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105 EAST 22d STREET, NEW YORK

RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

A STUDY OF RETARDATION AND

ELIMINATION IN CITY

SCHOOL SYSTEMS

LEONARD p^AYRES, A.M., PH.D.

SECRETARY BACKWARD CHILDREN INVESTIGATION, RUSSELL SAGE

FOUNDATION; FORMER GENERAL SUPERINTENDENT OF

SCHOOLS FOR PORTO RICO AND CHIEF OF THE DIVI-

SION OF STATISTICS; AUTHOR OF "OPEN

AIR SCHOOLS"; CO-AUTHOR "MEDICAL

INSPECTION OF SCHOOLS"

NEW YOR K

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC. MCM X I I I

SEEN BY

Copyright, 1909, by THE RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION

Printed June, 1909 Reprinted January, 1910 Reprinted October, 1910 Reprinted January, 1913

602125

. 2.

PRESS OF WM. F. FELL CO. PHILADELPHIA

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

LIST OF DIAGRAMS vii

LIST OF TABLES ix

INTRODUCTION xiii

CHAPTER I The Backward Children Investigation I

CHAPTER II ^

The Problems of Retardation and Elimination and Their Significance 8

CHAPTER III Some Factors Affecting Grade Distribution 19

CHAPTER IV Extent of Retardation in Different Systems and Schools 36

CHAPTER V Mortality and Survival in the Grades 49

CHAPTER VI The Elimination Study of the Bureau of Education 66

CHAPTER VII Rates of Progress 73

CHAPTER VIII The Money Cost of the Repeater 89

CHAPTER IX Causes of Leaving School 99

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER X

PAGE

The Nationality Factor 103

CHAPTER XI Physical Defects and School Progress 117

CHAPTER XII Irregular Attendance as a Contributory Cause of Retardation 132

CHAPTER XIII Promotions 141

CHAPTER XIV The Factor,of Sex 1 50

CHAPTER XV Age the Controlling Factor in Elimination 159

CHAPTER XVI Are Conditions Improving? 170

CHAPTER XVII An Index of Efficiency for Public School Systems 175

CHAPTER XVIII Remedial Measures Legislative and Administrative 185

CHAPTER XIX Reform in and through School Records 201

CHAPTER XX Retardation and Society 216

INDEX.. 221

LIST OF DIAGRAMS

DIAGRAM PAGE

I. Distribution by ages of children in city school

systems 1 1

II. Grade distribution in 386 cities on the basis of 1000

children in the first grade 13

III. Grades and High Schools in North Carolina 15

IV. Grades and High Schools in Tennessee 16

V. Grades and High Schools in Utah 17

VI. Grade distribution under ideal conditions 23

VII. Decrease through death 24

VIII. Decrease through death and the population factor. 25 IX. Grade distribution influenced by retardation and

elimination 32

X. Grades modified by the factors of population, re- tardation and elimination 32

XI. Retarded children in the grades in Memphis 39

XII. Showing general tendency of elimination in city

school systems 60

XIII. Retardation and elimination. Conditions com-

pared in Camden and Medford 61

XIV. General tendency of elimination as stated by Dr.

Thorndike represented by dotted line, contrasted with results presented by the author represented

by solid line 71

XV. Per cent of pupils repeating work of grades 75

XVI. Rates of progress of 9489 pupils in New York City. 82 XVI I . Contrasting number of pupils making rapid progress

with those making slow progress 83

XVIII. Population of foreign parentage in the United

States, by groups of states 104

XIX. Per cent of the white population of the United

States in school at the ages five to fourteen 105

XX. Retardation by nationalities in New York City.

Percentages 107

Vll

LIST OF DIAGRAMS

DIAGRAM PAGE

XXI. Percent that foreign born pupils are of all pupils

in elementary and high schools in four cities. . no

XXII. Pupils of foreign parentage in schools of Buffalo. 1 1 1

XXIII. Foreign children in the schools of Haverhill,Mass. 1 1 1

XXIV. Foreigners in the schools of New Britain, Conn.. 1 12 XXV. Children of foreign parentage in the schools of

Reading, Pa 113

XXVI. School children in Worcester, Mass., showing in- crease in proportion of Americans (outlines), and decrease in proportion of children of foreign parentage (hatched) and foreign birth (solid black) in the upper grades and the high school. . 114

XXVII. Average number of grades completed by pupils having no physical defects compared with num- ber completed by those suffering from different

sorts of defects 1 27

XXVIII. Attendance in St. Louis in 1907 137

XXIX. Average promotion rates from records of sixteen

cities 1 44

XXX. Number failing and number not failing in eight

grades in each 1000 pupils 148

XXXI. Increase in the number of failures in eight grades among 1000 pupils with each decrease in the

per cent promoted 148

XXXII. Showing the falling off of the number of boys and

girls in the successive high school classes 151

XXXIII. Showing the relative distribution of boys and girls

in the elementary grades 153

XXXIV. Per cent retained to final grade in thirty-seven

cities compared with-per cent of beginners pres- ent at six and per cent present at fifteen 165

XXXV. Age at starting and time in school of 269 eighth

grade pupils in New York City 167

XXXVI. Age at starting and time in school of 967 fifth

grade pupils in New York City 168

XXXVII. Cambridge plan of flexible grading 195

XXXVIII. School census results in Springfield, Mass 203

viii

LIST OF TABLES

NUMBER PAGE

1. Aggregate grade distribution in 386 cities 13

2. Grade distribution in North Carolina in 1906 14

3. Grade distribution in Tennessee in 1906 15

4. Grade distribution in Utah in 1906 16

5. Grade distribution in Chicago in 1906 20

6. Grade distribution in a stationary population with no deaths 22

7. Grade distribution showing decrease through death 23

8. Grade distribution as influenced by two elements, death and increase of

population 25

9. Per cent of promotion in five cities 27

10. Grade distribution when 80 per cent of the pupils are promoted, all finish,

and the population factor does not enter 27

1 1 . Decline in attendance, ages ten to sixteen, in 58 cities. Relative figures 28

12. Age and grade distribution. Stationary population. Retardation and

elimination both operative 30

13. Grade distribution showing modification by different factors 31

14. Grade distribution on basis of 1000 pupils in first grade in three cities 33

15. Grade and age distribution in Memphis, Tenn., June, 1908, showing

number and per cent of retarded pupils 37

16. Normal ages of children in the grades 38

17. Number and per cent of retarded pupils. Enrollment in September.

Six cities 43

1 8. Number and per cent of retarded pupils. Enrollment in June. Five

cities 43

19. Number and per cent of retarded pupils. Enrollment in June after pro-

motion. Two cities 44

20. Number and per cent of retarded pupils. Total enrollment. Eight

cities 44

21. Number and per cent of retarded pupils. Enrollment at a given date.

Twelve cities 44

22. Per cent of retarded pupils. Thirty-one cities 45

23. Per cent of pupils above normal age, by schools. New York investiga-

tion, 1908 46

24. Boys' and girls' schools compared 47

25. Enrollment by grades. Boston, January 31, 1906 50

26. Grades in Boston. Relative figures 50

27. Age distribution in Medford, Mass., September 30, 1907 51

28. Grades in Somerville, Mass., December, 1907 53

29. Grades in Reading, Pa., March, 1907 54

ix

LIST OF TABLES

NUMBER PAGE

30. Showing the number of children beginning school annually in each of 59

cities and the per cent which each grade is of the number of beginners. . .55-57

31. Showing grades in which children begin to leave school in large numbers

in different cities 62

32. Showing the percentage of pupils retained to the fourth year of high school

in fifty-one cities 64

33. Per cent of pupils entering school who continue to the final elementary

grade in sixteen cities 67

34. Comparison as in Table 33, for eight cities 67

35. Number of beginners in four cities 69

36. Showing in relative figures grade distributions in cities and villages on the

basis of 1000 pupils in the fifth grade 72

37. Number of pupils more than one year in the same grade in three cities 74

38. Per cent of pupils repeating work of grades in three cities 75

39. Total promotions and special promotions in five cities 76

40. Slow and rapid pupils compared in five cities 76

41 . Pupils making slow, normal and rapid progress compared in five cities 77

42. Causes of retardation, by grades, of 9489 pupils in New York city 78

43. Time in school, by grades, of 9489 pupils in New York city 79

44. Extent of slow, normal and rapid progress among 9489 pupils in New York

city 80

45. Showing number of children by grades who have reached their present

standing in less than normal time, in normal time, and in more than normal time in New York city. Original data 81

46. Relative figures showing pupils making slow, normal and rapid progress 81

47. Time required to do the work of four grades in each of twenty-nine cities 86

48. Showing time required to complete eight grades at same rate as is shown

between grades i and 5 , in twenty-nine cities 87

49. Enrollment by grades, Columbus, 1906 91

50. Enrollment by ages, Columbus, Ohio, 1906 92

51. Comparison between computed results and official figures 95

52. Number and cost of repeaters in fifty-five cities 96

53. Causes of withdrawal of pupils from high schools in five cities 99

54. Reasons for leaving high school. Percentages 100

55 . Causes of withdrawal of pupils from elementary schools in six cities 101

56. Reasons for leaving elementary schools. Percentages 102

57. Retardation by nationalities in New York city. Percentages 107

58. Comparison between retention of pupils in school and per cent of foreign

parentage in populations, in three groups of cities 115

59. Comparative standing in studies of 219 normal and defective children in

Philadelphia 117

60. Per cent of exempt and non-exempt children having physical defects 118

61. Physical defects found in exempt and non-exempt children 1 18

62. Defective eyesight and hearing among 10,130 normal and retarded children

in Camden, N. J 119

x

LIST OF TABLES

NUMBER PAGE

63. Physical defects among normal and retarded children who failed of pro-

motion in Camden, N. J 120

64. Causes assigned for excessive age 120

65. Per cent of normal and retarded children having physical defects, by

grades. New York city 121

66. Per cent having each defect, at ages six and fifteen 121

67. Physical defects of 3304 children, ages ten to fourteen, in New York city. . 124

68. Per cent of dull, normal and bright pupils suffering from each sort of

defect. Ages ten to fourteen inclusive. All grades 125

69. Average number of grades completed by pupils having no physical defects

compared with number completed by those suffering from different defects. Central tendency among 3304 children, ages ten to fourteen years, in grades i to 8 127

70. Showing per cent loss in progress of children suffering from each sort of

physical defect 128

71. Comparison of enrollment and attendance in six cities 133

72. Character of attendance in St. Louis in 1907 135

73. Attendance in St. Louis in 1907. Relative figures 135

74. Attendance in St. Louis in 1907 by fourths of the school year 136

75. Persistence of attendance of pupils in different cities and in Porto Rico... 138

76. Comparison between percentages of attendance and promotion in three

cities 138

77. Hypothetical grade distribution influenced by retardation and elimination. . 140

78. Promotions in sixteen cities. Percentages 143

79. Showing age and grade distribution in the eighth year in a city where 1000

children enter school each year and are promoted according to the per- centages shown in the preceding diagram. None die and none drop out. 145

80. Results of average percentages of promotion 145

81. Showing age and grade distribution in the eighth year in a system where

1000 children enter each year and are promoted according to the Haver- hill rate. None die and none drop out 146

82. Effects of average promotion rates as compared with rates obtaining in

Haverhill, Mass 147

83. Showing for each 1000 pupils how many do not fail and how many fail in

eight years of school life and aggregate number of failures under different promotion percentages 147

84. Membership of '7624 American high schools, 1906-7 150

85. Membership of 7624 American high schools in 1906-7. Proportional

numbers 151

86. Grade distribution by sexes in 752 cities, 1906-7 152

87. Grade distribution by sexes in 752 cities. Proportional numbers 152

88. Per cent of retarded pupils among boys and among girls in fifteen cities 154

89. Showing percentages of boys and girls retained to the final elementary

grade in thirteen cities 155

90. Number of repeaters among boys and girls in fourteen cities 156

xi

LIST OF TABLES

NUMBER PAGE

91. Per cent of promotion among boys and girls in two cities 156

92. Grade and age distribution in Cincinnati 159

93. Per cent of pupils retained to final grade, number at six years of age and

number at fifteen years in thirty-seven cities. Relative figures on the basis of 1000 beginners 162

94. Age at starting, time in school and average age of 269 eighth grade pupils

in New York city 1 66

95. Age at starting, time in school and average age of 967 fifth grade pupils

in New York city 168

96. Per cent of retarded pupils in six cities for a series of years 171

97. Showing the percentage of the entire membership of the elementary schools

enrolled in the grades from the kindergarten to the fourth grade in forty-seven cities for a series of years 172

98. Grade distribution in Cleveland in 1906 1 78

99. Membership of final three grades in two cities 179

zoo. Number of beginners, relative membership of grades for each 1000

beginners and index of efficiency for fifty-eight cities 180

101. State averages of indexes of efficiency 183

102. Indexes of efficiency of thirteen cities 184

103. Children between five and fifteen in New Bedford, Mass., 1908 192

104. Grade and age distribution in Springfield, Mass., enrollment in Sep-

tember, 1907 205

105. Total enrollment and average attendance, Springfield, Ohio, 1907 208

1 06. Showing the number of pupils attending for different numbers of days.

Springfield, Ohio, 1907 , 208

XII

INTRODUCTION

DURING the past decade it has been increasingly realized that the education of children who are defective in body, mind, or morals is a matter of great importance to the future of the state. Extensive studies carried on in Great Britain have shown an alarming amount of degeneration. Definite and extensive steps looking toward the care of defective children have been taken in many civilized countries; but the crux of the matter does not lie in the care of these unfortunates. At most they do not constitute more than from one to two per cent of the school popu- lation, and it does not appear that any considerable fraction of them can ever be educated so as to become independent members of the community.

The great problem lies in the very much larger class of those who, while they are not defective, do not keep up with their fellows. These, constituting from five to fifty per cent of our school population, can become either failures or successes in life, according to the influences that are brought to bear upon them during their early years.

About this large group we need facts. Are they in their present condition largely because of removable physical dis- abilities, such as hypertrophied tonsils or adenoids, defective vision or hearing, or malnutrition? Do they drop behind in their school life because of illness? Are they behind because of late entrance into the schools? To what extent is irregularity of attendance a factor in delayed progress? Is compulsory labor after school hours an important factor? When do they drop out of school, and for what reasons? Are there any schools that succeed in educating an appreciably larger per cent of these chil- dren than do others? If so, how is it done?

Data with which to answer these questions were not in existence. Application was therefore made to the Russell Sage

INTRODUCTION

Foundation for a modest grant with which to make a preliminary survey that might

(1) Put together useful material bearing on these topics;

(2) Develop a mode of attack on the problem;

(3) Analyze a sufficiently large number of cases to demon- strate the utility of the method and give answers of at least a provisional nature to some of the questions.

The grant was allowed in the fall of 1907.

The matter was also laid before Dr. William H. Maxwell, Superintendent of Schools of New York City, who has given the fullest possible cooperation, as well as allowed access to schools and to school records, without which the investigation could not have been made.

The next step consisted in the discovery of some one who could conduct the investigation. To do work of the sort contem- plated satisfactorily is a most difficult matter, for it involves a technical knowledge of how to handle statistical material so as to avoid the many pitfalls presented, and at the same time get re- sults that shall be trustworthy and constructive. It also in- volves extensive experience in school administration and the widest possible knowledge of the literature bearing on these subjects. We were exceedingly fortunate in securing Mr. Leonard P. Ayres, formerly General Superintendent of Schools for Porto Rico, and Chief of the Division of Statistics of the Insular Department of Education.

In connection with the investigation it was necessary to secure as complete records as possible of medical inspection of school children. The material secured seemed sufficiently valu- able to warrant its publication. Accordingly it was embodied in a preliminary report* and published in 1908.

Grateful recognition is due Dr. Roland P. Falkner, who has given the work of the investigation from its inception the great assistance of his keen insight into methods of social investigation and of his thorough knowledge of educational statistics.

A report of the study, in so far as it related to the New York

*" Medical Inspection of Schools," by Gulick and Ayres. New York, 1908. Published by Charities Publication Committee, for the Russell Sage Foundation.

xiv

INTRODUCTION

schools, was submitted to Dr. William H. Maxwell and published by him as a part of his annual report for 1908. Besides this partial publication of the findings, many of the chapters have appeared in part or in whole as contributions to the educational press over the signature of Mr. Ayres.

The most significant of the findings of the investigation are:

(1) That the most important causes of retardation of school children can be removed;

(2) That the old-fashioned virtues of regularity of attend- ance and faithfulness are major elements of success;

(3) That some cities are already accomplishing excellent results by measures that can be adopted by all;

(4) That relatively few children are so defective as to pre- vent success in school or in life.

LUTHER H. GULICK, Chairman, Backward Children Investigation.

CHAPTER I

THE BACKWARD CHILDREN INVESTI- GATION

IN his report for 1904 Dr. William H. Maxwell, City Super- intendent of Schools of New York, called attention to the fact that a large number of pupils (39 per cent in the elementary grades) were shown by his tables to be above the normal age for the grades they were in. In each annual report since then he has regularly published similar tables. Concerning the condition thus disclosed there has been much discussion, and more than one school evil has been unhesitatingly labeled a con- sequence of "retardation," as the circumstance of mal-adjust- ment between the ages and grades of school children came to be termed.

Many causes were assigned in explanation of the conditions revealed. Among these some of the more prominent were the constant influx of non-English speaking children, the enrolling of children in the first grade at a comparatively advanced age, the slow progress of children on account of physical defects or weaknesses, inefficient teaching, unsuitable courses of study, and the shifting of children from school to school by reason of the frequent changes of residence of their families.

Briefly sketched this was the condition in regard to the prob- lem of backwardness or retardation among school children in New York City in the fall of 1907. Dr. Maxwell was not the only superintendent who had called attention to the matter, but his tables had revealed the conditions with a new force and definite- ness and focused the interest of educators on the problem. Whether the causes commonly assigned were all the causes or the most important of them and if they were, which among them predominated in weight no one knew. No adequate investigation to determine the answers to these questions had ever been made.

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

The importance of the problem, its evidently close bearing on the question of the adaptation of the school to the needs of the child, and the marked lack of definite information bearing on the question were the forces which impelled the Russell Sage Foundation to undertake in the fall of 1907 an investigation into some phases of "the adaptability of the school and its grades to children."

The object of the investigation was to study the problem of the progress of school children through the grades. Its interest was not in the individual, sub-normal, or atypical child but rather in that large class, varying with local conditions from 5 1075 percent of all the children in our schools, who are older than they should be for the grades they are in. The questions the investigation set itself to answer were these: How many of the children in our schools fail to make normal progress from grade to grade and why do they fail? How many of the children drop out of school before finishing the elementary course and why do they drop out? What are the facts and what are the remedies?

Work was begun by making an intensive study of the school records of the pupils in one school in New York. The object was to outline the problems along definite lines, to test methods and to develop a system for more extensive work. While this preliminary study was under way it became necessary to turn aside temporarily from the purely local work to discover what was being done for children in different cities and countries along lines. only partly allied to traditional school work.

As a result of this study a volume was written on the Medical Inspection of Schools and the accumulated information in this field placed at the disposition of school workers. The investi- gation was then continued along the lines first mapped out.

In the spring of 1908 a detailed investigation of the school records of 20,000 children in fifteen schools in Manhattan was undertaken. The children were about equally divided between the two sexes and represented a varying range of social and racial classes. The study consisted of an intensive and critical study of the personal and school records of the children and of the records of the physical examinations which had been given to many of them by the physicians of the Board of Health.

2

THE BACKWARD CHILDREN INVESTIGATION

While this study was being carried on and ever since its conclusion the available records of school conditions in most of the larger cities of the country were being subjected to searching analysis and comparison.

The results of all of this work combine to form the present volume which is a report of the findings of the Backward Children Investigation. The volume draws its material from the New York Investigation, from the collated material which contri- buted to the volume "Medical Inspection of Schools'' and from the study of the school reports of a large number of American cities.

The findings of the investigation and their lessons may be briefly outlined under the three headings: Conditions, Causes, and Remedies.

CONDITIONS

In every school there are found some children who are older than they should be for the grades they are in. These children constitute serious problems for the teachers. They are misfits in the classes, require special attention if they are to do satisfactory work and render more difficult the work with the other children. These children are known as over-age or retarded children. They are found in all school systems but are by no means equally common in all systems. In this regard there is an enormous variability among cities. In Medford, Massachusetts, only 7 per cent of the children are retarded according to the standard adopted, while in Memphis, Tennessee, among the colored children 75 per cent are retarded. All of the other cities studied fall between these two extremes. On the average about 33 per cent of all of the pupils in our public schools belong to the class "retarded." This gives an idea of the magnitude of the problem with which we are dealing. It is not at all a problem concerning a few under-developed or feeble minded children. It is one affecting most intimately perhaps 6,000,000 children in the United States.

Wherever we find that the retarded children constitute a large part of all of the school membership we find that many of the children do not stay in the schools until they complete the elementary course. Children who are backward in their studies

3

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

and reach the age of fourteen (which is generally the end of the compulsory attendance period) when they are in the fifth or sixth grade instead of in the eighth, rarely stay to graduate. They drop out without finishing. The educational importance of this fact is great. We are apt to think of the common school course as representing the least amount of schooling that should be permitted to anyone, but the fact remains that a large part of all of our children are not completing it. As retardation is a con- dition affecting all of our schools to some extent, so too elimina- tion, or the falling out of pupils before completing the course, is an evil found everywhere but varying greatly in degree in dif- ferent localities. In Quincy, Massachusetts, of every hundred children who start in the first grade eighty-two continue to the final grade. In Camden, New Jersey, of every hundred who start only seventeen finish. The other eighty-three fall by the way- side. The general tendency of American cities is to carry all of their children through the fifth grade, to take one-half of them to the eighth grade and one in ten through the high school.

In the current discussion of retardation two claims have repeatedly been put forward by those who seek to show that retardation is not a serious matter and that in any event the responsibility of the school for existing conditions is small. These claims are, first, that if we find many over-age children in the schools it is because they enter at comparatively advanced ages; and secondly, that even if some children do progress slowly they are in a measure offset by an equal or greater number who make rapid progress.

Our studies have thrown light on both of these contentions. The children who are retarded on account of late entrance are found to be only a small part of all of the retarded children. In New York City where children enter school on the average later than they do in many other cities, the retarded children whose backwardness is due to late entrance are found to constitute less than one-third of all. Since retardation is ascribable to only two conditions, late entrance and slow progress, and since late entrance is found to be only a small factor, slow progress, however caused, is proved to be the great factor in bringing about the existing condition.

4

THE BACKWARD CHILDREN INVESTIGATION

The contention that the children who make slow progress are in a measure counterbalanced by a substantially equal number who make rapid progress is found to rest on an even slighter basis of fact. Taking the average of the conditions found in our city schools the figures show that for every child who is making more than normally rapid progress there are from eight to ten children making abnormally slow progress. In the lower grades, before the process of elimination enters to remove the badly retarded children, the average progress of the pupils is at the rate of eight grades in ten years. These conditions mean that our courses of study as at present constituted are fitted not to the slow child or to the average child but to the unusually bright one.

If the lower grades of our schools contain many children who are not going ahead at the normal rate, this means that there are large numbers of pupils who are doing the work of the grades they are in for the second or third time. These children are repeaters. The study of the figures from different cities reveals the importance of this class from both the educational and eco- nomic view points. The computations show that in the schools of Somerville a little more than 6 per cent of the children are repeaters. From this figure the records of the cities range up- wards until we reach Camden, New Jersey, with 30 per cent of the children in the repeating class. The average percentage is a little over 16. This means that in the country as a whole about one-sixth of all of the children are repeating and we are annually spending about $27,000,000 in this wasteful process of repetition in our cities alone.

CAUSES

When we seek to analyze the causes which are responsible for the conditions which have been discussed we find the field a difficult one. There is no one cause for retardation nor can we say that any one cause is preponderant. Late entrance is a potent factor, irregular attendance is another. In both cases time lost through illness plays an important part. Certain physical defects are responsible for a part of the backwardness. On the basis of the investigation conducted in New York we can say that in general children suffering from the physical defects

5

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

which are recorded in that city by the school physicians make nearly 9 per cent slower progress than do the children who are found on examination to have no defects. Children having some sorts of defects, adenoids for instance, are retarded still more.

The study of the bearing of nationality on school progress has been fruitful. In general there is little relation between the percentage of foreigners in the different cities and the amount of retardation found in their schools. Some of our most foreign cities make very good records, while in some of our most American cities school conditions are very bad indeed. In the country as a whole there are more illiterates proportionately among native whites of native parents than among native whites of foreign parents and school attendance is more general among the latter than among the former.

In the New York investigation it was shown that there are decided differences between the different races in the matter of school progress. There the Germans made the best records, followed by Americans, Russians, English, Irish and Italians in that order. Everywhere that investigations have been made it has been conclusively shown that ignorance of the English language is a handicap that is quickly and easily overcome and has little influence on retardation.

Several other branches of the investigation have brought to light conditions of great educational importance, as for instance an inquiry into the effects of different rates of promotion on the number of times the average child fails during his course, which demonstrated that we are training our children well in failure.

Another point on which important facts have been secured is the old question as to whether the child who enters school at say the age of eight or nine makes more rapid or slower progress than the one who enters at the age of five.

Perhaps no more important set of facts has been brought to light than those relating to the relative standing of the two sexes. We have always known that fewer boys than girls go to the high school but we have not before known that there is 13 per cent more retardation among boys than among girls and 13 per cent more repeaters among boys than among girls, or that the percentage of girls who complete the common school course

6

THE BACKWARD CHILDREN INVESTIGATION

is 17 per cent greater than the percentage of boys. These facts mean that our schools as at present constituted are far better fitted to the needs of the girls than they are to those of the boys.

There is another thing that has been proved; namely, that these conditions which have been discussed are neither of recent origin nor are they growing worse. Conditions are slowly improving in most places but not in all and not rapidly. They are not improving so rapidly that we have any grounds for feeling that if let alone they will care for themselves.

REMEDIES

The possible remedies for the conditions which have been discussed may be divided into two classes, legislative and ad- ministrative.

If children are to progress regularly through the grades they must be present in the schools. This means that we must have better compulsory attendance laws and better provision for their enforcement. If we are to enforce the attendance laws we must know where the children of school age are. Therefore, we must have better laws for taking the school census and better methods for utilizing the returns. If we are to have all of our children complete the common school course we must have an agreement which is now commonly lacking between the length of the school course and the length of the compulsory attendance period. It is a curious anomaly that we commonly have school courses eight or nine years in length and compel attendance for six years only.

The administrative reforms which must be brought about consist mainly of more thorough and better medical inspection, courses of study which will more nearly fit the abilities of the average pupil, more flexible grading, and, most important of all, a better knowledge of the facts. We must have better school records and we must learn to interpret them more intelligently. It is far from creditable that in hardly a city in the country can the school authorities tell how many pupils begin school each year, or how fast they advance, or what proportion finish or why 'they fall out, or where and why they lose time.

CHAPTER II

THE PROBLEMS OF RETARDATION AND

ELIMINATION AND THEIR

SIGNIFICANCE

NO standard which may be applied to a school system as a measure of accomplishment is more significant than that which tells us what proportion of the pupils who enter the first grade succeed in reaching the final grade. It is this that gives the problem of the elimination of pupils from school and the cognate matter of retardation their educational importance.

In our city school systems most of the children enter the first grade at the age of six or seven. Some of them are promoted each year and reach the eighth grade at fourteen or fifteen years of age. Others are not regularly promoted from grade to grade. They fall behind and at the age of fourteen they find themselves, not in the eighth grade, but in the fifth or sixth. This falling back process is termed retardation.

The retarded pupil finds himself in the same class with much younger companions. His age and size are a continual reproach to him. He begins to resent the maternalistic atmosphere of the lower grammar grades. He becomes discouraged through his lack of success and, when he has passed the compulsory attendance age, he leaves school. This dropping out process is termed elim- ination. It is with these two processes retardation and elimina- tion— that this volume has to deal.

The term retardation has been explained as referring to the pupil who is above the normal age for his grade. It will be so employed throughout this book, irrespective of how the pupil in question happens to be above normal age. The explanation may be that he has progressed slowly. It may be on the other hand that he entered school late and has never caught up with the other pupils of his own age. In either event he constitutes a serious problem for himself and for the school authorities

8

PROBLEMS OF RETARDATION AND ELIMINATION

and falls within the class "retarded." As it is employed in this work the term expresses a condition, not a process or an expla- nation.

We have always known that in our general educational sys- tem, the high schools occupy a somewhat privileged position, in that they deal with selected and not with average pupils. Few of the pupils of the common schools continue their work until they reach this institution of secondary instruction. But we have not known, or if we have known, we have failed to realize it, that large numbers of the children who enter the public schools never complete the work of the common schools. So far from completing it they drop out, often with no more progress than is represented by four or five years of the grades. Perhaps this does not mean that our public school system is any worse than it used to be, but on the face of it it certainly does mean that the system is not nearly so good as it should be.

The significance of the problem is attested by the utterances of educators of national prominence like Commissioner Andrew S. Draper of New York state and students of such distinction as Professor Edward L. Thorndike of Teachers College of Columbia University. In his report published in 1908, Dr. Draper says:

" I have assumed that practically all of the children who do not go to the high schools do finish the elementary schools. That is not the fact. *****! confess that it startles me to find that certainly not more than two-fifths and undoubtedly not more than a third of the children who enter our elementary schools ever finish them, and that not more than one-half of them go beyond the fifth or sixth grade."*

In the bulletin issued by the Bureau of Education in Feb- ruary, 1908, Prof. Thorndike states the following conclusions:

"At least 25 out of 100 children of the white population of our country who enter school stay only long enough to learn to read simple English, write such words as they commonly use, and perform the four operations for integers without serious errors. A fifth of the children (white) entering city schools stay only to the fifth grade."t

* Report, 1906, p. 532.

t "The Elimination of Pupils from School," p. 9.

9

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

While as measures of the amount of the evil considered, the conclusions of Dr. Thorndike have been vigorously assailed and those of Dr. Draper have not been universally accepted, there is no difference of opinion as to the gravity of the evil. This much is clear many pupils leave school af a relatively low point in the school system. This point differs greatly in different cities but the condition nevertheless exists in all of them.

The reasons for this elimination, which has attracted so much attention among educators, are not far to seek. Our public school system is commonly based on eight years' work, or eight grades. With few exceptions, wherever compulsory attendance laws exist school attendance becomes optional at the age of four- teen, and this age corresponds at least approximately with the physical and psychological changes in the child's life.

We have here the condition under which elimination arises. Children very commonly avail themselves of the privilege of leav- ing school at fourteen. For a large part of all of the children, therefore, the question as to how much schooling they will receive is the question how much they can obtain before they reach the age of fourteen. In years, this obviously depends upon the age at which they enter school. In progress, it depends upon the rate at which they go forward during the years they are in atten- dance.

Information as to age at entering and age at leaving may be gained from a study of Diagram I which shows in rela- tive figures the distribution by age groups of 1,982,477 children enrolled in the elementary and high schools of fifty-eight cities. The ten year old children are represented as being 100. Using this as a basis the other age groups are represented propor- tionally.

There is little difference in size between the seven age groups at the ages from seven to thirteen inclusive. During these ages, going to school is the customary occupation of practically all of the children of our cities. But one-fourth of them have not yet started at the age of six and two out of every five have already left at the age of fourteen. A considerable number even anticipate the age of fourteen and leave at thirteen years. Now, since there are only six years (those from seven to twelve inclusive) during which

10

PROBLEMS OF RETARDATION AND ELIMINATION

practically all of the children are in school, and, if we add the age of thirteen, only seven years when nearly all of them are in at- tendance, it becomes obvious why they cannot all receive eight years of schooling.

When we consider that only those children who enter at six years of age can complete the eight elementary grades by regular progress before they reach the age of fourteen, we can better under- stand why it is that so few finish the elementary schools. No more than a man by taking thought can add one cubit to his stature can a child squeeze in more than eight years between his

AGE GROUPS

7 89101112

14

15

2021

5 24 77 92 96 98 100 99 96

NUMBER IN EACH GROUP

62 34 17 8 4 2 .3

Diagram I. Distribution by ages of children in city school systems. The ten year old children are here represented as one hundred; the other age groups are proportional.

sixth and fourteenth birthdays. When we further consider that in no state are children compelled to go to school until they are seven years of age, it is manifest that no child going to school under such compulsion, and leaving upon reaching the age of fourteen, can ever, by normal progress, finish the eight grade course pre- scribed by school authorities. Is it then surprising that so few pupils can finish the elementary school course? And if the ele- mentary schools represent a unit in education, is it not singular that our laws do not generally enforce this unit?

1 1

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

But after all, how many pupils do pass through the schools regularly advancing from year to year as the course prescribes? Such regular progress we call normal advance, but when we ex- amine facts we find that here normal and average are far apart. Failure, so far from being abnormal is, judged by the standard of frequency, rather the rule than the exception. There are few children who pass through the schools without losing a term, a year, or more in the course of their studies. They may not be wholly to blame for it; sickness or change of residence may ac- count for it in part. But whether so caused or whether it is the re- sult of indifference or inattention, the effect is the same so far as lengthening the whole time spent in school or hindering the pro- gress which can be made in a given number of years is concerned. The promotion figures in our schools show that every grade brings its quota of failures, and it can be readily understood that after two or three grades have been passed these numbers are ac- cumulated; and further, that in the upper grades few remain who have not some time or other in their previous school history a failure to their credit or discredit.

In connection with our consideration of the very general rule of dropping out of school at fourteen, the influence of this failure ' to advance regularly is plain. It means that at the age of fourteen few pupils have reached the grade corresponding to the number of years since they entered school. Most of them are in a lower grade, and consequently, if they drop out of school at the age of fourteen, they leave with an education far less complete than they might have been expected to attain. Hence it is that pupils may drop out of school in no inconsiderable numbers in the fourth and fifth grades with the most fragmentary education as their equipment for the work of life.

No minute analysis of the figures showing the membership of the grades is necessary to convince even the casual student of the problem that this dropping out process is serious in its effects and far reaching in extent. This may be .learned from a mere inspec- tion of figures. In the Report of the Commissioner of Education for 1907 are tables showing the grade distribution in 386 cities of 8000 population and upwards. The aggregate figures, omitting the ninth grade, are as follows:

12

PROBLEMS OF RETARDATION AND ELIMINATION

TABLE I. AGGREGATE GRADE DISTRIBUTION IN 386 CITIES.

Grade

Kindergarten First Grade Second Grade . Third Grade . Fourth Grade . Fifth Grade Sixth Grade Seventh Grade . Eighth Grade .

HIGH SCHOOL First Year Second Year Third Year Fourth Year .

Total

Pupils 114,059

447>845 324,107 310,287 286,705 247,465 207,095 165,047 117,978

84,664 55,268 36,402 25,066

. 2,421,988

If we consider the pupils in the first grade as being repre- sented by 1000 pupils and represent the following grades by proportional numbers, we may construct a diagram in which the upright columns represent the membership of the successive grades:

1

K

8

255 1000 723 692 640 552 462 368 263 189 123 81 56

Diagram II. Grade distribution in 386 cities on the basis of 1000 children in the first grade. The eight grades are designated by the figures i to 8, the kin- dergarten by K and the high school classes by Roman numerals I to IV.

13

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

For each 1000 pupils in the first grade we find only 263 in the eighth and only 56 in the fourth year of the high school. These figures represent average conditions in our city schools.

It is not possible to compute from these figures how many children succeed in reaching each grade, or what proportion of the children drop out in each, for the children in the first grade are not all beginners. Some of them are repeaters who have been there two or three years. Nevertheless, the diagram shows convinc- ingly that many children drop out of school in the upper grades, that comparatively few reach the eighth grade, and that very few indeed complete the high school course.

These conditions are far from being uniform in different sections of the country. Different cities furnish data of the most widely varying character. Even state systems exhibit marked individuality. This is shown by comparing the grade distribu- tions in the three states for which the report of the United States Commissioner for 1907 furnishes complete data.

In North Carolina the grade distribution was as follows:

TABLE 2. GRADE DISTRIBUTION IN NORTH CAROLINA IN 1906.

Grade Pupils

First Grade . . . ... . . . . . . 140,742

Second Grade 85,598

Third Grade •'.... . . . 74,710

Fourth Grade . . ..... . . . . 67,743

Fifth Grade . . . . '. . . . . . . 50,684

Sixth Grade . . ... . . . . . .' 35,664

Seventh Grade . . . . . ... . . . 19,611

HIGH SCHOOL

First Year . . . 5,155

Second Year . . . . . . . . . . . 2,123

Third Year . . . ,. ..... . . . 876

Fourth Year . . .',..* 274

Total . . . . , ...... . . . 483,180

Expressing the first grade by 1000 as before, and the follow- ing grades by relative figures, we may illustrate this in graphic form as shown in Diagram III.

Conditions are somewhat different in Tennessee. With more pupils in the first three grammar grades and with a greater total enrollment, the schools of this state carry fewer pupils to the higher

PROBLEMS OF RETARDATION AND ELIMINATION

1 II m IV

1000 775 530 481 360 253 139 37 15 6 2 Diagram III. Grades and High Schools in North Carolina.

grammar grades and to the high school, and its expression in graphic form follow:

The" grade distribution

TABLE 3. GRADE DISTRIBUTION IN TENNESSEE IN 1906.

Grade Pupils

149,656 . . . . i . . . . 86,380

. . . . . .' i . * . 75,328

•,, . . . . 74,149

. . ... 61,469

23,372

' 14,775

10,697

First Grade . Second Grade Third Grade Fourth Grade Fifth Grade Sixth Grade Seventh Grade . Eighth Grade

HIGH SCHOOL First Year . Second Year Third Year .

Total

2,533

1,222

575 500,156

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

I II III

1000 579 505 497 412 157 99 72 17 8 4

Diagram IV. Grades and High Schools in Tennessee.

In decided contrast to conditions in these two states are those in Utah as shown in the table and in Diagram V.

TABLE 4. GRADE DISTRIBUTION IN UTAH IN 1906.

Grade Pupils

First Grade . . ... A 10,991

Second Grade . . . . <*. 8,961

Third Grade . . t ' 9,362

Fourth Grade 9,43 1

Fifth Grade . . 8,019

Sixth Grade . . . . . ... . . . . 7,117

Seventh Grade 6 056

Eighth Grade

HIGH SCHOOL First Year Second Year Third Year . Fourth Year .

Total

16

4,742

967 352

201 140

66,339

PROBLEMS OF RETARDATION AND ELIMINATION

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

I

11 III IV

1 , .

1000 815 852 858 730 648 551 432 88 32 18 13

Diagram V. Grades and High Schools in Utah.

The pupils in the final grammar grade in North Carolina are only 14 per cent of the number in the first grade. In the case of Tennessee the per cent is 7.2. In Utah, the number of eighth grade pupils is 43 per cent of the first grade ones. These illus- trations will suffice to show how conditions vary in different local- ities.

No attempt has been made to treat the problem in hand in any but the most general way in this chapter. The object has been to emphasize a few of the more fundamental conditions which underlie the phenomena of retardation and elimination. This object will have been attained if the following propositions have been made clear:

i . The pupil who is above the normal age for his grade is termed retarded. Such pupils constitute a large part of the mem- bership of our schools.

17

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

2. Many retarded pupils, finding themselves, at the end of the compulsory attendance period, one or more grades below the final one, leave school without completing the elementary course. This process is termed elimination.

3. Whatever the stage of their advancement, a large part of the pupils of our schools leave at the age of fourteen. As many of them do not enter until after the age of six, and as most of them do not progress regularly at the rate of a grade each year, very few of them complete the elementary course by the time they reach the end of the compulsory attendance period.

4. These conditions vary greatly in different cities and states. The evils of retardation and elimination exist everywhere. In some places they are very serious; in others they have been re- duced to a minimum.

18

CHAPTER III

SOME FACTORS AFFECTING GRADE DISTRIBUTION

STUDENTS and critics of our public school systems are giv- ing more and more attention to the figures printed in the annual reports of superintendents and school boards. They are seeking to discover whether the record which lies embedded in the statistical statements of actual conditions is one of accom- plishment or of failure. As they thumb the pages of school re- ports in quest of evidence they cannot escape the impression that the records are only fragmentary. Born of real or fancied ad- ministrative necessities, colored oftentimes by a local point of view, the printed statistical tables may throw light upon educa- tional questions, but it is incidental to their main purpose. As the published figures are analyzed with a view to gain an answer to specific queries, the consciousness deepens that the light which the figures shed is rarely simple and pure, but is highly complex a synthesis of the most varied elements.

In recent discussion much has been made of the falling off in the number of children in the successive grades, from the first to the eighth. Writers who have otherwise the most varied points of view have perceived in such numerical decrease a test of the efficiency of school systems. Those of a more gifted imagination have seen in them evidence of a conspicuous failure of our schools to accomplish the purpose for which they are designed, while those more cautious by nature have not hesitated to make it a reproach upon certain cities that their upper grades contained relatively fewer pupils than those of other localities.

The feeling that grade records embody facts of far-reaching consequence is widespread. It reveals itself in an increasingly general publication of figures giving the grade membership. Such tables are appearing in reports of city schools, where they

19

LAGGARDS IN OUR. SCHOOLS

have heretofore been lacking. The latest report of the Commis- sioner of Education of the state of New York contains a summary of the facts for the cities of the state, and the forthcoming report will go into further details, giving not only the number in the grades, but the ages of the pupils in each of the grades for the cities of the state. The report of the United States Commissioner of Education for 1906 gives the grade distribution of the school children in 127 cities. The 1907 report contains similar data for upwards of 700 towns and cities.

Side by side with this more abundant presentation of the orig- inal data have appeared certain attempts at interpretation. In the school reports we find an occasional, not always very enlighten- ing, comment upon the reasons of this falling of? in the grades. It is in part upon an interpretation of such figures that Commis- sioner Draper of New York state based the cogent argument for industrial education which gave such marked distinction to his latest annual report. Nor will it be forgotten that the interpre- tation of such figures added to the heat if not to the light of the discussion at the meeting of the Department of Superintendence at Washington in February, 1908.

Figures showing grade distribution in city school systems form the simplest and most common sort of statistical information bearing on this subject. Wherever such figures are printed their most prominent characteristic is the diminution in the numbers of children in the successive grades. Thus the report of the Board of Education of Chicago for 1906 gives the average grade member- ship in that city as follows:

TABLE 5. GRADE DISTRIBUTION IN CHICAGO IN 1906.

