NVPL BESEftRCHUBRAHlES «-5"ffi2528967 \ I\ ( WILLIAM POOL. LANDMARKS OF NIAGARA COUNTY NEW YORK EDITED BY WILLIAM POOL D. MASON & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS 1897 THE NEW YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY 20 8 48 2 ASTOR, LENOX AND TltDEN FOUNDATIONS R 1901 L. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Descriptive of the Subject __ __ 1-4 CHAPTER H. Early Discoveries and Settlements _. 5-20 CHAPTER HI. Continued Warfare— 1754-1 T63.. _., 20-29 CHAPTER IV. On the Frontier— 1T63-1TT5 29-34 CHAPTER V. The War of the Revolution— 1775-1812 35-46 CHAPTER VI. The War of 1812—1800-1825 46-66 CHAPTER VII. From 1825 to the War of the Rebellion _ 66-77 CHAPTER VIII. The War Period in Niagara County _ _ 77-92 CHAPTER IX. County Institutions and Civil List ._ 93-100 IV CHAPTER X. Subdivisions of the County — Towns and Villages __ 100-103 CHAPTER XI. City and Town of Lockport 103-174 CHAPTER Xn. Town of Niagara, City of Niagara Falls, Suspension Bridge 174-240 CHAPTER XHI. The Town of Cambria 240-248 CHAPTER XIV. The Town of Hartland 248-254 CHAPTER XV. The Town of Porter 255-266 CHAPTER XVI. The Town of Royalton 267-281 CHAPTER XVII. The Town of Le wiston _ 281-301 CHAPTER XVIII. The Town of Wilson _ 302-315 CHAPTER XIX. The Town of Somerset _. 315-321 CHAPTER XX. The Town of Newfane .323-331 V CHAPTER XXI. The Town of Pendleton z_ _ 331-336 CHAPTER XXn. The Town of WhealHeld 337-360 CHAPTER XXni. The Bench and Bar of Niagara County 360-384 CHAPTER XXIV. A Brief History of the Medical Profession in Niagara County and of the Niagara County Medical Society .-_ 384-392 CHAPTER XXV. Free Masonry in Niagara County. 393-402 PART II. BIOGRAPHICAL ....'. 403-448 PART III. FAMILY SKETCHES.... 1-218 INDEXES. Part I.. '. 219-247 Part II ' - _ 247 Part III 248-254 PORTRAITS. Allen, W. L., Dr facing 345 Angevine, Jackson facing 438 Armitage, James facing 103, Part III Babcock, Isaac H facing 32 Baker, Flavins J., Dr. ._ facing 104 Barnard, T. P. C, Dr facing 353 Bentley, F. W., Dr.. .facing 350 Brush, Harlan W... between 3,50 and 357 Brush, Walter S. ..between 356 and 357 Chapman, ThomasM. between 354and 355 Cobb, Willard A... between 124 and 125 Corson, Fred W. facing 122 Cutler, John W facing 187 De Kleist, Eugene Fr. T facing 343 Dornfeld, Albert facing 340 Dwight, A. N facing 308 Felton. Benjamin F ..facing 358 Flagler, Thomas T facing 16 Gaskill, Joshua facing 374 Her.schell, Allan... facing 207, Part III Herschell, George C. .facing 208, Part III Hodge, John facing 56 Honeywell, Charles E ..facing 311 Kaltenbach, Andrew facing 425 La Bar, John W facing 436 Landreth, William-. facing 435 Lehon, William S. , jr. .facing 348 McKeen, Albert E facing 430 MeseroU, Philip H facing 441 Millar, David ...facing 360 Mullaney, P. T., Rev facing 301 Palmer, Charles N, Dr. facing 112 Payne, Lewis S., Col. ..facing 347 Philpott, William A., jr.,. ...facing 229 Pierce, Henry F., Maj facing 415 Pool, William frontispiece Rieger, Frank facing 439 Schoellkopf, Arthur facing 423 Shafer, John W facing 278 Spalding, Linus ..facing 412 Vogt, Jacob J. facing 444 Ward, Joseph A. . .between 124 and 125 Warner, Thomas E. between 354and 355 Whitney, Solon M. N facing 408 Williams, Edward T ...facing 222 Witmer, Joseph facing 443 Landmarks of xNiagara County CHAPTER I. DESCRIPTIVE OF THE SUBJECT. Niagara county is the northernmost of the western tier of counties of the State of New York, and is bounded on the north by Lake Ontario ; on the east by Orleans and Genesee counties ; on the south by Erie county, and on the west by Niagara River. It was erected March 1 1, 1808, and included what is now Erie county, which was set off April 2, 182 I, leaving the present county with an area of 558 square miles. The first appearance of tiie word, Niagara, is, according to the ex- cellent anthority of the late O. H. Marshall, on Coronelli's map pub- lished in Paris in 1688. it is the oldest of all the local geographical terms which have come down from the aborigines, Owing largely to the wide variance of pronunciation among the Indians, the word has been given almost unlimited forms of spelling. The Documentary His- tory of New York gives the following, besides the one now in universal use : lagara, lagare, Jagara, Jagare, Jagera, Niagaro, Niagra, Niagro, Oakinagaro, Ochiagra, Ochjagara, Octjagara, Ochinagero, Oneagerah, Oneigra, Oneygra, Oniagara, Ongagerae, Oniagorah, Oniagra, Oniagro, Onjagara, Onjagera, Onjagora, Onjagore, Onjagoro, Onjagra, Onnya- garo, Onyagara, Onyagare, Onyagaro, Onyagoro, Onyagars, Onyagra, Onyagro, Oneygra, Oneagoragh, Yagero, Yangree. The surface of Niagara county is generally level or gently undulating. It is divided into two distinct parts or terraces by a ridge extending east and west. The lake shore is a bluff ten to thirty feet in height, and from its summit the lower terrace slopes gradually upward to the I foot of an elevation called the Mountain Ridge, where it attains an ele- vation of one hundred to one hundred and fifty feet above the lake sur- face. This peculiar ridge extends east and west through the north part of Royalton and Lockport, and near the center of Cambria and Lewis- ton, and forms the north declivity of the southern terrace. At its west- ern extremity it has an elevation of two hundred and fifty feet above the lower terrace, and is nearly perpendicular. This height gradually declines towards the east, having at the east line of the county an ele- vation of eighty to one hundred feet. Through the central part of the county the ridge is divided into two declivities, separated by a plateau from a few rods to a half mile in width. The upper ridge is limestone, and for many miles presents the face of a nearly perpendicular cliff. Throughout the county this ridge is too steep for much cultivation. The south half of the county extending south from the ridge is very nearly level. It has a slight inclination toward the south and terminates in the Tonawanda Swamp ; this whole inclination within the county does not exceed thirty feet. The Lake Ridge, which is supposed to have been, and probably was, the early shore of the lake, extends west from Orleans county through Hartland and Newfane, thence turns southwest and appears to terminate near Lockport city. It appears again farther west and at Cambria is divided into two parts, the north part extending northwest about three miles and gradually declining to the level of the ground surface in general, and the south part e.xtending southwest and uniting with the mountain ridge four miles east of Lewis- ton. This deflection in the Lake Ridge was doubtless caused by a large bay that extended south towards Lockport, while the north branch of the ridge which terminates so abruptly in Cambria, was undoubtedly a bar extending into the lake. Two large streams probably discharged into this bay — one through the ravine in which the canal is located, and one through a ravine about two miles west of Lockport. The Lake Ridge is composed of sand, gravel, and the usual debris thrown up by the action of a large body of water, and differs essentially in character from the surrounding surface. It varies in height from five to twenty five feet, and is twenty to one hundred and fifty feet in width. The lowest rock in this county is the Medina sandstone, which crops out in the ravines along the shore of the lake. It is the underlying rock of the west half of the county, and extends to the foot of the Mountain Ridge. This ridge is composed of the sandstones and Hmestones be- longing to the Niagara and Clinton groups, the heavy masses of compact limestone appearing at the top. The Onondaga salt group occupies a narrow strip along the south border of the county. Nearly the whole surface is covered with deep deposits of drift, the rocks appearing only on the declivities of the Mountain Ridge and in the ravines of streams. Springs of weak brine have been found in the northern half of the the county, which exude from the Medina sandstone. This stone, lying at the foot of the Mountain Ridge, has been quite extensively quarried at some points. Above the sandstone is a layer of impure limestone from which water cement has been made. The Niagara limestone fur- nishes an excellent building material and a good quality of lime. The stone exists along the whole course of the Mountain Ridge, and the deep cut through the ridge at Lockport is through this stiata ; the most ex- tensive quarries have been worked in that vicinity, the stone for the canal locks having been taken from them. Niagara River, on the west boundary of the county, contains several small islands which belong to the county, the principal ones being Ton- awanda, Cayuga, Buckhorn, and Goat Islands. The river itself and the great cataract need no detailed description in these pages. Tonawanda Creek flows along the greater part of the southern boundary of the county and along its course are the extensive marshes known as Tonawanda Swamp. This section contains valuable muck and marl, underlaid with limestone and gypsum, and where cleared and drained to some extent it is excellent for agricultural purposes. The other principal streams of the county are Four mile, Six mile. Twelve-mile and Eighteen-mile Creeks, so named from their respective distances from the mouth of Niagara River ; Fish and Golden Hill Creeks, all emptying into the lake ; Mud Creek and East Branch, tributaries of Tonawanda Creek, and Ca- yuga and Gill Creeks, tributaries of Niagara River. The soil of this county is particularly well adapted to the raising of grain and for many years that was the principal occupation of the farm- ers. Wheat, barley, oats, corn and potatoes were successfully grown, wheat especially being produced in great quatities until about 1850. Since that date it has received less attention, and fruit cultivation has 4 in recent years taken its place to a great extent. Large apple orchards were planted at some points by early settlers, particularly on the Niag- ara River below Lewiston, on the lake shore and in the vicinity of Lock- port. About 1845 a large demand for winter apples came into exist- ence in the west and elsewhere, which stimulated the farmers of this county, who had large orchards of inferior fruit, to begin grafting their trees. It began to be understood that soil and climate were fitted to produce the most perfect apples possible, as well as superior fruits of other kinds. Apple growing continued until Niagara county became known throughout the whole country for the excellence and quality of its product. Peaches, also, were gradually introduced and became an important product. The fruit industry still continues to receive a large share of the attention of farmers. The population of Niagara county has regularly increased in numbers as shown by each succeeding census, excepting between i860 and 1865, when it decreased about 1,000, a fact due, probably, to the influences of the war. The following figures show tiie number of the inhabitants at different periods sinc'e 1S35 • 1835 26,490 1840 31,132 1845 - 34.550 1850 -.42,370 1855 .48,282 1860 .' 50,399 1865 ..49,283 1870.. ..50,437 1875 51,399 1880 ..54,173 1890 62,491 1892 63,378 CHAPTER II. EARLY DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENT. No attempt will be made in this work to review the Indian history of the locality under consideration. It could add nothing to what has already been done in scores of historical volumes, and the subject is about exhausted. There is evidence that seems irrefutable to many that this region was occupied by a race of men far anterior to our na- tive Indians; whether this is true or not must be left for antiquarian speculation and treatment. Let it suffice for present purposes to state that the first white comers iiither found this immediate locality occu pied by a nation of Indians called by other nations, Kahquas, and by the French, the Neuter nation, because they were at peace with the fierce tribes around them. They were a numerous nation, but seemed to lack the valor and warlike spirit of the Iroquois. There were Kah- qua villages on both sides of Niagara River, but chiefly on the western side; there was also one near the mouth of Eighteen mile Creek in the present Niagara county, and possibly a few on the Lake Erie shore. The greater part of the shores of that lake were, however, occupied by the Eries, who were called by the French the Nation of the Cat. Up to about the middle of the sixteenth century, it is believed, the Kahquas maintained their neutrality amid the fierce strife of their neighbors; but not long after that, for some cause now unknown, the dreaded Iroquois fell upon both the Eries and the Kahquas and almost exterminated them. If any were left they were doubtless absorbed by their conquer- ors. From that time forward all of this immediate region was ruled over by the powerful Senecas, a nation that shared to some extent in all the warlike operations that constitute a part of the frontier history, and often in fierce opposition to the English, by whom they were at last con- quered. The Tuscaroras constituted the sixth of the famed Six Nations. Thev were seated in North Carolina when the Europeans came, where they numbered 1.200 wariors at the beginning of the eighteenth century. They were at war with the white settlers, 171 1 and 1713, and in the latter year were subdued and eight hundred of them captured. The remainder fled northward and joined the Iroquois league as the sixth nation. In the French and English war and the war of the Revolution they were loyal first to Great Britain and later to the Americans, and in the spring of 1 78 I located on a square mile of land on the mountain ridge in what is now the town of Lewiston, which the Senecas had assigned to them. Their domain was increased by a grant of two square miles and a purcliase in 1804 of 4,329 acres from the Holland Land Company ; for the latter they paid $13,722, which was a part of the indemnity received by them for the extinction of their North Caro- lina interests. On their reservation the white settlers found in them warm friends and good neighbors. They have advanced in civilization, have excellent farms and are generally respected by the remainder of the community. Evidences strongly indicating prehistoric occupation of the territory of Niagara county have been found, while Indian relics and remains in great quantities and varied character tell of the former occupants of the region. The lines of their principal trails are well known and many have become our present roads. The most important of these trails ex tended from the Hudson to the Niagara ; it came from the east by way of the sites of Canandaigua and Batavia, emerged from the Tonawanda Swamp nearly southeast of Royalton Center, coming out upon the Lockport and Batavia road in the valley of Millard's Brook, and thence continued on the Chestnut Ridge to the Cold Springs. Following the route of the Lewiston road, with little deviation, it struck the Ridge road at Warren's. It followed the Ridge road until it passed the Hop- kins marsh, when it graduallj' ascended the Mountain Ridge, passed through the Tuscarora village and then down again to the Ridge road and on to the Niagara. From Lewiston to Oueenston was the princi- pal crossing into Canada, but a branch trail went down the river to Fort Niagara. This trail was improved about the close of the last century, so as to be passable by sleighs, the work being done by the Holland Company; it was the first roadwaj' north of the main road from Canan- daigua to Buffalo. "The Ontario trail," according to Turner, which came westward from Oswego, via Irondequoit Bay, " followed the Ridge road west to near the west line of Hartland in Niagara count)', where it diverged to the southwest, crosing the east branch of Eight- een-mile Creek and forming a junction with the Canada or Niagara trail at the Cold Springs." No less important than