we must take the current when it serves, Or lose our ventures.

Cas. Then, with your will, go on ;

We '11 along ourselves, and meet them at Philippi.

Bru. The deep of night is crept upon our talk, 225

And nature must obey necessity,

212. Under your pardon] excuse taken in their due time are seldom

me, allow me to proceed. recovered."

217. There is a tide] The idea 219. Omitted] if the opportunity is

without the metaphor appears in neglected.

Beaumont and Fletcher's Custom of 220. in shallows and in miseries]

the Country : in shallows, that is to say, miseries.

"There is an hour in each man's For the close combination of meta-

life appointed phorical and non-metaphorical terms,

To make his happiness, if then he compare 1. ii. 34.

seize it." 223. ventures] merchandise risked

Skeat compares Chaucer's Troilus in trade, as in Merchant of Venice,

and Creseide, ii. 281 : I. i. 15, 21, 42.

" For to every wight some good 223. with your will, go on] let us

aventure, go on as you wish. Cassius yields

Some time is shape, if he can it rather than risk a second quarrel with

receiven," Brutus.

which is again traceable to Boccaccio's 226. necessity] For the necessity of

Filostrato. Bacon employs the tide rest, compare Henry VIII. v. i. 2 :

metaphor in the Advancement of "These should be hours for necessities,

learning, where he speaks of the not for delights ; times to repair our

• ' peremptory tides and currents " of nature with comforting repose, and

reputation, "which if they be not not for us to waste those times. "

140 JULIUS CESAR [act iv.

Which we will niggard with a little rest.

There is no more to say? Cas. No more. Good night :

Early to-morrow will we rise, and hence. Bru. Lucius ! [Re-enter Lucius.

My gown. [Exit Lucius.

Farewell, good Messala : 230

Good night, Titinius. Noble, noble Cassius,

Good night, and good repose. Cas. O my dear brother !

This was an ill beginning of the night :

Never come such division 'tween our souls !

Let it not, Brutus. Bru. Every thing is well. 235

Cas. Good night, my lord.

Bru. Good night, good brother.

Tit., Mes. Good night, Lord Brutus. Bru. Farewell, every one.

[Exeunt Cassius, Titinius, and Messala.

Re-enter Lucius, with the gown. Give me the gown. Where is thy instrument ? Luc. Here in the tent.

Bru. What ! thou speak'st drowsily ?

Poor knave, I blame thee not ; thou art o'er- watch'd. 240

240. not] F 1 ; art F 2 ; omitted F 3, 4.

227. niggard] satisfy sparingly. tion and strengthened by the addition

230. gown] night-gown. See be- of his friend's name.

ginning of Act 11. Scene ii. 235. Every thing is well] all is well,

231. Noble, noble] most noble. See no shadow of difference between us line 54 and note on n. ii. 102. remains.

235. Let it not, Brutus] Notice the 240. knave] boy, as in line 268. pathetic appeal enforced by the repeti- 240. / blame thee not] The reading

sc. in] JULIUS CiESAR 141

Call Claudius and some other of my men ; I '11 have them sleep on cushions in my tent. Luc. Varro ! and Claudius !

Enter Varro and CLAUDIUS. Var. Calls my lord ? Bru. I pray you, sirs, lie in my tent and sleep : 245

It may be I shall raise you by and by

On business to my brother Cassius. Var. So please you, we will stand and watch your pleasure. Bru. I will not have it so ; lie down, good sirs ;

It may be I shall otherwise bethink me. 250

Look, Lucius, here 's the book I sought for so ;

I put it in the pocket of my gown.

[ Varro and Claudius lie down. Luc. I was sure your lordship did not give it me.

241, 243, 288, 289, 298. Claudius] Claudio Ff. 243, 288. Varro]

Varrus Ff.

of the first Folio makes excellent two names being misspelt in opposite

sense. The second Folio follows the ways. As the wrong spelling is not

first, but instead of "not" gives the traceable to North, we may alter it. misprint "art." It is probable that 250. otherwise bethink me] change

the editors of the third Folio followed my mind.

the second, but omitted the mean- 251. Look, Lucius] The conversa-

ingless "art." The fourth Folio tion between Brutus and his attendant

followed the third. It is, however, may be compared with that between

possible with little alteration to get Desdemona and her attendant, Bianca,

good sense and metre out of the read- which has a similar position in the

ing of the third and fourth Folios, if we end of the fourth act of Othello. Both

read : " Poor knave, I blame thee ! scenes are pervaded with a feeling of

Thou art over- watched." For the con- drowsiness and peaceful tranquillity,

struction, compare Othello, v. ii. 219 : which agreeably relieves the strain to

" 'Twill out, 'twill out. I peace! "and which our feelings are subjected by

Swift's indignant exclamation : "I the highly- wrought scene that has

to such blockheads set my wit ! " gone before, and by the tragic con-

240. overwatched] wearied out with elusion of the drama which we know

watching, as in P. L. ii. 288 : " Sea- to be imminent. In both cases the

faring men o'erwatched. " ease and natural simplicity of the

243. Varro and Claudius] appear conversation conceal the dramatist's

in the Folio as Varrus and Claudio, the consummate art.

142 JULIUS CiESAR [act iv.

Bru. Bear with me, good boy, I am much forgetful.

Canst thou hold up thy heavy eyes awhile, 255 And touch thy instrument a strain or two ?

Luc. Ay, my lord, an 't please you.

Bru. It does, my boy.

I trouble thee too much, but thou art willing.

Luc. It is my duty, sir.

Bru. I should not urge thy duty past thy might; 260 I know young bloods look for a time of rest.

Luc. I have slept, my lord, already.

Bru. It was well done, and thou shalt sleep again ; I will not hold thee long : if I do live, I will be good to thee. [Music, and a Song. 265 This is a sleepy tune : O murderous slumber ! Lay'st thou thy leaden mace upon my boy, That plays thee music ? Gentle knave, good

night ; I will not do thee so much wrong to wake thee.

266. slumber'] F 3, 4 ; slumbhr F 1, 2;

254. Bear with me] be patient with "But whenas Morpheus with his

me. leaden mace

266. murderous] because it is the Arrested all that courtly com- " death of each day's life " {Macbeth, pany."

II. ii. 38), "death's counterfeit" In that passage, as in this, the meta-

(Macbeth,U. iii. Si). In Midsummer phor compares sleep to an officer

Night's Dream, iv. i. 86, sleep is said making an arrest with the mace, his

to " strike dead," and in Tempest, V. symbol of authority, like the sergeant

i. 230, men are said to be " dead of in the Comedy of Errors, IV. iii. 28,

sleep." that " when gentlemen are tired, gives

267. leaden mace] expressive of the them a sob and 'rests them, " and ' ' sets heaviness of deep sleep, when it up his rest to do more exploits with " weighs the eyelids down " (2 Henry his mace than a morris pike." IK ui. i. y). Compare also line 255 Dromio's play upon the different and Midsummer Night's Dream, in. meanings of '"rest" and "rest" ii. 365 : suggests the same comparison, which

" Death counterfeiting sleep is also applied to death in Hamlet, v.

With leaden legs. " ii. 348, where the "fell sergeant,

Spenser gives Morpheus a leaden Death, is strict in his arrest." mace in the Faerie Queene, 1. iv. xliv.; 269.] Compare the story of

sc. in.] JULIUS CAESAR 143

If thou dost nod, thou break'st thy instrument ; 270 I '11 take it from thee ; and, good boy, good night. Let me see, let me see ; is not the leaf turn'd down Where I left reading ? Here it is, I think.

Enter the Ghost of C^SAR.

How ill this taper burns ! Ha ! who comes here?

I think it is the weakness of mine eyes 275

That shapes this monstrous apparition.

It comes upon me. Art thou any thing ?

Art thou some god, some angel, or some devil,

That mak'st my blood cold and my hair to stare ?

Speak to me what thou art. 280

Ghost. Thy evil spirit, Brutus. Bru. Why com'st thou ?

Ghost. To tell thee thou shalt see me at Philippi. Bru. Well ; then I shall see thee again ? Ghost. Ay, at Philippi.

Mahomet and the cat which was Brutus, but it is not called Caesar's

sleeping on the skirt of his robe ghost.

when he had to go to prayers. Rather 277. Art thou any thing ?] In

than disturb the cat, he cut off from Plutarch, Cassius discussing the vision

his robe the piece of cloth on which tells Brutus that according to the

the cat was lying. Epicureans the senses, when idle, "are

272. leaf turned down] Ancient induced to imagine they see and conjee- books were in the form of rolls and ture that which in truth they do not. " had no leaves to turn down. 279. stare] stand on end. Compare

274. How ill this taper burns] Tempest, I. ii. 213: "With hair up-

"The light of the lamp that waxed staring." In Hamlet, 1. v. 18, the ghost

very dim " (Plutarch). says that the tale of the secrets of his

276. apparition] The apparition prison-house would make his hearer's

that appears is described in the stage- ' ' knotted and combined

direction as "the ghost of Caesar," locks to part,

and this is confirmed by v. v. 18. In And each particular hair to stand

Plutarch we are told that " a horrible on end,

vision of a man, of a wonderful great- Like quills upon the fretful por-

ness and dreadful look," appeared to pentine."

144 JULIUS CiESAR [act iv. sc. in.

Bru. Why, I will see thee at Philippi then. 285

[Ghost vanishes.

Now I have taken heart thou vanishest :

111 spirit, I would hold more talk with thee.