Grade Pupils

First Grade . .... . « 43,560

Second Grade . . , . - . . . 34,33°

Third Grade . . . . . 32,814

Fourth Grade . ., . . 30,004

Fifth Grade . 28,056

Sixth Grade . .-.•». 22,540

Seventh Grade 17,643

Eighth Grade I2,939

Here the figures show us that the second grade is far smaller than the first, the third considerably less numerous than the

20

SOME FACTORS AFFECTING GRADE DISTRIBUTION

second, and so on until we reach the eighth grade, which is con- siderably less than one-third as large as the first. Nor should it be supposed that Chicago is exceptional in this respect. On the contrary, very many cities show even greater disparities in their grade distributions.

The natural conclusion of the casual student of such figures is that the pupils are dropping out of school all the time, and hence the number in each grade diminishes as the grades advance. In the case cited, that of Chicago, the immediate interpretation of the figures is that of each forty-three children entering the first grade, no more than thirteen reach the eighth, and still fewer graduate. That such a conclusion is not justified is made evident by a study of some of the factors contributing to bring about the disparity in numbers noted in the several grades. The assumption that the grades should normally be about equal in number rests upon the very common idea that substantially the same number of children enter school each year, that they advance with fair regularity from grade to grade, and that they remain until the completion of the elementary course.

In fact, all of these suppositions are erroneous. To begin with, there is a certain natural decrease in the number of children with advancing age which is due to death; so that we may always expect to find fewer persons with each advancing year of age. Secondly, there is an increase in the size of each successive and younger generation of children which is due to the natural in- crease in population. Looked at from the standpoint of the age fourteen, each younger generation is larger. Looked at from the standpoint of the age of seven, each older generation is smaller than the preceding. It is obvious that there are in New York state more five year old children today than there were five years ago, and hence at the present time more five-year-olds than ten-year-olds. These two elements that of death and that of the increased size of each succeeding generation contribute to form the factor of population.

All children do not advance regularly from grade to grade; some of them are left behind to repeat a year or two. This is the factor of retardation.

All children do not complete the elementary schools. In

21

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

some localities few and in others more leave the early or primary grades, but in all localities great numbers leave the grammar grades upon reaching the age of fourteen. This is the factor of elimination.

Other factors may and undoubtedly do affect the size of grades in certain cases and localities. Among the possible factors may be mentioned the influx of children whose schooling has already been begun in other places, the tide to and from private and parochial schools, and the enrollment of immigrant children who enter the schools at comparatively advanced ages. But such factors are local and irregular in their influence and undoubtedly compen- satory to a certain extent in their action. On the other hand, the three factors of population, retardation and elimination are always present.

THE FACTOR OF POPULATION

Two elements contributing to form the factor of population have been mentioned : decrease by death and the natural increase in successive age generations caused by an increasing population. If for the moment we assign an age to each grade, beginning with seven years as the age of pupils in the first grade, and if we suppose for the sake of argument a stationary school population in which 1000 pupils enter school each year, none die and none drop out, we have a grade distribution as follows :

TABLE 6. GRADE DISTRIBUTION IN A STATIONARY POPULATION WITH NO DEATHS.

Grade

First Grade Second Grade Third Grade Fourth Grade Fifth Grade Sixth Grade Seventh Grade Eighth Grade

Pupils

1000 children 7 1000 children 8 1000 children 9 1000 children 10 1000 children n 1000 children 12 1000 children 13 1000 children 14

years old years old years old years old years old years old years old years old

If expressed in graphic form this grade distribution would, of course, show no falling off at all, as is illustrated in Diagram VI.

In the United States the annual death rate for the ages five to fifteen is 3.7 per 1000. It is not, of course, exactly 3.7 for each

22

SOME FACTORS AFFECTING GRADE DISTRIBUTION GRADE

1300 1200

1100 1000 900 800 700 603 500 400 300 200 100

12345678

Diagram VI. Grade distribution under ideal conditions.

of the ages, but for the sake of simplicity and because of its rela- tive insignificance we may apply it equally to note its effect.

TABLE 7. GRADE

Grade

First Grade Second Grade . Third Grade Fourth Grade . Fifth Grade Sixth Grade Seventh Grade . Eighth Grade .

DISTRIBUTION SHOWING DEATH.

DECREASE THROUGH

Pupils 1000 children 7 years old

996.3 children 8 years old

992.4 children 9 years old

988.6 children 10 years old 984.9 children n years old 981.1 children 12 years old 977.4 children 13 years old.

973.7 children 14 years old

It will thus be seen that the element of death alone will ac- count for a decrease of some 26 to 27 in the progress of each 1000 children from the first grade to the eighth. How very slight a falling off is accounted for by the decrease through death is more easily seen when illustrated as in Diagram VII.

Death is a far smaller element in making up the factor of population than is the increase of population. How great a factor the two together constitute we may perhaps roughly measure by

23

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

applying to the problem the figures given for each age group from seven to fourteen years inclusive, in the aggregate population of the United States according to the census of 1900.

At that time there were in the United States 1,787,019 children seven years old. Those fourteen years old numbered 1,556,1 12. There are plainly two reasons why the children four- teen years old are less numerous than those seven years old: First, there were fewer children born fourteen years ago than seven years

GRADE

1300 1200 1100 1000 900 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100

1 23456/8

«M

••M

•BBS

sssss

M«_

uummmm

^—

mmfm

^^—

u*»

Diagram VII. Decrease through death.

ago; second, of the children born fourteen years ago a larger propor- tion have died than of those born seven years ago. In less degree this is true of the eight year old children compared with the seven-year-olds. So those of nine will be slightly less numerous than those of eight. The number of children at each age from seven to fourteen will gradually diminish. By dividing the number of fourteen year old children by that of those seven years old, we can readily find how many fourteen-year-olds there are likely to be when there are, say, 1000 seven-year-olds. By means of such

24

SOME FACTORS AFFECTING GRADE DISTRIBUTION

relative figures we may show how many children there are in the United States as a whole at the ages of eight, nine, and so on, for each 1000 at the age of seven. Stating this in the form of a supposititious grade distribution, we have the following:

TABLE 8. GRADE DISTRIBUTION AS INFLUENCED BY TWO ELE- MENTS, DEATH AND INCREASE OF POPULATION.

Grade

First Grade . Second Grade . Third Grade . Fourth Grade . Fifth Grade . Sixth Grade . Seventh Grade- Eighth Grade .

Pupils

1000 children 7 years old 985 children 8 years old. 964 children 9 years old 938 children 10 years old 920 children n years old 904 children 12 years old 889 children 13 years old 871 children 14 years old

The foregoing shows most conveniently the tapering off in numbers of the population as the age increases. This becomes very evident when we interpret the facts of the table in a diagram.

GRADE

1300 1200 1100 1000 900 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100

Diagram VIII. Decrease through death and the population factor.

As before explained, this tapering off resulting in an apparent diminution in the upper ages is in reality caused by successive

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

increases in the lower ages. Were we to state it in other terms to make this clear we might take the age of fourteen as the basis for computing our relative figures. In that case, instead of saying that for each 1000 children seven years old there are 871 at the age of fourteen, we should say that for each 1000 at the age of fourteen we may expect to find 1 148 seven years old. This is simply the same proposition stated in different terms.

It is not claimed, of course, that the figures in the table con- stitute an absolute measure applicable to any school system. Their value lies rather in giving a typical measure of the attenua- tion to be allowed for from influences of population under normal circumstances. The age distribution of the population is not, of course, uniform throughout the country. In some localities, in fact, very considerable variations from the standard are found. Neither do school grades correspond exactly with ages. Neverthe- less, if children enter at the age of seven they will be at least fourteen upon reaching the eighth grade, and we shall not be far out of the way if we state that under perfect school conditions of progress and retention of pupils we could in no case expect to find more than 87 per cent as many children in the eighth grade as in the first grade. This is a constant and very considerable factor in bringing about disparity in the number of children in the several grades, and it is one which has been entirely overlooked in much of the current discussion of the problem.

THE FACTOR OF RETARDATION

We have seen that all pupils do not advance regularly from grade to grade. It is a fact of which all educators are keenly aware. But just how many pupils fail to advance and at what points in the school course, and, most important of all, for what causes, are questions as yet relatively unanswered. There is not even any general agreement as to how "percentage of pro- motions" shall be computed, and indeed practice is very diverse in the matter. Some information on the subject may be gleaned from a study of school reports. The most recent reports from five large cities give the following statement:

26

SOME FACTORS AFFECTING GRADE DISTRIBUTION

TABLE 9. PER CENT OF PROMOTIONS IN FIVE CITIES.

Per cent 0} City Promotions

New York 81

Chicago '• 84

Cincinnati 83

Columbus . . . . 78

Kansas City, Mo 71

From these figures it appears that we shall not greatly err if we assume that about 80 per cent of the pupils in a system may reasonably be expected to advance at each regular time of promotion, and that 20 per cent will fail to be so advanced. If each year 20 per cent fail, the first grade will contain in our sup- posititious case the 1000 pupils just entered, as well as some who entered the year before, some who entered two years before, and a few who entered three years before, or even earlier. The actual number in the first grade will be 1250 and not 1000. Now, if the same rules hold for the other grades, and no pupils drop out, that is, if all stay to complete the course, no matter how long it takes, each grade will contain the same number as the first; namely, 1250. In other words, if we have four-fifths of the normal progress, or that planned by the course of study, we shall have five-fourths of the normal number of pupils in each grade. If the factor of popu- lation were inoperative, we should have under these conditions the following grade distribution :

TABLE IO. GRADE DISTRIBUTION WHEN 80 PER CENT OF THE PUPILS ARE PROMOTED, ALL FINISH, AND THE POPULATION FACTOR DOES NOT ENTER.

Grade Pupils

First Grade . 1,250

Second Grade Third Grade Fourth Grade Fifth Grade

1,250

1,250

,250

,250

Sixth Grade ,250

Seventh Grade ,250

Eighth Grade ,250

10,000

But we know that these conditions are never found. Pupils who find themselves in some grade lower than the eighth at the

27

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

age of fourteen, fifteen, or sixteen do not remain to complete the course. They drop out. This brings us to the third factor, that of elimination.

THE FACTOR OF ELIMINATION

A study of the age distribution of pupils in the schools of fifty-eight cities *in the United States shows, after allowing for in- accuracies of age returns, which are proverbial, that in the main the variations in the age groups of school children in the earlier years are slight. There is a relatively marked falling off at the age of thirteen, followed by a very marked decline in numbers at the ages of fourteen, fifteen, and sixteen. That is to say, that compara- tively few pupils will remain in school after the age of fourteen, many drop out at that age, and some anticipate it and leave at the age of thirteen. The data from these cities give us very nearly the following table when the figures are reduced to relative terms:

TABLE II. DECLINE IN ATTENDANCE, AGES TEN TO SIXTEEN, IN 58 CITIES. RELATIVE FIGURES.

Age Pupils

Ten years . . . 104

Eleven years . . . •'-/. . .^ . , . . . . -103

Twelve years . -. .'..'.••.'. . . ' . . . . 100

Thirteen years . . .-.'•• 90

Fourteen years ... . . 60

Fifteen years . . ... . 30

Sixteen years . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

From these figures we may assume as a reasonable approxi- mation, that in the elementary schools 10 per cent of the children will have left at thirteen years of age, that 40 per cent will have left at fourteen, half of the remainder at fifteen, and again half of these at the age of sixteen.

Now, if pupils in school advanced with substantial regularity, so as to reach the upper grades by the time they attained the age of thirteen or fourteen, it is evident that elimination would not be a very powerful factor in bringing about grade disparity, and would be operative only in the highest grades. But we know that pupils of these ages are found in the intermediate grades in no incon- siderable numbers. This brings into operation the factors of retardation and elimination in combination.

28

SOME FACTORS AFFECTING GRADE DISTRIBUTION

RETARDATION AND ELIMINATION BOTH OPERATIVE To show what the result is we may have recourse again to a supposititious case, but one this time which more nearly approaches conditions as found in our schools than do those cited heretofore. Suppose we have a school system where the population is sta- tionary, where 1000 new pupils enter the schools at the age of seven each year, where there is a uniform rate of promotion of 80 per cent, and where 10 per cent of the pupils leave at the age of thirteen, 40 per cent by the time they are fourteen, 50 per cent of the remainder at fifteen years, and half of those left drop out at sixteen years of age. Under these conditions we shall have the age and grade distribution as shown in Table 12.

In this table we have for the first time a grade distribution closely approximating those commonly found in the school systems of our cities. The familiar characteristics are present; the falling off in size of the successive grades, the presence of substantially equal age groups until we reach the age of thirteen, when there is a slight falling off followed by a much sharper drop, and the small size of the eighth grade as compared with the first. We have well illustrated, too, the fact that while retardation results in holding in the first and each of the other primary grades many more chil- dren than the number entering school each year, and in the upper grades the combination of retardation and elimination accounts for the depletion which is so noticeable, yet the result is not to bring into our schools a greater number of children than those who would be present if all progressed normally. This result is only reached when promotion percentages are very low and retardation is very serious in the lower grades. To state this in terms of school administration: doing away with retardation would not do away with the problem of "part time," nor would it have much effect in reducing the number of school sittings or school rooms required, nor would it result in great financial economy. The economies effected would be educational rather than material. They would consist in giving a more extended education to a larger proportion of the children entering school.

The graphic representations giving the falling off in successive grades due to the influences of death and the population factor have shown that the tapering off from these causes is really very

29

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1

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00

M 00

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s

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in

M Tf IO tO M

M Tj- 00 O M

-3-

TARDATI

Tf

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ft ^

10 O <^ M CO to O 1-1 cs

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td

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fe

5 n

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Q

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<

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ri

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TABLE

3

E2

SOME FACTORS AFFECTING GRADE DISTRIBUTION

slight. In decided contrast is the effect due to the combined influences of retardation and elimination. When these factors are introduced the lower grades become greatly swollen, while the upper ones are decidedly depleted.

SUMMARY

Summarizing our three modifying factors of population, retardation, and elimination, we may compare in one table the effect which each one of these separately, and finally the three working together, will have on the grade distribution of a com- munity when 1000 children enter the first grade.

TABLE 13. GRADE DISTRIBUTION SHOWING MODIFICATION BY DIFFERENT FACTORS.

Grade

No Modi- fying Factors

Death only

Death and In- crease of Population

Retarda- tion and Elimination

Population, Retardation and Elimination

First .

IOOO

IOOO

IOOO

1250

1250

Second .

IOOO

996

985

1247

1228

Third .

IOOO

992

964

1238

.1193

Fourth .

IOOO

988

938

1219

H43

Fifth .

IOOO

984

920

1127

1036

Sixth .

IOOO

981

904

9°5

8x8

Seventh .

IOOO

977

889

57°

506

Eighth .

IOOO

973

871

272

237

Total.

8000

7891

747i

7828

7411

The facts of the table showing the final distribution which we have as the resultant of the combined modifying influences of the three factors are even more impressive when expressed in graphic form as in Diagrams IX and X.

To anyone who has not devoted considerable study to the phenomena of grade distribution the results shown in the dia- gram may well appear extreme. At first sight the disparity in numbers between the 1250 children in the first grade and the 237 in the eighth seems unreasonably large, while on the other hand the total of the eight grades— 7411 seems too small when we remember that the first grade contains 1250. Are similar con-

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

GRADE

1300

1200

1100

1000

900

800

700

600

500

400

300

200

100

Diagram IX. Grade distribution influenced by retardation and elimination. The lower grades are swollen and the upper ones depleted.

GRADE

1300 1200 1100 1000 900 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100

Diagram X. Grades modified by the factors of population, retardation and

elimination.

32

SOME FACTORS AFFECTING GRADE DISTRIBUTION

ditions really found in our city school systems? We may gain light on this point by comparing our supposititious case with the grade distributions found in some of our cities, taking in each case 1000 pupils in the first grade as a base and using relative figures to facilitate comparison.

TABLE 14. GRADE DISTRIBUTION ON BASIS OF IOOO PUPILS IN FIRST GRADE IN THREE CITIES.

Grade

Supposititious Case— All Three Factors Operative

Philadelphia 1908

Memphis (white) 1908

Passaic 1908

First . Second . Third . Fourth . Fifth . Sixth . Seventh . Eighth .

IOOO

982

954 914 829

654 404 190

IOOO

897

822 696

568

413 271 190

IOOO

621

6I7

5*9 388

384 281 190

IOOO

788

696

499 439 284 276 193

Total

5923

4857

4010

4175

We have here the answer to our question. Evidently the grade distributions found in our city school systems are not radically dissimilar from the distribution resulting from the application of our several hypotheses in the supposititious case. One characteristic difference, however, is noticeable. Whenever we take figures giving the grade distribution of an actual school system, we find a greater disparity between the number of children in the first and second grades than we do in our supposititious case. In city school systems we invariably find very many more first grade than second grade children. In our supposititious case we find only a few more. But it must be remembered that the differ- ence between the figures in our supposititious case is largely the result of the modification resulting from the influence of the popu- lation factor, whereas in actual school systems the retardation factor is prominent in that the percentage of promotion from the first grade to the second is almost invariably lower than it is in the case of the higher grades. A larger proportion of children 3 33

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

enter the first grade late in the year, and so fail of promotion, than is the case in the other grades. As the conditions in this respect vary greatly in different localities, it is obvious that any standard which has for its basis the number of children in the first grade will be of little utility as a criterion for judging the number we may fairly expect to find in each of the other grades. To have recognized in our hypothetical case the unequal distribution of retardation by grades it being greater in the lower, and less in the upper grades would have introduced complications into our calculations which were deemed unnecessary, since our purpose is rather to demonstrate the existence of these factors, than to pro- pose an exact measurement.

As a result, then, of our study we may formulate the following general rules which will serve as tolerably accurate criteria for judging the grade membership in American city school systems under substantially normal conditions of population and school administration:

1 . During the eight years following their entrance into the school system we may count on about 27 in each 1000 of these children being removed by death.

2. Owing to the factor of population, composed of the two elements of death and increase of population, we may expect to find normally for each 1000 children in the first grade no more than 871 in the eighth.

3. A not uncommon measure of advance in our large city school systems is to have four-fifths of the pupils promoted at each regular time of promotion, and to have one-fifth fail.

4. It is safe to count on 10 per cent of the children leaving on reaching the age of thirteen, 40 per cent by the time they are four- teen, 50 per cent of the remainder at fifteen, and again 50 per cent of the remainder at the age of sixteen.

In general it appears, then, that the grade distribution is the resultant of such diverse elements that without the most careful analysis conclusions as to any of these elements are liable to go astray. The reader who is familiar with school reports and current educational discussion will not fail to recall instancesjn

34

SOME FACTORS AFFECTING GRADE DISTRIBUTION

which the existence of one or more of the modifying factors has been ignored. In any attempt to analyze grade figures, therefore, there must be kept clearly in mind the simple fact that at least three factors have an important share in producing the distribu- tion of pupils by grades which is commonly observed in our elementary schools.

35

CHAPTER IV

EXTENT OF RETARDATION IN DIFFERENT SYSTEMS AND SCHOOLS

EVER since educators first called attention to the phenomena of retardation there has been much speculation as to how general the condition is and to how serious an extent it exists within our school systems. Up to the present time the most serious attempt to answer these questions has been that made by Dr. Oliver P. Cornman in an article published in the Psycho- logical Clinic of February 15, 1908. Dr. Cornman compared conditions in Camden, Kansas City, Boston, Philadelphia and New York. In the March number of the same magazine for the same year his findings were in some measure corrected and largely ex- panded by Dr. Roland P. Falkner. Aside from these two articles, current educational literature has little or nothing to offer bearing on the question of comparative conditions in different localities.

The method for determining the number of retarded children in a given school system which has received most general accep- tance on the part of schoolmen, is the method which enumerates the children by ages and grades and puts all of the children who are older than a determined age in each grade into a group desig- nated ''Above Normal Age." These children who are older than they should be for the grade they are in are considered "retarded." Thus used the term designates a condition, and is applied with equal propriety to those children who are over age on account of slow progress, and those who have progressed normally but entered school late.

The method has come into general acceptance because, all things considered, it is the most satisfactory standard by which to measure retardation. Statistics based on the time pupils have spent in each grade are exceedingly rare, often unreliable, and usually are non-cumulative. That is, they deal with each grade as a separate unit and fail to tell us how much time the pupil has gained or lost in the entire course.

36

RETARDATION IN DIFFERENT SYSTEMS AND SCHOOLS

Statistics giving us figures as to grade and age distribution on the other hand, are simple, certain, easy to gather, and embody valuable information as to many conditions and results of school work. Their application to the problem of retardation is so easy that the process may be employed by anyone, however unversed in statistical procedure.

For instance, let us consider the conditions existing in the schools of Memphis in June, 1908. On that date the children in that system were distributed by grades and ages as is shown in the following table:

TABLE 15. GRADE AND AGE DISTRIBUTION IN MEMPHIS, TENN., JUNE, 1908, SHOWING NUMBER AND PER CENT OF RE- TARDED PUPILS.

Age

1

2

3

GRADE 4 5

6

7 8

Total

6

782

ii

793

7

699

177

56

932

8

368

403

I3I

5

907

9

120

349

333

104

8

914

10

44

191

335

| 264

67

6

i

908

11

21

81

230

302

219

83

9

945

12

12

45

109

229

201

| 203

77 6

882

13

I

J3

43

126

l82

245

178 63

851

14

4

6

25

44

85

158

J75 1 130

627

15

I

2

6

10

26

69

92 no

316

16

i

<3

8

25

43 73

J53

17

I

2

i

i

3 I0

18

18

i

i

2

Total

2053

1278

1269

1089

798

790

579 392

8248

Above ]

Normal }•

572

687

749

7l6

5°4

498

3*4 193

4233

Age j

Per cent 1

above i Normal j

27.8

53-7

59-o

65-7

63-1

63.0

54-2 49-2

51-3

Age J

37

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

Now, if children enter the first grade at the age of from six to six and a half years and are not retarded during the course, their ages in the several grades will be as follows:

TABLE 1 6. NORMAL AGES OF CHILDREN IN THE GRADES.

Grade Age

First Grade . 6 to 8 years

Second Grade . . . . . . . . . 7 to 9 years

Third Grade . . 8 to 10 years

Fourth Grade . . 9 to 1 1 years

Fifth Grade . 10 to 12 years

Sixth Grade n to 13 years

Seventh Grade .. 12 to 14 years

Eighth Grade / » 13 to 15 years

These ages have been accepted by common consent as the "normal ages" for these grades by nearly all the schoolmen who have interested themselves in the problem.

Referring now to Table 15, it will be noticed that there is a heavy line passing between the figures showing the number of seven year old children in the first grade and the eight year old ones. All of the children above this line in the first column are of "normal age." The line advances with each grade so that in the second grade those more than nine years old are below; in the third grade those older than ten; and so on. All of the children below the heavy line are " above normal age/' or retarded.

At the extreme bottom of the table are three rows of figures; the first showing the total number of children in each grade; the second, the number of retarded children; and the third, the per cent which these children are of the entire membership. It will be noted that in the school system as a whole 51.3 per cent of the pupils are in this class.

In Diagram XI the shaded portion represents the num- ber of retarded children in each grade, and the part in outline the normal-age children, so that the relative proportions can be estimated by the eye.

It may be remarked incidentally that so far as the volume of retardation here described is concerned, Memphis is one of the cities which has a percentage rather higher than the average.

It has been objected by some that the method of computing retardation by the age and grade figures is incorrect, and not a

38

RETARDATION IN DIFFERENT SYSTEMS AND SCHOOLS

fair representation of the phenomena with which we are dealing. The criticism is so fundamental that it may be considered briefly at this point, since if we are wrong in our basis of computation, much of the argument in the succeeding chapters must fall to the ground. The criticism to which we refer has been voiced by Superintendent James M. Greenwood of Kansas City, who, corn-

Diagram XI. Retarded children in the grades in Memphis. Shaded portion represents retarded children.

menting upon the investigation of Dr. Cornman of Philadelphia, says:

"The only correct way to estimate retardation, or the slow movement of a pupil, is the length of time it takes him to do a year's work. It is not a question of age without respect to pro- gress, but it is one of time required to do a given amount of work

39

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

within a specified time without regard to age. Suppose two boys enter college, one sixteen and the other nineteen years old, and each one completes the four years' work on time. Now would anyone claim that the older one was retarded? So, if a child begins the 'regular grade work at eight and he does a full year's work each year till he complete the elementary course, that child is not retarded, and it would be puerile to class him as a backward pupil. The only clear cases of retardation are those in which pupils are kept longer on a certain unit of work than is prescribed in the course of study. Many intelligent, sensible parents, especially in the middle and western sections of the United States, prefer not to send their children to any kind of a school till the age of eight, and where such children do enter school they go forward rapidly and easily in their studies, often skipping classes."*

If the point herein set forth is well taken, the standard of retardation should be progress, not age. These considerations put the advocates of the age standard on the defensive, and it is well to examine whether the arguments are valid. The conten- tion is that the age standard is wrong in principle, and the implication, that the age standard exaggerates the phenomenon with which we are dealing.

Whether or not the age standard be incorrect in principle can only be decided by consideration of the significance of re- tardation itself. What is the essential phenomenon with which we are dealing? Is it the process by which children fall behind in their studies, or is it the fact that they have done so? Does it make any difference whether retarded children in the grades are there because they entered school late, or because having entered early they have failed to be promoted?

If we look at the matter from the standpoint of the school, the vital thing is the fact that classes are now too often composed of heterogeneous elements. The child of nine acts and thinks differently from the child of seven. Put the two in the same class and the work of the teacher is increased, the amount of attention which can be given to each diminished, and the effect of the teaching is therefore lessened. No one can doubt that

* Educational Review, Sept,, 1908, p. 147. 40

RETARDATION IN DIFFERENT SYSTEMS AND SCHOOLS

it would be a very great advantage if children could be so classified that the classes would be more homogeneous with respect to age. They would respond more rapidly to the instruction of the teacher; they would act more as a unit and less as a collection of individuals.

From the standpoint of the child, the essential evil of re- tardation is that it lessens the prospect of securing a reasonably complete elementary education. We have already, seen that many children leave school at the age of fourteen, and therefore for the majority of children the possibilities of acquiring an elementary education are measured in years by the number which can be spent in school before that age is reached. It requires no very profound acquaintance with mathematics to observe that a child who enters school at eight years of age as suggested by Superintendent Greenwood can get only six years of elemen- tary schooling before he reaches fourteen. Obviously, he cannot by normal progress complete the work of the elementary school course.

Then the question arises whether the six years of schooling will be equivalent to six grades of school work. Unless the child is unusually gifted the prospects are not good for his securing that amount. The chances are at least equal that he will get less. Is there any chance that he will get more? Mr. Greenwood seems to think that the child who enters late will progress rapidly through the grades, but experience does not show that our school systems, as a rule, make any provision whatsoever for the rapid progress of pupils. Once in a while a child may skip a grade, but the cases in which this occurs are wofully rare. This will be examined more in detail in a later chapter. It is enough for our present purpose to recall that the graduating class is small in comparison with the entering class for all the elementary schools.

Moreover, progress itself may mean two things, it may be a designation of the ground covered, or it may again represent the point reached through the process. If we regard it in the latter light there is certainly no impropriety in considering that a child who enters late upon his school work has neglected his opportunities. By the late start he is far behind his fellows in the race.

The age standard is, therefore, justified from this point of view. It has a further advantage in that it is easily applied.

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

When we consider that no school system has yet given us a com- plete record of the number of years required by each pupil to reach his present grade, and that to establish such a record at the present time would mean to wait at least eight years before we could properly discuss the matter for the elementary schools, there is an additional reason for evolving a method which can be used at any time and requires no more effort than an exact determina- tion of the present ages of pupils in the grades they now occupy.

The implication, moreover, that such a progress standard as suggested by Mr. Greenwood would show that there are fewer retarded pupils than would the age standard, does not correspond to such facts as we now know. In Boston for instance, in 1897, 46 per cent of the pupils took more than the regular time to finish the three primary grades, yet at the same time the percen- tage of retardation in the fourth grade was only 29.3 per cent. In like manner we note that in 1894 in that city 34.5 per cent took more than the regular time to finish the last six or grammar grades, not counting, of course, any slow progress which the same pupils may have previously made in the primary grades. Yet the percentage of age retardation in 1896 was only 20 per cent for the ninth grade.

Other figures, so far as they are available, confirm this conviction, and the reason therefor is not very difficult to per- ceive. In the application of the age standard there is a certain generosity in the accepted measure. If we do not consider a child in the first grade as above normal until after the age of eight, we must recognize that for those who enter the first grade early say exactly at six we have already a margin which permits a child to spend two years in the first grade without coming in the retarded class. That this margin is justified appears from the record of frequent failure and frequent absence in the first primary grade. The progress standard proposed by Mr. Greenwood admits of no such margin, and consequently, if it were rigorously applied, the recorded failures among those who enter early would add much more to the percentage of retar- dation than the lack of failure on the part of those who enter school late; for, after all, those who enter school late are the exception rather than the rule. We may rest assured that the

42

RETARDATION IN DIFFERENT SYSTEMS AND SCHOOLS

method adopted in this discussion is one which minimizes rather than exaggerates the conditions of which we treat.

Now, it is perfectly evident that the results secured in com- puting retardation by the age and grade method may vary con- siderably according to the details of the method employed in gathering the statistics. In the same city results computed in September might differ materially from those gathered in the following June, for if promotions were made on the yearly basis the children would still be in the same grades, but they would average nearly a year older. The September statistics would show a lower percentage of retarded pupils than would the June ones. Moreover, figures gathered on the basis of total enrollment will differ from those gathered at a given date in the school year. For these reasons results from different cities are only comparable when gathered on the same basis.

Age and grade statistics have been secured from thirty-one cities and the results are shown in the following table in which the cities are grouped according to the basis on which the data were gathered, thus enabling us to compare conditions in the different localities.

TABLE 17. NUMBER AND PER CENT OF RETARDED PUPILS. ROLLMENT IN SEPTEMBER. SIX CITIES.

EN-

City

Date

Pupils Enrolled

Number Retarded

Per cent Re- tarded

Medford, Mass. Waltham, Mass. Meriden, Conn. Quincy, Mass. . Springfield, Mass. Woonsocket, R. I.

1907-8 1908 1907 1908 1907-8 1907

3572

2579 4241

5445 10034 3160

269

274

551 976 2342

II2I

7-5 10.6 13.0 17.9 23-3 35-4

TABLE l8. NUMBER AND PER CENT OF RETARDED PUPILS. ROLLMENT IN JUNE. FIVE CITIES.

EN-

City

Date

Pupils Enrolled

Number Retarded

Per cent Re- tarded

York, Pa. Memphis, Cincinnati Erie, Pa. Memphis,

Tenn. , 0. .

Tenn.

(white)

(colored)

1908 1908 1907 1901 1908

6085 8248 38280 5482 4887

2335 4233 22505

3297 3704

38.3 51-3 58-7 60. i 75-8

43

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

TABLE 19. NUMBER AND PER CENT OF RETARDED PUPILS. ROLLMENT IN JUNE AFTER PROMOTION. TWO CITIES.

EN-

City

Date

Pupils Enrolled

Number Retarded

Per cent Re- tarded

New York City . . Philadelphia, Pa. .

1908 1908

559120 148814

161373

54798

30.0 36.8

TABLE 20. NUMBER AND PER CENT OF RETARDED PUPILS. TOTAL ENROLLMENT. EIGHT CITIES.

City

Date

Pupils Enrolled

Number Retarded

Per cent Re- tarded

Ft. Wayne, Ind.

1906-7

5558

1299

23-3

Portland, Ore. .

1907

15637

4804

30-7

Utica, N. Y. .

1906-7

9039

2948

32.6

Troy, N. Y. .

1903-4

6i57

2198

35-6

Columbus, O. .

1906-7

I9I9S

7175

37-3

Los Angeles, Cal. .

1903-4

29018

11119

38.3

Camden, N. J. .

1905-6

13127

6086

46.3

Kansas City, Mo. .

1906-7

28509,

13848

48-5

TABLE 21. NUMBER AND PER CENT OF RETARDED PUPILS. ROLLMENT AT A GIVEN DATE. TWELVE CITIES.

EN-

City

Date

Pupils Enrolled

Number Retarded

Per cent Re- tarded

Aurora, 111. .

Oct., 1907

1872

343

18.3

Boston, Mass.

Jan. 31, 1907

82452

IS3I5

i8-5

Maiden, Mass.

Dec. 3, 1908

5988

1109

18.5

Decatur, 111.

1908

397°

1188

29.9

Newark, O. .

Dec. 6, 1908

3293

985

29.9

Reading, Pa.

Mar. i, 1907

10908

3455

31-6

Trenton, N. J. . Wilmington, Del. (white)

Nov., 1903 1905-6

8834 7S94

2721 2826

32.0 37-2

Kingston, N. Y. .

1908

3209

I233

38-4

Baltimore, Md. .

Dec. 31, 1905

66142

30655

46.3

St. Louis, Mo.

Dec. i, 1901

66<o8

31017

46.6

Wilmington (colored)

1905-6

1035

651

62.8

While, as has been explained, the retardation figures from the different cities are only comparable when based on figures

44

RETARDATION IN DIFFERENT SYSTEMS AND SCHOOLS

gathered by the same method, it is nevertheless worth while to list all of the cities in the order of the percentage of retardation indicated. This table is useful, not for purposes of comparison of conditions in the cities, but rather to show the great range in the percentages of retardation found.

TABLE 22. PER CENT OF RETARDED PUPILS. THIRTY-ONE CITIES.

Per cent City Retarded

1. Medford, Mass . . 7-5

2. Waltham, Mass . . . . . 10.6

3. Meriden, Conn " . . . . . 13-0

4. Quincy, Mass . .17.9

5. Aurora, 111. . ' . . . . 18.3

6. Boston, Mass . . . 18. 5

7. Maiden, Mass . . .;••*. * . . 18.5

8. Fort Wayne, Ind . .. . . 23.3

9. Springfield, Mass, 23-3

10. Decatur, 111. .... '.. •' 29-9

11. Newark, Ohio . .' 29-9

12. New York, N. Y 30.0

13. Portland, Ore. . . . ; . . ." . . . 30.7

14. Reading, Pa. . . . . . . : . . . .31.6

15. Trenton, N. J . - . . .32.0

16. Utica, N. Y. . . . \ .',. . . , . . . 32.6

17. Woonsocket, R. I. . . . . . . . . . . 35.4

18. Troy, N. Y. . . '.....'. . . . . . 35-6

19. Philadelphia, Pa. . . . . ... . . . . 36.8

20. Wilmington, Del. (white) . . . . . . .37.2

, 21. Columbus, Ohio -37-3

22. Los Angeles, Cal * . ' . . .38.3

23. York, Pa. . . . . ... . . . . 38.3

24. Kingston, N. Y. .. ' . . 38 . 4

25. Baltimore, Md. . . . 46.3

26. Camden, N. J. ,..".., 46.3

27. St. Louis, Mo. . . . ' 46.6

28. Kansas City, Mo . " . * . . 48 . 5

29. Memphis, Tenn. (white) . .' . . " . . . 51.3

30. Cincinnati, Ohio

31. Erie, Pa

32. Wilmington, Del. (colored) .

33. Memphis, Tenn. (colored) .

58.7

60. i 62.8 75-8

It is noteworthy that the city having the lowest per cent of retardation is Medford with 7.5 of her pupils in that class. This is on the basis of enrollment in September. The colored pupils of Memphis show the highest percentage of retardation (75.8) and the figure is based on the enrollment in June. As was explained earlier in the chapter, figures taken in September will inevitably show a lower percentage of retardation than will

45

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

similar data gathered in June. Therefore, it is nearly certain that if the data were gathered in all cases on the same basis there would not be so great a discrepancy between the two cities at the extremes of the table. On the other hand, it is entirely probable that if all the computations were made on the same basis Medford would still have the best record, and the colored pupils of Memphis the worst.

The table is instructive in disclosing how important a matter retardation is in all the cities from which data are available. On the average, approximately one-third of all of the children in our city schools are above the normal age for their grades, they are retarded. The table is further instructive in showing what a wide variation there is in conditions. In the cities making the best showing the number and percentage of retarded pupils are almost negligible. In the cities making the poorest showing the large majority of all of the children are over age for their grades.

TABLE 23. PER CENT OF PUPILS ABOVE NORMAL AGE BY SCHOOLS. NEW YORK INVESTIGATION, 1908.

School Per cent

A Boys , . ; . . 27.7

A Girls - . . . . 20 . 4

B Boys . . . . . 14.4

B Girls . . .17.8

C 22.9

D Boys 29.3

D Girls '.. . . .32.0

E 36.6

F . 23.1

<J 2«-4

H 20.9

I 21.2

J l8.3

K Boys 10.9

K Girls 19.8

Total 22.9

That the different units of city school systems are far from being homogeneous in regard to the prevalence and seriousness of retardation was clearly shown by the study conducted in New York City in the spring of 1908 by the Backward Children In- vestigation to which reference has been made. In that investiga- tion a careful study was made of the school records of 19,328

RETARDATION IN DIFFERENT SYSTEMS AND SCHOOLS

children in fifteen schools in Manhattan. Nearly 23 per cent (22.9) of these children were above normal age for their grades. However, the fifteen schools contributing to make up this total were far from exhibiting the same percentages of retardation. On the contrary, the group was far from homogeneous in this respect. There was found a considerable individuality among schools. The percentage of retarded children in each is shown in Table 23.

Percentage of pupils above normal age is not in itself to be accepted as a trustworthy criterion of school efficiency. The widely varying conditions found in different sections of the city preclude the possibility of saying with any degree of certainty that because school A shows 30 per cent of retarded pupils as compared with 20 per cent for school B, that the former is thereby shown to be less efficient than the latter. When, however, schools are situated together and draw their pupils from the same social and racial classes, comparison becomes possible. These conditions are found in the cases of those schools where the boys and girls are taught separately in different buildings and under different principals. The schools where these conditions obtain and the percentage of retarded children for each are as follows:

TABLE 24. BOYS' AND GIRLS' SCHOOLS COMPARED.

Per cent Above School Normal Age

A Boys -. .' . . . . . .27.7

A Girls . . . 20.4

B Boys 14.4

B Girls . y:s> . . 17.8

D Boys 29.3

D Girls ^ . . . . 32.0

K Boys .10.9

K Girls 19.8

These comparisons are significant. It is noteworthy that the differences are not due to the sex of the pupils, for the boys make the better showing in three of the cases, while the girls do better in the other case. The difference then must be in the schools themselves. In the last case the comparison is particu- larly striking, the girls' school showing almost twice as large a percentage of retardation as does the boys' school. Similar

47

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

comparisons could doubtless be made with great advantage between many schools in different cities.

From the data which have been discussed four conclusions of value may be drawn :

1. Percentages showing the amount of retardation among school children vary considerably according to the methods by which they are gathered. Therefore, figures from different cities are not comparable unless gathered by the same method.

2. There is a high variability between cities in respect to the proportion of over-age children. Among the thirty-one cities studied, Medford, Massachusetts, makes the best showing with 7.5 per cent of the pupils in the above normal age class. The colored pupils of Memphis make the poorest showing with 75.8 per cent above normal age. In the thirty-one cities taken as a whole, 33.7 per cent of the children, or a trifle more than one-third, are above normal age for their grades. These figures probably represent with fair accuracy average conditions in city school systems of this country.

3. There may be considerable variation between percent- ages of retarded children in different schools of the same system. In an investigation conducted in New York in fifteen schools, in the one making the best showing only 10.9 per cent of the chil- dren were retarded; in the one making the poorest showing 36.6 per cent were retarded.

4. Striking differences are sometimes found between schools situated together and drawing their pupils from the same racial and social classes. Under such conditions the per cent of retarded children constitutes a trustworthy criterion of one important phase of school efficiency. In the investigation in New York, in some cases nearly twice as great a proportion of the children were retarded as in neighboring schools where external conditions were identical.

CHAPTER V

MORTALITY AND SURVIVAL IN THE GRADES

A FACTORY is most efficient when it is being worked to its full capacity. As rises or falls the relation of finished product to raw materials, so rise or fall profits and divi- dends. These principles of manufacturing economics are the impelling forces that explain the vigilant care with which man- agers and owners watch these variable features and the pains- taking exactness with which they state them in the annual reports of mercantile corporations.

In vivid contrast to this condition is the lack of definite infor- mation available in the field of educational administration with re- spect to the degree of efficiency in the use of our educational plants.

What proportion of the children who enter our schools remain to complete the elementary course? Among all the ques- tions in the field of school administration this is today one of the most important. It is the question of the relation of the finished product to the raw material. By common agreement educators, law-makers and publicists have very generally come to hold, either tacitly or expressedly, that the amount of education fur- nished by our common school course is the minimum which may be safely allowed to the future citizens of this democracy.

If then it be shown that our schools are generally and in large measure falling short of supplying this minimum amount of education; if it be shown that a large part of the pupils fall out before completing the elementary course; this constitutes a serious indictment of our public school system. Again, if we can establish a method by which we can ascertain the proportion of the children continuing until they reach the final grade in dif- ferent systems, we shall have secured an important form of the type of measure so much needed and so commonly lacking in matters educational that is, a standard of comparison.

If we are to answer the question for a given school system 4 49

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

"What proportion of the children who enter the first grade continue to the eighth?" our first step must obviously be to discover how many enter the first grade.

This is the crux of the whole matter. The seeker after truth who is not a close student of educational statistics will at once inquire why we should not ascertain from the published reports the number of beginners each year, and with this as a basis proceed to calculate the percentage of survivors in the final grade. Surely so obviously significant a figure as the one giving the number of new children entering the school system each year must be stated in the printed reports !

The answer is that the city superintendents who have recognized the importance of this item and state it in their reports can be counted on the thumbs of two hands. For all other cases we must have recourse to computations. Many attempts at such computations have been made; almost without exception they have been more or less directly based on the membership of the grades. For instance, the enrollment in the grades in Boston on January 31, 1906, was as follows:

TABLE 25. ENROLLMENT BY GRADES. BOSTON, JANUARY 31, 1906.