these trails was that which became and has always been known as the Portage road, extending from Lewiston around the Falls. It was thus described in a work written in 1718 : The Niagara portage is two leagues and a half to three leagues long, but the road, over which carts roll two or three times a year, is very fine, with very beautiful and open woods through which a person is visible for a distance of 600 paces. The trees are all oaks and very large. The soil along the entire length of that road is not very good. From the landing, which is three leagues up the river, four hills are to be ascended. Above the first hill there is a Seneca village of about ten cabins. These Senecas are employed by the French, from whom they earn money by carrying the goods of those who are going to the upper country. Upon the accession of the English the Portage road was greatly im- proved under direction of Sir William Johnson (1763) by John Stedman, the first permanent settler at Niagara. The following description of the route of this road is froi^i the pen of O. H. Marshall: It commenced at the Lewiston landing, and followed the river until it reached the small depression just north of the present suspension bridge. Diverging from this it intersected the river a short distance above the Stedman house, and followed its bank for about forty rods to the fort above. Midway between the house and fort were a dock, a warehouse and a group of square-timbered, whitewashed log cabins, used by the teamsters, boatmen and engagees connected with the portage. About half a mile below the Stedman house, the head of the present hydraulic canal, was the old French landing, where goods were transhipped when only canoes were used, and where the Portage road terminated before Fort Schlosser was built. All along the road between this fort and Lewiston blockhouses were erected about a mile apart, to protect the teams from disasters such as had occurred at the Devil's Hole. The vast importance of this trail and road through all this history of the Niagara frontier v'ill be readily inferred and more clearly understood as we proceed. The early relations of this section of country to the European pow- ers was of a very indefinite character. James I was on the English throne, and Louis XIII reigned over France with the great Richelieu as his prime minister. The immediate region of which this work treats was one of the earhest in the northern patt of America to be visited by European adventurers, missionaries and traders. Many years be- fore the landing of the Pilgrims, and only a little more than forty years after Columbus touched the shores of a new world, Jacques Cartier, a French explorer, sailed up the St. Lawrence in 1535 as far as Montreal, and learned something of the great country and lakes to the westward. He took possession of all the country in the name of his sovereign and made some attempts at colonization, but in 1543 they were all abandoned. In 1603 the celebrated French mariner, Champlain, came over and made permanent settlement at Quebec ; settlement at Mon- treal soon followed. A route was established across the country from the St. Lawrence to Lake Huron, where Cartier founded a mission and where Champlain wintered among the Indians in 161 5. The Hurons were at war with the Iroquois and Champlain invaded the Iroquois country with their warriors. Meanwhile Champlain had sailed up the lake that bears his name, lying between the present States of New York and Vermont, in 1609, fought a battle on its shores with the Iroquois, killed his first Indians and gave the natives their first per- ception of what they were to expect from the white man and his mur- derous gunpowder. In 1609, also, Henry Hudson sailed up the river that took his name and in the name of his Dutch employers took possession of an indefinite extent of territory. These claims, with that of the English made by the Plymouth colony, constituted three dis- tinct sources of pretended sovereignty over the soil of the new world, seen and unseen, and by 1625 there were three streams of emigration tending westward. For a long period the French held a measure of supremacy, in which they were abetted by those remarkable mission- aries, the Jesuits, some of whom were early in the vicinity of the Niag- ara frontier. Father Dallion was in some parts of the region in 1626— 27, but there is no evidence that he visited Niagara. Fathers Brebeuf and Chaumanot visited the Neuter Nation in 1641 and wrote a descrip- tion of the journey in which is found the first mention of Niagara. We quote : The river is that bj' which our great lake of the Huron, or fresh sea, is discharged, which first enters into the lake of Erie, or of tl}e nation of Cat, from thence it enters the territory of Neuter Nation, and takes the name of Onguiaahra until it empties into Ontario or St. Louis lake, from which flows the river which passes before Quebec. It is a singular fact that in an elaborate description of Indian villages and the river, no mention is made of the falls. The inference is that the cataract was not visited. In 1648, however, Father Ragueneau described the lakes Huron and Erie to Ontario, and the cataract of " frightful hight." The falls are also designated on Champlain's map of 1632, but there is no detailed description of the river and falls dating earlier than the arrival of La Salle and his company in Decem- ber, 1678. La Salle made his first voyage of discovery in 1669, sailing up Lake Ontario and reaching the Seneca settlements on Genesee River under Indian guidance, and hoping to be conducted thence to the Ohio River. This he accomplished after considerable delay and difficulty. His second expedition was approved by royal authority, but was fitted out at private expense by La Salle and his friends. The voyage was made in a brigantine commanded by La Motte, the expedition comprising six- teen persons, among whom were Louis Hennepin and Henri de Tonti. Hennepin was the first to visit the falls and left a detailed description of the great natural wonder. Embarking at Frontenac in two small vessels they sailed directly for the mouth of Niagara River. The voy- age was tempestuous and it was December 5 before they reached a point on the northern side of the lake, "lying about seventy leagues from Fort Frontenac." Of their movements the next day Hennepin wrote: We were obliged to tarry there till the 5th of December, when we sailed from the northern to the southern side, where the river Niagara runs into the lake, but could not reach it that day, though it was but fifteen or sixteen leagues distant, and there- fore cast anchor within five leagues of the shore, where we had very bad weather all the night long. On the 6th, being St. Nicholas day, we got into the fine river Niagara, into which never any such ship as ours entered before. The Iroquois had a little village at the mouth of the river and their astonishment at the advent of these visitors in such a craft may be imagined. The next day the voyagers went two leagues up the river in quest of a building site. They probably landed at the site of Queenston and thence proceeded as far as Chippawa Creek, in snow a lO foot deep. There is some uncertainty on which side of the river the journey was made. Capt. James Van Cleve, long a resident of Lewis- ton, insisted that they landed on the Queenston side at a point still known as Hennepin Rock, where, finding they could go no farther with their vessel, they crossed to this side at about the point of the old ferry landing, whence they walked to the falls. They returned the next day and on the iith Hennepin said the first mass in this part of the new world. To carry out their purpose of building some houses at the landing place, they commenced in the latter part of 1678 the first building on this frontier on the site of Lewiston. The vessel was towed up from below on the 15th of December. "The 17th, i8th and 19th," says the record, " we were busy making a cabin, with palisadoes, to serve for a magazine." The next four days were spent in efiforts to save the brigantine, which "was in great danger of being dashed to pieces by the vast pieces of ice that were hurled down the river." These operations, as might have been expected, excited the jealousy of the Indians, and in order to allay it Hennepin, La Motte and seven others visited the Iroquois village in what is now Ontario county, and by gifts and flattery obtained the acquiescence of the Senecas. Return- ing they reached their brethren on January 14, 1679. It was a part of La Salle's purpose to continue his explorations westward, to accom- plish which he saw the necessity of having a vessel above the falls. He revisited Fort Frontenac and returned bringing with him supplies and rigging for the proposed craft, but his vessel was wrecked about thirty miles from the mouth of the Niagara, the anchors and cables being about all that was saved. On the 22d of January they made an encampment on the site of La Salle village, about five miles above the falls, and there on the 26th of January laid the keel of a vessel. There has been a great deal of speculation as to the exact place where this ship was built, and a few years since Cyrus Kingsbury Remington pub- lished a pamplilet upon the subject, to which the reader is referred. Hennepin said it was a most convenient place for the work. During the winter one Indian was employed in building a cabin and another supplied the party with venison. Tonti was left in command while La Salle made another trip to Frontenac, traveling over 200 miles through the snow with two men and a dog. The Indians made some trouble 1 1 during the building of the vessel, threatening to burn it. Most of the Iroquois were away on the warpath and before their return the little vessel was launched and safe from their attack. It was named Le Griffon (the Griffin). She was towed up the river to near the site of Black Rock and there left riding with two anchors. Hennepin and others then made a voyage to Frontenac in one of their vessels, for further aid in his religious work, and returned to Niagara July 30. On the 4th of August they made their way to La Salle and thence pro- ceeded to the anchorage of the Griffin, where they were warmly wel- comed. August 16 and 17 they returned to Niagara and brought the vessel in which they had sailed to Frontenac to Lewiston. From there their goods and supplies were transported around the falls to a point where they could be taken in small boats. Hennepin describes the tedious task of carrying these supplies up " the three mountains " and over the portage. The Griffin was a small vessel, only si.xty tons, but was well supplied with anchors and other equipment, and armed with seven Small can- non. There were thirty- four men on board, all Frenchmen but one. After several fruitless attempts to get the vessel up the river, it was finally accomplished by setting all sail in a favorable wind, and attach- ing a tow line upon which the crew hauled. This was upon August 7, 1679. While this work was progressing Hennepin doubtless visited the falls more than once and has left to us his description, which may be found in the Documentary History of the State by the curious reader. So, also, may be read with interest the description of the cataract by Char- levoix, written in 1721. The great importance of this frontier was early appreciated by both the French and the English, and no efforts were spared by either to keep it within their control. It was the grand passage way of the Iro- quois warriors and the fur traders from the east to the west, and a mili- tary strategic point of great strength M. Le Febvre de la Barre was appointed governor of Canada in 1682 and received detailed instructions from his sovereign regarding a campaign against the Senecas, the main purpose of which was to prevent them from further warring against the Illinois and other western Indians. The rivalry that was to continue 12 many years between the French and the English now developed, and Governor Dongan, of New York, vehemently protested against the French making any invasion into the Iroquois country upon any pre- text. In the spring of 1684 the French officer reconnoitered the south- ern shores of Lake Ontario and the Seneca country, in preparation for his campaign ; but for some reason, cowardice among other charges having been made against him, nothing was accomplished that needs detail here. De la Barre's action found no favor in France and on March 10, 1685,^ he was recalled and the Marquis De Nonville was sent over in his stead. De Nonville was a brave and experienced officer and promptly adopted measures for vigorous action. He studied the whole situation and, of course, was impressed with the importance of erecting a forti- fication at the mouth of the Niagara, and urged the matter upon his government. It would, he insisted, not only be a protection against the Iroquois, but would give the French the desired control of the pas- sageway of the Indians and fur traders. He finally advised the building of a fort large enough to accommodate 500 men, "enclosed by a single ordinary picket fence to place it beyond all insult." This, he thought, would entirely close the road to the " Outawas " against the English and break up the fur trade with the Indians. When information of these purposes reached the ears of Governor Dongan, a long and spirited controversy followed, which is set forth in Volume III of the Colonial History. Meanwhile the French commander was led to believe, and it was possibly true, that the English were con- templating the seizure of the Niagara frontier. Preparations for the in- vasion against the Senecas having been completed, De Nonville gath- ered a force of about 3,000 French and Indians at Irondequoit, where he planted 2,000 palisades as a work of defense, which task he finished on the 1 2th of July, 1687. On the same day the march was begun, and on the following day a body of Senecas attacked the invaders, but were driven off. After some show of resistance at their villages the Senecas burned most of their buildings and fled eastward. The work of de- ' Louis XIV wrote to his minister in Canada as follows: " I have reason to be dissatisfied with the treaty conclnded between Sieur de la Barre and the Iroquois. His abandonment of the Illi- nois has seriously displeased me, and has determined me to recall him."— Doc. Hist. vol. IX, p. 209. 13 struction was finished by the French, who burned an immense quantity of corn, killed stock and destroyed growing crops. ^ The army returned to Niagara, reaching there on the 30th. A site was now selected for the proposed fort and work on it begun. Stock- ades were collected and set, and three days later the so-called fort was considered " in condition of defense," and a portion of the army started for Montreal. A part of the regular troops were left under Vaudreuil to complete the work, after which the post was left under command of Sieur de Troyes with 100 men. The record states that wood was scarce in the vicinity of the fort and that it had to be carried up a hill. This, taken with De Nonville's statement that the post he had thus fortified was not a novelty, "since Sieur de la Salle had a house there which is in ruins since a year" when Serjeant La Fleur abandoned it or was driven away by Indians, has by some writers been taken as proof that La Salle's post had been established there in 1678-9, instead of at Lew- iston ; but the best authorities give Lewiston the preference in the mat- ter. Hennepin, however, does state that when La Salle was on his way back to Fort Frontenac in 1679, while the Griffin was being built at La Salle, he " pretended to mark out a house for the blacksmith which had been promised for the convenience of the Iroquois." This was at the mouth of the river, and possibly a house was erected there, but that the chief post was at Lewiston there can be very little doubt. The little garrison at Niagara suff'ered intensely during the winter of 1687—8. The Senecas kept them in a state of siege, and if a soldier ventured from the fort, the tenacious watchmen were ready to slay him. Provisions were scarce, hunters could not venture out to kill game, sick- ness came on and by the following April their number was reduced to ten or twelve; this time some friendly Miamis came and cared for the survivors until the arrival of a French detachment. In the mean time animosity between the English governor and the French was rapidly gaining strength. Dongan insisted that the French must destroy the post at Niagara and leave the country. After consid- erable correspondence De Nonville in the fall of 1688 demolished the works and abandoned the post. It does not appear to have been again occupied for nearly forty years. The document recording the abandon- ' For De Nonville's description o£ this invasion, see Col. History, vol. Ill, p. 3:38. 