ST. ANDREWS UNIVERSITY PUBLICATION NO. VIII.
THE KINGIS QUAIR
Large crown 8vo., cloth, price 5/=
THE BRUCE
BY JOHN BARBOUR
EDITED FROM THE BEST TEXTS, WITH LITERARY AND HISTORICAL INTRODUCTIONS, NOTES, APPEN DICES, AND A GLOSSARY
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JAMES I. OF SCOTLAND From Pinkerton's Iconographies
THE KINGIS QUAIR
AND
THE QUARE OF JELUSY
EDITED, WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, APPENDIX AND GLOSSARY,
BY
ALEXANDER LAWSON
M.A. (Sr. AND.), HON. D.D. (EoiN.)
BERRY PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE IN THE UNIVERSITY ' OF ST. ANDREWS
MICROFORMED BY
PRESERVATION SfcRVlCtS MAY o 8 1987
DATE
LONDON
ADAM AND CHARLES BLACK 1910
;'
PREFACE
THE aim of this book is twofold — to give the texts of the several poems as the manuscripts present them and as criticism would amend them, and to assign to them their place in the development of English and Scottish poetry.
Interest centres in the Kingis Quairy and the chief points for discussion are raised by its character and history. Professor Skeat's edition of the poem and Professor Schick's edition of Lydgate's Temple of Glas, followed as they were after the lapse of a few years by Mr. J. T. T. Brown's challenge of the authenticity of the Quair, created a fresh interest in medieval Scottish poetry, and subsequent controversy by M. Jusserand and others has helped to make clear some things in Scottish history and literature which were before obscure and imperfectly apprehended.
To Professor Skeat, Mr. Brown, and those who followed him, I am of necessity indebted, and this indebtedness is acknowledged in the Introduction and Notes. If at any point this has not been expressed, it is by inadvertence. On details of interpretation and on some points of textual criticism I have found Walther Wischmann's Untersuchungen uber das Kingis Quair Jakobs I von Schottland very helpful, and always acute.*
The Quare of Jelusy, as will be evident from the Introduction, has a closer connection with the other Quair than accidental proximity in a unique MS. There has been but one previous edition, in 1836. Reprinting it, in a correct text, may therefore not be regarded as a literary crime.
I have to express my thanks to Professor Skeat for his courtesy in allowing me to note his actual and suggested emendations of
* Wischmann, who was latterly University Librarian at Kiel, died in 1905 at the early age of forty-five. His death was a distinct loss to Middle English and Scottish scholarship.
vi PREFACE
the text, to Mr. Maitland Anderson, University Librarian, St. Andrews, and to other authorities on script mentioned in Appendix C, for deliberate expression of opinion on the hand writing of the scribes of the manuscript, and to my friends, the Rev. William Bayne, of the St. Andrews Provincial Committee's Training College, and George Soutar, Esq., D.Litt., University College, Dundee, for their great kindness in reading the proofs of the book.
Last, but not least, I have to thank Principal Sir James Donaldson and the other members of St. Andrews University Court for their good-will in placing the book among our University Publications.
ST. ANDREWS,
September, 1910.
CONTENTS
PAGES
INTRODUCTION - ix-lxxxviii
I. Life of King James I. ix
1. Until his Capture ix
2. In Captivity xvi
3. Reign - - xxvii
4. Accomplishments and Literary Reputation xl II. Authenticity of the Kingis Quair xliii
III. The Kingis Quair and other Poetry - Ix
IV. Texts as in Manuscripts and as amended - Ixxvii V. The Language of the Poems - -Ixxxiii
References to Introduction - - Ixxxix
AMENDED TEXT 2
MANUSCRIPT TEXT OF KINGIS QUAIR - 3
BALLAD OF GOOD COUNSEL - 102
QUARE OF JELUSY - 104
APPENDIX A. — Date of the Capture of King James I. - 124
„ B. — Several Accounts of the King's Death - 125
„ C.— The Scribes of the Two Quairs - 126
NOTES TO KINGIS QUAIR - 129
NOTES TO QUARE OF JELUSY - - 149
GLOSSARY 1 56
vn
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Portrait of King James I. of Scotland from Pinkerton's Icono graphies - - Frontispiece
FACING PAGE
Beginning of Kingis Quair 3
Conclusion of Kingis Quair with colophon - 101
"Ballad of Good Counsel as in Cambridge Manuscript —
stanzas 2 and 3 of plate - 103
Beginning of Quare ofjelusy - - 104
Conclusion of Quare ofjelusy - - 123
ABBREVIATIONS USED IN NOTES TO TEXT.
S. Reading given or suggested by Rev. Professor W. W. Skeat, LL.D., in his edition of Kingis Quair, 1884.
W. Reading suggested by Herr Walther Wischmann, Ph.D., in his
Untersuchungen.
W.W. Reading adopted from above. E.T. Mr. George Eyre-Todd.
Alternative conjectural readings are printed between brackets, thus: ( ).
Vlll
INTRODUCTION
I
LIFE OF KING JAMES I
I UNTIL HIS CAPTURE
KING JAMES I., like his ill-fated descendant Charles L, was born at Dunfermline, probably in the earlier half of July,1 1394. Wyntoun2 gives the year, and, although he is not always accurate, the date is confirmed by inferences from statements as to the Prince's age at later periods, notably at the time of his capture by the English. The place and the month of his birth are attested by an interesting letter from his mother, Queen Annabella, to Richard II. of England.3 "To (the) very high and mighty Prince R(ichard), by the grace of God, King of England, our very dear Cousin, A(nnabella), by the same grace Queen of Scotland, health and love. For your gracious letters presented to us by our well-beloved Douglas Herald-at-Arms we thank you wholly and from the heart : by them we have learned your good estate and health to our great pleasure and comfort. And, very dear Cousin, as to a treaty to be made touching the marriage between those near to you in blood and some of the children of the King, our Lord, and of us, be pleased to know now that it is agreeable to the King, my said Lord, and to us, as he has signified to you by his letters, and, in especial, in so far as the said treaty will not be able to hold from the third day of July by-past, for fixed and reasonable causes contained in your letters sent to the King, my Lord aforesaid, you have agreed that another day for the same treaty be taken, the first day of October next to come, which is agreeable to the King, my Sire aforesaid, and to us ; and we thank you with all our will and heart ; and we pray earnestly
x THE KINGIS QUAIR
that you be willing to continue the said treaty, and to cause to be held the said day. For it is the will of the King, my Sire above- said, and of us, as far as in us is, that the said day be held without default. And, very dear Cousin, we ask you and pray you earnestly that it displease not your Highness that we have not sooner written to you. For you are to think of us as lying ill owing to the birth of a male child by name James. And we have been well and graciously delivered by the grace of God and of our Lady. And also because the King my said Lord, at the coming of your letters, was far distant in the isles of his kingdom, we did not receive his letters sent to us on this matter until the last day of July last by-past. Very high and mighty Prince, may the Holy Spirit guard you all your days. Given under our seal at the Abbey of Dunfermline the first day of August."
Robert III. and Annabella had been crowned King and Queen in 1390 after the death of Robert II. at Dundonald on April 19 of that year.4 James was their third son. A second son, Robert, had died in infancy,5 and their eldest son David, afterwards Duke of Rothesay, was at the birth of James nearly sixteen.6 King Robert, who had been injured in youth by a kick from a horse,7 was an amiable and conciliatory man who loved the quiet and mild climate of Bute and the Western Isles, and he left the task of practical government to his masterful younger brother the Earl of Fife,8 who in 1389 had been appointed Regent and Governor of the kingdom by his father and the estates. Queen Annabella's letter shows that her lord was a sovereign more anxious to consider his consort's feelings than to direct the policy of the realm.
As the whole after-life of James was coloured and modified by the public situation thus created in his childhood through the co-existence of a kind but weak father, a clever affectionate mother, a strong-willed uncle, and an elder brother growing to manhood, and, as the estimate of his character depends not a little upon the view we are compelled to take of his uncle, some attention must be paid to the history of the Scottish royal family during his early boyhood.
The mild father, like Isaac, has often a stirring son like Esau. Such was David, Earl of Carrick, who early played a part in public life. One of his first public acts, in all probability, was his
LIFE OF KING JAMES I xi
arrangement of the Battle of the Clans, " which took place in the King's presence upon the Inch of Perth, not as stated by Sir Walter Scott upon Easter Sunday, but upon September 28, I396."9 His importance as the heir-apparent was recognised by his advance ment to the title of Duke of Rothesay, on April 28, 1398, when his uncle the Earl of Fife was created Duke of Albany, the title of Duke being then for the first time introduced into Scotland.10 Nine months afterwards — January 27, 1399 — the prince was by his father appointed Regent for three years, and a Council was selected to assist him in the work of government.11 In all prob ability the Queen's hand was more active than the King's in this promotion of the Prince and supplanting of Albany. How the Prince bore himself cannot with any certainty be gathered from the tangled tale of his misfortunes in love, of his love of literature, and of his eagerness for public business in spite of a severely limited allowance from the public purse.12 Collision with the masterful uncle whose post he now filled was inevitable, and equally inevitable in the Scotland of that time was the painting of the Prince's character to please the ruling power. It suited Albany to have him believed to be weak and worthless, that exaggerations and misrepresentations might help the plot against his rule. There were the usual complications with England, and these were followed by an invasion of Scotland in August, I4OO.13 Unfortunately for the Duke of Rothesay, Queen Annabella died in the autumn of the same year,14 and there was no longer any effective head to the anti-Albany party. The greatest ecclesiastical post in the kingdom was vacant and was being bitterly wrangled about, and the vacancy seems to have suggested a very ominous kind of wrong-doing to the Prince. He seized the temporalities of the see of St. Andrews, and this act must have alienated churchmen, who were invariably well disposed to the sovereign. It certainly took the Prince to a region where Albany had great possessions and corresponding power. Albany imprisoned his nephew in the castle of St. Andrews,16 whence, on March 25, 1402, the day being the day before Easter, he had him transferred to his own castle of Falkland. On Monday, March 27, the Prince was found dead, and it was widely believed that he had been murdered at the instigation of the uncle in whose house he died.10 (Such an
xii THE KINGIS QUAIR
opportune death from natural causes is unusual.) Albany again became the real ruler of the kingdom. It was probably as easy a matter to get parliamentary proclamation of his innocence, and of the innocence of the Earl of Douglas appropriately associated with him, on May 16, I4O2,17 as it was for the Earl of Bothwell to get a verdict of " Not Guilty " from a council of his peers in April, 1567. The Duke of Rothesay may have been, like his kinsman Darnley, a young fool and rake, but the proof is scarcely adequate save on one point. He was betrothed to the daughter of the Earl of March, and within a year he married a daughter of the Earl of Douglas.18 He was certainly in the way of the person who again became Governor of Scotland after his death.
It is necessary to bear this tragedy in mind if we are to compre hend the policy of Albany in itself, and in its effect upon the temper and character of James L, who thus, as a child of seven, became heir-apparent to the crown of Scotland. Its immediate effect was to increase the vigilance of the King. James was sent to the castle of St. Andrews19 and placed in the keeping of Henry Wardlaw who had been Bishop there since the year of Rothesay's death. Here, some time before January 18, 1404,2° James received a companion of his own age in the person of the young Percy, son of Hotspur. (Percy was born on February 3, I394-)21 And although it is fiction and not history that together they trod the road of letters at the now venerable but then newly established University of St. Andrews,22 it is not improbaHe that the sight of the two boys at their books in his sea-beat palace helped to suggest to the good Bishop the foundation of a university in the ecclesiastical capital.* But the thought only became fact on February 27, 1412, when Bishop Wardlaw granted the charter which instituted the first Scottish university.23 Of the boyish pleasures and studies of James there is no record.
Late in 1405, or early in 1406, King Robert and his confidential advisers decided to send the young prince to France to complete
* St. Andrews was already a favourite place of education and had schools, although the university was not in existence. In 1383 and 1384 payments were made for the expenses of James Stewart, an illegitimate son of Robert II., who was under the care of the Bishop of St. Andrews, and for Gilbert de Haia, son of Thomas de Haia, while at the schools of St. Andrews. (Grant, History of the Burgh Schools of Scotland^ p. 13.)
LIFE OF KING JAMES I xiii
his education, and to be out of the reach of his energetic and not over-scrupulous uncle.24 The project seems to have been veiled or obscured in some way, possibly to deceive Albany and his partisans in Scotland. At least, this is a natural inference from a remarkably confused passage in Wavrin26 which records the pre sence of James at the siege of Melun. " This King of Scotland, of whom at present we make mention, was prisoner of King Henry, and the manner of his capture I will tell you as I have been informed by two noble knights, natives of the kingdom of England, who told me that King David (sic) of Scotland had a son named James1 who greatly desired to make the holy pilgrimage to Jerusalem. He was counselled, in order securely to accomplish this desire, that he had need of a safe-conduct from King Henry, which he obtained for himself and twenty gentlemen ; then he made his preparations and took leave of the king, his father. So he came into England, where he was honourably entertained and grandly received by the Duke of Gloucester (Clocestre), brother of the king, and by other great lords, ladies, and maidens. Now, while he was still sojourning there, he received news of a grievous illness which had seized the king, his father, and of which he died. Therefore he greatly grieved when he knew the truth by the princes and great lords of the kingdom of Scotland, who announced it to him as to the only son and heir to the crown, indicating to him that he should come to take possession of his lands and lord ships. The Duke of Gloucester, on being informed of the death of the King of Scotland, let King Henry his brother know at once, and he enjoined him to detain the said James in taking his pledge and bringing him before the city of Melun where he was, saying that he had not given safe-conduct to the King of Scotland, but to the son of the King of Scotland, who was henceforth King of Scotland by the death of King David his father. Finally he remained a prisoner and was brought to France to the presence of King Henry before Melun." There is here a plentiful crop of blunders. David is put for Robert, and Robert's death is made sixteen years later than the event. Yet there may be some sub stratum of truth in the mention of a desire on the part of James to go on pilgrimage to the Holy Land. No Scottish writer, however, speaks of a request for, or of the granting of a safe-
xiv THE KINGIS QUAIR
conduct, and Wyntoun, who makes much of English bad faith in the capture of James, must have known if such dishonourable practice there had been.26
Whatever the motive of the journey, preparations for sending James to France began early in 1406. The manner of his sailing implies a fear of capture and a manifest desire to keep arrangements from the knowledge of enemies at home and abroad. The Kingls Quair, stanza XX., gives the time of departure : it was shortly after the vernal equinox, but the poem sheds no light upon motive, or special preparations or precautions :
Were it causit throu heuinly influence Off goddis will, or other casualtee, Can I noght say.
(Stanza XXII.)
James is simply described as a child about three years past the state of innocence, who was sent out of the country by the advice of those in whose care he was :
Bot out of my contree By thaire avise that had of me the cure Be see to pass tuke I myn auenture.
(Stanza XXII.)
The Scottish historian who gives the clearest account is Bel- lenden : 27 " Thus was it concludit be the king to send his son other in France or England quhair he (myght) eschew al treason devisit agains him. Sone efter ane schip wes providit with al necessaris, and tendir supplicationis direckit baith to the king of France and Ingland to ressaive him undir thair targe, protection, and benevolence, gife it happinit him to arrive within any of thair realmes. Hary Lord Sinclair, the secund Earl of Orkney, was chosin to this besiness, and pullit up sales at the Bass, hauand the said James and the young Perse with many othir nobles and gentlemen of Scotland in his company. This James, richt wery be uncouth air and corruption of seis, desirit to refresch him on the land, and was soon takin with all his company be that maner. Otheris writes that he was takin at Flamburghead apon the seis, be Inglishmen quhilkis war advertist be treason of certain Scottis of his passage to France. Truth is he was takin the ix28 }er of his age, the xxx day of Marche, fra our redemption mcccciv29 ^eris and was haddin in captivite be Inglishmen xviii 3eris."30
LIFE OF KING JAMES I xv
Again The Kingis Quair is tantalisingly general in its account. The voyagers were well provided for, they sailed in the morning, they made " many goodby," they " pullit up saile," ;hey tossed about on the waves, and they were forcibly captured by enemies and brought into their country.31 The poet says nothing about truce-breaking, and as a matter of fact, on March 30, 1406, there was no truce between Scotland and England. How James and his company had only reached Flamborough Head on March 30 is a mystery, if they set sail near the vernal equinox, as the poet says. Indeed, contrary to the poetic statement in the Quair, they had probably sailed from the Bass early in February, as Sir David Fleming of Cumbernauld who had seen the prince embark was killed on his way home on February 14, I4o6.82
The departure of James from Scotland and the manner of his capture are also clearly set down by Walsingham,33 who gives the correct date 1406. He first mentions the murder of Fleming of Cumbernauld, and then says that the Scots were provoked to civil war and forced to sue for a truce for a year : " treugas annales petere coguntur. Quibus formatis in terra Scoti misere per aequora filium Regis sui et heredem ut coalesceret et informaretur in Francia de facetia linguaque Gallica. Quern quidam nautae de Cley in Norfolchia cepere fortuito et quemdam Episcopum comi- temque de Orkenay, quibus commissus fuerat a patre suo, et ad Angliam deduxerunt Regique dederunt. Rex, vero, resolutus in jocos, dixit : * Certe, si grati fuissent Scoti hunc misissent mihi juvenem instituendum, nam et idioma Franciae ego novi.' Missique sunt ad Turrim Londiniarum dictus juvenis et Comes Orkadum, Episcopo per fugam lapso." Walsingham evidently knew nothing of the prince's distaste of the sea and wish to land, and nothing of the tale that he was compelled to land by stress of weather : "cassin be tempest of wedder as he was passing to France."84 According to Bower 35 James on being captured was taken first of all to the Castle of Penvai. Bellenden,36 like his original, gives the substance of a letter addressed to Henry IV. which the young prince carried, but this letter in all probability is not a historical document, though Tytler accepts the tenor of it as genuine.87
In the midst of this confusion and contradiction one fact and one date are clear and indisputable. Robert III. died at Rotl
xvi THE KINGIS QUAIR
on April 4, 1406, the day being the feast of S. Ambrose and Palm Sunday.38 His death is invariably associated with the tidings of his son's capture. It is also possible that consciousness of the near approach of death had impelled the King to send his heir to a place of safety. A boy of eleven was in danger sufficient between Albany and the Douglases. If James were captured on March 30, his father in the island of Bute could scarcely have had news of his misfortune on April 4. Dunbar,39 accepting Wyntoun's state ment that the capture was on Palm Sunday, makes the capture of the prince and the death of King Robert fall on the same day. In June, ^406, a Council General of the Estates at Perth recognised the young King's title, and appointed Albany Governor of the kingdom.40
In these events and the consequent confirmation of the rule ot Albany, coinciding, as they do, with the reign of Henry IV. in England, we have a curious parallel to the situation which was to emerge in 1568 when Queen Mary was made prisoner by Elizabeth. We have an .English sovereign with a doubtful title, a divided people, and an emphatically hostile Northumbria ; and we have a Scottish government which is avowedly temporary, while the legitimate Scottish monarch is in the power of the English ruler, who is thus able to control the northern kingdom, because the rightful governor might at any moment be released, if the de facto ruler should prove too troublesome to his southern neighbour. James had two circumstances favourable to him which did not exist in the reign of his illustrious descendant. The Catholic Church in Scotland was then undivided, and Churchmen were eminently loyal, while the French government fully recognised and valued the alliance with Scotland. Yet in spite of these favouring influences James remained almost as long in English keeping as Queen Mary, though his release from captivity came in a fashion more creditable to his captors.
II
IN CAPTIVITY
The first English rererence to James as a captive is on August 14, 1406 :l Richard Spice, Lieutenant of Sir Thomas Rempton, Constable of the Tower of London, is noted as
LIFE OF KING JAMES I xvii
receiving £44 75. rod. "for the expenses of the household of the King of Scotland and other prisoners in his keeping." On December 10 of the same year,2 Spice receives " in part of £S9 J3s. 4d. for the expense of the King of Scotland's son, John Toures (? Forrest), William Seton, John Giffard, and Sir Donkerton, chaplain, under his ward in the Tower, viz., 7 marks from July 6-13 last, and from that date 6s. 8d. daily, for the expenses of the said King's son, and 35. 4d. for the others, till September 30 last : no days, £54 6s. 6d."s Now if we reckon the sum of £44 75. lod. as payment for the same persons at the same rate, prior to July 6, we find that James and his companions must have been committed to the Tower about May 2, 1406. On December 13 of the same year, Sir Ralph Bracebrigge, Lieutenant of the Tower of London, received £53 6s. 8d. " for the expenses of the household of the K(ing) of Scotland's son, Owain Glendourdy, and others in his keeping, at the King's cost, in the Tower."4 From this date until June 12, 1407, James was a prisoner in the Tower of London. On that day he was entrusted to Richard, Lord Gray of Codenore, that he might be taken to Nottingham Castle.5 He was in Lord Gray's care at Nottingham throughout the remainder of 1407 and part of 1408, for, on November 16, 1408, Lord Gray received payment of his expenses at Evesham.6 On 21 December following, warrant was issued to the Chancellor for safe-conducts " until Easter next, for Walter, Bishop of Brechin, Duncan, Earl of Lennox, William, Lord of Graham, John Stewart of Lome, Walter Stewart of Raylston, Knight, Master Robert of Lanyne, Provost of the Church of St. Andrews, John of Glasgow and John of Busby, Canons of Moray and Dunblane, about to come to the King's presence to treat for the deliverance of James, son of the late K(ing) of Scotland and other arduous matters touching the good of both realms."7 This is the first recorded effort to secure the liberation of the royal prisoner. A glimpse is given of the English spirit in these transactions with Albany, by the tenor of the com mission for a new truce. The commissioners are to treat "cum Roberto Duce Albaniae, Regni Scotiae, ut asserit, Gubernatore." A Scottish reader smiles grimly at Henry IV., the usurping Bolingbroke, styling James " son of the King of Scotland " and
xviii THE KINGIS QUAIR
Albany " Governor of the kingdom of Scotland as he avers." Albany, in his communications, seems to have ignored the cap tivity of James, for in a letter of date May 6, 1410, from "our manor of Falkland," he discusses a truce to be kept till May 21,
1411, and he makes not the remotest allusion to his captive nephew.8 This indifference was not general in Scotland, and in all probability a proposed visit of Elisabeth, Duchess of Rothesay, and the Lord of Lorn and others was planned in the interest of the King.9 Another Scottish party, headed by the Bishop of Brechin, had a safe-conduct issued to them on May 15, I4I2,10 and one is disposed to ask — u Were they a counter-mission in Albany's interest or another embassy in the interest of James ?"
During this period of James's captivity one event of considerable national importance took place. This was the foundation of St. Andrews University by his old guardian Bishop Wardlaw. It is all but certain that King James was in communication with the good bishop and his advisers, and that he was kept informed of what was happening in Scotland, for the King's name, not that of Albany, Governor of Scotland, is associated with the Bishop and Chapter, Prior and Archdeacon, in a petition to Benedict XIII. (Peter de Luna) for Papal confirmation and foundation of the University of St. Andrews.11 Bower expressly mentions the King's interest in the foundation of the University and his writing to the Pope letters with his own hand.12
Albany, who could not procure the release of his sovereign and nephew, succeeded eventually in effecting the release of his own son. A safe-conduct for the hostages of Murdoch, Master of Fife, was issued on May 18, 1412, and a truce for six years was pro claimed on the preceding day.18 In this proclamation there is no " ut asserit " after Albany's title. The release of Murdoch did not, however, take place until December, I4i5.u
We find an isolated fact concerning James in a letter to Henry IV. from his son, probably Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester. The letter was written at Southampton on May 14,
1412. The writer refers to his brother of Bedford and his forces, and says that his great ship the Grace Dieu is ready for sea, and that the King of Scots is on his way to testify his goodwill to the King. " And, Sir, I trowe ye haue on comyng toward }ow as
LIFE OF KING JAMES I xix
glad as any man can be as far as he sheweth, that is the King of Scottes, for he thankith God that he sud mow (now) shewe be ex perience thentent of his goodwill be the suffrance of your good lordship."
The letter is subscribed " your trewe and humble
liege man and sone H. G."15
In November of this year, as we learn from a letter of his own,10 James was at Croydon residing, probably, as Mr. J. T. T. Brown supposes,17 in the palace of Archbishop Arundel. Little more than three months later Henry IV. died, on March 20, 1413, and the writer of the Book of Pluscarden1* credits the dying monarch with a desire to have James set free without a ransom. " Et licet dictus rex Angliae Henricus ultima sua voluntate ordinavit filio suo Henrico, qui Franciam hostiliter invasit, quod dictus rex Scotiae libere ad patriam transmitteretur sine quacunque redemp- cione, non tamen filius hoc perimplere curavit." What founda tion there may have been for this report of a death-bed counsel of clemency we know not. Henry V. paid no heed to it, for one of his earliest acts as sovereign, on March 21, 1413, was to consign James, his cousin Murdoch, Douglas of Dalkeith, and William Gifford to the custody of the Constable of the Tower.19 Payments were made on June 27 and July 1 7 for the prisoner's maintenance,20 and on August 3, 1413, James was transferred to Windsor Castle,21* thence to Pevensey,22 and again to Windsor.28 In view of the romance of his marriage one is tempted to put certain questions. Was this his first Windsor captivity ? Were the Beauforts living there then or later ? Had Major authority for his statement — " because he was kept prisoner in a castle or chamber, in which a lady dwelt with her mother"?24 From Windsor, probably in the late autumn, James was sent once more to the Tower, where he seems to have remained throughout I4I4.26
The Spring of 1414 had seen the fulfilment of one ambition which James had shared with Bishop Wardlaw. This was the confirmation of the Foundation-Charter of the University by
* In August, 1413, Henry V. made a further effort to persuade James to sacrifice the independence of Scotland by swearing homage to him under pain of perpetual imprisonment. (Scotickront ii., pp. 586-7.)
xx THE KINGIS QUAIR
Benedict XIII., who on August 28, 1413, at Peniscola in Spain, had granted no fewer than six Bulls which were brought to the city by Henry Ogilvy on February 3, 1414, to the great delight of the clergy and citizens, who celebrated the event with much rejoicing.26
We owe our knowledge of an incident of 1415 to a petition from one Thomas Hasely to King Henry VI. The petitioner craves a reward for services rendered to King Henry V. in recapturing Thomas Payne, one of Sir John Oldcastle's principal confederates. " And so with the help and grace of Almighty God youre seid serviteur toke hym and arrested hym atte mydnyght in a place beside your castle of Wyndesore wher atte that tyme was the Kyng of Scottes kept as prisoner to your said fader, and that same nyght the said traitour should have broken the said castell be treason and goin with the said Kyng toward Scotland, in proef whereof I found in the traitouris purs a cedule writen of alle places of giftes and loggynges appointed for him fro Wyndesore unto Edynbourgh in Scotland."27
On March 17, 1415, in a Parliament or Council held at Perth there were read letters from Edward King of England dated March i, in the second year of his reign, at York. These letters declared the independence of Scotland, the King renouncing any claim, if claim he had, to the allegiance of Scotland. This was evidently an assertion of the rights of the Scottish Crown as they were acknowledged by the Treaty of Northampton in 1328. (Act Pad. of Scot., vol. i., p. 572.)
The battle of Agincourt, October 25, 1415, sent another royal prisoner to England, Charles d'Orle"ans, like James a poet ; but there is no record of any intercourse between the French prince and the Scottish King.28 Indeed Henry's French enterprise had proved an incitement to Albany, who proceeded to besiege Ber wick.29 Albany's hostility and diplomacy together accomplished one object at which he had long been aiming : on December n, 1415, his son Murdoch was liberated in exchange for young Percy.30
King James, now a man of twenty-one, would hardly have been human if he had not chafed under his continued captivity. There was therefore a fresh movement for his deliverance. On April 26,
;J
LIFE OF KING JAMES I xxi
1416, a safe-conduct was granted to the Abbot of Balmerino and others " to treat for deliverance of the King of Scots and upon certain other matters concerning the state of the kingdoms of England and Scotland."31 On December 8 of the same year there is reference32 to a desire on the part of James to go to Scotland and remain for a time : the Bishop of Durham and the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland are authorised to receive the obligations of hostages or the payment of one hundred thousand marks, if James should not return.38 A safe-conduct of the same date for persons coming to James's presence indicates that the king has been troublesome. It styles him James Stewart " Regem Scotiae se dicentem." The commissioners who had the safe- conduct were a mixed body of friends and foes : Wardlaw, Bishop of St. Andrews, the Bishop of Glasgow, the recently-liberated Murdoch, son and heir of Albany, and the Earl of Douglas. The mission came to nothing, as was probably the intention both of Henry V. and Albany. For proof of James's impatience we are not restricted to inference : he wrote certain letters34 which are extant in draft. Unhappily they are not dated, but Sir William Fraser is probably right in assigning them to a date prior to Murdoch's release. The documents "appear to be the original draft by the secretary of King James the First of the letters before being engrossed and despatched to the respective noblemen to whom they were addressed."36 All show James's displeasure, and, in spite of a cautious and well-considered mode of address, betray distrust of Albany's sincerity and zeal, and a too ingenuous con fidence in the goodwill and reasonableness of Henry V. A letter from London dated August 8, year not mentioned, and addressed to the burgh of Perth, reveals a further cause of uneasiness.86 The King could not get his own revenues, which should have been sent from Scotland, to defray his necessary expenses, and he solicits a gift or loan from the rulers of the Fair City. One hopes that the good burgesses were more thoughtful than the Governor of the kingdom, and that they sent of their " propir guids with ane honest burges of (thair) awin." The letters to Albany and others were almost certainly written from Stratford Abbey.87 When James went there, or when he left, is not recorded, but we know from the Proceedings of the Privy Council** that early in March,
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1417, he was allowed to travel to the north of England "to await the coming of those who were to come to treat about his deliver ance." The commissioners were allowed to take him to the Castle of Raby, but he was not to be allowed to remain more than eight days after the Scots came to his presence.
This conference, also, came to nothing and James returned to London, whence in May, I4i8,39 he was removed to Kenil worth, where he seems to have remained40 until March 7, I42O,41 as on this day Sir John Rushworth received one hundred pounds for his expenses.
Meanwhile the Franco-Scottish alliance was giving no little trouble to Henry V. Albany had allowed a Scottish contingent to serve in France, and Henry, thinking to influence the Scots by the presence of their king in the English army, brought James from his prison to join him at Melun. James journeyed by way of Southampton, where he was on May 6, I42O.42 On July 12 he received money for armour, wearing apparel, horses, and lances for himself and his company. James was associated in his command with Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester.43
Earlier historians invented a telling dialogue between the two kings : " King Henry desirit the said James to pas to the Scottis in France and command thame in his name to return to Scotland," and he promised to remit his ransom and send him to Scotland with great riches and honour. " James considers himself, but says he has no power as long as he is a private- man and kept in cap tivity." Whereupon King Henry exclaimed : " Maist happy peple sail thay be that happinnis to get yon nobil man to thair prince !"44 Such romantic generosity was, unhappily, foreign to the real nature of Shakespeare's Hero King of England. On the surrender of Melun, Henry V. hanged his Scottish prisoners as traitors on the ground that they had been fighting against their own king.45 In the presence of such tyrannous cruelty James was powerless.
Henry married the princess Katharine of France on June 27, and towards the end of the year he returned to England with his bride, and doubtless with the King of Scotland in his train. Katharine was crowned on S. Valentine's Day 1421, and imme diately thereafter the Court made a progress through the country.
LIFE OF KING JAMES I xxi.i
King James was with the royal party, and was present at a banquet in the Queen's honour at Leicester on February 27. " Fyrste the Queene satte in hyr astate, and the Archbyshope of Cantyrbury and the Byschop of Wynchester sate on the ryght syde of the Queen, and they were servyd next unto the quene, every cours coveryde as the quenis, and on the lyft side was the Kyng of Schottys sette on hys astate upon the lyfte syde of the Quene that was servyd alle way neste the quene and the byschoppes aforesaide."46 This triumphal progress, designed to end at York, was cut short by the arrival of news of the battle of Bauge". There on March 23, 1421, the subjects of King James helped to reward the English King for his severity at Melun by defeating his troops and killing his brother the Duke of Clarence.47 They also captured the Earl of Somerset, future father-in-law of King James. Later in the same year James gave emphatic indication of his desire to be friendly with England. He consented to an indenture of Archibald, Earl of Douglas, with the King of England, by which instrument Douglas bound himself " to serve the King of England and his heirs against all his enemies, the King of Scots and his heirs excepted, with two hundred knights and squires and two hundred mounted archers."48 On the following day Henry intimated the terms on which he was willing to allow James to visit Scotland.49 These terms throw some light upon the mood of the English King, for practically they came to this. James was to send to England as hostages all the chief prelates, noblemen, and gentlemen of Scbtland, except the Duke of Albany and the Earl of Douglas. Albany was to send his eldest son, and Douglas his second son.60 It was a grotesque proposal made only that it might be rejected, and it possibly undeceived James as to the graciousness of his cousin the King of England. Nevertheless one seems to read in the changed phraseology of legal documents a certain growing kindness towards the captive King. In a safe-conduct, October 14, 1421, he is "the King's dearest cousin, James, King of Scots."61 Towards the close of the year James is once more in the Tower of London.52 This captivity was varied by another sojourn in France. He proved a good soldier : " What his valour was the wars of France bear witness. For, accompanying the King of England there, he laid siege to the town of Dreux, and
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with such violence and valour (saith the English History) assaulted it for the space of six weeks that with main strength he compelled it to be rendered into his hands and given to King Henry."52* On August 25, 1422, Sir William Meryng and others were paid for attendance upon him at Rouen and elsewhere for two hundred and ten days.53 Within a week of this date Henry V. died at Bois Vincent, and left as his successor the child Henry VI., whose reign was to be even more unfortunate than that of James I. of Scotland. James was with Queen Katharine when she brought her husband's body to England,54 and thereafter he was at the English Court.55 Whether the Lady Joan Beaufort was of the Queen's circle we have no means of knowing ; probably she was. He was at the palace of Westminster for twenty-four days, but on February 17, 1423, he was in prison at Pontefract.66 Negotia tions for his release begin again at this point, and henceforward, until they are completed, we can trace with tolerable clearness in official documents the progress of his love-suit and of his liberation, which are to some extent bound up together.
On May 12, 1423, a safe-conduct is sent to the Bishop of Glasgow, Chancellor of Scotland, and others coming to treat of the deliverance of " our cousin, the King of Scots."57 Later in the same month James is paid a hundred pounds for his private expenses,58 and on June 30 warrant is given on a generous scale for various payments on his account.60 A week later the com missioners who are to treat with the Scottish ambassadors receive their instructions which are singularly elaborate and diplomatic. If the Scots ambassadors wish to have a private conference with their King before the arrival of the Lord Chancellor the English commissioners are to grant it, but not at once. They are to be ill to persuade : " reddentes tamen se difficiles in hujusmodi Licentia concedenda." They are to ask £40,000 as ransom, and they may abate to £30,000, but no further. The English govern ment was thus to be paid more than £1,500 a year for their prisoner's maintenance, though the highest sum paid for him in the later years of his captivity was £700 a year. The most important private instruction related to a possible English marriage for James. " Also, if the ambassadors from Scotland, for nourish ing and preserving greater friendship, should seek covenants and
LIFE OF KING JAMES I xxv
alliances by marriage between the said King of Scots and any noble lady of the realm of England, let the commissioners of the said Lord, our King, make answer that the said King of Scots knows many noble women, some even of the royal stock." " If the King of Scots in these circumstances makes known his wishes, the ambassadors are to communicate with him or his representa tives more fully as time and circumstances permit. If nothing is said by the Scots about marriage the English are not to mention it, as the women of the realm of England, at least those of noble birth, are not wont to offer themselves in marriage unsolicited."0
Plainly the English Council had grounds for believing that James had formed an attachment to one of the ladies of the Court, and perhaps wished to test his sincerity, for such an attach ment might have been but a passing mood or even a diplomatic move like Randolph's wooing of Mary Bethune. The language of the instructions is as pointed as the circumstances allow, and yet it is so guarded that no one could be compromised if James and the Scots were silent on the subject. The Bishop of Winchester, afterwards Cardinal Beaufort, had probably en couraged the royal love match, for the Duke of Gloucester, when he attacked him in 1440 for advising the liberation of Charles d'Orle"ans, made it a ground of accusation, in a letter to Henry VI., that he had done the like for the King of Scots. " Item as in your tendre age the saide cardinal, thanne being bishop of Winchestre and chauncellier of England, delivered the king of Scottes upon certaine appointments, as may be shewed and is presumed to be doen by auctorite of parlement, where in dede I have herd full notable men of the Lower House saye that they never hard of it amonges them which was to great defraudacion to youre highnesse, and al to wedde his nece to the saide kyng, whom my lord youre fader (whom God assoile) wolde never have so delivered. And when he should have paied for his costs xl. m. 1. the saide cardinal, so being chauncellier, caused you to pardonne hym x. m. marc, and as of the grete some he paied you right litel I reporte me to youre highnesse."61
Murdoch, Duke of Albany, who had succeeded his father as Governor of Scotland in I42O,62 issued his commission to the Scottish ambassadors at Inverkeithing on August 19, 1423**
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On September n, in the chapter-house of York Minster the conditions of the King's release were agreed to, and among the articles of agreement there was one that it seemed expedient that the said lord, King James, should contract a marriage with some high-born lady of the realm of England. The terms of ransom were very oppressive. A total of £40,000 was to be paid in yearly sums of 10,000 merks, the last instalment of which might be remitted. This agreement shows that the Scots had not " haggled " over the bargain. The Scottish ambassadors had not been instructed about the names and rank of the hostages — which omission looks like a bit of " slimness " on the part of Murdoch. James was to go on March i, 1424, to Durham or to the Castle of Brainspath near Durham that he might be able to treat with nobles of his blood and subjects of his kingdom, who were to be his hostages.64 All details, however, had been settled before March i, 1424, for on December 4, 1423, four of the Scottish commissioners had signed letters declaring the terms of payment, the date and place where hostages were to be delivered, and the obligations of the four chief Scottish burghs, Edinburgh, Perth, Aberdeen, and Dundee.66 There was a stipulation that the father of a hostage was not to disinherit his son. The obligations of the four burghs were guaranteed, February 16-20.
In anticipation of his freedom, and the marriage which was to crown it, James had spent his Christmas in Hertford Castle with Queen Katharine. He was married to Joan Beaufort by the Bishop of Winchester at the church of St. Mary Overy, South- wark, on S. Valentine's Eve, I424.66 The entry in the chronicle of William Gregory is amusing. " And that same year in the monythe of Feverer the Stywarde of the Kings of Scottys whose name was Jamys weddyd the Erlys daughter of Somerset at Synt- Mary Overes."67 As dowry James received remission of ten thousand merks of his ransom.08 After a brief honeymoon in London the young King and Queen set out for Scotland in March. The concluding act of the diplomatic bargaining took place at Durham where hostages were delivered, and where on March 28 James agreed to a truce with England for seven years from May following.69 On the same day he took an oath that " within four days to be computed from the first day of his entry into his own
LIFE OF KING JAMES I xxvii
kingdom he would promise solemnly, and on his royal word would swear upon the Holy Scriptures of God, by him corporally touched, that he would fully and faithfully do and fulfil all and several the things agreed upon in the instruments for his liberation."70 This agreement was carried out at Melrose on April 5, " in the nineteenth year of our reign," and a letter confirming it was sent to the Bishop of Durham by the hands of William Scott, Master in Arts.71 In the Bishop's absence the letter was to be delivered to the Prior of the monastery of Durham.
From Melrose onward King James and his consort made a royal progress amid the acclamations of their subjects, who had high hopes of a reign opening thus with liberty regained and their King's most happy marriage.
Ill
REIGN
King James and Queen Joan kept Easter in Edinburgh, not long thereafter journeying to Perth, then the capital, and on May 21 they were crowned at Scone.1 Their joint reign lasted nearly thirteen years. It was marked by a singularly close affection between royal husband and wife as well as by a public policy which shews that James I. may rightly be regarded as in many ways the greatest and most enlightened of Scottish sovereigns. Some comprehension of the King's nature is necessary if we are to estimate aright the poems commonly attributed to him, and his character comes out in his legislation as well as in what is known of his private life. For James's public policy, in so far as it made of the Scottish people a nation with worthy ideals and a spirit of loyalty to the Crown, and, indeed, in so far as it failed of the complete success which it deserved, was due to a certain poetic ardour, and to the moral severity of an idealism which underrated the temper and un- scrupulousness of the men whose injurious privileges and ex travagant power he steadily sought by force of law to restrain. There is in him an imaginative strain, a quick feeling for men as men, a tender solicitude for the poorer members of the com monalty, and there is a corresponding resentment against the independence and ambition of many of his nobles, who were too
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often as antagonistic to royal authority as they were regardless of the rights of the poor, and of the general welfare of the country. In this idealism and in concern for the dim common population he was the true ancestor of all the Stuarts except James VI. and Charles II., the two who died comfortably in their beds. In his pure and affectionate family life, and in the studied deference which he shewed to his Queen there is the same chivalrous temper ; and the end of all came, because, idealist as he was, he mis-read the character of a crafty old kinsman whom he had benefited, the spirit of an enemy whom he had perhaps wronged, and of a young cousin and courtier for whom he cherished a too warm and trusting affection. In this also he was the ancestor of all the more amiable Stuarts. For his idealism made him blind to the dangerous side of those whom he favoured. Rightly to interpret the leading features of the reign it is necessary to bear in mind not only the idealistic temper of the King but also the experience through which he had passed before he came to the throne. For eighteen years he had lived a life which made knowledge of men difficult, and knowledge of his own countrymen, save a few personal attendants, impossible. Not less important is this fact : the government of Albany and his son, by its avowedly temporary and make-shift character, aggravated certain evils in the Scottish body politic. Bower, who is de cidedly favourable to the elder Albany, says : " He governed virtuously : and if under his rule any crimes were committed by the powerful he patiently overlooked them for the time ; and those evils he understood how to reform when a fitting oppor tunity offered, or to effect improvement according to his wishes, giving heed to the sentiment of Claudian : * Quod violenta nequit, peragit tranquilla potestas.'"2 These opportune reforms Bower does not mention in detail, and as the parliamentary records of Albany's government are all but wholly lost, it is not possible to estimate the character of his legislation. Murdoch Bower dismisses in a couple of sentences. " He was too remiss in government, wherefore his sons became more insolent than was right, doing what they pleased, not what was lawful, and they were punished when the King came to his own."3 This is emphasised when Bower speaks of what was told to James on the
LIFE OF KING JAMES I xxix
first day of his entering into his kingdom that "government was slack and that his subjects were exposed to theft, fraud and rapine." This statement called forth the memorable answer that " if he lived, even if but the life of a dog, by the help of God he would make the key keep the castle and the furze bush the cow, throughout the realm."4
More than common heed must also be paid to the character of the King's uncle, Walter Stuart, Earl of Atholl. (He had been energetic in procuring the liberation of the King.)6 Bower, and the unknown author of the account of the King's death trans lated by Shirley,6 as well as the writer of the Chronicon yacobi Primi Regis Scottorumy who calls him " that old serpent of evil days,"7 all take a most sinister view of his character. He is credited with being the real instigator of the murder of Rothesay. He was one of the Court that condemned Duke Murdoch and his sons. He enjoyed the fruits of the King's annexation of the earldom of Strathearn though he had been guardian of Malise Graham who was deprived of it. And he was in the plot for the King's murder which was made possible by the treachery of his grandson. The Earl of Atholl was thus a most dangerous coun sellor to have the ear of an eager-minded poetic young King who did not know his countrymen.
King James had frequent and regular parliaments. He intro duced the principle of representative government and instituted a Supreme Court of Justice, The Session, and he had an advocate appointed for the poor. He caused the laws of the kingdom to be codified, enacting that new laws should be expressed in the vernacular and be formally and fully published for the informa tion of the people. A register of charters was begun, and tenants of lands throughout the kingdom were granted certain rights and a measure of security of tenure. Leases were not to end when the feudal lord transferred his rights to another. The vagrant poor were discriminated into two classes — one to be re pressed as idle, the other to have special privileges as the King's Bedesmen. Crops were protected from violent or heedless injury and a close-time was fixed for fishing. The Commons were commanded to consider the welfare of the kingdom more than their own pleasure. Archery was therefore encouraged by law
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and football forbidden. The very lepers were considered, no less than the public safety, and set days were appointed on which they might go to the burghs and obtain their modest provisioning. As the law was for all, and not for common folk only, the greater barons and great lords were also made the subject of special legislation. Their private wars and public feuds were forbidden and the number of retainers whom they might take with them on journeys through the country was limited, as were the places and manner of their entertainment. Strict inquiry was made into the royal revenues and into grants to private persons, also into the dilapidation of the Crown property. We have already seen the kind of appeal made by the King in his captivity to the good burgesses of Perth8 because his uncle did not give him his due, or indeed, so far as appears, any share of the Crown revenue. The King's deliberate purpose was to strengthen the Crown and to subject the great feudal lords to the central government. This general policy was bound to lead to rigorous treatment of individual noblemen, as they all possessed in their own dominions powers which made them possible public enemies with means of doing incalculable mischief. It is in this connection that James has been most severely condemned by historians. In 1424, before his coronation, and on a charge which Bower does not mention, Walter Stewart, heir of Duke Murdoch, Malcolm Fleming of Cumbernauld, and Thomas Boyd, younger of Kilmarnock, were arrested and thrown into prison. One is tempted to associate the Earl of Atholl with this un explained move on the part of the King. Yet the'young men may have fallen into some English entanglement. Later in the same year, the Earl of Lennox, Murdoch's father-in-law, and Sir Robert Graham were arrested. In the Spring of the following year Duke Murdoch and his two sons were brought to trial along with Lennox, and all were found guilty of treason and executed. Graham was not tried but set at liberty, and eventually he met a fate by the side of which beheading would have been compassion.
In 1427 Malise Graham, Earl of Strathearn, who was a hostage in England, was deprived of his estates and title on the plea that this heritage could not pass in the female line.9 He was made
LIFE OF KING JAMES I xxxi
Earl of Menteith by way of compensation, and the life-rent of Strathearn was given to the Earl of Atholl, who was meanwhile the only person benefited by what was undoubtedly an act of oppression. Whether Atholl encouraged it or not can only be matter of conjecture. It enraged Sir Robert Graham who was Menteith's uncle, and who had his own previous arrest full in mind. The annexation was a grave injustice, unless there were other circumstances undisclosed, and now unknown. Neverthe less, in palliation of James's action there is something to be said. He could not be familiar with Scottish law and practice. He was smarting under the loss of Crown property and revenue through out the eighteen years of the regency of the two Albanys, and this great domain of Strathearn had been the property of his uncle, Atholl's elder brother David. As the Grahams were plainly hostile, James was too easily persuaded to make bad law take the place of justice.
In 1434 the Earl of March was deprived of his title and estates, on the ground that Governor Albany had exceeded his powers when he restored them three years after the capture of James by the English, on what conditions can only be conjectured. Parlia ment approved the recall of the grant and March was offered the Earldom of Buchan. March was the son of a traitor, as Earl of March he held the key to the kingdom of Scotland, and he could open the gate to the English enemy at any moment. At the time when March was deprived there were serious complications with the English government which was resentful of the marriage arranged between the Dauphin and the Princess Margaret. Indeed England was the resort of every Scottish traitor from the death of Alexander III. to the Union of the Crowns, and James, through his Queen, had better means of knowing what was going on in that country than any of his predecessors. Whatever may be said against these particular acts, they were at least grounded upon reasons of state, and the policy of which they were a part was a sound policy. They were designed to remedy old wrongs by which the Crown had been injured. Neither Kings nor Commons readily come to the conviction that to correct one injustice by another is not wisdom. Looking to all the circumstances and to the after-history of Scotland we must acknowledge that it was no
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small calamity that James did not succeed in wholly subduing his nobility, or live long enough to accomplish other labours which he had begun with energy and wisdom.
The only public protest was made in Parliament by Sir Robert Graham who thought he had the nobles with him, and who laid violent hands on the King and announced that he arrested him in the name of the Three Estates.10 He was alone in his outrage, and James contented himself with sending him into exile and confiscating his estates, a misplaced clemency which Scotland was bitterly to rue. Graham fled to the Highlands and defied the King, by act and letter renouncing his allegiance.
Another phase of this determination to strengthen the central authority the King shewed in his dealings with the Celtic chief tains of the Highlands and Islands. His seventy and his occasional well-timed clemency made for the union of Highlands and Low lands. Few incidents in the picturesque annals of Scotland are more quaintly striking than the appearance of Alexander, Lord of the Isles, " in camisia et femoribus tantum indutus, genibus flexis," before the high altar of the Abbey Church of Holyrood casting himself upon the mercy of the King. It was an appropriate sequel to his stern dealings with the* Highland leaders at the Parliament of Inverness in 1427 and to his victory over Alexander in 1429 in Lochaber.
In no aspect of his policy was the King more public-spirited and judicious than in his dealings with the Church and with Churchmen. His experience of Bishop Wardlaw and of Cardinal Beaufort had shewn him the goodwill and the capacity of eccle siastics. He confirmed the clergy in their rights, but he gave them no exemption from taxation. He sought to keep them Scotsmen as well as Churchmen. They were forbidden except under reasonable conditions to leave the country, and, under penalties, to make interest at Rome for pensions from benefices. In his second Parliament the King had formally addressed the Abbots and Priors and had exhorted them to see that greater heed should be given to the rules of their orders, to the holding of general chapters, and to greater austerity of life. And he was not content merely to give counsel. He took an active interest in the extension of monasticism and founded a Carthusian convent at
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Perth. He freely sought the advice of the clergy, but he never leant unduly upon them, and he loved justice more than the Church or Church privileges. His Parliament of 1427 dealt with the dilatoriness of Church Courts in civil causes and laid down rules for more expeditious procedure, dealing as well with frivolous appeals and making the presiding ecclesiastic liable in a penalty if he delayed more than forty days in giving judgment or allowed appeal upon trivial points. This statute, as we shall see, brought the King and his advisers into conflict with the Pope.
James had a love of knowledge and a favour for learned men. Boece notes in this connection what he did for the University of St. Andrews. " He broucht in Scotland xviii Doctoures of Theology, viii Doctoures of Decreis with many other expert men in al science and promovit thame to sindry prelacyis."11 Fresh light has been shed upon James's interest in learning and upon his comparatively free attitude to the Church by a discovery of Mr. Maitland Anderson, University Librarian at St. Andrews. The King, as we have already noted, was nominally at least at the head of the movement for Papal recognition of the Foundation of the University. Nevertheless, in 1426, in his own name he petitioned Pope Martin V. to sanction the transference of the University to St. John's town or Perth, "because St. Andrews was near the sea and exposed to danger from wars and dissensions with England, while Perth was in the heart of the kingdom and had a mild climate and abundance of victuals of all kinds."12 The Pope's reply to the King himself is not known. He remitted the petition for inquiry and report to the Bishops of Glasgow and Dunblane, and it is from his letter of instruction to these prelates that knowledge of the King's design has come to us.13 In spite of his failure to transfer the University to the civil capital of his kingdom King James granted on March 20, 1432, and on March 31 confirmed certain privileges to all its members from the Rector and Deans of Faculties to the bedelli and scholars. They were all taken " into the King's firm peace, keeping and maintenance and fully exempted from all tributes, gifts, actions, taxings, watchings, guardings, and payments." There is a certain imaginative touch even in the charter. The grant is made " for cherishing and advancing the prosperous and happy state Almae
3
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Universitatis Sli Andreae filiae nostrae quam dilectae."14 The terms of the charter shew appreciation of men of learning : " These are they who give light to the multitude of the Lord's flock,15a and make known the straight way to the runners in the stadium, who by the fruit of good work allure some to virtue and by example draw others to desire of divine knowledge." The King was not content with this act of generosity to his " beloved daughter." He was present at a meeting with the Bishop, Prior, and others, probably at St. Andrews, on March 18, 1429, when statutes were made for the Faculty of Theology and regulations were prescribed for graduation in the same.15b He continued to take an active interest in the teaching and discipline of the Schools, and made it effective by an Appunctamentum which in Novem ber, 1432, he sent to the Faculty of Arts by William de Foulis, Keeper of the Privy Seal. In the minutes of the Faculty the King's initials I.R. appear. By this instruction, for such it was, the Dean of the Faculty of Arts was made a kind of Inspector- general of the different Schools with the three senior masters as assistants. He was to pay weekly visits and to allow no student, save for sufficient reason and with formal permission, to pass from one School to another. Masters and students were instructed to cultivate closer fellowship by attendance at one another's weekly disputations. The moral tone was to be improved by careful restraint of students from all excess.150
James adopted the attitude of his age towards heresy. Lollardism, as in England, was looked upon as a public danger. Resby, a Wycliffite priest, had been burned at Perth by Albany early in the King's captivity. The Parliament of 1425 passed an Act against Lollards and all heretics, and it did not remain a dead letter, for on July 23, 1433, Paulus Crawar, Teutonicus, was put to death at St. Andrews. He was thus the St. Andrews proto-martyr. Yet by some oversight Crawar's name does not appear on a very ugly obelisk which commemorates the early martyrs of the Refor mation and disfigures one of the finest prospects in the old gray town.
James's foreign policy was as enlightened as his home legislation. He steadily sought to be friendly with England and at the same time to maintain the alliance with France. His reign began with
LIFE OF KING JAMES I xxxv
a seven years' truce, and he kept to a peace policy until it was broken by the English, who were indignant at the strengthening of the French alliance in 1428 by the betrothal of the Princess Margaret to the Dauphin. A method of counter-attraction was attempted. Cardinal Beaufort went to Scotland and met the King. The meeting was arranged " for certain great and notable causes affecting the state of the Catholic Faith and the honour and usefulness of the Universal Church as well as the honour and weal of the two kingdoms."16 At Edinburgh on December 15, 1430, a truce was signed. It was to hold from sunset on May i, 1431, till May I, 1436," but on November 24, 1435, King James issued a commission to prorogue the truce.18 A forward movement had been made by the English in 1433 wnen Lord Scrope was sent to offer the restoration of Roxburgh and Berwick and all that had formerly belonged to Scotland, if the Scottish government would break the league with France. Bower, who was a member of the Parliament which considered these proposals, was a strenuous opponent of the pro-English policy, and had as chief supporter the Abbot of Scone. The opposition to the English overtures was successful, and Bower adds : " It was eventually discovered that the English design was to create a division in our kingdom."19 Tytler20 blames the clergy for what he supposes to be an obstinate refusal to accept terms advantageous to the country. But to have broken thus with France would have been a practical surrender to the tender mercies of England. James knew only too well the fixed determination of the English rulers. His capture and long imprisonment and such pressure as he had been subjected to had all one object made clear by the letter of Henry V.n already quoted, namely, the signing away of the independence of Scotland and the establishment of an English suzerainty. Indeed this hope of the English government remained a factor in international politics down to the reign of Henry VIII.22
An unsuccessful raid was made by the English under Sir Robert Ogle in September, 1435, and fresh cause of resentment was given by an attempt in the Spring of 1436 to capture the Princess Margaret on her way to France. At length James moved against them by laying siege to Roxburgh Castle in August, 1436. But the expedition had lasted only for fifteen
xxxvi THE KINGIS QUAIR
days when the Queen arrived suddenly before the castle with some information for the King which led him to abandon the enterprise. James was a brave man, like many lovers of peace, and the meaning of this inglorious conclusion to an apparently hopeful undertaking can only be guessed at. The writer of the Chromcon says that the failure " was due to a detestable schism and villainous division springing from envy."23 Tytler conjectures that the Queen had brought information of some conspiracy at home.24 If later English intriguing in Scotland during the reigns of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth may help towards accurate in ference — and there was a wonderful sameness in Southern methods as well as in the one main design — the visit of Scrope and the discussion of his proposals were probably coincident with the forming of a secret English party among the nobles. With respect to France James's policy was equally clear-sighted. He was friendly but never subservient, and never blind to the interests of Scotland. He came to an understanding with Norway about the Western Isles which had been held by feudal tenure since 1266 with more than the usual carelessness about payment of dues to the overlord ; and he had equal success in settling trade disputes with Holland.
Good Churchman though he was James did not altogether escape conflict with the Pope. Yet the cause of the controversy, in its substance if not in its form, was honourable alike to the King and his Parliament. It arose from the Act for more expeditious determination of civil causes in Ecclesiastical Courts. Parliament had invaded the sphere of the Church by the clause of the Act which ordained that the statute should also be passed by the Provincial Council then sitting.25 This wrong, attempted by giving instruction to a Spiritual Court, was aggravated in the eyes of the Pope by the fact that the Chancellor of the kingdom, Cameron, Bishop of Glasgow, was a party to it. The Pope summoned Cameron to Rome. James would not allow him to leave the country, and deprived William Croyser, Archdeacon of Teviotdale, who had cited him to the Papal Court, of all his benefices in Scotland. The Pope retaliated, and on May 8, 1435, annulled all the proceedings against Croyser.26 He also wrote to James in very courteous and flattering terms denouncing his evil
LIFE OF KING JAMES I xxxvii
advisers the prelates, who had sacrificed the rights of the Church.27 A complete rupture was avoided by the King's conciliatory attitude. He sent envoys to Rome to request the despatch of a legate, and the Pope appointed Antonio of San Vita, Bishop of Urbino, who arrived in Scotland before Christmas, 1436. An audience was fixed at Perth for the opening of Parliament on February 4, 1437.
A distinguished visitor had come to Scotland in the winter of J435» This was Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, not then in orders but by and by to rule the Catholic world as Pius II. His account of his visit is full of interest as a revelation of his own character and as descriptive of some things in Scotland, but it sheds no light on the character of the King and gives not a glimpse of the royal court or household.28 Ostensibly he came from the Cardinal of Santa Croce to persuade the King to take again into favour some bishop who is not named. Sheriff Mackay thinks that both of these missions were designed " to procure the ad hesion of James to the treaty of Arras."29
While these manifold public transactions were going forward James's home life had been singularly happy. His marriage had been a love-match and it remained so. By his public acts and private conduct he shewed how greatly he held the Queen in honour. She was crowned with him. In one of his early Parliaments every bishop was enjoined to ordain that "every priest, regular and secular, at the celebration of Mass should use an appointed collect for the welfare of the King and Queen and their children." On July 12, 1428, an Act was passed that the successors of prelates and heirs of earls, barons, and freeholders should be bound to take the same oath to the Queen as to the King, while on January 15, 1434, all lords of Parliament, ecclesi astical and secular, and all commissioners of burghs promised to give their letters of submission and fidelity to our Lady the Queen. Striking indirect testimony to the Queen's position in the royal circle is given by Pope Eugenius II. When he wrote to the King about the infringement of ecclesiastical privileges, he wrote also to Queen Joan.30 The most complete revelation of the kind of home-life led by King James and Queen Joan is to be found in the records which bear upon the second of the two missions from
xxxviii THE KINGIS QUAIR
France in connection with the betrothal and marriage of the Princess Margaret. The first, in 1428, which was headed by the Archbishop of Rheims, John Stewart of Darnley Seigneur d'Aubigny and Count of Evreux, and Alain Chartier, gives nothing tangible save the eloquence of the poet orator who moved his Scottish hearers by a pathetic account of the miseries of France still struggling with the English enemy, and not yet saved by the peasant saint who had at least one Scottish sympathiser in her darkest hour of trial.31 The second mission32 was headed by Regnault Girard, lord of Bazoches, who landed at Dumbarton early in January, 1435, and remained in Scotland till late in the Spring of 1436, as he landed at La Rochelle on May 5, with the child-bride ; eleven and a half years she was, the same age as her father when he was captured by the English.* Negotiations about the marriage were spun out so long because the King and Queen were reluctant to part with their daughter, and finally when the parting came the King's emotion shewed how truly he was giving away " a thrid of his own life." He caused the ships of the French fleet to manoeuvre before him that he might select the galley for his daughter ; and he shewed to Girard very marked personal courtesy. The King " ordered me, Reg nault Girard, to kiss the Queen, and the Queen kindly and graciously saluted me ; which kiss I repute the greatest honour ever bestowed on me." James cut short the parting with Mar garet and went ashore weeping bitterly. Margaret, like her father, had an idealistic nature ; she loved poetry and poets, and she found hard fact too much for her with the Dauphin, who became Louis XL, for a husband and calumny and neglect for her portion.
King James and his Queen had ten children, one of whom, Alexander, a twin brother of James II., died in infancy. All the others were daughters and all survived their parents and made marriages suitable to their rank. But Margaret is the only one who plays a part to be noted during the lifetime of father or mother. Happy in her children the Queen had one other joy
* The conditions of the marriage shew how little subservient he was to France. " A town of her own was to be assigned in France to Margaret : a Scotsman was to be in command and the guard to be a Scottish one ,- the Princess must have Scottish ladies with her to keep her company."
LIFE OF KING JAMES I xxxix
rare in the family history of Stuarts or Beauforts. The King was all her own. She had no Hagar and no Ishmael to mar her peace and cloud her happiness.38 She was at the last to shew how brave she was and how fully she responded to this pure affection.