Grade Pupils

First Grade . . . . •. i, s •< . . . . 13,669

Second Grade .... 10,276

Third Grade . . . 9,336

Fourth Grade 9,402

Fifth Grade 8,788

Sixth Grade 7,894

Seventh Grade . . . 6,691

Eighth Grade . . . 5,321

Ninth Grade . . . . . . 4,408

If we reduce these figures to proportional figures on the basis of 1000 children in the first grade, we shall have the following:

TABLE 26. GRADES IN BOSTON. RELATIVE FIGURES.

Grade Pupils

First Grade * 1,000

Second Grade 753

Third Grade 684

Fourth Grade 689

Fifth Grade . ". . . . 644

Sixth Grade . . . ... . '. . . . . 578

Seventh Grade 49°

Eighth Grade 39°

Ninth Grade . . . ^ * 323

50

MORTALITY AND SURVIVAL IN THE GRADES

Here, as in almost all such tables, the characteristic feature is that the number of children rapidly falls off with the advancing grades. For each 1000 children in the first grade we find only 323 in the ninth. We know that many children leave school before completing the elementary course, and so the obvious and not uncommon interpretation of the figures is: For each 1000 children entering the first grade in Boston only 323 reach the ninth grade. But this interpretation, while apparently obvious, is entirely erroneous. The reason is, as has been pre- viously pointed out, that the number of children in the first grade is never the number of beginners. A first grade is made up of some children who first entered school this year, plus some who entered a year ago, plus some who entered two years ago, plus some who entered even earlier. A similar state of affairs is found in the second and third grades. The number beginning school, then, is not the number in the first grade, but always a number somewhat smaller.

How, then, shall we ascertain the number of beginners? It is not a matter of record in the printed reports of the schools; nor can we, for reasons already indicated, infer it from the num- ber of pupils in the grades. An extended study has led me to the belief that we must seek an answer in the figures which record the ages of the pupils in our schools. For instance, the pupils enrolled in all the day schools of Medford, Massachusetts, on September 30, 1907, were grouped by ages as follows:

TABLE 27. AGE DISTRIBUTION IN MEDFORD, MASS., SEPTEMBER 30,

1907.

Age Pupils

Four years '. . . . . . 146

Five years . . . . 33O

Six years .-.;.. .358

Seven years ........... 372

Eight years 374

Nine years . . . . ^go

Ten years . 417

Eleven years 377

Twelve years . . 385

Thirteen years 359

Fourteen years 275

Fifteen years !88

Sixteen years •. j^j

Seventeen years .72

Eighteen years 27

5'

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

It needs but a glance at this table to see that the numbers credited to the ages seven to thirteen inclusive are very similar in size. The average of these numbers is 380, and the largest varia- tion is 37 at the age of ten. From the age of seven years, when children generally enter school, up to the age of thirteen years, before which they do not leave, each age or each generation, to use the statistical designation of the persons born in a given year is substantially equal. However much the ages of the entering pupils may vary and we know they vary within a normal range only it is clear that the number who enter each year cannot on the average exceed the number who become of school age each year, and must in practice very closely approximate it. In other words, tie number of children 'beginning school each year is approxi- mately equal to the average of the generations of the ages seven to twelve in the school membership of the system. It is not necessary to predicate for the essential truth of this conclusion that all the children enter the public schools. Whether it be all the city's population or only a large fraction of it which enters the public schools, it is still true for this body of pupils that the average of the groups at the ages seven to twelve among them is the best test of the number who enter the schools annually.*

For the general rule we have taken, as in the illustration for Medford, seven years as the lower age lirm't. Some chil- dren may enter at eight or even later, but the number is so small that it may be disregarded. It is substantially true everywhere that all the children are in school by the age of seven.

As the upper limit we have taken the age of twelve years

* In our theoretical discussion of factors affecting grade distribution we called attention to the fact that the generations seven to twelve were of different size. In the present discussion substantial equality has been predicated for purely practi- cal reasons. Ages are not reported either in the census or in the schools with absolute exactness, and hence the measurement of small variations becomes im- practicable. In the second place, there is no one age distribution which is typical of all cities. The rule of equality is as fair to all as would be any other. Again, if our knowledge of age conditions in the several cities were exact enough for us to compute for each the relation in numbers between the seven-year-olds and the twelve-year-olds, the difference in the case of the seven-year-olds would be slight. We should expect the average to equal the number at the age of nine and the varia- tions on either side of it would be only such as, at a maximum, three years could produce. It is doubtful whether in any case it would exceed 5 or 6 per cent, a variation which appears negligible in calculation which is of necessity merely approximate.

MORTALITY AND SURVIVAL IN THE GRADES

rather than thirteen years as in the Medford illustration. Else- where there is so frequently a considerable difference between the ages twelve and thirteen as to suggest that quite a number leave school at the latter age, and to make it unsafe to include thirteen years in the calculation. There is no such falling off at the age of twelve. Moreover, the disappearance of thirteen- year-old children in the elementary schools may be due in some measure to ''elimination upwards" into the high school, a consideration of importance in those cities where we have age figures for elementary schools only.

Earlier in this chapter it was stated that diligent study of school reports had brought to light only two cities in which the number of new pupils entering is stated. These two cities are Somerville, Massachusetts, and Reading, Pennsylvania. They offer us an opportunity to check the method with the known facts in the case.

The report for Somerville for 1907 gives the membership of the grades in December as follows:

TABLE 28. GRADES IN SOMERVILLE, MASS., DECEMBER, 1907.

Grade Pupils

First Grade . 1532

Second Grade 1384

Third Grade 1375

Fourth Grade . I337

Fifth Grade 1339

Sixth Grade 1201

Seventh Grade 1022

Eighth Grade -..''. 831

Ninth Grade . 789

The number of beginners is stated as 1210. Obviously this number could not be calculated from an inspection of the grade memberships. It is far less than the number in the first grade and less than the number in any grade up to the sixth. The distribution by ages is not given in the Somerville report, so we cannot proceed further. We are more fortunate in the case of Reading.

In that city, in March, 1907, grades were as follows:

53

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

TABLE 29. GRADES IN READING, PA., MARCH, 1907.

Grade Pupils

First Grade . 1814

Second Grade 1663

Third Grade 1841

Fourth Grade 1807

Fifth Grade . . . . . .... . . . . 1636

Sixth Grade . 979

Seventh Grade 677

Eighth Grade 491

The number of beginners is stated as 1434. Here again the number of entering pupils is far less than the first grade, and smaller than any grade up to the sixth. The average of the age groups from seven to twelve is 1354, or 80 less than the number stated as entering that year. That it should be less is not a matter of surprise, for each succeeding age group will normally be a little smaller than the preceding, and as the average age of an entering class will usually not be over seven years, it is natural that the average of the seven to twelve year group at a given time should be slightly smaller than the number of beginners in the same year.

On the other hand, our object is to secure a measure of the number of entering pupils with which to compare our present eighth grade pupils. The present eighth grade is largely made up of children who entered school eight years ago. The number of beginners then is in most cases smaller than the number of beginners now, on account of the increase in population. There- fore, the number we require is one somewhat smaller than the present number of beginners. Our average of the seven to twelve year groups is such a number.

It is not claimed for the proposed standard that it will give an accurate measure of the number of beginners. What is claimed for it is that it will never give a result far from the truth; that the measure can be applied and understood by anyone; and that it offers a safe basis for comparisons.

The next point to be considered is the results obtained by applying the new standard to the available age and grade figures. The results are as follows:

54

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LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

In the preceding table it will be noted that six of the cities are marked with a star (*). This indicates in each case that the average of the age groups seven to twelve was found by the use of relative figures. This has been necessary because age statistics and figures showing the membership in the several grades are taken in these cities on a separate basis and it has been necessary to equalize them. In all the other cases the original data are used. In the column headed "Basis " will be found in some cases the letters E. G. D., in others T. E., and in some others A. E. The first set of initials indicates enrollment at a given date; the second, total enrollment; and third, average enrollment.

The cities are ranked in the table according to the per cent of the beginning pupils found in the final elementary grade. If the figures for any given city are studied it will be noted that the membership in any one of the lower grades is considerably more than 100 per cent of the annual number of beginners. This, as we have seen, is because the lower grades are in large measure made up of children who do not advance as they should. The stream of children progressing through the grades is dammed so that these grades are abnormally swollen. The upper grades, we find, have in them less than 100 per cent of the annual number of beginners, chiefly because many children are retarded in the lower grades. At the end of the compulsory age period they find themselves still far from graduation. They are humiliated and discouraged by their lack of success and find the work of the grades they are in most distasteful. As the law no longer com- pels attendance they drop out. These two forces, the slow prog- ress of the children in the lower grades and the dropping out of over-age pupils in the upper ones, account for the figures show- ing that, as a rule, each lower grade holds far more than 100 per cent of the annual number of beginners, and each upper grade, far less than 100 per cent.

The median figures at the foot of the table show the general tendency of American city school systems. The membership of the first grade is 173 per cent of the annual number of beginners. In other words, in the typical first grade, for every four beginners there are three other children who are repeating the work of the grade. The second, third, fourth and fifth grades all contain

58

MORTALITY AND SURVIVAL IN THE GRADES

considerable proportions of repeaters. The sixth is the first grade showing any dropping out of pupils. By this grade 10 per cent have left. The seventh grade shows such a decided falling off that only 71 per cent are left. By the time the eighth grade is reached practically one-half of the pupils have dropped out. Cities having nine grades make a somewhat better showing.

In studying these figures it must be remembered that they do not show with absolute accuracy the percentage of entering pupils who remain to any given grade. Even if the membership of a grade is greater than the annual number of beginners, this does not prove that a few may not have already dropped out. A few a very few may have done so. In the same way it is possible that a few pupils are repeating in the upper grades where the membership is smaller than the number of beginners.

It is certain, however, that these exceptions are few in number and unimportant in their influence on the results. The figures in the table may be trusted as disclosing existing conditions with close approximation to the truth. In general terms it is true that no pupils drop out of school in the grades showing more than 100 per cent of the number of beginners. This is proved by the fact that in those cities where we have statistics showing the number of repeaters in each grade, we find that there are very few in the upper grades and practically none in the high schools. The fact of the matter is that a child who has passed the upper limit of the compulsory age period and fails does not remain to repeat the work of the grade, but simply drops out. In the grades where the membership is less than 100 per cent of the number of beginners the per cent given is approximately the per cent of entering pupils who reach that point.

The general tendency of city school systems is to keep all of the children to the fifth grade, to drop half of them by the time the eighth grade is reached and to carry one in ten to the fourth year of the high school. Diagram XII shows graphically this general tendency.

One fact disclosed by this diagram, which will come as a surprise to many, is that the drop between the final grammar grade and the first year of the high school is less than is that

59

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

between the two last years of the grammar course or the first two of the high school course.

There is a surprising variability among cities both in the amount of elimination and in the degree to which the lower grades are over-crowded. Of every ten children who start in the schools of Quincy, Massachusetts, as many as eight reach the eighth grade while two drop out. Of every ten who start in

GRADES

HIGH SCHOOL

Last

7 Gram- I H HI IV mar

Diagram XII. Showing general tendency of elimination in city school systems.

Camden, New Jersey, eight drop out before completing the elementary grades.

In Medford, Massachusetts, there is so little retardation in the lower grades that we find in the first grade only 122 per cent of the annual number of beginners. In Camden the retardation is so great that the first grade contains nearly two and a half times as many children as the annual number of entering children.

60

MORTALITY AND SURVIVAL IN THE GRADES

CAMDEN

1

122

5 6

109

104 117

114

93

8

248 155 147 131 88 56 32 17

MEDFORD

8

86

Diagram XIII. Retardation and elimination. Conditions compared in Camden

and Medford.

61

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

The contrast between conditions in these two cities is shown in Diagram XIII, in which the upright columns are pro- portionate to the membership of the grades as compared with the number of beginners. In each case the dotted line shows how high the columns would be if there were no retarded pupils repeating the work of the grades, and if no pupils dropped out.

In Camden the number of pupils in the lower grades is seen to be abnormally swollen, and the number of survivors in the eighth grade is painfully small. In Medford the number of repeaters is very small and the proportion of pupils reaching the eighth is very large. This great variability, so well illustrated in the cases of these two cities, is one of the most hopeful features of the whole problem of retardation and elimination, for what has been attained by some cities cannot be considered entirely out of reach of others.

TABLE 31. SHOWING GRADES IN WHICH CHILDREN BEGIN TO

LEAVE SCHOOL IN LARGE NUMBERS IN DIFFERENT CITIES.

Fifth Grade Sixth Grade Seventh Grade

Baltimore Chicago Boston

Camden Cincinnati Decatur

Erie Cleveland Denver

Memphis Columbus Fort Wayne

Newark, N. J. Dayton Grand Rapids

New Orleans Hoboken Kingston

Passaic Jersey City Los Angeles

Trenton Kansas City Maiden

Wilmington Louisville Medford

Newark, O. Meriden

New Brunswick Minneapolis

Newport New Haven

New York Newton

Paterson Omaha

Philadelphia Portland, Me.

Reading Portland, Ore.

Richmond Salt Lake City

St. Louis Somerville, Mass.

Utica Springfield, Mass.

Wheeling Springfield, Ohio

Williamsport Troy

Woonsocket Wilmington York

Not only do cities vary in the amount of elimination, but they differ as to the point where the children begin to drop out

62

MORTALITY AND SURVIVAL IN THE GRADES

of school. Quincy, Fitchburg, Waltham and Haverhill begin to lose their children in large numbers in the eighth grade. The colored children of Memphis and New Orleans show a consider- able falling out at the fourth grade. Between these two ex- tremes lie all the other cases. The cities recording loss of pupils in considerable numbers in the fifth, sixth and seventh grades are shown in Table 3 1 .

The city of Quincy, Massachusetts, in carrying eighty-two children to the eighth grade out of each hundred who enter, takes to the end of the course nearly five times as many pupils as does Camden with its record of seventeen. Great as this variability is, however, it is not so marked as that disclosed when we compare the records of the different cities in respect to the proportion of pupils they carry to the fourth year of the high school.

We have already noted that the general tendency is to carry one in ten through the entire course. This record is greatly surpassed by a few cities. Table 32 shows the accomplishment in this regard of fifty-two cities.

The figures showing retention in the high school classes are not to be so fully trusted as are those for the grades, because pupils now in the high schools started some years ago and therefore to find the number of beginners the computations should in strict fairness be based on age figures of some years back. Moreover, in some cases computations have been necessary in order to put the figures for high school membership on the same basis as those for grade membership. However, the methods employed are as fair to one city as they are to another, and in any event the possi- ble error is relatively small.

It is a matter for serious reflection that out of fifty-one cities no fewer than eleven carry 5 per cent or less of their children through the high school course, while eight others carry from 20 to 38 per cent through. The achievements of these latter cities show that a high measure of success in giving high school educations to a large percentage of all of the children is possible through means which already exist. It would seem that the methods employed by the cities at the head of the list might well be studied by the authorities of those near the foot.

63

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

TABLE 32. SHOWING THE PERCENTAGE OF PUPILS RETAINED TO THE FOURTH YEAR OF THE HIGH SCHOOL IN FIFTY-TWO CITIES.

Per cent City Retained

1. Newton, Mass. 38

2. Waltham, Mass 29

3. Aurora, 111 25

4. Newark, O. . . . ' 25

5. Decatur, 111. 24

6. Haverhill, Mass. . . - '.. 24

7. Fitchburg, Mass. .."'.''.' 23

8. Kansas City, Mo. . 22

9. Somerville, Mass. . . . , * 22

10. Maiden, Mass. . . . .' 19

11. Quincy, Mass. ....'. 18

12. Lowell, Mass. . . ..... . . . . 17

13. Kingston, N. Y. . . . . 16

14. New Brunswick, N. J. . . . . .': 16

15. Portland, Me. . . . . . 16

16. Dayton, Ohio ..'.,....'. . . . 15

17. Columbus, Ohio . . ...... I5

18. Minneapolis, Minn. . . . ' . . . . . . 15

19. New Haven, Conn. . 15

20. Denver, Colo. . . J . . . 14

21. Medford, Mass. . 14

22. Omaha, Neb. . . x '• ' •/ •" ' X3

23. Newport, R. I. . . ...... . . . . 12

24. Grand Rapids, Mich. . . . .• ; n

25. Springfield, Mass. . . .. . ' .'. n

26. Woonsocket, R. I. . .,/..; n

27. Cleveland, Ohio .; . 10

28. Trenton, N. J. . . .. .' '. - 10"

29. Utica, N. Y. . . ., .. ' . V, . . . . . . 10

30. Williamsport, Pa. . . 10

31. York, Pa. . . . . .. .: 10

32. Los Angeles, Cal. . 9

33. Meriden, Conn. . ...:.'.-.. . . . 9

34. Salt Lake City, Utah . .- . . . ^ .... 9

35. Fort Wayne, Ind. . , .».-.-. . . 8

36. Louisville, Ky. (white) . . . 1 . . . . . . 7

37. Springfield, Ohio . . . . ,- . 7

38. Baltimore, Md. . . .v V- . ..... 6

39. Boston, Mass. . . , . ^ . 6

40. Passaic, N. J. . . . > ^ . . .' . . . . . 6

41. St. Louis, Mo. . . . . , 6

42. Chicago, 111. 5

43. Cincinnati, Ohio . . ^ 5

44. Paterson, N. J. . . .• . . 5

45. Reading, Pa. . . . .r 5

46. Hoboken, N. J. , . ' . . ; 4

47. Camden, N. J. . . . 3

48. Jersey City, N. J. . . 3

49. Newark, N. J. . . 3

50. New York, N. Y. . . . .... : 3

51. Philadelphia, Pa. . . ; . 3

52. Wheeling, W. Va. . I 3

64

MORTALITY AND SURVIVAL IN THE GRADES

In this study of elimination several points have been specially emphasized. Without making any attempt to comment on their educational significance it seems worth while to summarize them :

1. The general tendency of American city school systems is to carry all of the children through the fifth grade, half of them tp the final elementary grade, and one in ten to the final year of the high school.

2. So far as leaving school is concerned, there is less of a gap between the final elementary grade and the first year of the high school than there is between the two last years of the gram- mar course or the first two high school grades.

3. There is a great variability between cities both in the amount of elimination and the point where it begins. There is an even greater variability in respect to retention of pupils through the high school.

In regard to the method by which the results are computed it must be remembered that no claim is made that it is accurate. It does not take the place of statistics showing the annual number of beginners, nor does it render such figures unnecessary. The method constitutes a substantially reliable measure for ascertain- ing certain most significant and necessary facts. It is simple and may be applied by anyone. It is offered with full compre- hension of its limitations, but in the belief in its value for purposes of information and comparison.

CHAPTER VI

THE ELIMINATION STUDY OF THE BUREAU OF

EDUCATION

THE results presented in the preceding chapter showing local results and general tendencies of the elimination of pupils from school are so widely at variance with those which have been officially published by the United States Bureau of Education as to require that the reasons for the differences be explained if the new figures presented in this volume are to be accepted.

Up to the present time the most important document in the literature bearing on this subject is a monograph entitled " Elimination of Pupils from School/' written by Prof. Edward L. Thorndike of Teachers College, Columbia University, and published by the United States Bureau of Education. This publication presented results purporting to show the percentage of children continuing to the several grades in a number of the larger cities of the country. Its appearance was greeted by wide- spread newspaper comment, by many editorials dealing with the shocking degree of inefficiency in our school systems appar- ently disclosed, and by a storm of discontent and criticism on the part of superintendents who denied the truth of the figures presented.

Among the twenty-three cities for which final results were given in that publication, seventeen appear also in the table already presented (pages 55 to 57). Comparison between the two sets of results follows; the figures for the new standard being here given with one decimal place instead of in whole percentages as in Chapter V.

66

THE ELIMINATION STUDY OF THE BUREAU OF EDUCATION

TABLE 33. PER CENT OF PUPILS ENTERING SCHOOL WHO CONTINUE TO THE FINAL ELEMENTARY GRADE IN SIXTEEN CITIES.

(Thorndike and New Standards compared.) COy Thorndike

Baltimore 14-4 29-3

Boston 47.0 59.3

Chicago 35.0 52.3

Cleveland 33.1 47-6

Denver 44.0 68.8

Jersey City 26.4 44.7

Kansas City 49.4 67.4

Los Angeles 45-* 49-7

Minneapolis 32.0 62.4

Newark 25.0 28.0

New York . . . . . . . . 33.7 42.6

Paterson 19.4 36.1

St. Louis (white) . . . . . ' . 21.0 42.3

Springfield, Mass. . . . .... 38.5 56.6

Trenton '•'.' . 30.6 38.0

Wilmington '. ' . . 39.0 65.0

Lowest . . . . . . . 14.4 28.0

Highest . . . . . ... . 49-4 68.8

Median . . . . . / . . 33.3 48.6

Average . . . . . •. . . 33.3 49-3

Dr. Thorndike also gives a further series of results of which he says that it has not been possible to work them -out with as complete precautions as in the case of those in the main body of the report, but that they are probably accurate within from 2 to 8 per cent. Comparisons follow »

TABLE 34. COMPARISON AS IN TABLE 33, FOR EIGHT CITIES.

City

Thorndike 2^.0

Standard 4.1. ^

Dayton Medford New Orleans .... Philadelphia .... Portland, Me

..'.-. . 38.0 . . . 69.0

. . 20.0

... 18.0 ... 47.0

45-8 72.2

20.6

32-4

C4.7

Salt Lake City .... Springfield, O. . . ...

. . . 44-o . . . 46.0

44.9

59-4

Lowest Highest . Median Average

. 18.0 . 69.0 . . . 41-0 '. . . 38.3

20.6

72.2

45-4 46.4

In view of the astonishing differences between the results announced by Dr. Thorndike and those obtained by the applica-

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

tion of the new standard, the question that immediately arises is, "How did Dr. Thorndike obtain his results?" This is a question much more easily asked than answered. In only a few places does he tell us how he obtained his estimate of the number of beginning pupils, and nowhere does he disclose speci- fically how his further percentages were computed. A careful study of his monograph makes it evident that he has taken as a starting point the average of the number of pupils found in grades i, 2 and 3. This he has compared with the numbers found in other grades, modifying the results by an elaborate system of "corrections" concerning which we are left in the dark, save for the remark, "It would be unprofitable to anyone except the critical student of statistical problems for me to rehearse the details of this tedious process of corrections." Dr. Thorndike does, however, reveal in a few cases the process used for estimating the number of beginners. He says, "The main difficulty is in inferring from the number in grades i , 2 and 3 the number begin- ning school in the course of a year. My correction for this is arbitrary. I have simply made the estimate of the number of pupils beginning school for any city, which seemed most likely in view of the comparative sizes of the populations of grades i, 2, 3, 4 and 5, and of whatever other relevant information I possessed concerning the city.

" For instance, in Baltimore, * * * * I have, in view of other known facts about the city, taken the population of grade 2 as a measure of the number of pupils beginning school. In Denver, New Haven, St. Louis, Waterbury and Worcester I have judged that the 1+g+3 figure was a correct representa- tion of the number of pupils beginning school annually. In Trenton, where the first grade population is over twice the second in size, but the third practically equal to the second * * * * I have taken a figure about 3 per cent larger than the second grade population as the correct representation of the number of pupils beginning school."

Here, then, we have definite statements as to the measure adopted as representing the number of pupils beginning school. Where he has disclosed his method Dr. Thorndike states that he has assumed the number of beginning pupils to be as follows:

68

THE ELIMINATION STUDY OF THE BUREAU OF EDUCATION

Baltimore, number of pupils in grade 2; Denver, average of grades i, 2 and 3; New Haven, average of grades i, 2 and 3; St. Louis, average of grades i, 2 and 3; Trenton, 103 per cent of the number of pupils in grade 2; Waterbury, average of grades i, 2 and 3; Worcester, average of grades i, 2 and 3.

Among the seven cities in which we are permitted to know the method employed by Dr. Thorndike to discover the number of beginners, it is impossible to secure age figures in the cases of three. In the other cases they are available and we can com- pare the results by Dr. Thorndike' s method with those of our new standard. In each case the most recent printed report available is used, no attempt being made to average figures for a series of years:

TABLE 35. NUMBER OF BEGINNERS IN FOUR CITIES.

Report

Dr. Thorndike's

By New

City

Used

Method

Standard

Baltimore

1906-7

12,002

7,586

Denver ....

1906-7

4,i99

3,062

St. Louis

1906-7

9,367

7,413

Trenton

1903-4

1,248

1,039

In the above table the figure given for the new standard in the case of St. Louis is the result of finding the average of the age groups seven to twelve by use of the relative figures. This was necessary because, since membership in the several grades in St. Louis and age statistics are taken on different bases, it has been necessary to equalize them. In all other cases the original data are used.

Now, the significance of the comparative results in the above table is that Dr. Thorndike always gets as the number of beginners an impossibly large number. If he has done so in the cases of other cities it is plain that the entering classes have been estimated at too high a figure. The percentages of pupils con- tinuing to the higher grades are then always too low before the "corrections" are applied. We have reason to believe that the "corrections" improve matters little in this respect.

69

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

The fundamental error in Dr. Thorndike's work seems to be that he has based his estimates of the number of beginners on the grade figures. In doing so he has been too largely influenced by the figures for the average of the first three grades. I am fully convinced that the number of beginners will always be less than the number in either the second or third grade, and that it will never be as large as the average of the first three grades.

If this is the case the raw material used to get his first results will invariably give Dr. Thorndike too large a divisor and as a result his quotients will always be too small. This is the under- lying error of logic in the work, and there is no reason why we should assume that it has been corrected by some undiscovered system of corrections too subtle and intricate for comprehension by the ordinary mind.

This fundamental error in Dr. Thorndike's work not only gives him untrustworthy results for individual cities, but vitiates his general conclusions in regard to the tendencies of elimination. The difference between his conclusions as to the general tendency and those expressed in the preceding chapter as a result of the method there explained is graphically shown in Diagram XIV, in which the dotted line represents Dr. Thorndike's conclusions and the solid line those of the author.

Dr. Thorndike claims that elimination begins from the very first grade and continues throughout the course; the author is convinced that there is abundant evidence that the general tendency of our schools is to hold practically all of the pupils to the sixth grade.

Dr. Thorndike concludes that only about one-third of the pupils entering school graduate from an elementary school of seven grades or more. Our investigations show that the propor- tion is more nearly one-half.

We agree that less than one pupil in ten ever graduates from the high school.

After studying conditions in a number of cities of 25,000 population and over, Dr. Thorndike concludes that the con- ditions disclosed are probably much better than they are in the country as a whole. It would appear that this conclusion is based on the general principle that information gathered from

70

THE ELIMINATION STUDY OF THE BUREAU OF EDUCATION

printed municipal reports is liable to the constant error of pre- senting conditions which are better than typical conditions. This is usually true because only the progressive town or city publishes its reports.

In the case in point this conclusion seems not to be justified. In the cases studied it is true to a remarkable degree that the

100

90 80 70 60 50 40 30

20 10

GRADES

HIGH SCHOOL

2345

Last

7 Gram- I II mar

HI IV

Last 7 Gram-

I H HI IV

Diagram XIV. General tendency of elimination as stated by Dr. Thorn- dike represented by dotted line, contrasted with results presented by the author represented by solid line.

large cities make poor records in respect to elimination. The best records are made by comparatively small places.

The idea that small towns, villages and small cities make better records in respect to retention of children in school than do large cities is confirmed by figures published in the report of the Commissioner of Education for 1907 giving the aggregate grade distributions in 386 cities of 8,000 population and over,

7.1

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

and in 366 towns and villages of less than 8,000 population. It seems probable in each case that the membership of the fifth grade is not far from equalling the annual number of beginners. Converting the two grade distributions into relative figures on the basis of 1000 children in the fifth grade, we have the follow- ing comparison :

TABLE 36. SHOWING IN RELATIVE FIGURES GRADE DISTRIBUTIONS IN CITIES AND VILLAGES ON THE BASIS OF IOOO PUPILS IN THE FIFTH GRADE.

Grade 386 Cities 366 Villages

First Grade ... .1809 1748

Second Grade Third Grade Fourth Grade Fifth Grade Sixth Grade Seventh Grade Eighth Grade

1309

1262

1254 1208

1158 1137

IOOO IOOO

837 851

667 720

477 553

It will be noted that in each of the lower grades the member- ship in the cities is more swollen than in the villages. In each of the upper grades the pupils are retained better by the villages than by the cities. In view of this evidence coupled with that gained from a study of conditions in the individual localities, the conclusion seems justified that as a rule small cities and villages retain their pupils better and have less retardation in their schools than do larger cities.

CHAPTER VII RATES OF PROGRESS

THAT those who occupy their minds and their pens with the problem of the backward child forget that many pupils pass through our schools in less than the normal number of years, is a contention that is put forth with great fre- quency and some show of reason. Children "skip grades/' are given "double promotions/' and complete the elementary course in one or more years less than the time assigned by the course of study. It has frequently been argued that our school systems are well calculated to meet the needs of the average child, and that it is neither a cause for surprise nor alarm that some children complete the work in less than the normal time while others take a year or two more. The slow children claim those who argue thus are counterbalanced by the bright ones, and there- fore the problem by no means merits the attention which is being given to it.

Little thought is needed to convince the student of this problem that no such counterbalancing effect is possible in the sense in which the term is here used. Even if some children do make more than normal progress, the fact does not do away with the necessity for considering most carefully the welfare of the slow ones. But this is not the crucial point in the argu- ments mentioned. The important thing to discover is whether it is true that our school systems have on the whole been so planned that they fit the abilities of the average child. Do most of the children succeed in keeping up with their classes and graduating from the eighth grade in eight years?

We know that the answer to this last question must be a negative one, for a large part of the children never succeed in graduating from the final grammar grade at all.

73

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

STATISTICS OF NORMAL, SLOW AND RAPID PROGRESS

The question of how nearly our courses of study correspond to the abilities of the average child is more difficult to answer. Information that would help us to decide this point is rare in the printed reports. Three cities publish tables showing how many pupils in each grade are doing the work of the year for the second time. That is, they show by grades the number of repeaters. These cities are Kansas City, Missouri, Springfield, Ohio, and Williamsport, Pennsylvania.

TABLE 37. NUMBER OF PUPILS MORE THAN ONE YEAR IN THE SAME GRADE IN THREE CITIES.

KANSAS CITY

SPRINGFIELD

WILLIAMSPORT

Enrollment

Repeating

Enrollment

Repeating

Enrollment

Repeating

1

7773

1232

796

220

808

1 66

2

4278

590

771

127

610

70

3

4248

841

806

128

624

85

4

4085

1077

706

112

734

!°5

5

3294

932

672

85

640

91

6

2677

661

563

71

5°7

58

7

2154

329

454

13

420

36

8

346

9

306

i7

9

••

-•

246

IS

Total

28509

5662

5H4

765

4895

643

In the case of Kansas City the enrollment by grades is the total enrollment for the year. In the two other cases it is the enrollment at the end of the year. The figures giving the num- ber of repeaters reduced to percentages of the grade enroll- ment are given in Table 38.

The figures show that conditions vary considerably in these cities. I n Springfield and Williamsport the percentage of repeaters in the first grade is decidedly higher than in the second and it continues to decrease as the upper grades are reached. In Kansas City, on the other hand, the most difficult grade appears to be the '$$ 74

RATES OF PROGRESS

TABLE 38. PER CENT OF PUPILS REPEATING WORK OF GRADES IN

THREE CITIES.

Grade

Kansas City

Springfield

Williamsport

First Grade .

15.8

27.6

20.5

Second Grade

13.8

i6-5

n-5

Third Grade

19.8

15-9

13-6 -

Fourth Grade

26.4

15-9

14-3

Fifth Grade .

28.3

12.6

14.2

Sixth Grade .

24.7

12.6

11.4

Seventh Grade

15-3

2.9

8.6

Eighth Grade

2.6

5-6

Ninth Grade

••

6.1

Total ....

19.8

14.9

!3-i

fifth. These characteristic differences are shown in the following diagram :

23456789

Diagram XV. Per cent of pupils repeating work of grades. Springfield, O., solid line; Kansas City, Mo., dotted line; Williamsport, Pa., dashed line.

Information concerning progress more rapid than normal is almost as rare as is that telling of slow progress. Five cities

75

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

New York, Philadelphia, Salt Lake City, Somerville, Massa- chusetts, and Springfield, Ohio publish tables showing the num- ber of "double promotions" or "special promotions."

TABLE 39. TOTAL PROMOTIONS AND SPECIAL PROMOTIONS IN FIVE

CITIES.

City

Total Promotions

Special Promotions

Per cent of Special Promotions

New York, 1908 .

969,998

42,692

2-5

Philadelphia, 1908 .

122,644

2,406

1.9

Salt Lake City, 1907

21,259

242

I.I

Somerville, Mass., 1907 .

9>I25

154

1.6

Springfield, O., 1907

4,755

7

.1

It is evident that in these school systems the pupils may be divided into three general classes as regards progress. First, those who receive regular promotion at the end of the term. These are the children who are making normal progress and they constitute the great bulk of the entire membership. Then come the children who fail of promotion. They are the ones who make slow progress. The last group is composed of those who receive special and double promotions. They are the children who are making rapid progress. The following table shows the size of each of these groups in the five cities :

TABLE 40. SLOW AND RAPID PUPILS COMPARED IN FIVE CITIES.

On

Not Pro-

Special

A

City

Promotion

Promotions

moted

Promotions

Divided

List

A

B

by B

New York, 1908 . .

1,178,633

927,306

208,635

42,692

5-9

Philadelphia, 1908

148,812

120,238

26,168

2,406

n.8

Salt Lake City, 1907 .

24,760

21,017

3,5oi

242

14.4

Somerville, Mass., 1907

10,165

8,971

1,040

154

7.0

Springfield, O., 1907 .

5>6l4

4,748

859

7

124.1

The large number on the promotion list in New York is ex- plained by the fact that the system of semi-annual promotions is in use in that city. Thus the number on the promotion list

76

RATES OF PROGRESS

during the year is approximately twice the number of children enrolled.

The figures in the last column show us that the pupils who are making slow progress are from six to fourteen times as numer- ous as are those who are making rapid progress, save in the exceptional case of Springfield, Ohio. In this latter city special promotions are so exceedingly rare that the slow pupils are more than 124 times as numerous as the rapid ones.

When the same data are reduced to relative figures, taking as a base in each case 1000 children on the promotion list, we have a new table which enables us to note in each city the relative sizes of the groups made up of the normal children, the rapid children and the slow ones, and compare the number of children making rapid with those making slow progress.

TABLE 41. PUPILS MAKING SLOW, NORMAL AND RAPID PROGRESS COMPARED IN FIVE CITIES.

City

On Pro- motion List

Promotions

Not Pro-^ mated

Special Promotions

New York, 1908 ....

IOOO

75i

213

36

Philadelphia, 1908

IOOO

807

176

J7

Salt Lake City, 1907 .

IOOO

843

147

10

Somerville, 1907 ....

IOOO

877

108

15

Springfield, 1907 ....

IOOO

844

155

i

If we read the figures as percentages, we see that the pro- portion of children regularly promoted varies from 75 per cent in New York to more than 87 per cent in Somerville. Those failing of promotion, or those making slow progress, vary from 10 per cent in Somerville to 21 per cent in New York. Those receiving special promotion who are the children making rapid progress vary from i per cent in Salt Lake City to more than 3 per cent in New York. If we leave out the exceptional case of Springfield we shall find that on the average in these cities the children making slow progress are eight and one-fourth times as numerous as are those making rapid progress.

77

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

RATES OF PROGRESS AMONG 9489 NEW YORK SCHOOL CHILDREN Among the 20,000 children whose records were studied in the investigation conducted in New York City, to which refer- ence has been made, there were 9489 whose records were complete. These children were divided into two groups on the basis of age in grade. All children in the first grade were considered as of normal age if they were less than nine years old. Those above that age were considered as above normal age. Ten years was the limit for the second grade, eleven for the third, and so on. On this basis it was found that nearly 16 per cent of the children were above normal age for their grades.

It is evident that children entering the first grade for the first time at any age beyond eight years will of necessity be counted as above normal age and fall into the class "retarded," even if they progress normally at each regular time of promo- tion. By applying these standards of normal time and normal age for entering, it was possible to discover for each grade how many pupils were above normal age, how many of these were above normal age on account of late entrance, how many on account of slow progress, and the number who fell into the group as a result of the combined influences of starting late and pro- gressing slowly. As a result we have the following table:

TABLE 42. CAUSES OF RETARDATION, BY GRADES, OF 9489 PUPILS IN NEW YORK CITY.

Grade

Member- ship

Above Nor- mal Age

Above Nor- mal Age be- cause of Late Entrance

Above Nor- mal Age be- cause of Late Entrance and Slow Progress

Above Nor- mal Age be- cause of Slow Progress only

1

2377

J53

IOO

22

3i

2

1710

219

9i

29

'99

3

1393

267

61

40

1 66

4

1032

189

63

26

IOO

5

949

257

5i

31

175

6

786

213

24

139

7

719

117

22

14

81

8

523

79

J9

7

53

Total

9489

1494

457

193

844

78

RATES OF PROGRESS

Converting our totals into relative figures, the table enables us to draw these significant conclusions:

Of each 100 retarded children

30 are retarded because of late entrance;

13 are retarded because of late entrance and slow progress;

57 are retarded because of slow progress.

It must be remembered that the standard by which we decide how many children are above normal age has been deliberately chosen with a view to putting in that class only the extreme cases. Many children take much more than the normal time to complete their grades, and yet on account of the early age at which they start they avoid falling into the over-age group. Again, others progress more rapidly than the rate planned for them by the course of study. The time in school of the 9489 is given by whole grades in the following table:

TABLE 43. TIME IN SCHOOL, BY GRADES, OF 9489 PUPILS IN NEW

YORK CITY.

YEARS IN SCHOOL

<o

10

Grade

g

§

§

w

t3

£

§

V

§

ik

§

§

§

Total

1 1

1

Is

1

IN

IN

IN

s

^

o

JJ

?N

W

3

H

I

t

10

Jo

I

I

f

oc

H

I

Ht I

1

1084

TT8C

88

IQ

I

2377

2

2 "?

7

OOA

IQ-7

2O

A

1 7IO

3

33

371

659

256

65

8

I

..

J393

4

53

388

428

137

23

2

I

1032

5

30

206

390

218

76

24

5

949

6

I

23

135

387

163

57

3

786

7

8

50

176

276

142

55

ii

I

719

8

--

--

--

6

26

ISI

220

96

22

2

.523

Total

IIO7

1775

1416

1290

951

787

838

668

445

173

36

3

9489

Looking at the figures for the first grade, we see that one pupil has been in school more than four years without having entered the second grade. In the third grade we note that one pupil is in his ninth year of school life. The pupils who have been in school more than eight years without reaching the eighth grade

79

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

number 317. We also note that in each grade after the first some pupils have done the work more quickly than the regular rate. But it is not possible to discover from this table the true extent of normal progress, of progress more rapid than normal, and of that less rapid than normal. To show this, a table has been made up from the data obtained for each half grade. To render it more compact this table has been condensed so as to give the facts by whole grades and terms. A term is half of a school year.

TABLE 44. EXTENT OF SLOW, NORMAL AND RAPID PROGRESS AMONG 9489 PUPILS IN NEW YORK CITY.

TERMS LESS THAN NORMAL

TERMS MORE THAN NORMAL

Grade

Normal

Total

I

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

1

7

1886

366

89

9

15

4

i

2377

2

46

994

376

203

56

20

ii

4

. .

1710'

3

15

38

66 1

294

112

49

27

8

3

i

139?

4

32

ios

457

214

118

70

20

12

2

i

i

1032

5

13

83

358

169

148

99

64

28

16

10

5

i

949

6

5

13

32

293

161

in

83

39

23

16

6

4

. .

786

7

6

6

24

42

259

136

102

64

40

23

ii

4

2

. .

719

8

4

9

14

38

232

86

55

22

II

i

I

523

Total

10

20

in

346

5*40

1802

IOII

543

269

139

57

26

13

i

i

9489

The figures giving the same facts in aggregate, not showing the degree less than and more than normal, are to be found in Tables 45 and 46 in the first in actual figures, in the second in relative figures on the basis of 1000 children in each grade.

.The conditions disclosed by these figures are significant. There are in these schools children who have spent as much as eight, nine, or even ten terms more than they normally should have to reach the grades they are in. The numbers who have spent two, three, or four terms too much are large. Nor must we conclude that such wide variations are found merely because we have here aggregate figures for a number of schools. An examination of the original records for the separate classrooms

80

RATES OF PROGRESS

TABLE 45. SHOWING NUMBER OF CHILDREN BY GRADES WHO HAVE REACHED THEIR PRESENT STANDING IN LESS THAN NORMAL TIME, IN NORMAL TIME, AND IN MORE THAN NORMAL TIME IN NEW YORK CITY. ORIGINAL DATA.

Grade

Membership

Less than Normal Time

Normal Time

More than Normal Time

1

2377

7

1886

484

2

1710

46

994

670

3

*393

53

661

679

4

1032

137

457

438

3

949

5i

358

540

6

786

293

443

7

719

78

259

382

8

523

65

232

226

Total

9489

487

5r4°

3862

TABLE 46. RELATIVE FIGURES SHOWING PUPILS MAKING SLOW, NORMAL AND RAPID PROGRESS.

Grade

Membership

Less than Normal Time

Normal Time

More than Normal Time

1

IOOO

3

793

204

2

IOOO

27

58i

392

3

1000

38

475

487

4

IOOO

133

443

424

5

IOOO

54

377

569

6

IOOO

64

373

563

7

IOOO

109

360

53i

8

IOOO

125

443

432

All Grades

IOOO

51

542

407

shows that children of widely varying ages and school experience are grouped together in one classroom. In the investigation boys and girls were found who had been four years in the first grade. One girl in the third grade had been in school nine years. Many children were found who had begun their school lives before their present classmates were born.