14 ment is very full and formal. The cabins and quarters were left stand- ing. A cross eighteen feet high was erected in the center of the square bearing an inscription. Besides the five cabins, there was a bakehouse, a large storehouse, and another " large and extensive framed building having a double door furnished with nails, hinges, and fastenings, with three small windows," but the building had no chimney. The large storehouse was described as "covered with one hundred and thirty boards, surrounded with pillars, eight feet high, in which there are many pieses of wood serving as small joists, and partly floored with unequal plank. There is a window and a sliding sash." The other structures were also minutely describetl. There was also " a well with its cover above the scarp of the ditch." The vengeance of the Iroquois for De Nonville's invasion was swift. A large body of warriors started for the Canadian settlement, fell upon the Island of Montreal like demons, destroyed everything of value on their way, and reached the very gates of the city. A revolution in 1688 placed William of Orange on the English throne, and war continued until 1697 with varying fortunes. The F"ive Nations continued friends of the English and engaged much of the time in harassing the French. Their authority over the whole west bank of the Niagara, and far up the south shore of Lake Erie, was unbroken, except when French troops were actually marching there. The treaty of Ryswick (1697) was imperfect and left the sovereignty of Western New York undecided. The English continued their claims to all the country of the Iroquois, while the French with equal energy persisted in setting up the authority of King Louis. Permanent peace under such circumstances was necessarily out of the question and Queen Anne's war broke out in 1702. During this struggle the Iro- quois, who had grown wiser in their generation, maintained neutrality. Both European powers feared them too much to wantonly attack them. Meanwhile Detroit and other strong posts were established by the French. In 1700, in going from Montreal to Detroit, the French were careful to avoid the Niagara route, so as not to give offense to the Iro- quois. But the great importance of having a fortified post at Niagara could not be overlooked. In 1706 proposals were made to the French court to take possession 15 of Niagara, before the English should accomplish the same avowed pur- pose. The most convincing reasons were given for such a course, which the reader can find in the Paris Documents. At this time Cha- bert Joncaire, for many later years a conspicuous figure on this frontier, appears on the scene It was proposed to take advantage of his inti- macy and influence with the Senecas to secure their good will. Jon- caire had a few years earlier been captured by the Senecas and when his life was threatened by them, had gained their lasting respect by an act of bravery in the face of death and been adopted into the nation. He married a squaw and was made a sachem. The French govern- ment appreciated the importance of Joncaire's influence and received the proposals to take the possession of Niagara. Instructions were, accordingly, issued to d'Aigremont to proceed to Niagara, among other points, and adopt measures to prevent its occupation by the English. De Vaudreuil, then governor of Canada, was to co-operate. The latter advised the promotion of Joncaire and gave him employment, leadin" to charges that ihe two were in league in maintaining the e.xisting con- ditions so as to control the Indian trade for their own benefit. In 1708 d'Aigremont reported the result of his mission. He states that he arrived at Niagara on June 27, 1707, where he met Joncaire by appoint- ment, " at the site of the former fort." They agreed that it was impor- tant to fortify the place ; that it would induce the settlement near by of friendly Iroquois, who would keep them informed of the movements of the English. This report was not favorabl>' received and M. De Pon- chartrain wrote d'Aigremont that the post at Niagara " is not expedient under any circumstances." The home authorities had, without doubt, - been prejudiced against Joncaire ; this is indicated by De Ponchartrain's remarks when the decision was announced. Said he ; " I will have him watched in what relates to the avidity he feels to enrich himself out of the presents the King makes these Indians, so as to obviate this abuse in future." This postponement of the reoccupation of Niagara left Lewiston again the principal point of settlement. In 17 19 Joncaire persuaded the Senecas to permit him to build a trading post. In the following spring he had Indians at work on the structure, which De Vaudreuil called " a picketed house," at Lewiston. This alarmed the English i6 and they endeavored to induce the Iroquois to order the destruction of the building. Nothing averted this but Joncaire's presence among the Senecas and the exercise of his great influence over them. The trad- ing house thus estabUshed, the French in Montreal sent on goods and Joncaire opened the first ''store" in Lewiston more than one hun- dred and seventy- five years ago. When the English soon afterward threatened to destroy the trading house, the customary correspondence ensued between Governor Burnet of New York and Vaudreuil. Burnet complained that " the French flag has been hoisted in one of the Seneca castles," and considered it "an ill observance of the articles of the Peace of Utrecht." To counteract these operations by the French, Burnet established some kind of a trading post at Irondequoit in 1 72 1, but it probably remained only a short time. And so the strife went on.' The existing condition of affairs at this time led to the establish- ment by the English of a fortified post at what is now Oswego (called by the French, Choueguen) in 1725-6. This at once constituted a new and important factor in the strife, and the French felt the great necessity of having a strongly fortified work at Niagara. De Vaudreuil sent dispatches to his king that nothing could preserve their control at Lewiston and along the frontier but a strong fort at Niagara. In order to deceive the Indians as to their actual purpose, Vaudreuil proposed to have two vessels cruise on Lake Ontario in the interests of trade, and at the same time to carr)' materials for the " house," as he termed it, at Niagara. Joncaire reported to them that, while the Indians would not oppose their trading vessels nor the erection of a "house," they would not permit the erection of a stone fort. The French gov- ernment did not in that year furnish the means for either vessels or the " house." While these negotiations were in progress, Joncaire was increasing his trading facilities at Lewiston, making journeys to Quebec for his goods. In the spring of 1721 De Longueville and others were sent on from Quebec to negotiate with the Indians for building privileges. The party numbered about fifty and among them was Charlevoi.x, ^ For the correspondence of Burnet and Vaudreuil, and other details of the English and French operations of this period, see Doc. Hist., vol. IX. THOMAS T. FLAGLHK. 17 who wrote a letter from Lewiston to Madame Maintenon, which has frequently been drawn upon by local historians ; but in reality it con- tained little of value. The first little store of Joncaire at Lewiston, which has been referred to in a document of 1721 as " a kind of cabin of bark where they dis- played the king's colors," soon gave place to a more pretentious struc- ture. It was described as a block house thirty by forty feet, inclosed by palisades, which were pierced with port holes. This building, how- ever, must have soon been neglected and left to decay, as it was fall- ing into ruin at the time of the erection of the stone fort. In 1627 Louis XV proposed its rebuilding, but it was not done. This French sovereign evidently took a deeper interest in affairs on this side of the ocean than his predecessor. He sent out 29,295 livres for the erection of the fort, and 13,090 livres for the building of two barks to aid in transporting materials to Niagara, There are no recorded details of the construction of the fort, but it was erected in 1726 and with changes and improvements, remains to this day. The English were now alive to the importance of the French opera- tions on this frontier. The principal act of retaliation was the construc- tion of the fort at Oswego, which point became secondary only to Niagara Burnet wrote of it to the Board of Trade: I depend upon its being of the best use of anything that has ever been undertaken on that side, either to preserve our own Indians in our Interest, or to promote and fi.\ a constant Trade with the remote Indians. The Marquis de Beauharnois, then governor of Canada, took Burnet to task for building the'fort at Oswego, and the usual paper wa fare continued, for which space cannot be spared in these pages. In 1728 flie French king wrote Beauharnois that the reconstruction of the house at the Niagara carrying place (Lewiston) did not seem necessary, in view of the strength of the fort at the mouth of the river. Competition in trade with the Indians now entered into the contest and Beauharnois directed that Niagara be well supplied with goods and that they be sold at such prices as would prevent the Indians going to Oswego to trade with the luiglisli. In 1730 Sieur de Rigauville was placed in command at Niagara, Joncaire having been sent among the Senecas in the general interest of the French ; he took his son with him. For a period of twenty- five years after the rebuilding the fort at Niagara the strife for the good will and alliance of the Iroquois by the French and the English continued unabated, the element of profit in trade being dominant in the struggle. The French gained the greater advantage in this respect for some years. Early in the intercourse of the Europeans with the Indians brandy and rum became one of the most important articles of trade to the natives, as well as one of the greatest profit to the white men. When, in 1736, Beauharnois informed his government that trade had greatly declined at Niagara, he gave as the cause the fact that the sale of liquor to the Indians was restricted by the French, while it was freely traded at Oswego, whither the Indians went for it, passing by Niagara. Rigauville still continued in command here, and the Senecas occupied their cabins at Lewiston, where they found more or less occupation in transporting goods over the portage. The Tuscaroras had come north and became a nation of the Iroquois A new and powerful character came into the field in 1738, in the person of Sir William Johnson. He was a young Englishman sent over to care for his uncle's estate in the Mohawk valley, and by his un- flinching honesty in his dealings with the Indians, upholding them a ainst the rapacity and dishonesty of traders, and his abilit)', he won the confidence of the Iroquois, and especially of the Mohawks, in a marked degree. He was adopted by that nation, as Joncaire had been by the Senecas, and made a sachem. By his powerful influence a large share of Iroquois fealty was allied to the English. Johnson was ap- pointed superintendent of Indian aftairs in 1743. Fearing the English ascendency more than ever before, Beauharnois, in 1740, sent La Morandiere to Niagara to have the fort repaired, pre- paratory to supplying it with more troops, ammunition and food. Jon- caire died, but his sons, Chabert and Clauzonne, were his worthy successors in aiding the French cause In 1744 Sieur de Celeron was sent to take command of the Niagara fort, and thirty men were added to the garrison, making si.Kty four soldiers and six officers. The artillery in the works consisted of five " peteraros " and four two- pounders The stockades were repaired with a view of having the post in a good state of defense in the fall. As a whole the power of the French increased among the Senecas, Fort Niagara was their strong- 19 hold and all of Western New York was for more than thirty years to a very great extent under their control. In the war between England and France, begun in 1744 and con- cluded by the treaty of Aix la Chapelle in 1748, there was a general pretence of neutrality by the Six Nations ; but in fact, the Mohawks, and some other nations to a limited extent, aided the English. This was almost wholly owing to the influence of Sir William Johnson, who was persistent and indefatigable in his efforts for his country. In 1747 a French writer gives Joncaire as authority for the statement that " the Five Nations have accepted the hatchet from the English." This was, of course, an exaggeration. M. Duplessis, then in command at Niag- ara, stated that the Senecas were behaving well there, while in October of that year, letters from Niagara stated that the Indians in general were ill disposed towards the F"rench. These reports show the un- settled conditions in relation to the Indians. Little else occurred during that war of consequence to this work, and hostilities were sus- pended in 1748 During the eight years of nominal peace that succeeded this war both nations made constant efforts to extend their dominion beyond their frontier settlements, the French with greater success. To Niag- ara, Detroit and other posts were added Presque Isle, Venango, and finally Fort Du Ouesne. In 1748 Captain de Celeron came to Niagara with a convoy of over one hundred French and Indians on their way up the lake via the portage from Lewiston to Schlosser. They report- ed having made a favorable impression upon the Iroquois here. In 1749 the artillery at Niagara was reported as consisting of "four iron two pounders, four of one and one-half, one six-inch mortar, one ditto for grenades, five swivels, and thirteen iron shells." In the summer of 1750, Joncaire, the younger, told the Senecas that the French intended building a fort above Niagara Falls. Such a fort was built that same season a short distance below Gill Creek (so named because of its diminutive size) and at the upper terminus of the portage from Lewiston. This fort was small, but served as a protection to per- sons and property against marauding Indians. It was sometimes re- ferred to as the Little F'ort, Little Niagara, Fort du Portage, and subse- quently as Fort Schlosser and Fisher's Battery. It served as a 20 rendezvous for the French and their allies on their way to and from the upper country. In 1751 Lieutenant Lindsay wrote from Oswego to Sir William Johnson that Indians from Niagara reported to him that a new fort had been built at the " Niagara Carrying Place" (at Schlosser) since they were there. Information also reached the English that the French, in July, landed at Niagara a force of nearly three hundred French and several hundred Indians, on their way to drive the English from the Ohio country. Against this movement the Iroquois raised opposition, a feeling which was cultivated by Johnson, who was more and more impressed with the importance