The goodwill of the Pope and the cessation of the transient war with England foreshadowed a happy Christmas for 1436 at Perth, where the King had determined to hold the festival. The Holy Season and the following weeks were spent with great mirth and much feasting. As Lent drew near James had the Papal legate as his father confessor and " by him he was absolved from penance and from fault."84
Meanwhile Sir Robert Graham had been busy. His hostility had not abated and he had planned to celebrate Christmas by the slaughter of the King. But something hindered. Whether Atholl, who was universally regarded as the arch-plotter, had given a signal for delay cannot be decided. Certainly Atholl and his grandson Robert Stuart, the King's private chamberlain, were deep in the plot, and this kept the King unsuspicious and un guarded. Graham, with certain former servants of the Duke of Albany and three hundred wild Highlanders, stole into the monastery an hour or two before midnight on February 2O, 1437. The leaders burst into the King's chamber where they found him in undress and without arms. He made a manful struggle for life striking to the ground the leading assailants, but he was over powered and slain, no fewer than twenty-eight wounds being found after death on his breast alone.36 The Queen also was grievously wounded, doubtless in a vain attempt to shield her husband. A brother of the Earl of March, who was the first to hear the din, fought valiantly with some of the assassins as they were escaping. But he was too late to give effective help. Entering the King's bedchamber he found him dead and bathed in blood. The Papal legate, according to the writer of the Chronicon, was summoned to see the dead King : " He wept and cried aloud and kissed his wounds, and in the presence of all who stood by he said that he believed on peril of his soul's salvation that the King had died in a state of grace for the defence of the A State and the furtherance of justice."88
The Queen at once displayed the most extraordinary energy for
xl THE KINGIS QUAIR
the apprehension of the murderers. All were speedily captured, a sure indication that the King was beloved by the people. The criminals were tortured in a fashion so barbarous that the recital of it is heavy reading. Queen Joan acted in the spirit of the lover in Fair Helen of Kirkconnel, and went beyond him far in the extremity of her vengeance.
The after-story of the Queen is a second tragedy. In King James there had passed away the only man in Scotland who had either the vision or the strength to cope with the grasping and unscrupulous band who took the leading part in national public life. There was a fight for possession of the child-king and no consideration whatever for the Queen-Mother. / She tried con cession and diplomacy, and finally in self-defence married Sir James Stewart, son of the Black Knight of Lorn. Stewart in consequence of this marriage was a marked man. Some measure of liberty was procured for him by the Queen's surrender of part of her rights over her son. Nothing availed, however, for her peace, and although the mother of three young children she was made virtually a prisoner and taken to the Castle of Dunbar by Patrick Hepburn of Hailes. She died on July 15, 1445, a few weeks before her daughter, the Dauphiness, and found her last resting place beside her husband in the church of the Carthusian monastery which his piety had founded.
IV
ACCOMPLISHMENTS
Bower dwells at great length upon King James's character as a sovereign and his accomplishments as a man.37 He describes the peace which prevailed during his reign and the spirit of confidence due to his restraint of violence and to his effective administration of justice. The King's writ ran everywhere and even a verbal message cowed the most powerful — except Sir Robert Graham, who for the moment has slipt from the historian's memory.
The King's accomplishments are so many and varied and his skill in all is so very great that the reader is tempted to be sceptical. He excelled in all manly sports. He ran, rode, and walked with great speed and vigour. He was an excellent archer
LIFE OF KING JAMES I xli
and dexterously tilted at the ring. He threw the hammer, putted the stone, and wrestled with unequalled skill and strength. He was an accomplished musician, he sang, and played upon many instruments. On the harp he was a second Orpheus, and he excelled in Irish no less than in Scottish music. He was interested in the mechanic arts, and he loved drawing, painting, gardening, and forestry. He was an earnest student, and gave himself eagerly to literary composition and to the art of writing ; while with a scarcely credible fervour he loved knowledge of the Scriptures.
Bower, however, names no single writing of the King, but his statement implies that the King was an author both in prose and verse. From Bower's day onward testimony to the King's literary gifts is uniform, except in fragmentary and partial work like the Chronicon. The first to specify individual works is Major,38 who names poems entitled Tas Sen and At Beltayn, and describes the Kingis Quair. Hector Boece mentions no single composition, but is like Bower perfectly general, only more emphatic. The King " knew thoroughly grammar, oratory, and poetry, and he composed such finished poems in the vernacular tongue that the reader would believe him to be a born poet."39 From Boece to Buchanan Scottish historians confirm the tradition, but they are plainly indebted to their predecessors, whose language they simply vary and embellish. Indeed Boece, Bellenden, Leslie, and Buchanan found upon Bower and Major, and no one would infer from the language of any of them but Buchanan that the writer had a first hand acquaintance with any poems ascribed to James.
Where the Scottish historians fail English writers help a little. Bale, in his Script orum illustrium Major is Britannia e Catalogue, has this statement : " In the vernacular tongue he composed finished poems ; in the Latin language, after the manner of his age, (he wrote poems) which were confused and inartistic yet packed with serious thought : and among other (writings in verse) when he was a prisoner in England he composed in the English tongue : On his future wife, one book ; Scottish Songs, one book ; Latin Rhythms, one book ; and other poems which are approved by many."40
Bale's testimony is quoted by Bishop Montague of Winchester in his preface to the Works of King James VI. " James the First
xlii THE KINGIS QUAIR
writ divers books both in English and Latine verse. He writ also as Baleus saith ' De uxore futura.'"40a Dempster41 goes beyond Bale. He states that the King " wrote many things : among these one book of most just laws and one book on Music " in addition to the list given by Bale.
The Latin Rhythms have disappeared. All that remains of the King's Latin verse is the couplet composed on the apprehension of the Highland leaders at Inverness.* The poem On his future wife is without doubt the Kingis Quairy found only in the Bodleian MS., Arch. Selden B. 24. The Scottish songs may be Christis Kirk on the Greney assigned to him in the Bannatyne MS., and Peblis to the Play, which is found in the Maitland MS. but which is not there assigned to any author. Language and style of versification point to a considerably later date than 1437, and the substance of the poems, which deal with various phases of Scottish rustic merriment in the broadest spirit, makes a royal authorship difficult of acceptance. There is not a tinge of culture or even a casual phrase which would suggest the man of letters, nor does anyone outside of the rank of the peasantry appear in the poems even as a spectator. That a man of King James's ability could have written in perfectly idiomatic Scots is likely enough, but that he could have had such familiarity with it as to employ a vocabulary so racy and so uncommon as is found in both of these poems is not probable. Yet the two poems have a close affinity, and suggest either a common author or the modelling of the one poem on the other. One other poem is assigned to King James in a late edition of the Gude and Godlie Ballatis.42" This is without title and has the colophon Quod King James the First. The poem is also in the Bannatyne MS., and there are many marked varia tions in the text. An imperfect form is found in a Cambridge MS.43 Professor Skeat, who has .entitled it Good Counsel^ has given all the forms and also an amended text. He accepts the royal authorship, and there is no reason for rejecting it except the absence of earlier testimony than 1578 and Bannatyne's failure to name the poet. It is a purely Scottish poem, and reminds a reader
* Ad turrim fortem ducamus caute cohortem : Per Christ! sortem meruerunt hi quia mortem.
(Scotichr., ii., p. 489.)
AUTHENTICITY OF THE QUAIR xliii
of the manner and spirit of Henryson. It is wholly didactic, and is as unlike Christis Kirk on the Grcne and Peblis to the Play as Man was made to mourn is unlike The Jolly Beggars. If it could be accepted as certainly the work of King James it would go far to take the edge from the argument against his authorship of the Kingis Quair on the ground of its extremely didactic character.44 It would thus fall into the class described by Bale as " other poems approved by many."
II AUTHENTICITY OF THE QUAIR
UNTIL the year 1896 acceptance of the testimony to King James First's authorship of the Quair was uniform. Tytler, the first editor, and Professor W. W. Skeat, the most recent, never sur mised that doubt was possible. But we live in a critical age, when works more venerable and infinitely more important are no longer assigned to their traditional authors. Indeed, the wonder is that, in centuries so critical as the eighteenth and nineteenth, the authenticity of the Quair remained so long unchallenged. The first adverse note was sounded by Mr. J. T. T. Brown,1 who sought to dissipate the traditional belief and to gain acceptance of a counter-theory that the poet was some Scot writing comparatively late in the fifteenth century under the influence of The Court of Love. Whatever may be thought of the cogency of his arguments, Mr. Brown's criticism is neither halting nor hesitating. To begin with, he demurs to Dr. Skeat's descrip tion of the language of the poem as a dialect in which "the author abandons the grammar used in the Lowlands of Scotland and attempts to imitate all the inflections of the Midland dialect of Chaucer."2 In Mr. Brown's opinion the artificiality of the language of the poem is unduly emphasised. It is manifestly the work of a Scottish poet, writing for the most part in Low land Scots, but using occasionally southern forms and idioms. This fact alone discredits James's authorship, as he could not have used his native dialect freely after an eighteen years absence from Scotland, which he left in his twelfth year.
xliv THE KINGIS QUAIR
Mr. Brown also disputes the authenticity of the autograph Croydon letter of 30 November, I4I2.3 This is in Lowland Scots which has no English admixture. He bases his rejection on the fact that though the document is a charter it never passed the Great Seal and is unwitnessed.4 Besides, the language, as he avers, is of a later cast than the Scottish dialect of 1412. So far from being a possible work of King James I. the Quair belongs to a group of northern poems which had their origin between 1440 and 1480, and were avowed imitations of Chaucer. The poem stands none of the tests for early fifteenth century Scots. In it are found " certain French words used by Scottish writers only after 1440. It has the plural form quhllkis^ the distinguishing adjective ane before words beginning with a consonant, the preterite and preterite participle in yt or ity and the pronouns thaire and thame. The verb to do is used in the emphatic conjugation.5 The poem also shews traces of The Court of Love, as is evident from the use of such words and phrases as balas^ smaragdyney lufis dance. There are also " affinities in thought, framework, and diction," and these are stated in detail. They amount to "proof of the proposition that the Scottish author had The Court of Love in his view when composing The Kingls Quair."6 ^
The autobiographical element is as little consistent with James's authorship as are the language and literary substance of the poem. The poet asserts that he set sail in March (stanzas xx, cxci). The statement is not accurate, as Fleming of Cumbernauld who accompanied the prince to the port of embarkation was killed in the middle of February, 1406. Indeed, according to reasonable inference from English accounts of James's capture, he was probably made prisoner late in February or early in March. As the statement is inaccurate, King James cannot have written the poem which contains it. The poet is further in error as to the age of the captive prince :
Noght fer passit the state of Innocence Bot nere about the nowmer of ^eris thre.
He was eleven and a half. The history is thus not autobiography, but is borrowed from Wyntoun's Orygynale Crony kily as is shewn by the use of the word puruait in stanza xxiii. Although
AUTHENTICITY OF THE QUAIR xlv
Mr. Brown does not unduly press the point he naturally describes as prophecy after the event the lines :
And thus this flouris, I can scye no more, So hertly has unto my help attend it, That from the deth hir man sche has defendit.
Another point he does press. The poet seems to know only one prison, and writes as if the prince whom he personates had for eighteen years been confined in one castle. Now James was moved from the Tower of London to Windsor, and to Nottingham and elsewhere. Yet of these frequent changes the writer of the Quair seems to have no knowledge. The marriage of James so far from being a romantic attachment, as the poem everywhere implies, was a common state affair carried through in the usual prosaic fashion.
Much stress is laid by Mr. Brown upon external evidence. He takes his point of departure from an entry on folio 120 of the MS. " Nativitas principis nostri Jacobi quarti anno dni mmo iiijc Ixxij0 xvij die mensis march', videlicet in festo sancti Pa/ricii confessor/j. In monasterio sancte crucis prope Edinburgh.'* This entry must have been written in or after 1488, when James IV. succeeded his murdered father, and before September 1513, when he fell at Flodden. Mr. Brown indeed goes further, and contends that 1488 is the earliest possible date of the MS. itself.
He admits the importance of the title and colophon, but hastens to add that the value of the testimony depends upon the accuracy of anonymous scribes who rightly attribute/^ poems to Chaucer, and who wrongly attribute other five to the same poet. The remaining poems in the MS. volume are The Kingis Quair and The Quare ofjelusy, which latter poem has an imperfect colophon — Quod Auch. The testimony of Scottish historians is quoted and commented on. Bower, Boece, Bellenden, Leslie, and George Buchanan are all dismissed. Major is accepted as the sole authority other than the MS. for ascribing to James any poems in the vernacular. But Major's statement is subjected to rigorous examination and is minimised because he wrote eighty years or more after the death of King James. Major mentions, besides the " artificiosum libellum de regina," two vernacular poems Tas Sen and At Eeltayn. Mr. Brown identifies At Beltayn with
xlvi THE KINGIS QUAIR
Peblis to the Play, which opens with the words " At Beltayn," and as this last poem is now generally believed to be much later in date than 1437 he pronounces Major's testimony to The Kingis Quair to be almost " worthless at best."
Not only is historical testimony narrowed to Major, and Major thus discredited, but a fresh argument is based upon the silence of William Dunbar in his Lament for the Makaris, of Sir David Lyndsay in his Testament and Complaynt of the Papyngo, where eight poets are named ;7 and of King James VI. in his Reulis and CauteltSy for he never alludes to the poetic performances of his royal ancestor.
The reference to Lyndsay is singularly unfortunate. In The Testament and Complaynt of the Papyngo Lyndsay implies that James was a poet, as is evident from the stanza devoted to him in the Second Epistyl of the Papyngo, directit to her Brethir of Courte :
Kyng James the Firsty the patroun of prudence,
Gem of ingyne and peirll of polycie, Well of Justice, and flude of eloquence,
Quhose vertew doith transcend e my fantasie, For tyll discryve ; ^it, quhen he stude moste hie, Be fals exhorbitant conspiratioun That prudent Prince was pieteouslie put doun.
(Laing's Ed., vol. i., p. 77.)
He even knows the Quair and quotes from it in the same Epistyl :
And spairis nocht the Prince more than the paige, which is surely a reminiscence of K. Q. st. ix. 11. 4, 5 :
Is non estate nor age Ensured more the prynce than the page.
Lyndsay's allusion indeed suggests an amendment of the text. (Vid. note on K. Q. in loco.)
This novel theory made few converts. The most notable is Professor Hume Brown, if he may be called a convert, for he thinks that Mr. Brown has reached his conclusion " on probably insufficient grounds."8 Professor J. H. Millar, in A Literary History of Scotland? provisionally accepts the traditional view but he keeps an open mind : " The anti-Jacobites have failed to prove their negative and to upset the testimony of tradition." Professor Gregory Smith, who does not discuss the arguments, is very emphatically on the side of tradition. "A recent attempt to
AUTHENTICITY OF THE QUAIR xlvii
place the text later than The Court of Love has led to a careful sifting of all the evidence, actual and circumstantial, with the result that the traditional view has been established more firmly. There is no reason to doubt that the story was written by James himself."10
Painstaking critics of the new theory have been numerous. Dr. A. H. Millar wrote a number of interesting letters in The Athenaum in 1896 after the publication of Mr. Brown's book, and followed these up in December, 1899, by a special article on the MS. of the Quair. Mr. R. S. Rait, M.A., of New College, Oxford, gave a detailed examination of it in a pamphlet ; u Mr. T. F. Henderson discussed it fully,12 and M. Jules J. Jus- serand, who has also written a delightful little volume which he calls The Romance of a King's Life, has expanded an Atheneeum letter13 into a full and detailed examination — Jacques I** d*Ecosse Jut-ilPoete?™
As M. Jusserand is most elaborate, and is as confident as any, in his reply to the New Criticism^ he is entitled to precedence in any statement of the case for the King's authorship. He agrees with all who have considered the MS. that it was copied by Scottish scribes at some date during the second half of the fifteenth century. As the note about James Fourth's birthday, on folio 120, is in the same handwriting as that of the poem immediately preceding, this portion must have been copied in or after 1488, and before Flodden.
In ascriptions of authorship the writers of the MS. are as often right as wrong, and they err, where error is venial and common, in attributing to Chaucer poems of his scholars. Being Scottish scribes they are more likely to be right about a poem of Scottish origin, especially when the reputed author is a King. The testimony of the MS. itself is not single but double, for there are two scribes, one of whom wrote the title and as far as stanza clxxvii., the other the remainder including the colophon. M. Jusserand further follows Dr. A. H. Millar in the happy con jecture that one of the inscriptions in the MS. — liber Henrici dm Sinclair — refers to Henry, Lord Sinclair, who came to the title in 1488 and who fell on Flodden Field.* A signature on
* This Henry, Lord Sinclair, was a patron of literary men and had a keen interest in poetry. He is expressly mentioned by Gavin Doughs in the preface
xlviii THE KINGIS QUAIR
folio 231 "Elizabeth Sinclar with my" is possibly the hand writing of Elizabeth Keith who married William, Lord Sinclair, Henry's son, and this lady was a great-grand-daughter of James I. (M. Jusserand does not note the fact that the lady's husband was a descendant of the Earl of Orkney who was James's guardian at the time of his capture.) The argument from the silence of Bower, Boece, and Lyndsay M. Jusserand meets with great effec tiveness by presenting in Charles d'Orleans an exact parallel to James I. Like James, Charles d'Orleans was an English prisoner of war, and, though he was the greatest French poet of the fifteenth century, yet, after his death in 1465, save for a vague allusion by Martin Lefranc to " the book of the good Duke of Orleans," the silence of French poets and historians about his literary merits is complete. " All works which give lists of French poets exclude him, and even Louis XII., who loved literature and wrote verses, took no trouble to rescue from oblivion the works of the poet whose son he was." All the world remained in ignorance of the poetry of Charles until, in the eighteenth century,
and in the epilogue to his translation of the Aeneid as the friend and kinsman at whose suggestion he undertook the work which he dedicates to him :
And at ye knaw at quhais instaunce I tuik For to translait this mast excellent buik, I mene Virgilis volume maist excellent, Set this my werk full feble be of rent, At the request of ane lord of renowne, Of ancistry noble and illuster barowne, Fader of bukis, protectour to science and lare, My speciall gude lord, Henry Lord Sanct Clair, Quhilk with grete instance diuers tymes seir, Prayit me translait Virgill or Omeir, Quhais plesour suithlie as I wnderstuid, As neir coniunt to his lordschip in bluid, So that me thocht his requeist ane command, Half disparit this wark I tuik on hand, Nocht fullie grantand, nor anis sayand $e, Bot onelie to assay quhow it mycht be.
(Small's Douglas, vol. ii., p. 5.)
He is probably the unnamed lord to whom Henryson refers in the prologue to his FabilliSj saying that his translation is undertaken
Nocht of my self for vane presumptioun, But be requeist and Precept of ane Lord, Of quhome the name it neidis not record.
(S. T. S. Ed., vol. ii., p. 4, 11. 1-5.)
AUTHENTICITY OF THE QUAIR xlix
Abbe" Claude Sallier disinterred his works which had been buried in the Royal Library. Rene" of Anjou, another royal poet, had a similar fate. His poems have only been printed within the present generation. Silence in all these cases has a very simple explana tion. These poets were princes by condition, not poets merely as others were, and the personal note which gives an added charm to their work for modern readers made them restrict knowledge of their verse to a few intimate friends. M. Jusserand emphatically repudiates Mr. Brown's interpretation of Bower and of Major. Bower, indeed, does not mention the Quair. It would have been surprising if he had known of its existence. He does speak how ever of James's literary labour, "operi artis literatoriae complacenti instabat curae." The words imply writing both in verse and prose. Major, who expressly describes the Quair and indicates its contents, is a critical writer. He bases his history wherever he can upon writers who were contemporary with events, and he does this with James I. Besides, while he attributes to the King a poem At Eeltayn he nowhere says that At Beltayn is Peblis to the Play. Beltayn was a popular May festival and many poems may have opened with the words " At Beltayn." Major shews his critical spirit by censure of a false quantity in the Latin couplet attributed to James. Later historians M. Jusserand dismisses as but echoes of Major. Buchanan he lays stress upon : " Latin verses rude, as was then the fashion, he poured forth as occasion demanded. Some poems written by him in English are still extant : in these excellence of talent shines forth, but perhaps a more refined moral substance might be demanded." 16 Bale's testimony, already quoted, is singularly explicit.10
M. Jusserand gives also a detailed reply to arguments based upon the language of the poem. He thinks it more than probable that a Scottish boy in his twelfth year, who was attended throughout his captivity by Scottish servants, might well maintain such famili arity with Scottish speech as would account for the predominant element in the poet's dialect. English influence from reading and conversation would modify the native Scottish tongue, and the product as we find it in the Quair is exactly what a reader might look for. Occasional special forms can hardly be reasoned from as they may be scribal errors, not the language of the poet. Certain
1 THE KINGIS QUAIR
manifest errors as well as certain corrections by scribes are to be found in the MS., and in view of these no one can say that there is in the MS. an actual text of the poem as it left the pen of King James. Yet when Mr. Brown presses linguistic details he presses them unwarrantably. The use of ane before a noun beginning with a consonant is rare.17 The usage besides is found in Wyntoun and Barbour18 who wrote earlier than James. The only special French words noted by Mr. Brown occur in poems earlier than 1440. Balas is in the Romance of the Rosey smaragdyne (emerald), applied to eyes, finds a parallel in Dante and is not merely a quaint conceit borrowed from The Court of Love. Indeed The Court of Love is so generally accepted as a later work than the Quair can possibly be that argument on this head is scarcely neces sary. Apparent borrowings are often simply kindred poetic ideas in which neither poet has any right of property.
The rejection of the autobiographical implications M. Jusserand subjects to detailed examination. He matches the errors about the poet's age and date of embarkation, if they be errors, which he does not admit, by similar mistakes about their own careers made by Victor Hugo and Napoleon I. The poem discloses tender devotion to his Queen on the part of King James, and although Mr. Brown is bold enough incidentally to question this and to make the marriage a mere state arrangement, M. Jusserand has no difficulty in shewing, as the biographical sketch has probably made plain, that the instructions to the English Commissioners imply a known attachment, and also that testimony as to the King's deep affection for his wife is to be had. He endeavours also to justify the statement of Wyntoun with respect to James's capture on Palm Sunday, I4O5.19
Mr. Rait, whose essay was in print20 before M. Jusserand's article appeared, follows the same line of argument. He is in general more detailed and he has several pleas of his own. He disposes of the argument from the silence of Dunbar, Lyndsay, and James VI., in a wholly different fashion by shewing what accept ance of it implies, and by shewing also that in the case of James VI. there was knowledge of his ancestor's poetic achievement.
The implications of the argument from silence are these : — " i. That Dunbar, a contemporary of Major, was ignorant of the
AUTHENTICITY OF THE QUAIR li
tradition that led Major to write as he did. 2. That Dunbar had never seen the Scotichronicon, nor Major, nor Boece, nor Bellenden ; and not only that James VI. had never seen the Scotichronicon, Major, Boece, Bellenden, and in addition Lesley, but that he was likewise ignorant of the work of his own tutor, George Buchanan." James VI. did know that James I. was a poet : the Bishop of Winchester mentions him among royal authors in his preface to the works of James VI.21 Some of the autobiographical detail as to the date of sailing for France and the weather is to be regarded as mere poetic embellishment, and the supposed prophecy after the event is but "the extravagance of a lover." Mr. Rait concurs with M. Jusserand in contesting the position that James could not have written such Scots as is to be found in the poem. He asserts that as " quhilkis " occurs but once, and as the preterite and pre terite participle are frequently, but not always, in yt and /V, and as " ane " occurs only once before a normal consonant (stanza clx.) while it is frequent in Henryson in this position, the language of the Quair is strictly the language of a period of transition between the language of Wyntoun and that of the later fifteenth century poets. It is transitional also in the use of " do " as emphatic. In the Quair and The Court of Love both poets have borrowed from Lydgate's Temple of Glas ; indeed in Professor Skeat's opinion, the poet of The Court of Love probably borrowed from the Quair. The author of the Quair in forms of words like " cowardye " and "percing," and in his use of the final e is- far nearer Chaucer than is the poet of The Court of 'Love ', as he is likewise in the absence of overflow from one stanza to another. This last trait is markedly Chaucerian, and that it is not found in The Court of Love is a tolerably convincing proof that it is the later poem of the two.
Dr. A. H. Millar's argument turns upon the ownership of the MS. David Laing (Bannatyne Misce//., vol. ii., p. 162) had inferred from a coat-of-arms on folio 1 1 8 that the book had at one time belonged "to some branch of the Sinclairs, Earls of Caithness." Dr. Millar proves that the arms, part of the illumination of the MS., were borne by Henry, Lord Sinclair, in 1488. He agrees with Dr. George Neilson in believing that the MS. was written, or at least illuminated, by James Graye,* vicar of Hailes, and as
* See Appendix C. — Scribes of the Kingis $uair and of the Square of Jelusy.
lii THE KINGIS QUAIR
Lord Sinclair was married to Margaret Hepburn, daughter of Adam, second Lord Hailes, the scribe had a certain personal relation to his patron. Lord Sinclair was of near kin to the Scottish royal family. His grandmother was a sister of James I. and his aunt was the wife of a brother of James III. To the Sinclairs the poem was a "precious literary heirloom," and they were not likely to be imposed upon by a poem forged fifty years after the death of James I. Dr. Millar, accordingly, gives this account of the trans cription of the Kingls Quair. Lord Sinclair desired to have a copy of the poem of his granduncle, the original of which was in the possession of the King. He arranged that the copy should be made by Graye, " an old acquaintance of Lady Sinclair," and then secretary to the Archbishop of St. Andrews, who was no less a personage than the Duke of Ross, brother of James IV. Graye had beside him a volume with a number of poems by Chaucer and other poets, and with blank leaves. On these he transcribed the Kingls Quair and decorated the book with the arms of his patron.
If regard is had merely to Mr. Brown's pleas and the answers made to them it can scarcely be disputed that he has in the main the worst of the argument. Certainly he has not proved his case. His critics have made much of theirs, although in M. Jusserand's contention there are some slips. It is highly probable, for example, that Major's At Beltayn is Peblis to the P/ay, and, although it may be wild conjecture, it is possible that the unintelligible Tas Sen is a Parisian printer's bungling abbreviation of " Wes nevir in Scotland hard nor sene" the opening line of Christis Kirk on the Grene. Buchanan's statement cannot refer to the Quair, which certainly has a sound moral substance as well as finished poetic form. It probably refers to the other poems traditionally ascribed to James I. In several respects defenders of the royal authorship might have made more of their argument. The King's letters,22 for example, shew now familiar he was with the northern tongue when he composed or dictated, or even understood such drafts as the several sections of the Register House document seem to be. The Croydon letter is emphatically Scottish.
If we consider the external evidence, as M. Jusserand, Mr. Rait, and Dr. Millar state it, it is undeniable that testimony very much weaker has been held sufficient to vouch for the authorship of
AUTHENTICITY OF THE QUAIR liii
scores of ancient and medieval poems. Dr. Millar's statement, clear and strong as it is, involves certain assumptions, and in speaking of "a forged poem" he overlooks the frequent use of autobiography as a literary device. From the Epistles of Ovid to Robinson Crusoe and Rabbi Ben Ezra the method is common, and no one is deceived by art of the kind except a prosaic person like a scribe. There is no proof whatever that the MS. of the Kingis Quair was in the possession of James IV. The coat of arms on folio 118 is at the close of Troilusy not among the Scottish poems. Henry, Lord Sinclair, a lover of poetry, might be interested in a poem about his royal kinsman as well as in one by him. That he ever saw the colophon is by no means certain. The value of the colophon depends entirely upon the second scribe's authority. If he had his patron's sanction his testimony could scarcely be in validated, for this copy was almost certainly made from an original poem written in a difficult hand, as was the original of Lancelot of the Laik. Internal evidence is difficult to estimate, for inter pretations of literary features are apt to be subjective. Indeed a certain personal element in criticism is almost inevitable in the study of such a poem. Few are the loyal Scots who would not gladly believe that King James I., one of the most brilliant and capable sovereigns of a gifted but hapless line, did write the artistic little book about Queen Joan as well as all the other poems with which he has been credited. Apart from new positive external evidence the question cannot be absolutely determined. Yet the authenticity is very doubtful, and there are reasons of weight which Mr. Brown has overlooked, while he has scarcely pressed sufficiently his most important plea. This his critics have not sought to answer, because they regard the fact upon which it is based as part of the ornament of the poem. This fact is the poet's manifest ignoring of any prison but one. Now this feature is only one of a group of singular omissions which give a special character to the poem as in substance a passage of autobiography. But before discussion of these negative characteristics certain features of the MS. demand attention.
The title and the colophon yield something more than has been taken out of them. King James is in the title called First, and in the colophon Primus. He must, therefore, have been dead before
liv THE KINGIS QUAIR
any such addition could have been made to his name. The title, besides, makes three statements. The Quair was " callit the kingis quair " ; it was composed by the King ; it was " maid quhen his Maiestie wes in England." With reference to the title M. Jus- serand has fallen into one error, slight, indeed, but of some con sequence. The title is not in the handwriting of the first scribe of the poem. It is not in the handwriting of any of the scribes of the MS. volume, and all experts are agreed that it is later in date. The authority of the testimony is therefore sensibly diminished, and the entry itself is a palpable imitation of the statement on folio 225 recto of the Quare of Jelusy "Here efter followis the trety in the reprefe of lelousye." That the poem was " callit the kingis quair " is known only from this entry. No later writer, from Major onward, so refers to it until Tytler gave the little book to the world by its long forgotten name. The statement that the king wrote the poem in England is also noteworthy, as bearing upon the value of the scribe's testimony. The King was a captive in England almost exactly eighteen years, and the poet knows this and mentions it in stanza xxv. 6 :
Nere by the space of seris twies nyne.
His captivity is therefore at an end when he writes. Nor is this all. The poem implies a considerable period of freedom and good fortune after the time of seclusion.
Among thir thoughtis rolling to and fro Fell me to mynd of my fortune and vre ; In tender ^outh how sche was first my fo, And eft my frende, and how I gat recure Off my distresse, and all myn auenture I gan oure-hayle.
The captive's liberation, or " larges " is thus not recent. There is a backward look to the time when he was received into favour. This was actually determined when the Scottish Commissioners made the proposal of marriage in September, 1423. Queen Joan's care of her husband began on S. Valentine's Eve, 1424. The concluding portion of the poem gives the same impression as the opening. In stanza clxxxvii. we have a hint of it.
And thus this flouris I can seye no more,
So hertly has vnto my help attendit,
That from the deth hir man sche has defendit.
AUTHENTICITY OF THE QUAIR lv
Even more emphatic is stanza cxcii. 5-7 :
And syne throu long and trew contynuance Of veray faith In Lufe and trew seruice, I cumin am, and forthir in this wise.
Stanza cxciii. implies a backward glance of years, for the King's marriage is alluded to as something which has long been a part of experience :
Vmvorthy, lo, hot onely of hir grace,
In lufis }ok, that esy is and sure, In guerdoun fair of all my lufis space,
Sche hath me tak, hir humble creature.
And thus befell my blisfull auenture, In jouth of lufe, that now, from day to day, Flourith ay newe, and 3 it forthir, I say.
One slight touch in stanza cli. 3 may be a scribal error, on the other hand it may be a lapse from assumed autobiography : " ' I sail, Madame,' quod he."
The last stanza of the poem is very strange if it were written by James I. in England in 1423 or 1424. The poet calls Gower and Chaucer his " maisteris dere." Yet practically he owes not very much to Gower, and great as is his debt to Chaucer it is not more than to Lydgate who was alive for many years after 1424. Lydgate's Temple of Glas is one of the main sources of the Quair. A poet prince who read Lydgate in prison, and who could not be ignorant of the fact that Lydgate was alive, could, in such a con nection, hardly ignore him, when he was commending others as his poetic teachers. A later poet might readily be silent because there was frequent confounding of the work of Chaucer and Lyd gate. The Complaint of the Black Knight is one of the poems in the same MS. as the Quair, and the colophon runs " Here endith the maying and disporte of Chaucer."23 If it could be shown that the poet knew and used lines and phrases from Lydgate's " The Tragedies gathered by John Bochas" then he could not possibly have written the Quair in 1424. For Lydgate's translation of Boccaccio's De Casibus was probably made for Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, at some time between 1430 and I438.24 But proof of this kind is not available. Coincidences are but of phrase or little more. Our poet is even more manifestly a scholar of Lydgate than of Chaucer, and one of the difficulties in dealing with the
Ivi THE KINGIS QUAIR
text, in so far as it demands metrical amendment, is due to this fact. Musical as the verse often is, it is unequal, and some of its inequality and occasional harshness may spring from this following of Lydgate rather than Chaucer.
A closer examination of the substance, both in its negative and positive aspects, will shew how difficult it is to reconcile it with the history and experience of the young King of Scotland. The life of James, from his childhood onwards, had many moving inci dents, and it had a picturesque setting at successive points. The writer of the poem is a poet of genuine power with an eye for the outward world as well as a retentive memory stored with thoughts and phrases from older poets. Yet he has used in a concrete fashion very little of the prince's experience. The treatment of the embarkation, capture, and imprisonment, is meagre, and often blurred and indistinct in outline. The absence of the poet's name and rank may be explicable on the ground of reticence. But the bare generalities in the narrative of his seizure at sea, and of his confinement in England, and the absence of all reference to the tracts of time when he was not a close prisoner at all but a guest at the Court of the King of England or in the train of the Queen, the complete omission of allusion to military service, the lack of any illustration or reflection from it, all these features make us hesitate to assign the poem to a young man with a keen interest in war. Nor do we find any indication of his familiarity with a Court. His interviews with Venus and Minerva are uncoloured by this, and throughout the poem there is little or nothing to suggest that the writer is a young king who has moved among royal personages and who has kingly instincts. One line (stanza Ixxxv. 3) emphasises still more strongly this remarkable lack of princely feeling and interest :
Here bene the princis, faucht the grete batailis.25
The personal element is at its best in the picture of the maiden as she is seen from the captive's keep. Yet the evident modelling of this portion upon The Knight's Tale, and the minuteness and elaboration in the description of the beloved's dress and jewellery suggest a heart-whole conscious artist rather than an ardent lover on the eve of his marriage. The kind of lover's humility which
AUTHENTICITY OF THE QUAIR Ivii
appears in the language of the poet, now in his own person and again in the person of Venus, is conventional and inappropriate, and is scarcely reconcilable with the spirit of any royal Stuart in Scottish history.
If on some of these points we compare with the Quair the poems of Charles d'Orle"ans, so long the fellow prisoner of James in England, we find that Charles discloses himself quite frankly. In his Poeme de la Prison he says :
Lors Jeunesse si hucha le portier, Et lui a dit : J'ay cy un estrangier, Avecques moy entrer nous fault l£ans ; On 1'appelle Charles, due d'Orl&ns.26
In the same poem he has other references to his personality and to his rank.27 Charles alludes to individual persons, and places, and situations, and thus compels recognition of himself as a royal personage. He hates England. He desires peace. He longs to return to France.28 Only the language of the Quair reveals that the writer is a native of Scotland. Not a phrase or sentiment recalls the land or associations of his birth. If we except stanza cxxi., which is general in character, there is but one reference to any amusement in the Quair. It is to Chess in clxviii., and this is followed up in clxix. In the poem of Charles are many allusions to this game,29 to tennis30 and to fencing31 and to heraldry.32 His poems, looked at as a whole, in spirit, colouring, mood, and illustrative material betray a courtly writer. Not one reader of the Kingis Quair in a hundred, apart from external testimony, would suppose that a high-spirited prince was the author.
The positive indications of a writer of a different rank are numerous and striking. Throughout, save in the love passages, the poem is didactic in tone. We hear the voice of a preacher, not of a prince. Emphatically didactic are the proem, especially in stanzas i.-ix., the self-questioning in xi. and xii., and the invocation in stanzas xiv. and xv. The larger .portion of the vision, borrowed from The Temple of Glas — stanzas Ixxiv-clvii. — is in the same vein, while the speech of Venus — cv.-cx. — is only surpassed in this respect by Minerva — cxxix.-cxxxviii. — where the sound moral teaching surprises not so much by its excellence as
Iviii
THE KINGIS QUAIR
by its utter inappropriateness to the mood of a brave prince on the eve of his marriage. It is entirely appropriate to a poet preacher desirous of making an impression upon free-living Scottish courtiers. The quotation from Ecclesiastes seems to be due to first-hand knowledge of Scripture rather than to recollection of Chaucer. The brief theological disquisition — cxlvi.-cxlix. — if it stood alone, reminiscent as it is of Chaucer's reflections in Troilus and Criseyde and the Nonne Prestes Tale^ would not of itself count for much ; but, as it falls in with other matter in the same spirit, it points to a teacher of some kind as the poet. Other passages indicate familiarity with Scriptural events and teaching. The great light and the voice in stanza Ixxiv. recall the conversion of S. Paul. The reference to Him " that corner-stone and ground is of the wall " — cxxx. — is Scriptural, as is the counsel "groundith thy werk, therefore, upon the stone" (cxxxi.), and Scriptural, too, is the conception of " wolfis hertis in lambis likenesse " (cxxxvi. 3). Equally significant is the contrast between the spirit and the flesh in clxxiii. when the flesh troubles the spirit waking and sleeping. Of less consequence, but still pointing to the same conclusion, are such indications as we find in the use of the phrase "vnsekir warldis appetitis " (cvi. 5), in the very frequent use of the word "penance," in the ringing of the bell to "matyns" (xi. 3), in making the sign of the Cross (xiii. 7), and in the thrice-repeated reference to benefit of the soul.33
The work is that of a poet thinking of readers, rather than of a king eager to please his bride, as is evident from the closing stanzas. The reader is entreated to have patience with the defects of the little treatise (cxciv). The writer has doubts about the reception of his work when it comes to "the presence" (cxcv.). A lover's humility will lead to many strange words and deeds, but a king's lovemaking is little likely to lead to the kind of humbleness which appears in stanzas cxciv., cxcv. The two closing strophes return to the didactic mood, which prevails so strongly throughout.
As the language is deliberately artificial, and is thus a Lowland Scots contaminated with English Midland forms and other variants, no solid argument for or against James's authorship can be based upon it. Such a product for purposes of expression was equally
AUTHENTICITY OF THE QUAIR lix
possible to King James and to a later writer. The poem implies that it is the work of a successful lover and happy husband who can be none other than King James I. of Scotland. The book of Ecclesiastes implies that it is the work of King Solomon ; and Eikon Basilike appeals to the world as a series of meditations of Charles I. That Solomon was not the author of Ecclesiastes is as certain as anything in history can be. That Charles I. wrote Eikon Basilike is highly improbable, and that James I. wrote the Kingis Quair is very doubtful. Imagination performs strange feats. In reasoning, therefore, from features of a work of imagination it is easy to accept as fact what is designed only to be fancy, and to look for something which is not there because the writer's individuality led him to ignore it. Nevertheless, with every allow ance for this, the verdict must be given, hesitatingly perhaps, yet given against tradition.
So much old poetry has perished, and so many poets on Dunbar's Scottish roll of fame have left no work which can now be re covered, that it may seem idle to speculate as to a probable author. Nevertheless there are poetic affinities which cannot be ignored, and they point to a possible poet who has left work which can be compared both in matter and form with the poem ascribed to King James. Examination of this will come more appropriately in connection with a discussion of the relation of the Kingis Quair to earlier and later poetry. In any event the writer must have been a friend of the royal house and a prudent friend who wished to say nothing against England. For there is an entire absence of Wyntoun's national spirit :
It is of Inglis natioune The common kend conditioune Off Trevvis the wertew to fo^ett, Quhen thai will them for wynning set j And rekles of gud faith to be, Quhare thai can thair axiantage se j Thare may na bond be made sa ferm Than thai can mak thare will thare term.
The Quair in its autobiographical aspect may be compared with the far inferior lament for the death of the Dauphiness, Princess Margaret, which is entitled Lamentatio Domini Dalphini Franciae pro Morte Uxoris suae, dictae Margaretae. So greatly daring are poets.
Ix
THE KINGIS QUAIR
III
THE QUAIR AND EARLIER AND LATER POETRY
IN the last stanza of his work the poet of the Quair recommends his book to the scions or "ympis1 of his maisteris dere" Gower and Chaucer, who, as supremely excellent poets adorned with the laurel crown, sat on the steps of eloquence. It is natural, therefore, to ask what is his debt to these poets and what to others. Certainly he owns no Scottish master, although it is possible that the writer, if he were other than King James, found a hint for the biography in Wyntoun,2 as Mr. Brown supposes.3 It will be necessary also to inquire if the poem has any Scottish affinities, and if it has in any way influenced later Scottish poetry.
The debt to Gower, as Dr. Skeat has pointed out,4 is to be found in spirit and tone rather than in substance or in diction, for the Quair is certainly after the manner of Gower in its prevailing didactic strain and its frequent moralising. Yet Gower's Confessio Amantls did supply some details. The most notable single passage parallel to the thought of the Quair is to be found in the Prologue (560-571):
For every worldes thing is vein
And evere goth the whiel aboute
And evere stant a man in doute,
Fortune stant no while stille
So hath ther no man al his wille.
Als fer as evere a man may knowe
Ther lasteth nothing but a throwe ;
The world stant evere upon debat,
So may be seker non astat
Now hier now ther, now to now fro,
Now up now doun this world goth so
And evere hath don and evere schal.6
As the story of Progne, Philomela, and Tereus is in the Legend of Good Women and in the Temple of Glas as well as in Book V. 555~59I °f tne Confessio Amantls^ no argument can be based on this. The use of " strang "c in the sense of " hard to bear " has a parallel in Book V. 7377-8 :
Strong thing it is to soffre wrong And suffre schame is more strong.
EARLIER AND LATER POETRY Ixi
In marked contrast to this slight borrowing from Gower are the volume and variety of the debt to Chaucer. The Scottish poet is steeped in Chaucer.7 He has, indeed, none of Chaucer's mirth, but he has, in some portions of his work, a little of Chaucer's cheer fulness, as in the stanzas which describe the birds before and immediately after he sees his mistress,8 and when the dove comes with the message and the flowers in her bill.9 He has little of Chaucer's narrative skill, but he has much of Chaucer's love of nature and joy in gracious womanhood. He shews with the substance of Chaucer's poetry and with the ipsisslma verba a familiarity which could only have come from long and loving study. The details of this familiarity are given in the Notes, but the significance of the borrowings can only be apprehended by grouping them and looking at them as a whole.
The Deth of Blaunche the Duchesse gave the hint for the poet's sleeplessness and for his use of a book to beguile the tedium of the weary hours. Chaucer read in Ovid10 the tale of Ceyx and Alcyone as our poet reads Boethius' De Consolatione Philosophiae. (If the later poet had read Boethius with more care he would have avoided the blunder about Tantalus in stanza Ixx.) Both poets eventually fall asleep and dream, but the later poet makes a characteristic variation. He does not, like Chaucer, fall asleep over his book. The book rouses him, he is deeply interested and begins to write his poetic autobiography as soon as he has left his couch at the matin bell. He falls asleep from grief and weariness after his mistress has left the garden. From the Book of the Duchess comes also the illustration of the game of chess in stanzas clxviii. and clxix., but the Quair at this point is tame indeed beside the moving passage which gave the hint. In Chaucer, Fortune is the lover's opponent, not a goddess called upon to help the player.
Atte ches with me she gan to pleye :
With hit false draughtes dyvers
She stal on me, and took my fers ;
And whan I saw my fers aweye,
Alias ! I couthe no lenger pleye,
But seyde, ' Far-wel, swete, y-wys !
And far-wel al that ever ther is !'
Ther-with Fortune seyde, « Chek heer !'
And * Mate !' in the myd poynt of the chekkere,
Ixii THE KINGIS QUAIR
With a poune erraunt, alias ! Ful craftier to pley she was Than Athalus that made the game First of the ches, so was his name.11
Here the poet found reference to Tantalus : " I have more sorwe than Tantale."12 The Parlement of Foules is also a dream induced by reading Cicero's Somnium Scipionis. Parallel thoughts, if not borrowings, are to be found in the description of the little fishes with red fins and bright scales, swimming in the river, and in the welcome to summer :
Now welcom, somer, with thy sunne softe, That hast this wintres weders overshake And driven awey the longe nightes blake.13
The Hous of Fame, which is also a dream, probably suggested the ascent of the poet to the heavenly regions, but the only detail which has passed to the later poem is that of the palace with crystal stones.14 A few verbal similarities with the Legend of Good Women may be noted, but they are so few and so slight that the poet may not have read the Legend at all. Very different is it with Troilus and Criseyde. From this poem come portions of the imagery, not a few lines and phrases, and something of the poetic manner of the Quair. From Troilus are taken hints for the pre sentation of the goddess Fortune,15 part of the reasoning on Free Will and Predestination,16 and the image of a rudderless boat17 and of a boat among tempestuous waves,18 as well as the concep tion of a ruby shaped like a heart.19 The most curious borrowing of all is of Tisiphone as a Muse. Chaucer, with a delightful and arbitrary humour, had departed from the opening of his original, // Filostrato of Boccaccio. The Italian poet had invoked his mistress Fiammetta and not Jove or Apollo or the Muses, but Chaucer called upon a Fury instead.20 Examples of verbal bor rowings are to be found in " lovis, daunce," 21 " my honour sauf,"2^ and in the line " Bewailing in his chambre thus allone."23
Of the Canterbury Tales the Knight's Tale gives the largest contribution. For the poet of the Quair has fashioned his picture of the prisoner's condition, his experience on the sight of his mistress walking in a garden, his language and state of mind, upon what the older poet has given in his story of Palamon and Arcite.24
EARLIER AND LATER POETRY Ixiii
The tale of Constance supplies a hint for the record in the stars of every man's destiny :
For in the sterres, clerer than is glas,
Is written, God woot, whoso koude it rede,
The deth of every man withouten drede.25
Here and elsewhere, especially in the Monk's Taley he found matter for his conception of Fortune and her wheel.26 Many slight touches there are from other Canterbury Tales. " The wyly Fox the wedows Inemye" recalls the Nun Priest's Tale.27 " A twenty deuill way " is found many times in Chaucer.28 In the Monk's Tale he found " Fortune was first friend and sitthe foo"29; and there too, in the description of Seneca, " For of moralitee he was the flour," he had at least a suggestion for his portrait of Boethius.30
The Quair is wholly written in the Troilus stanza, and even when brief lyrics are introduced as in the bird's song (xxxiv.), the prayer to Venus (lii.)> the petition to Venus (xcix.-ciii.), and the poetic message brought by the dove, which does not occupy the whole of stanza clxxix., there is no metrical variety. Look ing ta the nature of his subject the poet was content to use the measure in which had been told the tale of love unfortunate to tell a story of love triumphant. It had been employed for the s^ory of Grisildis and the story of Constance, as well as for the Tale of the Prioress and the Parlement of Foules. It had also been used frequently by Lydgate and his fellow English Chaucerians.
In poetic manner nothing is more marked in the Quair than . the frequent use of interrogation. Many stanzas are more or less made up of a rapid series of questions. This is a feature of Troilus*1 as well as of other portions of Chaucer's work. Throughout, the disciple in this mannerism goes far beyond his master, although here, too, he follows him in the use of inter jected phrases to complete the verse. Such padding is even more frequent in the verse of the master to whom the poet of the Quair does not allude. Considerable as the debt to Chaucer is, there is an equal debt to Lydgate. The nature and extent of this were first pointed out by Professor Schick in 1891, when he published
Ixiv THE KINGIS QUAIR
the Temple of Glas for the E.E.T.S.32 It is manifest in many portions of the substance of the Qualr and in many slight details both of illustration and expression. Happily or unhappily it is a case of a better poet borrowing from an inferior, and in some points the later poet has improved upon his original. The open ing of the Qualr, for example, far more closely resembles Lydgate's poem than any of the poems of Chaucer already mentioned. No one can dispute the superiority of the disciple's work.
For thou3t, constraint, and greuous heuines, For pensifhede, and for heij distres, To bed I went nov J>is oj>ir nyjt, Whan }?at Lucina wij? hir pale li}t Was loyned last wi}> Phebus in aquarie, Amyd decembre, when of lanuarie Ther be kalendes of J?e nwe yere, And derk Diane, ihorned, noting clere, Had (hid) hir bemys vndir a mysty cloude : Wijnn my bed for sore I gan me shroud e, Al desolate for constreint of my wo, The long(e) ny$t waloing to and fro, Til at(te) last, er I gan taken kepe, Me did oppresse a sodein dedeli slepe, WiJ) — in J?e which me J?ou3t(e) }?at I was Rauysshid in spirit in (a) temple of glas.33
The main borrowings are to be found in the poet's experience in the heavenly regions, in what he sees in the palaces of Venus and Minerva, and in the speeches of the king and of the goddesses. The classification of the lovers, their petitions, and the condemna tion of those who shut up the young in convents against their will, all come from Lydgate.34 The description of the lady is partly modelled upon Lydgate (11. 743-763), and the confusion which enrolled Tisiphone among the Muses is probably as much due to the Temple of Glas as to Troilus and Criseyde ;
I can no fer]>er but to Thesiphone
And to hir sustren forto help(e) me
That bene goddesses of turment and of peyne.35
In the Quair the lover has his supreme joy when a white turtle dove brings him a branch of gillyflower ; in the Temple of Glas Venus throws into the lady's lap a " branch of hawthorne white and green."36 Slighter resemblances are to be found in " sonnyssh
EARLIER AND LATER POETRY Ixv
here briber than gold were,"87 in reference to Cupid's arrow of gold,38 to the bird and the net,39 and to ink and paper.40 Many other minor expressions there are, and as a matter of course there is the same kind of address to the " litel rude boke " at the close, when it is sent to " her presence " for whose sake it has been composed.41
The debt to Lydgate extends to other poems than the Temple of Glas. Verbal correspondences with The Complaint of the Black Knight are numerous, but they are for the most part so trifling in character that they cannot necessarily be said to be borrowings. They may simply be coincidences. The Quare of Jelusy*2 shews close resemblances, and is without doubt indebted to the Complaint. On the other hand, The Flour of Curtesye probably supplied some thoughts to the Kingis Quair.
And whyl that I, in my drery payne,
Sat, and beheld aboute on every tree
The foules sitten, alway twayne and twayne,
Than thoughte I thus : ' alas ! what may this be,
That every foul has his libertee
Frely to chesen after his desyre
Everich his make thus, fro yeer to yere ?43
A faint resemblance is also to be found in 11. 260-264 to tne Kingis Quair, stanza cxliii.
Professor Schick thinks that there are resemblances to Lyd- gate's Reson and Sensuallyte. He does not specify any, writing from memory. Juno, like Fortune, wears a surcote,44 and Venus
has no crown
Of gold nor stonys on hir hede, But she had of roses rede Instede thereof a chapelet.46
But these trifling resemblances on points so commonplace weigh little on the side of knowledge of this poem by the author of the Quair, when one recalls how widely he diverges from Lydgate on the subject of Cupid's bows and arrows. For in the Quair Cupid has one bow and three arrows, headed with gold, silver, and steel. In Reson and Sensuallyte the god has two bows and ten arrows, five with heads of gold, and five with heads black, and foul, and poison-tipped ; and from the elaborately described game of chess the Quair has not borrowed the faintest touch.
The same is true of the Falls of Princes. Now and again there
5
Ixvi THE KINGIS QUAIR
is coincidence of phrase, but as there is no trace of influence, where influence might well be looked for — for example in the wealth of the biographical content of the Falls, in the Prologue to Book Sixth which treats at length of Fortune, and in the Prologue to Book Seventh which celebrates Fraunceys Petrarch " the laureate poete crowned with laurer " — it seems scarcely dis putable that the Falls was unknown to the writer of the Quair.
A much more important problem arises in connection with two fifteenth-century Scottish poems — Lancelot of the Laik and the Quare of Jelusy. Lancelot of the Laik is a Scots translation of a portion of a French romance. It is a fragment. There is a prologue of 334 lines, and there are two Books with a portion of a third, the whole poem extending to 3486 lines, that is a little more than two and a half times the length of the Kingis Quair. The Prologue is entirely the work of the author, and according to Dr. Skeat, who edited the poem more than forty-five years ago for the Early English Text Society, the poet is a very free trans lator, adapting and adding frequently. There is but one MS. It is in Cambridge University Library, and no author has hitherto been named. Besides Dr. Skeat's there is an edition among the Maitland Club publications.
Points of resemblance in artificiality of language in the Kingis Quair, Lancelot of the Laik and the Quare of Jelusy have long been noted by students of philology. The significance of these resemblances would have been more manifest if the scribe of the Lancelot MS. had not adopted an eccentric system of spelling, writing the same word in even more than the usual variety of forms. Whatever be the explanation, there is a closer affinity than a common artificiality of language.
Lancelot of the Laik shews distinct traces of the influence of Chaucer, and it is specially indebted to the Knight's Tale. In line 309 Venus is mentioned as " siting hie abuf," just as in the Squire'' s Tale (272-3) we read :
Now dauncen lusty Venus children deere For in the Fyssh hir lady sat ful hye.
In 381-2 the rendering recalls the Nun's Priest's Tale (C.T.B.,
4111-12) :
To dremys, Sir, shuld no man have Respeck, For thai ben thingis weyn, of non affek .
EARLIER AND LATER POETRY Ixvi.
Line 545, " as tho it was the gyse ", is reminiscent of * To doon obsequies as was tho the gyse" (K. T., 135). In descriptions of fighting there is frequent likeness to the tournament in the Knight's Tale: the sounding of trumpets (1. 771), the cleaving of helmets (868), the using of spurs, u In goith the spuris in the stedis syde " (1084) ; and the resemblance is not merely in lan guage but in spirit.
Longer passages recalling the famous conflict of Palamon and Arcite and their knights are lines 2579-2602, 2960-74, 3291-3300. The last passage will suffice to shew the energy of the poet and how he can answer to the most buoyant mood of his master :
With all his forss the nerest feld he soght ;
His ful strenth in (to) armys thar he vroght,
Into the feld rusching to and fro,
Doune goith the man, doune goith the horse also ;
Sum throw the scheld is persit to the hart,
Sum throw the hed, he may it not astart.
His bludy suerd he dreuch, that carwit so
Fro sum the hed, and sum the arm in two,
Sum in the feld (y)fellit is in swon
Thro sum his suerd goith to the sadill doun.
The debt to Chaucer in substance, as might be expected in a translation, is not extensive. There are, however, a number of points of likeness in poetic manner. The opening of Book II. recalls the opening of Part II. of the Squire's Tale, while the occasional references to daybreak (675 and 2579-80) —
The nycht is gone, vp goith the morow gray The brychte sone so cherith al the day —
are in the spirit of the well-known couplet :
The busy larke messager of day Salueth in hir song the morwe gray.
Points of contact with the Klngis Quair are numerous both on the material and the formal side. Substance, style, versification, rhyme, and diction have not a little in common. Comparison of the versification is difficult, as the Lancelot is written in heroic couplet, all except one short lyric, which is in the measure of the Envoy to The Compleynt of Chaucer to his Purse.
Ixviii THE KINGIS QUAIR
The description of a garden (53-56) recalls K. Q. xxxi.-xxxii. :
And al enweronyt and I-closit One sich o wyss that none within supposit Fore to be sen with ony vicht thareout So dide the levis close it all about.
There is a long dialogue with a bird (83-156) entirely in the mood of the address to the nightingale in the Kingis Quair (clvii.-ix.). The lyric already referred to (699-718) has similarities of expression as well as something of the spirit of the Quair :
Qwhat haue y gilt;46 allace ! or qwhat deseruit ? That thus myne hart shal vondit ben and carwit
One by the suord of double peine and wo ?
My comfort and my plesans47 is ago, To me is nat that shuld me glaid reseruit.
I curse the tyme of myne Natiuitee,
Whar in the heuin It ordinyd was for me,*8
In all my lyue neuer til haue eese j
But for to be example of disese, And that apperith that euery vicht may see.
Sen thelke tyme that I had sufficians49
Of age, and chargit thoghtis sufferans, Nor neuer I continewite haith o day Without the payne of thoghtis hard assay ;
Thus goith my youth in tempest and penans.
And now my body is in presone broght ; But of my wo, that in Regard is noght,
The wich myne hart felith euer more.
O deth, allace ! whi hath yow me forbore That of remed haith the so long besoght ?
In line 1016 Lancelot, like the hero of the Quair (Ixiii.), begins an apostrophe to his heart. There is a description of Gawane (2755-8) which in matter and manner at once reminds a reader of K. Q. stanza 1. :
In hyme was manhed, curtessy, and trouth, Besy travell In knighthed, ay but sleuth, Humilyte, gentrice, and [hye] cwrag ; In hyme thar was no marier of outrage.
The Black Knight's soliloquy on love (3277-80) is but a chivalrous summary of Venus' admonition to the lover in stanza cix. :
And well yhow wot that on to her presens Til her estat nor til hir excellens Thi febilness neuermore is able For to attan sche is so honorable.
EARLIER AND LATER POETRY Ixix
The poet of Lancelot has two styles ; one, apparent in the Prologue, is long-winded and tedious, as if the writer could not finish a sentence and had become a meandering bore. The other is vigorous, fairly compact, and spirited. It appears throughout the greater part of the translation. The French original has imposed a limit and compelled a certain degree of precision. The poet of the Kingis Quair has the same characteristic. He has two styles. But the prolix manner is rare because the Troilus stanza does not lend itself to it. Yet it does appear in stanzas ii.-iv., xxxii.-iv., cliii.-v., and clvi.-ix.
Here as in the Kingis Quair there is a fondness for interrogation and occasionally a predilection for a succession of clauses beginning with "sum," "sum," " sum," as at 2550-53 :
Sum for wyning, sum causith was for luf, Sum causit was of wordis he and hate.
The same kind of succession of clauses is to be found in the Kingis Quair (Ixxxvi.-vii.), in the Quare of Jelusy (446-9), and in other passages of both poems.
Little similarities of phrase are numerous. In both poems the use of " quhy " as a noun is very common, and " furth " occurs with great frequency, also the elsewhere uncommon words "dedeyne" for "deign" (K. Q. clxviii. 3, 11. 240 and 949), "hufing," "waiting" (K. Q. clix. 4, 1. 1046), and " cowardye " (K. Q. Ixxxix. 4, 11. 1023, 3278). Both poets refer to Ovid by name (K. Q. Ixxxv. 7, 1. 107) ; both use the phrase "from the deth " (K. Q. clxxxvii. 7, 1. 2959) ; while the poet mentioned at the close of the Prologue50 is called, like Boethius, "a com- pilour,"61 and he is praised like him for "the fresch enditing of his laiting toung."62
There is likeness also in certain aspects of the versification ; there is the same frequent overflow of meaning from line to line, and there is in Lancelot comparatively frequent rhyming of a word with itself, if we reckon among these rhymes words like accorde and recorde, dewyss wyssy awyss wyss, demande commande, forme reforme. Where there is absolutely identical rhyme as in poynt poynt (797-8, 3467-8), hard hard (1653-4), ^ow yw (1371-2), the poet does not follow Chaucer's example of selecting words similar in sound but different in meaning like see (sea) see (to see), hye
Ixx THE KINGIS QUAIR
(haste) hye (high). This feature appears also in the Qualr in such rhymes as fall fall, mynd mynd, and other instances referred to elsewhere. Rhymes with accent on ing and ness are frequent in all three poems, and they all shew, though rarely, a freedom in rhyme which Chaucer would have scorned. The Quair (xxxviii.) rhymes large, charge, and corage ; Lancelot gud and destltude (95-96) and destitut conclud (193-4, 1177-8). The Quare of Jelusy has this last peculiarity also (520, 523, 524), and the novel form " chapture " is coined to rhyme with " pure."
No comment is necessary upon the fact that in the actual texts of both poems final e needs often to be added, and final en, and initial y-, that short words are wanting and superfluous words are added, for this simply means that the scribes were careless and little appreciative of the music of verse.
There are of course striking differences also, and in certain portions of Lancelot there are linguistic peculiarities which will be remarked upon in Section V.
The Quare of Jelusy, also in a unique text, is found in the same MS. as the Quair, folios 221-228. The colophon Quod Auch led David Laing, the only editor, to assign it to Auchinleck (in Scot land pronounced Affleck), and to identify him with the poet mentioned by Dunbar in his Lament for the Makaris :
That scorpioun fell hes done infek Maister Johne Clerke and James Afflek Fra balat making and trigide.
Laing thinks that possibly he is the James Auchlek who graduated at St. Andrews53 in 1471, and who is marked pauper in the register — which shows that in graduating he was not asked to pay fees. Laing also believes that this Auchinleck was, in 1494, Secretary to the Earl of Ross and Precentor of Caithness, who died in September,
H97-54
Whoever the poet was, who is designated by the abbreviation
Auch, there can be no doubt about his knowledge of the Kingls Quair and partial dependence upon it. There are many verbal resemblances which are giyen in detail in the notes, and there is the same love of interrogation and the same frequent use of padding. There is also kindred debt to Gower, Chaucer, and Lydgate, in
EARLIER AND LATER POETRY Ixxi
particular to the Temple of Glas. The plan of the later Quare has been to some extent modelled on that of the earlier. There is the same grave ethical spirit and the same disposition to exhort.
