X

r

^L

LATIN PROSE OP THE SILVER AGE

LATIN PROSE

OF THE SILVER AGE

SELECTIONS

EDITED BY

C. E. BROWNRIGG, M.A.

CHIEF CLASSICAL MASTER IN MAGDALEN COLLEGE SCHOOL, OXFORD
WITH AN

INTRODUCTION

BY

T. H. WARREN, M.A.

I'KESIDENT OF MAODALEN COLLEGE

LONDON

BLACKIE & SON, LIMITED, 50 OLD BAILEY, E.C.
GLASGOW AND DUBLIN

1895

PEEFACE.

The following selections have been made from the
chief prose writers in the period 14 A.D.-180 A.D. (death
of Augustus to that of Aurelius): to have included all
the prose writers would have necessitated extending the
book to undesirable limits.

Although, with striking exceptions (notably Tacitus
and the younger Pliny), these prose authors are not
generally read by young students, and despite the fact
that from some stand-points such an abstention may be
wise, yet it has none the less always seemed a matter of
regret that boys of higher forms and even other students
should have little or no knowledge of these writers
except that which is gleaned from passages in "Unseen"
books. The mere fact that passages do appear in such
books and in public examination papers, is a sufficient
testimony that from the lower stand-point of practical
utility it is an advantage to have some acquaintance
with silver age authors other than Tacitus and the
younger Pliny : but, to take higher ground, a knowledge
of this kind must bring with it a more comprehensive
view of Latin literature.

In making these selections I have had no previous
collection before me, but while reading the authors have
marked a number of pieces which seemed to bring out
the variety and salient characteristics of the writings:
from the whole number I have made for the purpose of
this volume the selections published. As depending on

vi LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

a single judgment it is not a very certain process, and
it is more than possible that those who know these
authors may miss some favourite passages and consider
that others of inferior merit have been included; but I
hope I have not sacrificed too much in my desire for
variety. The elder Pliny has given me most trouble,
even though I cannot profess to have read him from
cover to cover.

The notes are intended to give only slight assistance
in translation : to make the book as complete as possible
(within a small compass), I have tried to explain the
allusions throughout: Petronius, indeed, would be espe-
cially difficult without some kind of a commentary.

As it is confessedly an editor's duty to furnish a text
which admits of translation, and more especially so in
the case of selections, I have done my best to satisfy
the canon. In the greater number of authors I have,
for the most part, followed the text of the recent editions
in the Teubner series : Friedliinder (Leipzig, 1891) has
furnished that for Petronius, Eyssenhardt for the Golden
Ass of Apuleius. When words appear in italics they
are conjectures generally of the German editors, but in
one or two cases of my own: when on the other hand
words which, although appearing in the MSS., interfere
with the sense, have been omitted, I trust the fact has
not been overlooked in the notes. In Petronius one or two
lines have been omitted for obvious reasons. For so many
authors any attempt at a complete apparatus criticus
seemed outside the purpose, but at the same time I did
not like to leave serious difficulties of reading unnoticed.

For general information I owe most to the history of
Teuffel (Schwabe's translation), and in less degree to
those of Schanz, Simcox, and Cruttwell : on the particu-
lar authors to Friedliinder's edition of the Cena Trimal-

PREFACE. Vll

chionis, Roth's preface to Suetonius, Hildebrand's Apuleius,
the writings of Hertz on Gellius, Peterson's edition of
Quintilian, bk. x., and Tacitus' Dialogus de omtoribus.
Other smaller debts are acknowledged in the notes, but
(with the exception of Mayor's Juvenal) I have more
generally referred to German than to English editors:
indeed, except on Tacitus and Pliny the younger, Eng-
lish commentaries are few and far between. I very
much regret, however, that this small book was practi-
cally completed before Professor Tyrrell's recent volume
came into my hands, full as it is of interesting criticism
and suggestion.

In conclusion I should like to express my gratitude
to the President of Magdalen College for having written
the Introduction : it is the latest of the many services he
has done me, and I could wish that the book were more
worthy of the trouble he has taken. At the same time
it should be pointed out that for my errors of selection
or comment he is in no way responsible.