of this frontier. He fre- quently urged his government to organize an expedition to secure its control. He insisted that the French had no right there whatever. The struggle that was to determine this question was at hand. CHAPTER III. CONTINUED WARFARE— 1754-1763. During the interval of peace that succeeded the war just described, both the French and the English continued their intrigues to gain the fealty of the Iroquois It was apparent to both that the nation which succeeded in this effort would ultimately triumph. As a part of the measures of the English, they held at Albany in 1754, a "Congress" of commissioners from New York, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, Massa- chusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Maryland, who prepared an address to the Iroquois, and there met some of the most famous chiefs, among them Hendrick, of the Mohawks. The congress con- tinued in session about a month. The king sent presents for the In- dians and urged the utmost efforts to gain their friendship. Another council was held in the following year at Alexandria, Va., where Brad- dock was encamped, as the head of the army. General Braddock pro- posed an expedition against the French forts at Crown Point and Niagara. Sir William Johnson was commissioned as major-general to take command of the Crown Point expedition, and Gov. William Shir- it ley, of Massachusetts, a biave and capable officer, was to command against Niagara, A third expedition against Fort Duquesne was also planned. Shirley did not proceed farther than Oswego, as shown in the following quotation from Pouchot's Memoirs, volume I, page 45 : The regiments of Shirley and Pepperell, with the miUtia of New York and New Jersey, according to the plan we have spoken of, arrived at the end of June [17551 at Oswego, from whence they could equally menace both Frontenac and Niagara. Bad weather and a sickness that prevailed among them, prevented the execution of their designs. They employed themselves during this campaign, in forming an in- trenched camp around Oswego, and in building Fort Ontario on the other side of the river. They also undertook to build vessels to form a fleet upon the lake. It is a fact that Shirley did construct a sloop and a schooner of sixty tons each, and a large number of galleys and whale boats. In the mean time Johnson attacked and defeated the French in the battle of Lake George. Braddock was defeated near Duquesne, leaving the French in still better condition to defend this frontier. They had not been idle, their instructions involving the building of vessels and canoes, a sufficient number of which were to be placed on the river at Schlosser to facilitate the passage of their troops back and forth to the Ohio. During the Ohio campaign reports of " horrible waste " at the Niag- ara portage were circulated, and as a consequence the transportation business was submitted to competition. The price agreed upon was fifty sous the piece, but M. Duquesne gave his opinion that the con- tractors could make no profit owing to mortality among the horses and other causes. He also stated that the site of the fort at Niagara was to be changed, as the lake was undermining it. Fears that Shirley would capture Niagara that season caused the French great anxiety, Vaudreuil writing that if the English attacked the fort, " 'tis theirs." Concerning its condition he wrote as follows: I am informed that fort is so dilapidated that 'tis impossible to put a peg m it without causing it to crumble; stanchions have been obliged to be set up against it to support it. It's garrison consists of thirty men without any muskets. Sieur de Villiers has been detained with about 200 men to form a camp of observation there Active measures were adopted to strengthen the post in anticipation of Shirley's expedition. Vaudreuil sent orders to Detroit for Indians to be sent here, and M de Foubonne came with the battalion of 22 Guiennc, while Pouchot, the distinguished engineer, came to plan such entrenchments and other works as would place the fort in a good state of defence. After Braddock's defeat, the artillery captured there by the French was sent to Niagara, while Joncaire was busily employed among the Iroquois villages in vain efforts to counteract the influence of Johnson's emissaries. But all these preparations were temporarily unnecessary, on account of Shirley's failure. Had his plans been car- ried out, there is every reason to believe that Niagara would have fallen into the hands of the English in 1755 General Shirley summoned the provincial governors to another council at Albany in December, 1755, where he ardently advocated raising a force of 5,000 troops, who should rendezvous at Oswego, in the spring, to aid in the capture of Niagara and the conquest of the frontier. In the fall of that year Commissary Doreil gave the following dis- couraging description of the fort at Niagara: A house surrounded by a little ditch, wiih stockades or palisades seven or eight feet over the ground, but in such a bad state that most of them fall through rotten- ness, composes what is styled, Fort Niagara. During this winter the whole force at the fort comprised about 300 men, who labored hard to strengthen the work. Now, in May, 1756, after two years of open hostilities, a formal declaration of war was made between England and France, and the last struggle for supremacy con- tinued. On March 27, 1756, Fort Bull, which guarded the great carrying place from the Mohawk River to Wood Creelc, on the route to Oswego, was captured by a body of French and Indians, and a large quantity of stores destined for Oswego were destroyed. It was hoped that this would at least delay the operations of the English against Niagara. Meanwhile another battalion, Beam's, was sent here, and Vaudreuil took occasion to compliment Pouchot for placing Niagara, " which was abandoned, and beyond making the smallest resistance," in a state of defense ; he continued that " it had thus been made a place of considerable importance, in consequence of the regularity, solidity, and utility of its works." Montcalm, also, that brilliant French military genius, was pleased with the improvements made, and called it "a good fortification," of " horn work with its half moon, covert- way, 23 and lunettes at the places d'armes re entering from tlie covert- way. Tlie front of the work is 120 toises." In the summer of 1756 the French gained in their cause through the capture of Oswego by Montcalm on August 14, thereby securing a large measure of respect and good will from the Indians.' Moreover, the moral effect of the victory was disastrous to the English, and all offensive operations ceased for a time. It removed what the French regarded as the chief danger to their plans respecting the North Ameri- can continent, and left unbroken their possession of the valleys of the St Lawrence, the great lakes, the Ohio and the Mississippi. The campaign of 1757 terminated disastrously, leaving the affairs of Great Britain in America in a worse condition than at any former period. Fort William Henry, a strong work at the head of Lake George, fell before Montcalm's army in August, while the French still retained control of Fort Duquesne and the Ohio region. But a change was at hand, which was brought about to a considerable extent by the succession of William Pitt to the prime ministry in England. He was a man of great ability and a devoted friend to the American colonics. He promptl}' gave assurance that ample forces should be sent over and recommended that the colonists raise as many men for their armies as possible. Lnrge bodies of soldiery were accordingly recruited by the colonies and made ready for the field in the spring of 1758. Only about 150 men garrisoned Niagara during 1757. The French seemed to believe that its capture by the English was not to be consid- ered at all. In the fall Pouchot went to Montreal where he reported that the fort was completed except some sodding. He had changed the location of some of the bmldings. There were two large barracks, one church, one powder magazine, and one store for provisions and merchandise. He said more barracks would be necessary in the course of the winter. Captain Vassan took his place in command at the fort. General James Abercrombie assumed command of the English forces • The capture of Oswego produced ttie greatest effect upon all the Indian tribes, because the English had affected a decided superiority over us, and by their bragadocio on their power and courage, sought to make the Indians believe that we should not be able to resist them. The latter saw with what ease we took a post which had as many defenders as assailants, and their brisk cannonade, of which they had never heard the like, did not disturb the French troops. We may say, that since this event, they have redoubled their attachment and friendship for the VYexiii\i.--Poiichot^s Memoirs, Vol. /, /, 70. 24 in America in 1758, and extensive expeditions were planned. One of these was for the recapture of Oswego; one against Louisberg, wliich was captured by Maj.-Gen. Jeffrey Amlierst; another was against Crown Point and Ticonderoga, to be commanded by Abercronibie in person, who was defeated by Montcalm ; and another, which was suc- cessful, against Duquesne. During this year, or part (.f it, Niagara was left destitute, and measures were adopted for its relief Goods, provis- ions and artillery were to be forwarded, and in fear of the English armed vessels on the lake, M. de Montigue with 500 or 600 men and 20,000 pounds of powder were sent here. But the final and more im- portant operations in this region were left to the succeeding year. The rapid increase of population in the English colonies and the facility with which they had enlarged their armies, gave the Ercnch great anxiety and led some of their authorities in the winter of 1758-9 to express their conviction that it would prove a difficult task to defend Niagara against an attack. One writer declared that the French could not place more than 5,000 or 6,000 men in the field; and they could not confidently count on their Indian allies. Among their strongholds Niagara was considered most tenable, but it was evident that against a determined assault it could not long hold out. Provisions became very scarce and costly, rations of bread being reduced to a pound and a half and of pork to a quarter of a pound. Horse flesh was issued for food. The courageous Montcalm foresaw the coming disaster and was dis- couraged. On August 12 he wrote from Montreal : Canada will be taken this campaign, and assuredly during the next, if there be not some unforeseen good luck, a powerful diversion by sea against the English colo- nies, or some gross blunders on the part of the enemy. The English have 60,000 men, we, at the most, from 10,000 to 11,000. Our government is good for nothing; money and provisions will fail. . . The Canadians are dispirited ; no confidence in M. de Vaudreuil or in M. Bigot. Nevertheless Vaudreuil provided for the defense of Niagara as best he could. Pouchot was to remain here with 300 Canadians, and call in all the forces from Detroit and other points. Orders also went to Toronto to send all the Indians possible from there. This made Pou- chot's force 486 regulars and militia, and thirty-nine employees, five of whom were women and children, besides the Indians, He went imme- diately at work to strengthen the works. This task was not completed 25 on July 7, when several barges of the enemy appeared but were driven off by cannon shots. These boats were a part of the expedition under command of Gen. John Prideaux, who liad made his rendezvous at Oswego, with 2,000 regulars and provincials, and where he was joined by Johnson with 1,000 Indians. This expedition left Oswego July i. Pouchot now sent out a scouting boat which reported that the English had landed in strong force at the " little swamp," now known as the mouth of P"our-mile creek. Pouchot sent a courier to Chabert Jon- caire, in command at Schlosser, to cross the river in case he saw any of the enemy up here. A large body of F"rench troops and Indians had made a rendezvous at Erie, by Pouchot's orders, and the courier was directed thither also to order them to fall back on Niagara, and in case Fort Schlosser (then called Little Fort) had been abandoned, to cross the river and go down on the other side. That night two Indians were sent from Fort Schlosser down to Niagara, whence they went out on a scout towards the English camp. The French kept an armed corvette cruising off the mouth of h'our-mile creek and some shots were ex- changed. Joncaire at Schlosser burned the works there and removed his valuable property across to Chippawa. Both the Joncaire brothers, with about seventy others, went down to Niagara on the Canada side, arriving there on the loth. Some English accounts made the burning at Fort Schlosser follow the surrender of Niagara, but the French state- ments differ and are probably correct. The English soon had Niagara completely invested on the land side, and on the loth a brisk cannonade was kept up from the fort. On the I ith fighting took place between a body of French sent out to remove some stockades, and the English. During these operations Pouchot 'gave some of the Indians permission to go within the English lines and bring back some of their brethren for a conference. The visiting In- dians made extravagant promises to the French commander, but the gifts and allurements of the English were more than they could with- stand and Johnson was also on the ground with his immense influence. Day by day the English approached nearer the doomed fort. Annoying batteries were placed by them on the opposite side of the river, from which on the 22d red hot shot were fired, several times setting on fire the wooden buildings. In the mean time General Prideaux was killed i 26 in the trenches on the i8th by the bursting of a cannon, and the com- mand devolved on Johnson. On the 23d some Indians came through the English lines with a white flag, having been sent from Fort Schlos- ser by the French officers in command of a force of 600 French and 1,000 Indian reinforcements from the upper posts. This force came down the river in a vast number of canoes and reached Navy Island, where, according to some accounts, large French vessels were built and were stationed. From the island scouts were sent out to learn the position of the English, and from them Pouchot learned of the ap- proaching reinforcements ; but the English were equally well informed. Pouchot advised those in command of the reinforcements that if they did not feel competent to attack the English army, they should cross over to the Chippawa and pass down on the other side, drive the enemy out of the batteries just mentioned, and then recross. This counsel, for some reason, was not followed, and they came down on this side to Lewiston. The English were stationed in three divisions — one at the little swamp where they had first landed ; one at La Belle Famille about a mille above the fort on the river, and the other be- tween these two. M. de Lignery, in command of the reinforcements, was advised to attack and defeat one of these divisions, upon which the siege would probably be raised. The attack was made at La Belle Famille (the site of Youngstown village), on the 24th. In the mean time Johnson had laid an ambuscade to assail the French and Indians as they came down from Lewiston. The battle was short, sharp and decisive. The French were routed and fled to Schlosser, and thence across the river. When Pouchot was informed of this disaster he called a council of officers. The garrison was worn out and despondent ; 109 men had been killed and wounded and thirty seven were sick, leaving only 607 effectives. Further resistance was clearly unjustifiable and the officers unanimously advised surrender. This was done, but difficulty arose over the