Looking at the figures for all grades at the foot of the table giving the relative figures, we find that if we reduce the figures 6 81

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

roughly to percentages, 5 per cent of the pupils have progressed to their present standing more rapidly than the normal rate; 55 per cent have progressed normally; and 40 per cent have made slower than normal progress. In the fifth, sixth and seventh grades, those who have made slower than normal progress out- number all the others. If we consider the school membership as made up of the three groups of those who have progressed more rapidly than normal, those who have made normal progress, and those whose progress has been slower than normal and if we compute the degree of their variations from normal progress, we get the following results :

Of the entire membership 5 per cent have reached their present grades in 86 percent of the normal time; 55 per cent have reached their present grades in 100 per cent of the normal time; 40 per cent have reached their present grades in 128 per cent of the normal time.

This is shown in graphic form in the following diagram in which the width of each rectangle represents the proportion of the pupils in the class, and the length the relative amount of time consumed in reaching their present standing:

5 % reached present grades 5% in 86% of normal time

55% reached

K5

normal time

86%

100%

40% reached present grades .,ft0/ in 128% of *U/0 normal time

128%

Diagram XVI. Rates of progress of 9489 pupils in New York City.

82

RATES OF PROGRESS

We have seen that the number of children making slow progress is very much larger than the number making rapid pro- gress. According to the available data the slow pupils are on

z e

175 Cfl

a s

10 O

I I

1> 00

1800 1700 1600 1500 1400 1300 1200 1100 1000 900 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100

Diagram XVII. Contrasting number of pupils making rapid progress with those making slow progress. Rapid pupils hatched; slow pupils black.

the average more than eight times as numerous as the rapid ones. That this is true not only in fact but in degree is shown by figures from New York and Baltimore. The slow children not only

83

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

greatly outnumber the rapid ones, but the time lost by the for- mer is considerably greater in proportion than is that saved by the rapid ones.

In the table showing the time in grades by terms of the 9489 children whose records were studied in New York we noted that 487 made rapid progress and 3862 slow progress. The dis- tribution of these pupils according to the number of terms lost or gained and the comparison between the two groups composed of slow and rapid pupils is shown in Diagram XVII.

Computing the time saved by the rapid pupils we find that it amounts to 668 terms. The time lost by the slow pupils amounts to 7855 terms, or nearly twelve times as much. In other words the slow pupils are eight times as numerous as the rapid ones, but they lose twelve times as much time as the rapid ones gain.

The Baltimore report for 1907 gives the number of pupils completing the work of the grades in different numbers of months. The number of pupils making rapid progress was 3034. The slow pupils numbered 12,261, or four times as many. The number of months saved by the rapid pupils amounted to 10,425; that lost by the slow ones to 92,994. The ratio is about nine to one. Here again the same characteristic difference is to be noted. The slow pupils are four times as numerous as the rapid ones, but the time lost by the former is nine times as much as that saved by the latter. It is probable that there are far more slow pupils in the schools of Baltimore than these figures indicate. They refer to pupils completing grades. Apparently there are many more who did not complete their grades and so are not included. The illustration is valuable in showing the relation between time lost and time gained rather than in showing how rapid pupils compare in number with slow ones.

PROGRESS OF AVERAGE CHILD

While all of the data discussed bear on important phases of the problem of rates of progress through the grades, they give us no measure by which we can answer the question how rapidly the average child in our city schools progresses. After

RATES OF PROGRESS

all, the crucial question is whether or not the average child can do the work of eight grades in eight years. There is little or no direct information available to answer this question.

If all of the children remained in school until graduation from the final grade we might arrive at an approximate answer by comparing the average age of children in the final grade with the average age in the first grade, but many children do not stay to graduate. Those who do remain are the survivors; the more fit, the most brilliant, the youngest.

Moreover, the average age of children in the first grade is not the average of the beginners, for the first grades, as we have seen, are never made up exclusively of beginners. They are made up of some children who entered school for the first time during the current year, and many who entered earlier. The average age of first grade children will always be somewhat more than the average age of the beginning children.

However, if we cannot measure the average time required to complete the course, we can measure with substantial accuracy that required to complete a definite part of it. Practically no children drop out of school before reaching the fifth grade. If then we compare the average age of first grade pupils in a given system with average age of the fifth grade pupils in the same system, we shall have a means of ascertaining how long it takes the average child in that city to make the journey from the first grade to the fifth. Obviously it should take him four years.

The data necessary for making this comparison have been secured in the shape of age and grade distributions from twenty- nine cities.

In Table 47 on the following page these cities are arranged according to the magnitude of the difference between the average age of the first grade pupils and that of the fifth grade pupils. As has already been stated this should be four years if all of the pupils made normal progress. How long it does take the average child to do the work of four grades in each of the twenty-nine cities is shown by the figures in the last column.

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

TABLE 47. TIME REQUIRED TO DO THE WORK OF FOUR GRADES IN EACH OF TWENTY-NINE CITIES.

City

Ave. Age First Grade

Ave. Age Fifth Grade

Difference

i. Aurora, 111., 1907 .

7-*3

II. 21

4.08

2. Meriden, Conn., 1907 .

.

6.68

IO.92

4.24

3. Cincinnati, O., 1907

.

8.12

12.48

4-36

4. Trenton, N. J., 1903 .

7.14

11.50

4-36

5. Utica, N. Y., 1906-7 .

.

7-39

11.85

4.46

6. St. Louis, Mo., 1901-2

7.98

12.47

4.49

7. Wilmington, Del. (white),

1905-6

7-38

II.9O

4.52

8. Portland, Ore., 1907 .

.

7.28

11.81

4-53

9. Columbus, O., 1906-7

.

7.56

12.15

4-59

10. Reading, Pa., 1907

.

7-23

11.82

4-59

u. Medford, Mass., 1907-8

.

5-96

10.56

<e

4.00

12. Boston, Mass., 1907

.

6.74

11 -39

4-65

13. Philadelphia, Pa., 1908

.

7.42

12.08

4.66

14. Los Angeles, Cal., 1903-4

.

7-59

12.30

4.71

15. Quincy, Mass., 1908 .

.

6.31

11.02

4.71

1 6. New York, N. Y., 1908

.

7.07

11.81

4-74

17. Ft. Wayne, Ind., 1906-7

.

6.80

"•55

4-75

18. Baltimore, Md., 1905-6

.

7.56

I2-35

4-79

19. Maiden, Mass., 1908 .

.

6-53

"•33

4.80

20. York, Pa., 1908 .

.

7.46

12.26

4.80

21. Woonsocket, R. I., 1907

.

7.02

11.85

4-83

22. Decatur, 111., 1908

.

6.87

11.80

4-93

23. Springfield, Mass., 1907-8 24. Kingston, N. Y., 1908

6.71 7.22

11.66

12. 2O

4-95 4.98

25. Memphis, Tenn. (white), 1908 .

7.48

12.62

5-J4

26. Memphis (colored), 1908

.

8.96

14.12

5-i6

27. Troy, N. Y., 1903-4 .

.

6.92

12.12

5.20

28. Camden, N. J., 1905-6

.

7-*3

12.51

5-38

29. Wilmington, Del. (colored)

, 1905-6

8.12

I3-SO

5-38

30. Kansas City, Mo., 1906-7

6.63

12.58

5-95

31. Erie, Pa., 1901

7-5i

13-73

6.22

That in no city does the average child do the work of four grades in four years, is shown conclusively by these statistics. The average time consumed is 4.67 years. After the first grade is passed there is in most systems but little difference between the percentages of promotion in the different grades. Hence, we may assume that we can compute with fair accuracy from the figures we have how long it would take the average child to complete eight grades, if all of the children remained to complete the course. This computation gives us the following results:

86

RATES OF PROGRESS

TABLE 48. SHOWING TIME REQUIRED TO COMPLETE EIGHT GRADES AT SAME RATE AS IS SHOWN BETWEEN GRADES ONE AND FIVE, IN TWENTY-NINE CITIES.

Ave. years to City Complete 8 Grades

1. Aurora, 111 8.16

2. Meriden, Conn . . . 8.48

3. Cincinnati, 0 8.72

4. Trenton, N. J 8.72

5. Utica, N. Y. . . . 8.92

6. St. Louis, Mo .-. 8.98

7. Wilmington, Del. (white) . . 9.04

8. Portland, Ore . . t , . 9.06

9. Columbus, O . - . 9.18

10. Reading, Pa . . . 9.18

11. Medford, Mass. . . , 9.20

12. Boston, Mass . . 9.30

13. Philadelphia, Pa «. . ; . 9.32

14. Los Angeles, Cal. . . . . . . ... 9.42

15. Quincy, Mass . . . . 9.42

1 6. New York, N. Y. . .-•-.' . . . '. . . 9.48

17. Ft. Wayne, Ind . •',-. ' . 9.50

18. Baltimore, Md. . . . . . ... . . . 9.58

19. Maiden, Mass . 9.60

20. York, Pa . . . . . 9.60

21. Woonsocket, R. I. . . . ." . . . . 9.66

22. Decatur, 111 . . . •". . . 9.86

23. Springfield, Mass.. . . . . . . .... 9-90

24. Kingston, N. Y . .. . . 9.96

25. Memphis, Tenn. (white) . .... . . . 10.28

26. Memphis (colored) . . . . . . . , . 10.32

27. Troy, N. Y '. . . .' . . 10.40

28. Camden, N. J . . . . 10.76

29. Wilmington (colored) . . . . . . 10.76

30. Kansas City, Mo '. . . . 11.90

31. Erie, Pa ; ... 12.44

The average of these averages is 9.34 years. In order that the figure may represent with fair accuracy the rate of pro- gress of the average child in the average city, we must add to it the difference between the average age of the beginner and that of the first grade pupils in general. In the investigation conducted in New York, to which reference has already been made, this difference averaged .8 of a year among some 2800 pupils.

If this is a fairly representative figure and it probably is we may safely increase our average of 9.34 years to 10 years, and say that the average child in the average city school sys- tem progresses through the grades at the rate of eight grades in ten years.

87

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

As a result of these studies of the rates of progress of children through the grades we can with safety formulate five general propositions :

1. The number of children who make slow progress is far greater than the number of those who make rapid progress, and the time lost by the former is very much greater than is the time saved by the latter.

2. From the available data it appears safe to say that for every pupil making rapid progress there are from eight to ten making slow progress, and for every term gained by the rapid pupils from ten to twelve are lost by the slow ones.

3. According to the New York investigation, among each 100 retarded pupils thirty are retarded because of late entrance; thirteen because of late entrance and slow progress; and fifty- seven because of slow progress.

4. The courses of study of our city school systems are ad- justed to the powers of the brighter pupils. They are beyond the powers of the average pupils and far beyond those of the slower ones.

5. The average pupil cannot complete the work of eight grades in eight years. So far as can be ascertained, in no city does the average child regularly succeed in doing each year's work in one year. The average child in the average city school system progresses through the grades at the rate of eight grades in ten years.

88

CHAPTER VIII THE MONEY COST OF THE REPEATER

OVERCROWDED SCHOOLS" was the head- line of an article which appeared in a New York newspaper during the second week in January of this year. The article reached the desk of the writer as one of a collection of clippings on miscellaneous educational topics. The same week brought from different cities five other clippings, all somewhat similar in tone. From the Minneapolis Tribune of Jan- uary eight came an article whose headlines told us: "2702 Children in Basement Classes, 60 Rooms Below Street Level are now Occu- pied, Six New 16 Room Buildings are Needed to Eliminate Evil."

A Brooklyn newspaper described the congested condition of schools in that city as "scandalous and disgraceful." From Philadelphia came an article which in part read as follows :

"The Philadelphia school problem is the problem of the elementary schools. Of the school children of Philadelphia, 94 per cent are in the elementary schools and 6 per cent are in the high schools. There are more than 1000 children to whom Philadelphia has given a cold, cold shoulder. They stand at our school doors and knock, but no door is opened to them. Besides this 1000 and more, there are 15,255 children who have succeeded in getting one foot inside of the school. We call them 'half-timers/ In one Philadelphia schoolroom there are 116 children under one teacher."

These newspaper articles are noteworthy because they are typical. As many more, similar in tone and content and coming from all over the country, could be secured every week in the year. These words from the press tell us of the problem, and by their practically simultaneous appearance they show us how general it is. They reflect a condition that is very common

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

in our cities. The two great causes underlying this condition are lack of room and lack of money.

Where congested school conditions constitute a great problem, the over-crowding is almost always found in the lower grades. In considering the possibility of ameliorating such conditions, two lines of inquiry at once present themselves. First, if our lower grades are over-crowded, who over-crowd them? Are they filled with the children who ought to be in them, or are many seats occupied by children who ought to have passed on to the upper grades long ago? Secondly, if the lower grades are filled with repeaters, how much money is expended on them each year which rightfully ought to be expended in supplying increased school facilities and in increasing the number of pupils in the upper grades? This phase of the inquiry, then, resolves itself into a question of finding the number and by this means determining the cost of the retarded children who are repeating grades.

. It cannot be denied that we are spending money in teaching large numbers of children the same things over again. If all the children had to reach a certain point before leaving school, this money would be saved if they could reach this point earlier; but such is not the case. Children are not required to make a certain degree of progress in the schools, but only to sit there a certain number of years. From the standpoint of the taxpayer who has no other interest in education than that of the tax rate, it is quite immaterial whether the money raised for schools be spent in training first grade pupils or eighth grade pupils.

Over-crowding means that we are not spending enough money on our schools. Retardation means not that we are spending too much but that we are spending it wastefully.

Viewed, then, from this economic or financial standpoint, the question is: How great is this waste?

How shall we determine the number of repeaters? The problem is by no means simple, but will repay careful examina- tion. The term ''retarded" is here applied, as previously ex- plained, to the child who is below the proper grade for his age. Our schools are crowded with such children. They often con- stitute as much as one-third of the entire membership. Whatever

90

MONEY COST OF THE REPEATER

the causes may be that account for this condition, they may be grouped, as has been noted, under two general heads, either the children have started late, or they have progressed slowly. In the case of the child who has started late, little blame can be laid at the door of the school. It is the child who progresses slowly with whom this study has to deal. When a boy or girl fails of promotion and repeats the work, the city has to pay for the term's schooling twice over.

Nor is the money waste the only serious result of repeating grades. Attention has already been called to the fact that the child who spends much more than the normal amount of time in doing the work in the lower grades finds himself at the age of fourteen, say in the fifth grade instead of the eighth, and, seeing that the prospect of promotion is still remote, drops out of school.

To illustrate how the number and cost of repeaters may be determined let us take the case of Columbus, Ohio. In the year 1 906 the enrollment in all the day schools was as follows :

TABLE 49. ENROLLMENT BY GRADES, COLUMBUS, 1906. Grade Pupils

JTHbL VJ-iaUC ....

Second Grade.

: ; ..

, . . 2587

Third Grade ....

.

. . 2721

Fourth Grade

2751

Fifth Grade ....

. . 2323

Sixth Grade ....

1911

Seventh Grade

* 1511

Eighth Grade

-

1219

Total

18,741

HIGH SCHOOLS

First Year < . 916

Second Year . . . . 675

Third Year ^ . . 480

Fourth Year '. . . 328

Total for High Schools. . . -. . / . . . . 2,399

Normal School 78

Grand Total .' 21,218

The striking feature of this table is the falling off in member- ship in the successive grades. The first grade contains 3718 pupils, the eighth only 1219. As was explained in Chapter V,

91

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

the interpretation of these figures as meaning that in Columbus for 3800 children who enter school only 1200 get to the eighth grade would be erroneous. This is because each of the lower grades contains a certain number of repeaters. The fact that there are 3800 children in the first grade does not mean that 3800 children enter the school each year. In order to ascertain the number of repeaters in each of the lower grades we must, in each case, subtract the annual number of beginners from the actual membership.

The method by which the number of beginners may be ascertained has been fully explained in Chapter V, but in order to render the illustrative case of Columbus perfectly clear it may be well to repeat it briefly here. The pupils enrolled in all of the day schools in Columbus during the year 1905-6 were grouped by ages as follows:

TABLE 50. ENROLLMENT BY AGES, COLUMBUS, OHIO, 1906.

Age Pupils

6 years . 1,894

7 years . 2,006

8 years 2,123

9 7ears '; . . 2,143

10 years . ' . . 2,178

11 years . . 2,110

12 years . . . 2,150

13 years . . 2,164

14 years 1,747

15 years 1^083

16 years 703

17 years 507

18 years 264

19 years and over 146

Total . . V . •, 21,218

The average membership of the age group from seven to twelve inclusive is 2118. This number we may consider as representing with approximate accuracy the annual number of beginners in Columbus. Referring now to our table of grades we find that the first grade has 3718 children enrolled, and again in a similar way every grade up through the fifth has an enrollment considerably larger than the annual number of beginners. There- fore, we are safe in concluding that the first five grades contain

92

MONEY COST OF THE REPEATER

a considerable number of repeaters. Their total membership is 14,100. If there were no repeaters it would be only 10,590. The difference, or 3510, represents the number of children who are doing the work of their grades for the second time. This is 16.5 per cent of the total membership of the schools. Columbus expended on her school system during the year $674,650. 16.5 per cent of this sum is $111,317. This is the amount that it cost Columbus during the year 1905-6 to have her lower grades crowded with children who were doing the work for the second or third time.

The more important arguments that may be brought against this line of reasoning are two. First, the repeaters are not con- fined to the lower grades. A few a very few pupils get to the seventh or eighth grade, fail of promotion and repeat the work of the grade. It is even conceivable that a pupil might get as far as the last year in the high school and take the year's work twice. There are a few repeaters in the upper grades even after the age of compulsory attendance is passed. This influence tends to make the computed cost of the repeater too low.

On the other hand lies the second of the two arguments. This is, that in using the total cost of the schools as a basis from which to compute the cost of repetition we have included the expenditures for high schools, which are at a higher per capita rate than those for elementary schools, and this influence tends to make our computed cost of the repeaters too high. The answer to this is, that when the added cost of the high school instruction is distributed among all of the pupils in all the schools it becomes a very small factor indeed.

We have then two factors influencing our results, one tending to make them too high, the other tending to make them too low. Both of them are small and in practice they very nearly counterbalance each other.

There is some doubt as to the applicability of the system used in the ca%e of Columbus to figures from other cities for the purpose of comparison, because the grade figures from different cities are gathered by different methods. In some places they are based on total enrollment, in others on average enrollment or enrollment at a given date. Can they then be made to give

93

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

comparable results? The answer is that where the grade fig- ures are based on total enrollment, the age figures are also based on total enrollment, and so on for the other methods. Thus the relation between the number of children in the grades and the number who would be there were there no repeaters is not affected, and the resulting percentage which gives us the money cost of repeaters remains unchanged.

In the present state of our knowledge concerning retarda- tion and elimination it is not pretended that our method can give more than a useful approximation to the facts. Exact measure- ment is out of the question. But, as in other cases, the only way to secure in the future more accurate information is to make the most of what we have, carefully pointing out its limitations. With more precise information as to the number of repeaters, and with more uniform financial methods determining the cost of instruction, we should come closer to the exact state of affairs.

Yet there is virtue in even an approximate measure. It is rarely the case that in its particular application its errors all work in the same direction. Given this possibility, however, it fails in any effort to make exact comparisons when there is com- paratively little difference between the results. We would not, however, extend our comparisons beyond broad general lines, and within them the method we propose can be relied upon. It is a key which gives us access to illuminating facts showing the economic importance of the problem. In the Table 52 are shown the results obtained by applying the method to the known facts of grade membership, age groups and financial expenditures in fifty-five cities.

The validity of the method for computing the number of repeaters may be checked by means of data printed in the published reports of three cities giving the number of pupils who have been more than one year in the same grade. A pupil who spends more than one year in one grade is a repeater. The cities publishing this information are Kansas City, Missouri, Springfield, Ohio, and Williamsport, Pennsylvania. The sub- stantial agreement between the computed results and the printed facts is shown by the following table:

94

MONEY COST OF THE REPEATER

TABLE 51.— COMPARISON BETWEEN COMPUTED RESULTS AND OFFICIAL FIGURES.

Per cent Repeating Per cent Repeating (printed report) (computed)

Kansas City 19.8 19.3

Springfield 14.7 14.8

Williamsport 13.1 13.3

It is evident that our method of computation gives results very close to the truth.

The conditions revealed in the table on pages 96 and 97 can- not be lightly passed over or safely disregarded. In the schools of these cities are more than i ,900,000 children. Of this number over 300,000 are repeaters. The annual cost of leading these children for the second or third or fourth time along the roads they have already traversed, reaches the astounding sum of thirteen and a half million dollars. If the school systems of these cities are fairly representative of American city school systems, then we are spending each year about twenty-seven millions of dollars in the wasteful process of repetition in our cities alone.

In a broad general way we have answered the question what is the money cost of the repeater, and on broad general lines we do not hesitate to describe it as waste. Elimination of waste means either a decrease of effort or an increase of effectiveness in the effort made. We are disposed to believe that in the present case the latter would be the main, perhaps the exclusive, result. But it is one which is well worth striving for. These economic considerations furnish an additional motive to those who are seek- ing light not only upon the extent of retardation, but on its causes and possible remedies.

Some expenditure for repeaters is unavoidable, but not all of it. It may well be questioned whether all the repetition in the first grade is necessary. When pupils are admitted any time throughout the year, there must always be some who at the end of the year or term cannot be promoted. But would not this be in large measure avoided if school authorities were to adopt the practice that no child, unless of school age, should be admitted for the first time to the first grade unless application for such admission were made in the first month of the school year or of the school term? To give a child two or three months' instruc-

95

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LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

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'-'

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

tion when we know from the outset that this will have to be repeated is surely an avoidable waste.

Even in the upper grades we cannot consider the money spent on doing again the work already done as entirely wasted, for we cannot be sure that such repetition is wholly ineffective from an educational viewpoint. But we may feel sure that more is lost than gained by the process of repeating. If it is in the nature of the child to be spurred on by failure to renewed effort, we may be very certain that the same child would be more effec- tively influenced by success. The effect of retardation is only slight in making school expenditures greater, but potent in making their effectiveness painfully less. To reduce retardation would greatly enhance educational efficiency rather than effect a financial saving.

CHAPTER IX

CAUSES OF LEAVING SCHOOL

THE question why pupils leave school is one that is often asked and seldom answered. Of course, the great ma- jority of them go to work, but this fact is far from being an explanation of their leaving school. In the case of the great numbers of children who leave before completing the elementary course, if the question asked were why they do not continue longer in school, the answer would be, as stated previously in other connections, that upon reaching the end of the compulsory attendance period they find themselves in the fifth or sixth grade instead of in the eighth and, seeing that the prospect of gradua- tion is remote, they leave and go to work.

TABLE 53. CAUSES OF WITHDRAWAL OF PUPILS FROM HIGH SCHOOLS IN FIVE CITIES.

Cause

Cam- bridge, Mass.

Bay

City, Mich.

Decatur, III.

Med/ord, Mass.

Spring- field, Ohio.

Total

1907

1904

1908

1907

1907

To go to work

16

57

28

20

50

171

To help at home.

8

8

Poor health

I3

23

23

89 .

Failure in studies

ii

ii

Removal from city

6

19

15

II

28

79

To private schools

5

10

3

6

24

Marriage .

i

i

2

Death .

i

i

2

Sickness in family

14

12

26

Expelled .

4

I

5

Dissatisfaction .

. .

16

3

J9

Lack of ability .

. .

. .

2

2

No reason .

8

8

4

4

24

Miscellaneous .

13

43

56

Total

60

131

H3

59

J55

518

99

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

In very few of the printed reports is any attempt made to analyze the reasons which cause pupils to leave school. Where such attempts are made we can seldom be sure whether the withdrawals enumerated are permanent or temporary. When we are told, for instance, that a certain number of children left school on account of sickness, we have no means of telling how many of them have left permanently and how many will return next year.

Bearing these limitations of withdrawal statistics in mind, we can with profit examine the available data bearing on the subject which has been gleaned from school reports. Five cities publish figures showing withdrawals from high schools.

In studying the table it must be borne in mind that the figures were gathered by different methods. It is quite possible that some of the reasons assigned may be given quite different interpretations in different cities. For these reasons, only the most general interpretations of the figures may safely be made. By adding together the figures under such headings as "To go to work" and "To help at home," "Poor health" and "Sickness in family," etc., the cases under the several causes may be grouped under six general headings :

TABLE 54. REASONS FOR LEAVING HIGH SCHOOL. PERCENTAGES.

Cause Pupils Per cent

Work 179 34.5

111 Health 115 22.2

Removal 79 15.3

Private Schools 24 , 4.6

Lack of Success 32 5.1

Other Reasons ..... 89 17.2

518 100.0

More than one-third of all the cases are attributed to "work," either at home or outside of it. As was before explained this is probably often not a real reason. While pupils who leave school very naturally go to work, it is probably comparatively seldom that they are compelled to leave for the purpose of seeking work.

Nearly one-fourth of the cases are ascribed to ill health, either of the pupils themselves or in their families. It is natural to suppose that in many of these cases the pupils return to school

100

CAUSES OF LEAVING SCHOOL

after recovery. A fifth of the cases are ascribed to removal and transfer to private schools. In nearly all these cases it is to be supposed that the schooling continues in the new locations.

Under "Lack of Success" have been grouped the cases found under the headings "Failure in Studies," "Dissatisfaction" and "Lack of Ability" in the first table. It is noteworthy that the school authorities ascribe to these causes combined only 5 per cent of the cases. In reality it is probable that lack of success in school studies is the greatest single cause which impels pupils to drop out of school.

Turning now to the elementary schools we find slightly more data than for the high schools:

TABLE 55. CAUSES OF WITHDRAWAL OF PUPILS FROM ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS IN SIX CITIES.

Cam- Bay

Deca-

Med-

Spring-

Johns-

Cause

bridge^ City, Mass. Mich.

tur, III.

ford, Mass.

field, Ohio.

town, Pa.

Total

1907

1904

1908

1907

1907

1908

To to go work

39

190

90

2

1 68

2I5

704

To help at home . Ill health

21

1 80

146

••

114

I05

21

545

Removed from city

128

427

494

I

4i5

322

1787

To private schools

8

87

37

132

Death .

i

3

4

I

16

25

Sickness in family

30

5

35

Visiting .

17

i7

Expelled . .

10

10

Dissatisfaction

2

2

No reason

29

23

2

15

53

122

Miscellaneous

28

••

54

82

Total

197

944

853

II

766

711

3482

Making in this case the same sort of general classification of the cases under five main heads as we made for the high school table we get the following:

101

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

TABLE 56. REASONS FOR LEAVING ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS. PER- CENTAGES.

Cause Pupils Per cent

Work .....-'-. . . . < 725 20.8

111 Health .580 16.6

Removal 1787 51.4

Private Schools ...... 132 3.8

Other reasons . . , . . 258 7.4

3482 100.0

In this table removal becomes such a large factor as to include more than half of the cases. Work occupies a position of less importance, and ill health retains nearly the same impor- tance.

The net results of this study of the available data bearing on the reasons why children leave school are slight in degree and unsatisfactory in nature. Until more satisfactory statistics are gathered and careful studies made we must content ourselves with the general statement that failure in school studies is fre- quently followed by dropping out of school as soon as the atten- dance law permits. This is shown by the fact that very few children repeat grades after passing the compulsory attendance period. Unless compelled to remain in school pupils who fail drop out.

The data presented in this chapter have been given a place, not because they throw any real light on the problem of the specific reasons which impel pupils to leave school, for they do not; but rather because the question of cause is too important to ignore. Care has been taken to gather all of the available material in the printed reports. That the evidence is so incon- clusive in character is greatly to be regretted. It is to be hoped that the significance of the problem will impel students of educa- tional questions to give the matter more careful and searching study.

102

CHAPTER X THE NATIONALITY FACTOR

THERE is no question of great national importance upon which the views of wise and able men are more widely divergent than upon the problem of immigration. Is the immigrant a blessing or a curse? The answers are as far apart as are the two words in meaning.

After making an exhaustive study of the results of immigra- tion, the late General Francis A. Walker wrote, "These immi- grants are beaten men from beaten races, representing the worst failures in the struggle for existence. ***** Europe is allowing its slums and its most stagnant reservoirs of degraded peasantry to be drained off upon our soil."

At a notable address made in Brooklyn last October, Dr. Newell Dwight Hillis said, "Great is the treasure for the Republic through herds and flocks, through shocks of corn and sheaves of wheat. Great also is the wealth through vineyard and orch- ard, but the greatest and most unmixed good fortune that has come to the Republic during the year will be its crop of immi- grants."

Opinions of educational authorities as to the influence of the foreign child in our schools differ as widely as do the opinions of the publicists quoted above.

In order to realize the scope and localization of the problem we must consider how large a proportion of our population is made up of those of foreign parentage and in what parts of the country they are to be found.

The answers to these two questions are given in graphic form in the Diagram XVIII, which shows the proportion of the population of foreign parentage in different sections of the country and in the country as a whole.

The first lesson of this surprising diagram is that the problem is a great one, concerning as it does a large part of all our people.

103

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

The second lesson is, that it is a localized problem, affecting greatly the northern and western states and only slightly the southern states. In the northern and western states nearly one- half of all of the inhabitants are of foreign parentage, and in the southern states less than one-half. In the country as a whole about one-third of the people are of foreign parentage.

North Atlantic

Percent of)

foreign V51 parentage J

South Atlantic

North Central

South Central

Western

Per cent of foreign parentage 34

Diagram XVIII. Population of foreign parentage in the United States, by groups

of states.

ILLITERACY

Turning now to the question of the education of this third of our population, the first question is, "Do the schools reach every child?" The easiest way to answer it is through an investi- gation of the question of illiteracy; for we may certainly consider that the child who can neither read nor write has not been reached by the schools in any very effective way.

In the United States as a whole there are 107 illiterates

104

THE NATIONALITY FACTOR

among every 1000 persons. In Germany, Norway, Sweden and Denmark there are about two in every 1000. In the state of New York there is one illiterate in every eighteen voters. Among re- cruits in the German army there is one illiterate in every 2500, and among volunteers in the German navy one in every 10,000.

This is striking, and what is more it is humiliating to our national pride. But it is still more remarkable and still more

Per cent.

75 70

60

50

40

30

20

10

SCALE

Of Native Parentage

65%

Of Foreign Parentage

72%

Foreign Born

69%

Diagram XIX. Per cent of the white population of the United States in school at the ages five to fourteen.

humiliating that in the United States as a whole, among native white children of native parents forty-four in every 1000 are illit- erate, while among native white children of foreign parents nine in 1000 are illiterate.

This pretty conclusively answers our first question, "Do the schools reach all the children?" They do not. But in the country at large they reach the child of the foreigner more gener- ally than they do the child of the native born American.

105

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

This conclusion has been reached from the circumstantial evidence based on illiteracy. It is corroborated by the direct evidence taken from the census showing the proportion of white children five to fourteen years of age in school in three different classes.

As Diagram X I X shows, of the native whites of native parents 65 per cent are in school, of the native whites of foreign parents 72 per cent, and of the foreign whites 69 per cent. The salient point here is that at these ages, which correspond to the years of elementary school attendance, the native born Americans make the poorest showing.

THE RACES AND RETARDATION

Up to this point we have been referring to the immigrant and the school as though we were handling one problem. We are not. We are considering a great many different problems. The question of how to handle a Scotch immigrant child is very different from that of how to treat an Italian. The educating of an English boy is not at all the same task as the educating of a Russian. In past years we have heard a good deal of the changing character of our immigration that the northern races are sending fewer and fewer to our shores and the southern and western races more and more. It has been claimed that relatively speaking the former races were desirable and the present comers are undesirable. Few facts have been put forward in support of these claims, and so far as can be ascertained none at all have been cited to show what races succeed best in our schools, and which ones worst.

During the spring and summer of the year 1908 an investi- gation of the problem of the comparative success of the children of different nationalities in fifteen schools was made as a part of the investigation conducted in the public schools of New York City. After the 20,000 records were gathered the first step was to tabulate them with respect to the degree of advancement of the pupils in comparison with their ages. In other words, the records were studied to find out how many children were of normal age for their grades and how many were above normal age, or retarded. A liberal standard was adopted. All children up

1 06

THE NATIONALITY FACTOR

to the age of nine years were considered as of normal age for the first grade. Ten was the limit in the second grade, eleven in the third, and so on. The result was that among 20,000 children 23 per cent were retarded.

In the fifteen schools a number of nationalities were repre- sented. When the records of the pupils were tabulated for re- tardation by different nationalities the results were surprising. The per cent of retardation among the different nationalities was as follows:

TABLE 57. RETARDATION BY NATIONALITIES IN NEW YORK CITY.

PERCENTAGES.

Per cent Nationality Retarded

German . . . . . . . 16

American . . . . ..." 19

Mixed 19

Russian . . . . . "" . : . 23

English . . . .24

Irish . . . . ..... 29

Italian . . . . . . -36

German 16%

American 19%

Mixed 19%

Russian 23%

English 24%

Irish 29%

Italian 36%

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40

Diagram XX. Retardation by nationalities in New York City. Percentages.

107

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

These results are not caused by merely local conditions in the several schools. The figures were retabulated individually by schools with no change of results. The Germans made every- where very good records, the Americans somewhat poorer ones, and so on down to the uniformly poor records of the Italians. Nor did the section of the city seem to have anything to do with it.

Opinions may differ radically as to the significance of these figures and the causes of the conditions disclosed, but one thing is certain. In all intensive studies of retardation, the nationality factor is important and must be taken into account.

THE LANGUAGE DIFFICULTY

There is another lesson that these figures teach, and that is in respect to the so-called language difficulty theory, the theory that children of foreigners on arriving in our schools, being ignor- ant of the English language, lose on account of this handicap one, two or more years before they are able to carry the work of the schools. That this theory is not substantiated by the figures from New York City is very evident from a mere inspection of the rela- tive position of the English and non-English speaking groups. The group making the best showing are the Germans who are non-English speaking people. Then follow the Americans, then the mixed and the Russians who again are non-English speaking, then the English and Irish whose native language is English, and finally the Italians who, of course, are subject to the language handicap. Plainly, so far as these groups are concerned, no con- nection can be traced between school progress and the language difficulty. Nor is this new in the field of applied pedagogy.

The results of the investigation in New York do not consti- tute all of the evidence tending to show the relatively slight im- portance of the language difficulty in the educational assimila- tion of non-English speaking peoples. The experience of the department of education of Porto Rico in changing its schools from the Spanish to the English basis strongly substantiates it. The change was effected with little or no loss of time on the part of the pupils.

In an investigation conducted by Superintendent James E. Bryan of Camden, New Jersey, during the school years 1904-6

1 08

THE NATIONALITY FACTOR

it was proved that ignorance of the English language constituted so slight a cause of retardation that it was not even necessary to include it among the causes assigned.

Principal J. M. McCallie of Trenton, New Jersey, reported before the New Jersey 'State Conference of Charities and Correc- tions in 1905 that among 146 cases of badly retarded children studied by him in that city in only eight cases could English be ascribed as a cause of retardation. In this connection Mr. McCallie says, "This fact, I think, will tend to weaken the argu- ments so often put forth that the foreign element lacking a speak- ing knowledge of English is the cause, to a great extent, of so much backwardness in our public schools/'

RETENTION OF AMERICANS AND FOREIGNERS THROUGH THE

GRADES

Thus far in the discussion of our problem we have been dealing with the question whether or not the immigrant is reached by our school system and to some degree with the manner in which he is reached. But we have not considered the extent to which he is reached. We have dealt with the fact, not with the degree. These two factors are not at all the same. It may well be that in a given city all of the foreigners are in school long enough to learn how to read and write, but that none of them stay long enough to get more than the mere rudiments of the three R's. At the same time in the same city it may be that some of the Americans escape school entirely while most of them continue on through the high schools and eventually become leading mem- bers of the community. The fact that some foreigners show a smaller percentage of retardation than the Americans has only a slight bearing on this question.

In the endeavor to shed light on the problem a thorough study has been made of the available data in school reports. In most cities the existence of the foreigner is entirely ignored, so far as the printed reports go, but not in all.

Let us consider first four cities which report the number of foreign born in the elementary schools and in the high schools.

109

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

Translating the figures into percentages and expressing the results graphically we have the following diagram :

ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS

HIGH SCHOOLS

Portland, Ore. | 6.1% | 3.6%

St. Louis II 4.0% 1.1%

Kansas City || 3.0% | 1.0%

New Orleans 1.5% 0.5%

Diagram XXI. Per cent that foreign born pupils are of all pupils in elementary and high schools in four cities.

In Portland, Oregon, only a little more than half as large a proportion of foreigners is found in the high schools as in the ele- mentary ones; in Kansas City and New Orleans one-third; and in St. Louis little more than one-quarter as large a proportion.

The lesson taught by the figures shows conclusively that the foreigners do not continue to the high schools in large numbers.

The next available data come from the city of Buffalo. There the figures are given, not for foreign born only, but for native born of foreign parents as well, and so include a large pro- portion of the entire school population. The same tendency is however just as manifest. (Diagram XXII.)

Here we see that even in the second generation those of re-

1 10

THE NATIONALITY FACTOR

cent foreign extraction fail to take as extended advantage of their educational opportunities as do the Americans.

Elementary

schools, 53%

High Schools, 33%

Diagram XXII. Pupils of foreign parentage in schools of Buffalo.

Our next results are drawn from the only two cities in the country which give the number of pupils hearing a foreign language at home, and the figures are given by grades so that we can trace

8

IV

FOREIGNERS 30 PER CENT.

FOREIGNERS 3 PER CENT.

Diagram XXIII. Foreign children in the schools of Haverhill, Mass. Black portion represents foreigners. They are 30 per cent of all in the kindergarten and only 3 per cent of all in the last year of the high school.

the process all the way. These cities are Haverhill, Massachusetts, and New Britain, Connecticut. (Diagrams XXIII and XXIV.) The result is as before. The foreigners are found in consid-

1 1 1

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

erable numbers in the lower grades and the proportion steadily diminishes until it reaches very small dimensions indeed in the upper ones and the high school.

Something of an improvement on these statistics are those published in Reading, Pennsylvania, where the children of foreign parentage are compared with the whole number in each grade from the first to the high school. (Diagram XXV.)

FOREIGNERS 60 PER CENT.

FOREIGNERS 18 PER CENT.

Diagram XXIV. Foreigners in the schools of New Britain, Conn. Black portion represents foreigners. They are 60 per cent of all in the first grade and only 1 8 per cent in the ninth grade.

Here again the same tendency is apparent. The children of foreign parentage constitute 17 per cent of the membership in the first grade and this percentage steadily reduces until it becomes 5.5 per cent in the high school.

This brings us to our last case, that of Worcester, Massa- chusetts. Here we seem to have the one superintendent in the country who realizes the nature and importance of the problem and who prints figures showing the Americans, the native born of foreign parents, and the foreign born, all the way from the kindergarten to> the high school. (Diagram XXVI.)

I 12

THE NATIONALITY FACTOR

In the kindergarten the Americans are only 36 per cent of all. The proportion increases until we find them constituting nearly 60 per cent of the high school membership. The native born of foreign parents, that is, the children of immigrants, start

Diagram XXV. Children of foreign parentage, in the schools of Reading, Pa. They are 17 per cent of all in the first grade and only 5.5 per cent in the high school.

with 56 per cent and finish with 37 per cent. The foreign born, the child immigrants themselves, start with 7.3 per cent and end with 3.8 per cent.

Here we have expressed in the results from one city the ten- dencies noted in the others. The Americans make the best show- 8 113

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

ing. The children of immigrants make the next best showing and the foreign born children the poorest.

There are three possible explanations of the fact that the foreigners always constitute a larger proportion of the membership of the lower grades than they do of the upper grades and the high school. Either there is more retardation among the foreigners than among the Americans, thus swelling their numbers in the lower grades; or there is more elimination among them, thus

Diagram XXVI. School children in Worcester, Mass., showing increase in proportion of Americans (outlines), and decrease in proportion of children of foreign parentage (hatched) and foreign birth (solid black) in the upper grades and the high school.

thinning their numbers in the upper grades; or both of these forces are operative.

In the endeavor to discover whether any correlation exists between the per cent of population of foreign parentage in the cities studied and the per cent of beginning pupils retained to the final elementary grade, the figures showing both sets of facts for forty-eight cities have been tabulated together. These cities were ranked in the order of the per cent of pupils they retain to the final elementary grade. The first sixteen cities on the list—

114

THE NATIONALITY FACTOR

those making the best records as respects retention of pupils retain on the average 68 per cent. In these same cities the aver- age percentage of persons of foreign parentage in the population, according to the census, is 53. In the second group of sixteen cities those making medium records the average per cent of pupils retained is 49, and the average percentage of foreign paren- tage in the populations is again 53 as in the first group. In the third group those making the worst records the average per- centages are 33 and 58 respectively. Expressing this in a table we may compare conditions in the three groups:

TABLE 58. COMPARISON BETWEEN RETENTION OF PUPILS IN SCHOOL AND PER CENT OF FOREIGN PARENTAGE IN THE POP- ULATIONS^IN THREE GROUPS OF CITIES.

Ave. Per cent of Ave. Per cent of

Pupils Retained Persons of For-

to Final Rlemen- eign Parentage in

tary Grade the Populations

First group of sixteen cities ... 68 53

Second group of sixteen cities ... 49 53

Third group of sixteen cities ... 33 58

It is very evident that little or no correlation is disclosed between retention of pupils and the foreign element in the popula- tions of the same cities.

Taking into consideration all of the facts which have been reviewed we may conclude that:

1. While the nationality factor has a distinct bearing on the problems of retardation and elimination there is no evidence that these problems are most serious in those cities having the largest foreign populations.

2. As a rule, children of foreign parentage drop out of the highest grades and the high school faster than do American chil- dren.

3. In the United States there are more illiterates among the native whites of native parentage than among the native whites of foreign parentage.

4. In the country as a whole the proportion of children five to fourteen years of age attending school is greater among those of foreign parentage and foreign birth than among Americans.

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

5. In an examination conducted in New York City children of the different nationalities were found to differ radically as to ability in school work, the Germans making the best showing, the Italians the worst.

6. Wherever studies have been made of the progress of children through the grades, it has been found that ignorance of the English language does not constitute a serious handicap.

The whole problem of the immigrant is a vast one and one that continues to increase rather than to diminish. Moreover, it is certain that no matter what legislation may be enacted, it is a problem that will be of the first importance for a long time to come. The essentially hopeful aspect of the situation is that although the problem itself is increasing in magnitude, this increase is not so rapid as the development of our school system in scope and efficiency.