Boy ! Lucius ! Varro ! Claudius ! Sirs, awake !

Claudius ! Luc. The strings, my lord, are false. 290

Bru. He thinks he still is at his instrument.

Lucius, awake ! Luc. My lord !

Bru. Didst thou dream, Lucius, that thou so criedst out ? Luc. My lord, I do not know that I did cry. 295

Bru. Yes, that thou didst. Didst thou see anything ? Luc. Nothing, my lord.

Bru. Sleep again, Lucius. Sirrah, Claudius ! [To Varro.] Fellow thou ! awake !

Var. My lord ! 300

Clau. My lord !

Bru. Why did you so cry out, sirs, in your sleep ? Var., Clau. Did we, my lord ?

Bru. Ay : saw you any thing ?

Var. No, my lord, I saw nothing. Clau. Nor I, my lord.

Bru. Go and commend me to my brother Cassius ; 305

Bid him set on his powers betimes before,

And we will follow. Var., Clau, It shall be done, my lord.

[Exeunt.

285. / will see thee] This com- not alarmed with vague fears on

posed remark indicates the absence account of the apparition, of fear. 306. powers] forces.

285. then] in that case, Brutus is

act v. sc.i.] JULIUS CiBSAR 145

ACT V

SCENE I.— The Plains of Philippi. Enter Octavius, Antony, and their Army.

Oct. Now, Antony, our hopes are answered :

You said the enemy would not come down,

But keep the hills and upper regions ;

It proves not so ; their battles are at hand ;

They mean to warn us at Philippi here, 5

Answering before we do demand of them.

Ant. Tut ! I am in their bosoms, and I know

Wherefore they do it : they could be content To visit other places ; and come down With fearful bravery, thinking by this face 10

To fasten in our thoughts that they have courage ; But 'tis not so.

4. battles] battalions. ficently stern array." "Bravery"

5. warn us] summon us to battle, here expresses "outward splendour," Compare King John, II, i. 201 : " ostentation, " as in Hamlet, v. ii. 79 : "Who is it that hath warn'd us to "But, sure, the bravery of his grief the walls." This meaning of " warn " did put me

still survives in Cumberland, where Into a towering passion,"

people are "warned" to attend and also "bravado," "defiance," as

funerals. in Othello, I. i. 100 :

6. Answering, etc.] accepting our " Upon malicious bravery dost thou intended summons to battle before come

we have delivered it. Compare To start my quiet."

Tempest, IV. i. 128: "Answer your Compare the use of the verb " brave "

summons." f in IV. iii. 96. Craik takes "fearful

7. lam in their bosoms] I know bravery" as an oxymoron meaning the secrets of their hearts. "bravery in show or appearance

8. they could be content, etc.] which yet is full of real fear or ap- al though they would be well pleased prehension," which is supported by to go elsewhere, they come down to Steevens' quotation from Sidney's meet us with warlike pomp intended Arcadia, "a fearful boldness, daring to inspire fear. "Fearful bravery" is to do that which she knew that she equivalent to "gallant show" in line knew not how to do."

13 and to Byron's "war's magni- 10. face] appearance. IO

146

JULIUS CiESAR

[act v.

Enter a Messenger. Mess. Prepare you, generals :

The enemy comes on in gallant show ;

Their bloody sign of battle is hung out,

And something to be done immediately. I 5

Ant. Octavius, lead your battle softly on,

Upon the left hand of the even field. Oct. Upon the right hand I ; keep thou the left. Ant. Why do you cross me in this exigent? Oct. I do not cross you ; but I will do so. [Marc/i. 20

Drum. Enter BRUTUS, CASSIUS, and their Army ; LUCILIUS, TITINIUS, MESSALA, and Others.

Bru. They stand, and would have parley.

17. even] F 1, 2, 3 ; evil F4.

14. bloody'] A red flag was the sign of battle among the Romans. " By break of day the signal of battle was set out in Brutus' and Cassius' camp, which was an arming scarlet cloak" (Plutarch).

18. Upon the right hand 1] In Plutarch Brutus insists upon command- ing the right wing, though the post was thought more proper for Cassius on account of his experience, but there is no mention of a similar con- troversy between Antony and Octavius* The change may simply be an over- sight or, if we accept the usual inter- pretation of line 20, it may be due to the desire to illustrate the inferiority of the genius of Antony when op- posed to Octavius, which is derived from Plutarch and is referred to in Macbeth, III. i. 56, and Antony and Cleopatra, II. iii. 19-23.

19. exigent] critical time, emerg- ency. " Instead of doing anything as the exigent required, he began to make circles " (Sidney's Arcadia).

20. / do not cross you] This is generally understood to mean that

Octavius insists on commanding the right wing, but not with any per- verse intention of thwarting Antony's wishes. Rolfe, however, supposes that Octavius yields to Antony, and does it readily with a play upon "cross": "I do not cross you (in Antony's sense of the word), but I will cross you (in the sense of cross- ing over to the other side of the field) " ; and with the word he does cross over. According to Plutarch, he commanded the left wing, so that this interpretation, as Rolfe points out, makes the play agree with the history. Another way to reconcile the play with history is to understand the whole or part of the line to be an "aside," as suggested in Notes and Queries 1 25th July, 1891. The mean- ing then will be that Octavius forbears to cross Antony now, when union is necessary for victory, but with fore- sight of the coming struggle intends to do so at some future period. This seems better than attributing a gay play upon words to such a "dull cold-blooded Caesar."

sc.i.] JULIUS CiESAR 147

Cas. Stand fast, Titinius ; we must out and talk. Oct. Mark Antony, shall we give sign of battle ? Ant. No, Caesar, we will answer on their charge.

Make forth ; the generals would have some words. 2 5

Oct. Stir not until the signal. Bru. Words before blows : is it so, countrymen ? Oct. Not that we love words better, as you do. Bru. Good words are better than bad strokes, Octavius. Ant. In your bad strokes, Brutus, you give good words: 30

Witness the hole you made in Caesar's heart,

Crying " Long live ! hail, Caesar!" Cas. Antony,

The posture of your blows are yet unknown ;

But for your words, they rob the Hybla bees,

And leave them honeyless.

24. answer on their charge] meet his and Cressida, iv. v. 116: "His them in accordance with their blows are well disposed." As An- summons, i.e. we will first accept tony's prowess was well known, we their invitation to a parley, or, "we must understand "unknown" with will wait till they begin to advance " reference to the speakers as meaning (Craik). The latter interpretation is " unknown to us." It has been pro- preferable, as the former makes line posed to alter " posture " into " punc- 25 tautological, unless it is addressed ture" or "nature."

to the captains and not to Octavius. 33. are] This is one of the several

"Answer" expresses meeting the cases in Shakespeare in which verbs

attack of an enemy in Troilus and wrongly agree in number with the

Cressida, 1. hi. 171 : "Arming to immediately preceding noun, although

answer in a night alarm." The noun it is not the subject. Compare Win-

" answer " expresses the return blow ter's Tale, I v. ii. 26: "Whose loss

in fencing in Twelfth Night, ill. iv. of his most precious queen and chil-

305. dren are even now to be afresh

25. Make forth] let us advance, lamented."

See note on 11. i. 28. "Stir not" 34. Hybla] a town of Sicily famous

in the next line is in the second per- for its honey.

son and is addressed to the soldiers. 34. Hybla bees] See note on v. 19.

33. The posture of your blows] your 35. leave them honeyless] For the

manner of dealing blows. Compare comparison of the sweetness of words

Henry V. iv. Prologue, 51, and Troi- to honey , compare " sweet and honey'd

148

JULIUS CiESAR

[act v.

Ant. Not stingless too ? 35

Bru. 0 ! yes, and soundless too ;

For you have stol'n their buzzing, Antony, And very wisely threat before you sting.

Ant. Villains ! you did not so when your vile daggers Hack'd one another in the sides of Caesar : 40

You show'd your teeth like apes, and fawn'd like

hounds, And bow'd like bondmen, kissing Caesar's feet ; Whilst damned Casca, like a cur, behind, Struck Caesar on the neck. O you flatterers

Cas. Flatterers! Now, Brutus, thank yourself : 45

This tongue had not offended so to-day, If Cassius might have rul'd.

35. too ?] too. Ff.

sentences" {Henry V. I. i. 50), "the bait of honey' d words" {Samson Agon- isles, 1066), and Iliad, i. 249. Cassius is referring to the persuasive eloquence by which Antony had roused the populace of Rome against the con- spirators.

35. Not stingless too ?] Do not they also leave the bees stingless ? A note of interrogation is certainly required. The question expects an affirmative answer. Antony means that his words, e.g., the taunt in 30-32, are stinging words — that, if they have sometimes the sweetness, they have also the stinging power of bees.

38. very wisely] This is an insinu- ation that Antony hopes that his threats will frighten the conspirators so that they will make terms instead of fighting, and that he is wise in doing so, as he cannot hope for victory in battle. Antony, however, lias not uttered any threats.

38. sting] here expresses hostile action, not, as in 35, cutting words.

40. Hacked one atwtker] powerfully expresses the savage fury of the attack and the number of the assas- sins. Plutarch says that "the con- spirators thronging one upon another, because every man was desirous to have a cut at him, so many swords and daggers lighting upon one body, one of them hurt another."

41. showed your teeth] which gener- ally expresses the way in which dogs show their anger by raising their upper lips, here describes the hypo- critical smiles of the conspirators.