terms, Pouchot not being willing to accept Johnson's proposals. After discussing the matter through the night, Pouchot was about to stop the negotiations and take the chances of unconditional surrender, when the Germans, who constituted a majority of the gar- rison, mutinied and the entire force demanded capitulation. Terms were then agreed to by Pouchot. The articles were signed on the 25th 27 and on the following day the garrison marched out to the beach, laid down their arms and embarked for New York, according to the stipu lations. This account follows Pouchot's record. French accounts state that those troops who escaped in the rout of the 24th Hed to Navy Island, where a guard of about 150 had been left. They then proceeded to Detroit, and it is asserted that the vessels before mentioned were burned by them before they left. Both of the Joncaires were made prisoners. The foregoing story, derived from the French records, is necessarily largely confined to what took place in the fort. The English accounts of outside occurrences are interesting, and as this was the most im- portant event of a military character that ever took place on this fron- tier, it is of sufficient importance to give a brief account from the other point of view. When Johnson on the 23d learned of the approach of the French re- inforcements on the road from Lewiston, he at once disposed a part of his forces near the road and not far below the Five mile Meadows at a place now known as Bloody Run. Johnson had doubtless been kept advised of the movements of the French from the time they arrived at Navy Island. The action began early in the forenoon of the 24th and lasted about an hour. Captain De Lancey, son of General De Lancey, was in command of the advance sent up on the 23d. He threw up breastworks that night and early the next morning sent a sergeant and ten men to cross the river and bring up a six pounder. These men were attacked a short distance above De Lancey's line and were killed or captured. The French were nearer than they supposed. The Eng- lish were reinforced in the course of two hours so that they numbered 600 regulars, loO New Yorkers, and 600 Indians, when the battle opened about 8 o'clock. The French and Indians attacked with screams and war whoops, but the English and their Indian allies were accus- tomed to this. The battle raged fiercely for about an hour. Johnson's Indians attacked the French on the flank, and the English leaped over their breastworks and attacked so fiercely in front that the French were soon routed. It is said that their treacherous Indian allies left them in tlie hottest of the fight. The pursuit was continued some miles towards Lewiston (about five miles, according to De Lancey). Many were 28 killed and many officers and men taken prisoners. While some au- thorities state that this engagement took place as far up the river as Bloody Run, another statement was made that it was fought within sight of the garrison at Niagara. The latter statement is probably erroneous. Many years afterwards pieces of muskets, axes, bones and other evidences of the battle were found on the field near Bloody Run ; but it was within hearing of the fort. D'Aubrey, in command of the French, was wounded and captured, as also was De Lignery. Marin, in command of the Indians, was also a prisoner. All three had been prominent some years in the border wars. This battle sealed the fate of the fort, as has already been shown. Johnson divided the prisoners and scalps taken in the engagement of the 24th (146, of whom ninety-six were prisoners). The officers he released from his Indian allies by ransom, but with some difficulty. The Indians were given all the plunder of the fort, said to have amounted to $1,500 to each man. Of the ordnance stores captured there were two fourteen pounders, nineteen twelve- pounders, one eleven-pounder, seven eight-pounders, seven six-pounders, two four- pounders, and five two-pounders, all iron, together with 1,500 rounds of twelve- pound shot, 40,000 pounds of musket balls, and other stores. The English found the buildings in good order and the fort in such a condition for defense that, had they stormed the work as was intended, there must have been much loss of life. The English loss was sixty- three killed and 183 wounded. That the Indians took quite good care of themselves during the siege is proved by the fact that, of the losses above given, only three Indians were killed and five wounded. After sending his prisoners to New York by way of Oswego, Johnson sent off his Indians in boats loaded with plunder. Soon afterward Colonel Haldiman arrived and claimed the command, but Johnson refused to give it up until General Amherst was consulted. Two French vessels cruising off Niagara prevented Johnson from leaving the fort for Oswego until the evening of August 4. He arrived at Oswego on the 7th. Thus passed the control of the Niagara River, which had been under French domination more than a hundred years, to the English. Soon the life-bought victory of Wolfe gave Quebec to the triumphant Eng- 29 lish ; but the French clung to their colonies with desperate, though faihng grasp, and it was not until September, 1760, that tlie Marquis de Vaudreuil surrendered Montreal and with it all the other posts within his jurisdiction. This surrender was ratified by the treaty of peace between England and France in February, 1763, which ceded Canada to the former power. CHAPTER ON THE FRONTIER— 1763 TO 1775. With the change fr^m French to English domination was inaugurated entirely new arrangements on the portage from Lewiston to Schlosser. A new fort was built a short distance from where Little Niagara had stood and named Fort Schlosser, from Capt. Joseph Schlosser, its first commander. It consisted simply of a line of palisades enclosing a few storehouses and barracks. A tall chimney, which is still a conspicuous object on the Porter farm beluw Gill Creek, and which had belonged to the French barracks burned by Joncaire, as before related, was used by the English in the construction of this new work. Meanwhile Fort Niagara was repaired and strengthened and served as an important base of supplies for the western country and the rapidly increasing In- dian trade. Comparative peace reigned in this region until Niagara was quietly surrendered to the United States in 1796, after the Revolu- tion ; but during this period of nearly forty years of possession by the English, many interesting events took place that require descrip- tion. It was unfortunate that the Indians nearest to this frontier were the Senecas, for they had been more or less antagonistic to the English in the past years, and were prone to disregard Johnson's sovereignty as superintendent of Indian affairs ; moreover, a lingering affection for the French seemed to remain with them and they, with some of the western Indians, carried on marauding forays through the country, on some occasions carrying their depredations very near the gates of 30 Niagara, where they killed an Englishman wliom they were trying to capture. Three others were killed near the mouth of Chippawa Creek, but in retaliation a party of Hurons were surprised at the mouth of the Niagara and one killed and six wounded. Most of the Iroquois, how- ever, remained united under the autocratic sway of Sir William John- son. It must be remembered that there was no Indian settlement between the Genesee and Niagara at this time; only a few cabins re- mained at Lewiston where some of the Senecas aided in transporting goods over the portage. In July, 1761, Johnson started on a journey to Detroit, arriving at Fort Niagara on the 24th. Here he learned that the Senecas around the Genesee were jealous of the advance of the English beyond Niagara. The Indians already foresaw what finally took place — their expulsion from their hunting grounds and their ulti- mate extinction. This growing feeling led to later serious trouble on the frontier. Johnson passed a few weeks in this vicinity, visiting Schlosser, Navy Island, the former battle ground, exploring Chippawa Creek, visiting Lewiston (which he calls in his record, " Trader's Town "), the falls and other points, and left for Detroit on August 19 Returning he arrived at Schlosser October 15 ; from there he went to Lewiston on horseback and thence to Niagara by boat. By this time the Indian fur trade had become a great industry through the activity of the English and Dutch merchants at Albany, and soon became a source of difficulty. White traders did not scruple to defraud and cheat the Indians, frequently first getting them drunk for the purpose. Competition was active, and honorable traders, who adhered to the methods prescribed by the authorities, found themselves hampered and their business injured by shameless adventurers Com- plaints on this subject from all quarters were made to Johnson at Niagara, all ol which he endeavored, by exercising his well known diplomacy and authority, to adjust. A man named Stirling, it is re- corded, had placed " a great store of goods " at Schlosser, where he was cheating the Indians. General Amherst had also licensed Captain Rutherford and Lieutenant Duncan, with others, to settle on the port- age and, it was charged, had given them 10,000 acres of land along that road. The general's explanation was, that this permit was made subject to the pleasure of the king. In a letter of October, 1762, he 31 said that this grant was asked in the interest of trade and that great advantages would follow a settlement on these lands covering most of the territory between Schlosser and the mouth of F"our Mile Creek and the river. The king disapproved of this permit and orders were issued to "put a stop to any sctlement on the carrying place." In 1762 trouble arose with the Indians, said to have been occasioned by the murder of two traders who were passing through the Seneca's country. At a council held at Canaseraga in December of that year, the Senecas failed to attend, although special efTort had been made to induce them to be present. The Tuscaroras were represented and the interpreter was William Printup, ancestor of the Tuscarora Printups of recent years. The Indians made profession of friendship and threw the blame for the murder of the traders upon some irresponsible strolling Indians. This was not believed by Johnson, who gave them to under- stand that they would be punished for any further depredations. Out of this and otiier causes grew the succeeding warfare on the frontier, and Pontiac's war in the west. The hostile movements of the Indians were kept secret until the western Indians and the Senecas were ready to strike. Detroit was besieged and the posts at Sandusky, Erie and on the route from Erie to the Ohio were captured ; settlements were destroyed and the settlers massacred. The Indians believed they could gain control of the whole country west of Oswego, out of which the French hoped to profit. It is a part of general border history that the Indians were severely punished and were glad to sue for peace in the following year. At this time the Seneca nation numbered nearly 1,200 members. At this time the portage between Lewiston and Schlosser, e.xtending most of the way through a forest, was especially exposed to surprise, and soldiers were kept at both ends of the road to accompany teams- ters. In September, 1763, one of these convoys was attacked by a large band of Senecas and many were killed. This wagon train started from Lewiston for Schlosser on the 14th of September, with supplies for Detroit. On the return with an escort of twenty five men, accom- panied by John Stedman, who had been in charge of this end of the portage since 1760, the attack was made in the thickets near the road and close to the Devil's Hole, by a large body of Senecas who were 32 hidden at that point. While the wagons and soldiers were moving by the declivity, the savages opened fire. It must have been a deadly volley, for it was at close range and very deliberate. The Indians at once sprang upon their victims with knife and tomahawk and com- pleted the slaughter. It is recorded that some of the teams were frightened over the precipice and that some of the English jumped over, preferring to take that desperate chance rather than be tomahawked or burned at the stake. One of these a, drummer boy named Matthews, fell into a tree top and descended in safety. He died long afterwards at Oueeiiston at the age of ninety years. A wounded teamster is also said to have crawled into a secluded spot and escaped. Stedman was mounted and spurring his horse into a run, escaped through a shower of bullets to Schlosser. The firing was heard at Lewiston, and reinforcements immediately started for the scene. In some doubt these troops marched up the road to sure destruction. The Indians had finished the first massacre and, discovering the approach of the rein- forcements, again secreted themselves As the troops came up a deadly volley killed or wounded a large part of their number and the knife and tomahawk completed the bloody work. But eight men are reported as having escaped to carry the news to Lewiston and flee on- ward to Fort Niagara. The garrison turned out to meet the savages and with better knowledge of what had already taken place, they took greater precautions, but the Indians had gone. The soldiers found the remains of their stripped and mutilated comrades, broken wagons, wounded teams, etc., at the bottom of the precipice. This was the most terrible and bloody deed ever enacted in this immediate vicinity. The little stream close by, that some years ago supplied water for a saw mill, is known as Bloody Run, deriving its name from the massacre. Many thousands of tourists have visited the locality where, for many years, a charge was made for going down the declivity on rude steps. Along down the banks relics of this butchery were found by the pioneer settlers half a century later. To prevent further depredations reinforcements were sent on from Oswego. In November two soldiers were killed at Lewiston while cut- ting wood in sight of their quarters. General Amherst was in favor of punishing all the Senecas wherever found, but Johnson secured imniu- s ^0S^ ^ L ISAAC H. BABCOCK. 