116

CHAPTER XI

PHYSICAL DEFECTS AND SCHOOL PROGRESS

ONE of the most important objects of the investigation conducted in the New York schools was to determine, if possible, the relation between physical defectiveness and school progress. To this end the records of the physical ex- aminations given the pupils by the physicians of the Board of Health were carefully studied in every case where they existed.

Before coming to our own contribution, however, it seems wise to present the general results from three other recent studies ; namely, those of Dr. Walter S. Cornell and Dr. S. W. Newmayer in Philadelphia, and the investigation conducted by Superintendent James E. Bryan of Camden.

DEFECTS AMONG "EXEMPT" AND "NON-EXEMPT" CHILDREN

The results of some of Dr. Cornell's investigations were published in an article in the Psychological Clinic of January, 1908. Among 219 children of both sexes from six to twelve years of age in one school in Philadelphia, he found:

TABLE 59. COMPARATIVE STANDING IN STUDIES OF 219 NORMAL AND DEFECTIVE CHILDREN IN PHILADELPHIA.

Average per cent Attained

Normal children . . »...".. 75

Average children . . , . ' . 74

General defectives 72.6

Children having adenoids and enlarged tonsils .... 72

Results showing such negligible differences as these between the classes will come as a surprise to those who have gathered their opinions on the subject from current discussion.

In another investigation the children of five schools were

117

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

examined for physical defects. They were divided into so-called "exempt" children, or those whose work had been so thoroughly satisfactory that they were advanced to higher grades without examination, and "non-exempt" or those whose work was less satisfactory.

TABLE 60. PER CENT OF EXEMPT AND NON-EXEMPT CHILDREN HAVING PHYSICAL DEFECTS.

Exempt Non-Exempt

Number examined .... 907 687

38.1

Per cent defective

28.8

Here we seem to have a showing more like the one we should naturally expect. The percentage of defectives is much higher among the "non-exempt" than among the "exempt" children. We are given no details, however, as to the defects found and so cannot tell which particular sort or sorts of defects caused the preponderance on the side of the "non-exempt" pupils.

Light seems to be thrown on this question by the results of one of Dr. Newmayer's investigations, conducted also in the schools of Philadelphia, covering examinations of 5005 children of whom 3587 were "exempt" and 1418 "non-exempt." Defects were found among them as follows:

TABLE 6l. PHYSICAL DEFECTS FOUND IN EXEMPT AND NON- EXEMPT CHILDREN.

EXEMPT CHILDREN

NON-EXEMPT CHILDREN

Defect

Number Examined

Per cent

Number Examined

Per cent

3587

IOO.O

1418

IOO.O

Defective vision .

371

IO.O

171

12.0

Defective hearing

49

1.4

29

2.0

Defects of nose .

54

i-5

21

i-5

Defects of throat

137

3-8

53

3-7

Orthopedic defects

25

•7

25

1.8

Mentally defective

6

.1

80

5-6

Skin diseases

918

26.0

423

30.0

Miscellaneous

214

6.0

128

9.0

Total . . ....

1774

49.0

93°

65.0

118

PHYSICAL DEFECTS AND SCHOOL PROGRESS

With two exceptions the defects are distributed between the two classes with surprising equality, the brighter pupils seem- ing to be afflicted in just the same degree as their duller companions. The two exceptions occur in the cases of "mental defects" and "skin diseases" both of which are much more frequent among the less bright children. That the former should be more com- mon among them is of course to be expected. That they should be found to be suffering more commonly from skin diseases is probably rather to be considered a reflection of poorer home conditions than as having a direct connection with their mental aptitudes.

In connection with the somewhat inconclusive character of the returns in Philadelphia the judgment of Dr. Cornell is of interest. He writes that he believes that the educational result in our public schools suffers a discount of about 6 per cent in the case of physically defective children.

During 1906, Superintendent of Schools James E. Bryan conducted extensive investigations in the schools of Camden, New Jersey. In all 10,130 children were given physical examina- tions. Of these children 8iiowere of normal age and 2020 retarded. The results of the vision and hearing tests were as follows:

TABLE 62. DEFECTIVE EYESIGHT AND HEARING AMONG 10,130 NORMAL AND RETARDED CHILDREN IN CAMDEN, N. J.

Normal Age Retarded

Children Children

Number examined 8110 2020

Per cent having defective vision . . 27.1 28.9

Per cent having defective hearing. . 3.7 5.8

Here again one would hesitate to draw conclusions as to any relation between retardation and defective vision and would feel doubtful in the case of defective hearing.

Among the children studied 1852 had failed of promotion and these children were given still further examinations. Among them 1279 were of normal age and 573 were retarded. The re- sults were as follows:

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

TABLE 63. PHYSICAL DEFECTS AMONG NORMAL AND RETARDED CHILDREN WHO FAILED OF PROMOTION IN CAMDEN, N. J.

Normal Age Retarded

Children Children

Number examined .... I279 573

Per cent having defective vision . Per cent having defective hearing. Per cent having bad health . Per cent attending irregularly

51 40

14 ii

21 21

30 40

This table gives still further surprises. The children of normal age actually show a higher percentage of defective vision and hearing than do the retarded ones, and the significant feature disclosed seems to be that irregular attendance rather than physi- cal defects is the important factor affecting school progress.

Still another investigation was made to classify the causes of the backwardness of the 2020 children who were over age for their grades. The causes to which the excessive age of those pupils was attributed are shown in the following table:

TABLE 64. CAUSES ASSIGNED FOR EXCESSIVE AGE.

Cause Per cent

Age upon starting . . . .... 21.2

Slowness 21.0

Absence 28.5

Dullness 12.0

111 health 9.6

Defects other than sight and hearing 3.9

Mental weakness 3.7

Two points in this table are significant: First, the results of the Camden investigation decidedly support the contention that physical defects constitute a cause but not the cause of re- tardation ; secondly, that the bearing of physical defects on school retardation does not appear to be very great. Under the cap- tions ''!LL HEALTH" and "DEFECTS OTHER THAN SIGHT AND HEARING" are found 13.5 per cent of the cases. Under "AGE UPON STARTING" and "ABSENCE" are found 49.7 per cent.

IMPORTANCE OF THE AGE FACTOR

Among the 20,000 pupils examined in the New York City investigation were 7608 who had been given physical examinations

120

PHYSICAL DEFECTS AND SCHOOL PROGRESS

Normal Age. Per cent Defective

Above Normal Age. Per cent Defective

85.0

81.3

. 86.8

84-5

. 83.2

83.3

. 71-6

74-7

63.8

60.2

63.8

61.7

. 68.2

60.2

77-1

75-o

- 79-8

74-9

by the physicians of the Board of Health. Of these 7608 pupils, 6084 fell within the normal age group and 1524 in the above normal age group. The following table shows the percentage of physically defective pupils in each group by grades:

TABLE 65. PER CENT OF NORMAL AND RETARDED CHILDREN HAVING PHYSICAL DEFECTS, BY GRADES.

Grade

First Grade . Second Grade . Third Grade . Fourth Grade . Fifth Grade . Sixth Grade . Seventh Grade Eighth Grade . Total

Of course, the immediately striking feature of this table is that nearly 80 per cent of the normal age children are found to have physical defects, while only about 75 per cent of the above normal age children are defective. This feature was an unlooked for result. The second noteworthy point is that the percentage of defective children in the lower grades is decidedly greater than in the upper grades.

The discovery of these conditions led to further study of the figures. The data were retabulated by ages and the results showed a very marked and consistent falling off in the per cent of children having each sort of defect, from the age of six up to the age of fifteen. Defective vision alone increases slowly but steadily, with advancing age. The contrast between the per cent having each of the six commoner defects at the age of six, and the per cent at fifteen is shown in the following table:

TABLE 66. PER CENT HAVING EACH DEFECT, AT AGES SIX AND

FIFTEEN.

Defect

Enlarged glands Defective breathing Defective vision Defective teeth Enlarged tonsils Adenoids .

At 6 years 40

21

65 40

23

.4/15 years

7

9

26

31

14

3

121

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

In all these cases attention must be called to the fact that the decrease in the percentage of defective children is not due to the dropping out or leaving school of children suffering from these defects. This might be put forward as an explanation if we had to do with children above the age of compulsory attendance, or if the characteristic decrease did not take place until the age of fourteen or fifteen; but such is not the case. We have to do with children of from six to fifteen years of age, and the marked decrease begins with the eight, nine and ten year old children and continues steadily. As the older children in general are found in the upper grades and the younger children in the lower grades, it is not surprising that we found a larger percentage of defective children in the low grades than in the high grades. The im- portant fact is that defects decrease with age.

Between boys and girls little difference in average of de- fects was discovered. An average of 1.8 defects was found among the boys, and 1.6 among the girls. Tabulating the results by kinds of defects, however, decided differences were discovered. The boys suffer much more from enlarged glands, defective breathing, and enlarged tonsils. The girls have much poorer vision and teeth.

The results that have been discussed, showing so consistently as they do that retarded or above normal age pupils have fewer defects than do those of normal age, furnish food for careful thought. Were further data not available, it would be difficult to explain the seeming anomaly; but the data showing the percentage of defectives by ages are illuminating. With the exception of vision, the percentage of pupils found to be suffering from each separate sort of defect decreases rapidly as age in- creases. The evidence is plain that age is the important factor.

The importance of this on all investigations into the in- fluence of physical defects on school progress is at once evident. Whether the term " retarded" is used to express a condition or an explanation, it will always follow from the definition itself that retarded children will be older than their fellow pupils in the same grades. Therefore, in all cases it will be true that the "backward pupils" will be the older pupils.

Now, the older pupils are found to have fewer defects.

122

PHYSICAL DEFECTS AND SCHOOL PROGRESS

This is true whether they are behind their grades or well up in their studies. Therefore, it is not surprising that we find that 80 per cent of all children of normal age have physical defects more or less serious, while only 75 per cent of the retarded children are found to be defective. This does not mean that pupils with more physical defects are brighter mentally. It simply means that retarded children are older, and that older pupils, as has been shown, have fewer defects.

DEFECTS AND PROGRESS AMONG 3304 NEW YORK CHILDREN

But what is the significance of these results as regards school progress? We have found that the retarded children have fewer defects than, those of normal age and that this is true for each separate sort of defect with the single exception of defective vision. We have also seen that the older children have fewer defects than the younger ones except in the case of defective vision. On the basis of these data we can draw no conclusions whatever concerning school progress and physical defects even in the case of eyesight.

But it is well known that in our schools there is no exact correspondence between grades and ages. Children of twelve years of age for instance are found in all the grades from the first to the eighth. A child of twelve in the eighth grade is unusually bright, one of the same age in the first grade is unusually dull. It is then of interest to us to discover whether the twelve year old child in the first grade will have more or fewer defects than the one in the eighth. In order to study this the records of all the children at the ages of ten, eleven, twelve, thirteen and four- teen examined in New York City were retabulated. These ages were taken because at all of them children are found scattered through the grades from the lowest to the highest.

There were 3304 of these children. Those ten years old numbered 910, the eleven year old ones 842, those of twelve years 664, those of thirteen years old 496, and of the fourteen year old pupils there were 392. The following table shows how they were distributed among the grades, and how many were suffering from each sort of defect:

123

fe-is

s|

•a

ON to

NO

*

. 8

*

£-

•H

e ^J* ttjQ

10

00 CO 0)

O

NO

NO 00 ro

124

PHYSICAL DEFECTS AND SCHOOL PROGRESS

A child of ten in the first grade is so badly retarded that we may fairly call him dull and we shall be wrong in only a very few cases of children who entered school very late indeed. We may feel even more sure that a child of eleven, twelve, thirteen or fourteen in the first grade is dull. A child of ten in the second, third or fourth grade is normal. In the fifth or sixth grade he is bright. By making appropriate changes in the grades similar statements can be made for the other ages.

Using this as a basis the records were retabulated, the pupils assigned among the three groups, and the results worked out in percentages:

TABLE 68. PER CENT OF DULL, NORMAL AND BRIGHT PUPILS SUFFERING FROM EACH SORT OF DEFECT. AGES TEN TO FOUR- TEEN INCLUSIVE. ALL GRADES.

Defect

Dull. Per cent

Normal. Per cent

Bright. Per cent

Enlarged glands

20

13

6

Defective vision.

24

25

"29

Defective breathing .

15

ii

9

Defective teeth .

42

40

34

Hypertrophied tonsils

26

iQ

12

Adenoids ....

15

10

6

Other defects .

21

ii

ii

Number -examined

407

2588

309

Defects per child

I.6S

1.30

1.07

Per cent not defective

25

27

32

Per cent defective

75

73

68

Here the results are very different from those discussed so far. In every case, except in that of vision, the children rated as "dull" are found to be suffering f rom physical defects to greater degree than the "normal" or "bright" children. It is true that 75 per cent of the dull children are defective as compared with 73 per cent among the normal and 68 per cent among the bright children. These differences are very slight. But the defective dull child has on the average i .65 defects as against i .07 for the bright one. In other words the number of defectives among the

125

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

dull children does not differ widely from the number among the bright ones, but the dull child is found to be much more defective in degree.

That hypertrqphied tonsils and adenoids have a distinct bearing upon retardation seems to be clearly indicated by the fact that the former are found in 26 per cent of the dull children and only 12 per cent of the bright ones, and in the case of the latter the percentage falls from 15 to 6. A similar condition is found in the cases of enlarged glands, defective breathing and de- fective teeth. In each the falling off is sharp and consistent as we move from the dull to the normal and bright groups. It is too consistent to be dismissed as accidental or non-significant.

The case of defective vision, however, is far from being so clear. Found in 24 per cent of the dull pupils, 25 per cent of the normal ones and 29 per cent of the bright ones, it is difficult to account for it. We have already seen that defective vision increases with advancing age. A computation of the individual ages of the dull and bright pupils in the groups here studied shows that the dull ones are older than the bright ones. Nevertheless they have better eyesight. The explanation may be that we are here dealing with extreme cases. The pupils we designate as bright are very young indeed for their grades and in all probability include a number who have injured their eyes through undue use and strain. Even a small percentage of such cases would account for the difference observed.

The computations establish in a convincing manner the close connection between certain physical defects and school progress, but they do not tell us just how great the retarding in- fluence is or what part the different sorts of defects contribute to it. To throw light on these problems computations were made showing the average number of grades completed by the ten year old pupils who were found to be free from physical defects, the grades completed by those suffering from enlarged glands and so on for each of the other kinds of defects. Similar computations were made for the eleven, twelve, thirteen and fourteen year old children. Finally, the central tendency for the entire group was ascertained. The results are illuminating.

126

PHYSICAL DEFECTS AND SCHOOL PROGRESS

TABLE 69. AVERAGE NUMBER OF GRADES COMPLETED BY PUPILS HAVING NO PHYSICAL DEFECTS COMPARED WITH NUMBER COM- PLETED BY THOSE SUFFERING FROM DIFFERENT DEFECTS. CEN- TRAL TENDENCY AMONG 3304 CHILDREN, AGES TEN TO FOUR- TEEN YEARS, IN GRADES I TO 8.

Defect

No physical defects Enlarged glands Defective vision . Defective breathing

Average Number of Grades Completed

- 4-94

4.20

. 4.94

4.58

Grades completed by children having no defects

Defect

Defective teeth Hypertrophied tonsils Adenoids Other defects

Average Number 0} Grades Completed . 4.65 . 4.50 . 4.24

4-52

AVERAGE NUMBER 4.94

Grades completed by children having de- fective vision

4.94

Grades completed by children having de- fective teeth

4.65

Grades completed by children having de- fective breathing

4.58

Grades completed by children having mis- cellaneous defects

4.52

Grades completed by children having hyper- trophied tonsils

4.50

Grades completed

children enoids

having

4.24

Grades completed by children having larged glands

4.20

Diagram XXVII. Average number of grades completed by pupils having no physical defects compared with number completed by those suffering from dif- ferent sorts of defects.

I27

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

The notable feature of both the table and the diagram is the fact that in every case except that of defective vision the children suffering from each sort of physical defect made less progress in their school work than did those not so handicapped. The seriousness of these handicaps in terms of percentages is shown below:

TABLE 70. SHOWING PER CENT OF LOSS IN PROGRESS OF CHIL- DREN SUFFERING FROM EACH SORT OF PHYSICAL DEFECT.

Per cent of Loss in Kinds of Defects Progress

Enlarged glands . . . 14.9

Defective vision . . . ..'..". none

Defective breathing . . . ' 7.2

Defective teeth . . . . 5.9

Hypertrophied tonsils . . 8.9

Adenoids - 14.1

Other defects . . .... 8.5

Average . ^ . . . 8.8

In this table the average loss of 8.8 per cent which appears in the last line is not, of course, the numerical average of the per cents of loss corresponding to the different sorts of defects, but rather the general loss of progress discovered among all the children having physical defects. In other words, the children suffering from physical defects made on the whole 8.8 per cent less progress than did those having no physical defects.

CONCLUSIONS

What then shall we conclude in regard to the relation be- tween physical defects and school progress in the light of the differ- ent investigations which have been discussed? We have seen that in the two Philadelphia examinations the percentages of defect- iveness among "exempt" and "non-exempt" children are very similar. The Camden investigation showed very little difference as regards vision and hearing between retarded children and those of normal age.

The New York examination shows that the retarded chil- dren have on the whole fewer defects than those of normal age, but it goes farther than this. It establishes the important prin- ciple that except in the cases of vision older children have fewer defects, -and it shows that when children who are badly retarded are compared with normal children and very bright children in

128

PHYSICAL DEFECTS AND SCHOOL PROGRESS

the same age groups so that the diminishing of defects through advancing age does not enter as a factor, the children rated as "dull" are found to have higher percentages of each sort of defect than the normal and bright children. Here again defective vision must be excepted.

Moreover, the New York investigation gives us quantita- tive measures of the retarding forces of the different kinds of defects. In general, children suffering from physical defects are found to make 8.8 per cent less progress than do children having no physical defects. Children suffering from enlarged glands and adenoids are retarded most. Hypertrophied tonsils, defective breathing and defective teeth are in general somewhat less serious in their effects. No statistical correlation is shown between slow progress and defective vision.

It must be remembered that these results are from a few schools in one city and are not presented as representing general or typical conditions. Moreover the same child is often suffering from several sorts of defects so that the figures do not really show the retarding influence of each sort of defect separately. For instance, we find that children suffering from enlarged glands are retarded to about the same degree as are those with adenoids. But these are to a great extent the same children. Most of those having adenoids also have enlarged glands. Thus the figures while having distinct value as revealing general tendencies must not be interpreted as showing with precision the relative retarding force of each separate sort of defect.

All of these considerations are of the first importance in the problem of retardation. That there is a distinct correlation be- tween physical defectiveness and school progress has been shown. The quantitative measure of the retarding force shows that it is only one of the factors contributing to bring about the serious degree of retardation which exists in our public schools.

In studying the problems of school progress and physical defects we must not forget that school success is to only a limited extent a true measure of real ability. It may often be but an indication of adaptability and docility. Indeed it would not be surprising to find that the child of perfect physical soundness and exuberantj health had so many outside interests as to render him 9 129

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

not particularly successful in school work, and that he found the rigid discipline of the school room so irksome as to cause him to fail of approbation by his teachers.

If investigations prior to the one conducted last year in New York have failed to establish the relation between physical defects and progress, the explanation may well be that the in- vestigators have not tabulated their figures by ages and so their results have been vitiated by the factor of the decrease of defects with advancing age. Again, many of the investigations so far conducted have discriminated only slightly, if at all, between the different sorts of physical defects.

They have grouped together all kinds from pediculosis to tuberculosis. Some have a direct bearing on the problem ; some none at all. Defective hearing undoubtedly exercises an impor- tant influence on a pupil's success in school, but the fact that a child has a club-foot has no such significance. When we find that "non-exempt" children in Philadelphia have many more physical defects than "exempt" children, and when upon further investi- gation we find that the difference is caused by the more prevalent skin diseases in the former group, we have not established a quantitative relation between pediculosis and progress. We have merely secured one more illustration of the shortcomings of the statistics of medical inspection. The new school hygiene is in many respects a new science, and like most ambitious young sciences it too often tries to prove too much.

When medical inspection shows that a reasonable per cent of all the school children are suffering from such physical defects as might reasonably be thought to have some bearing on school progress, it is not surprising that the study of the school records of these pupils shows a high degree of correlation to exist between their marked physical defects and their school progress. But when all defects, however slight, are lumped together and we are told that 80 per cent of the children are defective, it is not strange that no such correlation can be shown. In so relatively definite a test as that for vision we find the ratio of abnormality ranging from 7 per cent in Bayonne to 70 per cent in Cleveland. Again, in a recent examination in Sioux City it was reported that 80 per cent of the children were defective while about the same time

130

PHYSICAL DEFECTS AND SCHOOL PROGRESS

1 8 per cent were reported from Minneapolis. In Chicopee, Massa- chusetts, out of 500 children examined only one was reported as having perfect teeth and he had spinal trouble.

Where the personal equation is so important and methods and standards so little established as in the field of medical inspection, the greatest caution must be exercised in drawing sweeping conclusions from the figures furnished. We have shown :

1. That physical defects decrease with age; that age is the important factor and must be taken into consideration in all in- vestigations dealing with defectiveness and school progress.

2. It has been shown that vision does not follow the same rules as do the other defects.

3. The examinations conducted in New York have shown higher percentages of enlarged glands, defective breathing, hy- pertrophied tonsils and adenoids among the dull children than among the bright children.

4. It has been demonstrated that physical defectiveness has a distinct and important bearing on the progress of children.

The new hygiene has before it a great field in which it is destined to splendid accomplishments in conserving the physical soundness of the rising generations. Medical inspection through its detection and exclusion of contagious diseases is preventing much misery and saving many lives. The school doctor in his study of the physical welfare of the children will make easier, happier and more successful the lives of many thousands of pupils. But when this has been said the limited possibilities in this field have to some extent been indicated. The long yearned-for royal road to learning is not always to be found through the surgeon's knife. " It has not been demonstrated that if you cut out a child's tonsils, fit him with a pair of eyeglasses and clear him of adenoids the school term will be cut in half, the general level of education will surge up and the city will save millions of dollars." The old- fashioned virtues of industry, application, intelligence and regu- larity still hold sway, and among the reasons for poor scholarship are still to be found such old standbys as age upon starting, ab- sence, laziness and stupidity.

CHAPTER XII

IRREGULAR ATTENDANCE AS A CONTRIB- UTORY CAUSE OF RETARDATION

IN the present discussion of backwardness or retardation among school children, it has been thoroughly demonstrated that from one-quarter to one-half of all of the children in the schools are below the proper grades for their ages or have made less progress than they should in the time they have attended school. Whether classified by the criterion of age or by that of time in school a large part of all of our school children are retarded.

It has also been thoroughly demonstrated that an immediate result of this condition is that many children, upon reaching the age of fourteen or fifteen years, find themselves in the fifth or sixth grade instead of the eighth, and drop out without finish- ing. Thus it happens that a comparatively small proportion of the children entering our schools stay to complete the elementary school course. The result is that the amount of education re- ceived by the majority of all of our young people is painfully small, and the educational aims of our school system are, in a large measure, defeated.

Studies of the phenomena of retardation and elimination have up to the present time been mostly confined to attempts at quantitative measurement. Most of the attempts that have been made to point out causes have been somewhat speculative in nature. Among the causes assigned late starting, ignorance of the English language, innate dullness, and physical handicaps have been particularly emphasized. Less frequently, irregular attendance has been mentioned as a contributory factor. It is the purpose of this chapter to present data showing that irregu- lar attendance is a large, if not the largest, factor in bringing about retardation.

132

IRREGULAR ATTENDANCE AS A CONTRIBUTORY CAUSE

The principles underlying the commonly used measurements for enumerating the children reached by a school system are comparatively simple. The common measures are three, namely; total enrollment, average enrollment, and average attendance.

Total enrollment as commonly interpreted is a statement of the total number of children who have been in school during the year for any length of time, long or short.

Average enrollment is often stated by months. It is an expression of the number of children on the roll, based on the supposition that all remained during the entire period. It is, of course, always smaller than the total enrollment.

Average attendance is computed substantially as is average enrollment. It is computation of the number present, based on the supposition that all were present during the entire time. It is, of course, always smaller than average enrollment.

These three measures of attendance have come into so nearly universal use that they are generally accepted without question. A school or a system that reports 90 or 95 per cent attendance is thought to have made a fine record, and the figure naturally leads the school authorities to feel that substantially every child was present and receiving the benefits of instruction every day.

How far this is from being the case is shown by comparing the average attendance with the total enrollment in some of our cities. According to the latest available figures, the relation be- tween them in six of our largest systems is as follows:

TABLE 71. COMPARISON OF ENROLLMENT AND ATTENDANCE IN

SIX CITIES.

City

Total Enrollment

Average Attendance

New York Philadelphia Chicago Baltimore .

1000 IOOO ... . IOOO IOOO

75* 695 823 662

St. Louis Kansas City

IOOO . . . IOOO

813 733

It js plain that total enrollment, the figure almost always * used in stating the magnitude of our public school systems, while appealing effectively to civic pride because of generous size, does

'33

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

not in reality give any accurate idea of how many children are present and receiving instruction each day.

In nearly all systems provision is made for temporarily dropping from the roll the name of any pupil absent more than a few days. In some places the period of absence allowed before dropping the name is three days, in others five, and in still others, ten. Thus the enrollment is automatically kept just a little ahead of attendance and a high per cent of attendance is assured. The fluctuations of attendance below 100 per cent really indicate nothing more than that absences of a day or two have been more or less frequent as the case may be.

It is obvious that such a system does not answer a question as to persistence of attendance. It does not tell us how many children have been present the entire year, and how many only a fraction of a year. It tells nothing about the attendance of an individual; whether he has been present most of the time or not. And yet if a child has been in attendance only half of the time it would plainly be vain to hope that he could be regularly promoted and go on with his classmates. The fluctuations from day to day in a given school are in reality little more than indicators of the clemency of the weather and the attractiveness of outside diver- sions. When the weather is stormy, or the circus is in town the attendance falls; when the sun shines and the circus leaves, the attendance rises. The figures tell us nothing at all as to which pupils and how many are always in school and the number of those frequently absent.

It is probable that few school men realize how many of the children in their schools are present only a small fraction of the year. According to the last United States Census, 13,385,628 attended school during the year 1900. Of these only 9,814,040 attended as much as six months. This indicates that the ques- tion of duration of attendance is well worth looking into.

A diligent study of school reports brings to light nine which give figures showing the persistence of attendance of the pupils. These reports are from Columbus, Ohio, 1907; Cleveland, Ohio, 1906; Dayton, Ohio, 1907; Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1907; Kansas City, Missouri, 1907; New Orleans, Louisiana, 1907;

'34

IRREGULAR ATTENDANCE AS A CONTRIBUTORY CAUSE

Springfield, Ohio, 1907; St. Louis, Missouri, 1907; Syracuse, New York, 1907; also Porto Rico, 1907.

The figures they give are not all computed on the same basis. Cleveland and Porto Rico give figures showing the duration of enrollment, not attendance. It is impossible to discover from the report the basis on which the Columbus figures are computed. The seven other cities give figures showing the duration of atten- dance of all the children enrolled during the year. The figures showing attendance in the white district schools of St. Louis are as follows:

TABLE 72. CHARACTER OF ATTENDANCE IN ST. LOUIS IN 1907.

Days Pupils

,

180 to 200 . ... . . t . . . . . 32,672

160 to 180 ...... . . . / . . 11,935

140 to 160 ..... . . . . . . . 5,776

120 tO 140 . . . . . . . . . . , . . 3,68l

ioo to 120 ..... . .•* ., . ... 3,188

80 to ioo ...... . . ... . 3,321

60 to 80 ..... ; - . . ... . 2,656

40 to 60 . . . . . . . .... . . 3,009

20 tO 40 . . . . . . . . . !>--. . . 3,282

Less than 20 . . . ' 1' . . . . . ". . 2,844

Total . 7 . . . . 75,731

It is plain that the pupils who attended 200 days were never absent, that those who fell within the 180 to 200 days group were in continual attendance with merely casual absences of a day or two, and that most, if not all, of the rest were absent for con- siderable periods, or else began late in the year or left early.

TABLE 73. ATTENDANCE IN ST. LOUIS, 1907. RELATIVE FIGURES.

Days Pupils

20° 44

180 to 200 . ' . . . . 431

160 to 180 . , 158

140 to 160 120 to 140

IOO tO 120

80 to ioo 60 to 80 40 to 60

76

49

42

44

35

40

20 to 40 . . . 43

Less than 20 . . . . . . . .'*.-.. . . 38

Total . . I0oo

135

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

In order to compare the conditions in the different localities some common basis must be established. The easiest way to do this is to reduce the data to relative figures on the basis of condi- tions among 1000 children. When the St. Louis figures are so reduced they appear as expressed in Table 73.

Now it will certainly be conceded that pupils can hardly hope to be promoted unless they have been in attendance during at least three-fourths of the school year. It is desirable then to so arrange our figures that we can measure attendance by fourths of the year. With attendance stated by groups of 20 days in a school year of 200 days this is impossible, but if we rearrange the table dividing each group in two so as to state attendance by groups of 10 days, instead of 20, we can divide the table into four groups. When this is done and each group divided in two we have a new table giving the same information in new form:

TABLE 74. ATTENDANCE IN ST. LOUIS IN 1907 BY FOURTHS OF THE SCHOOL YEAR.

Days

Pupils

Total Per cent

200

... 44

190 to 200.

. . . . . 216

180 to 190.

, .... . 215

170 to 180.

79

160 to 170.

79

150 to 160.

38

671 67.1

140 to 150.

...... . 38

130 to 140.

. .- . . 25

120 to 130.

24

no to 1 20.

.... 21

100 to no.

21

129 12.9

90 to 100.

. . 22

80 to 90.

.' . -. ' . 22

70 to 80.

. . 18

60 to 70.

17

50 to 60.

20

99 9-9

40 to 50.

. « 2O

30 to 40.

... 22

20 to 30.

21

10 to 20.

v. .... 19

o to 10.

"... . ... 19

ioi ro.i

Total ',

> . . . . IOOO

136

IRREGULAR ATTENDANCE AS A CONTRIBUTORY CAUSE

The dotted lines divide the year into fourths leaving in the first division those who have attended more than three-fourths of the time, in the second those who have been present from one- half to three-fourths of the year and so on.

In the following diagram the black portion represents absences and the white attendances:

DAYS PUPILS 10 30 50 70 90 110 130 150 170 190

1000

900

800

Diagram XXVIII. Attendance in St. Louis in 1907. absences, white, attendances.

Black portion represents

This explanation has been given to make clear the methods by which the figures from all the localities have been treated. The final results are shown in Table 75.

The figures for Porto Rico and Cleveland are based on length of enrollment and each would occupy a lower position in the table if the figures gave the attendance instead. The basis of the

'37

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

Columbus figures is uncertain. The figures for St. Louis and New Orleans are for white elementary schools only.

TABLE 75. PERSISTENCE OF ATTENDANCE OF PUPILS IN DIFFERENT CITIES AND IN PORTO RICO.

City

Less than One-fourth

Less than One-half

Less than Three- fourths

More than Three- fourths

Porto Rico . ...

2.0

9.2

21.6

78.4

Dayton, O. . ...

4-7

12. 1

23.6

76.4

Grand Rapids

6.7

14.8

27-5

72.5

Cleveland .

8.6

I8.3

28.0

72.0

Springfield, O. . .

6-5

13-7

28.2

71.8

Syracuse

6.2

16.0

29.7

70-3

St. Louis . .

10. 1

2O.O

32-9

67.1

Kansas City, Mo

10.6

20.8

35-i

64.9

New Orleans

7-7

21.3

37-4

62.6

Columbus, O. .

6.9

18.1

38.6

61.4

Average

7.0

16.4

30-3

69.7

The striking condition disclosed is that with the exception of Dayton, in no city do as many as three-fourths of the children attend as much as three-fourths of the school year. This is a radically different showing from that made by the figures published by some of these same cities giving the per cents of attendance ranging from 90 to 95. The published per cents do not disclose significant conditions. The figures giving attendance by periods of time do.

Only three of the cities publish figures which enable us to compare the number of children promoted with the number present at least three-quarters of the time. The results are as follows :

TABLE 76.-

ZOMPARISON BETWEEN PERCENTAGES OF ATTENDANCE AND PROMOTION IN THREE CITIES.

City

Springfield, O. Syracuse . New Orleans .

Per cent Present at Least £ of the Year . . 71-8 . 70.3 62.6

Per cent

Promoted

72.8

64.9

54-9

IRREGULAR ATTENDANCE AS A CONTRIBUTORY CAUSE

It seems obvious that we have not greatly erred in assum- ing that a low per cent of attendance was accompanied by a low per cent of promotions. The low percentages of promotion may surprise some since we are accustomed to read in reports of from 80 to 90 per cent of the pupils being promoted. The reason for the low figures in our table is that they are the result of com- paring the pupils promoted with the whole number enrolled, not with those enrolled on the last day of the year, which is the com- mon basis.

We may now consider the relation which such low percent- ages of promotion have to retardation and the evil which is its corollary elimination. It is apparent that if considerable num- bers of the children entering school fail to be advanced regu- larly, the lower grades will become abnormally swollen by the damming of the stream of pupils through them. Experience teaches us, too, that in the upper grades the pupils who have ad- vanced slowly and so are over-age will drop out before completing the course, thus making these grades abnormally small.

The general rules which govern these phenomena have been fully treated in a previous chapter. The first is that the number of children in the lower grades before the dropping out process begins will vary as the inverse of the rate of progress. That is, if we have f of the normal progress in these grades we shall have f of the normal number of children in each grade. To state it still again in terms of school administration: If we have a steady rate of promotion of 80 per cent we shall find 1250 pupils in the first grade for each 1000 new pupils entering each year.

Another rule which is less exact and which varies in differ- ent localities, is that no matter what their progress we may expect about 10 per cent of the children to leave school upon reaching the age of thirteen, about 40 per cent will have left at fourteen years, and again about 50 per cent of these at fifteen years.

Where these conditions hold and they do substantially as stated in many localities if we assume a stationary population, no deaths, all the children entering school at the age of seven and a steady rate of promotion of 80 per cent, we shall have a grade distribution for every 1000 children entering school as follows :

'39

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

TABLE 77. HYPOTHETICAL GRADE DISTRIBUTION INFLUENCED BY

RETARDATION AND ELIMINATION.

Grade Pupils

First Grade . . . . 1250

Second Grade . . . . 1247

Third Grade '., 1238

Fourth Grade 1219

Fifth Grade 1127

Sixth Grade 905

Seventh Grade 570

Eighth Grade . . . ."'•".' 272

The notable characteristics of this grade distribution are that for each 1000 children entering school we find 1250 in the first grade, and only 272 reaching the eighth. Just such conditions as these exist in many of our cities. Where they are better it is usually because many children enter before the age of seven, or because fewer drop out at the ages of thirteen, fourteen and fifteen. More rarely it is because the percentage of promotion is higher.

To summarize then we may state our conclusions in four propositions :

1. Such figures as are available indicate that in our cities less than three-fourths of the children continue in attendance as much as three-fourths of the year.

2. Irregular attendance is accompanied by a low percentage of promotions.

3. Low percentage of promotions is a potent factor in bring- ing about retardation.

4. Retardation results in elimination.

In the foregoing no discussion has been attempted of the fact that a part of the short term attendance is due to the immi- gration and emigration of families into and from different cities. Undoubtedly many children begin the school year in one city and continue it in another, thus contributing to swell the figures of short term attendance in both places. It is undoubtedly true, too, that the process usually results in halting the child's progress for a time and often in causing him to lose a grade.

140

CHAPTER XIII PROMOTIONS

THE school child who is not promoted does not advance. The problem of regular advancement of promotions bears the very closest relation to the problems of retardation and elimination.

It is significant of the inadequacy of the study that has been devoted to the whole problem of the progress of school children through the grades, that it is with the greatest difficulty that in- formation concerning promotions can be gleaned from the printed reports. Moreover, where information is to be found it is often in the shape of one figure giving the per cent of promotions for the whole school system for the year and very often we are not even told on what basis this percentage was computed.

Now it is rare indeed that the percentage' of pupils promoted is even approximately constant throughout the grades. As a rule it is much lower in the first grade than in any other grade, and usually it increases with the upper grades. There are good reasons for these commonly observed characteristics. Children enter the first grade in many cities during all of the months of the school year. When they are old enough to begin school their parents send them and they are enrolled. This brings it about that at the end of the term or year a considerable number of them have been in attendance only a short time and are not prepared to go on to the next higher grade. This accounts for the lower percentage of promotions in the first grade.

In the upper grades attendance is more regular, classes are smaller and the duller pupils drop out with each advancing grade. These are some of the reasons accounting for the higher per- centages of promotion in the upper grades.

The per cent of pupils promoted is usually computed on the

141

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

basis of the number enrolled on the last day of the term or year, but not always. It is natural that this basis should be taken, for we naturally compare accomplishment with possibility, and the child who is no longer on the roll could in no event be a candidate for promotion when the last day of the term is reached.

The objection against comparing the pupils promoted with those enrolled at the end of the term is that the pupils who stay to the end are invariably much fewer in number than the total number enrolled during the term, and so we often get a more favorable showing than the facts warrant.

A diligent study of school reports has brought to light promotion figures for sixteen cities. The facts are shown in per- centages in the tables on the following page. In all of the cases except that of Chicago the number of children promoted is com- pared with the number enrolled at the end of the term. In Chicago average enrollment is the basis used.

The line of averages at the bottom of the table shows the characteristics already mentioned with regard to the percentages of promotions in lower and higher grades. The average percent- age of promotion in the first grade is 73. This rises to 85 in the third and fourth, sinks to 83 in the fifth, goes back to 85 in the sixth and seventh, and rises to 88 in the eighth. This is shown even more clearly in Diagram XXIX.

The next significant feature revealed by a study of the table is that there is surprisingly little difference between the average promotion percentages in the elementary grades of the different cities. These figures are found in the final column. With the single exception of Wheeling all of the averages lie between 81 and 90.

Now while there are few quantitative standards by which city school systems can be compared, we know in a general way that we have in this list some cities that have school systems rated by common consent as very good. There are other cities which are recognized as having much poorer systems.

Again, "promotion" is simply a term of educational ad- ministration which is used to denote progress of pupils from grade to grade. We know that pupils progress at greatly varying rates in these cities, for many of the cities have considerably more re-

142

PROMOTIONS

tarded pupils than do others. The question arises why it is that we find the promotion percentages so nearly uniform.

TABLE 78. PROMOTIONS IN SIXTEEN CITIES. PERCENTAGES.

Grade

ii

City

V .

K123456789

p> g

Chicago, 1906

76

73

86

87

87

82

84

82

89

84

Cincinnati, 1907 .

71

81

81

81

85

86

86

89

83

Fort Wayne, Feb., 1907

. .

89

87

85

82

88

85

84

84

Fort Wayne, June, 1907 j . .

68

86

86

85

83

88

84

88

84

Haverhill, 1907

85

91

91

92

91

88

92

93

96

90

Louisville, 1905 .

83

87

86

89

84

83

87

92

86

Maiden, 1907

77

91

92

91

92

92

88

89

97

89

Medford, 1907

79

86

95

92

89

91

92

95

92

90

New York, Jan., 1907 .

37

70

81

81

82

79

80

81

83

81

New York, June, 1907

53

74

83

83

82

82

81

80

84

. .

81

Philadelphia, 1908

78

81

82

83

79

83

84

84

. .

82

Providence, 1908 .

86

93

88

89

83

81

79

88

86

Salt Lake City, 1907 .

78

82

85

82

84

87

86

93

84

84

Somerville, 1907 .

. .

83

88

91

90

92

87

87

93

94

89

Springfield, O., 1907 .

81

84

82

84

86

83

89

97

86

Wheeling, 1907

. .

45

64

72

69

57

75

77

66

Wilkes Barre, 1905

. .

55

94

95

96

93

89

86

78

86

Williamsport, 1908

73

80

76

78

80

84

86

90

93

82

Averages, each grade

55

73

83

85

85

83

85

85

88

93

84

TABLE 78. (Continued.} PROMOTIONS IN HIGH SCHOOLS OF FOUR

OF THE ABOVE SIXTEEN CITIES.

Year

City

I II III IV

Chicago, 1906 ..... Cincinnati, 1907 .

65 79

66 79

73 88

89

IOO

Louisville, 1905

7i

70

82

80

Springfield, O., 1907 ....

85

79

84

9i

Averages

75

73

81

90

One answer to this question may be reached by studying

'43

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

briefly the great influence exerted by a slight difference in the percentage of promotion. We are not accustomed to consider such differences as significant when they are slight. In a general way we feel that if a school system has a record of promotions of 85 per cent it has done well, and that if another system has a record of 80 per cent it too has not only done well, but nearly as well as the first system.

It is worth while to investigate the validity of this assump- tion. In the diagram shown below we have the average percent- ages of promotion for the several grades. If 1000 pupils begin

GRADES

HIGH SCHOOL

100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10

K 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 I II III IV

flfi

90

83

t?^

«—«•

5 •.

o

*

5,

-\

JC

8/x

S

"/

xi

*&

^^

cf~j

/

JJS

PER

CENT

Diagram XXIX. Average Promotion Rates from records of sixteen cities.

school together and are promoted or fail according to these aver- age percentages, how many will complete eight years -without failing; how many will fail; and what will be the aggregate number of failures? Moreover, how will they be distributed as to age and grade at the end of eight years if none drop out? The answers to these questions will show us the true significance of these promotion percentages in their practical working out. To obtain the information let us apply the conditions stated above to a supposititious case where 1000 pupils enter school each year. By consulting the lowest line in Table 79 we note that in the eighth year only 260 of the fourteen year old pupils have reached

144

PROMOTIONS

the eighth grade. At the age of fourteen pupils begin to fall out of school in large numbers. If we should continue our table so as to include the ages fifteen and sixteen and allow for the dropping out of thirteen, fourteen, fifteen and sixteen year old pupils our upper grades would be somewhat larger than they are in the table, and contain pupils of ages varying over an even greater range. In other words we should thereby more closely approximate con- ditions found in our school systems.

TABLE 79. SHOWING AGE AND GRADE DISTRIBUTION IN THE EIGHTH YEAR IN A CITY WHERE IOOO CHILDREN ENTER SCHOOL EACH YEAR AND ARE PROMOTED ACCORDING TO THE PERCENTAGES SHOWN IN THE PRECEDING DIAGRAM. NONE DIE AND NONE DROP OUT.