The second poem treats of Jealousy, its character and conse quences, as the first does of Love, its nature, course, difficulties and final triumph. For while the Kingis Quair is based to a certain extent upon a passage in the life of King James I., it is sub stantially an allegory and sermon upon the blameworthiness of mere appetite, and upon the necessity for the cooperation of passion, wisdom, and good fortune, if marriage is to be happy. Both poems condemn severely the licentiousness of the age, and both shew a purity of sentiment and of expression rare in fifteenth- century Scottish poetry, and unknown in sixteenth-century poetry until after the Reformation.
In the Quare of Jelusy the poet deals, as he says, with what has been part of his personal experience. He does not, however, employ the Dream device, but adopts the equally common adventure upon a May morning. He awakes ; something comes to his remem brance ; he can sleep no longer, and he goes forth and walks by the side of a river which bounds a wood. There he sees a beautiful lady who curses Jealousy in an agony of despair. The poet is so much moved that he would fain seek to offer comfort, but the lady is joined by a companion, and the two ladies go away together. Pity and anger rouse him to write something in scorn of Jealousy. He does this with much emphasis but with little power of imagination or beauty of phrase. He is thus led to the main body of his work, which he calls "a treatise in reproof of jealousy." Now the Kingis Quairy which opens in mid-winter, not in early summer, has a parallel twofold introduction. In the first part the poet is brought to the point of writing, in the second he gives his personal experience leading to the dream which gives the substance of the poem. The second part of the introduction in each poem opens with an invocation of Youth,65 and both poems in the second part of their introduction have an invocation of Thesiphone, oddly enough in different erroneous ways, for while Thesiphone in the Kingis Quair is a Muse, in the Quare of Jelusy she has changed sex and is invoked as " Thou lord of wo and care." The con cluding part of each poem has an address to lovers and an apology
Ixxii THE KINGIS QUAIR
for the poet's want of skill — much more appropriate to the later poem than to the earlier. In structure, thought, diction and versification the second Quare is as much inferior to the first as Jealousy is inferior to Love.
For the substance of his work Auchinleck, if we may call the poet by his conjectural name, uses material drawn from sources not used by the writer of the Kingis Quair. He knows something of Bacchus and Sydrake^ a curious book, known at least by report to Gavin Douglas, who names the Christian sage in his Palice of
Honour :
Melyssus with his sawis but defence Sidrake, Secundus, and Solenyus !56
He has read in part either the Legenda Aurea or the Scottish Lives of the Saints attributed to Barbour, because he mentions the punish ment of Henry II. (S. Henry), Emperor of Germany, for his jealousy of his Empress Cunegunda, and tells how he was saved by the intercession of S. Lawrence.
The later poem has a much more frequent reference to Scrip ture. The poet has his eye upon Scottish life as it was lived around him. He has marked the character and conduct of the more powerful classes, and he illustrates his teaching by direct reference to a then well-known tragedy in high life, the murder of a wife by her jealous husband and the suicide of the murderer.
On the formal side this poem links both with the Kingis Quair and Lancelot of the Laik. The poet endeavours to make up for his thinner thought and feebler poetic message by greater metrical variety. In his 607 lines he uses five verse forms. Lines 1-190 are written in five-accent couplet, lines 191-316 in the nine-line stanza of Chaucer's Compleynt of Faire Anelyda upon Fals Arcyte^ rhyming aab, aab, bab, and lines 317-463 in Troilus stanza. The nine-line stanza is resumed at 464 and is carried on to line 571 ; lines 572-581 form a ten-line stanza rhyming aab, aab, b c b c ; and the five-accent couplet is once more employed in the closing address to lovers, lines 582-607. If, in a poem which is tedious throughout, the writer can be described as having two styles, there is a very long-winded style in the five-accent portions, and a fairly compact style in the stanza sections, especially in the part in Troilus stanza, where the meaning never overflows as it
EARLIER AND LATER POETRY Ixxiii
does sometimes, though rarely, in the Kingis Quair. Overflow of meaning from line to line is fairly common, but there is a severity and a simplicity about this stanza in the Quare of Jelusy which contrast with the more refined art and greater variety of the earlier poem. The rhymes, with the exceptions already noted, are of the usual type, and in both Quairs hert astert seems a favourite.
Links between Lancelot and the Quare of Jelusy are numerous. Both poems are indebted to the Knight's Tale and the Squirtt Tale, and in both there is reference to the Book of Daniel (L. L. J3^5> Q- J' 35°> 35 0- The opening of the later poem recalls the opening of Book III. of Lancelot. But nowhere in the Quare is there any passage fit to be compared with the finer and more spirited portions of the romance.
The Prologue of Lancelot and the five-accent portions of the Qua re of Jelusy are most nearly related. All that has already been said about points of likeness in poetic manner between Lancelot and the Kingis Quair applies likewise to the Quare of yelusy. Rhyming correspondences are also threefold, with the exception of one uncommon rhyme already mentioned. Final ing and final ness are very common, and the rhyming of a word with itself occurs a few times in the Quare of yelusy. Similarities of expression are also found. In addition to those indicated in the Notes may be mentioned " sobir ayer " (Q. J. 18, L. L. 352), " abominable was hold " (Q. J. 255, L. L. 1625).
Reserving questions of language, meanwhile, we ask what conclusion may be drawn as to the relation of the three poems ? Have we, as tradition has it,- three poets — King James writing in 1423 or 1424, and two Scottish subjects writing later who knew his work and used it ? Have we two poets — a poet of the Kingis Quair, and one poet of two later poems, as Professor Skeat privately assures me he is able to prove ? There is a third possible solution — that we have but one poet who partly trans lated a French romance in his youth, who was much indebted to Chaucer's Knighfs Tale and was fired by the spirit of it in his higher moods, who extended his knowledge of English poetry and wrote the Kingis Quair, and who finally in old age, with failing power and no inspiration, wrote the Quare of Jelusy. This is but
Ixxiv THE KINGIS QUAIR
a possibility, certainly not proved, perhaps not provable, but such diversities as are to be found, and they are striking enough, may be due to the different stages of life at which one poet wrote rather than to a succession of different poets.
As documents in the narrower sense the two Quairs have little light to throw upon fifteenth-century Scotland. In the wider sense they shed much. They shew by their very imperfections at what a mighty price in culture and attainment, as well as in material comfort, the struggle with England was carried on. A Scotsman who loves his country is touched by this poetic poverty. He remembers that it is part of the payment for the conflict which moulded the national character and gave to the Scottish people a resoluteness and love of freedom which could not other wise have been theirs.
Later Scottish poets have casual phrases which point to some knowledge of the Quair. No one has borrowed from the sub stance of it or has endeavoured to write in the manner of it, though the stanza has been much used. Henryson possibly knew the poem, and he has slight coincidences both of thought and diction. The coincidences of thought are chiefly on the subject of Fortune. Thus he writes in the Testament of Cresseid (549,
550):
So elevait I was in wantones
And clam upon the fickle quheill sa hie j67
and in The Lyon and the Mous :
Thow fals fortune ! quhilk of all variance
Is haill maistres and leidar of the dance. (200, 201).
More relevant is the passage in Orpheus and Eurydlce (453-458) :
And thir'thre turnis ay Ane ugly quhele, is noucht ellis to say, That warldly men sumtyme ar casten hie. Apon the quhele, in grete prosperitee And wyth a quhirl, tmwarly or thai witte, Ar thrawin doun to pure and law estate.58
Henryson uses the phrase " golden wyre " :
As golden wyre sa glitterand was his hair (T. C. 177) ;59
and «ane spark of luf " (T. C. 5I2)60 and « cry peip anis," « Cry peip, quhare euir 36 be" (U. M. and B. M. 26, 147), which recall " Now, suete bird, say one's to me * pepe.' " 61
EARLIER AND LATER POETRY Ixxv
In Dunbar's poetry there are a few indications of knowledge of the Quair in certain phrases in the Goldyn Targe as well as in the invocation of Chaucer, and Gower, and Lydgate, and in the address to his poem as a " lytill quair " in the last stanza. Chaucer is addressed :
O reuerend Chaucer, rose of rethoris all, As in oure tong ane flour imperial!,
That raise in Britane evvir, quho redis rycht, Thou beris of makaris the tryumph riall.82
" Morall Gower and Lydgate laureate " are praised with more warmth than discrimination :
Your angel mouthis most mellifluate
Our rude language has clere illumynate
And faire our-gilt oure speche, that imperfyte Stude, or your goldyn pennis schupe to wryte :
This He before was bare and desolate Off rethorike or lusty fresch endyte.63
The address to his Quair is in the usual style of modest depreciation.
In Gavin Douglas there is practically nothing that would even suggest knowledge of the Quair or of the other poems most closely related to it. Possibly the line " Help, Calyope, and wynd, in Marye name " (stanza xvii. 6) may have suggested the contrast in the Proloug of the First Buik of the jEneid :
On thee I call, and Mary virgine myld,
Calliope nor pagane goddis wyld
May do to me no thing hot harme, I wene,
In Christ is all my traist and hewynnis quene.**
The Proloug of the Fowrt Buik05 has, in the course of "a gud counsall to all wemen," the following passage which recalls the Quare ofje/usy (467, 470) :
Fy on desait and fals dissimulance Contrar to kynd wyth fen^eit cheir smyling, Wndir the cloke of luffis obseruance, The venom of the serpent redy to sting !
But as Douglas expressly refers to Gower he probably was think ing of Auchinleck's original rather than of his poem.
While there is all but absence of reference in Douglas, Lyndsay has a few passages which point to familiarity with the language of the poem and occasionally he has references to King James I.
Ixxvi THE KINGIS QUAIR
himself, although he never expressly designs him poet. Yet, as has been pointed out, he implies that James was a poet.66 He alludes to the King's captivity and to Rothesay's death,67 and he quotes the saying " He would make the rash bush keep the cow."68 He expressly refers to King James First's description of the over- pious liberality of King David I.
King James the first, roy of this regioun,
Said that he was ane sair sanct to the crown. (II. 150.)
The most significant reference to the Quair^ already quoted, is : And spairis nocht the prince more than the paige.69
Other references are scarcely doubtful. The opening lines of The Prologue to the Dreme are reminiscent of the opening of the
Quatr :
In the Calendis of lanuarie
Quhen fresche Phebus, be moving circulair, From Capricorne was enterit in Aquarie
With blastis that the branches maid full bare.70
So are the birds' blessing of summer, and the weltering of the waves up and down (90 and 128), and the description of Venus :
Thay peirsit myne hart, hir blenkis amorous, Quhowbeit that sumtyme, scho is changeabyll
With countenance and cheir full dolorous,
Quhylumis rycht plesand, glaid and delectabyll j Sumtyme constant, and sumtyme variabyll.71
This recalls the picture of the goddess Fortune in stanza clxi. of the Quair. The prologue to the Testament and Complaynt of the Papyngo has one or two slighter resemblances. It announces that the bell of rhetoric has been rung by Chaucer, Gower, and Lid- gate laureate, and it shews a kindred feeling about birds. Like Henryson, Lyndsay compares hair to gold wire :
Lyke the quhyte lyllie was hir lyre, Hir hair wes like the reid gold wyre.72
In the Testament appended to the same poem he makes the valiant squire deplore black suits of woe :
Dull weidis I think hypocrisie and scorne With huidis heklet doun ouirthort thair ene.73
The hypocritical folk of religion, who freely served love in secret, are seen by the poet attired in the same fashion : For schame thaire hudis oure thaire eyne thay hyng.74
THE TEXTS AS IN THE MANUSCRIPTS Ixxvii
After Lyndsay's day, although the King's poetry is referred to by Buchanan, as we have seen, there is nothing, so far as I remem ber, to show that it was known to any Scottish or English poet, until the re-discovery and publication of it by William Tytler in 1783.
IV
THE TEXTS AS IN THE MANUSCRIPTS
THE unique MS. of the Kingis Qualr is part of the well-known Bodleian volume already designated, and is written on folios 192-211. It has few features likely to rouse enthusiasm in a student of palaeography. There is elaborate ornamentation on the first page, but, except in occasional initial capital letters, none else where. There is, throughout, a rudimentary system of punctua tion which is observed in the transcript, but it would be difficult to say on what principle it is based. The capital letter I has several forms. They vary from a long bold letter to a much shorter, which can with difficulty be distinguished from the ordinary small cursive /. The contractions used are the ordinary contractions of the period, and there were two scribes, the second beginning at stanza clxxviii. I. The handwriting of each is singularly uniform, but the second begins his work in a very fine small script, and passes at clxxxii. 2 to a larger and bolder writing. All experts are agreed that the manuscript belongs to the latter half of the fifteenth century. Indeed it may belong to any decade from 1488 to 1513. The late David Laing, who had made a collation of Tytler's text with the MS., probably with a view to a new edition, believed that it was written towards the end of the fifteenth century.*
The MS., however, like many medieval copies of earlier vernacular work, has not a few slight blunders, which make amendment of the text necessary. Some errors of transcription have been noted by the first scribe, and a later hand has sought to amend, erroneously at one point, correctly at another. There
* Manuscript note in Laing's copy of Tytler's edition of the Quair, formerly the property of the late John Scott, C.B., of Hawkhead, now in the possession of the present editor.
Ixxviii THE KINGIS QUAIR
are, besides, other errors in the text, apparent from the faulty rhythm of many verses, and these errors are due now to omission, now to addition. A few errors are to be traced to wrong reading of the original, this being manifest by a result which is unintelligible.
The errors noted and corrected by the first scribe are these. In xxi. 4 " freschenesse " is stroked out and " confort " put in the margin, "in drede" is stroked out after " help " in xxviii. 7, while in xlv. 5 a bungled " gan " is stroked through and a clear " gan " written after it. In Ixxii. 3 " ly " is written before "lef" but marked out, as "full" is after "smyte" in cv. 7, while in cviii. 7 " graice " has over it certain strokes, as if for deletion, and in cix. 7, " foule on " is written over " doken." There are two corrections in cxv. In line 6 " breken " after " bot " is scored through and written anew above, while in line 7 " Is non " is written and the " non " is corrected to " no*," " eft," which follows, being written in a bold hand over some other word simply begun, while "none" is written above partly over "no/" and partly over " eft." In cxxxiv. 7, " heid " is written above " ypocrisye," and in cxlv. I " the " before " creatures " is marked out and " 36 " is written above. " In a rout can " copied from the line above is repeated in cliii. 4. The stroking through, here, may be by a later hand. Lines 4, 5, in clxxv., have been transposed in copy-
b ing, but they are marked a unmistakably by the original scribe.
b A similar transposition, in clxxxv. 4, 5, is noted by a in the left
margin and }tr on the right, but this correction is certainly by a later hand, as is the addition of / to " pouert " in v. 6 ; line 4 of clx. is incomplete, the word or one of the words omitted being the rhyme word. In clxxxii. 4 the scribe corrects " coppin " to " croppin " by writing r above o.
A mistake in copying accounts for the repetition of "floure- ionettis " in xlvii. 5, taken down from the close of the line above. Yet repetition of the same word in rhyme is an occasional feature.*
Faults of rhythm, wholly out of keeping with the metrical
* Instances will be found in vii. 2, 5 j xxxvii. 6, 7 j clxxii. 4, 5.
THE TEXTS AS IN THE MANUSCRIPTS Ixxix
excellence of the main body of the poem, disclose two whole classes of scribal mistakes. Monosyllables and final syllables are often omitted ; sometimes, but much more rarely, two syllables are lacking. Occasionally there is redundancy, and this where the syllable cannot be regarded as a light ending to verse or half verse. Instances of such omission (and there are many more, as perusal of the exact transcript and comparison with the amended text will shew) are to be found in iii. 3, viii. 7, ix. 2, xv. 4, xxiv. 4, Ixxvi. 6, cxxii. 6, cxlii. 5, cxcvi. 5. As striking as any is xiv. I, where two syllables are wanting and "Thou" is written " Though." In xxiii. 4, Ivi. 7, Ixxiv. 7, and xcvii. 5, there are instances of a wholly unmusical redundant syllable, and these are but a few out of a considerable number. Other slips of the scribes are the running together of words which should be separate and the separation of parts of a word which should be united. Thus " quitis " is written for " quit is " in vi. 4, and " alyte " for " a lyte" in clxi. 3. " Tocum " in xiv. 6, like " salbe " in cxcv. 4, is a common Middle Scots scribal practice.
On the other hand such severances as " lok in " for " lokin " in cxxxv. 5, and " bynd and " for " byndand " in cvii. 5 are the result of pure misunderstanding on the part of the scribe, as are "theire" for " thir " in vi. 5, "wil" for " wel " in cxxxiii. 2, " this " for " thinkis " in clxxxiii. 5, " cunnyng " for " cummyn " in clxxxv. 6, "quhile" for " quhele," clxxxix. 7, "one" for "me" in cxci. 6, and "chiere" for "chere " in clxi. 3. To the same kind of blundering are probably to be attributed "late" for " lyte " in i. 5, " north northward " for " north-north-west " in i. 7, " poetly " for " poleyt " iv. 6, " hailsing " for " halflyng " in clxvi. 4, and " sanctis " for " factis " in cxci. 3. But these last are matters of opinion not of fact, although the probability of their being mistakes is strong, as is the conclusion that " Citherea " in i. 3 is an error for " Cinthia " and " Inpnis " not for " Impnis " but for "Ympis" in the last stanza of the poem. Difficulties are presented likewise by " said renewe " in cxxv. 5, by the line
cxx. 2 :
Vnto the quhich je aught and maist weye,
and by the couplet clxx. 6, 7 :
Be fro ward opposyt quhare till aspert, Now sail thai turn, and luke on the dert.
Ixxx THE KINGIS QUAIR
The natural inference from these facts — and the statement of them is not exhaustive — is that precious though the MS. be it is not absolutely authoritative. It is not an autograph ; yet looking to the character of some of the first scribe's corrections, it is possibly a copy of an autograph, which here and there had been difficult to read, and had traces of corrections some of which, like those in xxi. 4 and xxviii. 7, have passed over to the copy.
As there are no other manuscripts for comparison the quest of a true text ought perhaps to be abandoned as impracticable. Johnson's maxims rise to the mind. " The collator's province is safe and easy, the conjecturer's perilous and difficult. There is danger lest peculiarities should be mistaken for corruptions and passages rejected as unintelligible which a narrow mind happens not to understand." Yet an endeavour to construct a true text is at least less censurable when the actual text is given ; for when comparison of one part of the poem with another, and conjecture in the light of MS. and other poetry of the time have failed to give a satisfactory solution of what are certainly difficulties, prob ably errors, failure may suggest a solution to some one else. One cannot say that the arrangement of verses cxxxv. 4, 5 is wrong. The imperfect knitting of the syntax may be due to the poet, not to the scribe. But as there is one certain derangement in clxxv. 4, 5, and another highly probable in clxxxv. 4, 5, it is at least permissible to rearrange stanza cxxxv. and also ex.
Professor Skeat found the clue to many faults of rhythm by pointing to the scribe's imperfect mastery of Chaucer's use of final <?. How much of what we find in rhythmical confusion is due to the poet, how much to the scribe, cannot be decided. Probably the greater part, perhaps the whole, is due to the scribes, who could not have such familiarity with the verse of Chaucer as the poet. The methods of Scottish medieval scribes with final e are past finding out. No better instance of the restoration of melody to a verse could be given than Dr. Skeat's amendment of the MS.
in xxxii. 4 :
The scharp grene suete lenepere which becomes
The scharpe grene suete lenepere.
A glance at his suggested readings given with the amended text will shew how effective his method is. It is not a complete
THE TEXTS AS IN THE MANUSCRIPTS Ixxxi
explanation, however, and he has occasionally applied his key where a closer investigation scarcely sanctions its use, for example in "estate" (iii. 6) and " pryncfi " (ix. 5), in « foure* " (xxi. i),* in cix. 7, where the rhythm does not require it, and in the sugges tion that i. 7 should read " north northfiward." It may at least be debated whether the poet did not in such words as " fair " take the liu^rty of now making them monosyllables, now dissyllables, fair, as they are in some Scottish dialects to this day. This variation according to metrical needs is a common feature of Chaucer's verse, especially with regard to the accentuation of French words.t It is found in the Quair : confort is now confort (iv. 7 and xxv. 7) and again confort (cxxiii. 4 and cxxvii. 5). The same kind of alternation we find in the Quare of yelusyy where in lines 598, 599, we have "aire" and "fire" monosyllabic, and in 18 "ayer," in 557 "fyir," dissyllabic, if "fyir" be the correct reading.
There is, of course, peril attending the introduction of un represented words of one or two syllables into an amended text. But as the rhythm and sometimes the sense demand such additions the main question is whether they are made with due regard to analogy. Thus to introduce an initial " And " in i. 7 and xlvii. i may seem arbitrary. Yet we find initial " And " omitted in the last line of the last stanza of the Ballad of Good Counsel (Camb. MS.) where not only the Bannatyne MS. and the Gude and Godlie Ballatis version but the first stanza of the Cambridge version itself prove that it must have been written by the poet. Besides a frequent symbol for "and" was @, which might easily be over looked. Similarly the manifest omission of a two-syllable word before " 3outh " in xiv. I justifies Dr. Skeat's suggestion of "sely," occasionally used elsewhere in the poem, as perhaps it may justify the alternative " tendir " in the text, suggested by the corresponding passage in the Quare of Jelusy. In clxxxix. i likewise, some such word as " hye*," " grete," or " blisfull " is needed for balance and for rhythm. Dr. Skeat has given " heyfi " applied to Venus in xcix. i ; " blissfull " in the text, from cxcii. 4, is adopted rather as an alternative than as an improvement. None of the words sug-
* FourC is Gower's pronunciation. Scottish usage and the Old English form feOwer suggest fowfir as the sound. In L. L. 610 to keep the rhythm xxiiij must be pronounced twenty-fower.
t Ten Brink — "Chaucers Sprache und Verskunst," § 284.
Ixxxii THE KINGIS QUAIR
gested may give the poet's text, but some such adjective he certainly did use. In the Notes reasons are given for readings adopted except for vocal final e\ en, and initial j;, the explanation in such cases being obvious.
The Quare of Jelusy, as has already been noted, is found in the same MS. It may have been written by the second scribe of the Kingis Quair, but this is doubtful.* It begins at the top of folio 22 1 verso, and ends on 228 verso. The MS. has been slightly damaged on 225 verso, 226 verso, on 227 and 227 verso, and on 228. On 227 and 228 some initial words have been wholly obliterated. Some liquid seems to have been spilled over the parts thus blurred. Blanks are supplied from Laing's text. The handwriting is uniform throughout. Highly ornamental capitals are found at the opening of the poem, of the address to youth, and of the " Trety in the reprefe of lelusy." Elsewhere elaborate capitals are more common than in the earlier poem. There are no corrections by the scribe as in the first part of the Kingis Quair, but there are kindred slips in transcription, as is evident from omissions of small words and from faults in rhythm and occasional redundancies. Yet, from the character of the poem as a whole, one is disposed now and again to blame the poet rather than the scribe, although probably to the scribe are to be assigned most of the errors. As these are specified in suggested amendments to the text and briefly com mented on in the Notes, all that is here necessary is to give a few instances of the kind of emendation required. Addition of final e gives proper rhythm in line 17, "But walking furth upon the newe grene," in 67, " The scharpe deth mote perce me throuch the hert"; in 119 " quhich to my hertg sat full very nere." Initial " and " corrects both metre and thought in 1. 83, " And wote that I am sakelese, me defende," while the substitution of "Leuith" for " Beleuith " in 589 gives at once rhythm and meaning, although " beleue " is used in the same sense as " leue," but not frequently. Possibly the text might be kept by pro nouncing "beleu'th." "Ilk" for "thilk" in 1. 86, and "ony" for " mony " in 1. 198, and " sewe " for " schewe " in 1. 533 give the poet's meaning. Short words have fallen out of the text as in 11. 143, 223, 345, 378, and 494, and the probability is that the * See Appendix C — The scribes of the two Quairs.
THE TEXTS AS IN THE MANUSCRIPTS Ixxxiii
poet wrote "off" and not "under" in 1. 78, and "fyir" not "tigir" in 557.
The Ballad of Good Counsel has an interest of a wholly different kind. The three forms of it make a probable reconstruction of the original possible. The Cambridge MS., which gives the oldest form, is plainly the least accurate. One whole stanza is wanting, and, considering the length of the piece, scribal errors are numerous. Yet this version is important because it shews very clearly the kind of negligence which may be looked for in copies of medieval vernacular poems, while the later versions exhibit the unconscious process of modernisation which went on when a scribe of a later generation undertook to give a copy of an earlier poem to his contemporaries. Testing the Cambridge MS. by Dr. Skeat's restored version,* which most scholars will generally approve,t we find eight errors in fourteen lines, to say nothing of the omission of the second stanza. If, on the other hand, we test the later versions by the earliest, where this has manifestly the better readings, we see that neither has " noblay," or " weill," or " sew," and in each case the word substituted is meant to explain what has become archaic.
LANGUAGE OF THE POEMS
To discuss the language of the Ballad a sentence or two will suffice. In its earliest form it is fifteenth century Scots without admixture of English. The inflections shew this purity — " incressis," " steppis," u eene," which the scribe wrote amiss as " erne." "A spane " is also early, as is the noun " noblay," which is found in Gower1 and Chaucer,2 in the Bruce3 and the Lives of the Saints* but not, so far as I have noted, in Henryson, Dunbar, Douglas or Lyndsay.
The Kingis Quair presents a more complex problem and the first aspect of it meets us in some slight linguistic differences in the portions written by the different scribes. In the last twenty stanzas we find two words in a form never used by the first scribe.
* S. T. S. Ed. ofK. Q., p. 54.
t The close of 1. 5 was, perhaps, " that first thy lyf began."
Ixxxiv THE KINGIS QUAIR
These are " witht " (clxxviii. 4) and " coutht " (cxcvi. 6). Of many noun plurals all are in " is " or " ys " except one " tymgs " (clxxx. 2). " War " as preterite of the verb " to be " occurs twice (clxxxii. 4 and clxxxvii. 4). This form does not once occur in the foregoing one hundred and seventy-seven stanzas. " Endith " for "endit" (cxcvi. i ), " plesandly " (clxxviii. 5), and the spellings hich and boith are also peculiar to this part. There are three Midland English present indicative plurals: "ben" (clxxix. 2), "lyven" (clxxxvi. 2), and "glitteren" (clxxxix. 2), and two third singular presents, " hath " (cxci. 4) and " flourith " (cxciii. 4). There is one second singular present indicative in yst — " cummyst " (cxcv. I ). Every weak preterite ends in //, and one present participle in and — " lyvand " (cxcvii. 3) ; " wald " occurs, never " wold." English contamination of Scottish speech is thus at almost the lowest point consistent with its presence in the poet's language.
When we turn to the much larger portion of the poem written by the first scribe we find a liberal mingling of English and Scottish forms with an additional slight element of provincialism or, it may be, of deliberate artificiality. In the noun the common Southern English plural form es is of frequent occurrence : sterres, peynes, stremes, menes, aleyes, leues, assayes, hertes, dremes, bemes, layes, dayes, armes, ladyes, bodyes, and others are found, but the prevailing plural is in is, occasionally ys. In the adjective no plural form is found except in occasional final e as in " smale grene twistis" (xxxiii. i), "the suete grene bewis" (Ixvii. 2), and this vocal final e is not regular. The poet, as Dr. Skeat has shewn in great detail,* followed Chaucer in occasional employment of the definite form of the adjective which had a vocal final e. The definite form occurs after a possessive pronoun, and after the, that, and this. Instances are so frequent that it is not necessary to mention more than one or two by way of illustration. Such we have in "the plane" (xxxvi. i), "the coldg" (Ixxiii. 4), "the slawe," "the nycg" (civ. 4, 5).
In the verb the second singular present indicative is found in
the normal Scottish form " thou seis" (Ixxxviii. 2), " standis
thou " and " wantis " (cxv. 6, 7), " thou has " (liv. 4), " thou
descendis" (cxv. i), "gynnis" (Ivii. 7), but there is also the
* Introd. K. Q., p. xxix.
LANGUAGE OF THE POEMS Ixxxv
Southern " hastow " (Iviii. i), and " wostow " for " woldest thou " (lix. 3).
The Southern third person singular present eth, generally repre sented by /'//;, is very common, but the Scottish form in is prevails, while the present plural is found in en and ith and is. The en for this inflection is so common that it amply justifies Dr. Skeat's addition of it to words where it is not written, in order to correct the rhythm. The use of the several inflections seems to be entirely arbitrary. Thus in cxviii. we read " dropen," " styntith," " murnyth," " haue," and " hiden," while in cxix. there are " flouris springis," " birdis sing," " gynnen folk renew." The Scottish weak preterite /V, with the variant id, prevails, " rynsid " (i. 4), but the Southern ed is found in " heved " (i. 6), " ensured " (ix. 5), "despeired" (xxx. 2), " depeynted " (xliii. 4), "maked" (ex. 7).
In the verb to be « bene," " ben," " ar," " are," and " is " (cxx. 3) are all found as present plural indicative. The Midland preterite " weren " occurs (xxiv. 6), but this form is required by the metre ; elsewhere it is " were " (xcii. I, 3, 6 ; xciii. 3). The Southern imperative plural is also found in cii. 5 " schapith," and this fact may justify the amendment of the text to " worschippeth" (cxxxiv. i), "chideth" (Ivi. 6), and " groundith " (cxxxi. 6). The Southern pure infinitive and gerundial infinitive in en are also common, while the Northern present participle in and occurs but once, in " byndand," if this be the correct reading and the scribe have bungled by separating bynd and and. Provincialisms are " gardyng " in xxxiii. 5, " I falling " in xlv. 4, and an artificial form is " forehede," if " fairhede " be the correct reading.
One of the most marked Southern English characteristics is the use of the modified intensive past participle prefix y or /, for Old English gey which at a very early period largely disappeared from the Northern dialect. It remains in I-blent, I-laid, i-thankit, i-wonne,* y-bete, y-bought, y-callit, y-thrungin, y-wallit. That this Southern survival is so frequent makes the restoration of it natural where rhythm is defective in verses with past participles, and that it is necessary for the metre shews that it cannot be
* References will be found in the Glossary. « y-bete" is probably an infinitive. See note in loco.
Ixxxvi THE KIN CIS QUAIR
regarded as a scribal peculiarity. But for this fact one might have explained the much stronger English colouring of the first scribe's work by his being himself of southern origin. A puzzling alternation of dialect is found in the use of " wald " and " wold," " wate " and " wote." On the other hand the Northern forms " sail " and " suld " are invariable.
The language of the Quare of Jelusy closely resembles that of the Kingis Quair in its artificiality. It is a Scottish-English com pound, but the compound has characteristic differences and one or two peculiarities to which there is nothing similar in the MS. text of the earlier poem, though some of them are common enough in Middle Scots (418). Such are " y-suffering " (369) for " sttfFeren " as third plural present indicative, and " beith " for " is " in 519, and " is tone " for " tane," and " hath tone " (575). In some ways the language is more markedly Scottish than that of the Quair, in others more emphatically English. The poet or the scribe always uses " beseke " for "beseech" (187, 312, 597) ; he has the form "ta" for " take" (73) ; and in 171 he has "war" for " were," while more characteristically Scottish in spirit if not in usage is "was " for " were " in 257 — "was thir Ladies ever in honour hold." Scottish also is " mon " for " must " (266), as are " one creature " (although the o for a is English) and " ane suich offence " (66), if " ane " be the correct reading. All weak preterites without exception are in it. The Poem has es plurals in almost the same proportion — " ladyes " and " ladies " several times, " termes " and " stories." In the infinitive and gerundial infinitive there is the same alternation of Southern and Northern forms. The scribe writes most frequently yny sometimes /», for en : gladin, plesyn, chesyn, sittyn, fallyn, encressyn, but he has writen (178) and suffren (228).
Southern influence is chiefly apparent in second and third person singular of the present indicative, in the imperative, and in the past participle. For the second person singular present the genuine Scottish is occurs but seldom — "thou knowis" (8i),and even here Southern o takes the place of Northern a, "thou leis " (471), " makis thou " (509). The false form " thou passith," " thou faylith," " thou werketh " is by comparison frequent. For the third singular ith occurs all but invariably. The Scottish inflection
LANGUAGE OF THE POEMS Ixxxvii
is found in 240, " that lyis," and there it is needed for rhyme. Imperatives in ith are numerous — " helpith, excusith, leuith," and others. Past participles with the intensive y prefix are twice as common as in the Kingis Quair : " y-brocht, y-come, y-slawe, y-murderit, y-marterit, y-writte, y-bound, y-ground, y-sett, y-ronne, y-fret, y-brent." " Sail " is occasionally found, but "schall" is the prevailing form as is " schuld," once "schold" (217), but " suld " now and again occurs. " Wald " and " wold " are both written. The present participle is always ing, never and. The relative pronoun in both poems is variously quho, quhois, that, quhich, the which, quhilk, in the Quare of Jelusy there is also which that. In the Kingis Quair that is the favourite relative, in the other poem the which.
In Lancelot of the Laik there are all the varieties in noun, pronoun, and verb inflections which are found in the other poems, but the verbal forms are more frequently varied in spelling, the preterite plural of the verb " to be " appearing in six forms* war, veiry ware, waren, veryng, waryng. The poem has besides two peculiarities which never appear in either of the other poems. It has sometimes at for that (1027, 1198, 1235), and with equal frequency the form iff for give (1655, 1722, 1751). There is a curious variety in the use of the word " wy " meaning " wight." It never occurs in the Kingis Quair, it is found once in Lancelot, it is a common word in the Quare of Jelusy. If we accept some variations as scribal, especially the two above-noted peculiarities in Lancelot, there is little to take from the conclusion that possibly we have not three poets but one. A certain lack of uniformity may be looked for where the language used is artificial.
Certain other features require to be noted. Lancelot and the Quare of Jelusy frequently have sett for though, the Kingis Quair has not this word at all. Lancelot has occasionally, but not often, supponit, proponit, dispone, the Quare of Jelusy has dispone twice, the Kingis Quair has not this form. In the use of one or one before a normal consonant the poems show a striking uniformity, and, so far as there is variety, it is in agreement with what we have ventured to suggest as their historical order. Lancelot, in 3,486 lines, has this usage twice — "in one plane" (683), "one new * Dr. Skeat's preface to L. I., p. xv.
Ixxxviii THE KINGIS QU'AIR
assemble" (930) — the Kingis Quair, in 1,379 lines, has it once — " ane surcote," already noted — the Quare of Jelusy, in 607 lines, has it thrice, if "did ane" is a proper amendment of " didin " in line 66. The other instances are "one lady" (145) and "ane noble hert" (304). How widely apart from other Middle Scots poems in this respect, as in the employment of English forms, these poems are, may be estimated by this contrast : Henryson in the Testament of Cresseid, which is but nine lines longer than the Quare of Jelusy, has this construction fifty-eight times ; Douglas, in 424 lines of King Hart, has it thirty times.
The whole subject of the language of these poems, especially of the Kingis Quair, might well raise the question of a possible relation between it and fragment B of the Romaunt of the Rose. Dr. Skeat has shortly discussed it in §§ 73-76 of The Chaucer Canon, and is not altogether unfavourable to the hypothesis which was first suggested by Professor Seeley. He points to resemblances in sub stance, metre and diction. That the poet of the Quair knew something of the content of the Romaunt of the Rose is certain. He probably knew fragment B, as will be evident from the Notes. There are touches in ix. 5, and in cxxxyi., which suggest not merely the thought of the Romaunt but the language, as will be apparent from 6333 and 6261, 2. But had the poet of the Quair been also a translator of the French poem we may confidently conclude from his free and constant use of Chaucer and of Lydgate's Temple of Glas that he would have drawn much more upon the older treasury. The whole strain of the language, the grammatical inflections, the ever-recurring her and hem for their and them point to a writer widely different from the author of the Kingis Quair. The Northern cast of fragment B is slight and casual. In the Kingis Quair it is emphatic and fundamental.
REFERENCES TO INTRODUCTION Ixxxix
REFERENCES TO INTRODUCTION
I
LIFE OF KING JAMES
1 Dunbar — Scottish Kings, p. 182, founding on Scotichron., xvi., 14, says that
James was born in December. But suum natale tenuit here means " kept his Christmas." a Wyntoun — Oryg. Chron., ix., c. 20.
3 National MSS. of Scotland, Bart II., No. xlix.
4 Oryg. Chron., ix., c. 15, 11. 1633-4.
•'' Exchequer Rolls, iv., p. clxxi., No. 2 ; Dunbar's Scottish Kings, p. 180. 8 E. R. as above, No. i ,• Dunbar — ibid.
7 Boece — Scot. Hist., xvi., p. 334.
8 Buchanan — Scot. Hist., ix., c. 64.
!) Lord Bute — Essays on Modern Subjects, p. 156.
10 Regist. Epis. Morav., p. 382 $ Scotichron., II., p. 422.
11 Acts of Parliament of Scot., I., p. 572. By this Act, of date June 23,
1398, Rothesay was to act with the advice of the Council General, in their absence with the counsel of wise men and leal, among whom are named the Duke of Albany, Lord Brechin (Earl of Atholl), the Bishops of St. Andrews, Glasgow, and Aberdeen, the Earls of Douglas, Ross, Moray, Crawford.
2 Lord Bute — Essays, as above, p. 163.
13 Scotichron., xv., c. n.
14 Ibid., xv., c. 12 } Oryg. Chron., ix., c. 22, 11. 2193-2202.
15 Scotichron., xv., c. 12.
16 Extracta, p. 208$ Oryg. Chron., ix., c. 23, 11. 221 1-2234 > B°°* of Plus -
carden, x., c. 17.
17 Acts Parl. Scot., I., p. 210.
18 Scotichron., xv., c. 12.
19 Ibid., c. 1 8.
20 Wylie — History of England under Henry IV., II., p. 264, quoting Fon-
blanque — Annals of House of Percy, I., p. 241. 1 Diet. Nat. Biog., xliv., p. 405.
12 Brennan — A History of the House of Percy, p. 89.
23 Evidence given to Universities Commission in 1826 and in 1830, III.,
pp. 171 sqq.
24 Scotichron., xv., c. 18.
26 Anchiennes Croniques d'Engkterre, I., p. 209.
* OVS' Chron., ix., c. 25, 11. 2671-2710.
57 Croniklis of Scotland, Bk. xvi., c. 15.
28 Probably a mistake in transcription : ix. should be xi.
& Another mistake : MCCCCIV. should be MCCCCVI.
0 Vid. Appendix A — Date of capture of James. 31 K. Q., stanzas xxiii., xxiv. w Scotichron., Bk. xv., c. 18. 33 Chronicle, II., p. 273.
xc THE KINGIS QUAIR
34 Chronicle of Kingdom of Scotland, p. 70.
35 Scotichron., Bk. xv., c. 18.
36 Bellenden — as above in 34.
37 Hist, of Scot., III., p. 133.
38 Qryg. Chron., Bk. ix., c. 26, 11. 2711-18. Bower says that death of
Robert III. fell on March 28, 1405. Scotichron., xv., c. 18. ]!) Scottish Kings, p. 183.
40 Oryg. Chron., ix., c. 26, 11. 2729-2768.
41 Rymer — Foed, viii., p. 450.
II
1 Bain — Calendar of documents relating to Scotland, IV., No. 723, quoting
Issue Roll of Pells, 7 Henry IV.
2 Ibid., No. 727.
3 Date should be 31 October last, if no days be a correct reckoning.
Issue Rolls, Pells, Michaelmas, 9 Henry IV., quoted by Bain, IV., No. 769. Bain — as above, IV., No. 739. Ibid., No. 777. Ibid., No. 780. Rymer — Foed, viii., p. 635. 9 Ibid., p. 694.
10 Ibid., pp. 734, 735.
11 Scottish Historical Review — April, 1906, pp. 313, 314. Evidence given to
Universities Commission in 1826 and 1830, III., pp. 171 sqq.
12 Scotichron., xvi., c. 30.
13 Rymer — Foed, viii., pp. 735-7.
14 Ibid., ix., p. 323.
15 National MSS. of England, Part I., No. 36, quoted by Bain, IV., No. 822.
16 National MSS. of Scotland, Part II., No. 62.
17 The Kingis Quair — A New Criticism, p. 93.
18 I-, PP- 346, 347-
19 Rymer — Foed, ix. p. 2.
20 Bain— ix., No. 846.
21 Rymer — Foed, ix., p. 44.
22 Scotichron., xv., c. 18 ; Wylie as above, II., p. 61.
23 "Wylie, as above j Excerpta Historic a, p. 144.
24 Major — History of Greater Britain, p. 366. (Scot. Historical Soc. ed.)
25 Bain— IV., No. 852.
26 Scotichron., xv., c. 22.
27 Excerpta Historic a, p. 145.
28 Charles, born May 26, 1391, was three years James's senior. He was
prisoner at Windsor in 1416. (D'H^ricault's Pref. to Poems of Charles d'Orle"ans, pp. xi, xxvii.)
29 Rymer — Foed, ix., p. 307.
30 Ibid., p. 323. 31 Ibid., p. 341. 32 Ibid., p. 41. 33 Ibid.
34 The original document is in the Historical Department of the Register
House, Edinburgh.
35 Sir William Eraser — Red Book of Menteith, I., pp. 283, 284. Eraser is of
opinion that the letters were brought to Scotland in February, 1416, by John Lyon, the King's chaplain. Lyon went to England in May, 1412, <f on a safe-conduct which was to continue until the King's liberation ; and on January 20, 1416, he received a safe-conduct from Henry V. to proceed to Scotland, and the letters bear date 30 January."
REFERENCES TO INTRODUCTION
XCl
38 Red Book ofMenteith, as above.
37 The reading in the MS. of letters is as like " Abbe " as "Awe." 18 Vol. II., p. 221.
39 Rymer — Foed, ix., 591.
40 Bain— IV., Nos. 886, 892, 895. " Ibid., No. 898.
42 Ibid.
43 Vickers — Life of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, p. 98.
44 Boece, Bk. xvi., p. 344 ; Bellenden — Croniklis, Bk. xvi., c. 19.
45 Ramsay's Lancaster and York, I., p. 286.
48 Chronicle of William Gregory, Skinner, p. 139.
47 Scotichron, II., p. 461.
48 Rymer — Foed, x., p. 123 ; Bain — IV., No. 905.
49 Rymer — Foed, x., p. 125.
50 Ibid., pp. 153, 154.
51 Bain— IV., No. 911.
52 William Drummond of Hawthornden — History and Lives of the Five Jameses
Kings of Scotland, p. 16.
53 Bain., No. 918.
64 Hardyng's Chronicle, p. 387. 55 Stevenson — Letters, Rolls Series, I., p. 390. 58 Rot. Scot., II., p. 234. 57 Rymer— Foed, x., p. 286. 68 Ibid., p. 290. 89 Ibid., p. 293. 80 Ibid., p. 294.
61 Stevenson — Letters and Papers, II., p. 444. « E. R. IV, 79. 3 Rymer — Foed, x., pp. 298-9.
64 Ibid., p. 298.
65 Bain — IV., Nos. 939, 934.
66 Rot. Scot., II., p. 246 ; Rymer — Foed, x., p. 322. 87 Gregory's Chronicle, as above, p. 157.
68 Rymer — Foed, x., p. 323.
69 Ibid., pp. 332-3 ; Bain — IV., No. 949. 7<> Ibid., p. 343.
71 Ibid.
HI
1 This section throughout is based upon the Scotichronicon and Acts of Parlia
ment of Scotland, vol. ii., pp. 1-24. Tytler's account of the reign of James, recent excellent Histories notwithstanding, is still the most detailed record of the period.
2 Scotich., II., p. 466.
Ibid, p. 467. R
4 Ibid., p. 511
Kymer, x.
Maitland Club — Life and Death of King James the First of Scotland, pp. 47
sqq.
7 Ibid., p. 28.
8 See above Introd. I (ii.), note 36.
9 Red Book ofMenteith, I, p. 291 ; II., pp. 293 sqq.
10 Maitland Club — Dethe of the Kynge of Scotis, p. 50.
11 Bellenden's translation, xvi., c. 17.
12 Scottish Historical Review, April, 1906.
Ibid.
xcii THE KINGIS QUAIR
14 MS. of copy of Charters in St. Andrews Univ. Library, printed in Evidence
before Univ. Commission, as above. 15a Ibid.
15b MS. copy of Statutes of Faculty of Theology. 15c Scot. Hist. Review, April, 1 906 ; MS. Minutes of Faculty of Arts.
16 Rymer, x., p. 410.
17 Ibid., p. 482.
18 Ibid., p. 486.
19 Scotich., II., 499.
20 Hist, of Scotland, III., p. 242.
21 Scotich., II., p. 506.
22 R. S. Rait — Outlines of Relation between England and Scotland, p. 114.
23 Chronicon, p. 15.
24 Tytler, III., p. 254-
25 Act. Parl. Scot., II., p. 14.
26 Theiner — Monumenta, pp. 373-375.
27 Raynald — Annal Eccl., ix., year 1436, xxx.
28 Romance of a King's Life, pp. 51-55.
29 Diet. Nat. Biog., Art. James I. of Scotland.
30 Raynald, as above, xxxii.
3 a Book of Pluscarden, I., p. 5.
31 Romance of a King's Life, pp. 62 sqq.
32 This has been denied by Riddell — Inquiry into Peerage and Consistorial Law,
p. 262. But Riddell misinterprets various entries in the Exchequer Rolls, vol. vi. James Stewart, brother of the King, is Queen Joan's son by her second husband.
33 Chronicon, p. 29. 34 Ibid.
35 See Appendix B — The several accounts of the murder of King James.
36 Chronic on, p. 29.
IV
37 Scotich., II., pp. 504-511.
38 Hist. Greater Brit., p. 366. (Scot. Hist. Soc. Ed.)
39 Boece — xvi., c. 16, fol. cccliii., 11. 57, 58. Bellenden — xvi., c. 16.
40 Bale — Scrip. Illust. Catalog., Centuria decima quarta, No. Ivi.
40* King James First as a royal author finds a place between Kenneth King of Scots and Henry VIII. (Bishop Montague's preface.)
41 Hist. Eccl. Scot. Gent., II., p. 381.
42 Edition of 1578. It is the last poem in the volume.
43 The MS. is noted by Professor Skeat as Kk. I. 5, fol. 5. A facsimile is
given.
44 See Introd., Section II.
II AUTHENTICITY OF THE QUAIR
1 Authorship of Kingis Quair — Maclehose, 1896.
2 K. Q. (S. T. S. Ed.), Introd., p. xxv.
3 Facsimile National MSS. of Scotland, Part II., No. Ixii.
4 Authorship of K. Q., as above, pp. 26, 27.
5 Ibid., p. 30.
6 Ibid., p. 48.
7 Nine poets are mentioned.
REFERENCES TO INTRODUCTION xciii
8 History of Scotland, I., p. 219. » Page 23.
10 Cambridge History of English Literature — II., p. 243.
11 The Kingis Quair and the New Criticism. (A. Brown and Co., Aberdeen,
1898.)
12 Scottish Vernacular Literature, pp. 95-102.
13 Athenaum, August 15, 1896.
14 Revue Historique, vol. Ixiv., pp. 1-49. is R. S. //.— x., c. 57.
16 See above — Introduction I. (iii.).
17 See K. Q., stanza clx., 1. i.
18 Brus, xix., 663, in Edinburgh MS. ; also in Ed. MS., 656. Wyntoun,
O. C., II.,c. x., 917.
19 See Appendix A. " Date of the capture of King James."
20 See above, note n.
21 See above, Introduction I., iv.
22 Letters of King James in Red Book ofMenteith. ;3 MS. folio 129.
2* Mr. Sidney Lee in Art. Lydgate, Diet. Nat. Biog.
25 Stanza Ixxxv., 1. 3.
26 Poems I., p. 4 (D'Hericault's edition).
27 Ibid., pp. 13, 97, 104.
28 Ibid., I., pp. 115, 143, 144, 151, 158, 162. *•> Ibid., 62, 63, 76.
30 Ibid, p. I57.
31 Ibid., 163.
2 Ibid., vol. ii., p. 83. 33 Stanzas cxxiii., clxxxvi., cxcvii. 3* Wyntoun, O. C., ix., c. 25.
35 Maitland Club — Chron. Jac. Prim., p. 17.
Ill THE QUAIR AND EARLIER AND LATER POETRY.
1 See note in loco.
2 O. C., ix., c. 25.
3 Pp. 59, 60.
K. Q.t note on stanza cxcvii.
K. Q., stanza ix.
Ibid., stanza Ixviii.
See H. Wood in Anglia, III., pp. 223 sqq
Stanzas xxxiii.-xxxvi., Ivii.-lxi.
Stanzas clxxvii. clxxix.
10 Ovid, Metamorph. xi.
11 Book of Duchess, 651-662.
12 Ibid., 708 ; K. Q., Ixx.
13 Parlement of Foules, 187-189 ; K. Q., st. cliii. ; P. F., 683 ; K. Q., st. xxxiv.
14 H. F., III., 94 ; K. Q., st. Ixxvii. is T. C., I., 837-840.
« Ibid., iv., 933-1078. " Ibid., I., 416. is Ibid., II., i sqq.
xcliv THE KINGIS QUAIR
19 Ibid., III., 1371.
20 Ibid., I., 6 sqq.
21 Ibid., II., 1196.
22 Ibid., III., 159-161 ; K. Q., st. cxliii.
23 Ibid., I., 54.7 ; K. Q., st. xxxi., Ixxi., i.
24 K. T., 1030-1332.
25 C T.— B. 194 ; K. 0, cxcvi.
26 C. T. — A. 1238 ; C. T.— B. 3330 and passim.
27 N. P. T.
2* C. T.— A. 3713-4 ; D. 2242 ; G. 782.
29 C.T.-B. 3914.
30 C. T.— B. 3685-8 ; K. 0., st. iii.-vii.
31 T. C., I., 778 sqq. ; II., 771 sqq. ; V., 232-243.
32 Introd. to T. G., cxxxi.-cxxxiii. a Temple of Glas, 1-16.
34 Ibid., 143 sqq. 36 Ibid., 958-960.
36 Ibid., 503 sqq.
37 Ibid, 271 ;*. 0,1, 4.
8 Ibid., 112, 445 ; K. 0, xcv., i.
39 Ibid., 603-4 ; K. 0, cxxxv.
40 Ibid, 962-3 ; K. Q., xiii, 3. « Ibid., 1393-
42 See below.
43 F. C, 50-56 ; K. Q., sts. xxvii, xxxviii., xxxix.
44 R. andS, 1392; K.Q.,dx.
45 Ibid., 1571-3 ; K. Q.) xcvii.
46 Bk. I., 699-718.
47 K. Q., xxvi.
48 Ibid., cxcvi.
49 K. 0, vi, xvi., xxvi.
so I. L., 318-334- " K. Q., iii.
62 Ibid., vii., 2-4.
63 Laing says Glasgow, but in the St. Andrews Roll, under year 1471, there is
the entry — Jas: Auchlek, pauper.
64 Bannatyne Club Miscell., ii., 161-2. M JST. 0., xiv. 5 0.7-, 191-
^ Small's Ed, i., 12. 57 K. 0., clxiii.-clxv.
68 Ibid.
59 K. Q., i., 4. «° Ibid, xlviii, 5.
61 Ibid, Ivii, 6.
62 Dunbar's Poems, i, 10. (S. T. S. Ed.) es Ibid.
64 Small's Ed, ii, 17, 18.
65 Ibid., ii., 171.
6e T. and C. of the Papyngo, 431-2, Laing's Ed, i, 77. *7 Ibid, 76.
63 Ibid, 57.
69 Ibid, p. 17, line 411.
70 Ibid, 3.
™ Ibid, p. 16.
REFERENCES TO INTRODUCTION xclv
72 Ibid., 189 ; Squyer Meldrum, 948-9.
73 Ibid., 215 ; Testament of Squyer Meldrum, 1721-2.
74 K. Q., Ixxxix.
V LANGUAGE OF THE POEMS
1 Conf. Amant.) i., 2032 j vii., 813.
2 C. T., E. 828.
3 viii., 211 ; xv., 271.
4 ii., 208 j iii., 952, in the form "nobillay."
THE KINGIS QUAIR
THE KINGIS QUAIR
AMENDED TEXT
TLT EIGH in the hevynnis figure circulere
The rody sterres twynklyng as the fyre,
And, in Aquary, Cynthia the clere
Rynsid hir tressis like the goldin wyre, That lyte tofore, in fair and fresche atyre,
Through Capricorn heved hir hornis bright,
And north-north-west approchit the myd-nyght ;
ii
Quhen as I lay in bed allone, waking, New partit out of slepe a lyte tofore,
Fell me to mynd of many diuerse thing,
Off this and that ; can I noght say quharfore, Bot slepe for craft in erth myght I no more ;
For quhich as tho coude I no better wyle,
Bot toke a boke to rede apon a quhile :
in
Off quhich the name is clepit properly
Boece, eftere him that was the compiloure,
Schewing gude counsele of philosophye, Compilit by that noble senatoure Off Rome, quhilom that was the warldis floure,
And from estate by fortune so a quhile
Foriugit was to pouert in exile :
I. 2. Suggested reading " twinklyn," S. (twynklyt.) I. 7. north-northeward, S. in note. III. 3. the counsele, S. III. 6. estate, S. for a quhile, W,
THE KINGIS QUAIR
TEXT AS IN MANUSCRIPT
_
HEIGH In the hevynnis figure circulere The rody sterres twynklyng as the fyre And In Aquary Citherea the clere Rynsid hir tressis like the goldin wyre That late tofore in fair and fresche atyre Through Capricorn heved hir hornis bright l North northward approchit the myd nyght
(2)
Quhen as I lay In bed allone waking New partit out of slepe alyte tofore Fell me to mynd of many diu^rs* thing Off this and that can I noght say quharrfor* Bot slepe for craft in erth myght I no more For quhich as tho coude I no better wyle Bot toke a boke to rede apon a quhile
(3)
Off quhich the name Is clepit properly Boece/'efter^ him J>#t was the compiloure Schewing counsele of philosophye Compilit by that noble senatoure Off rome/'quhilom ]>at was the warldis floure And from estate by fortune a quhile Foriugit was to pouert/ in exile 3
THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
IV
And there to here this worthy lord and clerk,
His metir suete, full of moralitee ; His flourit pen so fair he set a-werk,
Discryving first of his prosperitee,
And out of that his infelicitee ; And than how he, in his poleyt report, In philosophy can him to confort.
For quhich though I in purpose, at my boke, To borowe a slepe at thilke tyme began,
Or euer I stent, my best was more to loke Vpon the writing of this noble man, That in him-self the full recouer wan
Off his infortune, pouert, and distresse,
And in tham set his verray sekernesse.
VI
And so the vertew of his ^outh before Was in his age the ground of his delytis :
Fortune the bak him turnyt, and therefore He makith ioye and confort, that he quit is Off thir vnsekir warldis appetitis ;
And so aworth he takith his penance,
And of his vertew maid it suffisance :
VII
With mony a noble resoun, as him likit, Enditing in his faire Latyne tong,
So full of fruyte, and rethorikly pykit,
Quhich to declare my scele is ouer ^ong ; Therefore I lat him pas, and, in my tong,
Procede I will agayn to the sentence
Off my mater, and leue all incidence.
IV. 2. moralitee ! W. V. i. Though, S.
VI. 5. thir, S. VII. 2. faire, S.
VII. 5. song (?).
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS.
(4)
And there to here this worthy lord and clerk His metir suete full of moralitee His flourit pen so fair he set awerk Discryving first of his prosperitee And out of that his infelicitee And than how he in his poetly report In philosophy can him to confort
(5)
For quhich thoght I in purpose at my boke To borowe a slepe at thilke tyme began Or euer I stent my best was more to loke Vpon the writing of this noble man That in him self the full recou^r wan Off his infortune pouerti and distress* And in tham set his verray seforness*
(6)
And so the vertew of his south before Was In his age the ground of his delytis Fortune the bak him twrnyt. and therefore He makith loye and confort yat he quitis Off theirs vnsekir warldis appetitis And so aworth he takith his penance And of his vertew maid It suffisance
_
With mony a noble reso«n as him likit Enditing in his fair* latyne tong So full of fruyte and rethorly pykit Quhich to declare my scole is ou*r $ong Therefore I lat him pas and in my tong Precede I will agayn to my sentence Off my mater/*and leue all Incidence
(5) i in pouerti by later hand.
6 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
VIII
The longe" nyght beholding, as I saide, Myn eyen gan to smert for studying ;
My buke I schet, and at my hede it laide ; And doune I lay but ony tarying, This matere new into my mynd rolling ;
This is to seyne, how that in eche estate,
As Fortune lykith, thame sche will translate.
IX
For sothe it is, that, on hir tolter quhele, Euery wight cleuerith into his stage,
And failyng foting oft, quhen hir lest, rele Sum vp, sum doune ; is non estate nor age Ensured, more the prynce noght than the page :^
So vncouthly hir werdes sche deuidith,
Namly in south, that seildin ought prouidith.
x Among thir thoughtis rolling to and fro,
Fell me to mynd of my fortune and vre, In tender 5outh how sche was first my fo, And eft my frende, and how I gat recure Off my distresse, and all myn auenture I gan oure-hayle ; that langer slepe ne rest Ne myght I nat, so were my wittis wrest.
XI
For-wakit and for-walowit, thus musing, Wery, forlyin, I lestnyt ; sodaynlye
And sone I herd the bell to matynnis ryng, And vp I rase> no langer wald I lye : Bot now, how trowe 56 ? suich a fantasye
Fell me to mynd, that ay me-thoght the bell
Said to me, " Tell on, man, quhat the befell."
V11I. i. The longe, S. VIII. 2. eyen, S.
VIII. 4. bot, S. VIII. 5. newe, S.
VIII. 6. seyne, S. seyen, W. VIII. 7. oft, S.
IX. 3, 4. lest rele, Sum vp, sum doune, S. ; punctuation in text, W. W.
IX. 5. prynce, S. no^t, W. W.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS.
(8)
The long nyght beholding as I saide Myn eyne gan to smert for studying My buke I schet/*and at my hede It laide And doun I lay but ony tarying This mater* new In my mynd rolling This is to seyne how ]>at eche estate As fortune lykith/thame will translate
(9)
For sothe It is ]>at on hir tolter quhele Eu*ry wight cleu^rith In his stage And failyng foting oft quhen hir lest rele Sum vp/'sum doun • Is non estate nor age Ensured more the prynce than the page So vncouthly hir werdes sche deuidith Namly In $outh • that seildin ought prouidith
(10)
Among thir thoughtis rolling to and fro Fell me to mynd of my fortune and vre In tender ^outh how sche was first my fo And eft my frende/*and how I gat recure Off my distresse and all myn auewture I gan oure hzylefyat lang^r slepe ne rest Ne myght I nat/'so were my wittis wrest
For wakit and forwalowit thus musing
Wery forlyin I lestnyt sodaynlye
And sone I herd the bell to matyns ryng
And vp I rase no lang^r wald I lye
Bot now how trowe 36 suich a fantasye
Fell me to mynd/']?rtt ay me thoght the bell
Said to me/'tell on maw quhat the befell
8 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
XII
Thoght I tho to my-self, " Quhat may this be ? This is myn awin ymagynacioun ;
It is no lyf that spekis vnto me ; It is a bell, or that impressioun Off my thoght causith this illusioun,
That dooth me think so nycely in this wise ;"
And so befell as I schall 3011 deuise.
XIII
Determyt furth therewith in myn entent, Sen I thus haue ymagynit of this soune,
And in my tyme more ink and paper spent To lyte effect, I tuke conclusioun Sum new thing for to write ; I set me doun,
And furth-with-all my pen in hand I tuke,
And maid a »}-, and thus begouth my buke.
XIV
'"PHOU tendir south, of nature indegest, Vnrypit fruyte with wind is variable, Like to the bird that fed is on the nest,
And can noght flee, of wit wayke and vnstable, To fortune both and to infortune hable, Wist thou thy payne to cum and thy trauaille, For sorow and drede wele myght thou wepe and waille.
xv
Thus stant thy confort in vnsekernesse, And wantis it that suld the reule and gye :
Ryght as the schip that sailith stereles Vpon the rokkis most to harmes hye, For lak of it that suld bene hir supplye ;
So stand is thou here into this warldis rage,
And wantis that suld gyde all thy viage.
XIII. 5. newe, S. XIV. i. Thou sely, S.
XV. 4. rokkis, S. (most so to.)
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS.