33 nity for two small villages that had remained pacific. Later in the sea- son, when news came from the west that the Hurons and others who had shared in the Pontiac war had offered to make peace, the Senecas hastened to Johnson with similar proposals. Johnson advised the Lords of Trade that the Senecas were undoubtedly sincere and advocated the exaction of the lands along the Niagara from the fort to Schlosser, with a guarantee from the Indians of its peaceable possession forever. Accordingly, when the Senecas to the number of four hundred met Johnson in April, 1764, they signed articles conveying to the English government all the lands on both sides of the river, two miles wide, from Lake Ontario to Fort Schlosser. At this meeting Johnson adopted measures to secure a general conference of all the Indian na- tions at Niagara. On the 8th of July he arrived here from Oswego with General Bradstreet and twelve hundred white men and six hun- dred Indians. Other western Indians had already arrived and more continued to come, the Senecas arriving last about August 1st. There were present at this council a little more than 2,000 Indians, seventeen hundred of whom were warriors. Some of the nations represented had been at enmity with each other, while others were deadlj' enemies of the English; consequently it required consummate diplomacy to avert trouble. But Johnson was equal to the occasion and much important business was transacted. The cession of lands by the Senecas, before noticed, was ratified and the boundaries thereof extended to Lake Erie, while they made Johnson a present of all the islands in the river. All of this cession Johnson turned over to the English crown. The sale of liquors to the Indians by traders, a practice full of evil results, was also discussed, and certain regulations made to restrict the sale. Lieutenant- Colonel Vaughn took command of Niagara about this time, and Nor- man McLeod was commissary at the fort many years. The conference ended early in August and Johnson left for Oswego on the 6th. Bradstreet erected a temporary defensive work at Buffalo and then marched to Schlosser where he embarked with his army for Erie and Detroit. On his return later in the season he encountered a storm, lost many boats and stores, and about one hundred and fifty of his men were forced to traverse the wilderness; some of them died on 5 34 the way and the remainder straggled on to Niagara in the cold months of the closing year. Johnson had now accomplished his purpose of making friends with the Senecas, and treaties with other nations gave the settlers a feeling of security they had not before entertained. Johnson continued to urge upon the Lords of Trade a policy of conciliation and kindness towards the Indians, and altogether wielded a powerful and beneficent influence. He set up the just claim that he had never received ade- quate compensation for his services, asked for title to the lands in the Mohawk valley given him by the Mohawks, and an increase in salary. He, however, continued to give much of his time to adjusting difficul- ties among traders, and regulating affairs on the several frontiers, among which Niagara was, perhaps, the most important. No very important events took place in which we are here directly interested during the period extending from the time under considera- tion to the breaking out of the Revolution. Settlement advanced very little beyond the various trading posts, everybodj' being intent upon making profit in the fur trade to the entire neglect of clearing away forests and tilling land. The English maintained the ship yard on Navy Island, and in the fall of 1766 one of two vessels there was burned, whether by straggling Indians or carelessness of workmen is unknown, but probably the latter. In 1767 Commissary McLeod called a small council of some Senecas and Canadian Indians at Niagara, occasioned largely by a drunken quarrel between parties of those Indians, some of whom were wounded. The matter was satisfactorily arranged. Other petty troubles were frequently the cause of complaints, but did not lead to serious difficulty. 35 CHA V. ITiStolSli— THE Wa: ~ THE REVOLU: The Niagara frontier had veni- _ -::rrino events of the! ^ratFortNi; rJ"wasan ar. • • . - ^^ng t^ ..-..._ . :.. ^.;glish ihat contest which gave - i-O AmenCi .;;u is weil known, were enacted far '- " i'^ome in Tc lea\-ing his estate and ar Guy Johnson, and 5 . sans of the English : : . ada. Daring the period from 1759 to his death r great an influence : destiny of the Iroc New York as Sir Wi"-': - Hi? capacit)- for - -. and his diploma: . _. .ess so. After the actual outbreak of the Revolution, Sir John Johnson, who had been appoi- rndent of Indian aflairs, persuaded the Mo- hawks to move :h him and gained a strong influence over all of the Six Nations excepting the Tuscaroras and the Oneidas. John Butler establish e f at Nia_ organized a regiment known as Butler's Rang; _ a and the : .. . ..asons used all of their influence to induce the Jr. ;; = ..£ :j attack the Americans. The Senecas refused for a time, but in 1777 the prospect of gratifying their natural love of the war path and at the same time being paid for it overcame their scruples, and the)' made a treaty with the British at Oswego agreeing to ser\'e the king throughout the war. From that time forward the Senecas. Cayugas, Onondagas, and Mohawks were active in the British interest, and Niagara became the key to this region, the Indians looking 36 hither for instruction and guidance. Here was the headquarters of the Butlers, Johnsons, Brant and other inveterate enemies of the country ; here forays were planned ; prisoners were brought here from long dis- tances, where they were safely hidden from their far away friends. Sir John Johnson was driven out of the Mohawk valley in 1776, for his disloyalty to the American cause; he fled through the forest to Mon- treal, was made a colonel in the British army, and raised and com- manded a regiment called the Royal Greens. The campaign of 1776 was generally unfavorable to the Americans ; but none of its important events took place in this region. Complaint was made in the latter part of this year that large sums had been ex- pended at Niagara on the Indians gathered here, and that they had not participated in the war; but Butler's accounts were audited and settled at Quebec. He and his regiment of Rangers soon became infamously notorious in the border battles. Inspired by repeated successes, the British made extensive prepara- tions for their campaign of 1777, involving the invasion of New York by Gen. John Burgoyne with a large army from the north ; and an ex- pedition organized under Col. Barry St. Leger, composed of regulars, Canadians and Indians, to land at Oswego and penetrate and lay waste the Mohawk valley. The first of these movements was successful, and Ticonderoga was captured ; but St. Leger came to grief and was driven back from the valley to Oswego, whence he proceeded with his dis comfited troops and Indians to Montreal. Butler and Brant returned to Niagara. In 1778 occurred the massacres at Wyoming and Cherry Valley, the story of which has stained the records of British warfare ever since. To chastise the Indians in some measure for their repeated atrocities, an expedition was made against the Onondagas in the spring of 1779, under Cols. Van Schaick and Marinus Willett ; it resulted in the destruction of their dwellings and crops, but otherwise served only to further exasperate the savages. Later in the same year a similar but much more extensive expedition was organized with the same ob- ject in view — the punishment of the Indians. This expedition was di- rected against the Senecas, with the capture of Fort Niagara to follow. General Washington placed Gen. John Sullivan in command of about three thousand Continental soldiers, gathered in Wyoming valley, with 37 orders to march against the Senecas and leave nothing but desolation in his path. SulHvan arrived at Tioga Point August 22, and was there joined by Gen. James Clinton with sixteen hundred men. The expedi- tion was slow in its early movements, giving the British opportunity to send a force to the aid of the Indians. The latter fortified themselves at Newtown (mmira) and a battle was fought in which the Americans were victorious. The march was then continued into the Genesee country. There he found an astonishing and beautiful region. The village contained one hundred and twenty- eight houses, " mostly large and very elegant," surrounded by a fiat extending for miles, " over which extensive fields of corn were waving, together with every kind of vegetable that could be conceived," as the record has it. The torch and the axe were applied everywhere, and the beautiful scene was soon transformed into a picture of dreary desolation. The corn destroyed was estimated at one hundred and sixty thousand bushels. Orchards were cut down, one of which is said to have contained fifteen hundred trees. The Indians pursued their usual tactics in the face of such ex- peditions and fied. Sullivan and his army retraced their steps eastward, leaving Niagara untouched. Why he did not continue and capture the post is not known, for it could, without doubt, have been easily done. The Senecas were completely broken up by this disaster and fled to Niagara. It was in this campaign that the famous Red Jacket first ap- pears and, it is said, in favor of making peace with the Americans, in which he was opposed by Brant. Sullivan's expedition had important results. It forced the Six Nations to make the Niagara frontier their principal resort. Here they gathered in large numbers, claiming protection of the king and sustenance through the severe winter of 1779-80. In the latter year several important forays were planned and executed against the border settlements. In May Sir John Johnson made a raid into the Mohawk valley from Crown Point, and burned every dwelling in that region, except those of tories, slew many people, recovered some valuable plate he had buried at Johnstown, took his booty and prisoners and fled to Canada. Another foray was organized against the Oneidas, who were driven eastward to Schenectady, and their buildings burned. That nation remained faith- ful to the Americans through the war. 38 In April, 1780, Brant was again on the war path, his main purpose being a raid into the Schoharie country. Leaving Niagara in the early spring with his followers, he reached his destination and destroyed one village, another being saved by the cool falsehood of a prisoner he had taken, who represented that a large force of Continentals had just arrived there. Brant returned to Niagara, bringing many prisoners who had escaped torture and death, by agreeing to come to Niagara as prisoners of war. When the party reached the western part of the State, Brant sent a rumor ahead to apprise the Indians of his approach with prisoners. It is believed that his principal object in this was the humane one of having the garrison meet him at the Indian settlements, one of which was Lewiston, and thus protect his prisoners from the ordeal that was customary on such occasions. In any event British troops met the home comers and saved the prisoners from torture. They were, how- ever kept in confinement at Montreal, Quebec, and Halifax until 1783. Only a sliort time after Brant's arrival there was another party of cap- tives from the eastern end of the State sent on to Niagara. They were compelled to run the gauntlet here, but under favorable conditions, so that they escaped with little suffering. One of these captives was a Captain Snyder, who reported upon the condition of the fort, etc. He mentions Johnson, the Butlers, and Brant, and said the fort at that time was a structure of considerable magnitude, enclosing an area of six to eight acres, and of great strength. At the close of 1780, afteran event- ful season of border war, the story of which belongs to the general his- tory of the times, the British and Indians settled down at Niagara for the winter. The forces here at that time consisted approxima'tely of sixty British regulars, four hundred loyalists, and twelve hundred In- dians, including women and children. But the fort was then well sup- plied, and although there was a large force to feed, the Indians probably fared better than they ever had before. The war of the Revolution continued with its march of memorable events, but they possess little interest in this immediate connection. Brant made some desultory and unimportant forays from Niagara dur- ing the winter and spring of 1780-81 ; but beyond this the frontier was quiet. In 1782 hostilities between the two countries approached an end. Demonstrations of conciliation were made by England, but Wash- 39 ington prudently kept the country in a state of defense until the final declaration of peace. In 1782 Brant's residence was at Levviston, a short distance east of the village. After the war he went to Quebec to arrange for the fulfillment of British promises regarding the Indians. There he was given a large tract of land on Grand River, and from him is derived the name of the village of Brantford. The grant of land was for the benefit of those Indians of the Six Nations who had lost their homes by their continued alliance with the British. In 1781 the Tus- caroras were given a square mile of land on the mountain ridge, to which they removed. There they have remained as steadfast friends of the white people. The arrangements for peace began with the agreement for the cessa- tion of hostilities made in Paris in November, 1782, and signed by com- missioners January 10, 1783. On March 24, 1784, a letter was received in this country from General La Fayette announcing a general peacf. Congress issued a proclamation April 11, declaring a cessation of mil- itary operations on sea and land. But England submitted to defeat with bad grace. Under the treaty the boundary between the possessions of the two countries was to run along the 45th parallel, and in the middle of the St. Lawrence River, Lake Ontario, Niagara River and Lake Erie ; but the mother country objected to the Americans occupying the posts on the fronlier south of this line. That country also set up a claim that the United States government had not the power to enforce observance of a commercial treaty, and therefore lefused to join in the execution of one. These matters, in connection with the fact that debts due to British subjects from Americans were in many instances left unpaid, and confiscated property was not returned to royalists from whom it had been taken by Americans, were made the basis of the astonishing condition of affairs that existed for thirteen years after the peace, during which period a nation unsuccessful in war, occupied and held fortified military posts within the lines of the victorious country. The frontier was not formally surrendered until July, 1796. In the mean time changes began to take place along the Niagara River. In 1793 United States Commissioners Lincoln, Pinckney, and Randolph came to Niagara on their way to a great council at Miami. At that time what is now Niagara, Ont., opposite Fort Niagara, was 40 the seat of government and there Governor Simcoe resided. With the cessation of hostilities and even before the actual surrender of the fron- tier by the British, a new era dawned ; a new class of traders came in, the vanguard of the pioneers from New Jersey, the New England States and eastern New York. It is recorded that the only white resi- dent at Lewiston in 1788 was one Middaugh, who kept a tavern for the accommodation of travelers and traders, but probably derived his greatest revenue from selling liquor to the Indians. Silas Hopkins was at Lewiston in 1788 buying furs, and subsequently settled on a farm on the Ridge road east of Dickersonville, where he lived to old age. He was grandfather of Silas and Willard Hopkins, of Lewiston. John Gould came on from New Jersey in 1788 and was occupied as a drover, selling cattle mostly to Butler's rangers on the Canada side. He was the pioneer of the Gould families, long prominent among the residents of Cambria. Both Hopkins and Gould were neighbors of Brant, the celebrated Indian chief John Street, father of the late Hon. Thomas Street, had a trading place at Niagara, Canada, in 1790. Soon after receiving a visit from Hopkins and Gould, he was murdered near Warren's Corners, and the assassin and robber was not discovered. In 1792 a traveler from Boston westward wrote descriptions of the country through which he passed. He alluded to the comparatively easy task of cutting a ditch twenty- three miles and a lock by which a water course could be opened to carry commerce " through an extent of country capable of maintaining several millions of people." He de- scribed the Genesee flats as very rich, clear of trees, producing grass ten feet high, mostly owned by Indians, and worth in his estimation ;^2, 000,000 sterling. Coming onward to Niagara, a distance of ninety miles, he found " not one house or white man the whole way." The reader will bear in mind that this was years after peace was declared at the close of the Revolution. The traveler evidently pursued his way across Tonawanda Swamp and went on to F"ort Niagara. There he was passed over the river, where he found a public house. A regi- ment was garrisoned there which he said " had the honor of dancing Yankee Doodle on the plains of Cambridge, 19th April, 1775." He met Colonel Butler and one of the Johnsons. 