Grade

7

8

9

A 10

ge 11

12

13

14

Total

First . Second . Third . Fourth . Fifth . Sixth . Seventh

IOOO

280 720

48 354 598

8 93 39i

508

i

22

!37 408

432

5 41 183 412

359

i

TO 62

218

403 3o6

2

«7

86

246

380

J337 ii95 1179 1178 1148 1008 60 s

Eighth .

260

260

Total

IOOO

IOOO

IOOO

IOOO

IOOO

IOOO

TOOO

IOOO

8000

In the table the 260 pupils in the eighth grade have reached that point without having failed. All of the other fourteen year old pupils have failed once or more. There are 740 of them. Of these the 389 pupils who are in the seventh grade have each failed of promotion once; those in the sixth grade have failed twice and so on. Computing these failures in this way for all of the fourteen year old pupils we get a total number of failures of 1217.

We may now express the results of applying our average promotion figures to our hypothetical case in a table as follows:

TABLE 80. RESULTS OF AVERAGE PERCENTAGES OF PROMOTION.

Number not Failing

260 10

Number Failing 740

'45

Aggregate Number

of Failures

1217

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

The facts are startling when we reflect that they express the re- sults of average percentages of promotion. In general terms they mean that in our city schools on the average three out of every four pupils have failed at least once by the time the eighth year of school life is reached, and that the whole number of failures is so large as not to fall far short of averaging two for each pupil who has failed. Certainly the average city school system trains its pupils well in the habit of failure.

If these are the average results, what are the results in the systems having higher percentages of promotion? In the case just discussed the average percentage of promotion in all the grades was 83. In Haverhill and Medford it is 90. Proceeding just as before and applying the Haverhill percentages to the case of 1000 pupils who enter school together each year at the age of seven we have in the eighth year the following distribution:

TABLE 8l. SHOWING AGE AND GRADE DISTRIBUTION IN THE EIGHTH YEAR IN A SYSTEM WHERE IOOO CHILDREN ENTER EACH YEAR AND ARE PROMOTED ACCORDING TO THE HAVERHILL PERCENT- AGES. NONE DIE AND NONE DROP OUT.

Grade

4l

r*

Total

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

First .

IOOO

150

J3

i

1164

Second .

.

850

213

31

3

1097

Third .

,

. .

774

263

7

i

. .

1095

Fourth .

. .

7°5

298

73

14

i

1091

Fifth .

.

. .

649

329

104

21

1103

Sixth .

.

. .

. .

360

125

1076

Seventh

7,7-2

894

Eighth

480

480

Total

IOOO

IOOO

IOOO

IOOO

IOOO

IOOO

IOOO

IOOO

Scoo

The results here are in sharp contrast to the results dis- cussed above. The comparison is as follows:

146

PROMOTIONS

TABLE 82. EFFECTS OF AVERAGE PROMOTION RATES AS COM- PARED WITH RATES OBTAINING IN HAVERHILL, MASS.

Percentages 0} Promotion

Number not Failing

Number Failing

Aggregate Number o/ Failures

Average, 83 Haverhill, go

260

480

740 520

I2J7

690

On the Haverhill standard 480 pupils out of every 1000 reach the eighth grade without failing; on the average standard only 260 do so. On the average standard 740 pupils fail on the way from the first grade to the eighth; on the Haverhill standard only 520. In the former case the aggregate number of failures is 1217; in the latter only 690. The contrasts are sharp and yet the aver- age of the percentages of promotion in the average case is 83, while in Haverhill it is 90. The difference is only 7 points, but the difference between the number of pupils with clear records is 220 in each 1000. This illustrates with great clearness the im- portance of even slight variation in promotion percentages. The principle is stHl further emphasized by noting the results of promotion percentages varying from 100 down to 75:

TABLE 83. SHOWING FOR EACH IOOO PUPILS HOW MANY DO NOT FAIL AND HOW* MANY FAIL IN EIGHT YEARS OF SCHOOL LIFE AND AGGREGATE NUMBER OF FAILURES UNDER DIFFERENT PROMOTION PERCENTAGES.

Percentages of Promotion

Number not Failing

Number Failing

Aggregate Number 0} Failures

100

IOOO

000

ooo

95

698

302

35°

90

478

522

700

85

320

680

1050

80

210

790

1400

75

133

867

175°

These results are shown in graphic form in the following diagrams which forcibly illustrate the astonishing rapidity with which the

'47

100

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

PROMOTION PERCENTAGES 95 90 85 80

Diagram XXX. Number failing and number not failing in eight grades in each 1000 pupils. In each upright column the black portion represents the num- ber failing. Note the rapid increase with each successive drop in promotion per- centage.

Per

cent

Pro- Fail- mated ures 100 0

95

90 700

85 1050

80 1400

75 1750

Diagram XXXI. Increase in the number of failures in eight grades among 1000 pupils with each decrease in the per cent promoted.

148

PROMOTIONS

bad effects of low percentages of promotion increase with each successive decrease of the percentage promoted.

Both figures and diagrams show in striking fashion how far from valid is the natural and common assumption that slight dif- ferences in rates of promotion are of little significance. The facts are quite to the contrary. A promotion rate of 75 per cent is an entirely different matter from one of 80 per cent, and this again has not at all the same educational significance as a 90 or 95 per cent rate.

149

CHAPTER XIV

THE FACTOR OF SEX

IT is a matter of common knowledge that there are more girls than boys in American high schools. According to the figures published by the Commissioner of Education in his re- port for 1907, the boys constitute but 43 per cent of the high school membership and the girls 57 per cent. The condition is note- worthy because the United States is the only nation having more girls than boys in her secondary schools. The common explana- tion, and the one put forward by the Commissioner in his report, is that boys have superior opportunities for securing work at a relatively early age and so drop out of school. Plausibility is lent to this view by the fact that not only do more girls than boys enter the high schools, but a greater proportion remain to the final year.

In 1907 the membership of the four classes in 7624 American high schools as published by the Commissioner of Education was as follows:

TABLE 84. MEMBERSHIP OF 7624 AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOLS,

1906-7.

Class Boys

Girls

Total

First Year ; Second Year. . Third Year . . . . . . Fourth Yea r . . . . .

i37>388 85,082 55,458 36^56

173,296 114,684 77,864 53,726

310,684 199,766

T33,322 89,882

Total . . r . .•'!'../

314,084

4i9,570

733,654

When these figures are reduced to proportional numbers on the basis of 100 girls in the first class, the falling off in the upper

150

THE FACTOR OF SEX

classes, the preponderance of girls over boys, and the better re- tention among the girls in the upper grades are easily seen.

TABLE 85. MEMBERSHIP OF 7624 AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOLS IN 1906-7. PROPORTIONAL NUMBERS.

Class

Boys

Girls

Total

First Year

79

100

179

Second Year

49

66

Third Year

32

45

77

Fourth Year

20

31

51

Total

180

242

422

Or, as shown by the diagram:

! ii

i

in

IV

Diagram XXXII. Showing the falling off of the number of boys and girls in the successive high school classes. Girls represented by columns in solid lines boys by columns in broken lines.

Roughly speaking, for each 100 girls who enter the high school there are only 79 boys. Twenty-five per cent of the boys who enter continue to the fourth class as compared with 31 per cent for the girls. This situation in the field of secondary educa-

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

tion has been the subject of extended comment but similar com- parisons for elementary schools have been rare. The reason has been that until recently we did not have grade figures from a suffi- cient number of school systems to allow of safe studies of grade variability between the two sexes. This difficulty has now been removed by the publication of grade figures by the United States Commissioner of Education.

According to his report for 1907 the two sexes were distrib- uted among the grades in 752 towns and cities as follows:

TABLE 86. GRADE DISTRIBUTION BY SEXES IN 752 CITIES.

1906-7.

Grade Boys Girls

First Grade . . 266,659 249,219

Second Grade . . 190,755 182,444

Third Grade . . . 181,241 176,442

Fourth Grade . . . . 165,127 165,824

Fifth Grade . . i43>J74 143^32

Sixth Grade . . 119,935 123,525

Seventh Grade . . . 91, 773 101,271

Eighth Grade . . 64,391 7S,ii2

We have seen that in the first, as in the other high school classes, the girls outnumber the boys. In the elementary schools the boys are more numerous than the girls in the first grade, but in the eighth grade the girls are more numerous. If we reduce this table also to proportional numbers, taking as a basis this time 100 boys in the first grade, we shall see clearly the comparison between the two sexes.

TABLE 87. GRADE DISTRIBUTION BY SEXES IN 752 CITIES. PRO- PORTIONAL NUMBERS. Grade Boys Girls

First Grade 100 93

Second Grade . . . s 71 68

Third Grade ....'. . . 67 66

Fourth Grade . 62 62

Fifth Grade ..... 53 53

Sixth Grade 44 46

Seventh Grade .... 34 37

Eighth Grade 24 28

Here the comparison is very easily seen. There are more boys than girls in the first grade and more girls than boys in the eighth.

152

THE FACTOR OF SEX

Now the sexes are substantially equal in number in the population. In the United States as a whole at the ages five to nineteen boys are only i per cent more numerous than girls. What then is the explanation of their decided preponderance in these lower grades? There is only one possible answer. Since the two sexes must enter school in substantially equal numbers but boys are decidedly more numerous in the lower grades, it means that there is considerably more retardation among boys than among girls. On the other hand girls are more numerous in the upper grades. This means that there is more elimination among boys. These conditions are shown in the following diagram which represents graphically the facts of the table showing the grade distribution of the sexes:

r

-

2

i

*

11

sq

r

rn

4

H

»•!!•

n

-

i

r~

*""

(

5

7

__

n

8

'

i

r

•~7

Diagram XXXIII. Showing the relative distribution of boys and girls in the elementary grades. Boys represented by columns in dotted lines, girls by columns in solid lines. Boys are more numerous in the lower grades, girls in the upper ones.

'53

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

The conclusions respecting the relative amounts of retarda- tion and elimination among boys and girls may be easily tested by an appeal to the grade and age distribution in those cities which publish these figures separately for the two sexes. Careful search has brought to light fifteen such cases. The per cent of retarded pupils has in each case been calculated by the method explained in Chapter IV with the results shown in the following table:

TABLE

). PER CENT OF RETARDED PUPILS AMONG BOYS AND AMONG GIRLS IN FIFTEEN CITIES.

Difference in

City

Boys

Girls

Favor of the

Girls

i. Aurora, 1907

20. i

16.0

4.1

2. Baltimore, 1907 ....

48.0

44-5

3-5

3. Boston, 1907 . .

19.0

18.1

•9

4. Camden, 1907 ....

47-9

44-8

3-1

5. Columbus, 1907 ....

39-9

34-9

5-°

6. Decatur. 1908 ....

33-4

26.5

6.9

7. Erie, 1901 . . . .;

61.0

59-2

1.8

8. Fort Wayne, 1907.

26.7

20.4

6-3

9. Kansas City, Mo., 1908

49-3

47-8

J-5

10. Kingston, N. Y., ic)o8

41-5

35-2

6-3

ii. Los Angeles, 1904

41.2

35-4

5-8

12. New Haven, 1908

25-7

25.2

•5

13. Reading, 1907 ....

35-5

27-S

8.0

14. Trenton, 1904 ....

34-6

27.1

7-5

15. Williamsport, Pa., 1908

32.8

29.4

3-4

Average of percentages

37-i

32.8

4-3

In every case there is more retardation among boys than among girls, the difference ranging from .5 per cent in New Haven to 8 per cent in Reading. Since the average percentage of re- tardation is 37.1 among boys and 32.8 among girls we may say, taking the percentage of retardation among girls as a basis, that retardation among boys is 13 per cent more prevalent than among girls.

The second proposition which was stated as a conclusion drawn from the study of the grade figures published by the Commissioner of Education, was that there was greater elimina-

'54

THE FACTOR OF SEX

tion among boys than among girls. To test this, recourse must be had to the grade and age figures of thirteen of the cities which publish their figures by sexes. The methods by which the per cent of beginning pupils continuing to the final grade is computed have been explained in the chapter on "Mortality and Survival in the Grades." Applying these methods of computation we have:

TABLE 89. SHOWING PERCENTAGES OF BOYS AND GIRLS RETAINED TO THE FINAL ELEMENTARY GRADE IN THIRTEEN CITIES.

Per Cent of Boys

Per cent 0} Girls

City

Retained to Final

Retained to Final

Grade

Grade

i. Aurora, 1907 . ...

78.9

79.8

2. Baltimore, 1907 . ...

26.6

3!-9

3. Boston, 1907 . . . .

63-1

72.3

4. Camden, 1907 . .

16.6

18.0

5. Columbus, 1907 . ...

51.6

58.8

6. Decatur, 1908 . .

77.0

78.7

7. Erie, 1901 . . ...

20.7

34-0

8. Fort Wayne, 1907 . .

79-4

75-4

9. Kansas City, Mo., 1908

55-5

72-3

10. Kingston, N. Y., 1908

63.8

84.1

ii. Los Angeles, 1904 . ...

41.7

57-7

12. Trenton, 1904. . ...

33-5

42.5

13. Williamsport, 1908

40.9

54-6

Average of percentages

49.9

58.5

Here in every case, except that of Fort Wayne, a greater percentage of girls than of boys is retained to the final elementary grade. The percentage for boys is 49.9; for girls it is 58.5. The difference in favor of the girls is 8.6 points. Taking the percent- age of retention among boys as a basis we may say that the pro- portion of girls who remain in school to the final elementary grade is 17.2 per cent greater than that for the boys.

Since retardation and elimination are both more severe among boys than among girls it follows that the number of re- peaters must also be greater. Computing in each case the num- ber of repeaters by the method described in the chapter entitled "The Money Cost of the Repeater" we have the following results:

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

TABLE 90. NUMBER OF REPEATERS AMONG BOYS AND GIRLS IN FOURTEEN CITIES.

City

Boys

Girls

i. Aurora, 1907

156

155

2. Baltimore, 1907 ....

9>023

8,432

3. Boston, 1906 ,

5,99!

5,°3°

4. Camden, 1907 ....

2,132

2,131

5. Columbus, 1907 .

2,020

I,5I3

6. Decatur, 1908 ....

440

354

7. Erie, 1901

1,065

961

8. Fort Wayne, 1907 ....

500

443

9. Kansas City, Mo., 1908

4,247

3,8i4

10. Kingston, N. Y., 1908 .

407

3°3

ii. Los Angeles, 1904

2,425

12. New Haven, 1908

1,772

i, 600

13. Trenton, 1904 14. Williamsport, 1908 . .

1,083

373

1,005 321

Total

2

28 8

Total membership of elementary schools

141,240

140,839

Per cent of repeaters ....

22.8

20. 2

In every case there are more repeaters among the boys than among the girls. The percentages are 22.8 for the former and 20.2 for the latter. Taking the proportion of repeaters among the girls as a basis we find that the proportion for boys exceeds that for girls by 12.8 per cent.

Since it has been shown that there is more retardation, more elimination and a greater number of repeaters among boys than among girls it follows that rates of promotion must be lower among them. Unfortunately it is impossible to test this satis- factorily because of lack of information in a sufficient number of cases. Only two cities have been found in which the statistics of promotion are so published as to permit of the comparison. There the results are as follows:

TABLE 91. PER CENT OF PROMOTION AMONG BOYS AND GIRLS

IN TWO CITIES.

City

Wilkes Barre, 1905 Wheeling, 1907

,56

Boys 80.9 71.0

Girls 81.2

THE FACTOR OF SEX

While it would be distinctly unwise to draw conclusions from two cases, it is significant that here, as in all of the other compari- sons made, the result is the same conditions favor girls over boys. The conclusions from the comparisons between conditions for the two sexes may be summarized as follows:

1. In our high schools 57 per cent of the pupils are girls and only 43 per cent are boys.

2. For each 100 girls who enter there are only 79 boys.

3. Twenty-five per cent of the boys continue to the fourth class as compared with 3 1 per cent for the girls.

4. Retardation among boys in elementary schools is 13 per cent more prevalent than among girls.

5. The proportion of girls who remain to the final elementary grade is 17 per cent greater than the proportion of boys who re- main.

6. There are more repeaters among boys than among girls. The former exceed the latter by about 13 per cent.

All of the results which have been discussed are most sig- nificant from an educational view point. In the current dis- cussion of what has been termed the feminization of our schools much has been made of alleged bad effects of too exclusively feminine instruction on the moral fiber and character of the boys, but little evidence has been brought forward to substantiate these claims.

Here we have indisputable evidence that there is more re- tardation among our boys than among our girls in the elementary schools. As this condition exists before the close of the compul- sory attendance period it can have no relation to the alleged greater desire for seeking employment on the part of the boys which has often been put forward as an explanation of the more rapid fall- ing out of school of the boys. There are more repeaters among the boys than among the girls and the boys leave school earlier and in greater numbers. This latter condition arises in the elementary schools and continues through the high schools. The percentage of promotions is less among boys than among girls.

It is impossible definitely to attribute these conditions to

157

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

the employment of large numbers of women teachers in our schools because we have no schools taught by men to use for purposes of comparison. We can, however, state definitely as a conclusion from the facts that have been presented, that our schools as they now exist are better fitted to the needs and natures of the girl than of the boy pupils.

CHAPTER XV

AGE THE CONTROLLING FACTOR IN ELIMINATION

WHEN we study city school systems with reference to the proportion of their pupils that they retain to the final elementary grade we find, as shown by this study, the greatest diversity of results. Camden drops four out of every five on the way from the first grade to the eighth. Quincy, Massa- chusetts, drops one and keeps four out of every five. Careful study of the age and grade figures shows conclusively that age is the deciding factor in this dropping out process. Children are not kept in the elementary school as a rule long after they pass the age of fourteen. If upon reaching that age they are ready to pass on to the high school many of them will do so. If on the other hand they are only in the fifth grade they will drop out and go to work. In any case they will leave the elementary school at about that age. This may be verified by a study of the age and grade dis- tribution in any city. For the present discussion, let us consider conditions in Cincinnati in June, 1907. The distribution of children by grades and ages at that time is given in the following table:

TABLE 92. GRADE AND AGE DISTRIBUTION IN CINCINNATI.

Grade

Age

Total

6 78 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 1718

1

988

3557

1972

790

312

149

82

40

13

8

3

79H

2

20

418

iqqo

1870

988

467

235

106

54

18

i

6167

3

. .

Q

38i

1608

1726

1201

623

323

162

32

9

2

x

6077

4

60

401

1403

t.503

1038

622

306

72

15

i

542i

5

IS

288

III2

1233

1041

592

167

32

I

i

4482

6

27

310

943

1209

820

298

49

4

i

3661

7

. .

35

273

885

900

462

117

18

5

269^

8

24

2^7

771

c;c-6

2IO

1n

•e

186^

Total .

I008

3984

4403

4684

4744

4777

445i

4483

3618

1613

436

66

*3

38280

159

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

Referring to the figures in the top row we find that there are 1 397 pupils nine years of age or older. As these statistics were gathered at the end of the year we may consider that these first grade chil- dren if they progress normally may graduate seven years from now. But they now range in ages from 9 to 16. Hence, they will be from 1 6 to 23 years of age upon graduation.

What is the probability that they will remain in school until they attain these ages? An exact computation of this cannot be made because we have no means of finding out how many new pupils enter the schools of Cincinnati each year. However, we may approximate it by the method explained in Chapter V. We note that the number of children at each of the ages from eight to thirteen inclusive is not far from 4500. As the number of beginners each year cannot be far from the number of children who become of school age each year, we shall not be far out of the way if we conclude that the number of pupils annually entering the schools of Cincinnati for the first time is about 4500. Now the number of children sixteen years of age or older in the eighth grade is only 255. That is to say, out of the children who enter these schools each year only one out of eighteen stays to graduate, if in order to do so he has to remain until he is at least sixteen years old. If graduation means staying in school until the age of seventeen, only one in 100 does so; the rest drop out. If graduation means staying to the age of eighteen only one in 900 survives. The rest fall by the wayside.

By referring to the figures at the bottom of the table giving size of the age groups, it will be noted that there is a sharp falling off at the age of fourteen followed by successive and large diminu- tions at the ages fifteen, sixteen, seventeen and eighteen. Of course, part of this is due to the fact that many of the children of these ages have passed on into the high school. A large part of it, however, is due to the permanent dropping out of school of children at the ages from fourteen on. In Cincinnati practically no children leave school before the age of thirteen. One out of every five drops out at the age of fourteen. During the following year half of the children leave. At sixteen half of those who are left drop out. At seventeen there is a further falling off of 50 per cent. The same is true at eighteen and nineteen.

160

AGE THE CONTROLLING FACTOR IN ELIMINATION

It is evident that the age of fourteen is the critical age in Cincinnati. The age of fourteen is not to be taken, however, as the universal quitting point. Cities differ very much in the magnetic powers of their schools over the children. In some cities, Wheeling for example, pupils leave in large numbers at the age of thirteen. In others, as in Grand Rapids, few drop out of the elementary schools before the age of fifteen.

There is an even greater difference to be noted in the age of starting. In Cincinnati few children are found under the age of seven. In Boston a large part of the children begin school at the age of five. If a child begins school at the age of five and is regularly promoted he can complete the eight grades by the time he is thirteen ; if he begins at seven he will reach the final grade at fifteen. Since both combinations are possible and common, the only way to discover whether age at starting or retention in the upper grades is the deciding factor in securing for a city a high percentage of grade survival, is to study the facts.

In order to do this Table 93 has been prepared which includes only cities which give age figures for all schools, not for elementary schools only. Cities have also been omitted where the number of children at six years of age appears to mean children of six and under. This leaves us thirty-seven cities to consider. These cities are ranked in the order of the percentage of beginning pupils con- tinuing to the highest grade. Decatur, where 77.4 per cent of the beginners survive occupies the first place, and Camden which carries through only 17.3 per cent occupies the other extreme.

In this list Richmond (colored) occupies the median position. Nineteen cities make better showings and nineteen make poorer records. This is shown by the plus and minus signs in the second column. The third column shows in relative figures, on the basis of 1000 beginners, the number of pupils who are in school at the age of six.

It will be noted that in several cases the number is more than 1000. At first sight this appears anomalous, for we should not expect the number of children at the age of six to exceed the num- ber of beginners. The reason is that the number of beginners is computed by taking the average of the year groups. In the cases in the table where the children at six are more than 1000, it is ii 161

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

because the six year group happened to be larger than the average of the 'components going to make up the figure which we consid- ered the number of beginners.

TABLE 93. PER CENT OF PUPILS RETAINED TO FINAL GRADE, NUMBER AT 6 YEARS OF AGE AND NUMBER AT 15 YEARS IN 37 CITIES. RELATIVE FIGURES ON THE BASIS OF IOOO BEGINNERS.

City

Number Reaching Highest Grade

Relation to Median

Number at 6 Years

Relation to Median

Number at 15 Years

Relation to Median

i. Decatur

77-4

+

974

+

45 1

+

2. Fort Wayne " .

77.0

+

1170

4-

506

4-

3. Grand Rapids

76.4

+

1017

+

818

4-

4. Omaha

74-3

-f

1024

-|-

554

-f-

5. Medford

72.2

+

93°

488

-f

6. Richmond (white)

71.9

+

103

449

+

7. Wilmington (white)

69.8

+

4-

595

+

8. Newton

68.9

+

1026

4-

+

9. Denver

68.8

1

1166

4-

641

-|-

10. Kansas City.

67.4

+

1116

4-

560

4.

IT. Springfield, O. .

59-4

4-

786

525

+

12. Fitchburg

58.2

4-

1015

4-

555

+

13. New Brunswick .

55-1

4-

894

416

Median

14. Columbus .

54-8

4-

911

560

-f-

15. Portland, Me.

54-7

+

720

665

+

1 6. Chicago

52.3

+

IIIO

4-

3°4

17. Williamsport

47-9

4-

887

444

+

1 8. Louisville (white)

46.7

4-

1004

4-

19. Meriden

46.4

+

1056

+

395

20. Richmond (colored)

46.3

Median

91

478

21. Dayton

45-8

1034

4-

511

+

22. Jersey City .

44-7

932

Median

246

23. New York .

42.6

592

292

24. St. Louis

42.3

625

25. Cincinnati .

41-3

223

464

-f

26. Utica .

38.0

-

802

411

27. Passaic

37-2

1 100

+

227

28. Reading

36.2

779

243

29. Paterson

36.1

981

-f

282

30. Philadelphia

32-4

528

215

31. Wheeling

950

4-

249

32. Woonsocket.

30.0

1056

4-

353

33. Baltimore

29-3

819

347

34. Newark

28.0

1063

4-

211

35. Hoboken

27-3

1002

4-

290

36. Erie. .

27.1

728

304

37. Wilmington (col.)

26.4

895

537

-f

38. New Orleans (white) 25.5

286

39. Camden

17-3

925

220

~

162

AGE THE CONTROLLING FACTOR IN ELIMINATION

In the third column the median is Jersey City with 932 children at the age of six. The relations of the records of the other cities to the median are shown by the plus and minus signs in the fourth column. Among the cities in the upper half, twelve have more than the median number of children in school at six, and seven have less. The median itself, seven cities marked plus, and eleven marked minus are found in the lower half.

It is evident that there is little correlation here between those beginning school early and those continuing to the highest grade. If all of the cities making poor showings as regards sur- vivors had few children in school at the age of six, and all those making good showings had many at that age, we should conclude that age at starting was the deciding factor. As it is we can see little relation between the two.

The fifth column shows the pupils remaining to the age of fifteen. Here the median is New Brunswick with 416.

The sixth column shows by the plus and minus signs that in the upper half of the table we have the median itself, fifteen cities having more than the median number of children at fifteen and three having less. In the lower half of the table there are three more and sixteen less.

Here the result is as conclusive as it was inconclusive before. The cities with badly shrunken final grades are the cities which do not retain many children to the age of fifteen. Those with large final grades are the ones that succeed in keeping their children in large numbers to that age.

Note: These relationships may be more correctly determined by computing the mathematical correlations between the first and second groups and the first and third groups. A perfect correlation is mathematically expressed by i and a less perfect correlation by some high percentage of i, as .85 or .90; a low correlation by a small per cent, as .20 or .25; negative correlations, by minus quantities varying in the same way from o to i.

In the case in point the index of correlation may be simply and quickly obtained by reference to one of Pearson's simpler formulas modified by Dr. Guy Montrose Whipple of Cornell University. According to Pearson

TT r/ad r = sin

_ 2 ad +

Now this formula may be brought into a more convenient form if we re- place the sine by the cosine of its complement.

163

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

All of the foregoing will be rendered plainer by referring to Diagram XXXIV.

In the upper of the three divisions the shaded portion repre- sents the percentage of pupils in each city retained to the final elementary grade. In the second division the shaded columns represent for the same cities in relative figures the number of children in school at the age of six. It is plain that there is no close correlation between the number of children at the age of six and the per cent of children retained to the final elementary grades. In this division of the diagram some of the columns are long, some short, entirely irrespective of the number of survivors in the final grade. In the third division of the diagram the shaded columns are proportionate to the relative figures representing the number of children in school at the age of fifteen. Here we see a general correlation between the number of children at the age of fifteen and the percentage of children retained to the final grade.

The cities on the left of the diagram having large final grades are the cities which have many children in school at fifteen years of age. Those at the extreme right, which have small final grades, have few children at the age of fifteen. While there are several exceptions it is evident that there is here a distinct correlation.

TT X i/a.d i/bc 1 2 " 2 i/ad + /bcj

r = cos | - - - - ^T==

which we can reduce to

/be

r = cos

I/' ad + I/DC

If now we further simplify by substituting for the square root of the pro- duct of the b and c cases the percentages of cases with unlike signs (U), and for the square root of the product of the a and d cases the percentages of cases with like signs (L), we obtain Sheppard's formula:

U r = cos T i TJ n

The results of this formula do not differ appreciably from the foregoing as the value of the fraction is virtually identical.

Now, since L+U must always equal 100, and since n = 180° this formula may be written for greater convenience,

r = cos U 1.8°

By applying this simplified method to the data in question we have as the correlation between the first series and the second ^S^which is a very low correla- tion. Again performing the computations for the first and third series we have as the result .844 which is a very high correlation.

164

Diagram XXXIV. (1) Per cent retained to final grade in 37 cities com- pared with (2) Number of beginners present at 6 and (3) Number present at 15. Low correlation between (1) and (2). High correlation between (1) and (3).

(*) Colored schools.

165

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

The lesson of this is that retention at the upper ages, not age at starting, is the deciding factor in obtaining for a city a large percentage of survivors in the highest grades. Why this should be so is not at first sight apparent. Most of our school courses are arranged on the supposition that a child will complete the elementary grades in eight years. If he starts at the age of five and is regularly promoted he will graduate at the age of thirteen. Beginning at six he will finish at fourteen, and so on. Thus it would seem that the way to insure a large number reaching the final grade before the characteristic exodus at fourteen would be to have them start early. And yet our figures show that age at starting is not the controlling factor.

Light is thrown on this seeming paradox by studies made of the school records of pupils in the schools of the city of New York. Complete transcripts of the school histories of 269 eighth grade pupils who were about to graduate were secured. Comparing the ages at starting in the first grade and time taken to complete the course the following facts were disclosed :

TABLE 94. AGE AT STARTING, TIME IN SCHOOL AND AVERAGE AGE OF 269 EIGHTH GRADE PUPILS IN NEW YORK CITY.

Average Num-

Age at Starting

Number

ber of Years Taken to Com-

Age at Gradua- tion

plete 8 Grades

Under 5 . . .

12

9.62

14.62

5 to 6

64

8.86

14.36

6 to 7

IJ3

8.61

15.11

7 to 8

54

8.44

15-94

8 to 9

*9

8.18

1 6.68

9 to 10

7

7.21

16.71

Total

269

8.61

15-23

In studying this table it must be remembered that it repre- sents survivors only. The third column shows plainly that those who make rapid progress through the grades are pupils who started at comparatively advanced ages. Those who make slow progress are the pupils who begin young. On the other hand it must be

1 66

AGE THE CONTROLLING FACTOR IN ELIMINATION

remembered that most of those who start late never reach the highest grades at all. They drop out on the way. Those who start young take more than normal time to make the journey but still they have time to arrive at the finish. The facts of the table are graphically shown in the following diagram:

Children starting under 5 take 9.6 years to complete 8 grades.

Children starting from 5 to

6 take 8.9 years to complete 8 grades.

Children starting from 6 to

7 take 8.6 years to complete

8 grades.

Children starting from 7 to 8 take 8.4 years to complete 8 grades.

Children starting from 8 to q take 8.2 years to complete 8 grades.

Children starting from 9 to 10 take 7.2 years to com- plete 8 grades.

Diagram XXXV. Age at starting and time in school of 269 eighth grade pupils

in New York City.

On account of the educational significance of the facts dis- closed by the study of the school histories of the eighth grade pupils, a further investigation was made of the records of 967 fifth grade pupils. The facts as to age at starting and time in school are as shown in Table 95.

Not only is this corroborative of the former set of results but it introduces some new points of interest. In the table of eighth grade pupils it will be noted that the latest age at starting given is ten years. Here we note that a few started even as late as twelve years of age. No matter what their rate of progress these pupils never get as far as the eighth grade. They drop out before reaching it.

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

TABLE 95. AGE AT STARTING, TIME IN SCHOOL AND AVERAGE AGE OF 967 FIFTH GRADE PUPILS IN NEW YORK CITY.

Age at Starting

Number

Average Time in School

Average Age

Under 5 . ' .. .' .

27

7-°5

12.05

5 to 6 . ...

248

6.08

11.58

6 to 7 . . .

410

5-92

12.42

7 to 8 . . .

173

5-75

l3-a5

8 to 9

72

5-JQ

13.69

9 to 10

32

4-85

J4-35

10 to ii

4

3-5o

I3'SO

1 1 tO 1 2 . . -.-...

i

3-5°

14.50

Total . ' - .

967

5.86

12.51

In graphic form the same facts are presented below:

Children starting under 5 take 7.1 years to complete 5 grades.

Children starting from 5 to 6

take 6.1 years to complete 5 grades.

Children starting from 6 to 7

take 5.9 years to complete 5 grades.

Children starting from 7 to 8

take 5.8 years to complete 5 grades.

Children starting from 8 to 9

take 5.2 years to complete 5 grades.

Children starting from 9 to 10 take 4.9 years to complete 5 grades.

Children starting from 10 to n take 3.5 years to complete 5 grades.

Children starting from n to 12 take 3.5 years to complete 5 grades.

Diagram XXXVI. Age at starting and time in school of 967 fifth grade pupils

in New York City.

1 68

AGE THE CONTROLLING FACTOR IN ELIMINATION

In this table it is again shown that the fastest progress has been made by those who started late and the slowest by those who started early.

In spite of their importance none of the features mentioned as worthy of note in these two sets of results has the educational significance that attaches to another fact which they show. This is, that the average time taken by pupils who start at the usual ages or younger is more than the normal time for doing the grade work. This makes it difficult or impossible for them to finish by the time they are fourteen. The average time taken by pupils who start to school late, while somewhat abbreviated, is still so much that they too find it difficult or impossible to reach the final grade at the age of fourteen.

The reason why retention at the upper ages and not age at starting is the controlling factor in securing a large percentage of survivors is that our school courses are too difficult to be com- pleted in eight years by the average child who starts at the age of five, six or seven, and our systems of grading are too in- flexible to permit the more mature child to make up the handicap he is under through late start. Thus, no matter whether children start early or late a large part of them will have to remain to the age of fifteen or sixteen in order to graduate.

We may summarize our conclusions as follows:

1. Age is the important factor in all studies of elimination.

2. Cities differ widely both in respect to attracting children early and keeping them when they are older.

3. Retention at the upper ages, not age at starting, is the controlling factor in elimination.

4. Children who make the most rapid progress through the grades are those who start late and those who make the slowest progress are those who start early.

5. Most of the children who start late never graduate. Those who start early are the ones most likely to finish.

6. Our school courses are too difficult for the immature child and too long for the mature one.

169

CHAPTER XVI ARE CONDITIONS IMPROVING?

ONE of the results of the recently awakened interest in re- tardation has been the assumption on the part of many people that the evil itself is one of recent growth in our schools. To some degree this conclusion has resulted from the pres- ent agitation in favor of vocational instruction in the grades. The advocates have pointed to recent economic and social trends of so- ciety as enforcing their arguments for vocational training, and they have also given prominent place to retardation, and its consequent evil, elimination, as constituting further reasons in support of their pleas. This has resulted in enforcing the natural assumption that retardation is an educational evil of recent development.

Under these conditions it becomes worth while to examine into the truth of this assumption and to discover whether retarda- tion is increasing or decreasing in seriousness; and, if the latter be the case, if the decrease is rapid enough to warrant us in feeling that the matter will take care of itself if no further attention be paid to it.

The data upon which to base such an investigation are neither easily secured nor abundant. Among the cities of the coun- try six have been publishing age and grade distributions for a con- siderable number of years. From these tables we may compute the percentages of retarded pupils in each city and compare recent conditions with those of former years.

The conditions disclosed are not very conclusive. In Bos- ton the percentage of retardation has fluctuated, but there seems to be some indication of slight improvement. Columbus seems to show no decided change in the twelve years. Kansas City shows decided improvement. The result in Los Angeles is negative. Portland shows steady improvement, and Springfield continued and decided improvement. The general tendency, as expressed

170

ARE CONDITIONS IMPROVING?

by the averages at the foot of the table, is one of general progress toward better conditions with no advance in the last five years.

TABLE 96. PER CENT OF RETARDED PUPILS IN SIX CITIES FOR A SERIES OF YEARS.

City

co

i

t^.

i— i

GO

i

Oi

00-668

i

<N

i

I

8

t

I

I

l>

Boston Columbus Kansas City, Mo. . Los Angeles

22.1

37-5 57-5

21.3 34-6

58-7 18 *

IQ.I 33-2

52.9

37 6

19-3 3i-7

53-i « 8

24-3 30.6

51.2

•2? I

23.8 29.8

48.7

36 6

16.2

31.3 48.9

36 o

15-5 29.7

48.2 16 1

20.3

34-9

49.2 ^8 ?

14.2 38.4

49-8

19.9 37-2

49.6

I8.5

37-3

48.5

Portland, Ore. .

V 6

386

38 7

28 *

•2Q I

20 8

2Q.6

3O.7

Springfield, Mass. .

42.5

43-4

41.9

41.0

35-2

31.6

30.6

27-5

27.6

26.2

24.2

23.2

Average of the per- centages.

39-9

39-3

36.1

36-1

35-7

34-8

33-6

30-9

33-8

3°-9

32.1

31.6

On account of the meagerness and unsatisfactory charac- ter of this evidence further data of another sort have been com- piled. These consist of computations of the percentage which the membership of the grades from the kindergarten to the fourth grades of different city school systems are of the entire member- ship of all of the elementary grades. These figures have been secured from forty-seven cities. In general they cover a period of twelve years, although in several cases the information is lacking for some of the years. Although but forty-seven cities furnish these data there are fifty cases, for we have figures from three of the cities giving the information separately for the white and colored pupils.

Out of the fifty cases, fifteen show a higher percentage in the final year than in the first one. The other thirty-five show decreases. The figures at the bottom of the table giving the averages of the percentages show a gradual decrease from 69.1 in 1895 to 65.3 in 1906, a falling off of 3.8 points in twelve years. This shows that there is a slow but general tendency which is

171

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'73

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

by no means universal for our cities to increase the relative size of the enrollment in the upper grades as compared with that in the lower ones.

In general we may conclude from such data as we can secure that the percentage of retardation is gradually growing less in our city school systems, and more of the children are reaching the upper grades. These hopeful tendencies are far from being either universal or decided. While they are encouraging they are so inconsiderable in degree as to indicate very plainly that retarda- tion is not an evil which will be self-eradicating if neglected.

'74

CHAPTER XVII

AN INDEX OF EFFICIENCY FOR PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEMS

THE most perfect plant for converting the stored up energy of coal into power available for turning machinery in a factory, producing electricity, or driving an ocean liner is far from being ideally efficient. The best type of tubular boiler has a steam-producing power of about 66 per cent of the theoretical potential energy in the fuel consumed. The steam engine delivers about 17 per cent of the power of the steam. The two together when of the very highest type convert into available power about 1 1 per cent of the theoretic potential energy stored in the fuel. A gas engine makes a better record of about 24 per cent of the theoretic efficiency.

The principles on which such estimates are based and the for- mulas by which they are computed are thoroughly understood by engineers, and form most valuable measures by which results are compared and new methods checked.

In this country there are perhaps 8,000,000 people engaged in the manufacturing industries. The teachers and pupils in our schools number about 19,000,000. Yet when we turn from the field of applied mechanics to that of educational administration the transition as regards standards and measures of comparison is too often from science, knowledge, and precision to conjecture, opinion and chance.

It has been repeatedly asserted in defense of this condition that education has to do with individuals and character, which are not susceptible of mathematical measure, and not with objects and processes which may be so treated. While this contention has some validity when we consider individuals, it does not hold when we seek to compare school systems. Here where a large degree of comparison and measurement should be possible we

'75

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

find a deplorable lack of standards with which to work. We know that many children leave school before completing the elementary course. Our schools are over-crowded in the lower grades and contain few pupils in the upper ones, but for how many educations the state actually pays for each one delivered no one knows. Our city superintendents cannot even tell us how many new pupils begin school each year.

These particular features have been emphasized in this discussion, because if they were known for our city school systems we should have the necessary data for comparing the efficiency of the systems in so far as that is outwardly manifested. Speci- fically:

1. If we can find out how many children begin school each year we can compute how many remain to the final elementary grade. Such a factor would show the relation of the finished product to the raw material.

2. The number of beginners tells us of the number of children who under conditions of maximum theoretical efficiency should be in each grade. Hence we may readily calculate the size of the school system under ideal conditions and compare it with the actual size. Pursuing our industrial analogy still further, this gives us the relation of the actual plant in size to the theoretic requirements. This we may call the economic factor.

3. Comparing not theoretical but actual size with the actual not theoretical product, we reach an index of efficiency which will express both the educational and economic results in combination and give us a means of rating different school systems on the basis of efficiency.

To illustrate, suppose we had a factory which instead of utilizing all its raw material (100 per cent) embodied only 50 per cent in its finished product. It appears that the 50 per cent is the measure of its efficiency. But suppose the plant is not economically organized. Suppose that for a theoretical product of 100 per cent it requires an organization represented by 8000 units, but it actually comprises 9000 units, an organization which may be represented by f or 1 12.5 per cent of the standard. What then is its real efficiency? Its plant is f as large as it should be theo- retically. From the viewpoint of plant then, the efficiency is -f.

,76

AN INDEX OF EFFICIENCY FOR PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEMS

But its product is only J as large as it should be. From the view- point of product then the efficiency is only 4.

Looking at our plant now from the two viewpoints, it is obvious that its efficiency is expressed by the product of these two fractions or J X f = f = 444 per cent.

Now suppose these conditions are found not in a factory but in a school system. For each 1000 children who enter only 50 per cent reach the eighth grade. The efficiency from the view- point of product is J or 50 per cent. Moreover, instead of finding 8000 pupils in the eight grades we find 9000. From the viewpoint of plant the efficiency is f or 88.8 per cent. The figure representing the efficiency of the school system is then J X f = f or, in terms of percentages, 50 per cent. X 88.8 per cent. = 44.4 per cent.

These propositions are stated in full appreciation of the limited possibilities of measurement and comparison in this field. Cities differ as to methods, ideals, courses of study, statistical practice and number of grades. Moreover, designations used in two different cities though alike may not indicate real equality. Eight grades in Massachusetts may not mean at all the same thing as eight grades in Florida. None of these things are or can be taken into account by a numerical index of efficiency. What can be roughly measured, if we can secure the necessary data, is the degree to which the different cities approximate their ideal of furnishing elementary educations, as that is understood in each place, to all the children who enter the public schools. Keeping all of these limitations before us we may proceed to examine our available data.

If we are to find out what proportion of the children entering school remain to the final elementary grade, the first step is to ascertain the annual number of beginners. Since this figure can- not be deduced from an observation of the grade memberships and is not stated in the printed reports, we must compute it from the figures giving the age statistics as has been explained in Chapter V.