41. fawn'd like hounds] Compare in. i. 45-

47. If Cassius might have rul'd] If the advice of Cassius had been followed, they would not have met the enemy until a later date, and Antony would have been in such a hopeless position, that his language would have been more humble. See IV. iii. 197. Others suppose Cassius to refer to the overruling of his advice in 11. i. 162. See also in. i.

sc. i.] JULIUS CiESAR 149

Oct. Come, come, the cause : if arguing make us sweat,

The proof of it will turn to redder drops.

Look; 50

I draw a sword against conspirators ;

When think you that the sword goes up again ?

Never, till Caesar's three-and-thirty wounds

Be well aveng'd ; or till another Caesar

Have added slaughter to the sword of traitors. 5 5 Bru. Caesar, thou canst not die by traitors' hands,

Unless thou bring'st them with thee. Oct. So I hope;

I was not born to die on Brutus' sword. Bru. O ! if thou wert the noblest of thy strain,

Young man, thou could'st not die more honour- able. 60 Cas. A peevish school-boy, worthless of such honour,

53. thirty] Ff, twenty Theobald.

232. If Cassius had had his way on number of Caesar's wounds in Plu-

any one of these three occasions, tarch's Life of Casar. But exactness

Antony's tongue would not have is not to be insisted on in such a

offended so on that day. matter. We are told that Caesar's

48. Come, come, the cause] Come, wounds were two-and-thirty in Beau- let us attend to the business we have montand Fletcher's Noble Gentleman, in hand, namely, fighting as opposed v. i.

to talking. For this use of "cause," 55. Have added slatighter] have

compare Lucrece, 1295, and Henry V. added another death to the blood

11. ii. 60: "Now to our French already shed by the swords of you

causes. Who are the late commis- traitors, sioners?" 57. So I hope] He brings no

49. will turn to redder drops] be- traitors with him. Therefore, if what cause it will be decided by a bloody Brutus says is true, he will live for ever, battle. 60. more honourable] more honour-

52. goes up again] returns to its ably. Compare Antony and Cleo- scabbard. Compare Othello, I. ii. patra, II. ii. 98, '"Tis noble spoken." 59 : ' ' Keep up your bright swords, This usage still survives as a vulgar- for the dew will rust them." ism. Compare line 77.

53. three-and-thirty] was altered 61. school-boy] Augustus was in his by Theobald into "three-and-twenty," twenty -first year at the battle of because that is mentioned as the Philippi.

150 JULIUS CAESAR [actv.

Join'd with a masker and a reveller.

Ant. Old Cassius still!

Oct. Come, Antony ; away !

Defiance, traitors, hurl we in your teeth. If you dare fight to-day, come to the field ; 65

If not, when you have stomachs.

[Exeunt Octavius, Antony > and their Army.

Cas. Why now, blow wind, swell billow, and swim bark ! The storm is up, and all is on the hazard.

Bru. Ho!

Lucilius, hark, a word with you.

Lucil. My lord ! 70

[Brutus and Lucilius talk apart.

Cas. Messala!

Mes. What says my general ?

Cas. Messala,

This is my birth-day ; as this very day Was Cassius born. Give me thy hand, Messala : Be thou my witness that against my will, As Pompey was, am I compell'd to set 75

63. Old Cassius still!] Cassius is still 71. my general] Plutarch relates

the same man as he was of old. See that even in the days of the empire

I. ii. 200, 201; 3 Henry VI. v. i. 47. Messala spoke of Cassius as "my

66. stomachs] inclination. Com- general." See also Tacitus, A nnals,

pare Henry V. iv. iii. 35 : iv. xxxiv. 6.

" he which hath no stomach 72. as] For this redundant use of

to this fight "as," with adverbial expressions of

Let him depart." time, which still survives in "as yet,"

70. a word with you] We do not see Abbott, sec. 114, and Dowden's

know what Brutus had to say to note on Romeo and Juliet, v. iii. 247,

Lucilius, as Shakespeare gives us the "That he should hither come as this

conversation between Cassius and dire night."

Messala which took place at the same 75. As Po?npey was] sc. at Phar-

time, and the conditions of dramatic salia, where the nobles persuaded him

representation do not allow two con- to give battle against his better judg-

versations to be heard at once. Com- ment. Shakespeare here follows

pare II, i. 100, closely the words of North's Plutarch ;

sc.i.] JULIUS CiESAR 151

Upon one battle all our liberties. You know that I held Epicurus strong, And his opinion ; now I change my mind, And partly credit things that do presage. Coming from Sardis, on our former ensign 80

Two mighty eagles fell, and there they perch'd, Gorging and feeding from our soldiers' hands ; Who to Philippi here consorted us : This morning are they fled away and gone, And in their steads do ravens, crows, and kites 85

Fly o'er our heads, and downward look on us, As we were sickly prey : their shadows seem A canopy most fatal, under which Our army lies, ready to give up the ghost.

Mes. Believe not so.

Cas. I but believe it partly, 90

For I am fresh of spirit and resolv'd

" Messala, I protest unto thee, and Epicureans did not believe in omens

make thee my witness that I am and portents.

compelled against my mind and will 78. his opinion] his disbelief in all

(as Pompey the Great was) to jeopard kinds of ornens.

the liberty of our country to the 80. former ensign] the ensign of

the vanguard, which Cassius com- manded. See iv. iii. 306. Plutarch says that the eagles lighted on " two of their foremost ensigns."

85. ravens] birds of ill omen, as in Othello, IV. i. 21. For their antici- pation of the death of their prey, compare King John, IV. iii. 153. JJ. You] The change from "thy" 86. Fly o'er our heads] Compare

(73) and "thou" (74) to "you" is Henry V. IV. ii. 51 :

justified by the fact that Cassius is " And their executors the knavish

now not making an impassioned crows,

appeal to a beloved friend, but only Fly o'er them all impatient for

explaining his state of mind. their hour."

77* / held Epicurus strong] I held 87. As] as if. But see Abbott,

firmly the opinion of Epicurus. The sec. 107.

hazard of a battle." 75. set] = North's " Compare Hie hard III. v.	jeopard." iv. 9 :
" I have set a cast, And I will stand the die."	my life upon the hazard of

152

JULIUS C^SAR

[ACT V.

To meet all perils very constantly.

Bru. Even so, Lucilius.

Cas. Now, most noble Brutus,

The gods to-day stand friendly, that we may, Lovers in peace, lead on our days to age ! But since the affairs of men rests still incertain, Let 's reason with the worst that may befall. If we do lose this battle, then is this The very last time we shall speak together : What are you then determined to do ?

Bru. Even by the rule of that philosophy

By which I did blame Cato for the death Which he did give himself, I know not how, But I do find it cowardly and vile,

95

ioo

92. perils'] F 1 ; peril F 2, 3, 4. editors. 103. how,] how :Ff.

92. constantly] firmly. See 11. i. 227.

93. Even so, Lucilius] Brutus refers to the instructions that he has been giving to Lucilius while Cassius was speaking to Messala.

94. stand] subjunctive used optat- ively.

96. rests] For "rest" in the sense of the Latin resto, remain, compare Othello, v. ii. 335 : " Close prisoner rest." For the suffix "s," see note on 1. iii. 138. Many editors in such passages regard the " s n as a mis- print. But sometimes the suffix is required by the rhyme, as in Macbeth, II. i. 59, 60 :

"While I threat he lives: Words to the heat of deeds too cold breath gives. "

97. Let's reason, etc.] let us con- sider what is to be done if the worst shall happen.

100.] This line is almost word for word from North's Plutarch, in which

96. rests] Ff, rest Rowe and later

Cassius asks, " What art thou then determined to do ? "

1 01. Even by the rule, etc.] in accordance with the philosophical principles that made me condemn Cato, I somehow regard it as cowardly to anticipate the hour of death, and I fortify myself with patience to wait for the time of death appointed by the higher powers. This answer implies that even if the battle is lost, Brutus will not think himself justified in committing suicide. Johnson makes Brutus reply more directly to the ques- tion put to him. He regards " I know not how . . . time of life " as a paren- thesis, and makes "to stay" depend not upon "patience," but upon "I am determined " understood from line 100. If this is the construction intended, we must put a comma after "patience."

102.] See Appendix.

102. Cato] the younger, whose suicide at Utica forms the subject of Addison's drama.

sc. i] JULIUS CESAR 153

For fear of what might fall, so to prevent 105

The time of life, arming myself with patience To stay the providence of some high powers That govern us below.

Cas. Then, if we lose this battle,

You are contented to be led in triumph Thorough the streets of Rome ? no

Bru. No, Cassius, no : think not, thou noble Roman, That ever Brutus will go bound to Rome ; He bears too great a mind : but this same day Must end that work the ides of March begun ; And whether we shall meet again I know not. 115 Therefore our everlasting farewell take : For ever, and for ever, farewell, Cassius ! If we do meet again, why, we shall smile ; If not, why then this parting was well made.

Cas. For ever, and for ever, farewell, Brutus ! 120

If we do meet again, we '11 smile indeed ; If not, 'tis true this parting was well made.

106. life,'] Ff, life ; Theobald. 107. some] Ff; those Craik, Collier MS. no. Rome?] Theobald, Rome. Ff. 114. the] F 1 ; that F 2, 3, 4.