41 Ontario county was formed in 1790, and included all of New York west of the so called preemption line. The extinguishment of the Indian title' to most of the lands in western New York opened up a vast and valuable tract for settlement. In 1791 there was not a house on the site of Youngs- town. In that year Joshua Fairbanks arrived at Fort Niagara. He began keeping a tavern at Oueenston and made his house a favorite resort. He subsequently became a resident of Lewiston and was there a well known citizen. The Holland Company was in reality no company at all, at least in a legal sense ; it was merely a syndicate of Hollanders who sent over funds to agents in this country with which to purchase lands, having first been granted the privilege by our Legislature in 1798. In the latter part of that year the American trustees conveyed the Holland purchase to its real owners. It was, however, transferred to two sets of proprietors, and one of these sets was afterwards divided making three in all. Each set held its tract as joint tenants; that is, the survivors took the whole. The shares could not be the subject of will or sale, and did not pass by inheritance, except in case of the last survivor. But there was no incorporation and no legal company. For all details of this purchase, for which space cannot here be spared, the reader is referred to the well known work, Turner's Holland Purchase. It is sufficient for our purpose to state that the territory of Niagara county constituted a part of that purchase. The first general agent of the company was Theophilus Cazenove, who was sent over for that purpose. Previous to the extinguishment of the Indian title to the company's lands, Cazenove had employed Joseph Ellicott to survey ' When in the spring of 17(>4 the Senecas became fearful of the vengeance of the English for repeated depredations, about four hundred of them waited on Sir William Johnson at Johnstown and begged for peace. Johnson realized his power over them and did not hesitate to e.Nercise it. The cessions agreed upon at that time were most important, the document containing the fol- lowing: "That they [the Senecas] cede to His Majesty and his successors forever, in full right, the lands from the Fort of Niagara, extending easterly along Lake Ontario about four miles, comprehending the Petit Mavais, or landing place, and running from thence southerly, about fourteen miles, to the creek above the Fort Schlosser or Little Niagara, and down the same to the river or strait and across the same, at the great cataract, thence northerly to the banks of Lake Ontario, at a creek or small lake about two miles west of the fort; thence easterly along the banks of the Lake Ontario, and across the river or strait to Niagara; comprehending the whole carrying place, with the lands on both sides of the strait, and containing a tract of about four- teen miles in length and four in breadth. And the Senecas do engage never to obstruct the passage of the carrying place, or the free use of any part of the said tract, and will likewise give free liberty of cutting timber for the use of His Majesty, or that of the garrisons, in any other part of their country, not comprehended therein." 6 42 their tract in Pennsylvania. He was a younger brother of Andrew A. Ellicott, then surveyor general of the United States, and had aided in laying out the city of Washington. As soon as the treaty was made with the Indians, Mr. Ellicott was employed to survey this tract ; with him was associated Augustus Porter, in the interest of Robert Morris These men, assisted by a force of surveyors, axemen, chainmen, etc., pushed ahead the work of surveying the great tract with energy. Elli- cott himself ran the east line of the purchase, known as the East Transit. The tract was first divided into ranges six miles wide, running from Pennsylvania to Lake Ontario and numbered from east to west. These were subdivided into townships si.x miles square, and these were further subdivided into sections and lots In the fall of 1798 Seth Pease ran the line of the State Reservation along the Niagara River. The lands of the Holland Company were placed on sale at $2 75 per acre ; but as lands were then selling in Canada for sixpence, and were offered very cheap in parts of this State nearer to advanced settlements, purchasers were very slow in accepting the terms of the company, as will presently appear. By request of the State surveyor, Ellicott selected Levviston as a village site in 1798. The dwellers there in 1800 were the families named Woodman, Gambol, McBride, Hustler (a tavern keeper). Hough, Mills, Middaugh, and Joseph and John Howell ; Mc- Bride had a small tannery. In 1801 there were only forty sales to set- tlers on the Holland Company's lands; but the number rapidly in- creased after that. At the old Schlosser terminus was the Stedman place. The traveled routes from the Genesee to the Niagara were through what is now Genesee county, where they divided, one taking the ancient Indian trail across to the Ridge road at Warren's Corners, and thence to Lewiston ; the other continuing to Buffalo and from there down the river. The first named route passed through the Tonav\anda Reservation, where there was then a large number of Indians. Philip Beach, then living at Scottsville, near the Genesee, carried the early mail from Batavia to Fort Niagara, over the route by Warren's Cor- ners. There being no dwellings on the way, he was forced to camp out nights, the journey requiring several days. In 1801 he settled in what is now Niagara county. His brother, Jesse Beach, settled on the North Ridge near Molyneaux's, as also did Aaron Beach. 43 It will now be correctly inferred that at the beginning of the present century the frontier had seen little change from its condition during the long period of strife through which it had passed. Fort Niagara had only recently been surrendered to the United States ; Lewiston and Schlosser were mere trading places; and Bufifalo gave little promise of future greatness. But important changes were at hand. Niagara county, then including what is now Erie county, was erected from Genesee March ii, 1808, and the county seat fixed at Bufifalo. There the first courts were held and the county buildings erected, but in fol- lowing the history of settlement and growth in Niagara county we shall, of course, confine ourselves to the present boundaries of the county. When the county was erected the territory now constituting Niagara county was all comprised in the town of Cambria, erected at that time from Willink. After the opening of the year the sales of land by the Holland Com- pany rapidly increased; in 1809 they were more than a thousand. During the first decade of the century settlement had been Well ad- vanced in many localities within the boundaries of the county as it now exists; but no new towns were erected until 181 2, as noticed further on. It was natural that the advantages of the Ridge road attracted the earliest settlers. Here, amid the primeval forest, above the swamps and avoiding hills, was a natural highway in every way inviting to the pioneer. From Warren's to Dickersonville it was always passable, while on either side, and especially on the north, it was almost impass- able except in winter and the dry months of summer, What are now the richest sections of the county were then avoided. Some settlements were made early near Lake Ontario, in what are now Wilson and New- fane, but along the river and the Ridge they were most numerous. The first town meeting in the new town of Cambria was held at the house of Joseph Hewitt April 5, 1808. Joseph Hewitt was elected supervisor; James Harrison, clerk; Robert Lee, Benjamin Barton, and Charles Wilbur, commissioners of highways ; Lemuel Cook, Silas Hop- kins, and John Dunn, assessors ; Stephen Hopkins, collector ; Philemon Baldwin and Thomas Slayton, overseers of the poor; Stephen Hopkins, Ray March, Stephen A. Baldwin, and Alexander Haskin, constables; Enoch Hitchcock and Thomas Hustler, poundmasters for the eastern 44 and western districts respectively. Sixteen overseers of highways were elected and assigned to districts. It was voted to pay a reward of five dollars for every wolf killed, on proof before a magistrate, accompanied with the skull and the entire skin attached. One hundred dollars was voted for wolf bounties. Other customary regulations were voted for the government of the great town, which embraced all of the present Niagara county. The most prominent settler to arrive here early in the century was Augustus Porter, who came in 1806 with his wife and three sons, A. H., P. B., jr., and A. S. Porter. Augustus Porter had represented the dis- trict of Ontario and Steuben in the Assembly of 1802. His brother, Peter B. Porter, represented Genesee and Ontario in the Assembly of 1803, but did not come to this locality until several years later, and then from Black Rock. Augustus Porter had been here as early as 1795 and again in 1796, on his way to the Western Reserve of Ohio, as chief of a company of surveyors. The further extensive operations of the Porter family in this vicinity are described in the history of Niagara Falls in later pages. James Field became a settler in 1808 on the Porter farm; he subse- quently kept a tavern. He was grandfather of the late C. W. Field. The town meetings were held at Field's tavern many years. In 1809 Enos Broughton opened a tavern in the Stedman house, as it had then been vacated by Mr. Porter. Meanwhile settlers were locating at Lewiston. In 1802 came Capt. Lemuel Cook who had been a surgeon in the army ; sons of his were the well known prominent citizens of Lewiston, Bates Cook, afterwards comptroller, Lathrop Cook, afterwards the first sheriff of Niagara county after Erie was set off in 1821. Benjamin Barton came in 1809, having previously visited the frontier in 1787. Soon after came John Latta who built a tannery which he operated until driven out by the war of 1812. Jesse Beach, before mentioned, settled in 1803, and John Rob- inson in 1806. Asahel Sage settled in 1807. John Gould and a few others were then his neighbors. Aaron Childs settled on the Ridge in 1809, where he kept a tavern, and subsequently removed to Lewis- ton. Two years later Achish Pool removed from Massachusetts to a home where Dickersonville now is and where he lived to an old age. 45 His son, the late Thomas F. Pool, who resided in Dickersonville until his death in 1886, and William H. Pool, who removed to Michigan, were sons of Achish and small bo\'s at the time of the arrival of the pioneer. Their conveyance, like that of most of the earliest settlers, was a yoke of oxen ; they brought in, also, one horse. Col. Andrew Sutherland came from Sutherland Falls, Vt., in i8io, with his family and settled on a farm east of Molyneaux Corners on the Ridge; the homestead was afterwards occupied by his son, Fletcher Sutherland, and now owned by the latter's daughters. Colonel Suther- land took part in the war of 18 1 2. A tavern had been opened In 1806 at Warren's Corners by John Forsythe. About this time Reuben Hurd settled on the North Ridge. In what is now the town of Porter settlement began early but was slower in progress than in Lewiston or Niagara. John Lloyd, who had been a soldier, settled near the old Peter Tower homestead in 1801. Others soon came in, among them the families named Doty, Hopkins, Zittle, Abijah Perry, and Cogswell, the first school teacher. Jonathan Lutts settled in 1806, Jacob Lutts in 1808, and his brother Michael soon after. The town received its name from Augustus Porter and was thinly settled until after the war of 181 2. John Young settled in the town of Niagara in 1810 with a large family in what has always been known as the Young neighborhood ; his sons were excellent citi- zens. In the same year John Witmer settled in the same neighborhood, purchased a farm, and built a saw mill which was in use many years. These pioneers are more fully noticed in the later town annals. Jacob P'itts settled early in Somerset, where he was preceded by a Mr. Kemp. The Meade families were early and prominent in that town. In Newfane the early settlers were William Chambers, John Brewer, and a Mr. Cotton, in 1807. James Van Horn began operating a mill on Eighteen-mile Creek about 18 10. It was burned by the Brit- ish in 18 1 3. In 181 1 the port of entry, which had been at Fort Niagara since its opening in 1799, was removed to Lewiston, giving that village consid- erable added importance; it remained there until 1863 when it was re- moved to Suspension Bridge. In all the years that intervened between the close of the Revolution and the beginning of the war of 1812, there 46 was little cultivation of friendly relations between the American settlers on this side of the river, and the people on the other side. The latter were largely composed of the members of Butler's Rangers, whose deeds were too fresh in the minds of our pioneers to render their friendly intercourse welcome. The British kept up a strong garrison, and there was a feeling of enmity not less strong because not publicly expressed, between the two sections. On the 1st of June, 1812, three new towns were erected in the county ; these were Hartland, Niagara (as Schlosser), and Porter, all taken, of course, from Cambria CHAPTER VI. 1800 TO 1835— THE WAR OF 1812. The first quarter of the present century witnessed important changes and stirring events in what is now Niagara county. There was a large increase of settlers at some points ; many acres of forests were cleared away and cultivation advanced on many farms ; mills and shops were built and manufactures inaugurated ; little hamlets had their inception ; churches and schools were established, and, finally, war was renewed which for two years paralyzed business and caused anxiety and sufter- ing along the frontier. At the beginning of the century the population of this State had reached 589,000, of which total about 6o,000 dwelt in New York city. Albany was a considerable community, while at Utica, Rochester and Buffalo the foundations had been laid for the present thriving cities. Commerce on the lakes was just coming into existence. Matthew Mc- Nair, at Oswego, bought a sloop in 1803, rechristened it and began the forwarding business there ; and there was soon a small fleet of vessels trading and transporting freight along the lakes. The Ontario, the first steamer to enter the Niagara from Lake Ontario, was built at Sackett's Harbor in 18 16, and was soon followed by others. Prospects of peace and plenty throughout the country were hopeful. 47 Early in the century began the acts on the part of England and France which resulted in another war. Through orders issued by Great Brit- ain and decrees made by the Emperor Napoleon, all American com- merce in neutral ships with either of these belligerent nations was sus- pended. American sailors, claimed as British subjects, were seized on American vessels ; and the right to board American vessels for this purpose was one of the unjust claims set up by Great Britain. These and other outrages continued until they could no longer be borne in silence. Late in October, 1807, Congress opposed this action by lay- ing an embargo on all vessels in United States harbors. This measure, necessary as it may have appeared as a general policy, was disastrous to the mercantile and shipping interests of the whole country. The embargo act was supported by a large part of the Democratic party, but was strenuously opposed by the Federalists. On June i, 181 2, President Madison sent a confidential message to Congress, in which he reviewed the causes of complaint against Great Britain, and asked for a decision whether Congress would act upon its light and as duty dictated, or remain passive under accumulating in- justice. It was well known that the president favored open retaliation. By one party the president was urged by threats as well as ridicule to declare war, while the other, among whom were many whose personal interests were already suffering, bitterly opposed such action. The Committee on Foreign Relations made its report June 3, accompanying it with a bill declaring war against Great Britain. After prolonged de- bate and amid the greatest excitement throughout the country. Con- gress passed the bill on July 18, and Madison signed it. On the 19th the president issued a proclamation announcing the fact and calling on the people to support the government in its war policy. At no point in the country, perhaps, was this event discussed with deeper interest and more anxiet)' than on the Niagara frontier. In 181 1 the port of entry for the Niagara customs district was located at Lewis- ton, having previously since its establishment in 1799 been at Fort Niagara. This gave additional importance to Lewiston. ^ ' The office was relained at Lewiston until 1S(J3, when it was removed to Suspension Bridge. Tlius for half a century Lewi.ston was a political headquarters, the collectorship being the prin- cipal political office in this section. 