By means of this method we can find with approximate accuracy how many children there are in the final grade for each 1000 beginners in all of the cities for which we have age and grade figures. Under ideal school conditions where all of the children

I77

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

were regularly promoted, none dropped out before finishing, there were no deaths and the population was stationary, it is evident that with 1000 beginners annually we should find 1000 children in the first grade, 1000 in each successive grade up to the eighth and 8000 in the elementary schools. In similar fashion a seven grade system would have 7000 and a nine grade system 9000 children.

In such cases the index of efficiency would be 100 per cent. Suppose now that on the basis of each 1000 beginners we have the following:

TABLE 98. GRADE DISTRIBUTION IN CLEVELAND IN 1906.

Grade Pupils

First Grade . 1877

Second Grade iST9

Third Grade 1389

Fourth Grade 1140

Fifth Grade 1066

Sixth Grade ..-.'• 863

Seventh Grade . . s * . . . . 619

Eighth Grade . '. ..'".. . 476

Total 8754

Instead of 1000 pupils in the eighth grade only 476 are found there. Instead of 8000 in all the grades there are 8754. It is evident that on the educational side the output of Cleveland's school plant is only 47.6 per cent of what it should be. On the economic side the city is paying f £££ as much as she should pay to have all the children finish the course. The figure which represents the efficiency of the school plant of Cleveland is then

rVA -*• %m or TVA X %m = 83T%8o0o°o or 43-5 per cent.

It would now seem that we were ready to proceed to make similar computations for the other cities and compare our results, but two difficulties present themselves. In the first place the number in the final grade is not the only important measure of the amount of education given the children. Two cities may have equal percentages of their beginners continuing to the final grade and still one city may carry far more pupils to the next grade below the final grade than does the other. Such a case is found in comparing Jersey City and Salt Lake City where the membership of the three final grades on the basis of moo beginners is as follows:

,78

AN INDEX OF EFFICIENCY FOR PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEMS

TABLE 99. MEMBERSHIP OF FINAL THREE GRADES IN TWO CITIES.

Grade 678

Jersey City, 1906 .... 808 545 447

Salt Lake City, 1901 .... 949 709 449

Again, a few cities have seven grades, a great many have eight grades and some have nine grades. It is evident that here we have a new complicating factor. The final elementary grade does not mean the same thing in all places. It is evident that Med- ford, Massachusetts, makes a much better educational record when she carries 722 out of each 1000 beginners to the ninth grade than does Richmond when she takes 719 (white) to the seventh grade.

My correction for this is an arbitrary one. I take the average of the relative figures expressing the memberships of the seventh grade to the final grade inclusive. This I consider a measure of the number of children being given a substantially complete elementary education each year. Using the average makes for fairness towards those cities which carry a large part of their children to the next to the last grade, and it also favors nine grade systems over eight grade ones and these over seven grade systems.

The several steps in this process of estimating efficiency are as follows:

(1) Secure age and grade figures on the same basis of enum- eration.

(2) Find the average of the age groups seven to twelve inclusive.

This is considered the annual number of beginners.

(3) Compute by means of relative figures on the basis of 1000 beginners the membership of the grades and their total.

(4) Find the average of grades seven to final, inclusive (relative figures).

(5) Divide the number of grades times 1000 by the total membership of the grades (relative figures).

(6) Considering the results of the two preceding steps (4) and (5) as percentages, find their product.

The results obtained by performing these operations in the case of 58 cities where we have age and grade figures are as follows :

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181

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

Since the figures giving the grade memberships on which the table is based are not all computed by the same system of enumer- ation, the final results are not strictly comparable. From about half of the cities we have figures based on the total enrollment. In the remaining cases the basis is average enrollment or enrollment at a given date. The tendency of this difference is to make the lower grades and the total of all grades somewhat larger in the cases where the total enrollment is the basis, and thus to give these cities slightly less favorable ratings than they would receive were enrollment at a given date the basis in all cases. The basis used for each city may be ascertained by consulting the table on page 55.

The fact that the results obtained are based on data which are only approximately on a basis of equality should be borne in mind in making comparisons, especially in the cases of cities where the difference in the numerical ratings is but slight. An inter- esting comparison is obtained by grouping the cities by states wherever we have two or more cities in one state. There are nine such groups as shown in Table 101.

It would be unprofitable to press these comparisons too closely. They are from a limited number of cities, and in com- puting the averages equal weight is given to large cities and to small ones. Nevertheless, the results are not without value. If in a broad general way it is shown that the city school systems of Massachusetts develop 75 per cent of their theoretic efficiency, and Pennsylvania and New Jersey show no better results than 43 per cent, it is certainly a matter of deep significance to these latter states.

Another interesting comparison is arrived at by grouping the figures for the great cities. (Table 102.)

No claim of precision is made for these results nor of infalli- bility for the method by which they were reached. The method itself is not so refined as it could be made by utilizing more of the procurable data bearing on the problem. The factor of the increase of population which always affects grade distribution might be brought in to modify the final figures. Continuation to high schools or differences between the two sexes in continuance in

182

AN INDEX OF EFFICIENCY FOR PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEMS

TABLE IOI. STATE AVERAGES OF INDEXES OF EFFICIENCY.

Index o} State

City Efficiency Average

New Jersey

Camden 26.1

Newark 33.2

Hoboken 36.3

Paterson 43.8

Trenton ....... 44.4

Passaic 44.9

Jersey City 45.3

New Brunswick 55.4 41.1

Pennsylvania

Erie . . . . . 22.6

Philadelphia : . . . . . 37.9

Reading 42.6

York . 51.6

Williamsport 61.1 43.1

New York

Troy 41.9

New York 51.9

Utica 52.6

Kingston 61.3 51.9

Rhode Island

Woonsocket 39.0

Newport 69.4 54.2

Ohio

Cincinnati . . . . . . . 47.5

Cleveland 49.9

Dayton 56.0

Columbus 56.8

Springfield 63.4

Newark 63.7 56.2

Missouri

St. Louis 50.8

Kansas City 63.2 57.0

Connecticut .

New Haven 57.6

Meriden 63.9 60.7

Illinois

Chicago 55.1

Decatur ....... 64.6

Aurora 71.9 63.8

Massachusetts

Lowell 62.8

Boston 66.8

Springfield 70.3

Maiden 73.2

Somerville 73.9

Newton 75.6

Quincy 75.6

Medford 81.0

Haverhill 81.8

Fitchburg 82.6 74.3

183

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

school might be considered. But to complicate the method by such refinements means to put it out of reach of those who are most interested in the conditions it discloses.

TABLE 102. INDEXES OF EFFICIENCY OF THIRTEEN CITIES.

Index of City Efficiency

1. New Orleans . 30.6

2. Newark . . . . ' , . 33.2

3. Baltimore . 34.8

4. Philadelphia . . . 37.9

5. Jersey City . 45.3

6. Cincinnati , . . 47.5

7. Cleveland * . 49.9

8. St. Louis . . . . 50.8

9. New York . , ; . . ... 51.9

10. Chicago . 55.1

11. Louisville . . .- . . 58.4

12. Minneapolis . .".-.., 62.5

13. Boston . . i . •• /. . . * 66.8

The method as it stands is simple, easily understood, and may be applied by anyone. If it has not the exact precision of the micrometer it has a practical applicability comparable to measuring distance by pacing it off.

It is not by accident or through any mere local difference in the method of gathering the figures that New Orleans and Newark show an Index of Efficiency of but little over 30 per cent as con- trasted with more than twice that figure for Minneapolis and Boston. There may be fair question whether Cleveland with 49.9 per cent has a better school system than has Cincinnati with 47.5, but there can be no question that the citizens of Medford, which shows a result of 81 per cent, are getting more for their money than are those of Camden with 26.1 per cent.

184

CHAPTER XVIII

REMEDIAL ME ASURES— LEG I SLATI VE AND ADMINISTRATIVE

SOME of the underlying conditions and direct causes of re- tardation and elimination have been discussed. The aim of the discussion has not been merely the pointing out of the different factors as interesting phenomena, but rather their study as parts of a problem which urgently calls for solution. The remedial measures to which we may look to improve existing conditions may be divided for convenience into two groups the first legislative and administrative, and the second having to do with school records and their use. The present chapter deals with the first of these two groups.

COMPULSORY ATTENDANCE

In final analysis the one condition indispensable to school progress is attendance. In this country, as in all other countries, educational and state authorities are cdming to see that compul- sory school attendance is indispensable to an enlightened democ- racy. Moreover, experience teaches that it can be made effective. In Prussia compulsory attendance laws have been in force for two centuries and their effectiveness is shown by the fact that among recruits in the German army only one man in 2000 is illiterate, while among volunteers in the navy only one illiterate is found among each 10,000. Among native white males of corre- sponding ages in our own country 38 in each 1000 are illiterate.

These figures reflect conditions in respect to our compulsory attendance laws and their enforcement. Thirty-nine states have such laws varying greatly in their requirements and in provisions for their enforcement. In 1900, when the latest national census was taken, there were approximately 8,000,000 children in this country at. the ages from ten to fourteen. During the year 80 per cent of the children attended school. Twenty per cent, or about i ,600,000, did not attend school for any period of time long or short.

.85

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

Conditions varied greatly in different sections of the country. In Haverhill, Maiden and Somerville, Massachusetts, from 93 to 95 per cent of the children from ten to fourteen years of age attended school for six months or more during the year. From these figures the records of different localities range downward until we reach Atlanta, Georgia, Birmingham, Alabama, and Joplin, Missouri, with but 66 to 68 per cent of the children at those ages in school as much as six months. These figures will suffice to show the inadequacy of our attendance laws and the lack of uniformity in their enforcement. The first essential to the solu- tion of the problems of retardation and elimination is to have compulsory attendance laws and to enforce them.

But it is not enough to state in the legal enactment that children between specified ages must attend school for a given number of weeks each year. If we are to make sure that all of the children of a community get at least a specified amount of schooling we must secure some sort of agreement between the length of the school course and the number of years of required attendance. Curiously enough this is a point which we, in this country, have overlooked with astonishing frequency. By com- mon consent the minimum amount of education which it is safe to allow our young people is that of the common school course. This is nearly always eight grades in length. Yet in the great majority of cases the years of required attendance are less than eight. Thirty of the thirty-nine states having compulsory laws require fewer than eight years' attendance at school.

There is here a curious anomaly. We set up a minimum standard of education which the state deems necessary for its own safety, we pass laws to secure its attainment, and we make the period of compulsory attendance such that the child who enters when he must and leaves as soon as he may, can not by any possibility complete the course. This condition must be changed if we are to do away with elimination. Either children must be taken into school at an earlier age, or they must be kept to a later one, or the school courses must be shortened. Nor is it sufficient that the child's name be inscribed on the roll of some school during the prescribed number of months and years. If he is to

1 86

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profit by the instruction furnished he must be actually present in the school room. On this point American parents are too often over-lax and indulgent. Children are allowed to remain away from school on the flimsiest of pretexts, and not seldom the school authorities are blamed when the child who has been repeatedly absent fails of promotion.

Few people realize how potent a power irregular attendance is in reducing the effectiveness of our schools. According to the latest official figures there are enrolled in our common schools about 17,000,000 pupils, yet the average number actually present

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1 88

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(Reverse of ike Ogden card.}

Rules Governing Absence and Tardiness

7. Pupils are required in all cases of absence to bring, on their return to school, an excuse in writing from their parents or guardians, assigning good and sufficient reasons for such absence. The only valid excuses for such absence are: (i) Sickness of the pupil; (2) Sickness or death of some member of the family requiring the presence of the pupil at home or making it impossible to send the pupil promptly; (3) Inclement weather, when sending the pupil would endanger his or her health.

8. Pupils must bring written excuse from parent or guardian for tardiness, unless the cause of same be known to the teacher. Two times tardy is equal to one-half day's absence.

9. For violation of any of the foregoing rules the principal may temporarily suspend a pupil from school and thereupon shall immediately inform the parent or guardian of the fact and the cause therefor, and also report the case to the Superintendent. On second sus- pension of such pupil for the same offense, he shall not be permitted to return without a special permit from the Board.

each day falls short of this figure by more than 5,000,000. As has already been pointed out in Chapter XII such figures as we have indicate that in our cities less than three-fourths of the children are present as much as three-fourths of the year.

It is unreasonable to suppose that the child who does not attend school with reasonable regularity can be regularly pro- moted. Failure to advance is retardation and the result of retar- dation is elimination. If these two evils are to be lessened, attendance regulations must be made much more efficient and the cooperation of parents must be secured.

,89

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

There are several interesting devices which are used in different cities in the endeavor to enlist the interest and aid of parents. In Wheeling, West Virginia, a monthly attendance re- port (see page 187) is sent to the parents of each pupil to be signed and returned just as reports of standing in school studies are sent in many other cities.

In Ogden, Utah, a notice on which a blank space is provided for writing the excuse, is sent to the parent of any child who has been absent. The card is then to be returned to the school authori- ties. On the reverse are printed the rules governing absence and tardiness. (See pages 188 and 189.)

Still another card comes from Mansfield, Ohio. It is of special interest because it is nearly, if not quite, unique. It is a small card or ticket which is given to any pupil who has been neither absent nor tardy for a term and it entitles the holder to one half-day holiday. While objections might well be brought against such a device both on the ground that it is an undesirable form of prize giving and because it recognizes so frankly that the reward most prized by the child is permission to be absent, yet the device itself is so unique and suggestive that the card used is here reproduced.

Mansfield, Ohio, Public Schools

This is to Certify that ......................................................

has been neither Absent nor Tardy for the term ending

...................................................... and is therefore entitled to

this public expression of approbation. The holder of this card is entitled to one half-day holiday. When the holi- day is taken, the card must be surrendered.

SUPT. .Teacher.

190

REMEDIAL MEASURES LEGISLATIVE AND ADMINISTRATIVE

THE SCHOOL CENSUS

The first requirement of compulsory attendance is to find out who are the children required by law to attend school, where they are, and how many they are. Present American practice does not usually accomplish any one of these three es- sentials. Whatever the law may be, the usual practice is to furnish schools and permit parents to send their children if they wish to. Attendance officers are usually appointed, frequently by some other municipal authority than the school department, who are supposed to hunt around for any children of school age who are not in school and discover the cause. It is rare indeed that there is any checking up of children enumerated in the school census with those on the school rolls to discover which ones are not in attendance. In studying the printed reports of school sys- tems the portion which yields the least information is frequently, perhaps generally, the report of the attendance officer.

Most of our states and territories provide by statute for a periodical census of the population of school age. In 1900 the authorities of the United States Census made a study of the school censuses taken during that year and compared the results with the actual enumeration of children made by the federal agents during the same year. In twenty-six states and territories the number of children reported in the school census was less than the number found by the federal agents. The local authorities failed to report more than a third of a million children of school age, the error in some cases being as high as 25 per cent. In seven states the local agents reported a quarter of a million children more than there actually were, the errors of over-statement running as high as 1 5 per cent.

That the general unreliability of school censuses is recognized by the school authorities is shown by comments of superintendents in their printed reports. This may be confirmed by quoting a few typical admissions:

Detroit "The results of the census enumeration for several years past has been very unsatisfactory."

Jersey City "The utter unreliability of these returns renders them, as has been proved, a very unsafe guide."

191

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

Cambridge "School returns show more children in the schools, public and private, than were found by the enumerators."

Syracuse "The results of the enumeration were totally void of any reliable information."

The inaccuracy of school censuses is a very serious matter, but its seriousness is still further enhanced by the fact that usually the census is a mere enumeration. That it is usually a count only is shown by the fact that commonly only classified totals are printed in the official records, no measure being provided for preserving the individual records or checking them up with the school records. The case of New Bedford, Massachusetts, is typical. In the report of 1908 the following information is given concerning the census of children between five and fifteen years of age in the city.

TABLE 103. CHILDREN BETWEEN 5 AND I 5 IN NEW BEDFORD, MASS.,

1908.

Number

Attending Public Schools . 9392

Attending Private Schools 3264

Attending No Schools 1383

Total 14039

The only comment on the surprisingly large number of children noted as not attending any school is that they are "pre- sumably those who are between five and seven years of age and those over fourteen."

There are four striking deficiencies in this census report. In the first place the number of children enumerated is less than the number given for the preceding year despite the fact that New Bedford is a rapidly growing city. Secondly, the number is smaller than it should be, judging from the figures of the latest United States Census. Thirdly, the number of children reported by the school census as in the public schools is decidedly less than the number actually enrolled in the common schools of the city. Lastly, the number of children reported as attending no school is so large that it can not possibly be made up of the children be- tween five and seven years of age and those over fourteen.

Attention is called to these features of the New Bedford school census, not because that city is any worse off in this respect

192

REMEDIAL MEASURES LEGISLATIVE AND ADMINISTRATIVE

than other cities, but because it is typical of most American cities. School census figures are usually unreliable, they are rarely used as a basis for judging educational needs and policies and it is seldom that they are carefully analyzed.

In respect to enforcing attendance we are no better off. Take for instance the case of Milwaukee. According to the report of the City Superintendent for 1907 that city has nearly 50,000 children between the ages of seven and fourteen. 'All of them ought to be regular attendants at some school. Yet the figures show that there are from 4000 to 5000 children from seven to fourteen years of age either not in school at all or present only a part in many cases a small part of the time during which by law they are required to attend.

To look out for such cases the city has three attendance officers who also are required to attend the free public evening lectures and to investigate the cases of applicants for free books furnished to indigent pupils. Is it any wonder under such con- ditions that truants are numbered in Milwaukee by thousands? And yet this case is by no means extreme among American cities. If we are to have regular school attendance by all pupils our attendance departments must be reorganized and made efficient.

FLEXIBLE GRADING

Ever since its beginning the system of graded schools has been based on the plan that at stated intervals, usually of a year, a reclassification of the pupils takes place, the brighter ones being promoted, those less bright remaining where they are and a few very backward ones being "demoted" into the grade below. This process has been bitterly attacked and condemned as the ''lock-step" in education. In the previous chapters it has been shown that this term is a misnomer. There is no " lock-step" in the progress of pupils through the typical American city school system. What we do find is a system by which the brighter pupils move forward at the rate of a grade a year, the exceptional pupil sometimes gains a year and the average and dull pupils fail repeatedly.

The first step toward mitigating the bad effects of failure is the system of half yearly promotions by which the pupil who 13 193

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

fails has only to repeat half a year's work instead of that of an entire year. There is little doubt as to the desirability of this plan. It is in successful operation in dozens of cities and is rapidly spreading, but it is a matter for surprise that it is still rather the exception than the rule.

There are a number of other plans designed to introduce flexibility of grading. As yet there has not been accumulated sufficient evidence to permit of judgment as to their relative advantages, or indorsement or condemnation of any one of them. It seems worth while, however, to describe several of them. One plan designed to introduce flexibility is that commonly known as the "Batavia system" by which the teacher gives part of her time to class work and part to individual work. The object here is not so much to provide for varying rates of progress by the pupils as for varying amounts of teaching according to the ability of the pupils. It is rather a plan to bolster up the slow pupils than to hurry on the quicker ones. In some places this plan calls for two teachers in one room, one of whom is responsible for class instruction, and the other for the individual work.

Both rapid advance for the brighter pupils and special attention for the slower ones are provided by what is known as the Cambridge plan which is described in the following extract from the report of 1907 of Cambridge, Massachusetts:

" In the grammar schools, special teachers are appointed to help such pupils as seem able to do the work in less than six years, and to aid those who without personal instruction would require more than six years. This action of the committee removes the most serious objection to the graded system of schools.

"The course of study is divided in two ways: (i) into six sections; (2) into four sections; each section covering a year's work. Pupils taking the course in six years are classified in six grades, called the fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth grades. Those taking it in four years are classified in four grades, called grades A, B, C, and D. When pupils are promoted to the grammar schools they begin the first year's work.

"One division advances more rapidly than the other, and during the year completes one-fourth of the whole course of study. The other division completes one-sixth of the course.

194

REMEDIAL MEASURES LEGISLATIVE AND ADMINISTRATIVE

''During the second year the pupils in grade B are in the same room with the sixth grade. At the beginning of the year they are five months (one-half the school year) behind those in the sixth grade. After two or three months grade B is able to recite with the sixth grade, and at the end of the year both divisions have completed one-half the course of study the one in two years, and the other in three years. The plan for the last half of the course is the same as for the first half, the grades being known as the seventh, eighth, and ninth, in the one case, and as C and D in the other.

"There are also two ways of completing the course in five

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years: (i) any pupil who has completed one-half the course in two years may, at the end of that time, be transferred to the seventh grade, and finish the course in three years; (2) any pupil who has completed one-half the course in three years may, at the end of that time, be transferred to grade C, and finish the course in two years. In both cases these changes can be made without omitting or repeating any part of the course.

"During the past thirteen years more than 45 per cent of the pupils entering the high schools from the Cambridge grammar schools did the work in the grammar schools in less than six years, 36.1 per cent doing it in five years, and 9.3 per cent in four years.

'95

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

"It does not follow, however, that because so many did the work in less than the full time that the plan is a good one. Its value is shown, rather, by the thoroughness with which the work has been done, not in one year only, but in a series of years. The results of the first year's work in the high schools would seem to be a test of this thoroughness. The records in these schools show that for thirteen years the marks of the pupils who were four years in the grammar schools were higher than were the marks of those who were five years in the grammar schools; and that the marks of those who were five years in the grammar schools were higher than were the marks of those who were six years in the grammar schools.

" It is now sixteen years since the schools were first classified on this plan. During this time nine thousand four hundred fifty pupils have graduated from the grammar schools. Of this number, 7 per cent completed the course in four years, 29 per cent in five years, 49 per cent in six years, and 15 per cent in seven years or more."

Other plans for securing flexible grading are based on having all of the children in a room in one division for the study of certain subjects, and divided into as many as four or five groups in other subjects, and promoting freely in these latter groups as the child shows capacity to go forward. A similar plan is to divide children into groups so that the slow ones will take the essential subjects only and the brighter ones additional subjects as well. Under this plan promotion is based primarily on the essential subjects and the pupils allowed to omit if necessary some of the less essential ones. The prime difficulty here is that educators have so far been entirely unable to agree as to which subjects are essential.

Whatever plan be adopted it is certain that it should pro- vide for the least possible loss of time by the pupil who has failed and is obliged to repeat part of the work. Even more essential is it that educators should find out what few of them now know; that is, how rapidly pupils actually pass through the grades, and where and why they lose time. When each superintendent knows what these facts are we shall no longer have school courses which are too difficult to be accomplished by the average pupil in

196

REMEDIAL MEASURES LEGISLATIVE AND ADMINISTRATIVE

normal time and too inflexible to permit the bright pupil to gain time.

SPECIAL CLASSES FOR FOREIGNERS

Hundreds of thousands of immigrants come to our shores each year from foreign countries. The vast majority of them can not speak English. They bring with them children of school age in considerable numbers and these children constitute a serious problem in many of our cities. All too often the school authorities are addicted to the practice of placing a foreign child who cannot speak English, no matter what his age or what his attainments in the schools of his native country, in one of the lower grades and allowing him to remain there until he has picked up English without special instruction. The practice is unjust to the child and the results of the policy are disastrous to the schools. Where foreigners are numerous they aid in congesting the lower grades and many of them on reaching the age of fourteen are unable to qualify for the certificate which is necessary for them to obtain work. The language difficulty is not a serious handicap for the child who hears English in the school and on the street and it is certainly the duty of the school to reduce it to the lowest possible point.

Other cities might well follow the lead of New York, Cincin- nati and some other localities in this respect and establish special classes for these children. The action of New York has been especially commendable. In 1906 that city organized special classes as follows :

(1) Classes to afford non-English speaking pupils an opportunity speedily to acquire a knowledge of the English language, classed as grade C pupils.

(2) To accommodate pupils who are soon to be fourteen years of age and who desire employment certificates, classed as D pupils.

(3) To afford over-age pupils of the fifth and sixth grades an opportunity to make special preparation for admission to the yA grade, classed as E pupils.

In June, 1908, there were nearly 2000 pupils in the C class, 3500 in the D classes and 15,000 in the E classes.

197

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

PHYSICAL DEFECTS

In the chapter devoted to physical defects evidence was presented which shows that there is a strong correlation between physical defectiveness among children and failure to make normal progress. This is a field in which our knowledge is as yet but slight and incomplete. The task confronting the new hygiene and the school doctor is a mighty one, but one which is unsur- passed in possibilities for good. As medical inspection is at present conducted in our schools the net result too often consists in piling up statistics as to the sum total of each sort of defect discovered. Moreover, there is usually little or no discrimination between different sorts of defects. The significant and the non- significant are lumped together.

These conditions are bound to change. When medical inspection is administered by school departments so that educa- tional men and women take a real interest in the results of the examinations; when the cases are followed up so as to insure something being done to remedy the conditions discovered; when the school nurse becomes a permanent feature; when we learn to discriminate between significant and non-significant defects, as they do now in Tasmania; and when school doctors learn to tabulate their statistics by age, sex, grade, progress and defects so as to make the figures tell their story; when all of these things come to pass, as they will some day, we shall see as a result a very considerable reduction in the amount of retardation in our public schools.

TRANSFERS

There is conclusive evidence to show that pupils are re- tarded in their progress by transfers from one school to another. In the New York investigation the records showed 25 per cent more transfers among the retarded children than among the non- retarded children. It is manifest that children are bound to suffer more or less when they leave one school to attend another. In our shifting population such changes are so frequent as to affect a considerable part of the children attending school. It is the manifest duty of school superintendents, principals and teachers

REMEDIAL MEASURES LEGISLATIVE AND ADMINISTRATIVE

to see to it that just as often as may be the child who transfers from school to school shall proceed in his new class from the point at which he left his studies in the old one. In all such cases it is the child and not the school which should be given the benefit of the doubt.

PROMOTIONS

There is a feeling among school workers, not always or even often expressed, but generally more or less forcibly present, that retardation is a symptom of good schools. There are many teachers and some principals who feel that to promote few of their pupils is a sign that their standards of work are so high that none but the best pupils can attain them. This raises a serious basal question as to the function of the common school. Other things being equal it is evident that of two school systems, that having the larger percentage of retardation would have the higher and more rigorous standards. It is very possible too that it would have the more painstaking and conscientious teachers.

What is the function of our common schools? If it is to sort out the best of the pupils and prepare them for further education in higher schools, then the most rigorous system, with the severest course of study and the lowest percentage of promotions and the highest percentage of retardation is the best system. But if the function of the common school is, as the author believes, to furnish an elementary education to the maximum number of children, then other things being equal that school is best which regularly promotes and finally graduates the largest percentage of its pupils.

In respect to the matter of promotions as to all of the other factors discussed in this chapter the fundamental require- ments for reform in existing practices are very simple. They are only two. The first is to discover and understand the facts in the case and the second is to put the burden of proof on the school, not on the child. It is the duty of the school to find the child, not of the child to discover the school. Once enrolled the school should carry him along through the grades as fast as he can go, not as fast as he can force it to let him go. If he has defective vision it is the duty of the school to discover the fact.

199

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

When his family moves and he has to enter a new school, he has a right to demand that he continue his work where he laid it down, not a grade or two below that point. At the end of the term it is for the school to show cause, if need be, why he should be held back, not for the pupil to show cause why he should be promoted.

200

-

CHAPTER XIX

REFORM IN AND THROUGH SCHOOL RECORDS

OUR schools are weakest on the administrative side. Begin- ning with a teacher in one small room, systems have developed until they have reached vast proportions, but the teacher has still remained the administrative unit. When several teachers have been placed together in one building one of them has been appointed principal. When a city has a number of such schools some principal, either from that city or from outside, is appointed superintendent. It is this course of evolution which has resulted in the weakness of our systems on the adminis- trative side. Until very recent years practically none of those in charge of school systems have had either technical training in educational work or business or office experience of any sort.

School records born of administrative necessity have been installed and continued from year to year with little reference to their real utility. Moreover, the primary records gathered by the room teacher have seldom been collated and interpreted so as to shed light on conditions and needs in the school system. Little or no effort has been made to preserve original records, to reduce duplication, to save time and energy or to secure accuracy and accessibility. Worst of all, different principals and superin- tendents have introduced isolated and disconnected practices from which significant facts for the whole system can not be deduced. There have been many day books and blotters but no ledger accounts.

If existing conditions are to be bettered and our school systems made more efficient we must have a better knowledge of conditions and their significance. To accomplish this we must have better records.

20 1

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

THE SCHOOL CENSUS

The first essential in a system of compulsory education is to find out who and where the children are who ought to be in school. The means by which this can be accomplished is the school census properly administered. As an instance of what can be done in this direction the census taken in Providence, Rhode Island, is a good example. The report of the Supervisor of the Census, Gilbert E. Whittemore, for 1908 divides the children into five classes as follows :

Class I. Children five years old, only admitted to the kinder- garten in the public schools.

Class II. Children six years old, age of admission to public primary schools, but attendance not compulsory.

Class III. Children seven years old and not fourteen years old, the compulsory attendance age.

Class IV. Children fourteen years old whose attendance at school is compulsory unless lawfully employed at labor, or unless the child has completed the course of study of the primary and grammar schools.

Class V. Children fifteen years old whose attendance is not compulsory.

Under each of these classes the total enumeration is given, the enumeration for the preceding year, the number in public, private and Catholic schools, and the number not in any school. All of these facts are also expressed in percentages. Besides this, information is given in each case as to the duration of attend- ance and the result of the investigation of the cases of children not in any school. Moreover, these records are not mere results of an enumeration of the children. The record of each separate child found by the census agent is checked with the child's record in the school, and records are made on separate slips of the age, grade, nationality and other facts regarding each child.

Another example of an efficient school census comes from Springfield, Massachusetts, where the number of children in the city at each age from five to fifteen is given, together with the number at the same ages in public, private and parochial schools and not attending any school. Although it has not been done in

202

REFORM IN AND THROUGH SCHOOL RECORDS

the case cited, such figures offer an excellent opportunity for show- ing conditions concerning school attendance and truancy in a city in graphic and convincing form by means of a diagram.

10

14

15

Diagram XXXVIII. School census results in Springfield, Mass. Upright columns represent number of children at each age; hatched portions the number in private and parochial schools; and black portions number of children not in any school.

In the above diagram each upright column represents the number of children in the city at the given age. The part in out- line represents the children in the public school, the cross-lined portion those in private and parochial schools and the black the number not attending any school. The portion between the two heavy upright lines represents the children of compulsory attend- ance age, from seven to thirteen years inclusive. Springfield's record is a good one. In the compulsory years the heavily shaded portion is very small. Were the facts for many other cities represented in this way the results would be so striking as to constitute a potent force for reforming the department of school attendance.

AGE AND GRADE DISTRIBUTION

The most significant development which has taken place in recent years in the traditional manner of presenting school statis-

203

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

tics is the rapidly growing use of grade and age distribution tables by superintendents. Fifteen years ago they had hardly been heard of. Five years ago they were still very rare and when presented were usually printed without comment. Today they form regular features in the annual reports from at least forty cities, and many pages are devoted to interpreting the conditions they disclose.

A large part of the data discussed in this volume has been gathered from these tables and the device itself has been briefly described in Chapter IV. The excuse for taking them up again here for more extended comment is found in the fact that these tables are the most significant and instructive single forms of statistical statement in use by schoolmen and are absolutely basal to studies of retardation.

Superintendents and teachers have always known that the children of any one grade are of varying ages, but only recently have they realized how great the variations commonly are or what they mean. Table 104 on page 205 shows how the children of Springfield, Massachusetts, were distributed by grades and ages in September, 1907.

Looking at the figures for the first grade we see that there were eleven children at the age of four, three at the age of eleven and more than 1 500 between these two extremes. This condition is significant from an educational view point. The children of the first grade are of eight different ages, a range equal in years to the time supposed to be required to complete the entire elemen- tary course. The grade does not form at all a homogeneous group. The average age is six and three-quarters years, but work planned for six year old pupils will not be suited to the needs and abilities of a large part of the pupils. In several of the other grades the range is even more, being as high as eleven years in the third grade.

The presence of so many relatively old pupils in these grades is important not alone because they make difficult the planning of work for the classes. In the first grade there are three eleven year old children. If they progress normally they will be nineteen years old when they reach the final grade. But there are no nineteen year old children in the final grade. Children do not

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remain to that age. If they must do so in order to graduate they simply do not graduate. They leave school. The chance of these three children ever reaching the final grade is so small that they have practically no chance at all to do so. Children similarly situated are found in all of the grades. Nor do we need to limit our attention to these extreme cases. It has been repeatedly demonstrated that our children leave school in great numbers at the age of fourteen whatever the stage of their advancement. A child of six in the first grade will be fourteen in the ninth if he advances regularly. Every year added to the age in the first grade reduces enormously his chance of ever reaching the final grade.

These are the considerations which have led educators to adopt for criterion the period from six to eight as "normal age" in the first grade and anything above eight as " above normal age." On the same basis seven to nine is normal age in the second grade, eight to ten in the third, and so on for all of the grades.

Referring now to the Springfield table it will be noted that there is a heavy broken line running through it dividing the pupils of each grade in such a way as to leave the pupils of normal age on the left and the over-age pupils on the right. At the right of the table are three columns of figures, the first giving the total membership of the grades, the second the over-age pupils and the third the per cent which these are of the entire grade membership. In a similar way at the foot of the table are three lines of figures, the first giving the whole number at each age, the second the num- ber below normal grade for age and the third the per cent which these pupils are of the entire group.

Grade and age tables are simply and quickly made from data usually in the records of every school system. The effort required to secure from them significant information is slight. They may be used profitably in different schools and districts within a system for purposes of comparison and should form a valuable basis for selecting retarded children for special attention.

BEGINNERS, SURVIVORS AND REPEATERS One item which should find a place in the school reports of all city systems and almost never does so, is a statement of the

206

REFORM IN AND THROUGH SCHOOL RECORDS

number of new pupils beginning school each year. If we knew the number of beginners for a series of years we could at once and easily compute the number of repeaters in each grade and the percentage of survivors in the final grade. It is to be hoped that school superintendents will add this item to their lists, for the information is easily secured and most important. If the data had been available a large part of the laborious and cumbersome computation involved in preparing the tables in this volume would have been rendered unnecessary and the results would be much more satisfactory and more accurate.

In the absence of direct information as to the number of beginners the number may be approximated as has been explained in Chapter V by taking the average of the year groups from seven to twelve inclusive. This again is often a product of the age and grade table, for where such a table is printed it gives us the age groups and where it is not printed it is but rarely that we find any statement as to ages. The annual number of beginners in Springfield, Massachusetts, computed by this method from the figures of 1907 is 1047.

If we assume that 1047 is the annual number of beginners in Springfield we can find the per cent of pupils who survive to the final or ninth grade by finding what per cent the ninth grade membership is of 1047. The number in the ninth grade is 593. This number is 56.6 per cent of 1047. Hence we may say that this represents the per cent of beginners in Springfield who survive to the final grade. This is described in the chapter on " Mortality and Survival in the Grades."

The membership in each of the first six grades was greater than 1047. If tms number represents the annual number of beginners then in each of the first six grades there must be as many pupils who are repeating as the difference between the grade membership and 1047. The sum of these differences is 1397 which represents the number of repeaters. This is the method described in the chapter on the "Money Cost of the Repeater."

DISTRIBUTIVE RECORDS OF ENROLLMENT AND ATTENDANCE

In Chapter XII dealing with irregular attendance attention was invited to the relatively valueless character of present methods

207

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

of recording attendance and enrollment in so far as the question of measuring persistence is concerned. Instances were cited of cities which print tables showing the true character of attendance and from those tables valuable information was secured.

When our superintendents adopt this form of record inter- preting a great step forward will have been taken. Take for instance the case of Springfield, Ohio, where the attendance records are printed both in the ordinary way, showing the total enrollment, average attendance and per cent of attendance, and in a dis- tributive table, showing the persistence of attendance. The data presented in the ordinary way for 1907 are as follows:

TABLE 105. TOTAL ENROLLMENT AND AVERAGE ATTENDANCE, SPRINGFIELD, OHIO, 1907.

Total enrollment . 6537

Average attendance 5 3 66

Per cent of average attendance 82.1

There is nothing either surprising or illuminating about these figures. The showing is a good one as such records go, and would not naturally spur the school authorities on to further investiga- tion or study. But when the same facts are presented in the distributive table the results are quite different.

TABLE I06. SHOWING THE NUMBER OF PUPILS ATTENDING FOR DIFFERENT NUMBERS OF DAYS. SPRINGFIELD, O., 1907.

Days Pupils

184 . ... . . 44°

180 to 184 1136

170 to 180 . . . . 1725

160 to 170 88 1

150 to 160 . . . . . ; . . . . '. . 518

14010150 . . .?."•;' . ...... -• . . 3J3

130 to 140 "... 230

120 to 130 . 167

no to 120 116

100 to no . . 119

Fewer than 100 892

Total ..'.'. . . . . . . . . 6537

According to the table 892 of the pupils attended less than 100 days. That is, in general terms they were present less than half the time. Here at once we have nearly 900 pupils who can have no hope of promotion. They are nearly 14 per cent of all the

208

REFORM IN AND THROUGH SCHOOL RECORDS

pupils. If in a similar way we consider that those present less than three-fourths of the time can not hope for promotion we find that the group includes more than 1 500 or nearly a quarter of all of the children. In short, the table reveals conditions of the utmost importance which are entirely concealed by the attendance records in common use. Moreover, these distributive tables are not purposed merely as additions to the methods now employed. They may well be substituted for the old methods. Careful com- parison has shown that if the teachers will merely report the num- ber of children who have attended during the year from no days to ten days, from ten to twenty days, from twenty to thirty days, and so on up to the number present every day, the average attend- ance as calculated from these figures will not vary from the true average attendance calculated in the present laborious fashion, which takes into account every half day's absence, by more than a fraction of one per cent.

The same holds true for enrollment. All of the records dealing with the number of children on the rolls and the number present can be much more easily kept and rendered many fold more valuable by using the distributive method of statement. Nor is it only in this field that this form of record is valuable. We have already considered its utility in the matter of grades and ages. In showing conditions as to such matters as cost, national- ity, physical defects, time in grade, age at entering, etc., distrib- utive records are equally desirable. In all of these fields the form of statement by averages is apt to be both misleading and non-significant and should almost always be supplemented by the distributive statement.

PUPIL'S CONTINUOUS RECORD CARD, NEW YORK CITY In the present practice of most school systems little or no attempt is made to preserve a continuous history of the individual pupil. The records for a series of years are contained in the registers, but these are renewed each year or term, and in a large school it is in practice almost impossible to trace back the history of any pupil through a series of years.

In an article in Volume VII of School Work, Mr. George H. Chatfield, principal of Public School Number 5 1 of New York City, u 209

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

describes the record card which has just been adopted for use in the New York schools, and outlines the stages of record evolution which have led up to it. Mr. Chatfield tells us of the great western corporation manufacturing the major part of the stoves used in that section of the country. The history of each stove placed on the markets forms part of the company's records, and this system is held by the founders of this great business to be the true cause of its great and lasting prosperity. From the raw material to the finished product each part is accounted for, each workman's responsibility recorded, and the results of each inspection are noted. That such methods are not unique is shown by the fact that most prosperous shoe concerns have similar plans by which they can ascertain the details of the shop history of each pair of shoes manufactured. The schools of our country have passed and are passing through a development as marked as that of the business world. The educational records of fifty years ago are as out of place today as the quill pen and letter press which once held sway in the counting room.

The New York card may be taken as embodying the best and latest thought in the development of continuous records for pupils. It is a card designed to contain in summarized form the significant school history of the individual pupil. It is 5 x 8 inches in size; in color it is blue for boys, and white for girls. The plan is that these cards shall be made out in duplicate for the entire school and new cards added for any new pupils ad- mitted. One set of cards is filed alphabetically and one by classes. At the end of each term the teachers enter the records for their pupils on the cards and indicate the new class to which the pupils are to be transferred or promoted with the date of change. The cards are then distributed among the teachers for the ensuing term according to promotions. Original data for the new roll book entries are taken by each teacher from her cards thus reducing the probability of error. After the changes have been made and recorded all of the new data which have been added are entered on the duplicate card in the alphabetical file.

It is worthy of note that peculiar conditions in New York City have necessitated an amount of refinement of detail on this card which would be entirely unnecessary in most smaller towns

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and cities. It is an interesting evidence of the shifting character of the population that spaces have been left for twenty changes of address. The size of New York's apartment houses is reflected in the spaces left for recording the number of the floor on which the pupil lives. The frequency of transfers is shown by the fact that although there are but eight grades, each one divided into two sections, spaces have been left on the card for thirty-two entries.

While the New York card allows for a greater number of changes of address and transfers than will be found necessary in almost any other locality, other existing continuous record cards, almost without exception, err in not allowing for enough flexibility in these regards. Among thirty-five record cards from as many cities which have been carefully studied there are but few which fulfil even the most fundamental requirements for such a record. This fact bears testimony to the recent growth of the realization of the necessity for such records. Most of the cards now in use are products of the past two or three years and have not yet been modified by the teachings of experience.

To be satisfactory a continuous record card must be large enough to contain all of the data necessary for recording the significant facts in a child's school history during the entire elementary course. It should not have part of the record on the reverse side if this can be avoided. It should be of one of the three standard sizes, viz., 3x5 inches, 4x6 inches or 5 x 8 inches. It should allow for several changes of address and for transfers from school to school. It should be so arranged as to reduce to a minimum the possibility of misunderstanding it. Lastly, the unit under which entries are to be made should be the school year and not the grade. This is because in tracing a child's school history what we want to know is where he was and what he was doing during each year subsequent to his first beginning until the time he left school. If the record is entered by grades and we find that he was in grade two in 1903 and in grade three in 1905 we have nothing to tell us whether he was absent in 1904 or repeating grade two.

The following form is offered as filling all of the above conditions. It is designed to be printed on a 5 x 8 card and should be supplied in two colors, one for boys and the other for girls.

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In this card one line of the record is to be filled out for each school term in systems having semi-annual promotions and one line for each school year in systems having annual promotions. Each time a new school is entered a new line is used. Thus if a pupil does the work of a grade three times there will be three lines filled out and they will tell the story of his repetitions. If he does the work once, is out of school for a term on account of sickness, returns and does the work of that grade again, there will be three lines filled out and again they will tell the story. If a child be- gins a term in one school and continues it in another, two lines will be filled out for that term, and so on. There are twenty-two lines provided giving ample space for recording the pupil's record in the sixteen half grades and allowing besides for several transfers and repetitions. In a system having annual promotions twelve lines Should be sufficient.