105. For fear of what might fall] vidential rule of the gods, but did

Compare Sidney's Arcadia, Book iv. : not accept the gods of the popular

"The killing of one's self is but a mythology. For this use of "stay,"

false colour of true courage, proceed- compare Othello, iv. ii. 170: "The

ing rather of a fear of further evil, messengers of Venice stay the meat. " either of torment or shame." 1 14. Must end that work] Brutus

105, 106. prevent The time of life] does not intend to commit suicide,

anticipate the full time of life, the He thinks that he will either be killed

completion of life. Capell and Collier's in battle or gain a glorious victory.

MS. corrector read "term of life," It is part of his punishment, that he

which is easier. is eventually driven to kill himself in

107. stay the providence] wait for spite of his philosophical condemna- the time determined by the wisdom of tion of suicide.

the higher powers. "Some"indi- 118. smile] sc. at the useless solem-

cates the indefiniteness of the concep- nity of our leave-taking. Compare II.

tions of the gods held by the Platonists i. 191, and Aineid, i. 203 : " Forsan

and Stoics, who believed in the pro- et haec olim meminisse juvabit."

154 JULIUS CAESAR, [actv.

Bru. Why then, lead on. O ! that a man might know The end of this day's business ere it come ; But it sufficeth that the day will end, 125

And then the end is known. Come, ho ! away !

[Exeunt.

SCENE II.— The Same. The Field of Battle.

Alarum. Enter BRUTUS and MESSALA.

Bru. Ride, ride, Messala, ride, and give these bills

Unto the legions on the other side. [Loud alarum.

Let them set on at once, for I perceive

But cold demeanour in Octavius' wing,

And sudden push gives them the overthrow. 5

Ride, ride, Messala : let them all come down.

{Exeunt.

SCENE III.— Another Part of the Field.

Alarum. Enter CASSIUS and TlTlNlUS.

Cas. O ! look, Titinius, look, the villains fly : Myself have to mine own turn'd enemy ; This ensign here of mine was turning back ;

Scene 11. 4. Octavius'] Octavio's Ff.

123. 01 that a ///aw, £/r.] Compare 4. cold demeanour] a deficiency of

2 Henry IV. ill. i. 45 : " O Heaven, warlike spirit.

that one might read the book of 4. Octavius] This is the only place

fate." in the text in which the Folios have

c " Octavio " instead of "Octavius."

f*cene IL See note on 1. ii. 3.

1. bills] written orders. See Plut- arch's account of the battle.

2. the legions on the other side] ^cene m'

those under Cassius who commanded 3. ensign] may mean either the left wing. " standard - bearer " or "standard "

sc. in.] JULIUS CiESAR 155

I slew the coward, and did take it from him. Tit. O Cassius ! Brutus gave the word too early ; 5

Who, having some advantage on Octavius, Took it too eagerly : his soldiers fell to spoil, Whilst we by Antony are all enclos'd.

Enter PiNDARUS.

Pin. Fly further off, my lord, fly further off;

Mark Antony is in your tents, my lord ! 10

Fly, therefore, noble Cassius, fly far off.

Cas. This hill is far enough. Look, look, Titinius ; Are those my tents where I perceive the fire ?

Tit. They are, my lord.

Cas. Titinius, if thou lov'st me,

Mount thou my horse, and hide thy spurs in him, 1 5 Till he have brought thee up to yonder troops And here again ; that I may rest assur'd Whether yond troops are friend or enemy.

Tit. I will be here again, even with a thought. [Exit.

Cas. Go, Pindarus, get higher on that hill ; 20

My sight was ever thick ; regard Titinius,

20. higher] F I ; thither F 2, 3, 4.

in this passage. If it means 19. even with a thought] as quick

"standard-bearer," then "it" in as thought. Compare Odyssey, vii.

the next line stands for the standard 36 ; Iliad, xv. 80, 82 ; Macbeth, in.

suggested, but not expressed by the iv. 55 ; and Beaumont and Fletcher's

word. If it means "standard," then Bonduca, 1. i.:

" the coward" is the cowardly stand- " The light shadows

ard-bearer implied in the standard That in a thought scur o'er the

turning back. In the former case we fields of corn."

must understand from "this" that „ .rn ,. n „„Q TU.JU-

Cassius points to the standard-bearer *«• thick] dim. Compare Taming

lying dead at his feet. In the latter ** Sirew> v" * '43 * .

case "this" indicates that Cassius " Like a fountain troubled ^

held the standard in his hand, or Muddy, ill-seeming, thick ;

rather that, as Plutarch records, he and "thick -eyed musing," 1 Henry

had "stuck it fast at his feet." IV- n. iii. 49. Plutarch says that

156 JULIUS CAESAR [actv.

And tell me what thou not'st about the field.

[Pindarus ascends the hill.

This day I breathed first ; time is come round,

And where I did begin, there shall I end ;

My life is run his compass. Sirrah, what news ? 25

Pin. [A dove.] O my lord ! Cas. What news ? Pin. Titinius is enclosed round about

With horsemen, that make to him on the spur ;

Yet he spurs on : now they are almost on him. 30

Now, Titinius ! now some light : O ! he lights too :

He 's ta'en ! [Shout.

And, hark ! they shout for joy. Cas. Come down ; behold no more.

O ! coward that I am, to live so long,

To see my best friend ta'en before my face. 3 5

[Pindarus descends.

Come hither, sirrah.

In Parthia did I take thee prisoner ;

And then I swore thee, saving of thy life,

That whatsoever I did bid thee do,

" Cassius himself saw nothing, for his 34. O ! coward that I am] " Desir-

sight was very bad." ing too much to live, I have lived to

23. I breathed firs t] See i. 72. see one of my best friends taken"

25. his compass] its complete course. (Plutarch).

For "his," see note on I. ii. 123. 38. swore thee] made thee swear.

25. Sirrah] This modification of 38. saving of thy life] Compare

" sir " is used in addressing inferiors, Lear, 11. i. 41, "Here stood he

as in III. i. 10, iv. iii. 133. mumbling of wicked charms," and

31. Now, Titinius!] He means other instances given in Abbott, sec.

that now is the time for Titinius to 178. The participle is confused with

turn and fly to his friends. He shows and given the construction of a verbal

his intense interest in Titinius' move- noun. This is one of the many cases

ments by addressing him aloud, in which a Shakespearian usage

although his voice could not possibly survives as a vulgarism. Compare

be heard at such a distance. i. 60,

sc. in.] JULIUS CESAR 157

Thou should'st attempt it. Come now, keep thine oath ; 40

Now be a freeman ; and with this good sword, That ran through Caesar's bowels, search this bosom. Stand not to answer ; here, take thou the hilts ; And, when my face is cover'd, as 'tis now, Guide thou the sword. Caesar, thou art reveng'd, 45

Even with the sword that kill'd thee. [Dies.

Pin. So, I am free ; yet would not so have been, Durst I have done my will. O Cassius ! Far from this country Pindarus shall run, Where never Roman shall take note of him. 50

[Exit.

Re-enter TlTlNlUS with MESSALA.

Mes. It is but change, Titinius ; for Octavius Is overthrown by noble Brutus' power, As Cassius' legions are by Antony.

Tit. These tidings will well comfort Cassius.

Mes. Where did you leave him ?

41. be a freeman] earn thy freedom 43. Hits] Compare v. 28. The by killing me. See 47. plural is used because the handle of

42. ran through Ccesar's bowels'] a single sword consists of many This poetical retribution comes from parts.

Plutarch, who relates that Cassius 44. when my face is cover'd] See

"slew himself with the same sword note on in. ii. 194.

with the which he strake Caesar." 49. Pindarus shall run] "After

We may say of Cassius' death, as that time Pindarus was seen no more.

Othello does of what he thought a Whereupon some took occasion to say

similarly exact retribution, "Good, that he had slain his master without

good; the justice of it pleases; very his commandment" (Plutarch),

good" {Othello, iv. i. 222). Plu- 51. change] exchange, as opposed

tarch relates that Callipus, who plotted to distinct gain for either side. The

the murder of Dion, was slain with victory of Brutus could be set against

the very same sword with which Dion the victory of Antony, had been assassinated.

158 JULIUS CAESAR [actv.

Tit. All disconsolate, 5 5

With Pindarus his bondman, on this hill.

Mes. Is not that he that lies upon the ground ?

Tit. He lies not like the living. O my heart !

Mes. Is not that he ?

Tit. No, this was he, Messala,

But Cassius is no more. O setting sun ! 60

As in thy red rays thou dost sink to night, So in his red blood Cassius' day is set ; The sun of Rome is set. Our day is gone ; Clouds, dews, and dangers come ; our deeds are

done. Mistrust of my success hath done this deed. 65

Mes. Mistrust of good success hath done this deed. O hateful error, melancholy's child ! Why dost thou show to the apt thoughts of men The things that are not ? O error ! soon conceiv'd, Thou never corn's t unto a happy birth, 70

But kill'st the mother that engender'd thee.

59. this was he] For the use of the 66. Mistrust, etc. ] The last words past tense, compare sEneidy ii. 325 : of Titinius are repeated by Messala as " Fuimus Troes, fuit Ilium." a text for his melancholy reflections.

60. O setting sun !] This address to Compare II. i. 48. Owing to the the setting sun is quite inconsistent change of speakers ' ' my " has to dis- with line 109, in which we learn that it appear, and is replaced by "good" is only three o'clock in the afternoon, without alteration of the meaning,

61. sink to night] descend into the although the application of the epithet darkness of night. There is some "good" to success indicates that in confusion of ideas in the image, as Shakespeare's time " success " meant wherever the sun goes there can be a result which might be either good or no night. This confusion is avoided bad. Compare II. ii. 6.

by Knight, who reads "to-night," but 67. melancholy's child'] because

the alteration weakens the force of despondent people imagine evil that

the line. does not exist.