C. E. B.

MAGDALEN COLLEGE SCHOOL,
June 6, 1895.

CONTENTS.

Page
PREFACE, v

GENERAL SCHEME OF WRITERS OF THE SILVER AGE, - - xiii
INTRODUCTION, ....... xxiii

SELECTIONS :

YELLEIUS PATERCULUS - - - - . - 1 * *

*)(I- A consideration of the fact that in the different arts,
history, tragedy, comedy, &c., many eminent men

are contemporaneous, - - - - - 2
II. A brief account of the rise, projects, and death oj

Tiberius and C. Gracchus, .... 4

III. The character and early career of Julius Caesar, - 7

IV. Defeat and death of On. Pompeius, - - - 10 ,
>.V. The battle of Actium and defeat of Antony, - -11'
^VI. The rise of Arminius, and disastrous defeat of the

army of Varus, - - - - - 13 *

SENECA 16

I. Extract from Consol. ad Marciam, - 18

^IL Extract from Consol. ad Marciam, - - 20 V

III. Life should be lived in harmony with nature, - - 22

IV. The right acquisition and use of money not alien to

the life of a philosopher, ----- 23 ,

7-x V. The evils of inconsiderate anger, - <5 I J-vf. - - 25 *

VI. The wrong use of money, - - - - - 27

VII. Nothing befits a ruler so much as clemency, - - 28

VIII. The gift depends on the giver, not on the size of the gift, 29

IX. The right manner of giving, - - - - - 31

X. Various causes assigned for earthquakes, - - 32

LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

<\L

Seneca moralizes on the use of mirrors, - ' - 34 >
XII. The true bearing and outward appearance of the

philosopher, - - - - 36

J^XIII. It is not pain, but fortitude in pain which is desirable, 37 *

XIV. The ethics of suicide, 40

XV. The uncertainty of life, 43

y XVI. Extract from the 'ATroKoXo/ciWoxm, - - 47

PETKONITS ........ 49

I. Trimatchio's singing slave, - - - - 49 x '

r~ II. Trimalchio after dinner reads his will, - - 51 * J

^ III. Trimalchio tells the story of Ids life, - 52 t/

PLINY THE ELDER ....... 55

I. The earth we live on, - - - - - - 56

"**II, Conceptions and fallacies about the god', 58 *

III. Mutability of fortune, - - - 61

IV. Death and the spirits of the dead, - - 64
V. The pi'arl an<1 'its history, - - 65 k

*- VI. The nightingale, - - 68

VII. Wine at Rome, - ... - 69

VIII. ApellesandProtogen.es, - - 72

QIJINTILIAN - 74

I. Quint!/ ian mourns the loss of his wife and sons, - 75

II. 1 1 OKI to produce emotion in of hers, - - - 78

A^III. Quintil ian' s estimate of Roman authors, - - 81

I V. On gesture in oratory, - - - - - - 89

V. The good orator 'must be a good man, - - - 91

*gN-VI. The vrinciplcs of education, - - - - 94 *

VII. Quare ineruditiingeniosiores vulgo habeantur, - 96

/ TACITUS . 99

I. The character and death of Agricola, ... 100

II. The pleasures of the orator 1 s life, - - - 102

III. Tin 1 manners of the Aestii: their mode of collecting

amber, ........ 104

CONTENTS. XI

Page

IV '. The death of Otho after the news of Bedriacum, -105 *
>^ V. Preparations for the siege, and description of

Jerusalem, - - - - - - - 107

** VI. Seneca's correspondence ivith Nero, - - - 109
X VII. The death of Seneca, 112 '

PLINY THE YOUNGER 114

"^ I. A contrast betiveen the occupations of Rome and

literary leisure, - - - - - - 115

II. A description of Pliny's villa, - - - - 115

, X III. Pliny's account of his uncle's method of life, - - 120 '