(12)
Thoght I tho to my self quhat may this be
This is myn awin ymagynacioww
It is no lyf ]>at spek/V vnto me
It is a bell or that impressiown
Off my tho^/rt/'causith this Illusio«n
That dooth me think so nycely in this wis*
And so befell as I shall 3011 devise
(13)
Det^rmyt furth therew;t/i in myn entent Sen I thus haue ymagynit of this soun And in my tyme more Ink and pap^r spent To lyte effect I tuke conclusiown Sum new thing to write I set me doun And furthw/t/j all my pen In hand I tuke And maid a *j-/*and thus begouth my buke
*
(14)
Though ^outh of nature Indegest Vnrypit fruyte with wind is variable Like to the bird that fed is on the nest And can no^t flee/*of wit wayke and vnstable To fortune both and to infortune hable Wist thou thy payne tocum/and thy trauaille For sorow and drede wele myght thou wepe and waille
(15)
Thus stant thy confort In vnsekerness* And wantis It ]>at suld the reule and gye, Ryght as the schip ]>at sailith stereles Vpon the rok most to harmes hye For lak of It j?#t suld bene hir supplye So standis thou here In this warldis rage And wantis ]>at suld gyde all thy viage
io THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
XVI
I mene this by my-self, as in partye ;
Though nature gave me suffisance in south, The rypenesse of resoun lakkit I,
To gouerne with my will ; so lyte I couth,
Quhen stereles to trauaile I begouth, Amang the wawis of this warld to driue ; And how the case, anon I will discriue.
XVII
With doutfull hert, amang the rokkis blake, My feble bote full fast to stere and rowe,
Helples, allone, the wynter nyght I wake,
To wayte the wynd that furthward suld me throwe. O empti saile ! quhare is the wynd suld blowe
Me to the port, quhar gynneth all my game ?
Help, Calyope, and wynd, in Marye name !
XVIII
The rokkis clepe I the prolixitee
Off doubilnesse that doith my wittis pall :
The lak of wynd is the deficultee In diting of this lytill trety small : The bote I clepe the mater hole of all,
My wit also the saile that now I wynd
To seke connyng, though I bot lytill fynd.
XIX
At my begynnyng first I clepe and call
To 3ow, Cleo, and to $ow, Polymye, With Thesiphone, goddis and sistris all,
In nowmer ix., as bokis specifye ;
In this processe my wilsum wittis gye ; And with your bryght lanternis wele conuoye My pen, to write my turment and my ioye !
XVI. 3. jit lak.it, S. rypfinesse of resoun laked I. W.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. n
(16)
I mene this by my self as In partye Though nature gave me suffisance In ^outh The rypeness* of resoun lak I To gouerne with my will/'so lyte I couth Quhen stereles to trauaile I begouth Amang the wawis of this warld to driue And how the cas^/anon I will discriue
(17)
With doutfull hert amang the rokk/V blake
My feble bote full fast to stere and rowe
Helples allone/the wynter nyght I wake
To wayte the wynd ]>at furthward suld me thro we
O empti saile quhare is the wynd suld blowe
Me to the port/quhar* gynweth all my game
Help Calyope and wynd in Marye name
(18)
The rokkis clepe I the prolixitee
Off doubilnesse : )?at doith my wittis pall
The lak of wynd is the deficultee
In enditing of this lytill trety small
The bote I clepe the mat<?r hole of all
My wit vnto the saile \a\. now I wynd
To seke conwyng/- though I bot lytill fynd
At my begynnyng first I clepe and call
To $ow Cleo and to ^ow polymye
With Thesiphone goddis and sistris all
In nowm^r ix*/as bok/j specifye
In this process* my wilsum wittis gye
And with jour bryght lant^rnis wele convoye
My pen • to write my twrment and my loye
12 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
xx
In vere that full of vertu is and gude,
Quhen Nature first begynneth hir enprise,
That quhilum was be cruell frost and flude And schouris scharp opprest in many wyse, And Cynthius begynneth to aryse
Heigh in the est, a morow soft and suete,
Vpward his course to driue in Ariete :
XXI
Passit mydday bot fotire greis evin,
Off lenth and brede his angel wingis bryght
He spred vpon the ground doune fro the hevin ; That, for gladnesse and confort of the sight, And with the tiklyng of his hete and light,
The tender flouris opnyt thame and sprad,
And, in thaire nature, thankit him forglad.
XXII
Noght fer passit the state of innocence, Bot nere about the nowmer of 5eris thre ;
Were it causit throu hevinly influence Off goddis will, or othir casualtee, Can I noght say, bot out of my contree,
By thaire avise that had of me the cure,
Be see to pas, tuke I myn auenture.
XXIII
Puruait of all that was vs necessarye,
With wynd at will, vp airly by the morowe,
Streight vnto schip, no longere wold we tarye, The way we tuke, the tyme I tald to-forowe ; With mony " fare wele " and " Sanct lohne to borowe "
Off falowe and frende ; and thus with one assent
We pullit vp saile, and furth oure wayis went.
XX. 5. be, S. 6, 7. point suete, Ariete, W. XXI. i. foure", S. (mydway).
THE KINGIS QU AIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 13
(20)
In ver* \a\. full of vertu is/*and gude Quhen nature first begywweth hir enpr/s* That quhilum was be cruell frost and flude And schoum scharp opprest In many wys* And Synthiw* gynneth to aryse Heigh in the est a morow soft and suete Vpward his course to driue In ariete
(21)
Passit hot mydday four* greis evin
Offlenth and brede his angel wingis bryght
He spred vpon the ground doun fro the hevin
That for gladness* and Vfrcsohone56tf of the^sight v/// confort
And with the tiklyng of his hete and light
The tender flour/i opnyt thame and sprad
And in thair* nature thankit him for glad
(22)
No^/it fer passit the state of Innocence Bot nere about the nowm*r of ^em thre Were It causit throu hevinly Influence Off goddis will/or othir casualtee Can I noght say/'bot out of my contree By thair* avis* \at had of me the cure Be see to pas/'tuke I myn au*«ture
(23)
Puruait of all }>at was vs necessarye With wynd at will vp airly by the morowe Streight vnto schip no longer* wald we tarye The way we tuke the tyme I tald toforowe With mony farewele aW sanct lohne to borowe Off falowe and frende/'and thus with one assent We puilit vp saile/and furth our* wayis went
i4 THE KINGIS QU AIR— AMENDED TEXT
XXIV
Vpon the wawis weltering to and fro, So infortunate was vs that fremyt day,
That maugre, playnly, quhethir we wold or no, With strong hand and by forse, schortly to say, Off inymyis takin and led away
We weren all, and broght in thaire contree ;
Fortune it schupe non othir wayis to be.
xxv
Quhare as in strayte ward and in strong prisoun, So ferforth of my lyf the heuy lyne,
Without confort, in sorowe abandoune, The secund sistere lukit hath to twyne, Nere by the space of 3eris twies nyne ;
Till lupiter his merci list aduert,
And send confort in relesche of my smert.
XXVI
Quhare as in ward full oft I wold bewaille My dedely lyf, full of peyne and penance,
Saing ryght thus, " Quhat haue I gilt to faille My fredome in this warld and my plesance ? Sen euery wight has thereof suffisance,
That I behold, and I a creature
Put from all this — hard is myn auenture !
xxvn
The bird, the beste, the fisch eke in the see, They lyve in fredome euerich in his kynd ;
And I am man, and lakkith libertee ;
Quhat schall I seyne, quhat resoun may I fynd, That Fortune suld do so ?" Thus in my mynd
My folk I wold argewe, bot all for noght ;
Was non that myght, that on my peynes rought.
XXIV. 4. as by forse, S. schortely, or for to say, W. XXV. 5. twies, S.
THE KINGIS QU AIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 15
(24)
Vpon the wawis weltering to and fro
So infortunate was vs that fremyt day
That maugre playnly quhethir we wold or no
With strong hand by fors* schortly to say
Off Inymyis takin and led away
We weren all * and broght in thair* contree
Fortune It schupe non othir wayis to be
(25)
Quhare as In strayte ward and in strong pr/sown So ferforth of my lyf the heuy lyne Without confort in sorowe abandoun The secund sistere lukit hath to twyne Nere by the space of $eris twise nyne Till lupiter his m^rci list aduert And send confort in relesche of my smert
(26)
Quhare as In ward full oft I wold bewaille My dedely lyf full of peyne and penance Saing ryght thus/-quhat haue I gilt to faille My fredome in this warld and my plesance Sen eu^ry wyght has thereof suffisance That I behold/'and I a creature Put from all this • hard is myw au^wture
The bird the beste the fisch eke In the see They lyve in fredome eumch In his kynd And I a man and lakkith libertee Quhat schall I seyne/*quhat resoun may I fynd That fortune suld do so/'thus in my mynd My follc I wold argewe/*bot all for no^At Was non ]>at myght/-]>at on my peynes rought
16 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
XXVIII
Than wold I say, " Gif God me had deuisit To lyve my lyf in thraldome thus and pyne,
Quhat was the cause that he me more comprisit Than othir folk to lyve in suich ruyne ? I suffer allone amang the figuris nyne,
Ane wofull wrecche that to no wight may spede,
And 3it of euery lyvis help hath nede."
XXIX
The longe* daye"s and the nyghtis eke I wold bewaille my fortune in this wise,
For quhich, agane distresse confort to seke, My custum was on mornis for to ryse Airly as day ; O happy excercise !
By the come I to ioye out of turment.
Bot now to purpose of my first entent : —
xxx
Bewailing in my chamber thus allone, Despeired of all ioye and remedye,
For-tirit of my thoght, and wo-begone, Unto the wyndow gan I walk in hye, To se the warld and folk that went forby.
As for the tyme, though I of mirthis fude
Myght haue no more, to luke it did me gude.
XXXI
Now was there maid fast by the touris wall A gardyn faire, and in the corneris set
Ane herbere grene, with wandis long and small Railit about ; and so with treis set Was all the place, and hawthorn hegis knet,
That lyf was non y-walking there forby,
That myght within scarse ony wight aspye.
XXVIII. 3. me, S. XXIX. i. longe, S.
XXXI. 3. grene. With etc., W. 6. y-walking, S. in Introduction to K. £>., p. xxxiii, walkings, W.
THE KINGIS QU AIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 17
(28)
Than wold I say gif god me had deuisit
To lyve my lyf in thraldome thus/and pyne
Quhat was the caus* ]>at he more comprisit
Than othir folk/to lyve in suich ruyne
I suffer allone amang the figum nyne
Ane wofull wrecche \at to no wight may spede
And $it of eu*ry lyvis help in dredo* hath nede
(29)
The long dayes and the nyghtis eke I wold bewaille my fortune in this wis* For quhich agane distress* confort to seke My custum was on mornis for to rys* Airly as day/*o happy exercise By the come I to loye out of twrment Bot now to purpose of my first entent
(3°)
Bewailing In my chamber thus allone Despeired of all loye and remedye For tirit of my thoght/and wo begone And to the wyndow gan I walk In hye To se the warld and folk ]>at went forby As for the tyme/'though I of mirthis fude Myght haue no more/' to luke It did me gude
Now was there maid fast by the touris wall
A gardyn fair* and in the corner/* set
Ane herber* grene w/'t/» wandis long and small
Rail it about/and so with treis set
Was all the place/'and hawthorn hegis knet
That lyf was non walking there forby
That myght v/ith'm scars* ony wight aspye
* In drede is lightly stroked through.
1 8 THE KINGIS QU AIR— AMENDED TEXT
XXXII
So thik the bewis and the leues grene Beschadit all the aleyes that there were,
And myddis euery herbere myght be sene The scharpe grene suete ienepere, Growing so faire with branchis here and there,
That, as it semyt to a lyf without,
The bewis spred the herbere all about ;
XXXIII
And on the smalg greng twistis sat
The lytill suetg nyghtingale, and song
So loud and clere the ympnis consecrat Off lufis vse, now soft, now lowd among, That all the gardyng and the wallis rong
Ryght of thaire song, and, in the copill next,
Off thaire suete armony, and lo the text :
xxxiv [CANTUS]
" Worschippeth, 56 that loueris bene, this May, For of your blisse the kalendis are begonne,
And sing with vs, away, Winter, away !
Cum, Somer, cum, the suete sesoun and sonne ! Awake for schame ! that haue 3our hevynnis wonne,
And amorously lift vp }our hedis all,
Thank Lufe that list ^ou to his merci call."
xxxv
Quhen thai this song had song a lytill thrawe, Thai stent a quhile, and therewith vnaffraid,
As I beheld and kest myn eyne a-lawe,
From beugh to beugh thay hippit and thai plaid, And freschly in thaire bird is kynd arraid
Thaire fetheris new, and fret thame in the sonne,
And thankit Lufe, that had thaire makis wonne.
XXXII. 4. scharpe, S.
XXXIII. i. smalle, S. 2. (nightingales). 6. For on S. suggests of, but does
not put of\n. text.
XXXIV. i. worschippeth, S. in Notes. XXXV. 7. (thai had, etc.).
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 19
(32)
So thik the bowis and the leues grene Beschadit all the aleyes )?0t there were And myddis eu*ry herber* myght be sene The scharp grene suete lenepere Growing so fain? with branchis here and there That as It semyt to a lyf without The bewis spred the herber* all about
(33)
And on the small grene twistis sat The lytill suete nyghtingale and song So loud and clere the ympnis consecrat Off lufis vs^/'now soft/*now lowd among That all the gardyng and the wallis rong Ryght of thair* song-and on the copill next Off thain? suete armony and lo the text
(34)
Worschippe ^e ]>at louem bene this may For of ^ottr bliss<? the kalendis ar begonne And sing with vs away winter away Cum som^r cum/'the suete sesouw and sonne Awake for schame j?#t haue $owr hevywnis wonne And amorously lift vp }O#r hedis all Thank lufe }>at list ^OM to his m^rci call
(35)
Quhen thai this song had song a lytill thrawe Thai stent a quhile/'and therewith vnafrraid As I beheld and kest myn eyne a lawe From beugh to beugh thay hippit aW thai plaid And freschly in thair* birdis kynd arraid Thair* fether/V new/*and fret thame In the sonne And thankit lufe ]>at had thair* mak/V wonne
20 THE KINGIS QU AIR— AMENDED TEXT
XXXVI
This was the plane ditee of thaire note, And there-with-all vnto my-self I thoght,
" Quhat lyf is this, that makis birdis dote ?
Quhat may this be, how cummyth it of ought ? Quhat nedith it to be so dere ybought ?
It is nothing, trowe I, bot feynit chere,
And that men list to counterfeten chere."
XXXVII
Eft wald I think ; " O Lord, quhat may this be ?
That Lufe is of so noble myght and kynde, Lufing his folk, and suich prosperitee
Is it of him, as we in bukis fynd ?
May he oure hertes setten and vnbynd ? Hath he vpon oure hertis suich maistrye ? Or is all this bot feynyt fantasye ?
XXXVIII
For gif he be of so grete excellence,
That he of euery wight hath cure and charge,
Quhat haue I gilt to him or doon offense, That I am thrall, and birdis gone at large, Sen him to serue he myght set my corage ?
And gif he be noght so, than may 1 seyne,
Quhat makis folk to iangill of him in veyne ?
xxxix
Can I noght elles fynd, bot gif that he
Be lord, and as a god may lyue and regne,
To bynd and louse, and maken thrallis free ? Than wold I pray his blisfull grace benigne, To hable me vnto his seruice digne,
And euermore for to be one of tho
Him trewly for to serue in wele and wo.
XXXVII. 5. (knetten). 7. Is all this ? W.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 21
(36)
This was the plane ditee of thairv note And therew/t/;all vnto my self I thoght Quhat lyf is this/j?flt mak/j birdis dote Quhat may this be/*how cummyth It of ought Quhat nedith It tobe so dere ybought It is nothing trowe I'bot feynit chere And ]>at mew list to count^rfeten chere
(37)
Eft wald I think'o lord quhat may this be That lufe is of so noble myght and kynde Lufing his folk/and suich prosperitee Is It of hinvas we in buk/j fynd May he our*- hertis setten and vnbynd Hath he vpon oure hertis suich maistrye Or all this is bot feynit fantasye
(38)
For gif he be of so grete excellence That he of eu^ry wight hath cure and charge Quhat haue I gilt to him/'or doon offense That I am thrall and birdis gone at large Sen him to s^rue he myght set my corage And gif he be noght so/*than may I seyne Quhat mak/j folk to langill of him In veyne
(39)
Can I noght elles fynd bot gif ]>at he Be lord/and and as a god may lyue and regne To bynd and lous* and maken thrallis free Than wald I pray his blisful grace benigne To hable me vnto his s^ruice digne And eu^rmore for to be one of tho Him trewly for to smie In wele and wo
22 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
XL
And there-with kest I doune myn eye ageyne, Quhare as I sawe, walking vnder the toure,
Full secretly, new cummyn hir to pleyne, The fairest and the freschest 3onge floure That euer I sawe, me-thoght, before that houre ;
For quhich sodayn abate anon astert
The blude of all my body to my hert. •
XLI
And though I stude abaisit tho a lyte,
No wonder was ; for quhy, my wittis all
Were so ouercome with plesance and delyte, Onely throu latting of myn eyen fall, That sudaynly my hert became hir thrall
For euer, of free wyll ; for of manace
There was no takyn in hir suete face.
XLII
And in my hede I drewe ryght hastily, And eft-sones I lent it forth ageyne,
And sawe hir walk, that verray womanly,
With no wight mo, bot onely wommen tueyne. Than gan I studye in my-self, and seyne :
" A ! suete, ar 36 a warldly creature,
Or hevinly thing in liknesse of nature ?
XLIII
Or ar ^e god Cupidis owin princesse,
And cummyn are to louse me out of band ?
Or ar $e verray Nature, the goddesse,
That haue depayntit with $our hevinly hand This gardyn full of flouris, as they stand ?
Quhat sail I think, allace ! quhat reuerence
Sail I minister to ^our excellence ?
XL. 4. 3ong6, S. XLIII. 7. minister, S.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 23
_
And therewith kest I doun myn eye ageyne Quhare as I sawe walking vnd^r the toure Full secretly new cummyn hir to pleyne The fairest/or the freschest ^ong floure That euer I sawe/me thq^At before that houre For quhich sodayn abate anon astert The blude of all my body to my hert
And though I stude abaisit tho alyte No wonder was-for quhy my wittis all Were so ou^rcom with plesance and delyte Onely thro« latting of myn eyen fall That sudaynly my hert became hir thrall For eu*r of free wyll for of manace There was no takyn in hir suete face
(42)
And In my hede I drewe ryght hastily And eft sones I lent It forth ageyne And sawe hir walk that verray womawly With no wight mo'bot only wommen tueyne Than gan * gan I studye in my self and seyne A suete ar 36 a warldly creature Or hevinly thing in likness* of nature
(43)
Or ar 36 god Cupidis owin pr/ncesse And cuwmyn arf to lous* me out of band Or ar 36 verray nature the goddess* That haue depaynted with $our hevinly hand This gardyn full of floum as thay stand Quhat sail I think allace quhat reu^rence Sail I m/»st*r to jour excellence
* Written and stroked through.
24 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
XLIV
Gif 36 a goddesse be, and that 36 like To do me payne, I may it noght astert ;
Gif 36 be warldly wight, that dooth me sike, Quhy lest God mak 3011 so, my derest hert, To do a sely prisoner thus smert, /
That lufis 3ow all, and wote of noght bot wo ?
And therefore, merci, suete ! sen it is so."
XLV
Quhen I a lytill thrawe had maid my moon, Bewailling myn infortune and my chance, N
Vnknawin how or quhat was best to doon, So ferre I fallyng was into lufis dance, That sodeynly my wit, my contenance,
My hert, my will, my nature, and my mynd,
Was changit clene ryght in an-othir kynd.
XLVI
Off hir array the form gif I sail write Toward hir goldin haire and rich atyre,
It fret-wise couchit was with perllis quhite And grete balas lemyng as the fyre, With mony ane emeraut and faire saphyre ;
And on hir hede a chaplet fresch of hewe,
Off plumys partit rede, and quhite, and blewe ;
XLVII
And full of quaking spangis bryght as gold, Forgit of schap like to the amorettis,
So new, so fresch, so plesant to behold, The plumys eke like to the floure-ionettis, And othir of schap like to the violettis,
And, aboue all this, there was, wele I wote,
Beautee eneuch to mak a world to dote.
XLV. 4. so ferre I fallyng was in, W. W. XLVI. 3. was, S.
XLVII. i. quakinge", W. 5. schap like to the round crokettis, S.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 25
(44)
Gif 36 a goddesse be'and }>at 36 like To do me payne/'I may It noght astert Gif 36 be warldly wight }>at dooth me sike Quhy lest god mak 3011 so my derest hert To do a sely prisoner thus smert That lufis 3ow all/-and wote of noght hot wo And therefore m^rci suete sen It is so
Quhen I a lytill thrawe had maid my moon Bewailing my« infortune and my chance Vnknawin how/or quhat was best to doon So fer I fallyng Into lufis dance That sodeynly my wit/my contenance My hert my will'/my nature and my mynd Was changit clene ryght In an othir kynd
(46)
Off hir array the form gif I sail write Toward hir goldin hain? and rich atyre In fret wis* couchit with perllis quhite And grete balas lemyng as the fyre W/t/f mony ane emeraut and fair^ saphyre And on hir hede a chaplet fresch of hewe Off plumys partit rede and quhite and blewe
(47)
Full of quaking spangis bryght as gold Forgit of schap like to the amorett/5 So new so fresch so plesant to behold The plumys eke like to the flours lonett/j And othir of schap like to the floun? lonett/j And aboue all this/'there was wele I wote Beautee eneuch to mak a world to dote
26 THE KINGIS QU AIR— AMENDED TEXT
XLVIII
About hir nek, quhite as the fyre amaille,
A gudely cheyne of smale orfeuerye, Quhareby there hang a ruby, without faille,
Lyke to ane hert y-schapin verily,
That, as a sperk of lowe, so wantonely Semyt birnyng vpon hir quhyte throte ; Now gif there was gud party e, God it wote !
XLIX
And for to walk that fresche Mayes morowe, An huke sche had vpon hir tissew quhite,
That gudeliare had noght bene sene toforowe, As I suppose ; and girt sche was a lyte, Thus halflyng louse for haste ; lo ! suich delyte
It was to see hir ^outh in gudelihede,
That for rudenes to speke thereof I drede.
L
In hir was ^outh, beautee, with humble aport, Bountee, richesse, and wommanly facture,
(God better wote than my pen can report) Wisedome, largesse, estate, and connyng sure. In euery poynt so guydit hir mesure
In word, in dede, in schap, in contenance,
That nature myght no more hir childe auance.
LI
Throw quhich anon I knew and vnderstude Wele that sche was a warldly creature,
On quhom to rest myn eye, so mich gude It did my wofull hert, I 3ow assure, That it was to me ioye without mesure ;
And, at the last, my luke vnto the hevin
I threwe furthwith, and said thir versis sevin :
XLVIII. i. (fyne). 4. herte, S. XLIX. 5. of suich delyte, S. in notes.
L. 3, 4, 5. pointing as in W. W. ; S. points "report : sure In euery
poynt . . . measure," LI. 3. (myn eye, so mekill gude.)
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 27
(48)
About hir neck quhite as the fyre amaille A gudely cheyne of smale orfeuerye Quhaivby there hang a ruby without faille Lyke to ane hert schapin verily That as a sperk of lowe so wantonly Semyt birnyng vpon hir quhyte throte Now gif there was gud p^rtye god It wote
(49)
And for to walk that fresche mayes morowe An huke sche had vpon hir tissew quhite That gudeliar* had noght bene sene toforowe As I suppos^/'and girt sche was alyte Thus halflyng louse for haste to suich delyte It was to see hir ^outh In gudelihede That for rudenes to speke thereof I drede
(50)
In hir was ^outh beautee with humble aport Bountee richess* and worn wanly facture God better wote than my pen can report Wisedome largess* estate and connyng sure In eu*ry poynt/so guydit hir mesure In word in dede in schap in contenance That nature myght no more hir childe auance
(50
Throw quhich anon I knew and vnd^rstude Wele/'fat sche was a warldly creature On quhom to rest myw eye/*so mich gude It did my wofull hert/*I ^ow assure That It was to me loye without mesure And at the last my luke vnto the hevin I threwe furthwith/'and said thir versis sevin
28 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
LII
" O Venus clere ! of goddis stellifyit ! To quhom I 3elde homage and sacrifise,
Fro this day forth ^our grace be magnify it, That me ressauit haue into suich wise, To lyve vnder ^our law and do seruise ;
Now help me furth, and for your merci lede
My hert to rest, that deis nere for drede."
LIII
Quhen I with gude entent this orisoun Thus endit had, I stynt a lytill stound ;
And eft myn eye full pitously adoune I kest, behalding vnto hir lytill hound, That with his bellis playit on the ground ;
Than wold I say, and sigh there-with a lyte,
" A ! wele were him that now were in thy plyte !"
LIV
An-othir quhile the lytill nyghtingale, That sat apon the twiggis, wold I chide,
And say ryght thus, " Quhare are thy notis smale, That thou of loue has song this morowe-tyde ? Seis thou noght hire that sittis the besyde ?
For Venus sake, the blisfull goddesse clere,
Sing on agane, and mak my lady chere.
LV And eke I pray, for all the paynes grete,
That, for the loue of Proigne thy sister dere, Thou sufferit quhilom, quhen thy brestis wete Were, with the teres of thyne eyen clere, All bludy ronne ; that pitee was to here The crueltee of that vnknyghtly dede, Quhare was fro the bereft thy maidenhede,
LII. 4. a wise, S. LIII. 4. to hir, S. Introd., p. xxxviii.
LV. 7. (Quhan.)
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS.
(52)
0 venus clere of goddis stellifyit
To quhom I 3elde homage and sacrifis* Fro this day forth ^owr grace be magnifyit That me ressauit haue in suich wise To lyve vnd^r your law/*and do smiis* Now help me furth/*and for 3owr m^rci lede My hert to rest/|?rft deis nere for drede
(53)
Quhen I with gude entent this orisouw Thus endit had/'I stynt a lytill stound And eft my« eye full pitously adoun
1 kest/'behalding vnto hir lytill hound That with his bellis playit on the ground Than wold I say/'and sigh therewith a lyte A wele were him Ipat now were In thy plyte
(54)
An othir quhile the lytill nyghtingale
That sat apon the twiggis wold I chide
And say ryght thus/'*quhare ar* thy notis smale
That thou of loue has song this morowe tyde
Seis thou noght hire ]>at sittis the besyde
For venus sake the blisfull goddesse clere
Sing on agane/and mak my lady chere
($5)
And eke I pray for all the paynes grete That for the loue of proigne thy sister dere Thou sufferit quhilom quhen thy brestis wete Were with the teres of thyne eyen clere All bludy ronne \a\. pitee was to here The crueltee of that vnknyg^tly dede Quhare was fro the bereft thy maidenhede
* This marking is very faint.
3o THE KINGIS QU AIR— AMENDED TEXT
LVI
Lift vp thyne hert, and sing with gude entent ;
And in thy notis suete the tresoun telle, That to thy sister trewe and innocent
Was kythit by hir husband false and fell ;
For quhois gilt, as it is worthy wel, Chideth thir husbandis that are false, I say, And bid thame mend, in twenty deuil way.
LVII
0 lytill wrecch, allace ! maist thou noght se
Quho commyth ^ond ? Is it now tyme to wring ? Quhat sory thoght is fallin vpon the ?
Opyn thy throte ; hastow no lest to sing ?
Allace ! sen thou of resoun had felyng, Now, suete bird, say ones to me * pepe ' :
1 dee for wo ; me think thou gynnis slepe.
LVIII
Hastow no mynde of lufe ? Quhare is thy make ? Or artow seke, or smyt with ielousye ?
Or is sche dede, or hath sche the forsake ? Quhat is the cause of thy malancolye, That thou no more list maken melodye ?
Sluggart, for schame ! lo here thy goldin houre,
That worth were hale all thy lyvis laboure !
LIX
Gyf thou suld sing wele euer in thy lyve,
Here is, in fay, the tyme, and eke the space :
Quhat wostow than ? sum bird may cum and stryve In song with the, the maistry to purchace. Suld thou than cesse, it were grete schame, allace !
And here to wyn gree happily for euer,
Here is the tyme to syng, or ellis neuer."
LVI. 7. a twenty deuil, S. in notes. LIX. 7. (Now is.)
THE KINGIS QU AIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 31
(56)
Lift vp thyne hert/*and sing with gude entent And in thy no* notis suete the tresoww telle That to thy sister trewe and Innocent Was kythit by hir husband fals* and fell For quhois gilt/'as It is worthy wel Chide thir husbandis ]>at are false I say And bid thame mend in the xx*J deuil way
(57)
0 lytill wrecch allace maist thou noght se Quho coramyth ^ond/'Is It now tyme to wring Quhat sory tho^t is fallin vpon the
Opyn thy throte hastow no lest to sing Allace sen thou of resoww had felyng Now suete bird say ones to me pepe
1 dee for wo/*me think thou gy/mis slepe
(58)
Hastow no mynde of lufe/'quhare is thy make Or artow seke/*or smyt with lelousye Or Is sche dede or hath sche the forsake Quhat is the caus* of thy malancolye That thou no more list maken melodye Sluggart for schame lo here thy goldin hour* That worth were hale all thy lyvis laboure
(59)
Gyf thou suld sing wele eu^r in thy lyve Here is in fay the tyme and eke the space Quhat wostow than sum bird may cum and stryve In song with the/*the maistry to pwrchace Suld thou than cesse/'It were grete schame allace And here to wyn gree happily for eu*r Here is the tyme to syng/' or ellis neu^r
* Written and stroked through.
32 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
LX
I thoght eke thus, gif I my handis clap, Or gif I cast, than will sche flee away ;
And gif I hald my pes, than will sche nap ; And gif I crye, sche wate noght quhat I say : Thus, quhat is best, wate I noght be this day :
Bot, blawe wynd, blawe, and do the leuis schake,
That sum twig may wag, and mak hir to wake.
LXI
With that anon ryght sche toke vp a sang Quhare come anon mo birdis and alight ;
Bot than to here the mirth was thame amang ! Ouer that to, to see the suete sicht Off hyr ymage ! my spirit was so light
Me-thoght I flawe for ioye without arest,
So were my wittis boundin all to fest.
LXII And to the notis of the philomene,
Quhilkis sche sang, the ditee there I maid Direct to hire that was my hertis quene,
Withoutin quhom no songis may me glade ;
And to that sanct, walking into the schade, My bedis thus, with humble hert entere, Deuotely I said on this manere :
LXI1I
" Quhen sail 3our merci rew vpon ^our man, Quhois seruice is ^it vncouth vnto 3ou ?
Sen, quhen 36 go, ther is noght ellis than.
Bot, * Hert ! quhere as the body may noght throu, Folow thy hevin ! Quho suld be glad bot thou
That suich a gyde to folow has vndertake ?
Were it throu hell, the way thou noght forsake !' "
LX. 7. (Sum twig may wag, and mak hir to awake). LXI. i. sche, S. Pointing in 3, 4, 5, W. W. LXII. 5. there, S. 7. Deuotly than, S. (deuoitly). (Rycht deuotly).
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 33
(60)
I thoght eke thus gif I my handis clap Or gif I cast/'than will sche flee away And gif I hald me pes/*than will sche nap And gif I crye/-sche wate noght quhat I say Thus quhat is best/wate I noght be this day Bot blawe wynd blawe/and do the leuis schake That sum twig may wag/'and mak hir to wake
(61)
With that anon rygbt he toke vp a sang Quhare com anon mo birdis and alight Bot than to here the mirth was thaw amang Ouer that to/'to see the suete sicht Off hyr ymage/-my spirit was so light Me thoght I flawe for loye without arest So were my wittis boundin all to fest
(62)
And to the notis of the philomene Quhilk/V sche sang/'the ditee there I maid Direct to hin? ]>at was my hertis quene Withoutin quhom no songis may me glade And to that sanct walking in the schade My bedis thus with humble hert entere Deuotly I said on this manere
(63)
Quhen sail $owr m^rci rew vpon }o«r man Quhois s^ruice is }it vncouth vnto ^ow Sen quhen 36 go/*ther* is noght ellis than Bot hert quhere as the body may noght throu Folow thy hevin/*quho suld be glad/bot thou That suich a gyde to folow has vnd^rtake Were It throu hell the way thou noght forsake
9
34 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
LXIV
And efter this the birdis euerichone
Tuke vp an-othir sang full loud and clere,
And with a voce said, " Wele is vs begone, That with oure makis are togider here ; We proyne and play without dout and dangere,
All cloth it in a soyte full fresch and newe,
In lufis seruice besy, glad, and trewe.
LXV
And 36, fresche May, ay mercifull to briddis, Now welcum be ^e, floure of monethis all ;
For noght onely $our grace vpon vs byddis, Bot all the warld to witnes this we call, That strowit hath so playnly ouer all
With newe, fresche, suete and tender grene,
Oure lyf, oure lust, oure gouernoure, oure quene."
LXVI
This was thair song, as semyt me full heye, With full mony vncouth suete note and schill,
And therewith-all that faire vpward hir eye Wold cast amang, as it was Goddis will, Quhare I myght se, standing allane full still,
The fair facture that nature, for maistrye,
In hir visage wroght had full lufmgly.
LXVII
And, quhen sche walkit had a lytill thrawe
Vnder the suete grene bewis bent, Hir faire fresche face, as quhite as ony snawe,
Scho turnyt has, and furth hir wayis went.
Bot tho began myn axis and turment To sene hir part ; and folowe I na myght : Me-thoght the day was turnyt into nyght.
LXV. 6. newe, S. LXVI. 2. (With mony uncouth suete.)
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 35
(64)
And eft*r this the biidis eu*richone Tuke vp an othir sang full loud and clere And with a voce said wele is vs begone That with our* makis ar togid*r here We proyne and play/*w/t/jout dout and dangere All clothit in a soyte full fresche and newe In lufis smiice/besy glad and trewe
(65)
And $e fresche may ay m*rcifull to bridis Now welcum be 36 flour* of monethis all For noght onely $our grace vpon vs bydis Bot all the warld to witnes this we call That strowit hath so playnly ou*r all With new fresche suete and tender grene Oure lyf/oure lust/'oure gou*rnour* cure quene
(66)
This was thair song as semyt me full heye With full mony vncouth suete note aW schill And therewith all that fair* vpward hir eye Wold cast amang/*as It was goddis will Quhare I myght se standing allane full still The fair* factur* ]>at nature for maistrye In hir visage vrroght had full lufingly
(6?) .
And quhen sche walkit had a lytill thrawe Vnd*r the suete grene bewis bent Hir faire fresche face as quhite as ony snawe Scho twrnyt has/*and furth hir wayis went Bot tho began my« axis and turment To sene hir part/'and folowe I na myght Me thoght the day was twrnyt into nyght
36 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
LXVIII
Than said I thus, " Quhare-vnto lyve I langer ?
Wofullest wicht, and subject vnto peyne ! Of peyne ? no ! God wote, $a : for thay no stranger
May wirken ony wight, I dare wele seyne.
How may this be, that deth and lyf, bothe tueyne, Sail bothe atonis in a creature Togidder duell, and turment thus nature ?
LXIX
I may noght ellis done bot wepe and waile, With-in thir calde wallis thus i-lokin ;
From hennesfurth my rest is my trauaile, My drye thrist with teris sail I slokin, And on my-self bene al my harmys wrokin :
Thus bute is none ; bot Venus, of hir grace,
Will schape remede, or do my spirit pace.
LXX
As Tantalus I trauaile, ay but-les,
That euer ylike hailith at the well Water to draw with buket botemles,
And may noght spede ; quhois penance is an hell :
So be my-self this tale I may wele tell : For vnto hir that herith noght I pleyne ;
Thus like to him my trauaile is in veyne."
LXXI
So sore thus sighit I with my-self allone, That turnyt is my strenth in febilnesse,
My wele in wo, my frendis all in fone, My lyf in deth, my lyght into dirknesse, My hope in feere, in dout my sekirnesse,
Sen sche is gone : and God mote hir conuoye,
That me may gyde to turment and to ioye !
LXVIII. i. Quhare-unto, S. LXIX. 2. calde, S. 3. hennesfurth, S.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 37
(68)
Than said I thus/'quhareto lyve I lang^r
Wofullest wicht/and subiect vnto peyne
Of peyne no god wote ^a'for thay no stranger
May wirken ony wight/I dar* wele seyne
How may this be/*j>0t deth and lyf bothe tueyne
Sail bothe atonis in a creature
Togidd^r duell and twrment thus nature
(69)
I may noght ellis done/bot wepe and waile Within thir cald wallis thus I lokin From henwsfurth my rest is my trauaile My drye thrist with tern sail I slokin And on my self bene all my harmys wrokin Thus bute is none/'bot venwj of hir grace Will schape remede/'or do my spirit pace
(7°)
As Tantalus I trauaile ay but les That eu*r ylike hailith at the well Water to draw with buket botemles And may noght spede/quhois penance is an hell So by myself this tale I may wele telle For vnto hir Ipat herith noght I pleyne Thus like to him my trauaile Is Inveyne
So sore thus sighit I with my self allone That twrnyt is my strenth In febilness* My wele in wo/my frendis all in fone My lyf in deth/my \yght into derkness* My hope in feer^/'in dout my sekirness* Sen sche is gone/'and god mote hir conuoye That me may gyde to twrment/aW to loye
38 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
LXXII
The long day thus gan I to prye and poure, Till Phebus endit had his bemes bryght,
And bad go farewele euery lef and floure, This is to say, approchen gan the nyght, And Esperus his lampis gan to light ;
Quhen in the wyndow, still as any stone,
I bade at lenth, and, kneling, maid my mone
LXXIII
So lang till evin, for lak of myght and mynd,
For-wepit and for-pleynit pitously. Ourset so sorow had bothe hert and mynd,
That to the colde stone my hede on wrye
I laid, and lent, amaisit verily, Half sleping and half suoun, in suich a wise : And quhat I met, I will 3011 now deuise.
LXXIV
Me-thoght that thus all sodeynly a lyght In at the wyndow come quhare that I lent,
Off quhich the chambere- wyndow schone full bryght, And all my body so it hath ouerwent, That of my sicht the vertew hale iblent ;
And therewith-all a voce vnto me saide,
" I bring confort and hele, be noght affrayde."
LXXV And furth anon it passit sodeynly,
Quher^ it come in, the ryghte way ageyne ; And sone, me-thoght, furth at the dure in hye
I went my weye, nas nothing me ageyne.
And hastily, by bothe the armes tueyne, I was araisit vp in-to the aire, Clippit in a cloude of cristall clere and faire,
LXXII. i. longe, S. 2. (I-hid). 4. approchen, S. 7. mone. S. points thus. LXXIII. i, 2. evin, for lak etc. . . . pitously, S. points thus : pointing in
text, W. W. 4. colde, S.
LXXIV. 3. chambere (wallis). 5. it blent, W. 7. I bring confort, W. LXXV. 2. ryghte, S. 7. faire. S. ; faire, W. W.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 39
(72)
The long day thus gan I prye and pour* Till phebus endit had his bemes bryght And bad go farewele euery If* lef and floure This is to say/*approch gan the nyght And Esperus his lampis gan to light Quhen in the wyndow still as any stone I bade at lenth/*and kneling maid my mone
(73)
So lang till evin for lak of myght and mynd Forwepit/and forpleynit pitously Ourset so/sorow had bothe hert wid mynd That to the cold stone my hede on wrye I laid/'and lent amaisit verily Half sleping/and half suoun In suich a wis* And quhat I met I will $ou now deuis/?
(74)
Me thoght ]>at thus all sodeynly a \yght In at the wyndow come quhare ]>at I lent Off quhich the chamber* wyndow schone full
bryght
And all my body so It hath ou*rwent That of my sicht the v*rtew hale Iblent And that w/t/tall a voce vnto me saide I bring the confort and hele/be noght affrayde
(75)
And furth anon It passit sodeynly Quher* It come Inthe ryght way ageyne And sone me tboght furth at the dure in hye I went my weye/'nas nothing me ageyne And hastily by bothe the armes tueyne I was araisit vp in to the air* Clippit in a cloude of cristall clere and fair*
* So written in MS.
40 THE KINGIS QU AIR— AMENDED TEXT
LXXVI
Ascending vpward ay fro spere to spere,
Through aire and watere and the hote" fyre,
Till that I come vnto the circle clere
Off Signifere, quhare fai're, bryght, and schire, The signis schone ; and in the glade empire
Off blissfull Venus, quhar ane cryit " Now "
So sudaynly, almost I wist noght how.
LXXVII
Of quhich the palace, quhen I com there a-nye, Was all, me-thoght, of cristall stonis wroght,
And to the port I liftit was in hye,
Quhare sodaynly, as quho sais, at a thoght, It opnyt, and I was anon in broght
Within a chamber, large, and rowm, and faire ;
And there I fand of peple grete repaire.
LXXVIII
This is to seyne, that present in that place Me-thoght I sawe of euery nacioun
Loueris that endit had thaire lyfis space In lovis seruice, mony a mylioun, Off quhois chancis maid is mencioun
In diuerse bukis, quho thame list to se ;
And therefore here thaire namys lat I be.
LXXIX The quhois auenture and grete labouris
Aboue thaire hedis writin there I fand ; This is to seyne, martris and confessouris,
Ech in his stage, and his make in his hand ;
And therewith-all thir peple sawe I stand, W ith mony a solempnit contenance, After as Lufe thame lykit to auance.
LXXVI. 6. quhar, S. —now, S. LXXVII. i. quhenas, S. place, W. 4. sais, W. W. LXXVIII. 3. endit had, S.
LXXIX. 6. solempnit, S. j solempne, W.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 41
(76)
Ascending vpward ay fro spere to spere Through air* and waters and the hote fyre Till j?0t I come vnto the circle clere OfFSignifer* quhare fair* bryght and schire The signis schone/'and in the glade empire Off blisfull venwj/ane cryit now So sudaynly /almost I wist noght how
(77)
Offquhich the place quhen I com there nye Was all'me thoghtf-of cristall stonis And to the port I liftit was In hye Quhare sodaynly/*as quho sais at a It opnyt/*and I was anon In broght Within a chamber large rowm and fair* And there I fand of peple grete repair*
(78)
This is to seyne/'j?0t present in that place Me thoght I sawe of eu^ry nacioww Louer/V ]>at endit thair* lyfis space In lovis smiice/'mony a mylioun Off quhois chanc/'j maid is mewciouw In diu*rs* buk/V quho thame list to se And therefor* here thair* namys lat I be
(79)
The quhois aue«tur* and grete labour/; Aboue thair* hedis writin there I fand This is to seyne martris and confessour/V Ech in his stage and his make in his hand And ther*w/t/;all/thir peple sawe I stand W/t/t mony a solempt contenance After as lufe thame lykit Had* to auance
* A very faint attempted stroking out of had.
42 THE KINGIS QU AIR— AMENDED TEXT
LXXX
Offgudg folkis, that faire in lufe befill, There saw I sitt in order by thame one
With hedis hore ; and with thame stude Gude-will To talk and play. And after that anon Besyde thame and next there saw I gone
Curage, amang the fresche folkis ^ong,
And with thame playit full merily and song.
LXXXI
And in ane-othir stage, endlong the wall, There saw I stand, in capis wyde and lang,
A full grete nowmer ; hot thaire hudis all, Wist I noght quhy, atoure their eygn hang ; And ay to thame come Repentance amang,
And maid thame chere, degysit in his wede :
And dounward efter that ^it I tuke hede.
LXXXII
Ryght ouerthwert the chamber was there drawe A trevesse thin and quhite, all of plesance,
The quhich behynde, standing, there I sawe A warld of folk, and by thaire contenance Thaire hertis semyt full of displesance,
With billis in thaire handis, of one assent
Vnto the iuge thaire playntis to present.
LXXXIII
And there-with-all apperit vnto me
A voce, and said, " Tak hede, man, and behold : 3ond there thou seis the hiest stage and gree
Off agit folk, with hedis hore and olde ;
3one were the folke that neuer change wold In lufe, bot trewly seruit him alway, In euery age, vnto thaire ending-day.
LXXX. 5. Besydis, S.
LXXXII. 3. behynde, W. W. ; y-standing, S. in Introd., p. xxxiii. LXXXIII. 3. 5onder thou seis, S. ; }ond there, W. 5. change, S.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 43
(80)
Off gude folk/j }>at fare In lufe befill
There saw I sitt in order by thame one
With hedis hore/.and with thame stude gude will
To talk and play/*and aft*r that anon
Besyde thame/*and next there saw I gone
Curage amang the fresche folk/'j $ong
And with thame playit full merily and song
(81)
And In ane othir stage endlong the wall There saw I stand in capis wyde and lang A full grete nowmer/bot thair* hudis all Wist I noght quhy/atour* thair eyen hang And ay to thame come repentance amang And maid thame chere degysit in his wede And dounward eft*r that/^it I tuke hede
(82)
Ry^/rt ou*rthwert the chamber was there drawe A trevess* thin and quhite all of plesance The quhich behynd standing there I sawe A warld of folk/'an^ by theire contenance Thair* hertis semyt full of displesance With billis in thair* handis of one assent Vnto the luge thair* playntis to present
(83)
And therew/t/jall/apperit vnto me
A voce/**and said tak hede man/aW behold
3ond*r there thou seis the hiest stage and gree
Off agit folk with hedis hore and olde
3one were the folke ]>at neu*r change wold
In lufe bot trewly spruit him alway
In eu*ry age vnto thair* ending day
* Very faint.
44 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
LXXXIV
For fro the tyme that thai coud vnderstand The exercise, of lufis craft the cure,
Was none on lyve that toke so moch on hand For lufis sake, nor langer did endure In lufis seruice ; for, man, I the assure,
Quhen thay of ^outh ressauit had the fill,
3it in thaire age thame lakkit no gude will.
LXXXV
Here bene also of suich as in counsailis And all thare dedis, were to Venus trewe ;
Here bene the princis, faucht the grete batailis, In mynd of quhom ar maid the bukis newe, Here bene the poetis that the sciencis knewe,
Throwout the warld, of lufe in thaire suete layes,
Suich as Guide and Omere in thaire dayes.
LXXXVI
And efter thame adown in the next stage, There as thou seis the ^onge folkis pleye :
Lo ! thise were thay that, in thaire myddill age, Seruandis were to Lufe in mony weye, And happinnit diuersely for to deye ;
Sum soroufully, for wanting of thare makis,
And sum in armes for thaire ladyes sakis.
LXXXVII
And othir eke by othir diuerse chance,
As happin folk all day, as ^e may se ; Sum for dispaire, without recouerance ;
Sum for desyre, surmounting thaire degree ;
Sum for dispite and othir inmytee ; Sum for vnkyndenes without a <juhy, Sum for to moch, and sum for ielousye.
LXXXVI. i. nexte, S. j *. pnge, S. LXXXVII. 2. (happinis).
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 45
(84)
For fro the tyme ]>at thai coud vnd^rstand The exercise of lufis craft the cure Was non on lyve j?#t toke so moch on hand For lufis sake/-nor lang*r did endure In lufis s^ruice/for man I the assure Quhen thay of jouth ressauit had the fill 3it in thair* age tham lakkit no gude will
(85)
Here bene also of suich as In counsailis And all than? dedis were to venus trewe Here bene the princis faucht the grete batailis In mynd of quhom ar maid the buk/s newe Here ben the poetis ]>at the scienc/'-f knewe Throwout the warld*of lufe in thair^ suete layes Suich as Ouide and Omer^ in thair* dayes
(86)
And efter thame down In the next stage There as thou seis the $ong folk/* pleye lo this* were thay \a\. in thain? myddill age Seruandis were to lufe in mony weye And diu^rsHy happinnit for to deye Sum soroufully for wanting of thar* mak/V And sum in armes for thair* ladyes sak/V
(87)
And othir eke by othir diu^rs* chance As happin folk all day as 36 may se Sum for dispair* without recou^rance Sum for desyre surmounting thair* degree Sum for dispite/and othir Inmytee Sum for vnkyndenes without a quhy Sum for to moch and sum for lelousye
46 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
LX XXVIII
And efter this, vpon ^one stage adoun, Tho that thou seis stond in capis wyde ;
3one were quhilum folk of religioun,
That from the warld thaire gouernance did hide, And frely seruit lufe on euery syde
In secrete, with thaire bodyis and thaire gudis.
And lo ! quhy so thai hingen doun thaire hudis :
LXXXIX
For though that thai were hardy at assay, And did him seruice quhilum priuely, 3it to the warldis eye it semyt nay ;
So was thaire seruice halflyng cowardy : And for thay first forsuke him opynly, And efter that thereof had repenting, For schame thaire hudis oure thaire eyne thay hyng.
xc
And seis thou now ^one multitude, on rawe Standing, behynd ^one trauerse of delyte ?
Sum bene of thame that haldin were full lawe, And take by frendis, nothing thay to wyte, In ^outh from lufe into the cloistere quite ;
And for that cause are cummyn, recounsilit,
On thame to pleyne that so thame had begilit.
xci
And othir bene amongis thame also,
That cummyn ar to court, on Lufe to pleyne,
For he thaire bodyes had bestowit so,
Quhare bothe thaire hertes gruchit ther-ageyne ; For quhich, in all thaire dayes, soth to seyne,
Quhen othir lyvit in ioye arid in plesance,
Thaire lyf was noght bot care and repentance ;
LXXXVIII. i. adoun, S. stage, W. LXXXIX. 4. halfdel, S. ; seruice, W.
XCI. 4. gruchen, S. ; gruche, W. ; gruchit, E. T. 6. in, S.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 47
(88)
And cfter this vpon 30116 stage doun
Tho ]>at thou seis stond in capis wyde
3one were quhilum folk of religioun
That from the warld thair* gou^rnance did hide
And frely spruit lufe on euery syde
In secrete with thain? bodyis and thain? gudis
And lo*quhy so/'thai hingen doun thain? hudis
(89)
For though ]>at thai were hardy at assay
And did him smiice quhilum praiely
3 it to the warldis eye It semyt nay
So was thain? s^ruice half cowardy
And for thay first forsuke him opynly
And efter that/'thereof had repenting
For schame thain? hudis oun? thain? eyne thay hyng
(9°)
And seis thou now }one multitude on rawe Standing behynd }one trauers* of delyte Sum bene of tham ]>at haldin were full lawe And tak by frendis/'nothing thay to wyte In ^outh from lufe Into the cloister* quite And for that caus* an? cu;wmy« recounsilit On thame to pleyne \at so tham had begilit
(90
And othir bene amongis thame also
That cu/wmyn an? to court on lufe to pleyne
For he thain? bodyes had bestowit so
Quhare bothe thair* hertes gruch then? ageyne
For quhich In all thair* dayes soth to seyne
Quhen othir lyvit In loye and plesance
Thain? lyf was noght bot care and repentance
48 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
xcn And quhare thaire hertis gevin were and set,
Were coplit with othir that coud noght accord ; Thus were thai wrangit that did no forfet,
Departing thame that neuer wold discord."
Off ^onge ladies faire and mony lord, That thus by maistry were fro thair chose dryve, Full redy were thaire playntis there to gyve.
XCIII
And othir also I sawe compleynyng there
Vpon Fortune and hir grete variance, That, quhere in loue so wele they coplit were,
With thaire suete makis coplit in plesance,
So sodeynly maid thaire disseuerance, And tuke thame of this warldis companye, Withoutin cause, there was none othir quhy.
xciv
And in a chiere of estate besyde,
With wingis bright, all plumyt, bot his face,
There sawe I sitt the blynde god Cupide, With bow in hand, that bent full redy was, And by him hang thre arowis in a cas,
Off quhich the hedis grundyn were full ryght,
Off diuerse metals forgit faire and bryght.
xcv And with the first, that hedit is of gold,
He smytis soft, and that has esy cure ; The secund was of siluer, mony-fold
Wers than the first, and harder auenture ;
The thrid, of stele, is schot without recure ; And on his long and $alow lokkis schene A chaplet had he all of levis grene.
XCII. 2. S. omits initial "Were." 4. discord," W. W. 5. $onge, S. XCIII. 4. (iunyt). 5. Sche, S. j So, W. W. XCIV. 3. blynde, S. XCV. 6. longe', S.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 49
(92)
And quhare thai™ hertis gev/'w wer^and set Were coplit w/t/2 othir ]>at coud noght accord Thus were thai wrangit \a\. did no forfet Departing thame ]?flt neu^r wold discord Off^ong ladies fair* and mony lord That thus by maistry were fro thair chos* dryve Full- redy were/thai^ playntis there to gyve
(93)
And othir also I sawe compleyning there Vpon fortune and hir grete variance That quhere in loue so wele they coplit were W/'t/j thair* suete mak/j coplit in plesance So sodeynly maid thai™ disseu^rance And tuke thame of this warldis companye W/t^outin caus^/'there was non othir quhy
(94)
And in a chien? of estate besyde With wingis bright/all plumyt/bot his face There sawe I sitt the blynd god Cupide With bow in hand ]>at bent full redy was And by him hang thre arowis In a cas Offquhich the hedis gruwdyn were full ryght Off diu^rse metals forgit fair* and bryght
(95)
And with the first \a\. hedit is of gold He smytis soft and that has esy cure The secund was of silu^r many fold Wers than the first and harder auewture The thrid of stele is schot without recure And on his long ^alow lokk/j schene A chaplet had he all of levis grene
10
50 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
XCVI
And in a retrete lytill of compas,
Depeyntit all with sighis wonder sad, Noght suich sighis as hertis doith manace,
Bot suich as dooth lufaris to be glad,
Fond I Venus vpon hir bed, that had A mantill cast ouer hir schuldris quhite :
Thus clothit was the goddesse of delyte.
xcvn
Stude at the dure Fair-Calling, hir vschere, That coude his office doon in connyng wise,
And Secretee, hir thrifty chamberere, That besy was in tyme to do seruise, And othir mo I can noght on avise,
And on hir hede, of rede rosis full suete,
A chapellet sche had, faire, fresch, and mete.
xcvm
With quaking hert astonate of that sight, Vnnethis wist I quhat that I suld seyne ;
Bot, at the last, febily, as I myght,
With my handis on bothe my kneis tueyne, There I begouth my caris to compleyne ;
And with ane humble and lamentable chere
Thus salute I that goddesse bryght and clere :
xcix
" Hye Quene of Lufe ! sterre of beneuolence ! Pitouse princes, and planet merciable !
Appesare of malice and violence !
By vertew pure of ^our aspectis hable, Vnto ^oure grace lat now bene acceptable
My pure request, that can no forthir gone
To seken help, bot vnto }ow allone !
XCVII. 5. S., in note, suggests " mo I can noght on avise " j W., " mo that
I can noght avise." XCVIII. 3. laste, S.
THE KINGIS QU AIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 51
(96)
And In a retrete lytill of compas Depeyntit all w/t/; sighis wonder sad Noght suich sighis as hertis doith manace Bot suich as dooth lufar/j to be glad Fond I venus vpon hir bed ]>at had A mantill cast ou*r hir schuldris quhite Thus clothit was the goddesse of delyte
(97)
Stude at the dure fair calling hir vschere That coude his office doon In conwyng wis* And secretee hir thrifty chamberere That besy was in tyme to do s*ruis* And othir mo j?0t I can noght on avis* And on hir hede of rede rosis full suete A chapellet sche had fair* fresch and mete
(98)
With quaking hert astonate of that sight
Vnnethis wist I quhat ]>at I suld seyne
Bot at the last febily as I myght
With my handis on bothe my ban kneis tueyne
There I begouth my cam to compleyne
With ane humble and lamentable chere
Thus salute I that goddess* bryght and clere
(99)
Hye quene of lufe/'sterr* of beneuolence Pitous* princes and planet m*rciable Appesar* of malice and violence By vertew pur* of your aspectis hable Vnto 3our* grace lat now ben acceptable My pur* request ]>at can no forth ir gone To seken help bot vnto }ow allone
52 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
As }e that bene the socoure and suete well Off remedye, of carefull hertes cure,
And, in the huge weltering wawis fell OrFlufis rage, blisfull havin and sure ; O anker and keye of our gude auenture,
3e haue ^our man with his gude-will conquest.
Merci, therefore, and bring his hert to rest !
Ci
Be knaw the cause of all my peynes smert Bet than my-self, and all myn auenture
3e may conuoye, and as }ow list, conuert The hardest hert that formyt hath nature : Sen in ^our handis all hale lyith my cure,
Haue pitee now, O bryght blisfull goddesse,
Off 3our pure man, and rew on his distresse !
en
And though I was vnto ^our lawis strange, By ignorance, and noght by felonye,
And that ^our grace now likit hath to change My hert, to seruen $ow perpetualye, Forgeue all this, and schapith remedye
To sauen me of ^our benigne grace,
Or do me steruen furth-with in this place.
cm
And with the stremes of ^our percyng lyght Conuoy my hert, that is so wo-begone,
Ageyne vnto that suete hevinly sight, That I, within the wallis cald as stone, So suetly saw on morow walk and gone,
Law in the gardyn, ryght tofore myn eye :
Now, merci, Quene ! and do me noght to deye."
C. 4. rage, W. W.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 53
(i oo)
As $e )?flt bene the socour* and suete well
Off remedye of carefull hertis cure
And in the huge weltering wawis fell
Off lufis rage blisfull havin and sure
O ank*r and keye of our* gude auewture
3e haue ^our man with his gude will conquest
Merci therefor* and bring his hert to rest
(101)
3e knaw the caus* of all my peynes smert Bet than my self/*and all myn auewture 3e may conuoye and as ^ow list conu*rt The hardest hert ]>at formyt hath nature Sen in ^our handis all hale lyith my cure Haue pitee now • o bryght blisfull goddess* Off 3owr pur* man/'and rew on his distress*
(102)
And though I was vnto $owr lawis strange
By ignorance/'and noght by felonye
And ]>at your grace now likit hath to change
My hert/to s*ruen ^ow p*rpetualye
Forgeue all this/'and schapith remedye
To sauen me of ^owr benigne grace
Or do me steruen forthwith in this place
And with the stremes of $our percyng lyght Conuoy my hert ]>at is so wo begone Ageyne vnto that suete hevinly sight That I within the wallis cald as stone So suetly saw on morow walk and gone Law in the gardyn ryght tofore myn eye Now m*rci quene/'and do me noght to deye
54 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
civ
Thir wordis said, my spirit in dispaire, A quhile I stynt, abiding efter grace :
And there-with-all hir cristall eyen faire Sche kest asyde, and efter that a space, Benigngly sche turnyt has hir face
Towardis me full plesantly conueide ;
And vnto me ryght in this wise sche seide :
cv " 3ong man, the cause of all thyne inward sorowe
Is noght vnknawin to my deite, And thy request, bothe now and eke toforowe,
Quhen thou first maid professioun to me ;
Sen of my grace I haue inspirit the To knawe my lawe, contynew furth, for oft, There as I mynt full sore, I smyte bot soft.
cvi
Paciently thou tak thyne auenture,
This will my sone Cupide, and so will I,
He can the stroke, to me langis the cure Quhen I se tyme, and therefor humily Abyde, and serue, and lat Gude-Hope the gye :
Bot, for I haue thy fairhede here present,
I will the schewe the more of myn entent.
cvn This is to say, though it to me pertene
In lufis lawe the septre to gouerne, That the effectis of my bemes schene Has thaire aspectis by ordynance eterne, With otheris byndand, menys to discerne Quhilum in thingis bothe to cum and gone That langis noght to me to writh allone,
CIV. 4. Sche, S. CVII. 5. bunden menes, S., suggestion in notes ; bynding, W.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 55
('04)
Thir wordis said'/my spirit in dispair* A quhile I stynt abiding efttr grace And therew/t/iall hir cristall eyen fair* Me kest asyde/*and efter that a space Benignely sche twrnyt has hir face Towardis me full plesantly conueide And vnto me ryght in this wis* sche seide
(105)
3ong man the caus* of all thyne Inward sorow*
Is noght vnknawin to my deite
And thy request bothe now and eke toforowe
Quhen thou first maid professiozm to me
Sen of my grace I haue inspirit the
To knawe my lawe/contynew furth/for oft
There as I mynt full sore/I smyte £±H bot soft
(106)
Paciently thou tak thyne auewture This will my son Cupide and so will I He can the stroke to me lang/V the cure Quhen I se tyme and therefor* huily* Abyde and s^rue and lat gude hope the gye Bot for I haue thy for^hede here present I will the schewe the more of myn entent
(107)
This is to say/'though It to me p^rtene In lufis lawe the septre to gou^rne That the effect/; of my bemes schene Has thai™ aspect/5 by ordynance eterne With othen'j bynd aW mynes to discerne Quhilum in thingis bothe to cum and gone That langis no^t to me to writh allone
* The scribe gives i an upward turn 5>, and omits the stroke above a to signify um.
56 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CVIII
As in thyne awin case now may thou se ;
For-quhy ? lo, that of otheris influence Thy persone standis noght in libertee ;
Quharefore, though I geve the beneuolence,
It standis noght ^it in myn aduertence, Till certeyne coursis endit be and ronne, Quhill of trew seruis thow have hir i-wonne.
cix
And ^it, considering the nakitnesse
Bothe of thy wit, thy persone, and thy myght,
It is no mach, of thyne vnworthynesse,
To hir hie birth, estate, and beautee bryght : Als like ye bene, as day is to the nyght ;
Or sek-cloth is vnto fyne cremesye ;
Or doken foule onto the fresche dayesye.
ex Vnlike the mone is to the sonne schene,
Eke lanuarye is vnlike vnto May ; Vnlike the cukkow to the phylomene,
Thaire tabartis ar noght bothe maid of array ;
Vnlike the crow is to the pape-iay, Vnlike, in goldsmythis werk, a fischis eye To prese with peril, or maked be so heye.