62. So in his red blood] For the 71. the mother that engender \i thee] comparison of a dying warrior to the the person that conceived the error setting sun, compare Troilus and and is ruined by it. It is rather con- Cressida, v. viii. 5-8, and Rokcby> VI. fusing to have two different mothers xxi. 19-26. assigned to Error in one short speech.

sc. in.] JULIUS CiESAR 159

Tit. What, Pindarus ! Where art thou, Pindarus ?

Mes. Seek him, Titinius, whilst I go to meet The noble Brutus, thrusting this report Into his ears ; I may say, thrusting it ; 75

For piercing steel and darts envenomed Shall be as welcome to the ears of Brutus As tidings of this sight.

Tit. Hie you, Messala,

And I will seek for Pindarus the while.

[Exit Messala. Why didst thou send me forth, brave Cassius ? 80 Did I not meet thy friends ? and did not they Put on my brows this wreath of victory, And bid me give it thee ? Didst thou not hear their

shouts ? Alas ! thou hast misconstrued every thing. But hold thee, take this garland on thy brow ; 8 5 Thy Brutus bid me give it thee, and I Will do his bidding. Brutus, come apace, And see how I regarded Caius Cassius. By your leave, gods : this is a Roman's part : Come, Cassius' sword, and find Titinius' heart. 90

[Kills himself.

72. What] See note on II. i. 1. 88. regarded] honoured, as in

74. thrusting] Compare Antony Coriolanus, v. vi. 143.

and Cleopatra, II v. 24. 89. By your leave, gods] In accord -

85. hold thee] hold thou, i.e. do ance with the Platonic view referred

thou receive. The subject takes the to in i. 101, Titinius implies that

objective form, because it follows the he cannot voluntarily depart from

verb and has the usual place of the life without the permission of the

object. Compare " Hold thee, there's gods.

my purse" {All's Well, IV. v. 46), 89. a Roman's part] Compare

"Come thee on" {Antony and Cleo- Macbeth, v. viii. I :

patra, iv. vii. 16), "hark thee," "Why should I play the Roman

"haste thee," "look thee," and fool, and die

"fare thee well " (99). On mine own sword ? "

160 JULIUS CiESAR [actv.

Alarum. Re-enter Messala, with Brutus, Cato, Strato, Volumnius, and Lucilius.

Bru. Where, where, Messala, doth his body lie ?

Mes. Lo, yonder ; and Titinius mourning it.

Bru. Titinius' face is upward.

Cato. He is slain.

Bru. O Julius Caesar ! thou art mighty yet :

Thy spirit walks abroad, and turns our swords 95 In our own proper entrails. [Low alarums.

Cato. Brave Titinius !

Look ! whether he have not crown'd dead Cassius.

Bru. Are yet two Romans living such as these ? The last of all the Romans, fare thee well ! It is impossible that ever Rome 100

Should breed thy fellow. Friends, I owe more tears

97. whether] where Ff. 99. The] Ff, Thou Rowe.

96. proper] here, as in I. ii. 41, is if " the" could not be used in the

used in the sense of the Latin proprius vocative case, "the last" may be

and means "own," It is therefore re- regarded as in apposition to "thee,"

dundant. or " the last of all the Romans " may

96. entrails] Compare sEneid, vi. be an exclamation. Shakespeare 834 : "Neu patriae validas in viscera naturally wished to incorporate in his vertite vires. " verse, without omitting the definite

97. whether] See note on I. i. 66. article emphasising the superlative, the 99. The] unnecessarily altered into noble title of praise which was con-

"thou" by some editors. "The" ferred on Cassius by Brutus, and by

goes with vocatives, probably, in which he is often spoken of in history.

Lear, I. i. 271, and Beaumont and Plutarch tells us that in like manner

Fletcher's Bonduca, v. iii. : "I'll a certain Roman called Philopoemen

treat thee like thyself, the valiant "the last of the Greeks, meaning

Briton," and certainly in S Henry VI. that Greece had not produced one

v. v. 38, "Take that, the likeness great man, or one that was worthy of

of this railer here," and in Cymbeline, her, after him."

in. ii. 42, "You, O the dearest of 100. // is impossible] "Being im-

creatures," unless "the" is to be possible that Rome should ever breed

regarded as a misprint for ' ' thou " or again so noble and valiant a man as

"you "in all these passages. Even he " (Plutarch).

sc. iv.] JULIUS CiESAR 161

To this dead man than you shall see me pay. I shall find time, Cassius, I shall find time. Come therefore, and to Thassos send his body : His funerals shall not be in our camp, 105

Lest it discomfort us. Lucilius, come ; And come, young Cato ; let us to the field. Labio and Flavius, set our battles on : Tis three a clock ; and, Romans, yet ere night We shall try fortune in a second fight. 1 1 o

[Exeunt.

SCENE IV.— Another Part of the Field.

Alarum. Enter fighting ; Soldiers of both Armies ; then Brutus, Cato, Lucilius, and Others.

Bru. Yet, countrymen, O ! yet hold up your heads. Cato. What bastard doth not ? Who will go with me ?

104. Thassos] Theobald, Tharsus Ff. 108. Labio] Ff, Labeo Hanmer and later editors ; Flavins,] F 4 ; Flavhts F 2, 3 ; Flavio F 1. 109. a clock] Ff, o'clock Theobald and later editors.

104. Thassos] is the name given by 109. a clock] See note on II. ii. 114. North. Thassos or Thasos was the " Three a clock " is inconsistent with name of an island near Philippi, while the reference to the setting sun in Tharsus, the reading of the Folio, is line 60. The mention of this definite another way of spelling Tarsus, the hour is a reminiscence of Plutarch's capital of Cilicia, or another Tarsus in account of the second battle of Bithynia, both which towns were at a Philippi, where we are told that great distance. Brutus " suddenly caused his army to

105. funerals] appears in the plural march, being past three of the clock in the parallel passage in North's in the afternoon," and so began the Plutarch and in Titus Andronicus, battle.

1. i. 381. 109. ere night] In history there

106. discomfort] discourage, as in was an interval of twenty days be- Troilusand Cressida, v. x. 10 : " My tween the two battles at Philippi. lord, you do discomfort all the host."

108. Labio] This wrong spelling of Scene IV.

Labeo is retained in the text, because 2. What bastard doth not ?] who is

it is also found in North. See note such a bastard that he does not do

on 1. ii. 3. so? See II. i. 138 and iv. iii. 20.

II

162 JULIUS CESAR [actv.

I will proclaim my name about the field :

I am the son of Marcus Cato, ho !

A foe to tyrants, and my country's friend ; 5

I am the son of Marcus Cato, ho ! Lucil. And I am Brutus, Marcus Brutus, I ;

Brutus, my country's friend ; know me for Brutus.

O young and noble Cato ! art thou down ?

Why, now thou diest as bravely as Titinius, 10

And may'st be honour'd, being Cato's son. First Sold. Yield, or thou diest. Lucil. Only I yield to die :

There is so much that thou wilt kill me straight.

{Offering money.

Kill Brutus, and be honour'd in his death. First Sold. We must not. A noble prisoner ! 1 5

Second Sold. Room, ho ! Tell Antony, Brutus is

ta'en. First Sold. I '11 tell the news. Here comes the general.

7. Lucil.] is omitted and "Luc." is inserted before line 9 in Ff. 15. not] Ff, not, sir Capell. 17. the] Pope, thee Ff.

7, 8.] The name of the speaker of situation with only the words "Kill

these two lines is omitted in the Folios. Brutus " in line 14 to enlighten them.

They are by almost all editors as- It seems probable that the printers of

signed to Brutus. But Brutus was so the Folio by mistake put the heading

well known that it is strange that he ' ' Luc. " two lines too low down,

should tell his name with such em- The stage - direction exit, found in

phasis, and it is still more strange almost all modern editions after line

that he should follow the lead of 8, is not in the Folios, such a young man as Cato. The 13. so much] sc. money. The offer

iteration of the name Brutus sounds of money in the stage-direction is,

like the language of a man who however, an addition made by

was pretending to be what he was Hanmer and Johnson to explain the

not. The ascription of these two passage. Possibly Lucilius, speaking

lines to Lucilius would make the in the character of Brutus, means that

motive and action of Lucilius much so much can be laid to his charge

plainer to the audience, who would that the soldier is sure to kill him

have some difficulty in taking in the immediately.

sc. v.] JULIUS CiESAR 163

t

Enter ANTONY.

Brutus is ta'en, Brutus is ta'en, my lord.

Ant. Where is he?

Lucil. Safe, Antony ; Brutus is safe enough. 20

I dare assure thee that no enemy Shall ever take alive the noble Brutus ; The gods defend him from so great a shame ! When you do find him, or alive or dead, He will be found like Brutus, like himself. 25

Ant. This is not Brutus, friend ; but, I assure you, A prize no less in worth. Keep this man safe ; Give him all kindness : I had rather have Such men my friends than enemies. Go on, And see whether Brutus be alive or dead; 30

And bring us word unto Octavius' tent How every thing is chanc'd. [Exeunt.

SCENE V. — Another Part of the Field. Enter Brutus, Dardanius, Clitus, Strato, and

VOLUMNIUS.