IV. A ghost story, - - - - 122

V. A description of the Clitumnus, - ... 125

VI. An overflow of the Tiber, - - 126

X VII. The fame of Pliny and Tacitus, - -127

VIII. A description of Trajan's entry into Rome, - 128

SUETONIUS 131

Death of Julius Caesar, 132 '

Appearance and habits of Augustus, - - - 134

Tiberius' behaviour on his accession, - - - 136

The cruelty of Caligula, - - - - 138

Nero's passionate devotion to the circus and singing, 141

VI. Death of Nero, - - 143

VII. Death of Galba, - - 146

XVIII. Good acts of Titus, - - 147

X IX. Fears of Domitian, - - - - 149

APULEIUS - - - - - - - -152

st^, I. Psyche is tempted by her sisters to disobey her hus-
band's command, and by lighting a lamp to see
his face while asleep, - - - - - 153

V II. Venus, enraged at Cupid's love for Psyche, sets

various tasks to the unhappy girl, - - - 156

III. An arrest and a trial, ------ 158

IV. The properties of a mirror, 162

r

Xll LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

Page

AULUS GELLIUS - 163

I. A point of casuistry: what is one's duty to one's

friend? - - - - 163

II. A question of grammatical usage, - - . - 166

III. Who were senatores pedarii? - 168

A criticism of Seneca as a critif, - - 169

V. Explanation of technical terms, . . . . 171

VI. Methods ofsi'-crct correspond/ nc< . - . . - 173

VII. A criticism of Virgil , - . . . -175

NOTES, - - - - - . - . - 179

GENERAL SCHEME OF THE CHIEF SILVER AGE
WRITERS,

FROM THE DEATH OF AUGUSTUS TILL THE REIGN
OP M. AURELIUS.

(The Grammarians and Jurists are omitted.)

EMPEROR.

WRITER.

WORKS.

AUGUSTUS,

CREMUTIUS CORUUS.

Cordus, whose works are not

died 14 A.D.

extant, wrote on the end of

AUFIDIUS BASSUS.

the republic and the found-

TIBERIUS,

ing of the empire (vide Tac.

14-37 A.D.

Ann. iv. 34, 35). Bassus (also

not extant) on the same sub-

ject and the wars in Germany

(for a notice, vide Quintil.

x. 1. 103; Selection iii. of

Quint., line 116-129).

VELLEIUS PATER-

Epitome of (Greek and) Ro-

CULUS,

man History up to consul-

floruit circ. 30 A.D.

ship of M. Vinicius (30 A.D.),

in two books (the first being

incomplete).

VALERIUS MAXIMUS,

Factorum et dictorum mcmora-

floruit circ. 30 A.D.

bilium libri novcm largely

drawn from Livy, but also

in a less degree from Cicero

and Sallust.

A. CORNELIUS

A writer on a variety of sub-

CELSUS,

jects, but we now possess

floruit circa 30 A.D.

only eight of his original

thirteen books on medicine.

Quintilian (xii. 11. 24) refers

to him rather contemptu-

ously as a man " mediocri

ingenio".

LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

EMPEROR.

WRITER.

WORKS.

PHAEDRUS.

Five books of versified Aesop's

fables, with additions, e.g.

GAIUS

anecdotes of the times of

CALIGULA,

Augustus and Tiberius, &c.

37-41 A.D.

Phaedrus was a freedman,

born probably in Thrace.

The first two books seem to

CLAUDIUS,

have been published under

41-54 A.D.

Tiberius, the last three un-

der Caligula.

SENECA, (?) 4-65 A.D.

A list of his writings, &c., will

NERO,

be found in the introductory

54-68 A.D.

note to the selections.

CURTIUS RUFUS,

Ten books dealing with the

floruit circa 50 A.D.

history of Alexander the

Great: the first two books

are lost. There is a dispute

about the date of Curtius,

as while some critics would

place him under Augustus,

others refer him to the reign

of Vespasian: a recent Ital-

ian critic places him under

Aurelius, and Niebuhr and

llanke still later.