CXI
As I haue said, $it vnto me belangith
Specialy the cure of thy seknesse ; Bot now thy matere so in balance hangith,
That it requerith, to thy sekernesse,
The help of othir mo that bene goddes, And haue in thame the menes and the lore In this matere to schorten with thy sore.
CVIII. 2. by otheris, S. ; that others, W. 7. S. notes, Introd., p. 2, the attempted deletion of "graice," but retains it in text, thinking scribe changed his mind.
CIX. 7. doken to the fresche, S. As in text, W.
CX. 2. vnlike to, S. j 4, 5. Transposition of these lines would effect improvement. 4. S. suggests omission of maid. W. reads of an ray. 7. To peire with, S. CXI. i . now vnto, S.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 57
(108)
As in thyne awin cas* now may thou se
For quhy lo'jmt other/* Influence
Thy persone standis noght in lib^rtee
Quharefor* though I geve the beneuolence
It standis noght }it In my« adu^rtence
Till certeyne cours/J endit be aW ronne
Quhill of trew smiis thow have hir grace I wone
(109)
And }it considering the nakitness* Bothe of thy wit/*thy persone and thy myght It is no mach of thyne vnworthyness* To hir hie birth/estate/and beautee bryght Als like ^e bene/'as day is to the nyght Or sek cloth is vnto fyne cremesye
foule on* Or doken to* the fresche dayesye
(no)
Vnlike the mone Is to the sonne schene Eke lanuarye is like vnto may Vnlike the cukkow to the phylomene Thair* tabartis ar noght bothe maid of array Vnlike the crow is to the pape lay Vnlike in goldsmythis werk a fischis eye To ptfrese with perll/'or maked be so heye
(in)
As I haue said • vnto me belangith Specialy the cure of thy sekness* Bot now thy mater* so in balance hangith That It requerith to thy sek^rness* The help of othir mo/than bene goddes And haue in thame the menes and the lore In this mater* to schorten w/t/j/'thy sore
* So written in MS.
58 THE KINGIS QU AIR— AMENDED TEXT
cxn
And for thou sail se wele that I entend Vn-to thy help, thy welefare to preserue,
The streightg weye thy spirit will I send To the goddesse that clepit is Mynerue, And se that thou hir hestis wele conserue,
For in this case sche may be thy supplye,
And put thy hert in rest, als wele as I.
cxni
Bot, for the way is vncouth vnto the, There as hir duelling is and hir soiurne,
I will that Gude-Hope seruand to the be, 3oure alleris frend, to lat the noght to murn, Be thy condyt and gyde till thou returne,
And hir besech that sche will, in thy nede,
Hir counsele geve to thy welefare and spede,
cxiv
And that sche will, as langith hir office, Be thy gude lady, help and counseiloure,
And to the schewe hir rype and gude auise,
Throw quhich thou may, be processe and laboure, Atteyne vnto that glad and goldyn floure,
That thou wald haue so fayn with all thy hart.
And forthir-more, sen thou hir seruand art,
cxv
Quhen thou descendis douh to ground ageyne, Say to the men that there bene resident,
How long think thay to stand in my disdeyne, That in my lawis bene so negligent From day to day, and list thame noght repent,
Bot breken louse, and walken at thaire large ?
Is nocht eft non that thereof gevis charge ?
CXII. 3. streighte, S. CXIII. 4. to lette, S.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 59
(112)
And for thou sail se wele ]>at I entend Vnto thy help thy welefare to preserve The streight weye thy spirit will I send To the goddess* ]>at clepit is mynmie And se ]>at thou hir hestis wele construe For in this cas* sche may be thy supplye And put thy hert in rest als wele as I
Bot for the way is vncouth vnto the There as hir duelling is/-and hir soiurne I will j?tft gud hope s*ruand to the be 3oure allenV frend to let the to murn Be thy condyt and gyde/'till thou returne And hir besech j?0t sche will in thy nede Hir counsele geve to thy welefare and spede
And ]>at sche will/as langith hir office Be thy gude lady/'help and counseilour* And to the schewe hir rype and gude auis* Throw quhich thou may be process* and labour* Atteyne vnto that glad and goldyn flour* That thou wald haue so fayn with all thy hart And forthir more sen thou hir s*ruand art
("5)
Quhen thou descendis doun to ground ageyne
Say to the men ]>at there bene resident
How long think thay to stand in my disdeyne
That in my lawis bene so negligent
From day to day/-and list thain noght repent
breken Bot broken- lous* and walken at thair* large
t none Is non eft }>at thereof gevis charge
6o THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CXVI
And for," quod sche, " the angir and the smert Off thaire vnkyndenesse dooth me constreyne,
My femynyne and wofull tender hert,
That than I wepe ; and, to a token pleyne, As of my teris cummyth all this reyne,
That 36 se on the ground so fast ybete
Fro day to day, my turment is so grete.
cxvn
And quhen I wepe, and stynt anothir quhile, For pacience that is in womanhede,
Than all my wrath and rancoure I exile ; And of my cristall teris that bene schede, The hony flouris growen vp and sprede,
That preyen men, into thaire flouris wise,
Be trewe of lufe, and worschip my seruise.
CXVIII
And eke, in takin of this pitouse tale,
Quhen so my teris dropen on the ground,
In thaire nature the lytill birdis smale
Styntith thaire song, and murnyth for that stound, And all the lightis in the hevin round
Off my greuance haue suich compacience,
That from the ground they hiden thaire presence.
cxix
And }it in tokenyng forthir of this thing,
Quhen flouris springis, and freschest bene of hewe,
And that the birdis on the twistis sing, At thilke" tyme ay gynnen folk renewe That seruis vnto loue, as ay is dewe,
Most commozmly haue thay his obseruance,
And of thaire sleuth tofore haue repentance.
CXVII. i. S. follows MS. and reads stynten j an othir, W. ; 6. as in, S. j
ryght in, W. CXIX. 4. folk renewe, S. 6. Most commonly haue his obseruance, W.
THE KINGIS QU AIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 61
(116)
And for quod sche/the angir and the smert Off thaiiv vnkyndeness*? dooth me constreyne My femynyne and wofull tender hert That than I wepe/and to a token pleyne As of my tern cutfzmyth all this reyne That $e se on the ground so fast ybete Fro day to day/-my torment is so grete
("7)
And quhen I wepe/and stynten othir quhile For pacience ]>at is in womawhede Than all my wrath and rancour* I exile And of my cristall ten; \a\. bene schede The hony flour/; growen vp aw^ sprede That preyen mew in thai™ flour/; wis/? Be trewe of lufe/and worschip my
(118)
And eke In takin of this pitous* tale
Quhen so my tern dropen on the ground
In thai™ nature the lytill birdis smale
Styntith thai™ song and mwrnyth for that stound
And all the lightis In the hevin round
Off my greuance/haue suich compacience
That from the ground they hi den thai™ presence
And }it In tokenyng forthir of this thing Quhen flour/; springis and freschest bene of hewe And )?tft the birdis on the twistis sing At thilke tyme ay gywnen folk to renewe That s^ruis vnto loue/*as ay is dewe Most commounly has ay his obs^ruance And of thair* sleuth tofore haue repentance
62 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
cxx
Thus maist thou sene that myn effectis grete, Vnto the quhich ^e aught and most obeye,
No lyte offense, to sleuth is al forget :
And therefore in this wise to thame seye, As I the here haue bidden, and conueye
The matere all the better tofore said ;
Thus sail on the my charges bene ilaid.
CXXI
Say on than, c Quhare is becummyn, for schame ! The songis new, the fresch carolis and dance,
The lusty lyf, the mony change of game, The fresche array, the lusty contenance, The besy awayte, the hertly obseruance,
That quhilum was amongis thame so ryf ?
Bid thame repent in tyme, and mend thare lyf:
CXXII
Or I sail, with my fader old Saturne,
And with al hale cure hevinly alliance, Oure glad aspectis from thame writh and turne,
That all the warld sail waile thaire gouernance.
Bid thame be tyme that thai haue repentance, And with thaire hertis hale renew my lawe ; And I my hand fro beting sail withdrawe.
CXXIII
This is to say, contynew in my seruise,
Worschip my law, and my name magnifye,
That am your hevin and your paradise ; And I your confort here sail multiplye, And, for your meryt here, perpetualye
Ressaue I sail your saulis of my grace,
To lyve with me as goddis in this place.' J!
\CXX. 2. aughten maist weye, S. j aught and most obeye, W. W. ; 3. is al
forget, S. 5. bidden, S. 7. charge, S. CXXII. 6. with, S.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 63
(120)
Thus maist thou seyne ]>at myn effect/* grete Vnto the quhich }e aught and maist weye No lyte offens* to sleuth is forget And then-for* In this wis* to tham seye As I the here haue bid/*and conueye The mater* all the better tofor* said Thus sail on the my charge bene Ilaid
(121)
Say on than'quhare Is becu^zmyn for schame The songis newthe fresch carolis and dance The lusty lyf/the mony change of game The fresche array/'the lusty contenance The besy awayte/*the hertly obsmiance That quhilum was amongis thame so ryf Bid tham repent in tyme and mend thair* lyf
(122)
Or I sail with my fad^r old Saturne
And with al hale cure hevinly alliance
Our* glad aspect/V from thame writh and turne
That all the warld sail waile thaire gou^rnance
Bid thame be tyme ]>at thai haue repentance
And thair* hertis hale renew my lawe
And I my hand fro beting sail w/t/jdrawe
(123)
This is to say/*contynew in my s/ruis* Worschip my law/'and my name magnify* That am $our hevin and $our paradis* And I 3owr confort here sail multiplye And for $our meryt here p*rpetualye Ressaue I sail $our saulis of my grace To lyve with me as goddis In this place
64 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CXXIV
With humble thank, and all the reuerence That feble wit and connyng may atteyne,
I tuke my leue ; and from hir presence, Gude-Hope and I to-gider, bothe tueyne, Departit are, and, schortly for to seyne,
He hath me led the redy wayis ryght
Vnto Mineruis palace, faire and bryght.
cxxv
Quhare as I fand, full redy at the ^ate, The maister portare, callit Pacience,
That frely lete vs in, vnquestionate ;
And there we sawe the perfyte excellence, The said renewe, the state, the reuerence,
The strenth, the beautee, and the ordour digne
Off hir court riall, noble and benigne.
cxxvi
And straught vnto the presence sodeynly Off dame Minerue, the pacient goddesse,
Gude-Hope my gyde has led me redily ;
To quhom anon with dredefull humylnesse, Off my cummyng the cause I gan expresse,
And all the processe hole, vnto the end,
Off Venus charge, as likit hir to send.
CXXVII
Offquhich ryght thus hir ansuere was in bref : " My sone, I haue wele herd, and vnderstond,
Be thy reherse, the matere of thy gref, And thy request to procure, and to fonde Off thy pennance sum confort at my hond,
Be counsele of thy lady Venus clere,
To be with hir thyne help in this matere.
CXXIV. 3. hy presence, S. j leue, W. W. 6. the, S. CXXV. 5. (facture newe). CXXVI. 3. gyde, S. ; hath led, W.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 65
(124)
With humble thank and all the reu*rence That feble wit/and connyng may atteyne I tuke my leue and from hir presence Gude hope and I to gid*r bothe tueyne Departit are and schortly for to seyne He hath me led redy wayis ryght Vnto Mineruis palace fair* and bryght
Quhare as I fand full redy at the $ate
The maist*r portar* callit pacience
That frely lete vs in vnquestionate
And there we sawe the p*rfyte excellence
The said renewe/the state the reu*rence
The strenth the beautee and the ordoar digne
Off hir court riall/'noble * and benigne
And straught vnto the presence sodeynly Off dame Min*rue the pacient goddess* Gude hope my gyde led me redily To quhom anon with dredefull humylness* Off my cuwmyng the caus* I gan expresse And all the process* hole vnto the end Off vcnus charge as likit hir to send
(127)
Off quhich ryght thus hir ansuer* was in bref My son I haue wele herd and vnd*rstond Be thy rehers* the mater* of thy gref And thy request to procur* and to fond* Off thy pennance sum confort at my hond Be counsele of thy lady venus clere To be wVtA hir thyne help In this matere
* Here in MS. three marks (not letters) .-. are stroked through.
66 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CXXVIII
Bot in this case thou sail wele knawe and witt, Thou may thy hert grounden on suich a wise,
That thy laboure will be hot lytill quit ; And thou may set it in anothir wise, That wil be to the grete worschip and prise ;
And gif thou durst vnto that way enclyne,
I will the geve my lore and disciplyne.
cxxix
Lo, my gude sone, this is als mich to seyne, As, gif thy lufe be sett all-uterly
Of nycg lust, thy trauail is in veyne ; And so the end sail turne of thy folye To payne and repentance ; lo, wate thou quhy ?
Gif the ne list thy lufe on vertew set,
Vertu sail be the cause of thy forfet.
cxxx
Tak Him before in all thy gouernance, That in His hand the stere has of you all ;
And pray vnto His hyg purueyance
Thy lufe to gye, and on Him traist and call, That corner-stone and ground is of the wall,
That failis noght ; and trust, withoutin drede,
Vnto thy purpose sone He sail the lede.
cxxxi For lo, the werk that first is foundit sure,
May better bere a pace and hyare be Than othir-wise, and langere sail endure
Be monyfald, this may thy resoun see,
And stronger to defend aduersitee : Groundith thy werk, therefore, vpon the stone, And thy desire sail forthward with the gone.
CXXVIII. 2. herte, S. 4. anothir, S. CXXIX. 2. "be" accidentally omitted, S. 3. On nyce, W. 6. thy lufe
on, W. W. CXXXI. 6. Ground thou, S.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS.
(128)
Bot in this case thou sail wele knawe and witt Thou may thy hert ground on suich a wisf That thy labour* will be bot lytill quit And thou may set It In othir wis* That wil be to the grete worschip and pris* And gif thou durst vnto that way enclyne I will the geve my lore and disciplyne
Lo my gude sone this Is als mich to seyne
As gif thy lufe be sett allut^rly
Of nyce lust/'thy trauail is in veyne
And so the end sail turne of thy folye
To payne/'and rep^wtance/'lo wate thou quhy
Gif the ne list on lufe thy v^rtew set
Vertu sal be the caus* of thy forfet
(13°)
Tak him before in all thy gou^rnance That in his hand the stere has of }ou all And pray vnto his hye p«rueyance Thy lufe to gye/and on him traist and call That corner stone and grownd is of the wall That failis noght/'and trust w/t^outin drede Vnto thy purpose sone he sail the lede
For lo the werk ]>at first Is foundit sure May better bere a pace and hyar* be Than othir wis* and langer* sail endure Be monyfald/'this may thy resou« see And stronger to defend aduersitee Ground thy werk therefor* vpon the stone And thy desire sail forthward w/t/2 the gone
68 THE KINGIS QU AIR— AMENDED TEXT
CXXXII
Be trewe, and meke, and stedfast in thy thoght,
And diligent hir merci to procure, Noght onely in thy word ; for word is noght,
Bot gif thy werk and all thy besy cure
Accord thereto and vtrid be ; mesure The place, the houre, the maner, and the wise, Gif mercy sail admitten thy seruise.
CXXXIII
All thing has tyme, thus sais Ecclesiaste ;
And wele is him that his tyme wel abit. Abyde thy time, for he that can bot haste
Can noght of hap, the wise man it writ ;
And oft gude fortune flourith with gude wit : Quharefore, gif thou will be wele fortunyt, Lat wisedome ay to thy will be iunyt.
cxxxiv
Bot there be mony of so brukill sort,
That feynis treuth in lufe bot for a quhile,
And setten all thaire wittis and disport The sely innocent woman to begyle, And so to wynne thaire lustis with a wile ;
Suich feynit treuth is all bot trechorye,
Vnder the vmbre of hid ypocrisye.
cxxxv For as the foulere quhistlith in his throte
Diuersely, to counterfete the brid, And feynis mony a suete and strangg note,
Till sche be fast lokin his net amyd,
That in the busk for his desate is hid ; Ryght so the fatoure, the false theif, I say, With suete tresoun oft wynnith thus his pray.
CXXXII. 5. Accord thereto j and vtrid be mesure, S. ; vtrid be ; W. W. CXXXIII. 7. vnto, S. CXXXIV. i. (For) there be ; 2. in lufe, S.
CXXXV. Transposition of 4 and 5, W. W.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 69
Be trewe and meke and stedfast in thy thoght
And diligent hir merci to procure
Nqg7ft onely in thy word/'for word is no^t
Bot gif thy werk and all thy besy cure
Accord ther^to/'and vtrid be mesure
The place/'the hour*/the man*r and the wis*
Gif mm:y sail admitten thy
(133)
All thing has tyme thus sais Ecclesiaste And wele is him ]>at his tyme wel abit Abyde thy tyme/*for he Ipat can bot haste Can noght of hap/the wis* man It writ And oft gud fortune flourith with gude wit Quharrfor* gif thou will be wele fortunyt Lat wisedom ay to thy will be lunyt
(134)
Bot there be mony of so brukill sort That feynis treuth In lufe for a quhile And setten all thair* wittis and disport The sely Innocent womaw to begyle And so to wynne thair^ lust/; with a wile Suich feynit treuth is all bot trechorye
heid Vnd^r the vmbre of ypocrisye
(135)
For as the fouler* quhistlith in his throte Diu*rs*ly to count^rfete the brid And feynis mony a suete and strange note That in the busk for his desate is hid Till sche be fast lok in his net amyd Ry^At so the fatour* the false theif I say W/'t/t suete tresouH oft wynnith thus his pray
yo THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CXXXVI
Fy on all suich ! fy on thaire doubilnesse !
Fy on thaire lust and bestly appetite ! Thaire wolfis hertis, in lambis likgnesse ;
Thaire thoughtis blak, hid vnder wordis quhite ;
Fy on thaire laboure ! fy on thaire delyte ! That feynen outward all to hir honour, And in thaire hert hir worschip wold deuoure.
cxxxvn
So hard it is to trusten now on dayes,
The warld it is so double and inconstant,
Off quhich the suth is kid be mony assayes ; More pitee is ; for quhich the remanant, That menen wele, and ar noght variant,
For otheris gilt ar suspect of vntreuth,
And hyndrit oft, and treuely that is reuth.
cxxxvm
Bet gif the hert be groundit ferme and stable in Goddis law, thy purpose to atteyne,
Thy laboure is to me wel agreable ;
And my full help, with counsele trew and pleyne, I will the schewe, and this is the certeyne ;
Opyn thy hert, therefore, and lat me se
Gif thy remede be pertynent to me."
cxxxix
" Madame," quod I, " sen it is your plesance That 1 declare the kynd of my loving,
Tieuely and gude, withoutin variance, I lufe that floure abufe all othir thing, And wold bene he that to hir worschipping
Myght ought auaile, be Him that starf on rude,
And nouthir spare for trauaile, lyf, nor gude.
CXXXVII. 6. ar, S. CXXXVIII. 3. ful agreable, S.
THE KINGIS QU AIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 71
Fy on all suich fy on thai™ doubilness^
Fy on thai™ lust and bestly appetite
Thai™ wolfis herm in lambis likness*
Thai™ thoughtis blak hid vnd^r wordis quhite
Fy on thai™ labou™ fy on thai™ delyte
That feynen outward all to hir honowr
And in thai™ hert hir worschip wold deuou™
(137)
So hard It is to trusten now on dayes The warld/'It is so double and inconstant Offquhich the suth is kid be mony assayes More pitee is/*for quhich the remanant That menen wele/'and are noght variant For othim gilt/'and suspect of vntreuth And hyndrit oft and treuely that is reuth
Bot gif the hert be groundit ferm and stable
In goddis law thy pwrpos* to atteyne
Thy labou™ is to me agreable
And my full help with counsele trew and pleyne
I will the schewe/-and this is the orrteyne
Opyn thy hert the™fo™ and lat me se
Gif thy remede be p^rtynent to me
('39)
Madame q«0d I sen it is $o«r plesance That I declare the kynd of my loving Treuely and gude w/t/ioutin variance I lufe that floure abufe all othir thing And wold bene he/-)?flt to hir worschipping Myght ought auaile/be him }>at starf on rude And nouthir spare for trauaile lyf nor gude
72 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CXL
And forthirmore, as touching the nature Off my luting, to worschip or to blame,
I darre wele say, and there-in me assure, For ony gold that ony wight can name Nold I be he that suld of hir gude fame
Be blamischere in ony point or wyse
For wele nor wo, quhill my life may suffise.
CXLI This is theffect trewly of myn entent,
Touching the suete that smertis me so sore, Giffthis be faynt, I can it noght repent,
Ail-though my lyf suld forfaut be therefore : Blisfull princes ! I can seye $ou no more : Bot so desire my wittis dooth compace, More ioy in erth kepe I noght bot ^our grace."
CXLII
" Desire," quod sche, " I nyl it noght deny, So thou it ground and set in Cristin wise ;
And therefore, son, opyn thy hert playnly." " Madame," quod I, " trewly, without fantise : That day sail I neuer desire vp-rise
For my delyte to couate the plesance
That may hir worschip putten in balance.
CXLIII
For oure all thing, lo, this were my gladnesse, To sene the fresche beautee of hir face ;
And gif I myght deserue", be processe,
For my grete lufe and treuth, to stond in grace, Hir worschip sauf, lo, here the blisfull cace
That I wold ask, and there-unto attend,
For my most ioye vnto my lyfts end."
CXL. 5. Nold, S. CXLI. 3. faute, S. in notes. CXLII. 5. sail neuer be I sail, S. ; behold uprise, W. CXLIII. 3. I, S. 6. there-unto, S. ; aske, W.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 73
(140)
And forthirmorv as touching the nature Off my lufing/'to worschip or to blame I darr* wele say/*and therein me assure For ony gold ]>at ony wight can name Wald I be he }>at suld of hir gude fame Be blamischer* In ony point or wys* For wele nor wo/'quhill my lyf may suffis*
(HI)
This Is theffect trewly of myn entent Touching the suete ]>at smertis me so sore Giff this be faynt/I can It noght repent All though my lyf suld forfaut be therefore Blisfull princes I can seye $ou no more Bot so desire my wittis dooth compace More loy in erth kepe I noght bot $owr grace
Desire quod sche I nyl It no^t deny So thou It grownd and set in cristin wis* And therefor* son opyn thy hert playnly Madame quod I trew w/t/ioutin fantis* That day sail I neu*r vp ris* For my delyte to couate the plesance That may hir worschip putten In balance
(143)
For our* all thing lo this wer* my gladness*
To sene the fresche beautee of hir face
And gif It myght des*rue be process*
For my grete lufe and treuth to stond in grace
Hir worschip sauf/lo here the blisfull cace
That I wold ask and thereto attend
For my most loye vnto my lyfis end
74 THE KINGIS QU AIR— AMENDED TEXT
CXLIV
" Now wele," quod sche, " and sen that it is so, That in vertew thy lufe is set with treuth,
To helpen the I will be one of tho
From hennesforth, and hertly without sleuth, Off thy distresse and excesse to haue reuth,
That has thy hert : I will hir pray full faire,
That Fortune be no more thereto contraire.
CXLV
For suth it is, that all 36 creaturis,
Quhich vnder vs beneth haue ^our duellyng,
Ressauen diuersely ^our auenturis,
Off quhich the cure and principall melling Apperit is, withoutin repellyng,
Onely to hir that has the cuttis two
In hand, bothe of ^our wele and of ^our wo.
CXLVI
And how so be it that sum clerkis trete, That all ^our chance y-causit is tofore Heigh in the hevin, by quhois effectis grete 3e movit are to wrething, lesse or more, Thar in the warld, thus calling that therefore * Fortune,' and so that the diuersitee Off thaire wirking suld cause necessitee.
CXLVII
Bot othir clerkis halden that the man Has in himself the chose and libertee
To cause his awin fortune, how or quhan That him best lest, and no necessitee Was in the hevin at his natiuitee,
Bot }it the thingis happin in commune
Efter purpose, so cleping thame ' Fortune.'
CXLIV. 4. hennesforth, S. 5, 6. I will hir pray, S.
CXLV. 5. (Appointit) (Pertynent).
CXLVI. i. so be it, S. ; so be that, W. 2. chance", S. 5. Thar, S.
THE KINGIS QU AIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 75
Now wele quod sche/and sen ]>at It is so That In v*rtew thy lufe is set with treuth To helpen the I will be one of tho From hensforth/and hertly without sleuth Off thy distress* and excess* to haue reuth That has thy hert/*I will pray full fain? That fortune be no more thereto contrail
(145)
3e For suth It is \at allAfcbe creatur/5
Quhich vnd*r vs beneth haue jour duellyng
Ressauen diu*rs*ly $o«r aue«tur/V
OfFquhich the cur* and principall melling
Apperit is withoutin repellyng
Onely to hir }wt has the cuttis two
In hand/'bothe of jour wele/-and of ^owr wo
And how so be/j?#t sum clerk/j trete That all 3owr chance causit Is tofon? Heigh In the hevin/*by quhois efFect/'j grete 3e movit are to wrething less* or more Quhare In the warld thus calling j?at therefore Fortune/'and so )?«t the diu^rsitee OflF thair* wirking suld caus* necessitee
Bot othir clerk/V halden ]>at the man Has in him self the chos* and libertee To caus* his awin fortune how or quhan That him best lest/'and no * necessitee Was In the heviw at his natiuitee Bot }it the thingis happm in commune Eft*r pwrpose'so cleping thame fortune
* A letter like a is here erased.
76 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CXLVIII
And quhare a persone has tofore knawing
Off it that is to fallen purposely, Lo, Fortune is hot wayke in suich a thing,
Thou may wele wit, and here ensample quhy ;
To God, that is the first cause onely Off euery thing, there may no fortune fall : And quhy ? for he foreknawin is of all.
CXLIX
And therefore thus I say to this sentence ; Fortune is most and strangest euermore
Quhare leste foreknawing or intelligence Is in the man ; and, sone, of wit and lore Sen thou art wayke and feble, lo, therefore,
The more thou art in dangere in commune
With hir that clerkis clepen so Fortune.
CL
Bot for the sake, and at the reuerence Off Venus clere, as I the said tofore,
I haue of thy distresse compacience ;
And in confort and relesche of thy sore, The schewit I here myn avise therefore ;
Pray Fortune help, for mich vnlikly thing
Full oft about sche sodeynly dooth bring.
CLI
Now go thy way, and haue gude mynde vpon Quhat I haue said in way of thy doctryne."
" I sail, madame," quod I ; and ryght anon I tuke my leve. Als straught as ony lyne, With-in a beme that fro the contree dyvine
Sche, percyng throw the firmament, extendit,
To ground ageyne my spirit is descendit ;
CXLVIII. 2. fallen, S. 5. that, S., firste, S. (anerly). CXLIX. 5. are, S.
CL. 5. haue here, S. CLI. 3. quod I, S.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 77
(148)
And quhare a p^rsone has tofor? knawing
Off It \a\. is to fall purposely
lo fortune is hot wayke in suich a thing
Thou may wele wit/*and here ensample quhy
To god It is the first caus? onely
Off eu?ry thing/there may no fortune fall
And quhj^'for he for^knawin is of all
(149)
And therefor? thus I say to this sentence Fortune Is most/and strangest eumnore Quhare leste for?knawing or intelligence Is in the man/-and sone of wit or lore Sen thou art wayke and feble lo therefor? The more thou art in danger? and commune With hir \a\. clerk/* clepen so fortune
Bot for the sake and at the reu^rence Off venwj clere as I the said tofore I haue of thy distress* compacience And in confort/and relesche of thy sore The schewit here myw avis? therefor? , Pray fortune help/for mich vnlikely thing Full oft about sche sodeynly dooth bring
(IS')
Now go thy way and haue gude mynd vpon Quhat I haue said in way of thy doctryne I sail madame quod he/'and ryght anon I tuke my leve als straught as ony lyne Within a beme ]>at fro the contree dyvine Sche percyng throw the firmament extendit To ground ageyne my spirit is descendit
78 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CLII
Quhare, in a lusty plane, tuke I my way, Endlang a ryuer, plesant to behold,
Enbroudin all with fresche flouris gay,
Quhare, throu the grauel, bryght as ony gold, The cristall water ran so clere and cold,
That in myn erg maid contynualy
A maner soune, mellit with armony ;
CLIII That full of lytill fischis by the brym,
Now here, now there, with bakkis blewe as lede, Lap and playit, and in a rout can swym So prattily, and dressit thame to sprede Thaire curall fynnis, as the ruby rede, That in the sonne vpon thaire scalis bryght As gesserant ay glitterit in my sight :
CLIV
And by this ilke ryuer-syde alawe
Ane hye-way thar fand I like to bene,
On quhich, on euery syde", a long rawe Off treis saw I, full of leuis grene, That full of fruyte delitable were to sene,
And also, as it come vnto my mind,
Off bestis sawe I mony diuerse kynd :
CLV
The lyoun king, and his fere lyonesse ;
The pantere, like vnto the smaragdyne ; The lytill squerell, full of besynesse ;
The slawfi ase, the druggare beste of pyne ;
The nyce ape ; the werely porpapyne ; The percyng lynx ; the lufare vnicorne, That voidis venym with his euour home.
CLII. 6. in myn ere, S. CLIII. 6. sonne, S.
CLIV. a. thar, S. 3. longe, S. ; syde, W. W.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 79
(152)
Quhare In a lusty plane tuke I my way Endlang a ryu^r plesant to behold Enbroudin all with fresche flour/5 gay Quhare throu the grauel bryght as ony gold The cristall water ran so clere and cold That in myn ere maid contynualy A man*r soun mellit with armony
(153)
That full of lytill fischis by the brym Now here now there with bakk/j blewe as lede lap and playit/'* and In a rout can swym So prattily and In a. rout can dressit tham to sprede Thair* curall fynnis as the ruby rede That In the sonne on thair* scalis bryght As gesserant ay glittmt In my sight
(154)
And by this ilke ryuer syde alawe Ane hye way fand I like to bene On quhich on eu^ry syde a long rawe Off treis/'saw I full of leuis grene That full of fruyte delitable were to sene And also as It come vnto my mynd Off bestis sawe I mony diu^rs* kynd
(155)
The lyouH king and his fere lyonesse The pantere like vnto the smaragdyne The lytill squerell full of besyness* The slawe as* the druggar* beste of pyne The nyce ape/'the wen-ly porpapyne The p^rcyng lynx the lufar* vnicorne That voidis venym with his euour^ home
* Very faint.
8o THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CLVI
There sawe I dresse him new out of his haunt
The fery tigere, full of felonye ; The dromydare ; the standar oliphant ;
The wyly fox, the wedowis inemye ;
The clymbare gayte ; the elk for alblastrye ; The herknere bore ; the holsum grey for hortis ; The haire also, that oft gooth to the wortis ;
CLVII The bugill, draware by his hornis grete,
The martrik sable, the foyn^ee, and mony mo ; The chalk-quhite ermyn, tippit as the iete ;
The riall hert, the conyng, and the ro ;
The wolf, that of the murthir noght sayis " Ho !" The lesty beuer, and the ravin bare ; For chamelot the camel full of hare ;
CLVIII ^Vith mony an-othir beste diuerse and strange,
•That cummyth noght as now vnto my mynd. Bot now to purpose : straucht furth to the range I held away, oure-hailing in my mynd From quhens I come, and quhare that I suld fynd Fortune, the goddesse, vnto quhom in hye Gude-Hope, my gyde, has led me sodeynly.
CLIX And at the last, behalding thus asyde,
A round place, and y-wallit, haue I found ; In myddis quhare eftsones I have spide
Fortune, the goddesse, hufing on the ground ;
And ryght before hir fete, of compas round, A quhele, onto quhich cleuering I sye A multitude of folk before myn eye.
CLVI. i. his haunt, S. CLVII. 5. sayis, S. CLVIII. 3. furth by, W. CLIX. 2. rounde, y-wallit, S. 3. aspide, S. 6. quhich than, S.
THE KINGIS QU AIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 81
(156)
There sawe I dress* him new out of hauwt
The fery tiger* full of felonye
The dromydar* • the standar oliphant
The wyly fox the wedowis Inemye
The clymbar* gayte the elk for alblastrye
The herkner* bore/'the holsum grey for hort/'j
The hair* also/)?tft oft gooth to the wortis
(157)
The bugill drawar* by his hornis grete The martrik sable/the foyn^ee and mony mo The chalk quhite ermyn tippit as the lete The riall hert the conyng and the ro The wolf \a\. of the murthir noght say ho The lesty beu*r and the ravin bare For chamelot the camel full of hare
With mony an othir beste diu*rs* and strange That cummyth noght as now vnto my mynd Bot now to pwrpos* straucht furth the range I held away our*hailing in my mynd From quhens I come/'and quhare jwt I suld fynd Fortune the goddess* vnto quhom In hye Gude hope my gyde has led me sodeynly
(159)
And at the last behalding thus asyde A round place wallit haue I found In myddis quhare eftsone I haue spide Fortune the goddess* hufing on the grou«d And ryght before hir fete of compas round A quhele/-on quhich cleu*ring I sye A multitude of folk befor* myn eye
14
8a THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CLX
And ane surcote sche werit long that tyde, That semyt to me of mony diuerse hewis ;
And quhilum thus, quhen sche wald turne asyde, Stude this goddesse of fortune ; and of lewis A chapellet with mony fresche anewis
Sche had vpon her hed ; and with this hong
A mantill on hir schuldris, large and long,
CLXI
That furrit was with ergmyn full quhite, Degoutit with the self in spottis blake :
And quhilum in hir chere thus a lyte
Louring sche was ; and than sone sche wold slake, And sodeynly a maner smylyng make,
And sche were glad ; for at one contenance
Sche held hir noght, hot ay in variance.
CLXII And vnderneth the quhele sawe I there
An vgly pit as depe as ony helle, That to behald thereon I quoke for fere ; Bot o thing herd I, that quho there- in fell Come no more vp agane, tidingis to telle ; Off quhich, astonait of that ferefull syght, I ne wist quhat to done, so was I fricht.
CLXIII
Bot for to se the sudayn weltering
Off that ilk quhele, that sioppare was to hold,
It semyt vnto my wit a stronge thing,
So mony I sawe that thareon clymben wold, And failit foting, and to ground were rold ;
And othir eke, that sat aboue on hye,
Were ouerthrawe in twinklyng of an eye.
CLX. 2. vnto, S. ; diuerse, W. 3. wald hir, S. 4. of glewis, S. CLXI. 3. chere, W. W. 6. for, S. 7. hot was, S. CLXII. 2. was, S. j as depe, W. CLXIII. 3. strange, S.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 83
(160)
And ane surcote sche werit long that tyde That semyt to me of diu^rs* hewis Quhilum thus quhen sche wald turn asyde Stude this goddess* of fortune *.nd A chapellet with mony fresche anewis Sche had vpon hir hed and with this hong A mantill on hir schuldris large and long
(161)
That furrit was with ermyn full quhite
Degoutit with the self in spottis blake
And quhilum In hir chier* thus alyte
Louring sche was/'* and thus sone It wold slake
And sodeynly a man^r smylyng make
And sche were glad at one contenance
Sche held noght hot ay in variance
And vnderneth the quhele sawe I there An vgly pit depe as ony helle That to behald thereon I quoke for fere Bot o thing herd I ]>at quho therein fell Com no more vp agane tidingis to telle Off quhich astonait of that ferefull syght I ne wist quhat to done/'so was I fricht
Bot for to se the sudayn weltering
Off that Ilk quhele ]>a t sloppar* was to hold
It semyt vnto my wit a strong thing
So mony I sawe J?#t than clymben wold
And failit foting/'and to ground wer* rold
And othir eke ]>at sat aboue on hye
Wen- ouerthrawe In twinklyng of an eye
* Very faint.
84 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CLXIV
And on the quhele was lytill voi'd space, Wele nere overstraught fro lawe to hye ;
And they were ware that long had sat in place, So tolter quhilum did sche it to-wrye ; There was hot clymben and ryght dounward hye,
And sum were eke that fallyng had tofore,
There for to clymbe thaire corage was no more.
CLXV I sawe also that, quhere sum were yslungin,
Be quhirlyng of the quhele, vnto the ground, Full sudaynly sche hath it vp ythrungin,
And set thame on agane full sauf and sound : And euer I sawe a newe swarm abound, That socht to clymbe vpward vpon the quhele, In stede of thame that myght no langer rele.
CLXVI And at the last, in presence of thame all
That stude about, sche clepit me be name ; And therewith apon kneis gan I fall
Full sodaynly, halflyng abaist for schame ;
And, smylyng thus, sche said to me in game, " Quhat dois thou here ? Quho has the hider sent ? Say on anon, and tell me thyn entent.
CLXVII
I se wele, by thy chere and contenance, There is sum thing that lyis the on hert,
It stant noght with the as thou wald, perchance ?" " Madame," quod I, " for lufe is all the smert That euer I fele, endlang and ouerthwert.
Help, of ^our grace, me wofull wrechit wight,
Sen me to cure ye powere haue and myght."
CLXIV. i. quhele, W. z. Text, W. W. ; lawe vnto, S. 3. longe, S.
5. clymben, S. 6. so sore, S. CLXV. i. quhareas, S. 3. thaim, S. 5. newe, S. 6. That thought to, S.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 85
(164)
And on the quhele was lytill void space Wele nere our* straught fro lawe to hye And they were war* \at long sat In place So tolt^r quhilum did sche It to wrye There was hot clymbe and ryght dounward hye And sum were eke }>at fallyng had sore There for to clymbe/thair* corage was no more
I sawe also ^at quhere sum were slungin Be quhirlyng of the quhele vnto the ground Full sudaynly sche hath vp ythrungin And set thame on agane full sauf aW sound And eu*r I sawe a new swarm abound That to clymbe vpward vpon the quhele In stede of thame }>at myght no lang^r rele
(i 66)
And at the last In pmene of thame all That stude about sche clepit me be name And ther*w/t£ apon kneis gan I fall Full sodaynly hailsing/'abaist for schame And smylyng thus sche said to me in game Quhat dois thou here/quho has the hid^r sent Say on anon/-and tell me thyn entent
(167)
I se wele by thy chere and conteViance
There is sum thing ]>at lyis the on hert
Ar It stant noght with the as thou wald perchance
Madame qw0d I'/.for lufe Is all the smert
That eu^r I fele endlang and ou^rthwert
Help of 30«r grace me wofull wrechit wight
Sen me to cure/^e powere haue and myght
86 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CLXVIII
" Quhat help," quod sche, " wold thou that I ordeyne, To bringen the vnto thy hertis desire ?"
" Madame," quod I, " hot that ^our grace dedeyne, Off ^our grete myght, my wittis to enspire, To win the well that slokin may the fyre,
In quhich I birn. A, goddesse fortunate !
Help now my game, that is in point to mate."
CLXIX
" Off mate ?" quod sche, " O ! verray sely wrech, I se wele by thy dedely coloure pale,
Thou art to feble of thy-self to streche Vpon my quhele, to clymben or to hale Withoutin help ; for thou has fundin stale
This mony day, withoutin werdis wele,
And wantis now thy veray hertis hele.
CLXX
Wele maistow be a wrechit man ycallit,
That wantis the confort suld thy hert glade ;
And has all thing within thy hert ystallit, That may thy ^outh oppressen or defade. Though thy begynnyng hath bene retrograde,
Be froward, opposyt, thare-till aspert,
Now sail thai turne, and luken on the dert."
CLXXI
And therewith-all vnto the quhele in hye
Sche hath me led, and bad me lere to clymbe,
Vpon the quhich I steppit sudaynly.
" Now hald thy grippis," quod sche, " for thy tyme An houre and more it rynnis ouer prime ;
To count the hole, the half is nere away ;
Spend wele, therefore, the remanant of the day.
CLXVIII. 2. bringen, S. CLXIX. 4. clymben, S.
CLXX. i. y-callit, S. 2. S. omits that before "suld" and reads " herte." 3. herte stallit, S. 6. thare-till, W. W. 6. (appert). 7 luken, S. (hikis.)
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 87
(168)
Quhat help quod sche wold thou \at I ordeyne To bring the vnto thy hertis desire Madame qwcd I hot ]>at $our grace dedeyne Off $owr grete myght my wittis to enspire To win the well ]>at slokin may the fyre In quhich I birn/a goddess* fortunate Help now my game Jwt is in poynt to mate
(169)
Off mate quod sche o verray sely wrech I se wele by thy dedely colour* pale Thou art to feble of thy self to streche Vpon my quhele to clymbe or to hale Withoutin help-for thou has fundin stale This mony day w/t/ioutin werdis wele And wantis now thy veray hertis hele
(170)
Wele maistow be a wrech it man callit That wantis the confort Jwt suld thy hert glade And has all thing within thy hert stallit That may thy ^outh oppressen or defade Though thy begy«nyng hath bene retrograde Be froward opposyt quhare till aspert Now sail thai turn/and luke on the dert
(170
And therewith all vnto the quhele In hye Sche hath me led/'and bad me lere to clymbe Vpon the quhich I steppit sudaynly Now hald thy grippis quod sche for thy tyme An houre and more It rywnis ou*r prime To count the hole/the half is ner* away Spend wele therefor* the remanant of the day
88 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CLXXII
Ensample," quod she, " tak of tho tofore That fro my quhele be rollit as a ball ;
For the nature of it is euermore,
After ane hicht, to vale and geue a fall, Thus, quhen me likith, vp or doune to fall :
Fare-wele," quod sche ; and by the ere me toke
So ernestly, that therewithall I woke.
CLXXIII
O besy goste ! ay flikering to and fro, That neuer art in quiet nor in rest,
Till thou cum to that place that thou cam fro, Quhich is thy first and verray proper nest : From day to day so sore here artow drest,
That with thy flesche ay walking art in trouble,
And sleping eke ; of pyne so has thou double.
CLXXIV
Touert my-self all this mene I to loke. Though that my spirit vexit was tofore
In sueuenyng, alssone as euer I woke By twenty-fold it was in trouble more, Bethinking me with sighing hert and sore
That I nan othir thingis bot dremes had,
Nor sekernes, my spirit with to glad.
CLXXV And therewith sone I dressit me to ryse,
Fulfild of thoght, pyne, and aduersitee ; And to my-self I said into this wise ;
" A ! merci, Lord ! quhat will 36 do with me ?
Quhat lyf is this ? quhare hath my spirit be ? Is this of my forethoght impressioun, Or is it from the hevin avisioun ?
CLXXIV. i. Towart, S., in note. Couert myself all this ment I to loke, W.
3. sueuenyng, S. 6. I, S. CLXXV. 3. vpon this wise, S.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 89
Ensample quod sche/tak of this tofore That fro my quhele be rollit as a ball For the nature of It is eu^rmore After ane hicht to vale/'and geue a fall Thus quhen me likith vp or doun to fall Fare wele quod sche/*and by the ere me toke So ernestly/:)>tft therew/ttall I woke
to*
O besy goste ay flikering to aW fro
That neu^r art In quiet nor In rest
Till thou cum to that place \al thou cam fro
Quhich is thy first/and verray proper nest
From day to day so sore here artow drest
That with thy flesche ay walking art in trouble
And sleping eke of pyne so has thou double
(174)
Couert* my self all this mene I to loke Though j?at my spirit vexit was tofore In sueuyng alssone as eu*r I woke By xx*J fold It was In trouble more Bethinking me with sighing hert an^ sore That nan othir thingis bot dremes had Nor sek<?rnes/-my spirit with to glad
(175)
And therewith sone I dressit me to rys* Fulfild of tho^/it/'pyne and adu^rsitee And to my self I said In this wis* t b Quhat lyf is this/'quhare hath my spirit be a A mm:i lord quhat will 36 do with me Is this of my forethoght Impressiouw Or Is It from the hevin avisiouw
* The initial C may be a T. There seems in MS. a very, very faint left limb to the letter.
f b and a are in handwriting of scribe.
90 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CLXXVI
And gif 36 goddis, of ^oure puruiance, Haue schewit this for my reconforting,
In relesche of my furiouse pennance, I 3ow beseke full humily of this thing, That of ^oure grace I myght haue takenyng,
Gif it sal be as in my slepe before
3e shewit haue." And forth, withoutin more,
CLXXVII
In hye vnto the wyndow gan I walk, Moving within my spirit of this sight,
Quhare sodeynly a turture, quhite as calk, So evinly vpon my hand gan lyght, And vnto me sche turnyt hir full ryght ;
Offquham the chere in hir birdis aport
Gave me in hert kalendis of confort.
CLXXVIII
This fair bird ryght in hir bill gan hold Of red iorofflis with thair stalkis grene
A fair branche, quhare writtin was with gold On euery list with branchis bryght and schene In compas fair, full plesandly to sene,
A plane sentence, quhich, as I can deuise
And haue in mynd, said ryght vpon this wise :
CLXXIX
" Awak ! awake ! I bring, lufar, I bring The newis glad, that blisfull bene and sure
Of thy confort ; now lauch, and play, and syng, That art besid so glad an auenture ; For in the hevyn decretit is thi cure."
And vnto me, the flouris fair present,
With wyngis spred hir wayis furth sche went.
CLXXVII. 3. chalk, S. 7. herte, S. CLXXVIII. 3. faire, S. 4. (lettris). 7. vpon, S. CLXXIX. 4. (That has betid).
THE KINGIS QU AIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 91
(176)
And gif 36 goddis of joure pwruiance
Haue schewit this for my reconforting
In relesche of my furious* pennance
I $ow beseke full huily of this thing
That of $oure grace I myght haue more takenyng
Gif It salbe/*as in my slepe before
3e schewit haue/'and forth withoutin more
(177)
In hye vnto the wyndow gan I walk Moving within my spirit of this sight Quhare sodeynly a twrtur* quhite as calk So evinly vpon my hand gan \yght And vnto me sche twrnyt hir full ryght Offquham the chere in hir birdis aport Gave me in hert kalendis of confort
(Another scribe begins here.)
(178)
This fair bird ryght In hir bill gan hold
Of red lorofflis with thair stalkis grene
A fair branche quhare writtin was with gold
On euery list witht branchis bryght wid schene
In compas fair full plesandly to sene
A plane sentence quhich as I can deuis*
And haue In mynd said ryght on )?is wise
(179)
Awak awake I bring lufar I bring
The newis glad that blisfull ben and sure
Of thy confort now lauch aW play and syng
That art besid so glad an auenture
For In the hevyn decretit is j?e cure
And vnto me the flouris fair present
With wyng/V spred hir wayis furth sche went
92 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CLXXX
Quhilk vp a-non I tuke, and as I gesse, Ane hundreth tymes, or I forthir went,
I haue it red, with hert full of glaidnese ;
And, half with hope, and half with dred, it hent, And at my beddis hed, with gud entent,
I haue it fair ypynnit vp, and this
First takyn was of all my help and blisse ;
CLXXXI
The quhich treuly therefter, day be day,
That all my wittis maistrit had tofore, From hennesferth the paynis did away.
And schortly, so wele Fortune has hir bore,
To quikin treuly day by day my lore, To my larges that I am cumin agayne, To blisse with hir that is my souiraine.
CLXXXII
Bot for als moche as sum micht think or seyne, Quhat nedis me, apoun so litill evyn, To writt all this ? I ansuere thus ageyne, — Quho that from hell war croppin onys in hevin, Wald efter o thank for ioy mak sax or sevyn. And euery wicht his awin suete or sore Has maist in mynde : I can say 3ou no more.
CLXXXIII Eke quho may in this lyfe haue more plesance
Than cum to largesse from thraldom and peyne, And by the mene of Luffis ordinance,
That has so mony in his goldin cheyne ?
Quhich thinkis to wyn his hertis souereyne, Quho suld me wite to write thar-of, lat se ! Now sufficiance is my felicitee,
CLXXX. 3. hertefull, S. 6. fairt, S. CLXXXI. i. quhiche, S. 3. From hennesferth, S. CLXXXII. 5. (of
thank).
CLXXXIII. 5. thinkis, S. 7. pointing felicitee, W. W. ; felicitee. S. sufficiante, S.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 93
(180)
Quhilk vp anon I tuke and as I gess*
Ane hundreth tymes or I forthir went
I haue It red with hertfull glaidnes*
And half with hope and half with dred It hent
And at my beddis hed with gud entent
I haue It fair pywnit vp and this
First takyn was of all my help and bliss*.
(181)
The quhich treuly efter day be day That all my wittis maistrit had to fore Quhich hensferth the paynis did away And schortly so wele fortune has hir bore To quikin treuly day by day my lore To my larges that I am cumin agayn To blisse with hir that is my souiraine
Bot for als moche as sum micht think or seyne Quhat nedis me apoun so litill evyn To writt all this I ansuere thus ageyne
r
Quho that from hell war coppin onys In hevin Wald efter O thank for loy mak vi or vii And euery wicht his awin suete or sore Has maist In mynde I can say $ou no more
Eke quho may In this lyfe haue more plesance Than cum to largess* from thraldom and peyne And by the mene of luffis Ordinance That has so mony In his goldin cheyne Quhich this to wyn his hertis sou^reyne Quho suld me wite to write thar of lat se Now sufficiance Is my felicitee
94 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CLXXXIV
Beseching vnto fair Venus abufe,
For all my brethir that bene in this place,
This is to seyne, that seruandis ar to Lufe, And of his lady can no thank purchase, His paine relesch, and sone to stand in grace,
Boith to his worschip and to his first ese ;
So that it hir and resoun noght displese :
CLXXXV
And eke for tham that ar noght entrit inne The dance of lufe, bot thidder-wart on way,
In gude tyme and sely to begynne
Thair prentissehed, and forthir-more I pray For thame that passit ben the mony affray
In lufe, and cummyn ar to full plesance,
To graunt tham all, lo ! gude perseuerance :
CLXXXVI
And eke I pray for all the hertis dull,
That lyven here in sleuth and ignorance,
And has no curage at the rose to pull,
Thair lif to menden and thair saulis auance With thair suete lore, and bring thame to gude chance ;
And quho that will noght for this prayer turn
Quhen thai wald faynest speid, that thai may spurn,
CLXXXVII
To rekyn of euery-thing the circumstance, As hapnit me quhen^ lessen gan my sore,
Of my rancoure and al my wofull chance, It war to long, I lat it be tharefor. And thus this flouris, I can seye no more,
So hertly has vnto my help attendit,
That from the deth hir man sche has defendit.
CLXXXIV. i. (Beseche I). CLXXXVII. 3. al my, S. 5. floure I can seye $ou no more, S.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 95
(184)
Beseching vnto fair venus abufe For all my brethir ]>at ben In this place This Is to seyne j?at smiandis'are to lufe And of his lady can no thank pwrchas^ His paine relesch and sone to stand In grace Boith to his worschip and to his first es* So that It hir and aW resoun noght disples*
And eke for tham j?at ar nogbt entrit Inne
The dance of lufe bot thidd^rwart on way
In gude tym and sely to begynne
For thame that passit ben )?e mony affray ) ^
Thair prentiss^hed and forthirmore I pray f
In lufe and cunnyng are to full plesance
To graunt tham all/lo gude p^rseuerance
(i 86)
And eke I pray for all the hertis dull
That lyven here In sleuth and Ignorance
And has no curage at the ros* to pull
Thair lif to mend and thair saulis auance
With thair suete lore wid bring tham to gude chance
And quho that will noght for this prayer turn
Quhen thai wald faynest speid ]>at j?ai may spurn
To Rekyn of euery thing the circumstance
As hapnit me quhen lessen gan my sore
Of my rancoure and wofull chance
It war to long-I lat It be tharefor
And thus this flouris I can seye no more
So hertly has vnto my help attendit
That from the deth hir man sche has defendit
* The marks £, ay fr, and ) are written by a later hand and not by the scribe.
96 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CLXXXVIII
And eke the goddis mercifull virking,
For my long pane and trewe seruice in lufe,
That has me gevin halely myn asking, Quhich has my hert for euir sett abufe In perfyte ioy, that neuir may remufe,
Bot onely deth : of quhom, in laud and prise,
With thankfull hert I say richt in this wise : —
CLXXXIX
" Blissit mot be the blisfull goddis all, So fair that glitteren in the firmament !
And blissit be thare myght celestiall,
That haue convoyit hale, with one assent, My lufe, and to so glade a consequent !
And thankit be Fortunys exiltree
And quhele, that thus so wele has quhirlit me.
cxc
Thankit mot be, and fair in lufe befall
The nychtingale, that, with so gud entent,
Sang thare of lufe the notis suete and small, Quhair my fair hertis lady was present, Hir with to glad, or that sche forthir went !
And thou gerafloure, mot i-thankit be
All othir flouris for the lufe of the !
cxci
And thankit be the fair castell wall,
Quhare as I quhilom lukit furth and lent.
Thankit mot be the sanctis marciall, That me first causit hath this accident. Thankit mot be the grene bewis bent,
Throu quhom, and vnder, first fortunyt me
My hertis hele, and my confort to be.
CLXXXIX. i. heyfi goddis, S. 5. so glade, S. CXCI. i. faire, S. 3. (factis marciall).
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 97
. (188)
And eke the goddis mercifull virking For my long pane and trewe s^ruice In lufe That has me gevin halely myn asking Quhich has my hert for euir sett abufe In perfyte loy that neuir may remufe Bot onely deth of quhom In laud aW pris* With thankfull hert I say richt In this wise
Blissit mot be the goddis all
So fair that glitteren In j?e firmament
And blissit be thare myght celestiall
That haue convoyit hale with one assent
My lufe and to glade a consequent
And thankit be fortunys exiltree
And quhile that thus so wele has quhirlic me
(190)
Thankit mot be and fair and lufe befall The nychtingale j?at with so gud entent Sang thare of lufe the notis suete and small Quhair my fair hertis lady was present Hir with to glad or that sche forthir went And thou gerafloure mot I thankit be All othir floum for ]?e lufe of )?e
(190
And thankit be )?e fair castell wall Quhare as I quhilom lukit furth aW lent Thankit mot be the sanctis marciall That me first causit hath this accident Thankit mot be the grene bewis bent Throu quhom and vnder first fortunyt one My hertis hele and my confort to be
98 THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CXCII
For to the presence suete and delitable,
Rycht of this floure that full is of plesance,
By processe and by menys fauorable, First of the blisfull goddis purueyance, And syne throu long and trew contynuance
Of veray faith in lufe and trew seruice,
I cumin am, and forthir in this wise.
cxcin
Vn worthy, lo, bot onely of hir grace,
In lufis ^ok, that esy is and sure, In guerdoun fair of all my lufis space
Sche hath me tak, hir humble creature.
And thus befell my blisfull auenture, In 3outh, of lufe, that now from day to 'day, Flourith ay newe, and $it forthir, I say.
cxciv
Go litill tretise, nakit of eloquence, Causing simplese and pouertee to wit,
And pray the reder to haue pacience Of thy defaute, and to supporten it, Of his gudnese thy brukilnese to knytt,
And his tong for to reulen and to stere,
That thy defautis helit may ben here.
cxcv
Allace ! and gif thou cummyst in the presence, Quhare as of blame faynest thou wald be quite,
To here thy rude and crukit eloquens, Quho sal be thare to pray for thy remyt ? No wicht, bot geve hir merci will admytt
The for gud will, that is thy gyd and stere,
To quham for me thou pitousely requere.
CXCII. 7. I cum am and $it, S. ; cumen, W. CXCIII. 3. eke, S. CXCIV. 6. reulen, S.
CXCV. i. cummyst ( = cum'st) in the presence, W. W. ; In presence, S
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 99
(192)
For to the presence suete and delitable Rycht of this floure j?at full Is of plesance By process* and by menys fauorable First of J?e blisfull goddis pwrueyance And syne throu long and trew contywuance Of veray faitJi In lufe and trew smiice I cumin am and forthir In this wis/
('93)
Vnworthy lo bot onely of hir grace
In lufis $ok that esy is and sure
In guerdoun of all my lufis space
Sche hath me tak hir humble creature
And thus befell my blisfull auenture
In 3outh of lufe that now from day to day
Flourith ay newe and $it forthir I say
('94)
Go litill tretis* nakit of eloquence Causing simples* and pouertee to wit And pray the reder to haue pacience Of thy defaute and to supporten It Of his gudnes* thy brukilnes* to knytt And his tong for to reule and to stere That thy defautis helit may ben here
(195)
Allace and gif thou cu;wmyst In J?e presence
Quhare as of blame faynest thow wald be quite
To here thy rude and crukit eloquens
Quho salbe thare to pray for thy remyt 0
No wicht bot geve hir merci will admytt
The for gud will that Is thy gyd aW stere
To quham for me thou pitous*ly requere
ioo THE KINGIS QUAIR— AMENDED TEXT
CXCVI
And thus endith the fatall influence,
Causit from hevyn, quhare power is commytt
Of gouirnance, by the magnificence Of Him that hiest in the hevin sitt : To Quham we thank that all oure lyf hath writt,
Quho coutht it red, agone syne mony a ^ere,
Hich in the hevynnis figure circulere.
cxcvn
Vnto the ympis of my maisteris dere,
Gowere and Chaucere, that on the steppis satt
Of rethorike, quhill thai were lyvand here, Superlatiue as poetis laureate, In moralitee and eloquence ornate,
I recommend my buk in lynis sevin,
And eke thair saulis vnto the blisse of hevin. Amen.
Explicit, &c. &c. Quod Jacobus Primus, Scotorum Rex Illustrissimus.
CXCVI. 5. lifhath, S. CXCVII. i. the impnis, S.
CONCLUSION OF THE K1NGIS QUAIR WITH COLOPHON
To face p. 101.
THE KINGIS QUAIR— TEXT AS IN MS. 101
(196)
And thus endith the fotall Influence
Causit from hevyn quhare powar Is commytt
Of gouirnance by the magnificence
Of him that hiest In the hevin sitt
To quham we think that all oure hath writt
Quho coutht It red agone syne mony a 3ere
Hich In the hevywnis figure circulere
('97)
Vnto Inpnis of my masUris dere Gowere and chaucere that on }>e steppis satt Of rethorike quhill thai were lyvand here Superlatiue as poetis laureate In moralitee and eloquence ornate I recommend my buk In lynis sevin And eke thair saulis vnto }>e bliss* of hevm Amen
Explicit &c &c Quod lacobus Primus scotorum rex Illustrissimus
POEM IN GUDE AND GODLIE BALLAT1S.
SEN throw vertew Incressis dignitie,
And vertew is flour and rute of Nobles ay,
Of ony wit or quhat estate thow be,
His steppis follow, and dreid for none effray :
Eiect vice, and follow treuth alway, 5
Lufe maist thy God, that first thy lufe began,
And for ilk Inche he will the quyte ane span.
Be not ouir proude in thy prosperitie,
For as it cummis, sa it will pass away,
The time to compt is schort, thou may weill se, 10
For of grene gres sone cummis wallowit hay,
Labour in treuth, quhilk suith is of thy fay,
Traist maist in God, for he best gyde the can,
And for ilk Inche he will the quyte ane span.
Sen word is thrall, and thocht is only fre, 15
Thow dant thy toung, that power hes and may, Thow steik thy Ene fra warldis vanitee, Refraine thy lust, and harkin quhat I say, Graip or thow slyde, and keip furth the hie way, Thow hald the fast vpon thy God and man, 20
And for ilk Inche he will the quyte ane span.
Quod King James the First.
Bannatyne MS. 2. nobill-ray.
3. vertewis estait that evir. — Duplex reading, stait.
4. perse w . . the non. 5. Exyle all. 6. most. 7. the quyt a. 8. of. 9, so. 10. ma. 12. quhill licht is of the day.
13. most . . help. 14. as in 7. 15. wordis are.
17. thyne. 18. Refrene . . and harkin.
19. creip furth on the. 20. and keip thy faith thow aw to.
21. as in 7.
STANZAS 2 AND 3 BALLAD OF GOOD COUNSEL AS IN CAMBRIDGE MS.
To face p. 103.
BALLAD OF GOOD COUNSEL AS IN CAMBRIDGE MS.
SEN trew Vertew encressis dignytee
And wertew floure and rut is of noblay,
Of ony weill, of quhat esstat thow bee,
His steppis sew, and dreid the non affray :
Exill all wyce, and folow treuthe al way : 5
Luf most thi god, that fyrst thi lust began,
And for ilk ynch he wyll the quyte a spane.
Sen word is thrall, and thocht is only free,
pow dant thi twnge, that powar has & may.
Thow set thine erne fra worldly vanitee, 10
Restren thi lust, and harkyne quhat I say.
Stramp, or )?ow slyd, and crep furt one the way ;
Kep thi behest one to thi lord, and thane
Fore ilk ynch he will the quyt aspane.
103
THE QUARE OF JELUSY
Here beginnith ]?e quare of lelusy Avis*, 36 gudely folk**, and see.
THIS lusty mail, the quhich all tender flour/j
By nature nurisith with hir hote schoum,
The felde oureclad hath with ]?e tender grene
Quhich all depaynt with diu*?rs* hewis bene,
And euery thing makith to conuert
Agayn the stroke of winter cold and smert :
The samyn moneth and the sevynt Ide
The sonne, the quhich Ipat likith not to hyde
His course, ascending In the Orient
From his first gree, and forth his bemys sent, 10
Throu quhich he makith euery lusty hert
Out of thair sleuth to walkyn and astert
And vnto maii to done thair obseruance.