Bru. Come, poor remains of friends, rest on this rock. Cli. Statilius show'd the torch-light, but, my lord, He came not back ; he is or ta'en or slain.

30. whether] where Ff ; dead ;] dead, Ff. 31. word] word, F I ; omitted in F 2, 3, 4 ; tent] tent :Fi; tent, F 2, 3, 4.

30. whether] See note on 1. i. which he was to hold up if he found

66. all well there.

32. is chanc'd] has happened. 3. or . . . or] Compare Henry V.

Compare 1. ii. 214. I. H. 12 :

" Why the law Salique, which they

Scene v. have in France,

2. showed the torch-light] He had Or should or should not bar us

been sent to the camp with a torch, in our claim,"

164 JULIUS CESAR [act v.

Bru. Sit thee down, Clitus : slaying is the word ;

It is a deed in fashion. Hark thee, Clitus. 5

[ Whispers.

Cli. What I, my lord ? No, not for all the world.

Bru. Peace then ! no words.

Cli. I '11 rather kill myself.

Bru. Hark thee, Dardanius. [ Whispers.

Dar. Shall I do such a deed ?

Cli. O Dardanius !

Dar. O Clitus ! 1 o

Cli. What ill request did Brutus make to thee ?

Dar. To kill him, Clitus. Look, he meditates.

Cli. Now is that noble vessel full of grief, That it runs over even at his eyes.

Bru. Come hither, good Volumnius : list a word. 1 5

Vol. What says my lord ?

Bru. Why, this, Volumnius :

The ghost of Caesar hath appear'd to me Two several times by night ; at Sardis once, And, this last night, here in Philippi fields. I know my hour is come.

Vol. Not so, my lord. 20

Bru. Nay, I am sure it is, Volumnius.

4. Sit thee] Compare " Hark thee," ing with tears and an overflowing jar, line 5, and note on iii. 85. as in Winter's 7 ale, in. iii. 21 :

5. Hark thee, Clitus] Brutus here " I never saw a vessel of like in a whisper asks Clitus to kill him. sorrow

See line 12. So fill'd and so becoming." 8. Dardanius'] correctly called Compare also Tinwn, 11. ii. 171. Dardanus in North's Plutarch. The 19. Philippi] used adjectivally, extra syllable is required by the metre. Compare "Tiber banks" (1. i. 63), 13. vessel] used for a person, as " Hybla bees" (vi. 34), "London in the biblical expression "weaker streets" {Richard II. v. v. 77), vessel," which is common in Shake- " London gates " {2 Henry VI. IV. speare. The term here suggests a viii. 24), " London Bridge," " Ken- comparison between a person overflow- sington Gardens."

sc. v.] JULIUS CiESAR 165

Thou seest the world, Volumnius, how it goes ; Our enemies have beat us to the pit : [Lozv alarums. It is more worthy to leap in ourselves Than tarry till they push us. Good Volumnius, 2 5 Thou know'st that we two went to school together ; Even for that our love of old, I prithee, Hold thou my sword-hilts, whilst I run on it. Vol. That 's not an office for a friend, my lord.

[Alarum still. Cli. Fly, fly, my lord ! there is no tarrying here. 30

Bru. Farewell to you ; and you ; and you, Volumnius. Strato, thou hast been all this while asleep ; Farewell to thee too, Strato. Countrymen, My heart doth joy that yet in all my life

28. sword-hilts'] Sword Hilts F i, 2 ; Swords Hilt F 3, 4. 33. thee loo, Strato. Countrymen] Theobald ; thee, to Strato, Countrymen : Ff. 34. in] F 1 ; omitted in F 2, 3, 4.

22. the world, . . . how it goes] the philosophy and rhetoric in which present position of affairs. Compare Volumnius and Brutus had been the colloquial question " How goes associated as grown-up men. Shake- the world with you ? " and As You speare makes the appeal more touch- Like It, 11. vii. 23 : " How the world ing by supposing that they were wags. " For the construction, compare schoolboys together. Compare the in. ii. 278. reference to " school-days' friend -

23. the pit] of destruction. "Gulf" ship" in Midsummer Night's Dream, is used in the same sense in Richard in. ii. 202, and Hamlet, III. iv. III. III. vii. 128 : 202, where Hamlet is indignant that

" the swallowing gulf his schoolfellows should have been

Of blind forgetfulness and dark selected to betray him. In Hamlet,

oblivion," 1. ii. 113, "school" means "college."

and Henry V. IV. iii. 82 : 31. you, Volumnius] The change

" For certainly thou art so near the to the plural in addressing Volumnius

gulf, may be intended to indicate a shade

Thou needs must be englutted." of coldness due to the fact that Brutus

26. went to school together] Brutus was disappointed at his refusal to help

in Plutarch "prayed him for the him to kill himself. In the following

studies' sake which brought them line Strato is naturally addressed in

acquainted together, that he would the singular number, as he is described

help him to put his hand to his as a servant in the list of dramatis

sword, to thrust it in him to kill him." persona. Plutarch, however, calls

Plutarch here refers to the studies of him ' ' Brutus' friend. "

166 JULIUS CAESAR [actv.

I found no man but he was true to me. 35

I shall have glory by this losing day,

More than Octavius and Mark Antony

By this vile conquest shall attain unto.

So fare you well at once ; for Brutus' tongue

Hath almost ended his life's history. 40

Night hangs upon mine eyes ; my bones would

rest, That have but labour'd to attain this hour.

{Alarum. Cry within, * Fly, fly, fly ! "

Cli. Fly, my lord, fly !

Bru, Hence ! I will follow.

{Exeunt Clitus, Dardanius, and Volumnius. I prithee, Strato, stay thou by thy lord. Thou art a fellow of a good respect ; 4 5

Thy life hath had some smatch of honour in it : Hold then my sword, and turn away thy face, While I do run upon it. Wilt thou, Strato ?

35. but he] Owing to the common 42. to attain this hour] It is not

ellipse of the pronominal subject in this easy to determine whether this is an

construction, "but" has come to be expression of satisfaction that he has

used as a negative relative = ' ' who crowned a virtuous life by a glorious

not." See II. i. 90. Brutus has not death (see line 36), or a lament that

this consolation in Plutarch's Life, all his labours for the right have ended

in which he is related to have been in defeat and failure. In Plutarch

much distressed by the desertion of a he tells his friends, "I do not com-

valiant soldier called Camulatius just plain of my fortune but only for my

before the second battle. According country's sake : for as for me, I think

to Plutarch, what Brutus said on this myself happier than they that have

occasion was, " It rejoiceth my heart overcome, considering that I leave a

that not one of my friends hath failed perpetual fame of virtue and honesty."

me at my need," confining his refiec- 44. stay thou by thy lord] support

tion to his friends and to the last scene thy lord, do not fail him. Compare

of his life. S Henry VI. 1. i. 31.

38. vile conquest] Verity well com- 45. oj a good respect ] respectable in

pares Milton's description of Chaer- the old sense of the word, worthy of

onea as a " dishonest victory." esteem.

40. Hath almost ended ] This speech 46. smatch] another form 01

will be one of the last facts of his life. " smack."

sc. v.] JULIUS CAESAR 167

Stra. Give me your hand first : fare you well, my lord. Bru. Farewell, good Strato. Caesar, now be still: 50 I kill'd not thee with half so good a will.

[He runs on his sword, and dies.

Alarum. Retreat. Enter OCTAVIUS, ANTONY, MESSALA, LUCILIUS, and their Army. Oct. What man is that ?

Mes. My masters man. Strato, where is thy master? Stra. Free from the bondage you are in, Messala ;

The conquerors can but make a fire of him ; 5 5

For Brutus only overcame himself,

And no man else hath honour by his death. Lucil. So Brutus should be found. I thank thee, Brutus,

That thou hast prov'd Lucilius' saying true. Oct. All that serv'd Brutus, I will entertain them. 60

Fellow, wilt thou bestow thy time with me ? Stra. Ay, if Messala will prefer me to you. Oct. Do so, good Messala. Mes. How died my master, Strato?

Stra. I held the sword, and he did run on it. 65

Mes. Octavius, then take him to follow thee,

49. your] Strato answers in the survives in Indian official corre- plural, as he is speaking to his spondence.

master. 62. prefer] recommend. Compare

50. be still] Brutus thinks that by Cymbeline, iv. ii. 394 :

dying he will succeed in laying " The Roman emperor's

Caesar's ghost. letters,

55. make a fire of him] burn his Sent by a consul to me, should

body, not lead him captive. See i. not sooner

109-112. Than thine own worth prefer

59. Lucilius' saying] See iv. 21, 22. thee,"

60. entertain] take into my service, and Bacon's Advancement of Learn- Compare Two Gentlemen, II. iv. no: ing: "Moral Philosophy may be " Sweet lady, entertain him for your preferred unto her (Divinity) as a servant." This use of the word still wise servant and humble handmaid.''"

168 JULIUS CzESAR [actv. sc. v.

That did the latest service to my master.

Ant. This was the noblest Roman of them all : All the conspirators save only he Did that they did in envy of great Caesar; 70

He only, in a general honest thought And common good to all, made one of them. His life was gentle, and the elements So mix'd in him that Nature might stand up And say to all the world, " This was a man ! " 75

Oct. According to his virtue let us use him, With all respect and rites of burial. Within my tent his bones to-night shall lie, Most like a soldier, order'd honourably. So call the field to rest ; and let 's away, 80

To part the glories of this happy day. [Exeunt.