TRANSFER CARDS

In most cities the records which deal with transfers are simple in the extreme and often as inefficient as they are simple. The common practice is to give the child who is about to move to another part of the city a transfer card telling what grade he is leaving and sometimes giving a transcript of at least part of his school record. The child takes this card with him and presents it or not at the new school according as his parents are careful or careless about allowing him to lose time before beginning work in the new locality.

The New York investigation demonstrated the fact that there is a close relation between transfers and retardation. It >is important that teachers and principals do all in their power to make the loss from this source as small as possible. Good trans- fer records are one important factor. The essential characteristics are that the child shall have to take with him a card entitling him to be admitted in the new school, that the authorities of the school he leaves have a record of the transfer, and that the principal of the new school have a notification of the fact that the transfer has been given. In many systems it is also regarded as necessary that the superintendent's office be notified.

These requirements mean that there must be three or four

214

REFORM IN AND THROUGH SCHOOL RECORDS

copies of the transfer record. The easiest and most convenient way to allow for this is by means of appropriately arranged forms printed on leaves bound in a book and perforated for separation like the leaves of a check book. By means of carbon paper four copies can be made by filling in the two blanks on one page cor- responding to the check and the stub in a check book. Three of these are then torn out and given respectively to the child, the new principal and the superintendent. The fourth remains as a permanent record for the school. This system is used in Water- bury, Connecticut, and there the card sent to the principal of the new school has on it the note, " If the above pupil does not appear at your school within one day notify the truant officer."

215

CHAPTER XX RETARDATION AND SOCIETY

THOSE who direct our public schools, more than any other class of people, come into intimate contact with significant social facts. By the nature of their work they are forced to'note directly and immediately the results of health and sickness, births and deaths, prosperity and misery, cleanliness and dirt in the city's population. It is for these reasons that through the schools more than from any other single source we should be able to get at the facts which will tell us of obstacles to civic better- ment and the results of attempts to remove those obstacles.

Reasonable as the assumption may be that the schools should be able to enlighten us along these lines, the expectation that their records will serve us is commonly doomed to disap- pointment. The reader who has reached this point in the present volume cannot but have been impressed with the utter inadequacy of the data printed in the school reports which have been made the chief basis of the present series of inquiries.

In the present study three questions have been kept con- stantly in view; namely, What proportion of the children who enter the schools complete the elementary course? At what points in the course do those who fail to finish drop out? What are the causes which impel children to drop out without finishing?

These questions are neither new nor complex, nor unprac- tical. They bear the very closest relation to the first principles of efficient school administration and yet the facts to answer them are not available in any printed report but must be approximated through laborious computations such as have been explained. One main object of the present volume will have been attained if it has been convincingly demonstrated that we need more and better facts on which to base our judgments as to action in educa-

216

RETARDATION AND SOCIETY

tional matters. In every line of business it has been convincingly and repeatedly shown that it pays to spend enough money and enough effort to learn the facts about the business. Why should this not hold likewise in the field of education?

We have referred to the case of the stove corporation that regards as its most valuable asset the records which enable it to trace the shop history of each stove from the stage when it enters as raw material to the one when it leaves the factory as a com- pleted article. Attention has also been called to the fact that similar records are kept by the great shoe companies. If the directors of large corporations have found through experience that it pays to know what happened to a stove or a shoe in the process of manufacture, who worked on it, how long it took to complete it, and, if it is in any way deficient, at whose door the responsibility lies, is it not much more the duty of those in charge of training citizens to be able to find out what happened in the course of the education given, when the child entered, how long he spent in each grade, where he progressed slowly and where rapidly, and, if he left school before completing the course, when and why?

Whether or not the assumption that the school can and should learn these facts be a valid one largely depends on what the mission of the common school really is. This has already been dwelt on at some length in a previous chapter. The position taken, which is basal to the viewpoint of the present volume, is that it is the mission of the common school to give as large a proportion of the children of the community as possible a com- plete elementary education. If this assumption is not valid then the study of retardation and elimination and the problems of individual record keeping have little value.

If, however, the assumption be a valid one, then the matters which have been treated assume at once a distinct and striking importance. This is true, not only from the viewpoint of educa- tional economics, which would dictate the accumulation and classification of more and better knowledge about the results of our educational methods and processes, but also from the more directly pedagogical viewpoint of the course of study. The facts which have been reviewed and the conditions disclosed reveal with

217

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

startling clearness at least two disquieting characteristics of the courses of study in vogue in our city school systems.

The first is that our courses are not fitted for the average child. They are so devised that they may be followed by the un- usually bright pupil substantially as mapped out. The really exceptional child may even advance faster than the scheduled rate but the average chilcf cannot keep up with the work as planned and the slow child has an even smaller chance of doing so.

The second characteristic of our schools as they now ,exist is that they are better fitted for the girl than for the boy pupils. This is strikingly proven by the figures which have been presented.

The lesson of the facts so briefly reviewed is a plain one. If our conception of the mission of the common school is true then the schools must be in some measure reformed, not only on the administrative side, but also through changes in the course of study and in the methods of teaching. It is intolerable that but a small part of the children who enter our schools should stay to complete them. It is not at all likely that the public at large will long be content to continue to support the schools as at pres- ent administered if they once fully realize that those schools are not accomplishing what we have for years assumed that they were. If, then, we are to so guide the rising current of public interest in education that it shall result in wise and constructive action, it is imperative that we evaluate these concrete facts with the utmost care.

We need to know the effects of our elementary curricula by following the effects upon the graduates. What happens under this system and under that? We do not know. We are starting upon a great movement for vocational training. We are moving towards a sort of commercialism in education. It is claimed that a boy who has finished the grammar grades and has had two years' training in vocational work will be able to earn a better livelihood than one who leaves school in the sixth grade and has had no such training. And yet, although we are now expending hundreds of thousands of dollars upon preparations for this new sort of education and are planning to spend millions, the real, concrete, definite facts that can be brought forward in support of the arguments in favor of the new schools are painfully few in

218

RETARDATION AND SOCIETY

number and unconvincing in kind. The fact is that, despite the hundreds of thousands of trained workers in education and the millions of treasure freely spent each year, we still base our actions in education largely on opinion, guess work and eloquence.

In one city of Michigan the proposition recently gained headway that kindergartens should be established. The advo- cates of the innovation claimed that many advantages would follow their establishment. Among these claims perhaps the most weighty was that children who have passed through the kindergarten complete the elementary course in less time than do those who have not had the advantage of such training. Those persons who opposed the establishment of the kindergartens denied that this would be a result. In order to settle this very important point the local school authorities wrote to superintend- ents of schools all over the country in cities where kindergartens form a part of the school system, and asked whether children who have taken the kindergarten course complete the work of the grades in less time than do those who have not had such training. Answers were received from seventy-two cities. Forty-nine answered that they thought that the kindergarten pupils did the work of the grades more rapidly than the others, but that they did not know. Twenty-three cities replied that they held the opposite opinion, but that they did not know.

The illustration is typical of the present status of knowledge in education. We have thousands of kindergartens and spend on them every year hundreds of thousands of dollars, but what the effect of the kindergarten training is no one knows.

If the present work accomplishes even a little toward alter- ing this condition it will not have been in vain. Its main object is to accomplish what it may in the direction of getting schoolmen to think of education in terms of something. What those terms are is not, at least at first, of great importance. What is import- ant is that the old criteria of "good" and "poor" and "striking" and "appealing" make way for quantitative standards of measure and comparison by which effectiveness and efficiency may be judged.

There is one more factor which, while of supreme importance, has only been casually touched upon in the present work. That

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LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

is the psychological effect of retardation upon the retarded. We have seen that a large part of all the children in our public schools fail to make normal progress. They fail repeatedly. They are thoroughly trained in failure. The effect of such training should be carefully considered, for the problem it presents is a grave one. It does not make much difference what we have to do, whether it is a great thing or a little thing, so long as we feel that it is possible for us and that we can do it if we try. There are few more hope- less things in the world than to have it borne in upon us that we are driving against a thing that we cannot do. Yet this is the sort of training that we are giving a large part of all of our children.

Under our present system there are large numbers of children who are destined to lives of failure. We know them in the schools as the children who are always a little behind physically, a little behind intellectually, and a little behind in the power to do. Such a child is the one who is always "It" in the competitive games of childhood. He cannot jump so far as the other boys, he takes a step more in getting across the street from curb to curb when the boys are seeing in how few steps they can do it. He always falls below; he falls down he knows he is going to fall.

There is no teacher but will recognize the picture of this boy, and indeed, with some modifications, it fits many girls just as well. These are the boys and girls with whom this book deals. They are not the -mentally deficient, exceptionally dull children. They constitute a large part of all of the school children in most, but not in all, of our school systems. These are the children that too many of our schools are confirming in the habit of failure.

Success is necessary to every human being. To live in an atmosphere of failure is tragedy to many. It is not a matter of intellectual attainment; not an intellectual matter at all but a moral matter. The boys and girls coming out of school clear- headed and with good bodies, who are resolute, who are deter- mined to do and sure that they can do, will do more for them- selves and for the world than those who come out with far greater intellectual attainments, but who lack confidence, who have not established the habit of success but within whom the school has established the habit of failure.

220

INDEX

INDEX

Absence

Excuse, Ogden schools 188

Adenoids

Retardation caused by 6

Retarding effect of 127-8

Age and Grade Distribution

Hypothetical case 30

In Memphis 37

In Cincinnati 159

Importance of 203

In Springfield, Mass 205

Age Distribution

In Medford 51

In Columbus 92

Age Groups

In fifty-eight cities 10-1 1

Ages

Physical defects by 121

At starting compared with time in school 166-169

Americans

Retardation among 6

Retardation among, in New York City 107

Atlanta, Ga.

Attendance in. 186

Attendance

And enrollment in six cities 133

And promotions in three cities ... 138

Compulsory 185

Figures from the Census 186

Report in Wheeling 187

Certificate in Mansfield, Ohio. . . 190

In Milwaukee 193

Distributive records of 207

In Springfield, Ohio 208

Aurora, 111.

Retardation in 45, 154

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Retention of pupils through high school 64

Rates of progress in 87

Repeaters in 96, 156

Retardation in, by sexes 154

Retention in, by sexes 155

Repeaters in, by sexes 156

Index of efficiency 180

Backward Children Investigation

This volume a report of 3

Study conducted by 46

Baltimore, Md.

Retardation in 45, 154

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 57

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Beginners computed by Thorn- dike 68

Rapid and slow progress of

pupils in 84

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 97, 156

Enrollment and attendance in. . . 133

Retardation in, by sexes 154

Retention in, by sexes 155

Retention of pupils in 155, 162

Repeaters in, by sexes 156

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 172

Index of efficiency 181

Batavia System

Of flexible grading

Bay City, Mich.

Withdrawals in

Bayonne, N. J.

Defective vision in.

194

99

130

Beginning Pupils

Number of, not stated in reports 50

Number of, how computed 52

Grades and high school com- pared with. (See Grades.) How computed by Dr. Thorn- dike 68

How computed 207

223

INDEX

Birmingham, Ala.

Attendance in 186

Boston, Mass.

Retardation in 45, 154, 171

Grade distribution in 50

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in. 96, 156

Retardation in, by sexes 154

Retention in, by sexes 155

Repeaters in, by sexes 156

Retardation for a series of years. 171 Variation of conditions over a

series of years 172

Index of efficiency 180

Breathing, Defective

Retarding effect of 127-8

Bridgeport, Conn.

Variation of conditions over a series of years 172

Brockton, Mass.

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 172

Brooklyn, N. Y.

Reference to newspaper article from 89

Bryan, James E.

Reference to work of 108

Reference to study by 119

Buffalo, N. Y.—

Foreign pupils in 1 1 1

Variation of conditions over a series of years 172

Bureau of Education

Bulletin of 9

Cambridge, Mass.

Withdrawals in 99

Comment on school census 192

Plan of flexible grading 194

Camden, N. J.

Retention in 4, 64, 155

Repeaters in 5> 97

Retardation in 45, 154

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 57

Elimination in 60

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Rate of progress in 87

Language difficulty in 108

Sight and hearing tests in 119

Causes for excessive age in 120

Retardation in, by sexes 154

Retention in, by sexes 155

Repeaters in, by sexes 156

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 172

Index of efficiency 181

Causes

Of withdrawals in five cities 99

For excessive age in Camden 1 20

Census

Citation from 134, 185

Attendance figures from 186

School 191

School, in New Bedford, Mass. . . 192 School, in Providence, R. I., and

Springfield, Mass 202

Chatfield, George H.

Reference to article by 209

Chicago, 111.

Grade distribution 20

Promotions in 27, 143

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 56

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Repeaters in 97

Enrollment and attendance in... 133

Retention of pupils in 162

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 172

Index of efficiency 181

Chicopee, Mass.

Defective children in 131

Cincinnati, Ohio

Promotions in 27, 143

Retardation in 45

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 57

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

224

INDEX

Cincinnati, Ohio Cont'd

Rate of progress in

Repeaters in

Age and grade distribution in ...

Retention of pupils in

Variation of conditions over a

series of years

Index of efficiency

Special classes for foreigners in. .

Cleveland, Ohio

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners

Grade in which elimination be- gins

Retention of pupils through high school

Repeaters in

Defective children in

Persistence of attendance in

Variation of conditions over a series of years

Index of efficiency

Columbus, Ohio

Promotions in

Retardation in 45, 154,

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners

Grade in which elimination be-

gins.

172 181

87 ! 97 !

162 i

172 181 197

56 62

64

97 130

138

172 181

27 171

56 62

64 87 91 92

15J

138 154 162

156 162

Retention of pupils through high school

Rate of progress in

Grade distribution in

Age distribution in

Repeaters in 97,

Persistence of attendance in

Retardation in, by sexes

Retention in, by sexes 155,

Repeaters in, by sexes

Retention of pupils in

Retardation for a series of years

Variation of conditions over a series of years

Index of efficiency

Commissioner of Education, Re- port for 1906 Reference to 20

Commissioner of Education, Re- port for 1907

Reference to 12, 20

Grade figures from 72

Citation from 150

Comparison

Standards of 219

Compulsory Attendance Period Not coincident with length of school course 7, 186

Connecticut

Index of efficiency 182

Cornell, Walter S.—

Reference to study of 117

Cornman, Oliver P.

Reference to article by 36

Cost—

Of repeaters in fifty-five cities.. 96

Course of Study

Not fitted to average child 5

Dayton, Ohio

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 56

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Repeaters in 96

Persistence of attendance in 138

Retention of pupils in 162

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 172

Index of efficiency 181

Death- Grade decrease through 23-24

Decatur, 111.—

Retardation in 45, 154

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 97, 156

Withdrawals in 99

Retardation in, by sexes 154

Retention in, by sexes 155, 162

Repeaters in, by sexes. 156

Retention of pupils in 162

Index of efficiency 180

Defects, Physical

Retarding effect of 127-8

Denmark

Illiteracy in 105

225

INDEX

Denver, Colo.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high school 64

Beginners computed by Thorn- dike 68

Repeaters in 96

Retention of pupils in 162

Variation of conditions over a series of years 172

Index of efficiency 180

Detroit, Mich.

Comment on school census 191

Distributive Records

Importance of 207

Double Promotions

(See Promotions.)

Draper, Andrew S.

Quotation from 9

Reference to report of 20

EDUCATIONAL REVIEW Quotation from 40

Efficiency, Index of

For fifty-eight cities 180

By states 182

For large cities 184

Elimination

Process of 8

Factor of 21,18

General tendency of, in city

school systems 60

In Quincy, Camden and Med-

ford 60

Grade in which it begins in fifty- nine cities 62

English Language

Ignorance of, a smallfhandicap. . 6

English-speaking Children

Retardation among 6

Retardation among, in New York City 107

Enrollment

And attendance in six cities 133

Distributive records of 207

In Springfield, Ohio 208

Erie, Pa.

Retardation in 45, 154

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 57

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 97, 156

Retardation in, by sexes 154

Retention in, by sexes 155

Repeaters in, by sexes 156

Retention of pupils in 162

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 172

Index of efficiency 181

Excessive Age

Causes of, in Camden 120

Exempt

Children in Philadelphia, clefects of..

117

Eyesight, Defective

(See Vision.)

Factory

Compared with school plant 49

Failures

Under different rates of promo- tion 148

Habit of 220

Training in 220

Falkner, Roland P.

Reference to article by 36

Fitchburg, Mass.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination

begins 63

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Repeaters in 96

Retention of pupils in 162

Index of efficiency 180

Flexible Grading

Systems of 193

Batavia system of 194

Cambridge plan of 194

Foreign Born

Pupils in elementary and high

schools 1 10-114

Children, classes for 197

Foreign Parentage

Population of, in United States. . 104 Pupils of 1 10-114

226

INDEX

Fort Wayne, Ind.

Retardation in 45, 154

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 96, 156

Promotions in 143

Retardation in, by sexes 154

Retention in, by sexes 155

Repeaters in, by sexes 156

Retention of pupils in 162

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 172

Index of efficiency 180

Germans

Retardation among 6

Retardation among, in New York

City 107

Germany

Illiteracy in 105

Illiteracy in army and navy 185

Glands, Enlarged

Retarding effect of 127-8

Grade Distribution

In 386 cities 13

In North Carolina 14

In Tennessee 15

In Utah 16

In Chicago 20

In three cities 33

In Boston 50

In Somerville 53

In Reading 54

In cities and villages as given by

Commissioner of Education . . 72

In Columbus 91

In 752 cities, by sexes 152

In Cleveland 178

Grades and High Schools

Compared with beginners 55

Grading

Flexible 193

Grand Rapids, Mich.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Repeaters in 96

Persistence of attendance in 138

Retention of pupils in 162

Index of efficiency 180

Greenwood, James M.

Quotation from 39

Haverhill, Mass.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination be- gins 63

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Repeaters in 96

Foreign pupils in in

Promotions in 143

Index of efficiency 180

Attendance in 186

Helter, H. H.

Card of. .

190

High School

Retention of pupils through, in

fifty-one cities 64

Membership of 150

Hillis, Newell Dwight

Quotation from 103

Hoboken, N. J.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 57

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Repeaters in 97

Retention of pupils in 162

Index of efficiency 181

Houston, Texas

Variation of conditions over a series'of years 172

Illinois- Index of efficiency 182

Illiteracy

In the United States and other

countries 104

In Germany 185

Index of Efficiency

For fifty-eight cities 180

227

INDEX

Index of Efficiency— Cont'd

By states 182

For large cities 184

Individual (Continuous record). 209

Irish- Retardation among 6

Retardation among, in New York City 107

Italians

Retardation among 6

Retardation among, in New York City 107

Jersey City, N. J.—

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 56

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Repeaters in 97

Retention of pupils in 162

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 172

Membership of three final grades

in 179

Index of efficiency 181

Comment on school census 191

Johnstown, Pa.

Withdrawals in 101

Joplin, Mo.

Attendance in 186

Kansas City, Mo.

Promotions in 27

Retardation in 45, 154, 171

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Repeaters in 74, 95-97, 156

Rate of progress in 87

Foreign born pupils in no

Enrollment and attendance in... 133

Persistence of attendance in 138

Retardation in, by sexes 154

Retention in, by sexes 155

Repeaters in, by sexes 156

Retention of pupils 162

Retardation for a, series of years 171

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 172

Index of efficiency 180

Kindergarten

Effect of 219

Kingston, N. Y.

Retardation in 45, 154

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 97, 156

Retardation in, by sexes 154

Retention in, by sexes 155

Repeaters in, by sexes 156

Index of efficiency 180

Language Difficulty

In New York and Porto Rico 108

In Camden and Trenton 109

Lockstep

In education 193

Los Angeles, Cal.

Retardation in 45, 154, 171

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 56

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Rate of progress in 87

Retardation in, by sexes 154

Retention in, by sexes 155

Repeaters in, by sexes 156

Retardation for a series of years 171 Variation of conditions over a

series of years 172

Index of efficiency 181

Louisville, Ky.—

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 56

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Repeaters in 96

Promotions in 143

Retention of pupils in 162

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 172

Index of efficiency 181

228

INDEX

Lowell, Mass.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 56

Repeaters in 96

Index of efficiency 180

Lynn, Mass.

Variation of conditions over a series of years 172

Maiden, Mass.

Retardation in 45

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 96

Promotions in 143

Index of efficiency 180

Attendance in 186

Manhattan

Investigation in 2

Mansfield, Ohio

Attendance certificate 190

Massachusetts

Index of efficiency 182

Maxwell, William H.—

Reference to report of i

McCallie, J. M.

Quotation from 109

Measurements

Standards of 219

Medford, Mass.

Retardation in 3, 45, 48

Age distribution 51

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Elimination in 60

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 96

Withdrawals in 99

Promotions in 143

Retention of pupils in 162

Index of efficiency 180

Medical Inspection of Schools

Volume on 2

In Tasmania 198

Memphis, Tenn.

Retardation in 3, 39, 45, 48

Grade distribution in 33

Age and grade distribution in 37

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 57

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 97

Index of efficiency 181

Meriden, Conn.

Retardation in 45

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 56

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 96

Retention of pupils in 162

Index of efficiency 180

Milwaukee, Wis.

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 172

Attendance in 193

Minneapolis, Minn.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high school 64

Reference to newspaper article from 89

Repeaters in 97

Defective children in 131

Variation of conditions over a series of years 172

Index of efficiency 180

Miscellaneous Defects

Retarding effect of 127

Missouri

Index of efficiency 182

Nationalities

Bearing of, on school progress. . . 6 Retardation by, in New York City 107

Newark, N. J.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 57

229

INDEX

Newark, N. ].—Confd

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Repeaters in 96

Retention of pupils in 162

Index of efficiency 181

Newark, Ohio

Retardation in 45

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 56

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Repeaters in 96

Index of efficiency 180

New Bedford, Mass.

Comment on school census 192

New Britain, Conn.

Foreign pupils in 112

New Brunswick, N. J.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 56

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high school 64

Repeaters in 97

Retention of pupils in 162

Index of efficiency 181

New Haven, Conn.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 56

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high school 64

Beginners computed by Thorn- dike 68

Repeaters in 97, 156

Retardation in, by sexes 154

Repeaters in, by sexes 156

Variation of conditions over a series of years 172

Index of efficiency 181

New Jersey

Index of efficiency 182

Newmayer, S. W.

Reference to study of 1 18

New Orleans, La.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 57

Grade in which elimination be- gins.... 63

Repeaters in 97

Foreign born pupils in no

Persistence of attendance in 138

Attendance and promotions in .. 138

Retention of pupils in 162

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 172

Index of efficiency 181

Newport, R. I.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 56

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Repeaters in 96

Index of efficiency 180

Newton, Mass.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Repeaters in 96

Retention of pupils in 162

Index of efficiency 180

New York City, N. Y.—

Retardation in . i, 4, 45, 46, 48 107

Investigation conducted in 2

Causes of retardation in 4

Promotions in 27

Retardation in, by sexes 46

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 57

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Special promotions in 76

Time in school of pupils in 79

Extent of slow, rapid and normal

progress of children in 80-83

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 96

Retardation in, by nationalities. 107

Language difficulty in 108

Physical defects and progress in 123

Enrollment and attendance in.. 133

Promotions in 143

Retention of pupils in 162

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 172

230

INDEX

New York City, N. Y.—Cont'd Index of efficiency

Special classes for foreigners in.. Individual continuous record

New York State- Index of efficiency

Normal

Progress, statistics of

Progress, extent of, in New York City

Children, defects of, by grades

Normal Ages

In each grade

North Carolina

Grade distribution in

Norway

Illiteracy in

Oakland, Cal.—

Variation of conditions over a

series of years

Ogden, Utah

Absence excuse

Ohio

Index of efficiency

Omaha, Neb.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners

Grade in which elimination be-

gins.

Retention of pupils through high school

Repeaters in

Retention of pupils in

Variation of conditions over a series of years

Index of efficiency

Passaic, N. J.

Grade distribution in

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners

Grade in which elimination be-

gins.

Retention of pupils through high

school

Repeaters in

Retention of pupils in

Index of efficiency

Paterson, N. J.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners

181 197 211

182

74 80

121 38 14

I05

i88 182

55 62

64

96

162

1 80

33 57 62

64

97 162 181

57

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Repeaters in 97

Retention of pupils in 162

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 1 73

Index of efficiency 181

Pawtucket, R. I.

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 1 73

Pearson, Karl

Formula of 163

Pennsylvania

Index of efficiency 182

Philadelphia, Pa.

Grade distribution 33

Retardation in 45

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 57

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Special promotions in 76

Rate of progress in 87

Reference to newspaper article . . 89

Repeaters in 97

Exempt children in 117

Enrollment and attendance 133

Promotions in 143

Retention of pupils in 162

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 173

Index of efficiency 181

Physical Defects

Retardation caused by 5, 127-8

Of exempt children in Philadel- phia 117

By grades and ages 121

By sexes 122

And progress among New York

City children 123

Retarding effect of 127-8

In Sioux City 130

In Chicopee 131

In Minneapolis 131

And progress 198

Population

Factor of 21-22

Portland, Me.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 56

23I

INDEX

Portland, Me. Confd

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Repeaters in 96

Retention of pupils in 162

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 1 73

Index of efficiency 180

Portland, Ore.

Retardation in 45, 171

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 56

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 96

Foreign born pupils in no

Retardation for a series of years 171 Variation of conditions over a

series of years 173

Index of efficiency 180

Porto Rico

Language difficulty in 108

Persistence of attendance in 138

Progress

Statistics of normal, slow and

rapid 74

Rates of, in New York City 78

Extent of slow, rapid and normal,

in New York City 80-83

Rapid and slow, in Baltimore. . . 84

Of average child 84

Rates of, in twenty-nine cities. . . 87 And defects among children in

New York City 123

And physical defects 198

And transfers 198

Promotions

In five cities 27

Special, in five cities 76

And attendance in three cities... 138

In sixteen cities 143

Average rate 144

Failures under different rates of 148

By sexes, in two cities 156

Importance of 199

Providence, R. I.

Promotions in 143

School census in 202

Prussia

Compulsory attendance in 185

PSYCHOLOGICAL CLINIC Reference to article in 36, 117

Psychological Effect

Of retardation 220

Quincy, Mass.

Retention in 4

Retardation in 45

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Elimination in 60

Grade in which elimination be- gins 63

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 97

Index of efficiency 180

Rapid

Progress, statistics of 74

Pupils, in five cities 76

Progress, extent of, in New York

City 80

Progress, in Baltimore 84

Rate—

Of progress, of New York chil- dren ; 78

Of progress, in twenty-nine cities 87

Of promotion, average 144

Reading, Pa.

Retardation in 45, 154

Grade distribution 54

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 57

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 97

Foreign pupils in 113

Retardation in, by sexes 154

Retention of pupils in 162

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 173

Index of efficiency 181

Records

Distributive, importance of 207

Continuous individual 209

Repeaters

Number of, in three cities 74

232

INDEX

Repeaters Confd

Per cent of, in three cities 75

In three cities 95

In fifty-five cities 96

How computed 206

Retardation

Process of 8

Factor of 2 1-26

In thirty-one cities 43~45

Causes of, in New York City 78

By nationalities in New York

City 107

In six cities for a series of years . . 171 Psychological effect of 220

Retarded Pupils

In thirty-one cities 43~45

Defects of, by grades 121

In six cities for a series of years . . 171

Retarding Effect

Of physical defects 127

Retention of Pupils

Through high schools in fifty-one

cities 64

In cities having large foreign

populations 115

In thirty-seven cities 162

Rhode Island

Index of efficiency 182

Richmond, Va.

Grades and High School com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Repeaters in 97

Retention of pupils in 162

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 173

Index of efficiency 180

Russell Sage Foundation

School investigation conducted by 2

Russians

Retardation among 6

Retardation among, in New York City 107

St. Louis, Mo.

Retardation in 45

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 57

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high school 64

Beginners computed by Thorn- dike.. 68

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 96

Foreign born pupils in no

Enrollment and attendance in

I33»I3S»I37

Retention of pupils 162

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 1 73

Index of efficiency 181

Salt Lake City, Utah- Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 56

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Special promotions in 76

Promotions in 143

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 1 73

Membership of three final grades

in 179

Index of efficiency 181

San Antonio, Texas

Variation* of conditions over a series of years 1 73

San Francisco, Cal.

Variation of conditions over a series of years 1 73

SCHOOL WORK-

Reference to article in 209

Sex- Relation of, to retardation and

elimination 6

Retardation by, in New York

'City 46

Physical defects by 122

In high schools 151

Grade distribution by, in 752

cities 152

Retardation by, in fifteen cities.. 154

Retention by, in thirteen cities. . . 155

Repeaters by, in fourteen cities.. 156

Promotions by, in two cities 156

Sioux City, Iowa

Defective children in 103

Slow

Progress, statistics of 74

Pupils, in five cities 76

Progress, extent of in New York

City 80

Progress, in Baltimore 84

Somerville, Mass.

Repeaters in 5, 96

Grade distribution in 53

233

INDEX

Somerville, Mass.— Con? d

Grades and high schools com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Special promotions in 76

Promotions in 143

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 1 73

Index of efficiency 180

Attendance in 186

Special Promotions

(See Promotions.)

Springfield, Mass.

Retardation in 45,

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners

Grade in which elimination be-

gins

Retention of pupils through high

school

Rate of progress in

Repeaters in

Retardation for a series of years Variation of conditions over a

series of years I

Index of efficiency

School census in

Age and grade distribution

Springfield, Ohio

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Repeaters in .74, 95, 96

Special promotions in 76

Withdrawals in 99

Persistence of attendance in 138

Attendance and promotion in 138

Promotions in 143

Retention of pupils in 162

Index of efficiency 180

Enrollment and attendance in. . . 208

Standards

Of measurement and comparison 219

Surviving Pupils

How computed 206

Sweden

Illiteracy in 105

171 56 62

64

87

96

171

173

1 80 202 205

Syracuse, N. Y.

Persistence of attendance in 138

Attendance and promotion in 138

Comment on school census 192

Tasmania

Medical inspection in 198

Teeth, Defective

Retarding effect of 127-8

Tennessee

Grade distribution in 15

Thorndike, Edward L.

Quotation from 9

Reference to monograph by 66

Elimination results of, compared with those of author 67, 71

Time in School

Of New York City pupils 79

Compared with age at starting 166-69

Tonsils, Hypertrophied

Retarding effect of 12 7-8

Transfers

And progress 198

Cards 214

Trenton, N. J.

Retardation in 45, 154

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 57

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Rate of progress in 87

Language difficulty in 108

Retardation in, by sexes 154

Retention in, by sexes 155

Repeaters in, by sexes 156

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 173

Index of efficiency 181

Troy, N. Y.—

Retardation in 45

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 57

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Rate of progress in 87

Index of efficiency 181

Utah- Grade distribution in 16

234

INDEX

Utica, N. Y.—

Retardation in 45

Grades and high schools com- pared with beginners 57

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 96

Retention of pupils in 162

Index of efficiency 181

Vision- Tests in Philadelphia 1 18

Tests in Camden 119

Defective, retarding effect of, in

New York City 127-8

Defective, in Bayonne 130

Defective, in Cleveland 130

Vocational Training

Movement for 218

Walker, Francis A.

Quotation from 103

Waltham, Mass.—

Retardation in 45

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination be- gins 63

Retention of pupils through high school 64

Repeaters in 96

Washington, D. C.

Meeting of Department of Super- intendence in 20

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 173

Waterbury, Conn.

Beginners computed by Thorn- dike 68

Variation of conditions over a series of years 173

Transfer card 215

Wheeling, W. Va.—

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 57

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high school 64

Repeaters in 97

Promotions in 143

Promotions by sexes in 156

Retention of pupils in 162

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 173

Index of efficiency 181

Attendance report in 187

Whipple, Guy Montrose

Formula of 163

Whittemore, Gilbert E.

Reference to report of 202

Wilkes Barre, Pa.—

Promotions in 143

Promotions by sexes in 156

Variation of conditions over a series of years 1 73

Williamsport, Pa.

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 56

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through the

high school 64

Repeaters in 74, 95, 96, 162

Promotions in 143

Retardation in, by sexes 154

Retention in, by sexes 155

Repeaters in, by sexes 162

Index of efficiency 181

Wilmington, Del.

Retardation in 45

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55>57

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 96

Retention of pupils in 162

Variation of conditions over a

series of years 1 73

Index of efficiency 180

Withdrawals

Causes of, in six cities 9

Woonsocket, R. I.

Retardation in 45

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 57

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 97

Retention of pupils in 162

Index of efficiency 181

235

INDEX

Worcester, Mass.

Beginners computed by Thorn- dike 68

Variation of conditions over a series of years 173

Work, Hervey B.—

Report of 187

York, Pa.—

Retardation in.

45

Grades and high school com- pared with beginners 55

Grade in which elimination be- gins 62

Retention of pupils through high

school 64

Rate of progress in 87

Repeaters in 96

Index of efficiency 181

236

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By LUTHER HALSEY GULICK, M.D., and LEONARD P. AYRES, Ph.D.

The first American work on a subject of the utmost importance to educa- tors, physicians, parents, social workers and boards of education. The only source of information as to what medical inspection is and does, its history and its status.

Lucidly exhaustive and admirably arranged, the monograph will assist in the great work, scarcely begun, of supplying the sound body that is needed for the sound mind. The Nation.

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(Fourth Edition. Completely Revised) 244 PAGES; 28ILLUS.? 29 FORMS; 45 TABLES.

LAGGARDS IN OUR SCHOOLS

A STUDY OF RETARDATION AND ELIMINATION IN CITY SCHOOL SYSTEMS

By LEONARD P. AYRES, Ph.D.

Formerly General Superintendent of Schools for Porto Rico and Chief of the Division of Statistics of the Insular Department of Education? Secretary of the Backward Children Investigation of the Russell Sage Foundation; Co-author of Medical Inspection of Schools, etc.

A sixth of all the children in American city school systems are repeating grades, at an expense to the taxpayers of $27,000,000 ; large foreign populations do not produce the highest percentage of this "retardation" ; physical defects account for only 9 per cent of it; irregular attendance is one of the largest factors these are some of the striking points brought out by this study.

Your book, "Laggards in Our Schools," has rendered a most real service to public educa- tion in America.— WM. H. MAXWELL, Supt. of Schools, New York City.

(Fourth Edition) 252 PAGES; J06 TABLES? 38 DIAGRAMS.

Price, Postpaid, $J«50

AMONG SCHOOL GARDENS

By M. LOUISE GREENE, M.Pd., Ph.D. (Yale)

An exceedingly interesting and thoroughly practical book on "school gardens," including those conducted by associations in public parks and at the homes, as well as gardens carried on in connection with regular school work. Beautifully illustrated.

One of the most important school books of the season. Jour, of Education* A convincing document of the utility of making gardening a part of the school work. Washington Star.

(Second Edition)

380 PAGES? 98 ILLUSTRATIONS 15 PLANS AND DIAGRAMS

Price, Postpaid, $1*25

WIDER USE OF THE SCHOOL PLANT

By CLARENCE ARTHUR PERRY

Department of Child Hygiene, Russell Sage Foundation

Discusses the social value of evening and vacation schools, playgrounds, recreation and social centers, and the utilization of the school building for general civic and social betterment. Practical and entertaining. Replete with helpful suggestions.

(Third Edition) "P«.i/-/> P^o4^<. J/4

J2mo; 404 PAGES; 51 ILLUSTRATIONS. irTlCet .TOStpaiCl,

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

Formerly Charities Publication Committee

PUBLISHERS FOR THE RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION

105 EAST 22d STREET, NEW YORK

THE SURVEY

SOCIAL CHARITABLE CIVIC

A JOURNAL OF CONSTRUCTIVE PHILANTHROPY

HPHE SURVEY is a weekly magazine for all those who believe that progress in this country hinges on social service: that legislation, city government, the care of the unfortunate, the cure of the sick, the education of children, the work of men and the homes of women, must pass muster in their relation to the common welfare.

As Critic, THE SURVEY examines conditions of life and labor, and points where they fail : how long hours, low pay, insanitary housing, disease, intemperance, indiscriminate charity, and lack of recreation, break down character and efficiency.

As Student, THE SURVEY examines immigration, industry, congestion, unemployment, to furnish a solid basis of fact for intelligent and permanent betterment.

As Program, THE SURVEY stands for Prevention: Pre- vention of Poverty through wider opportunity and adequate charity; Prevention of Disease through long-range systems of sanitation, of hospitals and sanatoriums, of good homes, pure food and water, a chance for play out-of-doors; Pre- vention of Crime, through fair laws, juvenile courts, real reformatories, indeterminate sentence, segregation, discip- line and probation; Prevention of Inefficiency, both industrial and civic, through practice in democracy, restriction of child labor, fair hours, fair wages, enough leisure for reading and recreation, compulsory school laws and schools that fit for life and labor, for the earning of income and for rational spending.

PAUL U. KELLOGG - - - EDITOR

EDWARD T. DEVINE

JANE ADDAMS

- - ASSOCIATE EDITORS

GRAHAM TAYLOR

105 EAST 22D STREET fl r) QO YPARIY NEW YORK TT^& * I^^VIVL^ 1

SOCIAL FORCES By EDWARD T. DEVINE

Associate Editor The Survey j Director New York School of Philanthropy? Professor of

Social Economy, Columbia University j Author of " Principles of Relief /> " Misery

and Its Causes," " Efficiency and Relief ," " The Practice of Charity," etc,

Twenty-five editorials which discuss subjects of permanent inter- est have been chosen for this volume from among the six score or more written under the heading Social Forces in THE SURVEY*

They stand for the best in modern practice and thinking in the field of charity.— Chicago " Record-Herald/'

He displays in an admirable degree the spirit which will unite varied inter- ests in a strong, united effort against a common foe. " The Catholic World.' '

An interesting summary of social ideals and forces coming to the front in American thought and life. Boston " Evening Transcript."

Consistent, optimistic, stimulating. Louisville " Journal."

Second Edition. J2mo, 226 pp. Price, postpaid, $ t.OO

HOW TWO HUNDRED CHILDREN LIVE AND LEARN By RUDOLPH R. REEDER, Ph.D.

Superintendent New York Orphan Asylum, Hastings-on-Hudson, New York

An interesting description of the moving of an orphanage from a "barracks" institution in the city to country cottages. The author believes in educating the children, not by books alone, but by the sort of training that prepares them for actual life. Every page is full of warm life, anecdote and story*

Gives a new meaning to child training, and illustrates in a vivid way the importance of education outside of books. " Review of Reviews."

Second Edition. J2mo, 248 pages. Fully illustrated. Price, postpaid, $1.25

VISITING NURSING IN THE UNITED STATES

By YSSABELLA WATERS

Henry Street (Nurses') Settlement, New York

The whole book is so practical and the suggestions are so concrete that persons wishing to establish visiting nursing need only this volume as their guide, and those interested in existing organizations can gain from it many new ideas of administration and efficiency. The Directory of organizations employing trained visiting nurses is a most valuable feature.

The entire nursing profession will welcome this work. The Trained Nurse and Hospital Review.

Should be in the possession of and be read by every nurse and every social worker.— George "W. Goler, M. D., Health Officer, Rochester, New York.

Second edition. 367 pages. Price, postpaid, $1.25

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

Formerly Charities Publication Committee

PUBLISHERS FOR THE RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION

105 East 22d Street, New York

RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION PUBLICATIONS

THE PITTSBURGH SURVEY

The most significant piece of investigation the country has seen. "American Magazine."

The findings of the Pittsburgh Survey are to be published in six volumes under the editorial direction of Paul U. Kellogg, Director of the Pittsburgh Survey. Four of these books are now ready:

WOMEN AND THE TRADES

"By ELIZABETH BEARDSLEY BUTLER Former Secretary of the Consumers' League of New Jersey

The first general survey of the occupations open to wage- earning women in an American city*

8vo, 440 pp. ; 2d Ed.; 40 fall-page illustrations TX.i^,k TX^^^iJ Cf T) of women at their work, by Lewis W. Hine. rri^^t -Postpaid, &K/2

WORK-ACCIDENTS AND THE LAW

•By CRYSTAL EASTMAN Attorney-at-Law j Secretary New York State Industrial Accident Commission, 1909-1 0

During the year studied, five hundred industrial wage -earners were killed at their work in Allegheny County, Pa. The story of their hazards is dramatic and compelling.

8vo, 350 pages; 38 fall-page illustrations by T*~*<re> Prvctr»s<rf ^f 79 Lewis W. Hine, Joseph Stella and others. «*&€, rostpatd, 3>K/2

HOMESTEAD: THE HOUSEHOLDS OF A MILL

TOWN

<By MARGARET F. BYINGTON Assistant Secretary, Charity Organization Department, Russell Sage Foundation

A clearly drawn picture of the home and community life of the steel workers.

8vo, 3 JO pages; 41 full-page illustrations by Lewis W. Hine, Joseph Stella and others.

THE STEEL WORKERS

<By JOHN A. FITCH Formerly Expert, New York Department of Labor

A study of the men who make steel by one who lived among them. 8vo, 350 pages? 39 foil-page illustrations by p-i-^ Pr»Qtr»a<rf $t 73 Lewis V. Hine, Joseph Stella and others. "*CCt r'OStpaid, ^K/3

The entire set of the Pittsburgh Survey volumes, to be issued at $1.50 net each, will be as follows:

THE PITTSBURGH DISTRICT— Symposium by John R. Commons, Florence Kelley,

Robert A. Woods, Peter Roberts, Charles Mulford Robinson and others. THE STEEL WORKERS-John A. Fitch.

HOMESTEAD : THE HOUSEHOLDS OF A MILL TOWN-Margaret F. Byington. WOMEN AND THE TRADES, Second Edition— Elizabeth Beardsley Butler. WORK-ACCIDENTS AND THE LAW— Crystal Eastman. PITTSBURGH : THE GIST OF THE SURVEY-Paul U. Kellogg.

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

Formerly Charities Publication Committee

PUBLISHERS FOR THE RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION

105 East 22d Street, New York

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