Tho fell It me In to remembrance
Athing ]?e quhich ]?at noyith me full sore
That for to rest auailith me no more ;
Bot walking furth vpoun the new grene,
Tho was the ayer sobir and amene,
And solitare, allone, without my fere,
Vnto a bonk, quhare as a small ryuere 20
Makith his course doun by a woddis syde,
Quhois levis fair did all the bewis hyde,
I past me furth, remem bring to and fro
All on this warldis changeing and his wo,
5. (sche) makitlj. 9. (ascendit). 14. rememb(e)rance.
15. A thing. 17. newe. 19. withoutyn fere.
104
BEGINNING OF QUARE OF JELUSY.
To /ace />. 104.
THE QUARE OF JELUSY 105
And namely on )?e suffrance and j?e peyne
Quhich most hath do my carefull hert constreyne :
The quhich as now me nedith not report.
For thare Is non that likith to support
Nor power has ; quharefor I will sustene,
And to no wicht I will compleyne nor mene, 30
Bot suffering furth as I haue done to fore
Myn hevynes and wo : quhat Is thare more ?
Wele long I walkit there, till at j?e last
Myn eye estward agayne the sonne I cast,
Quhare as I saugh among the lev is grene
A lady, quhich that was ryght wele besene,
And als fresch In hir beautee and array
As j>e bricht sonne at rising of j?e day.
Off coloure was sche lik vnto j?e ros*,
Boith quhite and red ymeynt ; ?jid I suppose 40
One gudliar* that nature neuir vrroght ;
Of lustyhede ne lakkit sche ryght noght.
My spirit coud noght resemble hir, nor gesse,
Bot vnto Dyane, or sum hie goddesse.
And preuely I hid me of entent
Among the levis to here quhat sche ment.
And forth a passf sche walkit sobirly,
There as I was ; and passing cam so ny
That I persauit haue vpoun hir chere
The cristall tern falling from hir eyne clere. 50
It semyt wele that wo hir hert constreynit,
Sche sorowit, sche sikit, sche sore compleynit ;
So sobirly sche spak that I no myght
Not here one word quhat j?flt sche said zryght :
Bot wele I herd sche cursit preualy
The cruell vice of caustics lelousy.
Sche wepit so a quhile, till at }?e last
With that hir woce and eyne to hevin sche cast
And said : " goddesse Imeneus ! thou rewe
32. Myne. 43. spreit. 4.6. herC.
50. fall from hir eyCn.
io6 THE QUARE OF JELUSY
Of me, In to the dangerous^ bound of newe 60
Ycome ; allace ! quhich be the caus* ]>at I
Am turment thus, withoutyn caus*? or quhy,
So sudaynly vnder ^oure strong lowe ;
For It the quhich Is vnto me vnknowe :
As als sekirly here In thy presence,
Geue euirmore I didin suich offence
M
The scha£p deth mote perce me throuch ]?e hert
So that on fute from hens I neuir astert :
Nor neuirmore It was In myn entent,
Thare of I am both hole and Innocent. 70
And, gif I say fals*, Pluto fat Is king,
Quhich the derk regioun hath in his gowrnyng,
Mote me In to his fyry cart do ta,
As quhilom did he to Proserpina :
And thare my body and my soule also
With him ay duell In torment and In wo.
O Dyane ! goddesse of fredome and of ese,
Vnder quhom I haue bot thraldome and disese,
Litill of treuth, of gladness, or plesance,
So helpith me agayn this wary it chance. 80
For of this gilt thou knowis wele my part,
And lupiter that knowith euery hart
Wote that I am sakeles*, me defende !
Ne for no want nor for to haue commend
Not say I this, for here nys non bot ^e,
Of thilk hid thing that knowith ]?e veritee ;
And sen thou wote ]>at my complaynt Is treuth,
Off pitee than compassioun haue and reuth ;
My life to gone mak on ane othir dance,
Or me delyuer of this warldis chance ; 90
Quhich Is to say that efter, as I deserue,
That I may lyve, or sodaynly to sterue."
And thus apoun the goddis can sche crye,
And euir among sche cursit lelousye ;
63. stronge. 65. Als sekirly as ; And als, B.
66. did ane, did in, B. 67. scharpe. 72. in gouernyng.
78. Off quhom. 83. And wote. 86. Of ilk.
THE QUARE OF JELUSY 107
With that sche sichit with a ryght pitous<? chere :
Allace ! gret reuth hir pleynyng was to here ;
Hir coloure, quhich that was so fair to sene,
It changit oft, and wexit pale and grene.
Hir to behold thare was no gentill hert
Than he schuld haue compassioun of hir smert, IOO
To sene from hir lusty eyne auaille
The glett^ring tern, als thik as ony haile,
As thai descendet, from the ayr abone
Vpoun the lusty colourit ros* in lune,
Quhen thai ar fairest on thair stalk/5 newe ;
So was the ter/V vpoun hir fresch hewe.
Allace hir chere ! allace hir countenance !
For to behald It was a grete pen nance.
And as I was vprising for to go
To confort hir and counsele of hir wo, no
So come one othir lady, hir allone,
The nerrest way vnto hir Is sche gone :
And one thai tuo ysamyn gan to fare,
Bot quhens thai past I can noght you declare.
Bot quhen that thai out of my sicht were gone,
And I in wod belevit me allone,
My goste hath take In sad remembering
This ladies chere and wofull compleynyng,
Quhich to my hert sat full very nere ;
And to my selfe I thoght In this manere: I2O
Quhat may this mene ? quhat may this signifie ?
I can noght wit quhat is the caus<? or quhy
This lady suffrit this strong aduersitee ;
For, as me think, In erde suld no thing be
Possible to ony wicht of wele willing
As ony richest or hert/j cherising,
And euery thing according to plesance,
Than sche thare of suld haue full suffisance
To gladin hir and plesyn with thair chere,
Bot deth of lufe or deth of frendis dere, 130
ioo. Bot he. 101. sene. 106. fresche.
116. I above line in MS. 119. herte. 123. suffrith.
125. wele-willing. 128. That sche.
io8 THE QUARE OF JELUSY
Quhich is Inpossible for to bring ageyn. For thing possible, me thing, sche suld
pleyne ;
For sche for fairhede and for suete having Myght wele accorde for ony wicht lyving. Bot tho It fell In to my fantasy How sche so oftsys* cursit lelousy : Than thouth I thus : gife lyvis ony wicht Quhich fynd In to his cherlisch hert mjght Thus for to turment suich one creature, To done hir wo, to done hir payne endure : 140
Now wele I wote It Is no questioun There lyveth none In to )?is erth adoun, Bot he cuflzmyn of sum cherlisch kynd, For othir wayis, forsuth, I can no^t fynd He suich one lady wold In ony way disples^, Or harme to do to hir honour or hir es* : Be as be may, ^it my consate me gevith This lelousye, the quhich ]>at sche repreuith, Annoyith hir : and so It may wele be Ofe euill condicioun euirmore Is he, 150
As fe Deuill ay birnyng In to hate, Full of discorde and full of fres<? consate. How euir It stonde, ^it for this ladies sak Samekle occupacioun schall I tak Furth with for to syttyn doun and writt Of lelouse folk sum thing In to dispitt ; And quho be wroth, or quho be blith, here I Am he the quhich that sett no thing thareby. For ladyes schall no caus* haue, gif I may, Thame to disples* for no thing schall I say 160
And gif I do, It Is of negligence And lak of cownyng and of eloquence,
131. impossible. 132. me think. 133. suete-having.
137. tho^t ; thoucht, B. 138. herte.
143. Bot he be, B. 145. one and in redundant.
146. to after karme, and do both written above line, to redundant.
152. ferse. 154. Samekle. 155. Als furthwith.
THE QUARE OF JELUSY 109
For It Is no thing in to myn entent
To say the thing schall mak thame discontent :
Nor }it no faithfull lover to disples^,
Nor schewe nothing In contrare of thair es*,
Nor of no wicht of gude cond^cioun,
Bot of this wickit ymaginacioun,
Quhich by his name Is clepit lelousye,
That euery louere hatith of Inuy ; 170
And thouch all suich were wode in thair entent
As Hercules^, quhen he him seluen brent,
Or cursit Nero, quhen he his p^rile sawe,
Of his own hond ymurderit and yslawe.
Ne rek I not, nor geve I of thame charge,
Lat thame go saile all in j?e Deuillis barge :
And quhethir thay flete or In to hell synk
3it schall I writen eftir as I think.
And ^e louer/j ]?at stondith furth In treuth,
Menyt eke, compassioun haue and reuth, 180
How ladies evill demanit ar oftsys*
By this foule wrech : go ! helpith him dispis*,
And to compleyne thair treuth and Innocence,
That mekle suffrith throuch thair owin pacience :
And of my termes and my rude endite
Excusith me, sett thai be Inperfyte,
Beseking $ou at lovis hie reuerence,
Takith gude will in stede of eloquence.
For as I can, non othir wys* I may,
Thus I begyn, and on this wis* I say. 190
O tendir 3outh, ]?at stant In Innocence, Grundid on treuth, sadnes, and pacience,
Wommen I mene, all vicis contempnyng, That void I bene of euery violews, And full of pitee and beneuolence,
177. do synk. 180. Inuyit eke. 181. Displeis, B.
191. Stand, B. 194. ay bene j ay, B.
no THE QUARE OF JELUSY
Humble and wise, ryght sobir and bening, And full of merci vnto euery thing In suffrance, scant of mony grete offense, Full paciently In to this erth lyving
Vnder thraldome and mawnis subiectioun : 20O
And mekly suffrith thair correctioun.
Allace, ]?e wo ! allace, )?e sad greuance ! 3e suffering men of euill condicioun, Quhich hath no pitee and lakkith discrecioun,
And bene ysett vnder thair gouirnance.
3oure suffering thare Is mony one hard mischance, *- 3oure fairhede goth, jour 3outh Is broght a doun
With weping tern ay full of strong penance.
LouenV compleyne, and euery gentill wicht 210
Help for to mene, help for to waill a ryght ;
Compassioun haue, and reuth vpoun ]?e nede, In helping and supporting at your myght Thame quhich j?at of ^oure gladness is ]?e licht,
That Is to say all lusty womanhede,
Quhich $ou In lufe and cheualry doth fede But quhom this warldis gladness from his hicht
Schold sone avale and fallyn out of drede.
In to this erth quhat Is our gladness here, Iff that we lak J>e presence and )?e chere
Of thame that bene this wordis hole plesance ? 22O
Quhat ar we worth, gif that thair help ne were ? All vertuous* wowman Salamon holdith dere,
And mekle worth of thair gouirnance :
Thai ar oure es^, thai ar oure suffisance : From vicious^ wowmen passith my matere,
Thai most all gone apoun one othir dance.
198. ony grete. 203. sufferen $ In suffering, B.
220. worldis $ warldis, B. 223. worth is.
THE QUARE OF JELUSY 1 1 1
Allace, the wo ! (quho can it specify ?) That wojwmen suffren ay withoutyn quhy
Into this erth In dangere and In vere ; And to recist agaynis tyranny 230
Is no Defense ; thai haue to pas thareby
Bot weping with the tern of thair chere,
With syking, wailling, pleyning, and prayere ; And euerich thing sustene thai paciently :
Thus livith ay thir sely women here.
This mene I all be wickit men oftsys^, That giltles dooth thir ladies to supprys*
Withoutyn caus* of ony man^r thing, And namely, by thair varyit tyrawnyis, The cruelteis, the wikkitnes ]>at lyis 240
In lelousy and fals* ymagynyng,
Quhich harmyth all this world by his demyng, Of quhom I think sum thing to deuis*
And schewe to $ou here eftir my connyng.
Quho schall me help, allace ! for to endite, For to be waill, to compleyne, aW to write
This vice that now so large is and commoun ? What sail I say ? quhom sail I awite ? For hie nor law Is non estate to quite,
Now all hath fele of thilke poysoun._ 250
Allace ! this fals* and wickit condicioun The lustyhede and euery glade delyte
Hath of y\s world full nere ybroght a doun.
For in )?e tyme was of oure eld^ris old Quhen lelousy abhomiwable was hold,
Quhare ofe eschamith euery noble wy, Than was thir ladies eu^r In honour hold, Thair lustyhede, quhich causith mony fold
130. agaynis. 237. thair. 243. for to deuise.
246. bewaill. 248. and quhom. 253. adoun.
ii2 THE QUARE OF JELUSY
Fredome, gentri^, disport, and cheualry : Thai syng, thai dance, and makith company. 260
Thame to defame was non ]?flt durst nor wold, As now thai do withoutyn caus^ or quhy.
And }it I wote ]?ir ladies bene echone Als trew and sad as ony tyme aygone,
And ar to blame als litill or repreue ; Bot now thai mon thame vttirly dispone To duell as doth ]?e anker In ]?e stone,
Yf that thai think vndemyt for to leve ;
So fast encressyn can this fals^ beleue That In this world fewe ladyes ar, or none, 270
Quhich schall vnsclandmt from his tong escheve.
For ife sche makith chere or company, As they were wount, he raisith vp his cry ;
And yfe sche loke, he lugith of hir thoght ; And sett sche loke or speke vnto no wy, Bit euill he demith In his fantasy ;
And be sche glad or wele besene In oucht,
This tyrane saith It Is nat do for nocht. Allace ! by him the harm withoutyn ony quhy
Is euery day In to this world ywroght. 280
And ife a spouse stant with this vice, I wys All thing is said, all thing Is wroght amys
In his consate ; and gif that ony way Fro home he goth, his spy he schall noght mys, That feynith tailis, no thing as It Is,
To plesyn him, for sum thing mon he say :
Than goth all rest, than goth all pes away ; Farewele of lufe the gladness and )?e blis,
Fro he cum home als ferfuth as he may.
264. agone ; ygone. 279. ony redundant, B.
281. scant, B. 285. ^it no. 289. ferfurth, B.
THE QUARE OF JELUSY 113
And }it to hir Is double wo and grame, 290
For thouch that he be gilty In J?e same
Full mony a lady nothing dare sche say ; And $it thir ladies In lelousy to blame Ar noght as men, for men haith now no schame
To be In love as double as J?ai may :
Thir ladies thus full mony a caus* haue thay ; And thouch he speke, It hindmt noght his name ;
And ife sche loke, It harmith hir all way.
This may be clept a wrech in till his mynd,
For, as we may In old bukis fynd, 300
In lak of hert ay stant this maladye. To him )?e quhich supposith aye behind, And verreis to stond in lufis kynd,
For Salamoun saith " ane noble hert nor eye
Haith to enquere of ladis, nor espye, Nor thame misdeme In to thair treuth vnkind,"
As doth this wrech, \a\. hot is lelusye ;
Off quhom In to <:0«tempnyng and dispite My will is gude for to declare and wr/te,
Suppose of wit I empty be and bare ; 310
Thou Ecco ! quhich of chiding Is p<?rfyte, I the beseke thou helpith me to flyte,
And Thesiphone, thou lord of wo and care,
So helpith me this mater to declare On lelousy his malice to acquyte
With the supplee of euery trewe lufare.
Here efter folowis the trety In the reprefe of lelousye. —
The passing Clerk, the grete philosophoure
Sydrake, enspirit of hevinly Influence, Quhich holdyn was In to his tyme J?e floure
Of clergy, wis^dome, and intelligence, 320
In to his buk/j declarith this sentence
297. hinderith. 300. Into. 303. for (?) to stond.
305. Hatith ... or. 306. Or ... vnto.
1 14 THE QUARE OF JELUSY
To Bokas King, amang his doctrins sere, Off lelousy, and saith In this manere.
He clepith It foly of one Ignorant,
The quhich euill humom makith to precede,
As hert corrupt, or, quho It list to hant, Malancholy. It raisith vp, but drede, That lust of slepe, of mete, or drink of dede ;
And wit of man confusith It all plane
With this hote feuir that Is cotidiane. 330
And suth It Is by resoun as we fynd
That this suspicioun and this lelousye Is and cumwith of ]?e veray kynd
Of Herubus, the quhich \a\. of Invye
The fad^r is, and be this resoun quhy For euirmore In rancoure and in Ire As Ethena he birnyth in j?e fyre.
Thus with ]?e cheyne of sorow Is he bound
Furth in this world full of aduersitee, His frendschip to no wicht It schall be found. 340
Quhy in him self ay at debate is he,
Withoutyn lufe, withoutyn cheritee ? In his consate and his ymagynyng Ay to the worst he demith euery thing,
That in this erth lyueth thare no wicht
Of no condicioun nor of no degree, In his presence ]?at wisedome has nor micht
To reule himself In ony wyse than he
Schall deme thareof amys, yset he be
Als chaste, als trew, and reule him self als wele 350
As euir hath do fe prophete Daniele.
333. Is born. 345. 31! lyueth.
THE QUARE OF JELUSY 115
For euery thoght and luke and countenance
Suspect he holdith In to his demyng, And twrnyth all to harm and to mischance.
This tygir with his fals* ymagynyng
lith as a deuill In to this erth lyving, Contenyng aye In anger and In hate, Both with him self and otheris at debate.
But cheritee thus euirmore he levith,
Quhich Crist of wedding clepith the habyte, 360
But quhilk of hevin euery wicht beleuyth,
But of fe bliss* and of )?e fest Is quyte.
And Paule thus to j?e Corinthies doth write Off faith, of hope, and eke of cheritee ; The last fe most he clepith of j?e thre.
And he declarith In )?e samyn chapture That thouch men be as angelis eloquent,
Or all thair gudis gyvith to )?e pure,
Or 311 for Crist ysuffering suich turment
To be yslawe, ymartmt, or brent, 370
Or doth all gude the quhich fat may be wro^/Jt,
And lakkith cheritee, all It auailit noght.
And euery wicht, fat hath discrecioun, wote That quho thus lyvith In to lelousye,
In Ire and malice birnyth ay full hote, From worldis loy and hevinly companye Excludit an? thus throw thair fals* Inuye ;
And oft thareof cutfzmith mischance
As strife, debate, slauchter, and vengeance ;
Quhare of I coud ane hundreth samplis tell 380
Of stories olde the quhich I lat oure go ;
And als that In this tyme present befell, Amongis quhilk we fynd how one of tho His lady sleuch and syne him selfe also.
369. ysufferen. 372. auailith noght. 375. birnyng.
378. thare cummith suich, B.
n6 THE QUARE OF JELUSY
In this Ilk lond withoutyn ony quhy But onely for his wickit gelousy.
Off quhich full mony ensample may we fynde Of olde ygone and new experiment,
That quho this gilt hauntith In his mynd
It hath been cause quhy mony one were schent, 390 Sum sleuch him self and sum of euill entent
From Innocentis bereving oft ]?e lyfe,
Sum sleuch his lady and other sum his wife.
And lelousye hath euir suich a tong
That from the malice of his hert pr0cedith,
By quhich that sclander wyde quhare is rong
And Crist he saith, " ]>at quhom of sclander dredith Wo be to him !" and, more, vnto him bedith
Away the sclanderous* member for to kerue,
Quhich dampnyth 30^ eternaly to sterue. 400
And the first verteu, as poetis can declare, Is tong with wysedome to refreyne and stere,
Quhich vnto god Is nerest euirmare ;
And Salamoun saith, " fer better \a\. It were Allone to duell with lyozms, than be nere
A sclanderouse tong of chiding and of hate :"
So odiouse he holdith suche debate.
A poete saith " that neuir more Is pes, Quhare suich a tong hath dominacioun,
Nor ^it the tong the quhich Ipat can noght ces , 410
Ay schewing his euill ymagynacioun, And hath of langage no more discrecioun
Than he the quhich ]>at talkith in his slepe ;
Nor vnto him aucht no wicht takyn kepe."
389. into. 396. wydequhare ; wyde (al) quhare, B.
403. evirmore, B.
THE QUARE OF JELUSY 117
Approvit Is by resoun and scripture Of Crist and his apostlis euirilkone,
By prophetis, doctour/;, poet/V, and nature,
Offquhom this vice, of quhom this gilt Is tone, And quhens he cu^mith and quhid^r he schall gone,
Quhich Is to say, ]>at lelousy, at schort, 420
Cojwmyth of )?e deuill, and thedir schall resort.
As onys of one Empmmre we rede, One haly man, and clepit was Henry,
In prayer, fasting, and in almous* dede ; And for no caus^ hot for his lelousy e, The quhich he caucht, and for non othir quhy,
Vpoun his lufe trew and Innocent,
Efter his deth he come to Iuge*ment.
And thare, as In to reuelacioun
Till one of oure fadms old was sene, 430
He had ressauit his owin dampnacioun For j?e Ilk gilt of lelusy, I mene, Had noght Laurence the blisfull martyr bene
By merci of oure blisfull salvatoure :
Suich Is ]?e fyne of all )?is fals* erroure.
And quhare, of long, It hath bene said or this " That of hote lufe ay curamith lelousye," * That sentence Is interpret to amys ;
And, schortly said, noght vnderstand )>e quhy.
For It Is noght for to presume thareby 440
That lelousye, quhich is of vice )?e ground,
Is in to lufe or in a lufare found.
For lelousy, the quhich of lufe j>0t usith, Is clept nothing bot of a simple drede,
As quhen thir lufam remembrith and avisith, Sum of thair wo and sum apoun thair nede, And sum of gladness \at doth of lufe precede
425. his false, B. 427. So trew j Baith trew, B.
428. cometh, B. 430. old taderis It.
432. For thilke gilt (?). 444. clepit, B. 447. glaidness, B.
n8 THE QUARE OF JELUSY
Throuch quhich thair hertz'j brynt ar In ]?e fyre, Sum of grete raddoure and sum of hote desire.
That euery thing thai doubt \a\. may thame make 450
Of lufe ]?e grettest plesance to for go, Throuch quhich sum lufaris hath suich drede ytake
That It to thame Is hevynes and wo ;
Bot natw/'t/jstonding ay thai reule thame so Thair drede It Is to euery wicht vnknowe, Thame likith not to sclander nor to schowe.
Thir lelousyis full diuerse ar of kynd,
The tone It harmith to no creature Bot secrete ded and symple, as we fynd
That lufaris In to lufing most endure, 460
That othir bereth all one othir cure, He sclandmth, feynyth, defamith, and furth criyth, And lufe and euery lufar he Inuyith.
O wofull wrech and wickit euill consate !
O fals^ suspicioun, nurist full of hate,
In hevin and erth ]?i harm is boith ywritte !
O cruell serpent aye leving In awayte !
O scland^rous* tong, fy on thy dissayte !
Quhare that thou lovith thou feynyth, }>at ypocrite, That thou art lelous* lufe thow gevith j?e wyte : 470
Thou leis thare of, as ]?rft I schall declare
To vnderstand to euery trewe lufare.
For euery wicht \a\. Is with lufe ybound, And sad and trewe In euery faith yground,
Syne likith noght to varye nor eschewe. Rather suffer schall he ]?e dethis wound Than In to him schall ony thing be found
That to this lady may displease or greue,
Or do to hir or to hir fame reprefe,
451. forgo. 454- noghtwithstanding, B.
4.56. noght, B. 459- dred (0-
467. lying In awayte. 468. fy, fy on. 469. thou ypocrite.
474. verray farth. 478. his lady, B. 479. Or to do, B.
THE QUARE OF JELUSY 119
For his desire is althir most to se 480
Hir stand In honoure and in prosperitee.
And contrair this thy cursit violence Staunt ay for quhy : )>i sclandmms* offense
Harmith thy lady most of ony wy, Quhich stryvith euir agayn hir Innocence That hath no suerd hot suffrance aW pacience For to resist agaynis hir Inymy, The quhich thou art ; and be ]?/s resoun quhy : Thou virkith that quhich may hir most anoye, That Is to say, hir worschip to distroye. 490
For cuery lady of honour and of fame Less* settith of hir deth than hir gud name ;
Oft be experiment prouith It Is so Off mony o lady, quhich done j?e same, Rather chesyn can thair deth than blame,
So lovyn thai thair honoure euirmo.
Fy on j>e, wrech ! fy on J>e, lufis fo ! That for to scland^r hath no schame nor drede The Innocence and fame of womanhede.
Quhat helpith )?e be clepit hir lovare, $00
Syne doith all thing )?tft most is hir contrare ? Quhat smiyth It ? quhat vaillith It of ocht ?
For go thy lady schall thou euirmare ;
And set hir cors* be thine, $it I declare Hir hert Is gone, It s^ruyth J?e of nor At, Thare is no lufe quhare ]>at such thing is wror/rt ;
And thouch sche wold, It Is, as thou may fynd,
Contrair to lufe, to resoun, and to kynd.
Thus of Y\ lady makis thou thy fo,
Quhois hert of resoun most thou nede forgo 510
Be thyne owin gilt : may nothing It appese ;
4.83. Staunt ay ; for quhy, B. 487. resiste, B.
493. provit. 494. a, hath done, B. 495. And rather.
497. Fy on the wrech ! B. 502. Quhat sayith, B. 503. Forgo.
120 THE QUARE OF JELUSY
And euery othir lady schall also Ensample tak to aduenture euirmo
Vnder thine bond thair honowr or thair es<? ;
And yfe thai do suppose thai haue dises^, Quho schall thame mene of weping eve and morovve, Quhich seith to fore sen rywnyth on thair sorowe ?
To euery lady schortly I declare
That thare thou art beith thare neuirmare
Rest nor quyete, treuly to conclude, 520
Nor grace, nor es^, nor lyving In welefare, Bot euery thing of gladness In his contrare.
For barane ay thou art and destitude Off euery thing that soundith vnto gude :
A lady rather schuld hir deth ytake Than suich a wrech till have on to hir make.
Quhare is )?i wit or thy discrecioun Quhich be thine euill ymaginacioun
In sewing thingis the quhich ]>at bene vnknewe ? Quhat helpith the thy fals^ suspicioun ? 530
Or quhat auailith thy wickit condicioun
To sayne or done J?#t thou most efter rewe ?
O nyce foole, thine owin harm for to schewe ! Drink noght j?e poysoun sene to fore thine eye, Lest thou corrupt and venymyt be thare by.
For yf )?e lestith as thou hath begonne Of lelousy to drinkyn of ]?e tonne,
Thare thy confusioun sene is )?e before, Thou wo yneuch vnto thy self hath wonne : Fare wele of lufe, thy fortune is yronne, 540
Thy ladyis dangere hath tho« euirmore ;
For thy condicioun greueth hir so sore And all )?i lufe furth driuith in penance With hevynes, and suffering grete mischance.
513. neuirmo. 519. quhare thou art, B. 522. In contrare.
526. onto. 529. Is sewing. 533. nyce, sewe (?). 543. lyfe (?).
THE QUARE OF JELUSY 121
For It hath bene and aye schall be also
Throuch lelousy : In angir and In wo Enduryn schall thy wrechit cursit life
Yfret ryght by the suerd of cruell syte a two :
Thy stormy thoght ay walking to and fro
As doth )?e schip among )>e wawis dryve, 550
And noght to pas and note quhare to aryve,
Bot ay in drede furth sailith eve aW morowe,
So passith thou thy world is course In sorowe.
(3it) scharp wo doth so \\ dredfull goste bete
(That a)s )>e tree is by the wormis frete (So) art thou here ay wastit ?jid ybrent,
(An)d birnyng as )?e tigir ay In hete.
(Qu)ho lyvth nowe ]>at can }?i wo repete ?
(And of ) thy selfe thou suffrith such torment, (M)oving to deth ay in )?in owen ententj 560
(Thi)ne owin harm consumith J?e and anoyith,
(And eke) ]?i body and \\ soule distroyith.
(For) sith It is thou failith not one of two,
(Th)at Is to say, Into this erth : In wo Ay to endure, therefter to be schent
(Eterna)ly withoutyn ony ho :
(And wele) accordith It for to be so. (He) is thy lord : the fader of haterent, (Fro) quhens that cutfzmith euery euill entent,
(Quhoi)s luve thou ay full besyly £0»s*ruith, 570
(For) thy desert rewardith the aW s^ruith.
549. waltering. 551. and note to pas, B.
554-573- Here are occasional defects in MS. The lacuna are supplied by
Bannatyne Club editor as noted below. 554. For, B. (scharp wo doth so thi dredfull goste ybete). 555556. as in Text. 557. (fyir). 559. Bot in.
560. Leving. 561. Thyne. 562. And both.
563. Bann. ed. (Bot.) suth (?). 564. As in Text.
565. Still to endure. (B. E.)
566-575. As in Text except 568 where quho is supplied. 569. thare cummith. 570. consumith, B.
122 THE QUARE OF JELUSY
(Thu)s may ]>ou fynd \a\. proffit Is thare non (In le) lousy : tharefore thou ]?e dispone,
my counsele Is playnly ; and for see This fantasy to leve, quhich thow hath tone ; And furth among gud falouschip thou gone,
lyving In es<? and In prosperitee
And love, and eke with ladies lovit be ; gif so }>e likith not, I can no more.
Thus I conclude, schortly ; as for me 580
Quho hath J?e worst I schrew him euirmore.
3ou louem all ryght hertly I exhort
This litill write helpith to support,
Excusith It, and tak no man^r hede
To the endyte ; for It most bene of nede,
Ay simpill wit furth schewith sympilnes^
And of vncownyng cuwmith aye rudnes^.
Bot sen here ar no termes eloquent
Belevith the dyte and takith J?e entent,
Quhich menyth all In contrair lufis fo, 590
And how thir ladies twrment bene in wo
And suffrith payne and eke gret violence
Into thair treuth and in thair innocence,
As daily be experience may be sene ;
The quhich, allace ! grete harm Is to sustene.
Thus I conclude with pitous* hert and meke,
To euery god j?#t regnyth I beseke
Aboue the erth, ]?e watir, or )?e aire,
Or on }?e fire, or ^it In wo and care,
Or 3it in turment, slauchter, or mischance, 600
Or mycht or power hath to done vengeance
In to ]?is erth, or wickitnes* distroye :
That quho thir ladyis likith to anoye,
574. thou forsee, B. 580. and schortly.
583. write. 589. Levith.
****^* c -
CLOSE OF QUA RE OF JELUSY, WITH COLOPHON.
To face p. 123.
THE QUARE OF JELUSY 123
Or $it thare fame or $it thaire es* engrewe, mote suffryn here and fallyn grete mischewe In to this erth, syne w/t/j j>e falouschip of hell In body and soule eternaly mot duell.
Explicit Quod auch — .
APPENDIX
A. — DATE OF THE CAPTURE OF KING JAMES I.
MR. BROWN has conclusively proved that James was seized by the English in the spring of 1406. This might have been evident, in spite of the errors of Wyntoun and others, if their readers had noted that there was no dispute about the date of the King's return to Scotland in 1424, and that the almost unvarying testimony was that he had been a prisoner for eighteen years. Confirmation of the year of capture is given by an interesting document in Rymer headed Pro Mercatoribus Scotiae. It is of date September 3, 1406, seventh year of the reign of Henry IV. It has another interesting aspect. It gives a glimpse of the attitude of Albany and of the English King. King James is never alluded to, but that it is his capture that led to the loss of Scottish gear can scarcely be doubted, as his captors were of Clay ; and the probability is that John Jolyf with his many attorneys was the leader of the enterprise.
"The King to his beloved John Remys, Esquire, William Brygge, James Billyngford, and Thomas Stodehawe, Attorneys of John Jolyf of Clay and his fellows, as is said, and to each one of them greeting :
" On the part of the Rothesay King-at-Arms of Scotland, Commissioner-General for the King and Kingdom of Scotland with respect to all attacks made, as is said, upon the sea after the beginning of a truce agreed upon between Us and those of Scotland, a petition has been made to Us that —
" Whereas divers contracts between you and the aforesaid Rothesay are in existence with respect to the delivery of certain
124
APPENDIX 125
goods and merchandise of divers merchants, lately taken upon the sea by the aforesaid John Jolyf and his fellows,
" According as by certain Indentures thereafter made between you and the aforesaid Rothesay, as is said, it shall possibly more fully appear :
"Which agreements indeed, according to the form of the aforesaid Indentures, you have delayed, and still delay to imple ment, to the no little loss of these merchants,
" That We may be willing graciously to provide for a remedy in this respect
" We, unwilling that in this matter justice should be delayed with regard to these merchants, command you that, if it is so, you on your part then cause to be firmly observed and kept all and each of the agreements contained in the aforesaid Indentures in so far as ye are bound according to the tenor of the Indentures aforesaid.
" Holding yourselves in such wise and so justly in the Premises that the same Rothesay, on the part of the said merchants, should have no cause on this account to have further recourse to Us.
" The King witnessing at the town of Leicester on the third day of September
« By the King Himself."
B. — THE MURDER OF KING JAMES I.
The simplest record is that given by Bower in the Scotichronicon, and for this part of his work the historian is a contemporary writer. He is brief, giving few details. The most elaborate account is contained in The Dethe of the Kynge of Scotts. It is a translation from a Latin original by an English subject, John Shirley, and from it have been derived all the picturesque details usually given in histories of the King's journey to Perth, his meeting with a Highland woman who warned him again and again of his danger, of the last night of his life and of his great strength and courage in the struggle with his murderers. Shirley's narrative gives also minute details of the torture and death of the leading conspirators. It is a moving story, and, without doubt, some of the particulars must be authentic. But on many points it
126 APPENDIX
is evidently mythological, especially in the dialogue between the King and his murderers in the cellar where he had sought refuge. James is represented as pleading for his life, and offering half his kingdom to Sir Robert Graham if he will spare him. Next to its art, the most striking feature of this account is the writer's admiration of Graham. In his plotting, in his actual conflict, in his willingness at the last to shew mercy, and in his spirited defence at his trial he is painted as more heroic than criminal. The story is rounded off with a moral : " And thus endyn thes sorofull and pitous cronycles ; and alle men saye that the unsacionable covtise was the ground cause of the Kynges dethe. Tharefore prynces shuld take hede and drawe it to thare memorie of Maistre Johanes de Moigne counsell, thus said yn Frenche
langage,
II nest pas sires de sone pays, Quy de son peple (n) est amez,"
(Maitland Club volume.)
Among other facts mentioned is this : the papal legate was confessor of the criminals.
The account in the Chronicon is short. The statement about the bravery of Katharine Gordon is found in Boece.
C. — THE SCRIBES OF THE Two QUAIRS.
Much light would be thrown on the authorship of the Kingis Quair, if the actual date of transcription and, still more, if the identity of the transcribers could be determined. Dr. George Neilson, Glasgow, a highly accomplished scholar in Middle Scots and in Scottish history, discussed the personality of the chief scribe in an Athenceum special article — December 16, 1899 — and he came to the conclusion that the scribe was James Graye, secretary successively to Archbishop Schevez and the Duke of Ross, and illuminator of the MS. of the Scotichronicon copied in 1480 by John Ramsay. Dr. Neilson gave it also as his opinion that Graye was the scribe of all the earlier portion of the MS. except the entry on folio 191 verso about the authorship and title of the Quatr. His chief grounds for believing that Graye was the scribe are the similarity of the handwriting to that of the Gray MS.,
APPENDIX 127
and the fact that the entry about the birth of James IV., on folio 1 20, is repeated in an abbreviated form on folio 2O verso of the Gray MS. in the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh. (Graye is probably the Jacobus Gray whose name is on the St. Andrews University Register as a determinant in 1470, and a licentiate in Arts in 1472.)
On such a matter, without special qualification, it is not wise to be dogmatic. Personally, I am disposed to agree with Dr. Neilson that the Gray MS. and Arch. Selden B. 24, from folio 2 to 191 verso except the entry on the last page, are in the same hand writing, such differences as exist being due to the very minute character of the script of the Gray MS. Mr. W. K. Dickson, Advocates' Librarian, who kindly gave me the benefit of his special knowledge, is of a different opinion. He thinks it probable that the first scribe of the Quair was also the scribe of the earlier portion of the MS. volume. On the other hand Dr. Maitland Thomson, the former head, and the Rev. John Anderson, the present head of the Scottish Record Office, are emphatically against Dr. Neilson's opinion on this point. These experts are doubtful about the second scribe of the Kingis Quair being also the scribe of the Quare of Je/usy, but they are for rather than against. Mr. Dickson and Mr. Maitland Anderson are unfavourable, and in this opinion I concur. Dr. W. A. Craigie (see Athenaum, December 30, 1899) gives it as his opinion that the scribe of folio I and the scribe of the greater part of the Quair are the same, folios 2-191 being by a different hand. On two points only is there absolute agreement. There were two scribes of the Quair, and the scribe of the entry on folio 191 verso was a different person from any of the other scribes of the volume and wrote later, being possibly one of the owners of the book. There is one additional fact. On folio 120, almost an inch below the note about the birth of James IV., are the initials J.R.
THE references to individual poems are for the most part given by initial letters : T. G., Temple of Glas ; Q. J., Quare of Jelusy j R. R., Romaunt of the Rose. The minor poems of Lydgate and other fifteenth- century Chaucerians are mentioned by name and are quoted as in Professor Skeat's supplementary Chaucer volume, Reson and Sensuallyte, and Lancelot of the Laik as in E. E. T. S. editions.
NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR
I. 2. Concord and poet's evident reference to past seem to demand pret. "twynklyt." Similar use of pres. part, in Q. J. 1. 9. 3. " Citherea " may have been written by poet though Cinthia is meant : vid. Chaucer's P. F. 113. 4. "Lyte" is the common qualification of " tofore "j vid. II. 2. 7. "And" is necessary for sense and rhythm. "North-north west " is from Chaucer P. F. 1 17 :
As wisly as I say the north-north-west.
Opening as a whole is modelled on Temple of Glast and the meaning is that the poet had this experience in the month of January when the moon was full, which shortly before in the month of December had, as a new moon, shewn herself in crescent form. Wischmann interprets both " twynklyng " and " rynsid " as participles, and he supposes that some verb such as " stood " is to be supplied in thought : " The rody sterres (stood) twynklyng." "Rynsid her tressis" he holds to be an absolute construction. Dr. Skeat's acceptance of " twynklyng " as a provincial or dialectal form of "twynklen" has much to commend it. In Q. J. 369 " y-suffering " occurs for " y-suffren," and this form is common in L. L. Whole opening may also be compared with beginning of Henryson's Testament ofCresseid. In The Pis till of Susan, 192, 193, we have :
Hir here was jolow as wyre Of gold fynyd with fyre.
II. 6, 7. "Wherefore as I could then choose no better": 7. Reader looks for
" I " rather than " Bot " at beginning of line.
III. 2. Cf. L. L. 319, 320. 3. Missing monosyllable before " Counsele," probably an adj. "guid" or " hye." 6. "Estat" or "estaat" is in variably a dissyllable, and without any adj. it is often used in sense of "high estate," cf. xciv. i, 1. 4. Lost monosyllable therefore probably adv., or prep.; cf. Q. J. 57 for " so "j W.'s "for " is at least equally apt. Stanza Ixx. shews that poet's acquaintance with Boethius' De Cons. Phil. was not exact. A succinct account of Boethius and his philosophy is given by Fraser Stewart — Boethius : an Essay (Blackwood, 1891). Seneca, in Monk's Tale C. T. B. 3687, is styled " For of Moralitee he was the flour."
IV. 6. "Poetly" is unknown and unrhythmical. I have ventured to sub stitute "poleyt" which is common: cf. Henryson's Prologue to Fables, 1. 3j also Wolf and Lamb, 1. 101 : "Quhilk under poleit termes falset myngis." "Be" meaning "by" would be a more apt prep, than "in." Neither Dr. Skeat's interpretation nor Wischmann's is entirely satisfactory* but it is not easy to suggest a better. As the text stands it is highly elliptical. IV. i, 2, connects in thought st. III. and st. IV. 6-7, but the connection is not strictly grammatical. Skeat paraphrases : " And in
129 15
130 NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR
reading the book I there seemed to hear," etc. W. finds a parallel in Ixi. 3,4. He points with an exclamation after "moralitee"! and renders: "And what joy it gives to hear there (i.e. in his banishment) this worthy lord and clerk." Bat " there" surely refers to book, II. 7, and the rendering connecting " there " closely with II. 7 is : " But I took a book to read for
a little and in it to hear (the sentiments of) this worthy lord and
clerk." 3. "Set a-werk " cf. C. T. A. 4337 :
I pray to God, so yeve me sorwe and care, If ever sitthe I highte Hogge of Ware Herde I a millere bettre y-set a werk.
4. "Discryving of" is unusual. Bellenden, Livy, I. 9. 4, has "in descriving the begynnyng of romanis." 7. "Can," etc. may be rendered either "began to comfort himself" or "did comfort himself." Both usages are common in Middle Scots. See for sense of " did " Prol. Lives of Saints, 46, " And hou sche can hir-selwyn led " ; also The Bruce, I. 330, III. 27. For sense of "began " see Gologras and Ga^wayne, 14, 34, 128 ; Pistill of Susan form "gan," 288. See st. x. 6.
V. i. "Thoght" or " thocht" for " though" is a common Middle Scots form,
vid. Lives of Saints, xxx. 141 ; xxxii. 21, and in form " thowcht," ibid, Prol. 166. Same usage in The Bruce, I. 518 ; II. 390. 3. "My advan tage was rather to look upon," i.e. to study carefully the writing of this noble man. W. renders " more " by " longer " and expands " my best " into " the best which in my opinion I could do." " Beste " in sense of advantage, cf. King Horn, 1. 776.
VI. 5. "Warldis appetitis," cf. Chaucer, T. and C. v. 1851. 6. " Aworth" may
be compared with such compounds as "a-felde," " a-fote," " a-fure," "a-gref." It means "patiently." N. E. D. gives from Trevisa, " $it he took it aworth." 7. " Suffisance," cf. st. xvi. 2 and xxvi. 5, also Chaucer, T. and C. III. 1309.
VII. 4. "Scole" is probably a scribal error for "scele," i.e. "skele." Same error is found in a MvX of Piers Plowman, vid. Skeat's edition, vol. i. p. 327. Neither "scull," which is Skeat's rendering, nor "school," which is Wischmann's, gives necessary point to the meaning. 5. One is tempted to read " song " for " long/' and " my " in 5 with " my " in 6, and " my matere" in 7 will probably justify reading " the sentence." Line 2 may be compared with Lancelot of the Laik, Prol. 1. 327 :
The fresch enditing of his laiting toung.
VIII. Skeat's " longe" " and "eyen" at once commend themselves; "newe"" (5) both on grammatical and rhythmical grounds is less happy. " Into " for " in " in this connection is exceedingly common. W.'s " seyfin " for " seynfi," and " sche " for conjectural " oft " will, perhaps, commend themselves. For "translate" in sense of "transform" cf. The Three Deid Po<w.s, 1. 40, Turnit in as, and thus in erd translait.
IX. " Into " (2) for " in " improves the rhythm, while pointing with a comma after " lest " and a semicolon after " doun," as suggested by Wischmann, greatly adds to clearness, as does the addition of "nocht " after "prynce" from Sir David Lyndsay's manifest quotation, vid. Introd. p. Ixxvi. Refer ences to Fortune and her wheel in medieval literature are exceedingly numerous. Boethius, De C. P., Bk. II., Prosa 2, may be taken as the source of much : " I torne the whirlynge wheel with the turnynge sercle, I am to chaungen the Joweste to the heyeste and the hyeste to the loweste" (Chaucer's Translation). The thought in 1. 5 comes from the
NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR 131
Romaunt of the Rose, Fragment B. 6333 : "Now am I prince now am I page." It is reminiscent also of Knight's Tale, 2172-4, i.e. C. T. A. 3029-3032.
X. 3, 4. See Monk's Tale, C. T. A. 3914.
XI. 2. Pointing as in amended text with comma after " Jestnyt," and taking "sodaynlye" and "sone" as modifying "herd" make narrative more vivid.
XII. i. For use of interrogation .cf. Q. J. 121 sqq. and L. L. 159-162.
XIII. 5. "For to write " is preferable to "newe" in this connection. For use of "determe," cf. Douglas, Prol. to Aen. I. 217 : "So doith clerkis determe " ; and with " maid a f," cf. same poet, Prol. to Aen. vii., Works, III. 77, 1. 1 1 : " I crocit me, syne bownit for to sleip." " Be- gouth " is a double perfect formed by analogy from " can," " couth." It is a common Scots form and has variant " begoud."
XIV. Any apt dissyllabic adj. would do as well as " sely," which Skeat adopts from stanza xliv., or as "tendir" given in text from Q. J. 191. With "hable" cf. "abhominable," Q. J. 255.
XV. 4. To supply lacking syllable one must read "rokkis" or "most so to harmes hye." Comparing with st. cxxx., " Take Him in hand," one is tempted to read " Him " for " It " in lines 2 and 5 ; but as " sterdes " is " without helm " rather than " without helmsman," " It " is better. In 1. 6 "into" is demanded by the rhythm, unless we accept "standis." For thought, cf. Chaucer, T. and C. I. 415 sqq. :
Thus' possed to and fro Al stereles within a boot am I A-midde the see betwixen windes two That in contrarie stonden evere mo.
XVI. 3. Wischmann's " rypfinesse " and pret. " lakkit " for unrhythmical and incongruous " lak 3' give both rhythm and sequence of tenses. For idea of self-government, cf. T. and C. II. 374-5 ; and of " driving among waves/' etc., cf. Q. J. 549-53 ; cf. also Lydgate, T. G. 605-13.
XVII. 5. For omission of pronominal nominative before "suld blowe" cf. x. 2. " Fell me to mynd," also Ixxxv. 5 j and, for omission of relative pronoun as object, xxiii. 4. This last, however, may be construed otherwise. 7. With double invocation contrast Douglas, Prol. to Aen. I. 459, 460 \ and with weak genitive " Marye," cf. st. xxv. 3, and Chaucer's use of it in "sonne," "cherche," "lady."
XVIII. 4. The superfluous syllable which mars rhythm is to be excised by reading " In diting of" or " In enditing this." In 6, " bynd" would he more apt than " wynd." i, 2. " I call the rocks the great expanse of doubtfulness which appals my mind." W. properly calls attention to the mixture of constnictions in 5, 6, where " clepe " goes appropriately with " bote," but not with " vnto the saile," some such verb as "com pare " being demanded by the sense. " Also " corrects confusion.
XIX. The mixture of Muses and Furies is in harmony with the error in st. Ixx. For Cleo vid. T. and C. II. 8, and for Thesiphone vid. Introd. p. Ixxi. : cf. Chaucer T. and C. I. 6, 7, and Lydgate T. G. 958-960, and Q. J. 313. Chaucer names all the Furies together in T. and C. IV. 22-24. "Goddis" is probably meant as shortened form of "god desses."
XX. 5. Skeat's suggestion to mend rhythm by prefixing " be " to "gynneth " commends itself at once. 6. W. would put full stop after "suete," and
i32 NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR
connect line 7 with xxi. 1-3, but as "Heigh in the est" must be construed with line 7, not with 5, pointing with a comma after "suete " and a colon or full stop after " ariete " is better. The thought may be compared with opening of Q. J., with Chaucer L. G. W. 125 sqq., and with beginning of Prol. to Lancelot of the Laik. 6. " On a morning soft and sweet."
XXI. Scribal slip in 1. i. "Four8" is found occasionally in Gower (see Introd. p. Ixxxi), but "four" with sound of "fower" dissyllabic, seems more consonant with Scottish dialect as well as more closely related to O.E. feower. The correction in 1. 4 suggests copying from original with such a correction j neither eye nor ear could mistake " freschenesse " for " contort." Skeat renders 1. i " having passed mid-day exactly four degrees, i.e. an hour" ; W. "having passed its mid-day position at the opening of Spring exactly four degrees " ; and he goes through an elaborate astronomical calculation to prove that the 24th of March may be accepted as the day of the prince's departure. But this seems strained. The poet everywhere else is given to generality of statement, and (his " four degrees exactly," notwithstanding) may be so interpreted here. " It was afternoon of a bright Spring day when the flowers under the sun's influence had opened their petals and were glad and grateful to Phoebus for his heat and light." " Four degrees " is, as Skeat points out in his note on passage, a reminiscence of Chaucer, Squire's Tale, 11. 384-6 If we accept the two stanzas as together giving an exact date, then " midday " might be taken as "equator," and the date would be the 1 5th of March, as the sun entered Aries on the nth, and a degree corresponds very nearly to a day. i. Something may be said for reading "mydway." In Chaucer's Treatise on the Astrolabe (I. 17, Brae's edition) there is the following : " The cercle equinoctial is cleped also the Equator. . . . This cercle equinoctial is cleped the myd^way of the first meving, or elles of the sonne." Four degrees after midday is sixteen minutes, not an hour. For sun "spreading" his beams cf. L. L. 677.
XXII. i, 2. Another instance of indefinite statement. With 1. i, cf. L. L. 1430-32, concluding "Done frome he passith the ^eris of Innocens." 4. Cf. L. L. 393. 6. "By thaire avise." Bishop Wardlaw and King Robert III. are usually and probably correctly credited with the proposal to send James to France. Mr. R. S. Rait definitely makes Albany responsible, vid. Outline of Relations between England and Scotland, p. 83.
XXIII. "Puruait," vid. Wyntoun O. C. ix. c. 25. The common Middle Scots form is " necessaire." 5. "Saint John as a pledge " for a favourable voyage, a very common expression both in Middle English and Middle Scots poetry, vid. Lydgate, Camplaint of Black Knight, 1. 12 j Chaucer, Squire's Tale, 596 ; Lindsay, I. p. 38, 11. 995-6 :
4 Tharefor adew : I may no langer tarye : Fareweill/ quod I, ' and with Sanct Jhone to borrow.'
Cf. Compleynte of Mars, 9. 7. " Pullit up saile." Bellenden has the same expression, vid. Introd. p. xiv, "pullit up sailis at the Bass."
XXIV. 4. Lost syllable after "hand " more likely to be "and" than Skeat's "as." W.'s suggestion "for to say" gives an unmusical line ; his other conjectures " schorteiy " and " strangS " are better. Silence about the English as enemies is appropriate to the character of King James I. It
' is also appropriate to the period in reign of James III., 1471-78, when he was very friendly with England.
NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR 133
XXV. 3. See xvii. 7 for similar construction. The meaning is "in the abandonment of sorrow." "Abandoune" is found in The Bruce, xv. 59, xix. 335, with "at" and "in" forming adv. phrase. 4. " Twyne," abstractly, may mean either " to separate " or " to twist." It has the latter meaning here, as in the old song, " Twine weel the plaidie." Originally there was but one Fate who span the thread of life. Hecuba speaks of her in her lament for Hector : " Even thus for him did mighty Fate erst spin with her thread at his beginning when I bare him " (II. xxiv. 209-210). Later, in Hesiod, the Fates were three, and Clotho, the first of the sisters, span the thread ; in the Roman poets of the Augustan age, Clotho, Lachesis, and Atropos all span. See art. "Moirae," Smith's Diet, of Greek and Roman Myth. 5. " Twise," scribal error for "twies"; "twie" is also found, as in Genesis and Exodus, 1. 808. "Nearly eighteen years": this is the general testimony as to duration of James's imprisonment. See Appendix A. 6. For " aduert " ct. Lydgate, Beware of Doubilnesse, 1. 45, and 1. 7, "in relesche of my smert." Complaint of Black Knight, 1. 20 : " Until it please Jupiter to make known his compassion and send comfort as a relief to my pain." 6, 7. Cf. Q. J. 82-84.
XXVI. 3. "Quhat haue I gilt," L. L. 1. 699.
XXVII. 3. "Lakkith libertee," cf. with Q. J. " lakkith discretioun." As a Scots construction it is a false form : "lakkis" would be correct as verb is separated from pronoun ; yet " lak " is also found in passive sense. 4. "Seyen" rather than "seyne": cf. st. viii. 6. 6. " Argow " is the usual form : see Henryson, Prol. to Fab. 1. 45.
XXVIII. 5-7. Dr. Skeat's explanation of the poet's meaning — that he is a cipher — is given fully in note on this stanza, pp. 66, 67 of his edition. The crossing out and correction in 1. 7 give another indication that the scribe copied from a MS. which itself had corrections. St. xlix. concludes with "I drede."
XXX. i. See, for language, Chaucer, T. and C. I. 1. 547. From this stanza onward to Ixxi. there is manifest imitation of Chaucer, Knight's Tale. See C. T. A. 1030-1354. 4. The opening words of MS. "And to" for " Vnto" illustrate well the kind of blunder made in transcribing. 5. Cf. C. T. C. 125 : As she cam forby.
XXXI. The description of the "herbere" may be compared with The Flower and the Leaf, 11. 64-72, especially with 66-72 :
That who that list without to stond or go, Though he wold al-day pryen to and fro, He shuld not see if there were ony wight Within or no ,• but oon within wel might Perceive al tho that yeden there-without In the feld.
A similar but less artistic description is to be found in Prol. to L. L., 11. 45-56. Skeat's pointing and W.'s are equally defensible. "Herbere " means either "arbour," as in Chaucer, L. G. W. 1. 203, or "herbarium," i.e., "herb-garden." Both here and in xxxii. 3 "herb-garden" is the natural rendering. 5. "Kriet," which is a Kentish form, is doubtless due to exigencies of rhyme, and to the literary character of the greater part of poem. 6. S.'s "y-walking" is decidedly better than W.'s "walk- inge," although latter is found in Chaucer. XXXIII. i. "Smale," which is found without vocal e' in st. xlviii. 2, seems
134 NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR
fitting emendation of "small." Concord requires " nyghtingales," but such violations are common. 5-7. " That all the garden and the walls rang clearly with their song, and their sweet harmony, and, lo ! the text (of their song) is in the following stanza." " Copill," in this sense, is found in Chron. Jac. Pr. (Maitland Club), p. 19 : "Thaire is more of this lamentacioune xviii. coupill." If the text is to be altered, "in" should be substituted for " on " rather than " of," as suggested by S. and approved by W. "Gardyng," cf. Q. J. 1. 369, also L. L. passim.
XXXIV. i. S. suggests " worschippeth." "Worschippe" as plu. imp. is neither N. nor S. dialect, vid. Introd. p. Ixxxv, cf. st. cii. 5 for " schapith " as imp. and also for " forgeue " as sing. imp. joined with Southern plur. form. "Bene," "ar," "are," and "is" all used as plur. pres. ; "bene" also occasionally with sing. nom. 2. For " kalendis " in sense of " begin ning," cf. Scogan, A Morale Balade, 1. 146, "Sone after comen kalends of dotage" ; also L. L. 1. 12. 3-7. cf. Chaucer, P. F. 680-92. 7. "List," here, is "pleased,5' in various passages used impersonally and personally ; as znd sing. pres. in Iviii. 5.
XXXV. 2. "stent," cf. v. 3, pret. of "stenten" or "stent," of which the common form is "stynt" or "stint" : see liii. 2 and civ. 2. 7. "Thai" rather than " that."
XXXVI. See Introd. for frequent use of interrogation, and for repetition of same word in rhyme, also cf. Q. J. 121 sqq. and 527 sqq. and Prol. to L. L. 160-164. 6. Cf. for " feynit chere," The Compleynt affaire Anelyda upon Fals Arcyte, 97.
XXXVII. W.'s pointing in this stanza makes the meaning clearer, as is shown by text. A possible improvement would be a mark of interrogation after "him" in 1. 4, and to connect "As we in bukis fynd" with 1. 5. Re calling form "knet" in xxxi. 5, one is disposed to read "knetten" for "setten," cf. R. R. i ; 1. 7 should certainly be read as a question.
XXXVIII. 3. See note on xxvi. 3.
XXXIX. Though the poet might not write " ringe," " beninge," and " dinge " (11. 2, 4, 5) in the usual Scots fashion, he thought of the sounds which they represent as his rhymes.
XL. 4. "Or" is without point; "and" is more natural. 4, 5. Cf., for con struction and manner of overflow, L. L. 603-5 :
Galiot, which is the farest knycht And hiest be half a fut one hycht That euer I saw.
XLII. 3. " That verray womanly," "so very womanly." For such use of "that" see passage from Scott, quoted in note on stanza lix. 3. Cf. Q. J. 307. 6, 7. Knight's Tale, C. T. A. noi-n and 1156-61.
XLIII. i. Cupid's own princess is the poet's paraphrase of Chaucer's Venus. He can hardly be credited with a knowledge of Apuleius and the beauti ful story of Psyche. 3. Cf. Chaucer P. F. 1. 368, and 302-8.
XLIV. 4. " Why does it please God to make you so ?" It is difficult to account for the Kenticism " lest " except as an imitation of Chaucer j cf. Q. J. 536. 7. Cf. Black Knight, 1. 516.
XLV. This stanza as it stands in the text is grammatically incomplete. To rectify the anacolouthon it is necessary either to supply in thought both pronoun aryl verb and to take " vnknawin " as equivalent to " I was vnknawing," i.e. " I did not know," or to accept W.'s suggestion and read 1. 4, " So ferre I fallyn (was)," " fallyng " being provincial for "fallyn," like " gardyng " for " gardyn " in st. xxiii. 5. It is not
NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR
'35
necessary to read "in" for "into," as "lufis" may be read as a mono syllable. The expression " lovis daunce " is found in T. and C. II. 1 106, and in the English poems ascribed to Charles d'Orleans (see Bullrich, Eng. Poems ofCh. d'O., p. 13). Yet "i-fallyng," as participle, suggests "twynklyng" in i. 2 and "beseching" in clxxxiv. i.
XLVI. The confusion in this stanza will disappear if I. 3 is read " It fretwise couchit was." " If I shall write a description of her dress, with respect to her golden hair and rich attire, it was by way of ornament set with white pearls." "Toward" in this sense to be compared with "touert" in clxxiv. i. " Was" is to be understood before "chaplet" and st. xrvii. runs on as conclusion of 6, 7. " Partit " in 7 has same sense as " partie " in Court of Love, 1. 1434. 3. Cf. C. T. A. 2161.
XLVII. This and the next stanza as a whole may be compared with The Flower and the Leaf, 11. 141-161, and Assembly of Ladies, 11. 519-39. i. W. suggests " quakingfi," but a connective is needed. " And " before "full" helps sense and rhythm. 3, 4. The repetition of " floure-Ionettis " can scarcely be accepted as the poet's work, although such rhymes are very common in his poem. The range cf conjectural rhyme-words is limited. S. suggests all likely words : " violettis" adopted in the text is one of them. " lonette " is a kind of lily ; the jaulnet d'eau is the yellow water-lily. (N. E. D.)
XLVIII. i. Cf. Assembly of Ladies, 1. 534, of " ryght fyne enamyl." 3, 4. Cf. T. and C. iii., 1371 :
But wel I wote a broche of gold azure, In which a ruby set was lik an herte.
3. "Faille" is used in O.K. sense of " fault or defect." 4. "Herte "or "y-schapin" corrects rhythm. 5. Henryson, O. and E., 1. 87, speaks of the lowe (i.e. flame) of luf. 7. "God it wote": frequent use of this expression is a mannerism common to K. Q., L. L., and Q. J.
XLIX. 4, 5. A comma after " lyte " and a colon after " haste " make connec tion clearer. " Lo " instead of " to " before " suich " is more in the poet's manner, cf. xxxiii. 7, Iviii. 6, Ixxxvi. 3, Ixxxviii. 7, cxxxi. i, cxlviii. 3.
L. W.'s punctuation in this stanza, adopted in text, has everything to recom mend it, but he links 6 with 5, not with 7, a connection which is surely preferable. The meaning is " Moderation so guided her in every point that Nature to no higher degree could advance her child in word, in deed, in figure, in face." "Measure" in sense of "moderation" or "temper ance" is common. Cf. Piers Plowman, C. Text, Passus II. 1. 33 : " Mesure is medecyne."
LI. 7. Cf. for reference to succeeding stanza xxxiii. 6, 7.
LII. i, 2. "O bright Venus, to whom among the gods who are stars I pay homage and sacrifice." 4. " Into suich," or " in suich a," necessary for metre.
LIII. 2. " Stynt" : cf. civ. 2, and contrast xxxv. 2 and v. 3. 4. " Behalding to" is rhythmical and is a common expression. Thus in Legends of the Saints, xviii. 751, 2 :
To J>at ymage of oure lady Increly be-haldand ay.
W. justifies the MS. reading on the ground that there is an extra light syllable after the caesura as elsewhere in the poem — Ivi. 7, Ixxxvi. 6, etc.
136 NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR
But some, indeed most, of the passages he cites ought to be read in a way that gives no extra syllable, e.g. Ixxx. i, cvii. 4, cxix. 2.
LV. 2. The story of Procne and Philomela is told by Gower, Conf. Amant. V. 5551-6074, and by Chaucer, L. G. W. 2228-2393. Both derive the main points of the story from Ovid, Met. vi. 412-676. Ovid's story is that Tereus, a King of Thrace, married Procne, the daughter of Pandion, King of Attica. He afterwards ravished Philomela, his wife's sister, and cut out her tongue, that she might not reveal his brutal turpitude. She was kept a close prisoner, and Procne was told that she was dead. But Philomela revealed Tereus' crime by weaving words into a robe and sending this to her sister. Procne was so madly enraged with her husband that she killed their son Itys, and served his flesh at a banquet. When Tereus discovered this he pursued the sisters to slay them both, but the gods changed them into birds, Procne into a swallow, Philomela into a nightingale, and Tereus into a hoopoe. The initial point of the story, on which Ovid moralises effectively, was the circumstance which gave Tereus opportunity of seeing Philomela. The sisters longed for each other, therefore a journey was made to Attica, and Philomela was sent on a visit to Thrace. The story is alluded to by Lydgate, T. G. 11. 97, 98. 7. "Quhare" has force of "by which." One looks for "quhan" rather than "quhare."