71. He only, in] He, onely in Ff.

69. save only he] he only being and water, the proportions of which

excepted. " He " is a nominative in each person were supposed to

absolute, and " save" is treated as an determine his character, adjective or participle. 74. So mix'd] so harmoniously com-

71. in a general honest thought] bined.

actuated by honourable regard for the 75. a man] a true man, a man

good of the community. Compare really worthy of the name. Compare

11. i: 12. If the punctuation of the Hamlet, I. ii. 187, III. iv. 62.

Folio is retained, the meaning is that 79. Most like a soldier] Compare

Brutus was actuated by no other Hamlet, v. ii. 407. The honourable

more interested motives. treatment of his dead body included

72. common good] We must by its being " wrapped up in one of the zeugma understand a new preposi- richest coat-armours" that Antony tion "for" to govern "common possessed, so that

good." Compare Love's Labour's " He lay like a warrior taking his

Lost, iv. i. 29 : " That more for rest

praise than purpose meant to kill," With his martial cloak around

where "on" has to be understood to him."

govern " purpose." 80. field] by metonymy for the

72. to all] is pleonastic. soldiers on the field of battle.

73. the elements] fire, air, earth,

APPENDIX

I. iii. 65. The use of "calculate" intransitively in the sense of " prophesy " is so strange and gives such un- satisfactory sense, that I am tempted to conjecture that " why " in line 65 is an emphatic interjectional expletive as it is in line 68. The meaning will then be, " If you would consider why the fires, ghosts, birds, and beasts act in such an extraordinary manner, I may tell you that the signifi- cance of these prodigies is so obvious that not only old men, but even fools and children can form an estimate of the reason why these things act contrary to their nature. You will assuredly find that the reason is that they are intended by heaven to point to an unnatural state of affairs, namely, the state of Rome under the dominion of one man grown portentously great." In support of this interpretation, it may be urged that the two preceding lines refer to prodigies already recorded, whereas the folly of old men and the prophesying of fools and children is not among the prodigies related either by Shakespeare or Plutarch, nor are they such prodigies as Shakespeare would be likely to invent and suddenly add to lines referring to prodigies recorded before. Exception may be taken to the use of " why " in a sense different from that in which it is used in the lines immediately preceding and following, but this objection would prove too much, as it would condemn the undoubtedly expletive use of " why " in line 68, where also as in line 65 " why " is not followed by a comma in the Folio.

II. i. 177 : seem to chide. Mr. Marshall in Irving's edition of Shakespeare says that here Brutus " is advising a course of deliberate hypocrisy ; the conspirators are to try and entrap the sympathies of the people by commit-

170 APPENDIX

ting the murder with all due delicacy and decorum, and then pretending to regret it." This is stretching the comparison too far. When Christ (Luke xvi.) tells His disciples to imitate the conduct of the unjust steward, He does not thereby inculcate injustice. So here Brutus, though asking his followers to act like hypocritical masters, does not incite them to hypocrisy. In order that the deed may be done they must for the time give the reins to their righteous anger, and in the words put into the mouth of Henry V.,

imitate the action of the tiger, Stiffen the sinews, summon up the blood, Disguise fair nature with hard favoured rage,

but afterwards they may grieve over the death of Caesar, and almost appear (to themselves, as much as to others) to repent of their action, not with any intent to deceive, but because they cannot help lamenting over the death of a man whom Brutus at any rate loved, and for whom he had good reason to expect that many of the other conspirators entertained kindly feelings on account of the benefits they had received from him. As Agrippa remarks in Antony and Cleopatra, V. i. 27 :

Strange it is That nature must compel us to lament Our most persisted deeds.

Those who interpret the passage as recommending hypocrisy are reduced to the necessity of interpreting " make " as meaning " make to appear," or even change " make " into " mark." Further, it is quite evident from Antony's eulogium at the end of the play that the purpose of Brutus was not envious, so that he cannot be contemplating hypocritical concealment of his motives in line 178.

III. i. 47 : Ccesar doth not wrong. Ben Jonson ridicules this passage in his Staple of Neivs in the sentence, " Cry you mercy; you never did wrong, but with just cause." He further remarks in his Discoveries, " Many times he

APPENDIX 171

(Shakespeare) fell into those things could not escape laughter : as when he said in the person of Caesar, one speaking to him, ' Caesar, thou dost me wrong,' he replied, 'Caesar did never wrong but with just cause!'" We probably here have the original reading, which in deference to Ben Jonson's criticism may have been altered into the Folio reading, either by Shakespeare himself or by his editors. Tyrwhitt meets Ben Jonson's criticism by pointing out that " wrong " may be understood to mean "harm" or "hurt" (see III. i. 242), in which case there would be no appearance of contradiction. The passage should rather be explained as an anacoluthon, the sentence ending as if it had begun " Caesar never acted." See notes on II. i. 12, 124, 126, and compare such sentences as "you may deny that you were not the cause," where the negative is used in the noun clause as if it had been governed by " say." Another interpretation is suggested by the Merchant of Venice, IV. i. 216, where Bassanio pleads, "To do a great right do a little wrong," and by the discussion in Bacon's Advancement of Learning of the sentiment of Jason of Pherae that " some things are to be done unjustly that many things may be done justly." By the light of these passages we should understand Caesar to mean that, if he ever transgressed the ordinary rules of justice, he had just cause to do so on account of wider principles of justice. This is how Lowell interprets the line when he defends it on the ground that " the moral confusion in the idea was surely admirably characteristic of the general who had just accomplished a successful coup d'ttat, the condemnation of which he would fancy that he read in the face of every honest man he met, and which he would therefore be for ever indirectly palliating." Lastly, an entirely immoral interpretation is suggested by Massinger's Roman Actor, V. i. :

What pleases Caesar, Though never so unjust, is right and lawful.

III. i. 48 : Will he be satisfied. The fact that this half line is not completed by the next speaker may be due to the passage having been altered from its original form.

172 APPENDIX

If such an alteration was really made, then, as Craik remarks, Shakespeare acted as Euripides did, when he mended or cut out passages which had been ridiculed by- Aristophanes.

III. i. 206 : Sigrid expresses nearly the same meaning as " crimson'd." Thy spoil — in the act of spoiling thee, i.e. marring thee (see ii. 191, and Henry V. V. ii. 249: " Old age, that ill layer up of beauty can do no more spoil upon thy face"), reducing thee to ruins (see 256), or " spoil " may mean overthrow, death, like the Greek verb Ivapi^u, which by its etymology means to spoil, but is often used by Homer to express the idea of slaying. Or, perhaps, it is better to regard Caesar's blood as the spoil. No other spoils being available in this case, the hunters took as their spoil the reward that generally (see the quotation below from the Book of St. Albans and the lines from Gorboduc, in which the hunter is actually repre- sented as drinking the blood of the deer) belonged to the hounds. In this case " in thy spoil " = " in thy lethe." Ancient etymologists connected letum, death, which they therefore sometimes spelt lethum, with Lethe, the river of oblivion, the water of which was drunk by the dead when they entered the lower world. Hence the two words are apt to be confused in English. Thus we have " lethal " = deadly, and in Heywood's lines,

The proudest nation that great Asia nursed Is now extinct in Lethe,

" lethe " appears to mean death, though it may also mean oblivion. In the passage before us " lethe " must be taken to mean by metonymy death-blood, a meaning further suggested by the fact that Lethe is the stream of the dead. For the metonymy compare ALneid, ix. 348, where Servius interprets multa morte as meaning multo cruore, and the use of " slaughter " in the closely similar passage in King John, 11. i. 321-323:

And, like a jolly troop of huntsmen, come Our lusty English, all with purpled hands, Dyed in the dying slaughter of their foes.

APPENDIX 173

This interpretation is also supported by Capell's assertion that " ' lethe ' is a term used by hunters to signify the blood shed by a deer at its fall, with which it is still a custom to mark those who come in at the death." Such a custom does not appear to be mentioned by any other writers. There are, however, frequent allusions to hunters cutting up the deer, and, in so doing, staining their hands and arms with its blood. This office is performed in the ninth chapter of the Bride of Lamniermoor by Bucklaw, who is described as " stript to his doublet, with tucked up sleeves, and naked arms up to the elbows in blood (see line 106), slashing, cutting, hacking, and hewing with the precision of Sir Tristrem himself." Compare also Gorboduc, IV. i., where Videna says to Porrex : " Why could you not have been content with hunting savage beasts

To feed thy greedy will, and in the midst Of their entrails to stain thy deadly hands With blood deserved, and drink thereof thy fill ? "

This practice is also alluded to in the Book of St. Albans :

With the bowels and with the blood Reward your hounds that be so good,

where the blood is the spoil with which the hounds are rewarded. We may therefore suppose that Antony com- pares the conspirators to hunters who have stained their hands and arms with blood in breaking up a noble hart. Other possible interpretations are suggested by Jameson's Scottish Dictionary, where we find leth — 2. stream, and leth, lethe = hatred. The former word would bring us by a different route to the conclusion we have already arrived at, namely, that " crimsoned in thy lethe n means " red in the stream of thy life-blood." If " lethe" is " hatred," then the meaning would be " red-handed in their hatred of thee."

III. iii. 19 : bear me a bang. For " bear" used to express the striking of a blow. Murray quotes from Browne's Polexander (1647): " Bajazet bore him a blow that in all

174 APPENDIX

likelihood should have bereft his life." " Take " is used in the same sense in Henry V. IV. i. 231 : "I will take thee a box on the ear."