48 During the period between the close of the Revolution and the war of 1812 there was little cultivation of friendly relations between the settlers on opposite sides of the river ; the feeling on either side was that of enmity, the causes for which will be readily understood. The Brit- ish kept a strong garrison at Fort George, and the declaration of war meant constant menace and possible invasion at any time, with destruc- tion of the new-made homes and perhaps loss of life. The Tuscaroras and Senecas proved their friendship for the Americans and rendered valuable service ; but the Mohawks, who had been located in Canada by their British friends, remained our implacable enemies. To secure the co-operation of the Indians a council was held at Buffalo July 6, at which Red Jacket made speeches declaring in favor of neutrality and volunteering to send to the Mohawks and urge them to abandon the war path ; but the effort failed. Immediately upon the declaration of war Gen. Isaac Brock, commander-in-chief of the British forces in Upper Canada, took command of the Niagara frontier on that side and strength- ened its defenses; while similar action was taken on the American side, where Gen. William Wadsworth took command in person. By a gen- eral order issued by the War Department on April 21, 18 12, the de- tached militia of this State had been arranged in two divisions, eight brigades and numerous regiments. In June the first detachment of the militia quota of New York was placed under command of General Brown, who was charged with the defense of the northern frontier from Oswego to Lake St. Francis. A regiment under Col. C. P. Bellinger, was stationed at Sackett's Harbor. The chief purpose and hope of the war enthusiasts on this side of the Niagara frontier, was the conquest of Canada Detroit was early cap- tured by Brock, whose forces, thus relieved, came hither and threatened an invasion. They took possession of Grand Island ; but nothing of importance took place until the fall of 1812, when Stephen Van Rens- selaer established his headquarters at Lewiston, while Brock faced him across the river. There was at that time probably not as many troops under Van Rensselaer as would make one full regiment, and he called for reinforcements. By October he had gathered about 2,500 men, while at Fort Niagara there was a regiment of infantry and about 300 light artillery. There was a considerable force at Buffalo and a regiment 49 at Schlosser under command of Lieut.- Col. Winfield Scott. At Queens- ton were two companies of infantry , while at Fort George and nearby was a disciplined force of 2,ooo soldiers. Batteries opposed each other at favorable points on either side. An invasion of Canada was the chief topic of discussion ; there were the usual predictions of what would be accomplished by the Americans in such an event ; but when it came to the point of crossing the river the raw militia shrank from the danger, and the burden of taking the initiative fell upon the regulars from the fort. On the morning of October 13, a crossing was effected without much difficulty, until the march began upon up the slope to Oueenston. There determined opposition was met, the Americans were driven back, and a few lives were lost. Soon afterward, with reinforcements from this side, Capt. John E. Wool (later a distinguished general) stormed the heights, drove back two companies stationed there and captured a battery. The uproar of the battle was heard at Fort George and Gen- eral Brock hastened to the front with a larger force. In his heroic effort to recapture the heights Brock was killed and his troops were re- pulsed in disorder. The decisive moment had arrived when, had the remainder of the Americans promptly crossed the river, a permanent victory would have been assured ; but the militia could not be prevailed upon to cross, and Brant, with five hundred Mohawks, made his appear- ance on the field, and in spite of the gallant defense of the little army under Scott, they were defeated ; many were killed and wounded and a large number were marched to Fort George as prisoners. During the progress of the battle a brisk bombardment of Fort Niagara from Fort George caused Captain Leonard to abandon the works. This closed the campaign on the immediate frontier. During the year 181 3 the march of military events was rapid and eventful on the frontier. General Van Rensselaer resigned his command soon after the battle at Oueenston and was succeeded by Gen. Alexan- der Smyth, of the regular army, who had been in this vicinity a short time as inspector-general. He was a Virginian who in i8o8 had aban- doned his profession and resigned from his State Legislature to accept a colonelcy in the army and had been promoted to brigadier general. Immediately on taking command he began the concentration of troops at Buffalo and Black Rock, preparatory to an invasion of Canada. He 7 so also had scows built for the river transportation of artillery. On the 1 2th of November General Smyth issued a flaming address declaring among other things that within a few days his troops would plant the American flag in Canada. Other still more bombastic addresses fol- lowed. The attempt to cross the river was made November 28, and several detachments were sent over ; but owing chiefly to the imperfect arrangements and want of concentration, the movement was almost a ridiculous failure. Derision and ridicule were heaped upon the com- mander by the troops and subordinate officers. One of the latter was Gen. Peter B. Porter, a brave and competent officer, who was out- spoken in condemnation of the operations. This led to a duel which was fought on Grand Island, but neither of the participants was injured. The army now went into winter quarters. The conquest of Canada was still the hope of the Americans in the campaign of 1813. The government had gathered quite a fleet of vessels on Lake Ontario, whicli were placed under command of Com- modore Isaac Chauncey, who made his headquarters at Sackett's Har- bor. He successfully defended that port against the operations of Sir James L. Yeo, commanding the British squadron, in May, 181 3, and thereafter practically controlled the lake. Toronto had been captured in April, and measures were adopted looking to the capture of Fort George. General Henry Dearborn was in command of the department and took part in the capture of Toronto. That victory prevented the British from sending reinforcements to Fort George when the time arrived for its capture, For this event troops and war munitions were landed at Four- mile Creek and a large number of boats were built at Five- mile Meadows, a few miles below Lewiston, and taken down the river to the rendezvous. A cannonade was opened from both sides, and early on the morning of May 27 the troops embarked and the fleet of Commodore Chauncey took its position. The heavy fire from Fort Niagara and the vessels drove the enemy from one battery, enabling the Americans to make a landing. A sharp engagement followed a little distance from the beach, which merged in a combined assault and the enemy was driven back through the village, while Fort George was deserted. Preparations had been made to blow up the work and one magazine exploded, throwing Col. Winfield Scott from his horse, but 51 without seriously injuring him. The enemy was pursued several miles by Scott, but he was recalled just as he felt confident of their capture. The victory was a decisive one, all the positions at Niagara (which then bore the name of Newark) being in possession of the Americans, while the British losses were nearly three times as many as ours. On the 4th of July an unimportant raid was made on Schlosser by a lieutenant and a small British force, surprising the guard there and capturing a field piece, some arms, provisions, etc. It would seem that territory on the frontier which had been captured by the Americans should have been held ; but such was not to be the case. Up to midsummer of this year no Indians had been taken into the service of the United States. In the spring the warriors of the Six Nations had been solicited to come into the American camps, and a few hundred did come, under lead of the veteran Farmer's Brother ; but they requested that they be allowed to remain and take no part for the present in military operations. When in the early part of July a skirmish took place near Fort George in which an American lieutenant and ten men were captured and never heard from, leading to the con- clusion that they had been massacred by Indians, General Boyd ac- cepted the services of the Indian warriors. Gen. James Wilkinson succeeded General Dearborn and proved an efficient officer ; but by some mistaken policy most of the American troops were withdrawn from this frontier. Colonel McClure garrisoned Fort George with only sixty men, and in November a British force marched to recapture the work, upon which McClure abandoned the fort and crossed the river on the lOth of December. But before he embarked he made the fatal mistake of firing the British village of Newark. On the 18th of that month, a strong force of British and Indians landed at or near Five-mile Meadows in the night. The regulars marched on towards Fort Niagara with the intention of storming it ; but this was not necessary. They captured the pickets without giving an alarm and found the gates of the fort open several hours before sun- rise. A slight defense was made from the blockhouse and the barracks, and Colonel Murray, the British commander, was wounded. The gar- rison of four hundred and fifty men was captured, and it is recorded that 52 about eight}' soldiers and hospital patients were murdered after the surrender, but this is believed to be exaggerated. The loss of this fort at that time and the terrible operations that rapidly followed were mo- mentous events. Colonel McClure had left the fort and gone to Buffalo to announce the alarming situation at the mouth of the river, leaving the fort in command of Captain Leonard. The latter, for some un- accountable reason, was at his house several miles above Youngstown. Charges of treason, more particularly against Leonard, were freely made, and that officer found his residence for some years after at Five-mile Meadows a most undesirable one, if the opinions of his neighbors affected him. He was always held in contempt, which he doubtless merited, for even a meager defense would have given the people alarm and en- abled them to avoid the calamities that followed.' As soon as Niagara was captured, McClure, who did not escape blameless, retreated with his regulars to Batavia, against the vehement protest of the inhabitants of Buffalo, leaving that village wholly unprotected. The British forces now on this side of the river proceeded to burn the few houses at ' While this was common talk among those who had been driven from their homes, and thus found a place in local historical sketches as truth, there are reasons for believing that Captain Leonard was unjustly accused. He was not at Five-mile Meadows, probably did not t'hen own the place— not far below Lewiston — but had gone to attend his sick wife at Four-mile Creek, leav- ing a subordinate in command. It had been known two or three weeks that an invasion was be- ing planned, and with this knowledge Colonel McClure had gone to Buffalo to secure aid for defense. Full preparations had been made to defend the fort, guns placed, etc., and a battery on the brow of the mountain, overlooking Lewiston and the river below, was in charge of an ofificer instructed to watch for any attempted crossing and signal the fort by firing three cannon shots. This signal was given as the enemy crossed not far from Five-mile Meadows, If unheard at the fort it is evidence in support of a well authenticated report that the garrison slept after a drunken debauch, and that accounts for the easy capture. Robert Fleming, father of William Fleming (born in Lewiston in 1817, and now living in Buffalo), was stationed at the battery and related the particulars to his son years afterwards. He was subsequently a member of the State Legislature, and was always on the most friendly terms with Captain Leonard when he afterwards resided at Five-mile Meadows. The Bartons and other prominent Lewistonians were also intimate friends of Captain Leonard, and as all these were intensely patriotic, they must have known the truth in the matter. Captain Leonard was one of the first trustees of the Lewiston Academy, organized only about ten years after, and this is evidence in his favor. It was natural for the pioneer set- tlers to accept suggestions of disloyalty. My father and grandfather had to flee and suffer ac- cordingly, and often repeated these common reports. Turner says Captain Leonard was tried and dismissed the service, but we can find no evidence in proof and it probably cannot be had outside of the War Department. It is believed to be erroneous. The late Hon. W. H. Merritt, father of Hon. J. S. Merritt, of St. Catherines, had command of part o£ the British forces, but did not partieipate in the invasion, being sick at his home. In his memoirs published by his son, it is stated that Captain Leonard was captured and sent to Quebec. In my youth I heard much of the bitter feeling among pioneer settlers on the frontier. Suspicion easily grew to positive statement, and of such too much history made. In this note I desire to do justice to a townsman of xny youth and therefore this extended note. — William Pool. 53 Youngstown, and then separated into raiding parties and desolated the unprotected frontier. A body of Indians crossed the river from Queens- ton, joined those from below, and Lewiston was plundred and partly burned, the inhabitants fleeing away on the Ridge road. The first alarm to the settlers at Dickersonville and beyond was given by the Tuscarora women who were hurrj'ing along that road towards a place of safety. Reaching the brow of the Mountain Ridge the faithful Tus- caroras there obtained a view of the road below. The pursuers were mounted and were coming on in hot haste after the fugitives. Then the Indians stood their ground and so delayed the enemy that many were enabled to escape. It was in midwinter, the ground was covered with snow, and the sufferings of the flying people were intense. Many incidents of capture, massacre, and other terrible details are related of that memorable day. Thomas F. Pool, son of Achish Pool, then a lad of thirteen, heard the alarm and hastily hitched a team to their convey- ance and aided in snatching a few necessary articles from the house and loading tiiem on. While thus engaged an acquaintance came from towards Lewiston and warned them to waste no more time in securing their valuables or they would surely be overtaken and killed. Mrs. Pool had a restless babe and the last thing secured was a bottle of milk which she determined to take along for her offspring. The road was crowded with fugitives, the larger part of