LVI. 5. " Quhois," dissyllabic, as in L. of S. iv. 210, "fore quhois cause I am led now." In spite of the sing, pron., "thyne," "thy," one is tempted to read " chideth " in 6, especially with " thir " following. Cf. Dunbar, II. 274, "Gladethe, thou Queen of Scottis regioun." For "twenty deuil way" see Introd. p. Ixiii. It means "in way of twenty devils," i.e., " anyhow."
LVII. 4. "Lest" for "lust" is another Kenticism : cf. C. T. A. 132 in description of the Prioress : " In curteisie was set ful muchel her leste." Also Dethe of Blaunche the Duchesse, 1. 907. 6. " Pepe," see Henryson, Fabillis, where the word is used more than once of cry of a mouse, 1. 26 of U. M. and B. M., and 1. 147 ; also in Paddok and Mous, 1. 7. Stanzas Ivii.-lix. may be compared with L. L. 11. 81-136.
LVIII. 1-4. Cf. Q. J. 11. 121-31. 3. Cf. Q. J. 130. 5. "Thou more list," cf. Gower, Conf. Amant. III. i :
If thou the vices lest to know.
LIX. 3. "What wouldst thou then?" "Wostow" is ordinary contraction for "knowest thou," but here, as W. points out, it is for "woldest thou." 6. "Gree," in M.E. and in M.S., is the French "gre," which represents both Latin gradum and gratiam. In first sense it means (a) "step" or "degree," (£) "victory" or "pre-eminence." Familiar instances of this usage in Modern Scots are Burns5
That sense and worth, o'er a9 the earth, May bear the gree and a' that j
and Scott, in Heart of Midlothian, II. 70, where Madge Wildfire praises the hammermen of Edinburgh for their skill in making stancheons, ring bolts, etc. : " And they arena that bad at girdles for carcakes neither, though the Cu'ross hammermen have the gree for that." In the second sense it means " favour," "grace," as in Clerk's Tale, 1. 1151 :
Receyven al in gree that God us sent } and in Ros, La Belle Dame sans Mercy, 1. 842, " To take in gree this rude
NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR 137
translatioun." The preferable rendering is therefore " And here to gain favour"; i.e. of the lady who is mentioned as approaching in Ivii. 2. Cf. also Plowman's Tale, I. 333-4 :
Suche harlottes shull men disclaundcr For they shullen mak hir gree.
7. " Now," not " here," makes natural contrast to "neuer."
LX. 7. As in MS. singularly unmusical. Omission of " that " and reading "awake" would amend rhythm.
LXI. 2. " Quhare," " on which," " whereupon." 3. W. compares with iv. i. 7. Few readers will approve of W.'s rendering, ** bounding all to festal joy," thus taking " boundin " as dialectal for " bounding." The meaning is " So completely enslaved were my wits.1'
LXI I. i. "To the notis1' — Poet made words in spirit of bird's song, a. For "ditee" in this sense cf. Chaucer's Translation of Boethius, 315, 602, 1453. " Quhilkis," instance of plur. rel. pron. 3. "Direct," " directed." 5, 7. Defective rhythm may be variously amended : "Deuotfily" is suggested by analogy from "schortely." " Deuoitly," four syllables, might have preference, but wherever found it is trisyllabic.
LXIII. W. suggests closing "the ditee" at 1. 3, but this would be prosaic and unlike Hi., where invocation of Venus occupies whole stanza. 7. K. Q. and Q. J. show a certain partiality for use of word " hell."
LXIV. 3. "A voce" and 6, "a soyte" mean "one voice" and "one suit," like modern Scots "ae," " Ae fond kiss." At a later time the poet would almost certainly have written " ane voce" and " ane soyte," as in clx. i, where he has written "ane surcote." 3. "Begone," as it rhymes with " euerichone," is not the p.p. of " begin," which is " begonne," but of "bego," O.E. began, cf. The Flower and the Leaf, 1. 186 : "Me thought I was wel bigon," i.e. "circumstanced."
LXV. i. Dr. Skeat, taking the rhymes as "bridis" and "bydis," translates " brides " and "bides." But this introduces an alien and a very unusual thought. Reading " briddis " and " byddis," the meaning is " Now be welcome fresh May, flower of all months, always kind to birds. For not only does your grace ask us to give this welcome, but we call all the world to bear witness to this (grace) which has strewed fresh, sweet, and tender green so liberally everywhere." 5. " Playnly " may mean "mani festly" or "fully," cf. Legends of the Saints, Prol. 1. 135 : " Playne powar our the laffe."
LXVI. 2. " Full " is redundant.
LXVII. 6. "To see her depart and follow I could not" — a mixed con struction.
LXVIII. 3, 4. "For thay," i.e. "axis and turment" expressed in Ixvii. 5 and implied in "peyne," "may not more rigorously affect any man." 5. " Both tueyne," cf. Ixxv. 5 and xcviii. 4.
LXIX. 7. "Schape remede" : cf. cii. 5, and L. L. 89.
LXX. Tantalus is alluded to by Chaucer, Book of Duchess, 1. 708, and T. and C. III. 1. 593, also in Boethius, Book III., metrum 12, 1130: "And Tantalus that was destroied by the woodnesse of long thurst, despyseth the floodes to drynken." Apparently Tantalus was suggested by " my dryfi thrist " in Ixix. 4. The punishment, " water to draw with buket botemless," is not that assigned to Tantalus, but to the daughters of Danaus, who murdered their husbands on their wedding night, all but
138 NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR
Hypermnestra, who saved her husband Lynceus. The best-known classical reference is Horace's Ode to Mercury ', III. xi. 25 sqq. :
Audiat Lyde scelus atque notas Virginum poenas, et inane lymphae Dolium fundo pereuntis imo
Seraque fata, Quae manent culpas etiam sub Oreo.
Chaucer in L. G. W. closes with an unfinished legend of Hypermnestra.
5. " By " is plainly " be," " concerning." LXXI. i. "Sighit," monosyllable. 2. " Strenth," common Middle and
Modern Scots usage. 3. " Fone," Chaucer's " foon," see Glossary. LXXII. i. S's " longe " is perhaps simpler than insertion of " to " after "gan."
Cf. C. T. E. 21 1 2 : For al that ever he koude poure or prye. 2. "Endit"
is so unusual in this connection that " I-hid '' from Temple ofGlas, 1. 793,
is given as conjectural reading. The natural verb would be "sylit," as
in Henryson, Testament ofCresseid, 11, 9, 10 :
Quhen Titan had his bemys bricht Withdrawin doun, and sylit under cure.
5. T. G. 1348 : " Willi planet O Hesperus so bryght."
LXXIII. S. finishes the sentence with Ixxii. 7, but W.'s pointing is prefer able, as is shewn in amended text. This is one of few instances in K. Q. ot overflow from one stanza to another. 3. " Ourset," cf. Gower, Conf. Amant. v. 2707-8 :
Thus he whom gold hath overset Was trapped in his oghne net.
6. "Suoun," cf. Chaucer, Clerk's Tale, 1. 1079, "aswowne."
LXXIV. 3. Repetition of "wyndow" from line above suggests conjecture " chamberewallis." 5. W. conjectures " It blent," " it blinded." "Iblent" is a p.p. certainly in Lydgate, Reson and Sensuallyte, 1. 3659. He speaks thus or the singing of sirens :
The noise is so ravysshynge That shippes seyling by the see With her song so fonned bee So supprysed and y-blent That they be verray necligent Of gouernaylle in ther passage.
But " Iblent " may quite well be taken as an intensive form of " blent," pret. of " blenchen," which is usually " bleinte " or " bleynte," the modern "blenched" or "flinched," and the rendering would thus be : "So that my force of vision wholly failed." Such an intensive form is found in Q. J., 1. 525, not with p.p. alone, but with inf. : "A lady rather schuld hir deth y-take." 6. For " there -with-all " cf. Ixxix. 5 and Ixxxiii. i.
LXXV. This and the following stanza are so closely linked that it is necessary in 7 to point with a comma after " fair," and shew the overflow.
LXXVI. 4. "Signifere/' "the zodiac," Gower, Conf. Amant, vii. 955-1236, gives several signs.
LXXVII. i. Comparing with cxxiv. 7, "palace" may be read for "place," and "a-nye" would still further improve the rhythm. At this point begins very substantial borrowing from the Temple ofGlas. But there is
NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR 139
this difference : Lydgate at first sees pictures, then persons ; the poet here
sees actual persons only. Lydgate abounds in names. Our poet, with his
wonted preference for generality, mentions no one. LXXVIII. 7. Cf. L. L. 2252. LXXIX. i. "Quhois," dissyllabic, cf. Ivi. 5. 6. " Solempnit " is a Scots form
preferable to "solempnC." "Solemnitly " is found in Wallace, viii. 655,
and in Legends of the Saints, xvii. 202. LXXX. "And off gude folkis " is a better amendment of rhythm than to
accent final syllable either of "gude" or of " folkis," cf. i. 7 and xlvii. i.
5. "Besyde," cf. Legends of Saints, ii. 226-7 :
And besyd it to morne $e se may twa men stannand besyd it prayand.
7. Omission of nom. cf. x. 2. LXXXI. 2. Cf. Temple ofGlas, 11. 203-4.. 5- " AY " and " amang," i.e. "ever"
and "occasionally" present the same kind of contradiction as " besyde,"
" next," and " with," in Ixxx. 5, 7. LXXXII. 3. W.'s "behynde" commends itself. 6. "With billis," i.e.
"petitions," cf. T. G., 11. 315-320. LXXXIII. 3. "3ond there" as reading will commend itself. For "gree"
see note on fix. 6. 7. "Endyng-day" : cf. C. T. D. 507. LXXXIV. 7. " Thai lakkit noght gude will " would be more in accordance
with poet's usage. Yet " lak " is frequently found in passive sense " to
be wanting," see Piers Plowman, B. xi. 280 : " Hem shulde lakke no
lyflode." LXXXV. 3. For omission of nom., and especially of relative nom., see note
on xvii. 5. 5. "The" before "poetis" or "sciencis" is redundant.
7. Cf. L. L. 107. LXXXVI. In i, as elsewhere, one wishes that it were permissible to read
"estage." Change of order in 5 improves rhythm. LXXXVII. 2. "All day," "every day, "continually," cf. C. T. B. 1702 :
"For sely child wol al day sone leere." 3-7. For construction cf.
Chaucer, C. T. D. 257-261, and ibid. 925-930. 7. "Some for excess." LXXXVIII. i. S.'s and W.'s amendments of metre equally apt. Here there
is again close following of Temple ofGlas, 11. 163 sqq. LXXXIX. 4. "Halfdel" is suggested by S., but "halflyng" is poet's word in
xlix. 5. W. would simply read "seruice," and leave text unaltered. He
founds on C. T., Prol. 122 : "Ful weel sche s ong the seruice dyuyne." XC. Cf. T. G., 11. 196-202. XCI. Ibid., 11. 207 sqq. 4. "Gruchit," suggested by Mr. Eyre-Todd in his
Medieval Scottish Poetry, is preferable to W.'s " grxiche " or S.'s " gruchen." XCII. 4. The speech of the voice, Ixxxiii. 2 ends here. XCIII. In 4 "iunyt" (see cxxxiii. 7) might well take the place of " coplit "
repeated from line above. 5. S.'s substitution of "sche " for "so" is
unnecessary, as W. has pointed out, "that" in 3 being rel. pron. "Sche,"
however, is more vivid and more poetical. XCIV. i. "Chiere," an unusual form of "chere." 5. See Introd. p. xv, also
R. R. 885-908 especially :
And also on his head was sette Of Roses reed a chapelett.
XCV. Cf. R. R. 937-982. 7. Cf. clx. 4-6.
XCVI. i. "Of compas," cf. Assembly of Ladies, 1. 54.
1 40 NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR
XCVII. i. "Fair-Calling" is Bialacoil (Bel-Acueil) of R. R. He is there described 11. 2982-5 :
A lusty bachelere
Of good stature and of good hight And Bialacoil for sothe he hight, Sone he was to curtesie.
5. Omission of rel. pron. " that" is best way of amending metre. " On " might be omitted to detriment of sense. W.'s suggestion that " othir " should be slurred into monosyllable like "quethir" is scarcely admissible. For omission of rel. pron. as object, cf. xxiii. 4, though here the clause may also be interpreted with " time " as direct obj. 6, 7. See above note on xcv. 7.
XCVIII. i. "Astonate," cf. " unquestionate," cxxv. 4. 4. Cf. Ixxx. 5 and cxxiv. 4. 6. " And with," necessary for syntax and metre.
XCIX. 4. For this use of " Vertew," cf. Ixxiv. 5. 6. " That n has an ante cedent " I," implied in " my."
C. 5. " O anchor and helm " is Dr. Skeat's rendering, and he ingeniously explains by reference to Chaucer's mistranslation of cla-vus as clavis in Boethius, De Cons. Phil III. 12 (see S.'s Ed. K. Q. p. 78). But "keye " may be "key," simply. As Venus is a fountain of remedy and cure of hearts, as well as a haven and an anchor, she may, by further mixture of metaphor, be addressed as a key of good fortune. Love's key is noted in R. R. 11. 2079 SC19' But " helm " or " tiller " is undoubtedly a more apt and poetical rendering.
CII. 5. See note xxxiv. i. For artificiality of construction like " forgeue all this and schapith remedye" see Professor Gregory Smith on Middle Scots usage, Specimens of Middle Scots, Introd. p. xxxvi. 7. " Cause me to die," cf. ciii. 7.
CIV. i. For absolute construction, cf. xlv. 3.
CVI. 6. "Forehede," which, in this reference is at once unusual and unpoetic, is probably a scribal error for " fairhede," i.e. beauty, which may here be rendered "thy goodly or gracious person."
CVII. Reading " byndand " in 5 brings sense to an otherwise unintelligible passage. " This is to say (although it belongs to me to wield the sceptre in the realm of love) that the effects of my bright beams, binding with others by eternal decree, have their influence in discovering means (of success) at times with reference both to things future and to things past : this matter (however) it is not my province to direct alone." In 3, 4 we have " effectis has " (instead of more common " hes "), the prevailing Middle Scots usage seldom found in K. Q. 4. "Aspectis," cf. Gower, Conf. Amant., vii. 901-6 :
But for to telle redely In what climate most comunly That this planete hath his effect, Seid is that he hath his aspect Upon the holi lond so cast That there is no pes stedefast.
7. "Writh," literally "to turn," see cxxii. 3. Cf. "Sa suld we wryth all sin away," Henryson, The Eludy Serk, 1. 107. "For to wryth agathis wil fra cryst," Legends of the Saints, xlii. 1. 97.
CVIII. 2. W. rejects the amendment of text and accents " otheris," trans lating as parenthesis : "Because, indeed, others influence that." 5. "Ad-
NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR 141
uertence," cf. xxv. 6, " aduert," and Lydgate, To my Soverain Lady, 11. 61, 62 :
And sith myn advertence
Is in you, reweth on my paynes smert.
"Aduertence" here, according to context, must mean either "knowledge* or "power." It could not possibly mean "retinue" or "following," as " aduertance " sometimes does: see Professor Gregory Smith's Specimens of Middle Scots, p. 261. 17, and note on passage. 6. Cf. L. L. 2545. 7. "I-wone," scribe has omitted to write n, as form is "i-wonne."
CIX. 7. The scribe's corrections give full line. Already in Mid. Scots, as now in Mod. Scots, "doken" is used as a singular like "dock/' It is " doccan," plur. of " docce." For use of singular cf. Charles Murray, Ham&with, p. 6 : " But he cared na doit nor docken what they did or thocht or said."
CX. Here are one or two minor textual confusions. In 2 "lanuarye" scans " lan/ua/rye," and " vnlike " and " vnto " are therefore necessary for " like" and "to." Transposition of 5 and 4 would improve connection of thought. Douglas, Prol. to JEn. I., compares the owl and the parrot to mark the inferiority of his poetry to Virgil's :
Quhilk is na mair lyk Virgile dar I lay Na )>e owle resemblis |>e papyngay.
7. " Prese " is the nearest approach to what is represented in MS., and gives good sense. It is a variant of " prise," " to be priced or prized." " The eye of a fish is not fit to be valued or rated so high as pearl in the gold smith's craft." " Prise/' the noun, is found in cxxviii. 5 and clxxxviii. 6. 7. Cf. L. L. 3271 for form "maked."
CXI. 5. See note on xix. 3. 7. "To schorten with," cf. xvi. 4, "to gouerne with."
CXII. 6. For this use of " supplye," cf. xv. 5.
CXIII. 4. The artificial form "alleris" is also found in Legends of the Saints, xxviii. 28 :
for throu humylite but dred was Mary mad oure alleris med.
"Aller" is Chaucer's form for O.E. ealra, gen. pi. of eall, and probably the is here is due originally to a scribal flourish at end of word. For form " aller" in Chaucer, see C. T. Prol. 1. 799 :
Shal have a soper at oure aller cost.
Unusually close connection between stanzas cxiii. and cxiv., and between cxiv. and cxv.
CXV. 7. " Eft " is uncommon in this connection. " No longer is there any one."
CXVI. 2. " Booth constreyne," cf. Q. J., 1. 26. 4, 5. " And for a manifest sign all this rain comes as from my tears." For conceit that Venus' tears make rain, cf. U envoy de Chaucer a Scogan, 11. 10, n. Aurora's tears make dew: Flour of Curtesye, 11. 38-40. 4-7. There is a certain ob scurity here. " Pleyne " is to be taken as adj., not as verb, though it might be taken as a verb. 6. S. makes "ybete " an infinitive, W. a p.p. It may be either, as, contrary to W.'s contention, such a form is found, not in K. Q., but in Q. J., 1. 525.
142 NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR
CXVII. i. "Stynten othir quhile" is certainly a scribal error for "stynt another quhile." 4. "Of" here is to be interpreted differently from "of" in cxvi. 5. It means here "under the influence of." 6. W. suggests "ryght" for Skeat's "as" ; he cites many passages in support of his contention : xxvi. 3, liv. 3, civ. 7, cxxvii. i, clxxviii. 7, clxxxviii. 7. But "into" is simpler, and conforms to Mid. Scots usage.
CXVIII. See Introduction, section iv., for variety of verbal inflections in this stanza, and cxix. 4. For " stound" in sense of " hour," cf. Legends of the Saints, xxx. 725-6 :
J>at scho persauit wel apere }>e stond of ded til hyre nere.
CXIX. 6. The text of MS. is difficult to understand. S. suggests the substi tution of "That" for" most," and W. "haue" for "has." W. would then translate "must commonly have ever his observance." But "com monly" and "ay" go ill together. Looking to "ay" in 4 and 5, one is tempted to think that the third " ay " in 6 is an error. Perhaps it would be too bold a remedy to read " Most commonly has May his observance," and to take the line as parallel in meaning with 4. Simpler still is the reading adopted in text "haue thay." Yet this alteration is not quite satisfactory. This stanza and two which follow may be compared with L.L.ll. 15, 1 6.
CXX. i. "Thus mayest thou see" : "seyne" is for "sene," cf. clxxviii. 5.
2. W. makes a most ingenious and highly probable conjecture for " maist weye," which is unintelligible. He would read " most," i.e. " must obeye," the scribe having made an English " most " into " maist " as if it were an adj., and misread ob as iv., " Which ye ought to obey and must."
3. tf Because of sloth are wholly forgotten/5 " Is," like has," with plural nom., is rare in K. Q.
CXXII. 3. " Aspectis," cf. cvii. 4 ; "writh," ibid. 7.
CXXV. i, 2. Cf. Assembly of Ladies, 11. 176, 177. 3. " Vnquestionate," an unusual form ate for occasional et and ordinary it, written to rhyme to "eye" as well as to "ear." 5. "Said renewe," i.e. "sober renewal"; " said," being equivalent to " sad," is wholly out of keeping with what follows. As a way out of the difficulty, " facture newe " is suggested, "facture" in the handwriting of the time having a certain resemblance to "saidre" ; "facture," not a common word, is employed elsewhere by the poet. See 1. 2 and Ixvi. 6.
CXXVI. "Gyde led," see cxxiv. 6. "hath led," and clviii. 7, "has led." 6. Flower and Leaf, 1. 596. 7. Omission of nom. to "likit," cf. x. 2.
CXXIX. 3. W. would read "on nyce " following "on vertew set5' in 6. But "set of" is found in Legends of the Saints, xii. 161. In cxliv. 2 the MS. reading is " In vertew thy lufe is set."
CXXX. Cf. st. xv. For thought in 5 cf. Ep. to Ephes. ii. 20, i Cor. iii. 10, n.
CXXXI. 6. Founding upon "schapith" in cii. 5 one may perhaps read "groundith " in spite of sing, "thy." As justification for this see Q. J. 314. For thought, cf. S. Matt. vii. 24.
CXXXII. W.'s pointing in 4, 5, given in text, and his rendering make the meaning clear. " Unless thy work (or deed) agree thereto, and all thy anxious carefulness be expressed." "Mesure" is a verb, and this usage may be compared with Lydgate's A Commendation of Our Lady, 1. 119 : " Mesure thy mourning, myn owne Margaryte."
CXXXIII. i. See Eccles. iii. i sqq. Cf. C. T. E. 1972. 4. Cf. L. L. 1753. Chaucer, in N. P. T., 1. 509, uses Ecclesiaste to signify Ecdesiasticus,
NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR
and when he alludes to this passage he does not name his author. Gower (C. A., vii. 4491) expressly calls Solomon Ecclesiaste. 2. "Bide weel, betide weel " : " abit " is " abideth," as " writ " is " writeth." -5,4." He that knows only haste knows nothing of good fortune." Cf. Isaiah xxviii. 1 6. CXXXIV. Cf. R. R. 4828 sqq. i. Chaucer's words are " brotel" and
" brotelnesse." See C. T. E. 1279. CXXXV. Transposition of 5 and 4 would improve syntax. Scribe may have
erred, as in clxxxv.
CXXXVI. i, 2. Cf. Q. J., 1. 496. 3. Cf. S. Matt. vii. 155 R. R. 6259 : Who so took a wethers skynne And wrapped a gredy wolf therynne, For he shulde go with lambis whyte, Wenest thou not he wolde hem bite.
AlsoR.R. 7013-16 :
Outward lambren semen we, Full of goodnesse and of pitee, And inward we withouten fable Ben gredy wolves ravysable.
7. Cf. Q. J., 11. 489-90.
CXXXVII. 3. Cf. Chaucer, C. T. E. 1943, for "kid."
CXXXVIII. 3. The missing monosyllable may be "wel," or "ful," or " ryght."
CXXXIX. 5, 6. " And should like to be the man who could effect somewhat for her honour."
CXL. 5. Sense demands either "Mold I," suggested by S., or "wald noght be."
CXLI. 3. S.'s conjecture "faute" for "faynt" is very happy. 6, 7. "But desire so limits my wits that I care for no greater joy than your favour."
CXLII. 3. " Playnly " perhaps " fully " rather than " manifestly." 4. Having regard to " treuly " in cxxxix. 3, and to rhythm one would read " trewely without fantise." "Fantise" is in R. R. 1971, as "feyntise." Cf. Fhwer and Leaf, 1. 549 : "To seeke honour without feintyse or slouth." 5. The lacuna before "vp-rise" is puzzling. S.'s suggestion has the merit of simplicity j W.'s of being a single word, and that at least a probable verb before "vp-rise." Yet the idea that seems to be lacking is of will or desire on the part of the poet. 7. " Putten in balance " : to put in doubt or danger, cf. Book of Duchess, 1. 1020.
CXLIII. 7. "My greatest joy," cf. "more" in cxli. 7.
CXLIV. 2. Cf. cxxix. 6. 4-7, " And sincerely without reluctance to have pity on the distress and fever which hold your heart : I will pray Fortune that she may be no longer opposed to your passion."
CXLV. 2, 4, 5. Such rhymes as duellyng, mellyng, repellyrig, are found in Q. J. 242, 244 ; demyng, connyng, but without rhyme in preceding syllable ; also in Q. J. 196, 197, 199. 5. " Apperit" : a reader expects "appointit" or "pertening." 6. Fortune has the two lots of weal and woe.
CXLVI. Like Chaucer, the poet is interested in the Predestinarian contro versy. 4. "Wrething," variant of "writhing" : cf. cvii. 7 and cxxii. 3. " Wrething" also means "making angry," Legends of Saints, iii. 58, but this meaning is not appropriate here. The stanza is difficult to explain, and W.'s "that" for "it," in 7, does not mend matters j while "and," in 6, seems superfluous. " Whatever may be the truth about Fortune and
144 NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR
her cuts, some scholars expound that your whole lot is pre-ordained in heaven, by whose mighty influences you are impelled to movement less or more there in the world (for this very reason calling that lot fortune) because the difference of the working of these influences should cause necessity, i.e., bring about a necessary result."
CXLVII. 4. For same Kentish form, see ix. 3 and xliv. 4. 6. " That " seems more apt than " the." 7. " According to (divine) purpose thus calling them fortune." " Cleping " qualifies "clerkis" in line i. Cf. close of stanza cxlix.
CXLVIII. i. "Knawing" may be either gerund or provincial form of " knawin." 5. " Anerly," a common form of " onely," would amend the metre.
CXLIX. 6. "And commune" should be " in commune," as in cxlvii. 6.
CLI. 3. MS. reading "quod he" shews a lapse from autobiographical stand point. But, as scribal slips are numerous, it would be unfair to base an argument upon he. 4. " Straught as ony lyne " : cf. Flower and Leaf, 1. 29. Cf. C. T. E. 2230. Tytler quotes Paradise Lost, iv. 555 sqq.
CLII. 4-6. Cf. R. R., 11. 122-27.
CLIII. 1-4. Highly elliptical. "That" wants verb, and relative nom. to " lap " is also wanting. 3. " Lap," pret. of " lepe " ; cf. Burns' Hallowe'en, "lap the hool," leapt the husk : ct. Chaucer, P. F., 11. 183-89. 7. "Ges- serant," a coat or cuirass of fine mail, is found also as " gesseron," " ies- seraunt," O.F. " jazerant." See s.v. Mayhew and Skeat's Concise Dictionary of Middle English.
CLIV. 3. W.'s "syde" is better rhythmically than S/s "longe."
CLV. i. For lion as king of beasts, cf. Dunbar, The Thrissill and the Rois, st. 13-16. 2. The panther is compared to the emerald because of its beauty. In O.E. Bestiary statement is :
Panter is an wilde der
Is non fairere in werlde her.
The Panther is therefore the symbol of Christ, who is fairer than all others. 3. Neckam, De Naturis Rerum, C. 124, opens his account of the squirrel with this characteristic : " Arguituretiamdesidiae ignavia hominis torpens, dum scuruli providam solertiam non attendit." 4. Ibid. C. 140 : "Asinus animal oneriferum mancipium servituti addictum." 6. "Keen- eyed lynx" : ibid. C. 138 : "Lynx acumine visus perspicue novem fertur parietes penetrare." On the rhinoceros or unicorn, Ibid. C. 104 : "Refert autem Isidorus quod tantae est fortitudinis ut nulla venantium virtute capiatur. Virgo autem proponitur puella, quae venienti sinum aperit, in quo omni ferocitate deposita ille caput ponit sicque soporatus, velut inermis capitur." Neckam returns to the subject in his De Laudibus Divinae Sapientiae, 11. 167, 168 :
Rhinoceros capitur amplexu virginis Consimili renuat proditione capi.
CLVI. 2. This line recalls Neckam's opening verses on tiger as above, 11. 127, 128 :
Tigris, sublato foetu, velocior aura Instat atrox, sed nee segnius hostis abit.
"Fery": S. explains as "active," and connects with Iceland \cjaerr: cf. King Horn, 1. 149, "hoi and fer," the modern Scots "hale and fere." 3. "The elephant who loves to stand." In O.E. Bestiary (E. E. T. S.)
NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR 145
this epithet is explained by account given of habits of elephants, 11. 620 sqq. They bring forth in a standing position ; when they fall they have no power to rise, and as they lean against trees to rest, the hunter saws these almost through, so that when elephants rest they may fall by the tree giving way. 4. See Chaucer, N. P. T. 5. "The high hills are a refuge for the wild goats," Ps. civ. 18. Looking to the literary origin of many of these allusions to animals, one is disposed to find in "elk for alblas- trye " a reference to horn-tipped bows. It is even possible that the poet knew about the use of horns tor bows. Perhaps he had read somewhere of the bow of Pandarus.
CLVII. 2. My colleague, Dr. Soutar, suggests the reading "martrik sable," which is in keeping with the scheme of epithets in these stanzas. Same reading is found in N. E. D. 5. " The wolf that does not hesitate at murder." "Ho" as equivalent to "halt" or " pause n is found in The Bruce, xx. 1. 429, "And sa he did withouten ho." See also Gower, C. A. vii. 571, 5438. In Chaucer, C. T. A. 2533, "Ho" is the signal for silence and attention. In same tale, A. 1706, Theseus " cride Hoo !" commanding Palamon and Arcite to pause. Cf. also Q. J. 566. 6. Beaver is characterised in C. 140 of Neckam's De Naturis Rerum.
CLVIII. 3. S., Introd., p. xxxiii, suggests that "furth" may be read as dis syllabic. W. thinks this strained, and not in accordance with ordinary sense of " furth," as adverb. He suggests " by," but cxxvi. i would indi cate "to" as more appropriate, or even "unto" with light extra syllable in middle of verse.
CLIX. 2. " A round place and y-wallit " is suggested as alternative to "rounde." 3. "Eftsones" mends metre: it is found as trisyllable in xlii. 2. One might venture to read " In myddis (monosyllable) quhare-of eftsonCs." 4. "Hufing": "waiting," cf. The Bruce, xix. 345, "He gart hufe to byd thar cummyng" ; also ibid. 585, "He swa abaid hufand"j and L. L. 1046. 6. "Vpon" before, or "thar" after "quhich" would mend the metre.
CLX. 2. S.s "vnto" and W.'s "diuerse" both amend the rhythm, but putting "mony" before "diuerse" and reading "semyt" as monosyllable (see clxiii. 3) would be more in keeping with poet's manner. 4. S.'s conjecture for filling lacuna is excellent, but the amended text given is supported by xcvii. 6, 7, and xcv. 7.
CLXI. Another instance of run-on stanza, i. S.'s suggestion "eremyn" as sound of word commends itself. 3. "Chiere," for countenance, is not so common as "cherfi," but it is several times found in Gower, C. A.
4. " And than," " thus " probably from line above, " It would relax." CLXII. 7. The absence of contraction in "I ne wist" may be compared with
The Flonuer and the Leaf, 1. 104, " Ne wist I in what place I was." Cf. C. T. E. 1490. CLXIII. 3. "Strong," "hard," "severe," seems as apt as "strange" to which
5. alters the text. 4. "Thareon" instead of "than" amends sense and metre.
CLXIV. i. We must either read "quhele" with W. or take "void" as dis syllable, or both, for sake of rhythm. 2. W.'s suggestion commends itself. "Straight from the lowest point to the highest there was little vacant space on the wheel." 2, 5. With "hye" rhyming to "hye," cf. clviii. 2, 4, " mynd," "mynd." 3. " Had " before " sat " is given as an alternative to " longfi " and "into place." 6. "Tofore" is suggested as an alternative to "so sore."
CLXV. 3. "It" seems more appropriate than " thaim " as object to "hath
16
146 NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR
y-thrungin." 5. Taking "euer" as dissyllable makes vocal final e in " newe" " unnecessary.
CLXVI. 4. The conjectural reading in text is slightly more musical than MS., and "hailsing" or embracing a goddess seems hardly in keeping with the poet's humility. " Half abashed for shame " is more apt. Cf. xlix. 5. CLXVII. 5. " Along and across," i.e., " through my whole being." The phrase is used in the Knight's Tale in description of the doors of the Temple of Mars :
The dores were al of adamant eterne Y-clenched overthwart and endelong With iren tough.
CLXVIII. 3. "Bot" is here equivalent to "nothing but," "only." 7. On poet and chess, see Introd., p. Ivii, also Charles d*Orle"ans, Poeme de la Prison, Ballade Iviii., 11. 1-9.
CLXIX. 5. "Stale." It is difficult to reject the meaning stale mate, as the chess metaphor is repeated in this stanza, and it fits the situation because in stale mate neither the King nor any other piece can be moved. A parallel passage is hard to find. In Reson and Sensuallyte, 5901-3, we read : Whan the play I-ended was Atwex hem two, thus stood the cas : Without a maat on outher syde.
"Stalle," found also as " stal " and "stale" (vid. Mayhew and Skeat's C. D. M. E.) means place, station, prison. Cf. next st. 3, "y-stallit." 6. " Without joy (or prosperity) from the fates."
CLXX. 2. Accenting " wantis " and " confort " makes addition of final 6 to "hert" unnecessary. For omission of rel. before "suld," cf. xvii. 5. ;, 6, 7. A very difficult passage, and possibly in 7 corrupt. S. takes
f T\ 99 •*_* !_.*_ ft 1 £ I _ . A. » ££ I.
who takes " dert " as a verb. W. alters " quhere " to " thare," explains " aspert " as a derivative from O.F. esperdre, " to be astonished " ; makes " be " a prep, and translates : " Though thy beginning has been retro grade " — i.e., " Though thou at the beginning of thy life course hast been kept back and oppressed by shameful men who opposed it, now shall they turn round in stupid astonishment and fall in the mud." But " be " is probably imperative of verb and aspert is appert, open, and the closing words of 7 may be " Luke's on the dert," dert being, as Jamieson asserts, a verb. A possible rendering is, therefore : " Though the early part of thy love-suit has had opposition, be obstinate, resolved, and like wise open, now the fates shall turn and dart looks upon thee." This is certainly far from satisfactory, not least so from the fact that " dart " as verb in this figurative sense is not found early. In N. E. D. the earliest passage quoted is from Shakespeare's Venus and Adonis^ 1. 196. 7. A couplet in Chaucer (C. T. D., 75, 76) suggests a widely different and certainly a more poetic rendering :
The dart is set up of virginitee, Cacche who so may, who renneth best lat see.
Professor Skeat, in his notes to these lines in his edition of Chaucer, interprets "dart" as "prize," and he quotes Lydgate, Falls of Princes, fol. xx vi. :
And oft it happeneth he that hath best ron Doth not the spere like his desert possede.
NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR 147
He mentions also that on the margin of the Ellesmere MS., at this point, there is a quotation from S. Jerome : " Proponit dywvoQtnjs praemium, imiitat ad cursum, tenet in manu uirginitatis brauium, et clamitat qui potest capere, capiat." In the foot-race in the Aeneid (Book V.) Cretan darts are a part of the gift made to all the ninners. " Goal " would suit our poet's context even better than "prize," and would form an appro priate contrast to a " retrograde beginning/'
CLXXI. 5. " Prime," early part of day, 6 to 9 a.m. S. makes this allegorical. It may well refer literally to conversation with Venus about the natural time of day when imaginary conversation was taking place.
CLXXII. i. "Tho tofore" is better than "this tofore." !< Tho " gives antecedent to "That" in 2. 4. Cf. Q. J., 11. 216-7. 4, 5. Rhymes "fall," "fall." See clviii. 2, 4, clxiv. 2, 5.
CLXXIII. This reference to conflict is by S. compared to Chaucer, T. and C. iv. 302-8. For thought on spiritual character of soul, cf. R. R. 5653 sqq., and on conflict between flesh and spirit, S. Paul, Ep. Galat. v. 17.
CLXXIV. i . Reading " couert," and taking it as p.p. of " coueren," to recover, W. translates : " When I came to myself, I thought actually to see all that had happened in my dream-vision." The pret. and p.p. " couerit " is common, and pret. occurs in Christis Kirk on the Grene, st. xiii. : "Than with thre routes sone thay raisit him, And couerit him out of swoune/' But " Touert " is probably the MS. reading. " Mene " means either " I intend " or " I grieve." If latter be preferred, rendering would be : " I grieve to consider all this matter bearing upon myself."
CLXXV. 3. MS. "in" naturally suggests "into" as metrical amendment. 7. " Avisioun" : cf. Book of Duchess, 285.
CLXXVI. 4. In MS. " humily " is written as in cvi. 4, without stroke over u and with curl to i, thus, J. 5, " More " is redundant.
CLXXVII. 3. With coming of dove, cf. Mart d' Arthur, xi. c. 2 : " And anon there came in a dove at a window, and in her mouth there seemed a little censer of gold." Also In Memoriam, ciii., st. 4 :
Then flew in a dove And brought a summons from the sea.
" Calk " is common Northern form. 7. See note on st. xxxiv. Accent ing kalcndis makes change in text unnecessary.
CLXXVIII. i, 2. Cf. T. G., 1. 593 sqq,, where Venus casts hawthorn branches into lady's lap. 4. " Lettris " would be more apt than " branchis." Cf. Legends of the Saints, xliii. 109-11 :
And in his hand bare a buke
J>e quhilk rycht fare ves on to luke
Vith goldene lettris wrytene brod.
CLXXIX. 4. See L. L., 1. 80. 6. " The flouris fair present " is an absolute construction, and "present" is p.p., cf. civ. i.
CLXXX. i. "Quhilk" refers to all brought by dove, branch, green stalks, writing. "It," in 3, refers to writing only.
CLXXXI.2. This line qualifies "paynis" in 3, and the rendering is : "Which token truly thereafter, day by day, from henceforth did away the pains which had before mastered all my wits." 7. As W. points out, " souiraine" is demanded by rhyme.
CLXXXII. 2. "With so little justification (or equityV' Cf. Professor Gregory Smith's Specimens of Middle Scots, p. 83, I. 20: "Held the landis apon lytill evin and small title of rycht in thai times." 4. " Had
148 NOTES TO THE KINGIS QUAIR
once crept into heaven." "Crepen" in Mid. Eng. is found both strong and weak. " Crepte," " creap," " crep," and " crope " are all found as pret., just as in Mod. Scots both " crap " and " creepit " are used. 5. "O thank," i.e., "one thought." One would look for "of thank" " from gratitude."
CLXXXIV. This stanza has no complete sentence and should possibly be read " Beseche I," or there should be a comma after " felicitee " in preceding line, and the whole thought in both stanzas should be con nected with " I pray " in clxxxv. 4. Plainly the poet either had a finite verb or thought he had one. W. connects with clxxxiii. 6. Once more, as in i. 2, and Q. J., 11. 9, 10, we have pres. ipart. used like present or pret. indie. 4, 5, 6. " His " violates concord in view of " brethir " and " seruandis." Unfortunately one cannot venture to substitute Chaucerian "her" or "hir." 5. Elliptical and grammatically confused. Venus is asked to assuage the lover's pain and to direct events so that he may soon stand in favour.
CLXXXV. 4. The abbreviated forms " prentissehed " and " prentis " are not uncommon in M.E. and M. Scots. 7. "Lo !" a mannerism, see note on xlix. 5
CLXXXVI. 2. Cf. L. L. 15. 3. "Has" with plur. nom., cf. cxliv. 6; "curage at the rose to pull," cf. R. R. 3361-66 5 4069-80 ; 4117-28.
CLXXXVII. Lines 5-7 suggest the narrative of the King's death. 7. "From the deth" : cf. L. L. 2959.
CLXXXVIII. 5, 6. " Remufe " seems passive in 5, but in 6 " bot onely deth " implies that the poet treats it as active.
CLXXXIX. i. "Blisfull" : see cxcii. 4. 2. Tytler is little to be blamed for reading " glateren," as only a magnifying glass shews that an apparent a is it.
CXCI. 3. "Sanctis marciall," which S. interprets "Saints of the month ot March," must be considered somewhat inapt after " castle wall " and before " green boughs." " Marciall " invariably means " martial," "pertaining to war/' as in Chaucer, T. and C. iv. 1669: " torney marcial," and "factis merciall" in the prologue to The Spectacle of Love (Greg. Smith, Specimens 18, 1. 2). Indeed, "factis," by the simple sub stitution of s for/ and writing a instead of a, would become " sanctis." The alternative reading "factis marciall" is therefore given in note to amended text. 4. " Accident," referring to his capture by enemies at sea, as told in st. xxiv. 7. " Se " seems more apt than " be."
CXCII. 5, 6. See Introd., pp. liv, Iv, also for cxciii. 5-7.
CXCIV. Stock medieval apology, cf. close of Q. J. and of Flower and Leaf.
3. " Pray the reder " suggests a wide appeal.
CXCV. i. Reading as monosyllable, "cummyst" makes MS. reading "in
the presence" quite rhythmical. 3. "To here," cf. iv. i. CXCVI. i. "Endith" for "endit." Cf. L. L. passim and Q. J., 1. 16.
4. "Sitt," "sitteth."
CXCVII. i. "Inpnis," even when amended to "impnis," connected as it is with 11. 6, 7, has no meaning. Hymns have no souls and books are not recommended to them. " Ympis," meaning "scions," gives good sense, and recalls Chaucer's
Of fieble trees ther commen wrecched ympes (C. T. B. 3145).
2. See Introd., pp. Ix-lxvi, for debt to Gower and Chaucer, and on omission of Lydgate as one of poet's masters.
NOTES TO THE QUARE OF JELUSY.
The scribal slips in the MS. text of this poem are relatively few, and there is no such elementary scheme of punctuation as in the larger portion of the text of the Kingis Quair. The actual text, but with modern pointing and initial capitals to proper names, is given in the poem as printed. Suggested textual amendments and the more important variants of the Bannatyne Club editor are given in the footnotes. Many of his deviations from the JV1S. are errors of transcription. Overlining of letters in MS. text of both Quairs is erratic, often indeed meaningless, but in this respect the Quare of Jelusy is the worse of the two. In the text as printed, overlining is therefore shewn only where it is fairly clear and emphatic.
i. Sqq. Opening, on a morning in May, and many little descriptive touches may be compared with opening of Romaunt of the Rose and of The Goldyn Targe of Dunbar, as well as with that of L. L. and K. Q., for contrast.
3, 4. Cf. Goldyn Targe, 65, 66, "Felde . . . bene." "Bene" often used for "is," L., L. 1. 46.
6. Cf. Chaucer, L. G. W., B. 123-127 :
Forgeten had the erthe his pore estate Of wyntir, that him naked made and mate, And with his swerd of cold so sore greved. Also Squire's Tale, 1. 57 :
Agayne the swerd of winter kene and cold.
7. The date is the 9th of May, cf. Squire's Tale, 1. 47 : " The last Id us
of March."
9, 10. "Ascending . . . and forth his bemys sent." Concord demands either "ascendit" in 1. 9, or "had" for "and" in 1. 10. For similar construc tion cf. K. Q. i. 2, and clxxxiv. i.
13. Cf. Knight's Tale, 11. 182-189 ; ibid. 699 ; T. and C. ii. 112.
14. Cf. K. Q. x. 2. 1 8. " Ayer" is dissyllabic. 23-26. Cf. K. Q. x. i sqq. 26. Cf. K. Q. cxvi. 2. 29. "And power has," cf. Ballad of Good Counsel.
35-45. Cf. K. Q. xxxiii., xl. sqq. 39, 40. Cf. T. G. 276. 41. "Gudliare," K. Q. xlix. 3.
44. Cf. Knight's Tale, 1. 242 : K. Q. xlii., xliv.
45. Cf. Dunbar, G. T., 1. 133.
52. " Sche sor/owit/sche sik't/sche sore/compleyn/it."
59. "Goddesse Imeneus." One of many instances in Middle Scots poetry of ignorance of classical mythology. Cf. 1. 313 ; K. Q. xix. 3 ; and xx. i sqq., and Henryson's O. and E. 11. 30, 31. Poet might have seen picture or statue of girlish-looking Hymenaeus, and have supposed the god a goddess. Cf. Chaucer, C. T. E. 1730-1 : " Ymeneus that god of weddyng is."
149
ISO NOTES TO THE QUARE OF JELUSY
62. Frequent use of "quhy" as a noun is common to Q. J., K. Q., and L. L.
63. "Under your rigorous law." For use of "strong" in this sense (French fort), cf. K. Q. Ixviii. 3 ; vid. also Gower, Conf. Amant. v. 7377-8, quoted in Introd., section iii.
64. " As certainly as (I am) here in thy presence."
71-2. "Pluto and his derk regioun." Cf. Chaucer, C. T. A., 2082, and C. T. F. 1074 sqq. :
Prey hire to sinken every rok adoun
Into hir owene dirke regioun
Under the ground ther Pluto dwelleth inne.
71-74. Vid. Ovid, Metamorph. v.
82. With prayer to Jupiter, cf. K. Q. xxv. 6, 7.
83. "And wote," necessary for metre and grammar. 86. "Ilk," every, is demanded by the context.
88. Cf. L. L. 922.
89. " Ane othir dancef cf. 1. 226 ; also K. Q. xlv. 48, and clxxxv. 2. 102. Cf. L. L., 1. 841.
in. "Hir allone." Kindred constructions are found: "Walkand your allone," and fl thair allane," by themselves. Vid. Gregory Smith, Speci mens of Middle Scots, p. 68, 18, and p. 67, 12.
121. Use of interrogation. Cf. L. L. 160. See Introd., section iii.
122. "Quhy," as noun. Cf. 1. 62. 130. Cf. K. Q. Iviii.
122-132. Cf. Chaucer's Squire's Tale, 450-452 :
Is this for sorwe of deeth or los of love ? For, as I trowe, thise ben causes two That causen most a gentil herte wo.
137. With "cherlisch" cf. Chaucer, C. T. F. 1523.
1 6 1-2. A commonplace with Chaucerians English and Scottish. Cf. 11. 185-6.
172. The death of Hercules, after his poisoning by the shirt of Nessus sent
by Deianeira, is described by Ovid, Metamorph. ix. ; vid. also Temple of
Glas, 787-8 ; Black Knight, 344 5 Chaucer, Monk's Tale, 3285 sqq. ; C. T. D.
725-6 ; Gower, Conf. Amant., Bk. II. 2298^302. 173-4. Nero slew himself only when he realised that his pursuers were near
at hand, Suetonius, Nero, 48, 49.
176. Charon's boat, presumably.
177. Cf. Chaucer, P. F. 7.
180. Rhythm demands a trisyllable instead of " menyt." " Inuyit," a con jectural reading, suits the rhythm, is like "menyt" in form, and gives an intelligible meaning.
185-6. Vid, supra 161-2.
191. Invocation may be compared with K. Q. xiv.
194. "I" probably taken down from line above. "Ay" is demanded by context : " who are always void."
198. "Ony" is given as conjectural reading for "mony," which implies a something contradictory to the poet's thought.
203. "Suffering," for "sufferen." Cf. 228 and 369 ; also L. L. 443, 2971.
212. "At your myght," i.e., "to the utmost of your power."
216-7. Cf. K. Q. clxxii. 3, 4.
218. "Into this erth " a mannerism in Q. J. Cf. L. L. 2874, and passim.
220. " Worldis," for "wordes," requires no defence.
221. "Ne were," cf. K. Q. clxii. 7.
NOTES TO THE QUARE OF JELUSY 151
222. Proverbs xii. 4, and xxxi. 10-31 ; also Ecclesiasticus xxvi.
223. The verse is incomplete; a syllable is wanted after " worth." Supply ing "is" gives the meaning "much honour is from their rule."
226. " Apoun ane othir dance." Cf. 1. 89, and K. Q., as above. 228. "Suffren," Midland, pres. plur. 242. " His," lapse from concord. 251. " Jflck't."
267. "Anker in the stone," i.e., " nun (or monk) in the cloister." Cf. English Poems of Charles d'Orldans, p. 260, Roxburghe Club Edition :
A sely anker that in the selle
I-closid art with stone, and gost not out.
272-3. "Sche . . . they." Cf. 11. 104-5.
284. For spy of the jealous person cf. R. R. 4285-7 :
Ther hath ordeyned lelousye An olde vekke forto espye The maner of his governance.
285. One must either read "tallls," which is an unusual pronunciation, or supply some such word as " }it " before " no."
289. "As far as he can bring it about."
295. Cf. Chaucer, The Compleynt of Faire Anelyda upon Pals Arcyte, 87.
300. Must read either "into old " or "in olde." Cf. Chaucer, P. F. 24.
303. "Verreis." The form of this word would indicate the meaning "wars," or " makes war," but the context seems to demand " wearies." " For Solomon says to him who fancies that there is always something behind, and grows weary of holding fast by the nature of love."
307. "That hot," so hot. Cf. K. Q. xlii. 3.
311. "Ecco," vid. for story of Echo, Ovid, Metamorph. iii. 356 son. ; Gower, Conf. Amantis, v. 4573-4652. Chaucer, C. T. E. 1 189-90— Envoy to Clerk's Tale :
Folweth Ekko, that holdeth no silence, But ever answereth at the countretaille.
313. " Thesiphone," vid. above,!. 59, and note in loco; also note on K. Q. xix.
318-23. "Sydrake . . . Bokas King." The book, which is entitled Bocchus and Sidrake, is thus described in Brunei's Manuel de Libraire : "This curious book, in which to very singular questions are made answers sjill more singular." There are one thousand and eighty-four questions. The first edition was printed at Paris in 1486. It was translated into English by Hugo Caumpden, and published by Thomas Godfrey, probably in 1560. There is a MS. of the French original in the Bodleian Library (MSS. Bodl. 461): "Le livre de Sydrac le philosophe, apelle" livre de la Fontane de totes sapiences." It is thus characterised : "Est quasi systema totius philosophiae naturalis et Astrologicae." A manuscript English translation is also in the Bodleian (MSS. Laud. 559). The book takes its title from the chief characters in the narrative leading up to the didactic portion which forms the body of the treatise. Bocchus is an Eastern potentate, King of Bactria in the great Ind. He has an enemy, King Garab, who rules over the greater part of India. Against this enemy Bocchus had begun to fortify a city, but what was built by day was cast down by night. By the advice of his lords and commonalty he sent for astronomers and philosophers, promising rich rewards to the counsellor who should enable him to overcome the mysterious hostile power which produced this portent. The astronomers asked for forty
152 NOTES TO THE QUARE OF JELUSY
days to consider the matter. Their prudent delay notwithstanding, they were able to give but barren counsel, and were therefore thrown into prison. This failure delighted Garab, who now sent to demand the daughter of Bocchus " to be his fere." But the proposal so enraged Bocchus that he killed the messengers, and caused proclamation to be made, offering his daughter in marriage and very great treasure to any man who could get him out of his difficulty. As he was sitting in heaviness an old man appeared, who promised to help him, saying that he desired no reward. He told the king that a messenger must be sent to Tractaban for the book on Astronomy which Noah had in Ottylye. He was to ask at the same time for the loan of the astronomer Sydrak.
Tractaban received the messenger gladly. He knew about the old book which had belonged to Noah. This book told of something on a hill which had the remarkable property of enabling anyone who came to it to do whatever he would. He had never reached the hill him self, but he knew that Bocchus was powerful and would succeed. He accordingly sent him the book and Sydrak.
On his arrival Sydrak told Bocchus that the land was bewitched. He advised him to find a hill far in the land of Ind, the Raven's Green- hill, to which Noah had despatched the raven in search of dry land. The hill was four days' journey in length and three days' journey in breadth, and it lay near the country of the Amazons. On it grew twelve thousand herbs, four thousand good, four thousand bad, and four thousand neither good nor bad. The people of the land were strange to look upon, for they had human bodies and hounds' faces. And in order to gain one's heart's desire one must seek among the good herbs without ceasing to find the right herb.
King Bocchus rejoiced, and resolved to undertake the journey. On the thirteenth day he arrived at the foot of the Raven's Greenhill, where he rested for three days. He had to fight the inhabitants, and after a stout struggle he was victorious. Now Bocchus was a heathen and knew not God, but Sydrak believed in the Trinity. Bocchus had taken his "maumetts" with him, and he took out these idols and offered sacri fice on the eighteenth day after he came to the hill. Sydrak, seeing this, wondered, and from wonder he passed to rage, and refused to offer any sacrifice save to Him who made heaven and earth. At this point he suggested a prayer-competition between himself and an idolator. Sydrak prayed to God to overcome the devil, and fire came down from heaven and destroyed the idols, and killed one hundred and twenty persons, the devil himself escaping with a great cry. King Bocchus, who barely escaped, was so angry that he cast Sydrak into prison. There he lay for nine days, and, in spite of strenuous effort on the part of Bocchus and his Council to make a pagan of him, he clave to his religion, and was comforted by an angel who promised that the prisoner should yet convert King Bocchus.
The angel showed Sydrak the manner of going to work. He was to procure an earthen pot, and set it on three stakes in the name of the Trinity. He was to fill the pot with clear water, and invite the king to look into the water. As Bocchus did this, he saw the Trinity in heaven, and the angels standing round. Bocchus believed, but asked how could Three be in One, and he was told to consider how the Sun and Light and Heat are one.
A fresh disputation with the representatives of idolatry followed, and
NOTES TO THE QUARE OF JELUSY 153
Sydrak was victorious. He was given poison to drink, but the poison did not hurt him. His opponents were killed by thunder and lightning. Bocchus was thought by his people to be mad, but he adhered to his Christian profession and was instructed by Sydrak.
The body of the book is taken up by Sydrak's answers to the many questions put to him.
330. "Feuir that is cotidiane." Cf. Gower on Jealousy in Conf. Amantis% Bk. V. 11. 429-634, and particularly 463-4 :
So as it worcketh on a man
A Feivre, it is cotidian.
334-5. " Herubus . . . J>at of Inuye the fader is." This statement about Erebus comes directly or indirectly from Cicero, De Natura Deorum, iii. 17 : "Quod si ita est Coeli quoque parentes dii habendi sunt, Aether et Dies, eorumque fratres et sorores, qui a genealogis antiquis sic nomi- nantur, Amor, Dolus, Metus, Labor, Invidentia, Fatum, Senectus, Mors, Tenebrae, Miseria, Querela, Gratia, Fraus, Pertinacia, Parcae, Hesperides, Somnia : quos omnes Erebo et Nocte natos ferunt."
344. '• Ay to the worst he demith." Cf. Chaucer, Squire's Tale, 1. 224 :
They demen gladly to the badder end.
351. Book of Daniel i. 11-16.
355. "Tygir," cf. Squire's Tale, 543 :
This tygre fill of doublenesse.
360. "Which Christ calls the wedding garment," S. Matt. xxii. 1-14.
361. "Without wtiich."
362. "But he misses the joy and the feast." 363-5. i Corinthians xiii. " Most," " greatest." 366. " Chapture," an unusual form for " chapitre."
374. "Lyvith" and " birnyth," used for pres. indie, plural, like Scottish
"lyvis" and "birnis." Cf. K. Q. cxviii. 4. 378. Two syllables needed to complete measure. Suggested reading, "Thare
cummith suich " fits context and amends metre. 382-6. This fifteenth-century Scottish criminal is not named in any of the
older histories.
391-3. For construction cf. Chaucer, C. T. D. 925-930, and ibid. 257-261. 396-400. S. Matt, xviii. 7-9. 401. Cf. Chaucer, C. T. H. 314-5, and 332-3 :
Daun Salomon, as wise clerkes seyn, Techeth a man to kepen his tonge weel
* * * *
The firste vertu, sone, if thou wolt leere,
Is to restreyne and kepe wel thy tonge.
401-2. Among poets who write on government of tongue is the author of the Ballad of Good Counsel :
Sen word is thrall, and thocht is only fre Thou dant thy tung, that power has and may.
Cf. also Henryson in Aganis Hauty Creddence ofTitlaris. S. James iii. was probably also in poet's mind.
403. Cf. Epistle of S. James iii. 2 : "If any man offend not in word, the same is a perfect man."
154 NOTES TO THE QUARE OF JELUSY
404. Cf. Chaucer, C. T. D. 775-779 :
" Bet is,'* quod he, " thyn habitacioun
Be with a leoun or a foul dragoun,
Than with a womman usynge for to chyde."
" Bet is," quod he, " hye in the roof abyde,
Than with an angry wyf doun in the hous."
404-6. Cf. Ps. Ivii. 4, and Ecclesiasticus xxv. 16 : "I had rather dwell with a lion and a dragon than to keep house with a wicked woman."
414- "Tak kepe," cf. C. T. E. 1058.
415-21. A pardonable hyperbole. Vid. Proverbs vi. 34 and Canticles viii. 6.
422. sqq. The Emperor Henry II. of Germany (S. Henry). The story of his jealousy of his empress, Cunegunda, is told in the Legenda Aurea. The tale of the ordeal of Cunegunda, of Henry's danger after death, and of S. Lawrence's intervention for his salvation, is told in the Scottish Legends of the Saints under S. Laurence. See S. T. S. edition, ed. Metcalfe, i., pp. 422-424.
432. Hiatus, "the ilk." Cf. K. Q. clxii. 7.
443. " Usith " rhymes with "ariseth." This pronunciation is still found in certain N. Scottish dialects, where " use " is eece. " Use of," in the sense of French user de is an uncommon idiom.
446. See above note on 391.
458. "The tone," i.e., <f that one." " Harmyth to," imitation of Latin construction, to shew dative.
462. " Scland'rith," "feyn'th."
464. " Euill " here, as almost invariably, a monosyllable.
467. Cf. Lydgate, Temple of Glas, 148, "Serpent of fals Jalousye " } also T. G. interpolated stanzas between 495, 496, Schick's edition, p. 21. Chaucer, C. T. F. 511-12.
468-9. Cf. Douglas, ii. 171, Prologue to Aeneid, Bk. IV.
469. " Thou lovith," " thou feynyth." Apparently a false analogical form. Regular Scots inflection is "lovis," "feynis." Cf. 553 and 541.
474. Context demands "verray," not "euery."
479. Similarly " his," not " this."
480. With "althirmost" cf. "althir best," L. L. 109.
493. "Provith," for "provit," as in L. L. Cf. K. Q. cxcvi. i ; L. L. passim. 516-7. "Who shall bewail in their weeping, evening and morning, those who
see beforehand, but who yet afterwards run to their own sorrow." 524. "Soundith vnto gude. " Cf. Chaucer, C. T., Prologue 307 : "Sowninge
in moral vertu was his speche" ; also L. L. Prologue 149 : "Quhich
soundith not on to no heuynes." Cf. Chaucer, C. T. H. 195 : "That
sowneth into vertu." 533. "Sewe" seems preferable to "schewe," as what the poet means is "to
pursue," not "to show."
536. "For if it please you." "Lestith," cf. K. Q. 9, 147.
537. "To drinkyn of the tonne." Cf. Chaucer, Clerk's Tale, 214 :
Wei ofter of the welle than of the tonne She drank.
C. T. D. 170, and P. F. 104. 541. "Hath thou." See note on 1. 469. "Danger" means "scorn" or
"disdain." 543. Interpreting the text as it stands in the MS., we have "and expels all
thy love in penance," etc. Reading " lyfe " for " lufe," we have " and
NOTES TO THE QUARE OF JELUSY 155
all thy life continues henceforth in penance," etc. Cf. K. Q. xx. 7,
"Upward his course to driue in ariete." 548. Cf. Chaucer : "The swerd of sorwe, y-whet with fals plesaunce" (Compl.
of Faire Anel. 212). L. L. 29 : "The dredful suerd of lowis hot dissire." 549-50. Cf. K. Q. xiv. 6 sqq. The natural image is "weltering" rather
than "walking."
551. "And knows not how to proceed or where to find a haven." 553. "Passith." See above, 469, 541. 557. "Fyir" is dissyllabic. In K. Q. and Q. J. many words like "fyir,"
"ayer," "fair," are occasionally dissyllabic, as they are in certain dialect-
forms to this day. "Fire" is monysyllable in 599. 560. " By your own resolve." 561. " Consum'th." 563-6. The passage is elliptical and obscure. "For since it is so (or 'true
it is,' reading « suth '), you do not fail merely in one of the two aspects of
your being, that is to say with respect to your earthly life ; but you shall
suffer in woe always, thereafter to be punished eternally, without ceasing.
And very fitting it is that you should be so punished. He is your master j
the Father of Hatred, from whom comes every evil purpose, whose love
you always very busily preserve, rewards and serves you according to
your desert/' 566. "Ho,"cf. K. Q. clvii. 5.
581. " Quho hath the worst," i.e., "who takes the worse part."
582. The Epilogue gives a stock poetic conclusion. Cf. K. Q. and T. G. 589. "Levith" is better than "beleu'th." "Leave the diction, and accept the
purpose of the poem." 591. "Turment," p.p. "tormented." 597-607. The whole spirit of this conclusion may be contrasted with K. Q.,
clxxxi.-cxci., where the happy lover is at peace. Cf. also T. G.
1393 sqq.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX
The Parts of Speech are indicated by the usual abbreviations. References to the several poems are given thus: K. (Kingis Quair), J. (Quare of Jelusy), C. (Ballad of Good Counsel). To the first the reference is by stanzas, to the others by lines. A word introduced into the text is marked a.r., alternative reading.