IV. ii. 50 : Lucius \ do you the like. Steevens accepts the reading of the Folio, except that he omits " you " in the first line of the speech, so as to make it a regular iambic line. Craik, whose reading is given in the text, remarks that " it is strange that no one should have been struck with the absurdity of such an association as Lucius and Titinius for the guarding of the door — an officer of rank and a servant boy — the boy, too, being named first. The function of Lucius was to carry messages. As Cassius sends his servant Pindarus with a message to his division of the force, Brutus sends his servant Lucius with a similar message to his division. Nothing can be clearer than that Lucilius in the first line is a misprint for Lucius, and Lucius in the third a misprint for Lucilius. Or the error may have been in the copy ; and the insertion of the Let was probably an attempt of the printer or editor to save the prosody of that line, as the omission of the you is of the modern editors to save that of the other. The present restoration sets everything to rights. At the close of the conference we have Brutus in iii. 138 again addressing himself to Lucilius and Titinius, who had evidently kept together all the time it lasted. Lucius (who in the original text is commonly called the Boy) and Titinius are nowhere mentioned together." The fact that in iii. 126 we find Lucilius guarding the door of the tent amounts to a con- clusive verification of Craik's inference.

IV. iii. 5 : slighted off— The text differs from the Folio reading only by the dash at the end of the line indicating that Brutus would not allow Cassius to finish his long sentence. Compare II. i. 184, III. ii. 61, IV. i. 3 ; Othello », I. i. 3, in. iii. 227; and Romeo and Juliet \ II. ii. 108, 115, where the Folio has full stops instead of dashes, though in each case the sentence is unfinished. In II. i. 115 the Folios have a semicolon instead of a dash after " abuse." This habit of interrupting speakers in the middle of their

/

APPENDIX 175

sentences is a characteristic trait in Brutus, indicating his extravagantly high opinion of his own judgment and his disinclination to be guided by others. See II. i. 184, III. i. 88, IV. ii. 41, iii. 212. Most later editors follow Malone in inserting a comma after " man," retaining the full stop at the end of the line, and changing " was " into " were so as to make the verb agree in number with the subject " letters." There is, however, no indication in the account of the incident given by Plutarch that Cassius had any special knowledge of Lucius Pella and his character. (See p. lxxxii.) It is distinctly implied that he was dismissed from his office by Brutus, under whom he was serving, whereas Cassius refused to dismiss " two of his friends, attainted and convicted of the like offences." From this we may infer that Lucius Pella was not one of Cassius' friends.

IV. iii. 1 82 : Nor nothing. This is not the first lie that Brutus is guilty of in the play. But his former lie in II. i. 257 was actuated by an easily intelligible motive, whereas this one is not. Further, in the present case Brutus accepts without protest Messala's admiration, which is based upon a misconception produced by the lie. Most commentators have overlooked the difficulty, and those who have attempted to explain it have not been very successful. Verity suggests that "perhaps Brutus dissembles thus because he cherishes a faint hope that after all Portia is not dead — that the report which reached him was false, and that Messala has later tidings of her being alive." But in what goes before Brutus does not speak as if the information was based on a report that might possibly be false. Mark Hunter, in an ingenious and elaborate examination of the passage, supposes that Brutus's strange denial to Messala was due to his " sensitive shrinking from a wound which is too recent and too painful to be laid bare in the presence of any but the most intimate friends," which is in accordance with the state of Brutus's mind disclosed in lines 157, 165. He therefore tries to "put aside the question," hoping that " Messala does not know the truth, or, knowing it, will not

176 APPENDIX

speak, if he imagines Brutus still ignorant." This view is not easy to reconcile with Brutus's subsequent earnest appeal to Messala to tell all he has heard of Portia, and leaves unexplained the conduct of Cassius, who speaks as if he did not know that Brutus had heard of his wife's death some time before.

My own impression is that the difficulties in the end of this part of the scene are due to additions subsequently made and not perfectly reconciled with the original draft. It is very possible that when Shakespeare first wrote the play his intention was to give an impressive illustration of Brutus's stoicism and subordination of private feelings to public necessities, so that he might rival his supposed ancestor who executed his own sons for treason. After- wards he may have seen that such a representation of Brutus would be inconsistent with the gentleness previously ascribed to him, and added the lines in which he reveals his loss to Cassius. If this possibility is worth considering, we may conjecture that the additional lines were 143-157, 165. Evidence in favour of this supposition may be derived from the fact that in the scene as it now stands Brutus twice asks for a bowl of wine (see lines 141, 157). Whether it was due to oversight on the part of the poet that lines 180-195 were not omitted or recast so as to be in harmony with the addition, it is idle to inquire. Possibly the original editors may have printed both the original and the added lines, not knowing that the author intended to substitute the latter for the former.

V. i. 10 1 -108 : The passage on which this speech is based is correctly rendered by J. and W. Langhorne, as follows : — Brutus answered, " In the younger and less experienced part of my life, I was led, upon philosophical principles, to condemn the conduct of Cato in killing him- self. I thought it at once impious and unmanly to sink beneath the stroke of fortune, or to refuse the lot that had befallen us. In my present situation, however, I am of a different opinion." Thus the meaning of Brutus in Plutarch is perfectly clear, namely, that Brutus as a young man entirely condemned suicide, but at the battle of Philippi,

APPENDIX 177

under the stress of circumstances, changed his opinion and determined not to survive defeat. This meaning is obscured or altered by North, in whose translation Brutus's answer begins at the wrong place. He also gives the present tense " trust " instead of the past tense used by Plutarch and Amyot, and so makes Brutus condemn suicide even on the day of battle. (See p. lxxxvi.) Shakespeare, as usual, follows North. He makes his Brutus express to Cassius his condemnation of suicide in his first answer, but when the question of Cassius forces him to realise that unswerv- ing rejection of suicide might end in his being led in triumph through the streets of Rome, he declares warmly that he could never submit to such an indignity. He thus implicitly allows that under certain circumstances he might be compelled to transgress his philosophical prin- ciples and commit suicide, although he intends to avoid that necessity by seeking death in battle, if his army is defeated. The admission of an exception to the duty of preserving one's life is in accordance with the doctrines of the Stoics, who approved of suicide when life was found to be no longer worth living. When Brutus disapproved of Cato's suicide, he showed that he was not a Stoic, but a follower of the Old Academy, and, as such, inclined to " lend an ear to Plato, where he says

That men like soldiers must not quit the post Allotted by the gods."

See Plato's Phcedo, where Socrates argues that man is not his own property but a possession of the gods, and has no right to make away with that which does not belong to him. In Plutarch we read that Brutus studied and liked every sect and every philosopher, but "above all the rest he loved Plato's sect best." Plato's views upon suicide were probably familiar to Shakespeare, as they are expounded at length in Sidney's Arcadia and in the ninth canto of the first book of the Faerie Queene. With the arguments for and against suicide given in these works we may compare the similar discussion of the subject in Tennyson's Two Voices.

Wright regards " trust " in the rendering of this passage

12

178 APPENDIX

given in North's Plutarch as " evidently a past tense (Old English, truste) " which " must have been read by Shake- speare as a present."

V. v. 73 : the elements] fire, air, earth, and water, the elements of which all things, including the human body, were supposed to be composed. In the animal body the elements determined the humours, fire producing choler, air producing blood, water producing phlegm, and earth producing melancholy. The elements are differently com- bined in different persons. There was " little of the melancholy element" in Beatrice; the Dauphin's horse was " pure air and fire " {Henry V. III. vii. 22), and " the dull elements of earth and water never appeared in him but only in patient stillness while his rider mounted him " ; Cassius was choleric because he had in his temperament too much of the fire which he found wanting in the gentle Brutus (1. ii. 174; and compare IV. iii. 1 11, 112). To pro- duce a perfect disposition, these four elements had to be combined in due proportions, as Antony says they were in Brutus, and as they were combined in Ben Jonson's Crites, " A creature of a most perfect and divine temper ; one in whom the humours and elements are peaceably met without emulation of precedency ; he is neither too fantastically melancholy, too slowly phlegmatic, too lightly sanguine, and too rashly choleric ; but in all so composed and ordered, as it is clear Nature went about some full work, she did more than make a man when she made him." The above passage is quoted by Malone from Cynthia s Revels, a play brought out in 1600, and is probably consciously or unconsciously suggested by Antony's eulogium of Brutus. Another passage which has been pointed out as based on the same model is the following stanza that appeared in the 1603 edition of Drayton's Barons' Wars: —

Such one he was, of whom we boldly say,

In whose rich soul all sovereign powers did suit,

In whom in peace the elements all lay

So mixt as none could sovereignty impute ;

APPENDIX 179

As all did govern, yet all did obey,

His lively temper was so absolute, That it seem'd when heaven his model first began In him it showed perfection in a man.

That this is an imitation of Shakespeare is almost proved by the fact that in the later edition of the Barons' Wars, published in 1619 after Shakespeare's death, the passage was altered so as to follow its original even more closely, and appeared in the following form : —

He was a man, then boldly dare to say,

In whose rich soul the virtues well did suit ;

In whom so mix'd the elements all lay, That none to one could sovereignty impute ;

As all did govern, yet did all obey : He of a temper was so absolute,

As that it seem'd, when Nature him began,

She meant to show that all might be in man.

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