A, adj. one, K. 64, J. 15.
A, prep, on, K. 20.
Abaisit, Abaist, v.p.p. abashed, K. 41, 166.
Abandoun, s. abandon (Fr.), aban donment, K. 25.
Abate, s. attack, surprise, K. 40.
Abhominable, adj. abominable, J.
255-
Abit, v. 3. s. pres. abideth, K. 133. Abufe, adv. above, K. 184. Abune.prep. above, J. 103. Accident, s. happening, incident,
K. 191. Accorde, v. agree, be fitting, K. 92,
J- J34, 567-
Acquyte, v. requite, J. 315.
Adoun, adv. down, passim.
Aduert, v. shew, announce, K. 25.
Aduertence, s. attention, knowledge, control, K. 108.
Affray, s. terror, fright, fray, K. 185, C (a) 4.
Agane, Agayn, Agaynis, prep, against, K. 29, J. 6, 34, 80, 230.
Agayn, adv. again, K. 7.
Agit, adj. aged, K. 83.
Agone, v. p.p. ago, K. 196.
Airly, adv. early, K. 23.
Alawe, adv. below, down, K. 35.
Alblastrye, s. collect, weapons, cross bows, K. 156.
Aleye, s. alley, K. 32.
Alight, v. pret. alighted, K. 61.
All, adj. all, passim; every, K. 87.
Allace, interj. alas, J. 61, K. 57, passim.
Alleris, adj. gen. pi., O.E. ealra, of all, K. 113.
Allone, adj. alone, J. 19.
Allutterly, adv. all utterly, entirely,
wholly, K. 129. Almous, adj. alms in adjective sense,
charitable, J. 424. Als, adv. also, J. 382. Als, conj. as, J. 37, K. passim. Alssone, adv. as soon, K. 174. Althirmost, adv. most of all, J. 480. Amaille, s. enamel, K. 48. Amang, Among, adv. occasionally,
by turns, K. 33, 66, 81. Amang, prep, among, J. 322. Amene, adj. pleasant, J. 18. Amongis, prep, amongst, K. 121. Amorettis, s. pi. flowers of some kind,
love-knots (?), K. 47. And, conj. if, K. 161. 6. Ane, adj., one, a, an, J. 66, 89, a.r.,
K. passim.
Anerly, adv. only, K. 148, a.r. Anewis, s. pi., wreaths, rings, K. 160. Anker, s. anchor, K. 100. Anker, s. anchorite, nun, J. 267. Anon, Anone, adv. immediately, J. 94,
K. 61, passim.
Aport, s. bearing, conduct, demean our, K. 50, 177. Apoun, prep, upon, J. 93, 106. Appesare, s. appeaser, one who allays,
or mitigates, K. 99. Aquary, Aquarius, a sign of the
zodiac, K. i.
Araisit, v. p.p. raised, K. 75. Arest, s. stop, pause, K. 61. Argewe, v. argue, reason with, K. 27. Ariete, ablative of Aries, sign of the
zodiac, K. 20.
Armony, s. harmony, K. 33, 152. Artow,y. andpron. artthou, K. 58, 173.
156
GLOSSARIAL INDEX
157
Ase, s. ass, K. 155.
Aspectis, s. pi. aspects, K. 99, 107.
Aspert, adj. open (?), astonished (?),
K. 170 : see note. Aspye, v. espy, K. 31. Assay, s. attempt, attack, K. 89. Astert, v. move suddenly, flee, escape,
J. 12, 68, K. 44. Astert, v. pret. of above, K. 40. Astonait, astonate, v. p.p. astonished,
K. 98, 162.
Atonis, adv. at once, K. 68. Atoure, prep, over, K. 81. A-tuo, adv., in two, J. 548. Atyre, 5. attire, K. i, 46. Auaile, v. avail, J. 16. Auaille, Avale, v. fall down, descend,
J. 101, 217 : see Vale. Auance, v. advance, promote, assist,
K. 50. 79, 156. Aucht, Aught, v. pret. ought, J. 414,
K. 120, passim.
Auenture, s. fortune, experience, ad venture K. 10, passim. Auise, Avise, v. tell, take heed, warn,
J. motto, J. 445, K. passim. Avise, s. advice, K. 22. Aw, v. owe, C. (b) a.r. 20, owest. Awayte, s. waiting, watching. K. 121,
J. 467.
A-werk, on work, to work, K. 4. Awin, adj. own, K. 12. Awite, v. blame, J. 248: see Wyte. Aworth, adv. patiently, in good part,
K. 6. Axis, s. fever, feverish attack, K. 67 :
see Excesse. Ay, Aye, adv. ever, always. K. and
J. passim.
Ayer, s. air, J. 18, 103. Aygone, v. p.p. ago, gone, J. 264.
Bade, v. pret. prayed, K. 72. Balance, s. doubt, K. 142. Balas, s. pi. kind of ruby, K. 46. Band, s. fetter, chain, captivity, K. 43. Barane, adj. barren, bare, J. 523. Bare, s. bear (usual Scots form for
boar is bare), K. 157. Batailis, s. pi. battles, K. 85. Be, prep, concerning, by, J. 511, 528,
K. 20. Be, v. inf. ind. pres. and p.p. be,
passim.
Beautee, s. beauty, J. 37, K. 47. Bede, v. bid, J. 398. Bedis, s. pi. prayers, K. 62. Befill, v. pret. befell, K. 80.
Begile, v. beguile, K. 90. Begone, v. p.p. beset, befallen, hap pened, K. 30, 64.
Begonne, v. p.p. begun, J. 536, K. 34. Begouth, v. pret. began, K. 13, 98. Behald, v. behold, J. 108, K. 53. Beleue, v. leave, miss, fail of, J . 361. Beme, s. beam, J. 10, K. 151. Bene, v. pres. indie, and inf. be, passim. Bening, adj. benign, J. 196. Bere, v. bear, K. 131. Bereve, v. bereave, deprive, J. 392. Beschade, v. shade, K. 32. Beseche, Beseke, v. beseech, J. 187,
K. 184. Besene, v. p.p. arrayed, adorned, J.
36, 277.
Besid, prep, beside, K. 179. Best, s. advantage, inclination,
choice, K. 5.
Beste, s. beast, K. 27, 155. Besy, adj., busy, K. 64. Besynesse, s. activity, K. 155. Bet, adv. better, K. 101.
Bete, v. beat, J. 554, K. 122.
Betid, v. befallen, K. 179, a.r.
Beugh, Bew, s. bough, K. 32, 35, passim, J. 22.
Bill, s. beak, bill, K. 178.
Bill, s. petition, K. 82.
Birn, v. burn, J. 151, K. 168.
Blake, adj. black, K. 161.
Blamischere, s. blemisher, person who injures, K. 140.
Elude, 5. blood, K. 40.
Boece, Boethius, K. 3.
Boith, conj. J. 40, passim.
Bonk, s. bank, T. 20.
Boke, s. Buke, book, K. 5, passim.
Bore, s. boar, K. 156.
Bore, v. p.p. borne, K. 181.
Borowe, s. dat. sing, pledge, K. 23.
Bot, conj. but, J. 44, passim.
Bot, But, prtp. without, except, K. 94, J. 216, 359, 361 ; nothing but, only, K. 1 68.
Bot gif, conj. unless, K. 132, 195. But, unless, J. 143.
Bote, s. boat, K. 18.
Botemles, adj. without bottom, K. 70.
Boundin, v. p.p. bound, K. 61.
Branche, $. branch, pi. branch is, ornamentation, K. 178.
Brede, breadth s., K. 21.
Bref, adj. brief, K. 127.
Breke, v. break, K. 115.
Brent, Brynt, v. p.p. burnt, J. 172, 370, 448.
i58
GLOSSARIAL INDEX
Brethir, s. pi. brethren, K. 184.
Bricht, adj. bright, J. 38, passim.
Brid, s. bird, K. 65, 135.
Brocht, v. p.p. brought, J. 207.
Brukill, adj. brittle, changeable, un reliable, K. 134.
Brukilnese, s. fragility, brittleness, K. 194.
Bugill, s. ox, K. 157.
Buket, s. bucket, pail, K. 70.
Busk, s. bush, K. 135.
Bute, s. remedy, K. 69.
Butles, adv. without remedy, K. 70.
By, prep, see Be, concerning, K. 70.
Byd, v. pray, call, invite, K. 65.
Cace, s. case, fortune, K. 143.
Calde, adj. cold, K. 69, 103.
Calk, s. chalk, K. 177.
Calyope, Calliope, K. 17.
Cam, Come, v. pret. came, J. 48, in,
K. 60. Can, v. began, do, did, J. 93, 401,
K. 4.
Can, v. knows, K. 106, 133. Capis, s. pi. capes, K. 81. Capricorn, sign of the zodiac, K. i . Carefull, adj. full of care, anxious,
K. 100, J. 26.
Carolis, s. pi. carols, K. 121. Cart, s. car, chariot, J. 73. Cas, s. case, quiver, K. 94. Caucht, v. pret. caught, J. 426. Certeyne, adj. certain, assured, K.
138-
Ces, Cesse, v. cease, J. 410, K. 59. Chamberere, s. chamberlain, K. 97. Chamelot, s. camlet, K. 157. Chapellet, s. chaplet, K. 97, 160, 95. Chapture, s. chapter, J. 366. Chere, Chiere, s. countenance, smile,
mirth, J. 49, 219, 272, passim, K.
161, passim.
Cherising, v.s. cherishing, J. 126. Cheritee, s. charity, J. 342, 364. Cherlisch, Churlisch, adj. churlish,
J. 138, 143.
Chesyn, v. choose, J. 495. Cheualry, s. chivalry, J. 215. Cheyne, s. chain, K. 183. Chiere, s. chair, K. 94, Chose, s. choice, K. 92, 147. Cinthia, the moon, K. i, suggested
reading.
Circulere, adj. circular, K. i, 196. Citherea, Venus, K. i. Clene, adv. altogether, wholly, K. 45. Cleo, Clio, K. 19.
Clepe, v. call, J. 169, K. 149.
Clere, adj. bright, K. i, passim.
Clergy, s. learning, scholarship, J. 320.
Clerk, s. scholar, man of learning, J. 317, K. 146, 147.
Cleuer, v. cling, hold on like a bird, K. 9, 159.
Clip, v. embrace, K. 75.
Clymbare, adj., climbing, K. 156.
Clymben, v. climb, K. 163.
Come, v. : see Cam.
Commend, s. commendation, J. 84.
Commytt, v. p.p. committed, K. 196.
Compace, v. encompass, entangle, K. 141.
Compacience, s. sympathy, compas sion, K. 118, 150.
Compas, s. extent, circuit, K. 96, 159.
Compiloure, s. compiler, author, K. 3.
Compleyne, s. complain, J. 30.
Comprise, v. comprehend, confine, K. 28.
Compt, v. count, C. (b) 10.
Condyt, s. guidance, guide, con ductor, K. 113.
Confort, s. comfort, K. 25, 123, 170, 177, 191.
Confort, v. comfort, K. 4.
Connyng, s. cunning, skill, J. 162, K. 18, 50
Connyng, adj. skilful, prudent, K. 97.
Conquest, v. p.p. conquered, K. 100.
Consate, s. conceit, conception, thought, J. 343.
Consecrat, v. p.p. consecrated, K. 33.
Consequent, s. issue, result, con clusion, K. 189.
Conserue, v. keep, K. 112, J. 570.
Constreyne, v. constrain, compel, J. 26, K. 116.
Contempne, v. contemn, J. 193, 308
Contenance, s. demeanour, behaviour, countenance, K. 50, 82, 121.
Contene, v. behave, continue, J. 357.
Contrair, Contrare, a. and s. J. 166, 482, K. passim.
Contree, s. country, K. 24, 151.
Conueye, v. direct, turn, convey, K. 104, 120.
Conuoye, v. conduct, accompany, lead, K. 19.
Convert, v. change, transform, J. 5.
Conyng, s. coney, K. 157.
Copill, s. stanza, K. 33.
Coplit, v. p.p. coupled, K. 92, 93.
Corage, Curage, s. courage, K. 164, 1 86.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX
Corinthies, s. pi. Corinthians, J. 363. Corrupt, v. p.p. corrupted, J. 535. Cotidiane, adj. quotidian, returning
daily, J. 330. Couate, v. covet, K. 142. Couch, v. set, trim, adorn, K. 46. Coud, Coude, Couth, Couth t, v. fret.
could, passim, K. 196, knew (?) K. 2. Couert, v. p.p. recovered, K. 174. Counsale, Counsele, s. andv. counsel,
J. no, 574, K. 3. Counterfeten, v. counterfeit, K. 36,
135-
Cowardy, s. cowardice, K. 89. Craft, s. skill, K. 2. Cremesye, s. crimson cloth, K. 109. Crep, v. creep, C (a), 12, p.p. croppin,
K. 182.
Cristin, adj. Christian, K. 142. Crukit, adj. crooked, K. 195. Cum, v. come, cummyth, commyth
3 sing, pres, ind. cummyn, p.p.,
passim.
Cupid, Cupid, K. 43. Curall, adj. coral, K. 153. Cure, s. care, charge, J. 461, K. 22. Cuttis, s. pi. lots, K. 145.
Dampne, v. damn, condemn, J. 400. Dangere,s. displeasure, scorn, danger.
J. 541, K. 64, 149. Dant, v. tame, subdue, C. (a) 10. Dare, Dane, v. dare, J. 292, K. 140. Dayesye, s. daisy, K. 109. Decretit, v. p.p. decreed, K. 179. Dede, s. deed, J. 328. Dedely, adj. deathlike, K. 26, 169. Dedeyne, v. deign, K. 168. Dee, v. die, K. 57 : see Deye. Defade, v. cause to fade, dispirit, K.
170.
Defaute, s. defect, deficiency, K. 194. Degoutit, v. p.p. spotted, K. 161. Degysit, v. p.p. disguised, K. 81. Deite, s., deity, K. 105. Delitable, adj., delightful, K. 192. Delyte, s. pleasure, delight, K. 6. Demyng, v.s. judging, misjudgment,
J. 242. Depart, v. separate, sever, part, K.
92. Depaynt, v. and v. p.p. paint, painted,
K. 43. J.4-
Dere, adj. dear, J. 130. Dert, s. dirt (?), prize, goal (?), K. 170. Dert, v. dart (?), K. 170. Desate, Dissayte, s. deceit, K. 135,
J.468.
Despeire, Dispaire, s. and v. despair,
K. 30, 104.
Destitude, adj. destitute, J. 523. Determe, v. determine, resolve, K. 13. Deuise, v. plan, devise, K. 28, J. 243. Deuotly, adv. devoutly, K. 62. Dewe, adj. due, K. 1 19. Deye, v. die, K. 103. Digne, adj. worthy, K. 125. Direct, v. p.p. directed, K. 62. Dirknesse, s. darkness, K. 71. Discryve, v. describe, K. 4, 16. Disese, s. pain, discomfort, J. 77. Displesance, s. displeasure, K. 82. Dispone, v. dispose, J. 266, 573. Disport, s. game, sport, K. 134. Ditee, s. utterance, message, ditty
K. 36, 62. Do, v. p.p. do, done, do, cause, J. 13,
35i. Doken, s. dock plant, K. 109: see
note.
Doubilnesse, s. doubtfulness, dupli city, K. 1 8, 136. Doun, adv. down, passim. Dout, s. doubt. J. 450. Doutfull, adj. timid, hesitating, K. 17. Draware, s. drawer, creature that
draws, K. 157. Drawe, v. p.p. drawn, K. 82. Dredefull, Dredfull, adj. full of fear,
timid, K. 126, J. 554. Dresse, v. arrange, prepare, array,
K. 153, 156, 173, 175. Druggare, adj. draught, drudging,
K. 155-
Drye, adj. dry, K. 69. Duell, v. dwell, K. 68. Dure, s. door, K. 75. Dyane, Diana, J. 77.
Ecclesiaste, Ecclesiastes, K. 133.
Ecco, Echo, J. 311.
Eche, pron. each, K. 8.
Eene, s. pi. eyes, C (a), 10.
Effray, s. terror, fright, C. (b), 4.
Eft, adv. again, afterwards, K. 10.
Efter, prep, after, J. 428, according to, K. 147, for, in expectation of, K. 104.
Efter, adv. afterwards, J. 91.
Eftsone, Eftsones, adv. soon after wards, K. 42, 159.
Ellis, adv. else, K. 57.
Emeraut, s. emerald, K. 46.
Enbroudin, v.p.p. embroidered, K. 152.
Encress,Encressyn,v. increase, C.(a), i, J- 269.
i6o
GLOSSARIAL INDEX
Endlang, Endlong, prep, along, K. 81,
152, 167.
Endyte, s. style, J. 584. Eneuch, adj. enough, K. 47. Engrewe, v. annoy, J. 604. Enprise, s. enterprise, undertaking,
K. 20.
Enquere, v. inquire, J. 305. Ensample, s. example, J. 387, K. 148,
172.
Enspire, v. inspire, J. 318. Ensure, v. assure, K. 9. Entent, s. purpose, intent, J. 589,
K. 13, 56.
Entere, adj. entire, K. 62. Entrit, v. p.p. entered, K. 185. Erde, Erth, s. earth, J. 124, 142. Ere, s. ear, K. 152, 172. Eschame, v. to be ashamed, J. 256. Escheve, Eschewe, v. escape, avoid,
J. 271, 475. Ese, s. ease, J. 77. Esperus, the Evening Star, K. 72. Est, adj. east, K. 20. Estate, s. estate, high position, K. 3,
Passim.
Estward, adv. eastward, J. 34. Esy, adj. easy, K. 95. Eterne, adj. eternal, K. 107. Ethena, Etna, J. 337. Euerich, Euerichone, pron. everyone,
K. 27, 64.
Euour, adj. ivory, K, 155. Euirilkone, pron. everyone,}. 416. Evin, s. evening, K. 73. Evin, adv. exactly, K. 21. Evinly, adv. exactly, K. 177. Evyn, s. justification, equity, K.
182.
Excesse, s. : see Axis, K. 144. Exill, v. banish, C. (a), 5, K. 117. Exiltree, s. axletree, K. 189. Eye, s., pi. eyen, eyne, eene, K. 8,
passim, J. 58, passim.
Facture, s. fashioning, mould, K. 50,
66, K. 125, a.r.
Fader, s. father, J. 430, K. 122. Faille, s. defect, K. 48. Faille, v. fail, be deprived of, K. 26. Fair-Calling, s. prop., Salutation, Be-
welcome, K. 97. Faire, adj. as s. fair one, K. 66. Fairhede, s. beauty, fairness, J. 133,
K. 1 06, a.r.
Falouschip s. fellowship, J. 576. Falowe, s. fellow, companion, K. 23. Fand^ v. pret. of fynd, found, K. 79.
Fantasy, s. fancy, imagination, J.
575, K. 11, 37. Fantise, s. deception, K. 142, for
feyntise.
Fatall, adj. fated, destined, K. 196. Fatoure, s., for faitour, pretender,
impostor, literally, doer, K. 135. Faucht, v. pret. fought, K. 85. Fay, s. faith, K. 59. Fayn, adj. fain, glad, K. 195, passim. Faynt, v. p.p. feigned, K. 141. Fede, v. feed, J. 215. Fed, p.p. K. 14. Felde, s. field, J. 3. Fele, s. feeling, perception, J. 250. Fer, adj. far, J. 404. Fere, s. companion, J. 19, K. 155. Fere, s. fear, K. 162 : see Vere. Ferforth, Ferfurth, adv. K. 25, J.
289.
Ferm, adj. firm, K. 138. Fery, adj. active, vigorous, K. 156. Fest, adv., fast, K. 61. Fete, s. pi. feet, K. 159. Feynit, v. p.p. feigned, K. 36. Flawe, v. pret. flew, K. 61. Flete, v. float, J. 177. Flikering, v. pres. part, fluttering, K.
I73-
Flour, Floure, s. flower, passim. Floure, v. flower, K. 133, 193. Floure-Ionettis, s. pi. lilies, K. 47. Flouris, s. flourish, flower, K. 187. Flyte, v. scold, J. 312. Fonde, v. try, seek, K. 127. Fone, s. pi. foes, K. 71. Forby, adv. past, usual meaning in
modern Scots besides, K. 30, 31. Forfet, s. forfeit, fault, crime, K. 92. Forfaut, v. p.p. forfeited, K. 141. Forge, v. fashion, shape, K. 47. Forget, v. p.p. forgotten, K. 120. Forehede, s. forehead, probably error
for fairhede, K. 106. Foreknawin, v. p.p. foreknown, K.
148. Foreknawing, s. foreknowledge, K.
149. For-lyin, adj. exhausted with lying
long, K. ii.
For-pleynit, adj. weary of complain ing, K. 73.
Foriuge, v. condemn, K. 3. Forquhy, c. because, wherefore, K.
41, 108. Forsake, v. forsake, K. 63, v. p.p. K.
58 ; pret. forsuke, K. 89. Forthir, adv. further, K. 99, passim. For-tirit, adj. very tired, K. 30.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX
161
Fortunyt, v. j>ret. and p.p. fortuned,
happened, fortunate, K. 191, 133. For-wakit, adj. wide-awake, K. n. For-walowit, adj. fatigued with rolling
from side to side ; much tossed
about, K. ii. For-wepit, adj. tear-stained, tired
with much weeping ; Modern Scots
begrutten, K. 73. Foting, 5. footing, K. 9, 163. Foyn^ee, s. beech-marten, K. 157. Fremyt, adj. strange, K. 24. Frese, adj. for ferse, fierce, J. 152. Fret, v. pret. arrayed, adorned, K. 35. Frete, v. p.p. devoured, eaten ; see
Y-fret,J.555.
Fret-wise, by way of ornament, K. 46. Fricht, v. p.p. frightened, K. 162. Fude, s. food, K. 30. Fundin, v. p.p. found, K. 169. Furrit, v. p.p. furred, trimmed with
fur, K 161.
Furth, adv. forth, passim. Furthward, adv. forward, K. 17. Furth-with-all, adv. immediately, K.
I3-
Fute, s. foot, J. 68. Fyre, 5. end, J. 345. Fyre, Fyir, s. fire, T. 337. Fyre, adj. hardened by fire, K. 48.
Can, v.pret., began, did, J. 113, K. 10. Gardyn, Gardyng, s. garden, K. 31, 33. Gayte, s. goat, K. 156. Gelosy, s. jealousy, J. 381: see
Jelousye.
Gerafloure, s. gillyflower, K. 190. Gesse, v. guess, conjecture, J. 43,
K. 180.
Gesserant, s. armour, K. 153. Geve, Gif, Gife, If, Ife, Ifl. Iffe, conj.
if, J. 70, 137, passim ; K. 60, 195,
passim.
Gilt, s. guilt, J. 8 1. Gilt, v. p.p., sinned, offended, K. 26,
38-
Gin, Gyn, v. begin, K. 17, 57. Glad, Glade, Gladin, v. gladden, K.
62, 174, 190, J. 129 ; s. joy, K. 21. Glettering, adj. , glittering, J. 102. Glewis, s. pi. tricks (reading suggested
by Professor Skeat), K. 160. Goste, s. spirit, J. 117, K. 173. Gouernance, Gouirnance, s. conduct,
rule, K. 88, 196. Graip, v. grope, C. (b), 19. Grame, s. sorrow, J. 290. Gre, Gree, s. degree, K. 21, 83, J. 10.
Gree, s. favour, K. 59. Gref, s. grief, K. 127. Gress, s. grass, C. (b) n. Crete, adj. great, J. 198, passim. Greuance, s. affliction, J. 202. Grey, s. badger, K. 156. Grippis, s. pi. grips, hold, K. 171. Gruche, v. grudge, grumble, K. 91. Grundid, v. p.p. grounded, J. 192. Grundyn, v. p.p., ground, sharpened,
K. 94.
Gud, Gude, Guid, adj. good, passim. Gude, s. good, blessing, K. 20. Gudis, s. pi. goods, property, J. 368. Gudeliare, Gudliare, adj. more goodly,
J. 41 K. 49.
Gudelihede, s. beauty, K. 49. Gudnese, s. goodness, K. 194, Gyd, Gyde, s. guide, K. 63, 113, 195. Gye, v. guide, K. 15, 106.
Hable, adj. able, K. 14.
Hable, v. enable, K. 39.
Habyte, s. garment, habit, J. 360.
Hailsing, v.pres.p. embracing, K. 166.
Haire, s. hare, K. 156.
Hald, v. p.p. haldin, hold, K. 60, 90,
147.
Hale, v. haul, pull, K. 169. Hale, adj. whole, entire, K. 74. Hale, Halely, adv. wholly, K. 58,
K. 188.
Halflyng, adv. half, K. 49, 166, a.r. Haly, adj. holy, J. 423. Hant, v. haunt, frequent, J. 326; s.
lair, K. 156. Hap, s. good luck, K. 133 ; cf. Ruth,
ii. 3-
Hardy, adj. bold, K. 89. Hare, s. hair, K. 157. Harkyne, v. hearken, listen, hear,
C. (a), ii. Hart, Hert, s. heart, J. ii, 26, passim y
K. passim.
Has, v. pi. pres. ind. have, K. 107. Hastow, v. and pron. hast thou, K. 57. Haterent, s. hatred, J. 568. Hede, s. head, K. 34. Hedit, v. p.p. headed, tipped, K. 95. Hege, s. hedge, K. 31. Hele, v. heal, K. 194. Hele, s. healing, health, salvation,
K. 74.
Hens, adv. hence, J. 68. Hennisferth, adv. henceforth, K. 181. Hent, v. p.p. seized, K. 180. Herbere, s. herbarium, garden-plot,
K.31,32-
•7
1 62
GLOSSARIAL INDEX
Herculese, Hercules, J. 172. Here, v. hear, J. 46, passim. Herknere, adj. listening, quick of
hearing, K. 156. Hert, s hart, K. 157. Hertly, adv. heartily, J. 582, K. 187. Hertly, adj. hearty, enthusiastic, K.
121.
Herubus, Erebos, J. 333.
Hes, v. has, C. (b) 16.
Hete, s. heat, J. 557.
Heve, v. heave, K. i.
Hevin, Hevynnis, s. heaven, J. 58,
K. i, 196.
Hevynes, s. heaviness, J. 32. Hewe, s. hue, J. 4, 106, K. passim. Heye, Heigh, Hich, Hie. Hye, adj.
high, K., 66, passim, J. 44, 187 ;
Hyare, higher, K. 131. Hicht, s. height, J. 216, K. 172. Hider, adv. hither, K. 166. Hing, Hyng, v. hang, K 88, 89. Hip, v. hop, K. 35. Ho, s. pause, stop, J. 566, K. 157. Hole, adj. whole, J. 70, K. 18, 126. Holsum, adj. wholesome, beneficial,
K. 156.
Hond, s. hand, J. 173. Hony, adj. honey, sweet, K. 117. Hort, s. hurt, injury, wound, K.
156.
Hote, adv. hot, J. 2. Hudis, s. pi. hoods, K. 81, 88. Hufing, v. pres. p., waiting, watching,
K. 159. Huke, s. mantle, cloak with hood, K.
49-
Humily, adv. humbly, K. 106. Humylnesse, s. humility, K. 126. Hundreth, adj. hundred, J. 380, K.
180.
Hye, v. hasten, K. 15, 164. Hye, s. haste, K. 30, passim.
I-blent, v. pret. blenched, K. 74.
Ide, s. Ides, J. 7.
I-fallyng, v : see note on stanza 45,
K. 45. Ignorant, s. ignorant person, fool, J.
324-
I-laid, v. p.p. laid, K. 120.
Ilk, pron. every, J. 86, a.r.
I\ke}pron. same, with the or this or that, K. 154.
I-lokin, v. p.p. closed in, K. 69.
Imeneus, Hymen, J. 59.
Incidence, s. , accidental detail, sub sidiary matter, K. 7.
Indegest, adj. crude, K. 14. Infortunate, adj., unfortunate, K. 24. Infortune, s., misfortune, K. 5. Inmytee, s. enmity, K. 87. Inpnis,,s. pi. hymns, K. 197 ; pro bably mistake for ' ympis ' Inuyit, v.p.p. envied, J. 180, a r. Inymy, s. enemy, K. 24. I-thankit, v. p.p. thanked, K. 190. I-wonne, v. p.p. won, K. 108. I-wys, adv. certainly, J. 281.
Jangill, v. jangle, chatter, K. 38. Januarye, January, K. no. ^elousye, s. jealousy,], passim, K. 87.
enepere, s. juniper, K. 32.
ete, s. jet, K. 157.
ohne, John, K. 23.
orofflis, s. pi. gillyflowers, K. 178 :
see gerafloure. Joye, s. joy, K. 19, passim. Juge, s. judge, K. 182. Jugement, s. judgment, trial, J. 428. Junyt, v. p.p. joined, united, K. 133. Jupiter, Jupiter, J. 82, K. 25.
Kalendis, s. pi. kalends, beginning,
K. 34, 177.
Kepe, s. heed, care, J. 414. Kepe, v. heed, pay heed to, regard,
K. 141.
Kerue, v. carve, cut, J. 399. Rest, v. pret. cast, K. 35, 40. Keye, s. key, K. 100. Kid, v. p.p. shewn, p.p. of kythe, K.
*37«
Knaw, v. know, K. 101.
Knet, v. p.p. knit, enclosed, inter
twined, K. 31.
Knytt, v. strengthen, brace, K. 194 Kythe, v. shew, make known, K. 56.
Lak, s. want, K. 15. Lak, v. to be in want of, K. 84. Lang, adj. long, K. passim. Lang, v. belong, K. 106, passim. Lap, v. pret. o/lepe, leapt, K. 153. Large, s. freedom, K. 115. Large, adj. widespread, J. 247. Larges, s. freedom, liberty, K. 181. Lat, v. let, J. 381. Lauch, v. laugh, K. 179. Laud, s. praise, K. 188. Laurence, Saint Lawrence, J. 433. Lawe, adj. low, K. 90, 103, below. Lawe, s. law, K. 102, 105. Le, v. lie, speak falsely, J. 471. Lede, s. lead, K. 153.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX
• 63
Lef, s. leaf, K. 72.
Leme, v. shine, K. 46.
Lene, v.prel. lent, lenit, lean, K. 42,
191.
Lenth, s. length, K. 21. Lere, v. learn, properly teach, K. 171. Lest, 5. desire, K. 57. Lest, v. impers. please, K. 9, 44, 147,
J- 536.
Leste, adj. least, K. 149.
Lesty, adj. pleasant, skilful, K. 157.
Leue, v. leave, K. 124.
Leve, v. live, J. 268.
Levis, 5. pi. leaves, J. 22.
Licht, s. light, J. 213.
List, v. please, J. 326.
List, v. border, edge, list, K. 178.
Lith, v. 3 sing. pres. lieth, lies, J. 356.
Litill, a Lytill, s. adj. little, J. 79, passim.
Lokin, v. p.p. locked, caught, en closed, K. 135.
Lore, s. learning, K. 186.
Louring, adj. scowling, frowning, louring, K. 161.
Louse, v. adj. loose, K. 39, 43, 49,
"5-
Lowe, s. flame, K. 48. Lowe, 5. law, J. 63. Lufar, Lufare, s. lover, K. 179, J. 442. Lufare, 5. as adj. amorous, K. 155. Lufe, s. lover, J. 130. Luke, s. v. look, K. 30, K. 170. Lust, s. desire, pleasure, K. 65, J.
328. Lusty, adj. pleasant, J. i, n, 101,
104, passim.
Lustyhede, 5. pleasure, J. 42, 252. Lyf, s. living creature, K. 12. Lyf, s. life, K. 25 passim. Lyght, v. alight, K. 177. Lyte, adj. little K. 155, passim ; as s.
'K. 2.
Lyvand, v. pres. part, living, K. 197. Lyvis, s. gen. life's, a living being's, K. 28.
Mach, s. match, K. 109. Maidenhede, 5. maidenhood, virginity,
K.55-
Maij, s. May, J. i, 13.
Maist, adj. most, K. 182.
Maister, s. master, K. 197.
Maistow, v.andpron. mayest thou.K. 170.
Maistrit, v. pret. mastered, K. 181.
Maistrye, s. mastery, K. 37 ; master piece, K. 66.
Make, s. mate, consort, J. 526, K. 35,
58, 64, 79.
Maked, v. pret. made, K. no. Malancholy, s., melancholy, J. 327,
K. 58.
Manace, v. s. menace, K. 41, 96. Marciall, adj. martial, warlike, K. 191. Martrik, s. marten, K. 157. Martris, s. pi. martyrs, K. 79. Marye, s. gen. Mary's, K. 17. Maugre, adv. against (our will), in
spite of (ourselves), K. 24. Mekle, adj. much, J. 154, 184. Mekly, adv. meekly, J. 201. Mell, v. to mix, mingle, meddle, K.
145, 152-
Mene, s. mean, medium, K. 183. Mene, v. mean, J. 193. Mene, s. moan, J. 30, 516. Ment, v. pret. of Mene, moaned, be wailed, J. 146.
Menys, 5. plur. means, K. 107. Menyt, v. (possibly mistake for
Inuyit), bemoaned, J. 180. Merciable, adj. merciful, K. 99. Mesure, s. moderation, temperance,
K. 50.
Mesure, v. measure, consider, K. 132. Met, v. pret. of Mete, dreamt, K. 73. Mete, adj. meet, fitting, K. 97. Mich, adj. much, K. 51, 129, 150. Minister, v. minister shew, manifest,
K. 43. ,
Minuerui^, s. gen. Minerva's, K. 124. Mischewe, s. mischief, misfortune, J.
605.
Mo, adj. more, K. 42, 61, 97, in. Moch, adj. much, K. 87. Mon, v. must, J. 266, 286. Mone, Moon, s. moan, K. 72, K. 45. Mone, s. moon, K. no. Moneth, s. month, K. 65, J. 7. Mony, adj., many, J. 198, passim. Monyfald, adj. manifold, K. 131. Most, v. must, J. 226, 460. Mot, v. may, must, K. 190, 191,]. 607. Mote, v. may, J. 67. Murn, v. mourn, K. 113, 118. Murthir, s. murder, K. 157. Mydday, s. meridian, Equator (?),
K. 21.
Myddis, Prep, amid, K. 32. Myd-nyght, s. Meridian, K. i. Myd-way, 5. Equator, K. 21, a.r. Mycht, v. pret. might, could, J. 53. Mylioun, s. million, K. 78. Mynt, v. purpose, aim, M.E. munten,
A.S. gemyntan, K. 105.
i64
GLOSSARIAL INDEX
Na, adv. not, K. 67.
Namly, adv. namely, particularly,
K. g.
Nap, v. doze, sleep, K. 60. Nas, v. ne was, was not, K. 75. Nat, adv. not, K. passim, J. 278. Ne, adv. , conj. nor, no, J. 84, 579. Nede, s. need, J. 585. Nede, adv. needs, J. 570. Ner, Nere, adj. near, J. 402, 405. Nero, s. Nero, J. 173. Newis, s. pi. news, K. 179. No, adv. not, J. 53. Nobill-ray, s. nobility, C. (b), 2. Noblay, s. nobleness, nobility, C. (a) 2. Nocht, adv., not, J. 8. Nold, v. ne wold, would not, K. 140. Non, pron. none, J. 28, passim. Note, v. ne wote, knows not, J. 551. Nouthir, conj. neither, K. 13^. Nowmer, s. number, K. 22. Noye, v. annoy, J. 15. I^urise, v. nourish, J. 2. Ny, adv. near, J. 48. Nyce, adj. foolish, simple, J. 533, K.
129.
Nycely, adv. foolishly, K. 12. Nye, adv. nigh, K. 77. Nyl, v. ne wyl, will not, K. 142. Nys, v. ne is, is not, J. 85.
O, adj. one, K. 162, 182, J. 494. Obseruance, s. observance, J. 13, K.
119.
Ocht, s. anything, ought, J. 502. Off, prep, of, J. 39 passim. Oftsyse, adv. oftentimes, J. 136, 181,
236.
Oliphant, s. elephant, K. 156. Omere, s. Homer, K. 85. One, adj., alone, K. 80. One, adj. an, one, J. in. One, prep, on, J. 113. Ones, adv. once, K. 57. Ony, adj. any, J. 125, 126, passim. Onys, adv. once, K. 182,]. 422. Or, conj. ere, K. 190, C. (a), 12. Orfeuerye, s. goldsmith's work, K.
48.
Orisoun, s. prayer, K. 53. Oureclad, v. clothed, J. 3. Ouerthrawe, v. p.p. overthrown, K.
163.
Ouerthwert, adv. across, K. 82. Guide, s. Ovid, K. 85. Oure, prep, over, K. 143, passim. „ Ourehayle, v. overhaul, ponder, K.
10, 158.
Ourestraught, straight over, K. 164. Ourset, v. overcome, K. 73. Owin, adj., own, J. 533.
Pace, v. pass, K. 69.
Pace,- s. step, additional stage, or story, K. 131.
Pall, v. appal, K. 18.
Pane, s. pain, K. 188.
Pape-jay, s. popinjay, parrot, K. no.
Part, v. depart, K. 67.
Part, v. divide, separate, p.p. partit, awaked, K. 2, partly, K. 46.
Partye, s. part, K. 16. j Partye, s. partner, match, K. 48. I Pass, s. pace, step, J. 47. j Passing, adj. surpassing, J. 317. | Payne, Peyne, s. pain, J. 25, 140, K. passim.
Pepe, s. ( peep/ a bird's cry, K/57.
Percyng, v. pres.part. piercing, K. 103.
Perfyte, adj. perfect, K. 125, J. 311.
Pertene, v. pertain, K. 107.
Pes, s. peace, K. 60, J. 287.
Phebus, s. the sun, K. 72.
Philomene, s. nightingale, K. 62, phylomene, K. no.
Pitee, s. pity, J. 195.
Pitouse, adj. pitiful, K. 99, J. 95.
Plane, adj. plain, K. 36.
Playnly, adv. fully, lavishly, K. 65.
Plesance, s. pleasure, J. 79.
Plesandly, adv. pleasantly, K. 178.
Pleyne, v. complain, K. 90, 91, J. 132.
Pleyne, v. for pleyen, play, K. 40.
Pleyne, adj. manifest, evident, K. 116.
Pleyning, s. v. complaining, J. 96.
Plumyt, adj. plumed, feathered, K. 94.
Pluto, s. Pluto, J. 71.
Plyte, s. plight, K. 53.
Poetly, adj. probably mistake for poleyt, K. 4.
Poleyt, adj. polished, a.r. K. 4.
Polymye, s. Polyhymnia, K. 19.
Porpapyne, s. porcupine, K. 155.
Port, s. harbour, gate, K. 17, 77.
Portare, s. porter, K. 125.
Pouert, Pouertee, s. poverty, K. 3, 5, 194.
Poure, v. pore, study, K. 72.
Prattily, adv. prettily, K. 153.
Pray, s. prey, K. 135.
Prentissehed, s. apprenticeship, K. 185.
Prese, v. to set a price, to be valued, a.r., K. no.
Presence, s. presence (of a person of distinction), K. 126, 195.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX
165
Present, v. p.p. presented, K. 170.
Preualy, preuely, adv. privately, secretly, J. 45, 55.
Prime, s. early part of day : see notes, K. 171.
Prise, s. praise, prize, honour, estima tion, K 128, 188.
Priuely, adv. privately, secretly, K. 89.
Processe, s. proceeding, procedure, undertaking, K. 19.
Proigne, s. Procne, K. 55.
Proserpina, s. Proserpine, J. 74.
Proyne, v. preen, clean, trim, K. 64.
Prye, v. pry, examine eagerly, K. 72.
Purchace, v. obtain, acquire, K. 59, 184.
Pure, adj. used as s. poor persons, J. 368 ; adj. K. 99, 101.
Puruait, v. p.p. provided, K. 23.
Purueyance, Puruiance, s. provi dence, K. 130, 176.
Pyk, v. select, choose, K. 7.
Pyne, s. punishment, K. 28, ^55, 173.
Quair, Quare, s. book, title of poem
in MS., J. title.
Quake, v. shake, tremble, K. 47. Quhat, pron. what, J. 32, passim. Quhair, Quhare, adv. where, K. 190,
passim. Quharefore, adv. conj. wherefore, J.
29, passim.
Quhele, s. wheel, K. 9, passim. Quhens, adv. whence, J. 114. Quhethir, conj. whether, J. 177.
euhider, adv. whither, J. 419. uhilk, pron. which, J. 361. Quhilkis, pron. pi. which, K. 62. Quhill, conj. while, C. (b) 12, until,
K. 1 08. Quhilom, adv. formerly, once upon a
time, K. 3, J. 74. Quhilum, adv. sometimes, K. 107. Quhilum, adv. at times, for a time,
K. 160, 161.
Quhirl, v. whirl, K. 165. Quhistle, v. whistle, K. 135. Quhite, a. white, K. 136, J. 40. Quho, pron. who, K. 77. Quhois, pron. gen. whose, J. 22. Quhy, s. reason, J. 62, 122, 228, K.
8.7, 93-
Quikin, s. quicken, K. 181. Quit, v. p.p. requited, rewarded, K.
128. Quite, adv. altogether, K. 90.
Quit, Quite, v. p.p. acquitted, free,
quit, K. 6, 195. Quod, v. pret. quoth, said, K. 151,
passim.
Quoke, v. pret. quaked, K. 162. Quyte, v. acquit, J. 249. Quyte, v. reward, C. (a) 7. Quyte, adj. quit, free from, deprived
of, J. 362.
Raddoure, s. terror, fear, J. 449. Rase, v. pret. rose, K. n. Ravin, adj. ravenous, K. 157. Rawe, s. row, K. 90. Recist, v. resist, J. 230. Reconforting, s. comfort, additional
comfort, K. 196. Recouer, s. recovery, K. 5. Recouerance, s. recovery, K. 87. Recure, s. see Recouer, K. 10, 95. Red, v. read, K. 196. Rede, v. read, J. 422, passim. Rede, adj. red, K. 46. Reder, s. reader, K. 194. Redy, adj. ready ,1K. 94. Refreyne, v. refrain, control, J 402. Reherse, s. rehearsal, account, K.
127.
Rekyn, v. reckon, K. 187. Rele, v. whirl, same as wrele, K. 9,
165.
Relesch, v. relax, relieve, K. 184. Relesche, s. relief, relaxation, K. 25,
150.
Remanant, s. remnant, K. 137, 171. Remede, s. remedy, K. 69, 138. Remyt, s. pardon, release, K. 195. Renewe, s. renewal, K. 125. Repaire, s. place of resort, gathering,
multitude, K. 77. Reprefe, s. reproof, J. after 316. Repreue, v. reprove, J. 265. Requere, v. require, make request,
K. 195.
Resemble, v. compare, J. 43. Ressaue, v. receive, K. 52, 123, 145. Rethorikly, adv. rhetorically, ele gantly, K. 7. Retrograde, adj. backward, unpro-
pitious, K. 170. Reule, Reulen, v. rule, K. 15, J. 350,
Reuth, s. ruth, pity, K. 137, J. 180. Rew, v. pity, K. 63. Riall, adj. royal, K. 125. Richess, s. riches, J. 126. *Rody, adj. ruddy, K. i. Rois, s. rose, J. 39, passim.
1 66
GLOSSARIAL INDEX
Rong, v. p.p. rung, J. 396, K. 33.
Ronne, v. p.p. run : see Y-ronne.
Rought, v. pret. o/rek, cared, K. 27.
Rowm, adj. spacious, K. 77.
Rude, s. rood, cross, K. 139.
Rut, 5. root, C. (a) 2.
Rycht, adv. very, J. 36, 582, passim,
K. passim.
Ryght, adj. straight, right, K. 124. Ryn, v. run, J. 517. Rynsid, v. pret. rinsed, cleansed,
made pure, K. i. Ryuere, s. river, J. 20, K. 150.
Sable, adj. or s. sable, K. 157.
Sad, adj. serious, grave, earnest, K.
96, J. 264. Sakelese, adj. sackless, innocent, J.
83-
Salamoun, s. Solomon, J. 404. Sail, v. shall, J. 248, K. passim. Salute, v. pret. saluted, K. 98. Salvatoure, s. Saviour, J. 434. Samplis, s. pi. examples, J. 380. Samyn, adj. same, J. 7, 366. Sanct, s. saint, K. 23, 62, 191. Saturne, s. Saturn, K. 122 Sauf, adj. safe, K. 143. Saugh, v. pret. saw, J. 35. Saulis, s. pi. souls, K. 123. Scant, adj. free, void, J. 198. Scele, s. skill, K. 7, a.r. Schap, s. shape, K. 47. Schape, v. shape, fashion, provide,
K. 69 ; Schapith, imper. K. 102. Sche, pron. she, J. 39, passim, K.
passim.
Schene, adj. bright, sheen, K. 95. Schent, v. p.p. disgraced, destroyed,
J- 390-
Schet, v. pret. shut, K. 8. Schewe, v. shew, J. 166. Schire, adj. bright, clear, K. 76. Schold, see Schuld, J. 217. Schouris, s. pi. showers, J, 2. Schowe, v. push, J. 456. Schrew, v. curse, J. 581. Schuld, v. should, J. 100, passim, K.
passim.
Schuldris, s. pi. shoulders, K. 96. Schupe, v. pret. shaped, fashioned,
K. 24.
Sclander, s. slander, J. 397. Scole, s. school, K. 7. Se, v. see, K. in. Secretee, s. secrecy, K. 97. See, s. sea, K. 22. Seildin, adv. seldom, K. 9.
Sek-cloth, 5. sack-cloth, K. 109.
Seke, v. seek, K. 29.
Seke, adj. sick, K. 58.
Sekernesse, s. certainty, security,
K. 5.
Sekirly, adv. certainly, J. 65. Sekirnesse, s. security, certainty, K.
Seknesse, s. sickness, K. in.
Seiuen, prcn. self, J. (72.
Sely, adj. simple, weak, K. 44, J. 235.
Sen, conj. since, J. 87, K. 44.
Sene, v. see, K. 67, passim, J. 97, 100.
Sentence, s. sentiment, opinion, J.
321, K. 149.
Septre, s sceptre, K. 107. Sere, adj. several, many, J. 322. Seruand, s. servant, K. 86, 113, 114. Sett, Set, conj. though, J. 186,
504, passim. Setten, v. set, K. 37. Sevynt, adj. seventh, J. 7. Sew, v. follow, J. 529, C. (a) 4. Seyne, v. for seyen, say, K. 27. Sichit, Sikit, v. pret. sighed, J. 52, 95. Sicht, s. sight, J. 115. Signifere, s. the zodiac, K. 76. Sike, v. sigh, K. 44. Simplese, s. simplicity, K. 194. Sith, conj. since, J. 563. Sitt, v. 3 sing. pres. ind., sits, K. 196. Slake, v. relax, K. 161. Slawe, adj. slow, K. 155. Sleuch, v. pret. slew, J. 384, 391. Sleuth, s. sloth, K. 119, 120, J. 12. Slokin, v. quench, slake, K. 69, 168. Sloppare, adj. slippery, K. 163. Slungin, v. p.p. slung, K. 165. Smaragdyne, s. emerald, K. 155. Smert, v. ache, smart, K. 8. Smert, adj. painful, J. 6. Smert, s. pain, J. 100. Snawe, s. snow, K. 67. Sobir, adj. quiet, tranquil, earnest,
J. 18, 196.
Sobirly, adv. gravely, J. 47, 53. Socoure, s. succour, K. 100. Socht, v. pret. sought. K. 165, a.v. Sodayn, adj. sudden, K. 40. Soiurne, s. sojourn, abode, residence,
K. 113.
Solempnit, adj. solemn, K. 79. Solitare, adj. solitary, J. 19. Somer, s. summer, K. 34. Sone, adv. soon, J. 217, passim. Sonne, s. sun, J. 8, 24, K. no. Souiraine, s. sovereign, K. 181. Soun, s. sound, K. 13, passim.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX
167
Sound, v. tend, accord, J. 524.
Soyte, s. suit, dress, K. 64.
Spak, v. pret. spake, J. 53.
bpane, s. span, C. (a) 7.
Spang, s. spangle, buckle, K. 47.
Spede, v. profit, benefit, K. 28.
Spere, s. sphere, K. 76.
Sperk, s. spark, spot, small splinter,
K. 48.
Sprad, v. pret. spread, K. 21. Spurn, v. kick, stumble, K. 186. Stage, s. station, K. 9. Stale s. stall, place prison, K. 169. Standar, adj. fond of standing, K. 156. Stant, v. stands, J. 301, passim. Starf, v. pret. o/steruen, died, K. 139. Staunt, see Stant, J. 483. Stede, s. place, stead, K. 165. Steik, v. close, stitch, C. (b), 7. Stellifyit, v. p.p. made a star, K. 52. Stent, v. Pret., variant of stynt, stop,
cease, K. 5.
Stere, s. pilot, ruler, K. 195. Stere, s. guidance, K. 130. Stereles, adj. without helm, without
helmsman (?), K. 15, 16. Sterre, s. star, K. i, 99. Sterue, v. die, J. 92. Stond, v. stand, K. 88. Stone, s. cell, cloister, J. 267 ; stone,
K- 72, 73- Stound, s. short period of time, space,
K. 53, 118. Stramp, v. tramp, tread firmly, C. (a),
12.
Strang, adj. strong, K. 149. Straucht, Straught, adv. straight, K.
I5I, 158-
Streche, v. stretch, K. 169. Streme, s. stream, K. 103. Strong, adj. hard, rigorous, J. 123,
K. 68, adv.
Stude, v. pret. stood, K. 97. Sudaynly, sodaynly, sodeynly, adv.
suddenly, J. 63, K. passim. Sueuenyng, s. dreaming, suggested
reading, K. 174. Suerd, s. sword, J. 486. Suete-having, s. pleasant demeanour,
graciousness,]. 133. Sufficiance, s. enough, K. 183. Suffisance, s. sufficiency, competence,
J. 128, passim.
Suffrance, s. suffering, J. 25, 198. Suich, Suche, adj. such, J. 66, 394,
407, passim. Suld, v. should, J. 124, passim, K.
27, passim.
Suoun, adj. in a swoon, K. 73. Supplee, s. help, assistance, J. 316. Surcote, s. upper coat, K. 160. Suspect, v. p.p. suspected, K. 137. Susrene, v. sustain, J. 29, 234. Suth, adj. sooth, true, J. 331, passim. Syne, adv. afterwards, J. 384, K. 192. Syne, adv. then, J. 501, 517. Synthius (Cynthius), s. the sun, K. 20. Syte, s. grief, suffering, J. 548. Syttyn, v. sit, J. 155.
Ta v. take, J. 73.
Tabart, s. coat, tunic, tabard, K.
no.
Tak, v. p.p. taken, K. 193. Take, v. p.p. taken, K. 90, J. 118. Takenyng, s. token, K. 176. Takin, s. token, K. 118. Takyn, s. token, sign, K. 41. Tald, v. pret. told, K. 23. Teris, s. pi. tears, J. 102. Termes, s. pi. language, expression,
diction, J. 185, 588. Thai, pron. they, J. 265, passim.
Thai, pron. those, J. 113. i, Tname,
. them
Thaim, Tham,
K. and J. passim. Than, adv. then, K. 4, 63, J 88. Thank v. thank, suggested reading,
K. 196. Thank, s. thought, gratitude, act of
thanksgiving, K. 124, 182, 184. Thare, adv. there, J. 28, passim. That, adv. so, J. 307, K. 42. Thedir, adv. thither, J. 421. Ther-ageyne, against this, K. 91. Thesi phone, s. Tisiphone, K. 19, J.
313- Thidder-wart, adv. thitherward, K.
185. Thilk, the ilk, the same, J. 86, K. 5,
119. Thir, pron. these, J. 235, 237, K. 6,
passim.
Tho, adv. then, J. 14. Tho,pron. those, K. 39, 172, a.r. Thouch, conj. though, J. 171. Thrall, adj. bond, C. (a) 8. Thrawe, s. space, turn, K. 35. Thre, adj. three, K. 22. Thrid, adj. third, K. 95. Throuch, prep, through, J. 67, passim. Tiklyng, s. tickling, K. 21. Till, prep, to, J. 526. Tippit, v. p.p. tipped, K. 157. Tissew, s. fine undergarment, K. 49. To, adv. too, J. 438.
i68
GLOSSARIAL INDEX
To-fore, adv. before, J. 31, 517, K. i}
passim.
To-forowe, adv. before, K. 23. To-gider, adv. together, K. 64. Toke, Tuke, v. put. took, K. passim. Tokening, s. token, sign, K. 119 ; see
takyn. Tolter, adj. insecure, tottery, shaky,
K. 9.
Tolter, adv. in skaky fashion, K. 164. Tone, v. p.p. taken, J. 418, 575. Tone, in the tone, that one, the one,
J. 458. Tong, s. tongue, language, J. 394, 409,
K. 7.
Tonne, s. cask, barrel, J. 537, Touert, prep, toward, with regard to
alternative reading, K. i, 174. Toure, s. tower, K. 31. Toward, prep, with reference to, K. 46. To-wrye, v. twist, turn, K. 164. Traist, v. trust, K. 130. Translate, v. transform, K. 8. Trauaille, s. labour, K. 14. Trauerse, s. screen ; see trevesse,
K. 90.
Trechorye, s. treachery, K. 134. Trevesse, s. screen, K. 82. Tueyne, adj. twain, K. 42. Tuo, Two, adj. two, J. 113. Turment, v.p.p. tormented,}. 62, 591. Turment, s. torment, K. 19, passim. Turture, s. turtle dove, K. 177. Twies, adv. twice, suggested reading,
K. 25.
Twine, v. to twist, K. 25. Twist, 5. twig, K. 33. Tyde, s. time, K. 160. Tyrane, s. tyrant, J. 278.
Vaille, v. avail, J. 502.
Vale, v. same as avale, descend, K. 172.
Varyit : see Waryit.
Variant, adj. unstable, changeable,
K. 137-
Venemyt, v. p.p. poisoned, en venomed, J. 535.
Venus, s. Venus, K. 69, passim.
Veray, Verray, adj. and adv. very, true, J. 333, K. 5.
Vere, s. spring, K. 20.
Vere, s. fear, J. 229.
Verreis, v. wearies, J. 303.
Vertew, s. power, force : see Vertu, K. 74.
Vertew, s. virtue, K. passim.
Vertewis, adj. virtuous, C. 2.
Vertu, s. power, strength, K. 20.
Viage, s. journey, voyage, K. 15. Virking, 5. working, activity, K. 188. Vmbre, s. umbra, shadow, K. 134. Vnconnyng, s. lack of skill, J. 587. Vncouth, adj. unknown, strange, K.
63.
Vncouthly, adv. strangely, K. 9 Vndemyt, adj. unjudged, J. 268. Vndertake, v. p.p. undertaken, K. 63. Vnkyndenes, v. unkindness, K. 87. Vnknawin, adj. unknown, K. 105. Vnknawin, v. p.p. unknown, K. 45. Vnknewe, Vnknowe, adj. unknown,
J- 64, 455, 529- Vnnethis, adv. scarcely, with dim-
culty, K. 98. Vnquestionate, adj. unquestioned,
K. 125. Vnrypit, adj. immature, unripened,
K. 14.
Vnsekernesse, s. insecurity, uncer tainty, K. 15.
Vnsekir, adj. uncertain, variable, K. 6. Voce, s. voice, K. 74 : see Woce. Void, v. dispel, expel, empty, K. 155. Void, adj. vacant, K. 164. Vre, s. luck, chance, K. 10. Vschere, s. usher, door-keeper, K. 97. Vse, v. use, in sense of being the
habit of, J. 443.
Vtheris, adj. pi. others, J. 358, passim. Vtrid, v. p.p. uttered, expressed, K
132.
Waill, v. wail, J. 210.
Wald, v. would, K. passim. ]. passim : see Wold.
Walk, v. wake, K. 173.
Walkyn, v. awake, J. 12, K. 173.
Wallowit, v. p.p. withered, C. 2.
Wan, v. pret. gained, K. 5.
War, v. pret. was, K. 182.
War, v. were, J. 171.
Ware, adj. wary, aware, K. 164.
Waryit, Varyit, v. p.p. cursed, ac cursed, J. 80, 239.
Warld, s. world, J. 24, K. passim.
Wate, Wote, v. know, K. 60, J. 83.
Wawis, Wavis s. pi. waves, K. 16, ]• 550.
Wayke, adj. weak, K. 14.
Weill, s. wealth, prosperity, C. (a), 3.
Wele, adv. well, very, K. passim, ]. 33, 36-
Wele- willing, s. benevolence, J. 125.
Wepe, v. weep, J. 57.
Werdes, s. pi. fates, destinies, K. 9, 169.
GLOSSARIAL INDEX
169
Were v. wear, K. 160.
Werely, adj. warlike, K 155.
Weren, v. pret. pi. were, K. 24.
Werk, s. work, K. no.
Wers, adj. worse, K. 95.
Wexit, v. pret. waxed, J . 98.
Weye, s. way, K. 86.
Wicht, s. wight J. 30, 134, passim.
Wickit, adj. wicked, J. 168.
Wikkitnese, s. wickedness, J. 240.
Wile, s. trick, treachery, K. 134.
Wilsum, adj. wilful, K. 19.
Wirken, v. affect, influence, K. 68.
Wise, adj. wise,}. 196.
Wise, Wyse s. way, J. 189, 190.
Wit, s. intellect, intelligence, J. 586.
Wit, v. know, J. 122.
Wite, v. blame, K. 183.
Witt, v. know, understand, K. 128.
Withoutyn, prep, without, J. 62, passim.
Woce, Voce, s. voice, J. 58, K. 74, 83.
Wod, s. gen. woddis, wood, J. 21, 116.
Wode, adj. wood, mad, J. 171.
Wold, v. would, J. 145.
Womanhede, s. womanhood, J. 214.
Wonder, adv. exceedingly, marvel lously, K. 96.
Wonne, v. p.p. won, K. 34: see Y-wonne.
Wortis, 5. pi. vegetables, K. 156.
Wostow, v. and pron. wouldest thou,
K. 59-
Wrang, v. wrong, injure, K. 92.
Wrech, s. wretch, J. 299.
Wrechit, adj. wretched, K. 177.
Wrest, vt p p. tortured, twisted, K. 10.
Wreth, v. same as writh, K. 146.
Wring, v. lament, K. 57.
Writ, v. 3 sing. pres. writes, K. 133.
Write, s. writing, J. 583.
Writh, v. turn, direct, remove, K.
107, 122.
Writt, v. p.p. written, K. 196. Wrocht, v. p.p. wrought, J. 41, K. 77. Wrokin, v. p.p. of wreke, wreaked,
avenged, K. 69.
Wrye, on wrye, awry, aside, K. 73. Wy, s. wight, J. 256, 275. Wyce, s. vice, C. i (a), 5. Wydequhare, adv. everywhere, J. 396. Wyle, v. choose, K. 2, or s. device. Wyte, s. blame, K. 90, J . 470.
Y-bete, v. beat : see note, K. 116. Y-bought, v. p.p. bought, K. 36. Y-bound, v. p.p. bound, J. 473. Y-brent, v. p.p. burnt, J. 556. Y-brocht, v. p.p. brought, J. 253 Y-callit, v. p.p. called, suggested
reading, K. 170. I Y-come, v. p.p. come, J. 61. Y-fret, v. p.p. devoured : see frete,
J- 548.
Y-gone, v. p.p. gone, J. 388. Y-ground, v. pp. grounded, J. 474. Y-like, adv. alike, K. 70. Y-marterit, v. p.p. martyred, J. 370. Y-meynt, t;. pp. mingled, J. 40. Ympis, s. pi. imps, scions, offspring,
K. 197, a.r.
Ympnis, s. pi. hymns, K. 33. Y-murderit, v. p.p. murdered, J. 174. | Yneuch, adj. enough, J. 539. Y-pynnit, v. p.p. pinned, K. 180, a.r. Ypocrite, s. hypocrite, J. 469. Ypocrisye, s. hypocrisy, K. 134. Y-ronne, v. p.p. run, J. 540. Ysamyn, adv. together, J. 113, O.E.
aetsomne. Y-schapin, v. p.p. shaped, suggested
reading, K. 48. Y-sett, v. p.p. set, J. 205. Y-sett, conj. although, J. 349. Y-slawe, v. p.p. slain, J. 174, 370. Y-stallit, v. p.p. installed, placed, K.
170.
Y-suffer, v. suffer, J. 369. Y-take, v. take, J. 525. Y-take, v. p.p. taken, J. 452. Y-thrungin, v. p.p. pressed, K. 165. Y-wallit, v. p.p walled, K. 159. Y-writte, v. p.p. written, J. 466.
3a, adv. yea, K. 68.
3alow, adj. yellow, K. 95.
3ate, s. gate, K. 125.
3elde, v. pay, yield, K. 52.
3er, s. year, K. 22
5ere, s. year, K. 196.
3it, conj., yet, J. 147, passim, K. 63,
193-
5ok s. yoke, K. 193. 3ond, adv. yonder, K. 57, 83. 5one, pron. yon, K. 83. Bong, adj. young, K. 40, passim. 3outh, s. youth, J. 191, 208, K. 6, 14.
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