COLUMELLA,

Twelve books De re rustica,

circa 50 A.D.

and another earlier treat-

ment of the same subject of

which we have the treatise

De arboribus: he also wrote

on other subjects, as he him-

self mentions books written

contra, astrologos. He was

a native of Gades.

ASCONIUS PEDIANUS,

A critic and commentator, es-

3-88 A.D.

pecially on Virgil and Cicero.

(Of his criticisms we possess,

in imperfect form, those

which deal with five speeches

of Cicero that on the Pro

Milone being best known. )

GENERAL SCHEME OF WRITERS.

XV

EMPEROR.

WRITER.

WOUKS.

NERO,

A. PERSIUS FLACCUS

Six hexameter satires on men

54-68 A.D.

34-62 A.D.

and manners viewed from

the Stoic stand-point.

ANNAEUS LUCANUS,

A voluminous writer (also a

39-65 A.D.

Spaniard, like so many con-

temporary authors), whose

greatest work, the Pharsalia,

or the epic of the Civil War

in ten books, has been pre-

served for us. Quintilian's

estimate of him will be found

in the third selection from

Quintilian.

PETRONIUS ARBITER,

The author of a satirical novel

time of Nero.

dealing mainly with plebeian
life at Rome, but containing

also some literary criticism

couched in the form of paro-

dies. Of the original work

we possess considerable frag-

ments (see Biicheler's edi-

tion), the most considerable

being the Oena Trimalchi-

onis. The date of the satire

is much disputed, but if we

accept the evidence of Tac.

(^4 nn. xvi. 17-18) there are

strong reasons for assigning

it to the times of Nero.

T. CALPURNIUS

Wrote seven eclogues in imi-

SICULUS,

tation of Virgil. Possibly

time of Nero.

also averse panegyric on Piso

which has come down to us

without the name of the

author.

LUCILIUS JUNIOR (?),

A poem called Aetna, in imi-

time of Nero.

tation of and wrongly as-

cribed to Virgil (in the ap-

pendix to whose poems it

OTHO A '] 68 "

has come down to us).

VITEL- r 69

LIUS, J

LATIN OF THE SILVEIl AGE.

EMPEROR.

WRITER.

WORKS.

VESPASIAN,

C.PLINIUS SECUNDUS

De Jaculatione equestri', De

69-79 A.D.

(Pliny the Elder),

vita Pomponi; Bellorum Ger-

23-79 A.D.

maniae xx.; Dubii sermonis

viii., a grammatical work;

A fine Aufidii Bassi xxxi., a

history of which we have a

few unimportant fragments:

it was used by Tacitus;

Naturae Historiarum xxxvii.

This is the list given by

the younger Pliny in his

account of his uncle's writ-

ings and manner of life

(vide Selection iii.).

TITUS,

C. VALERIUS

Eight books of Argonautica,

79-81 A.D.

FLACCUS,

being an obvious imitation

?-90 A.D.

of the similar work of Apol-

lonius Rhodius: he attempts

to copy Virgil's style, and

occasionally with success.

DOMTTIAN,

SILIUS ITALICUS,

Seventeen books forming the

81-96 A.D.

25-101 A.D.

epic Punica, or a verse his-

tory of the second Punic

War, the material being

NKRVA,

largely, if not entirely, de-

96-98 A.D.

rived from Livy, and the

style based on that of Virgil.

Silius was also a Greek

scholar, as is shown by his

Homer us Latinus, at first a

translation and afterwards

an abstract of the Iliad.

It is a very disputed point,

however, if this work is to

be referred to Silius, as the

traditional author was, ac-

cording to the early MSS.

heading, Homerus, or else,

according to later MSS.,

Pindarus. The ascription to

Silius depends on the inter-

pretation of certain acrostics

in the poem itself (vide

Teuffel, p. 115 and refer-

ences).

(M25)

GENERAL SCHEME OF WRITERS.

XV11

EMPEROK.

WHITER.

WORKS.

NEEVA,
96-98 A.D.

P. PAPINIUS STATIU:
?45-?96 A.D.

M. VALERIUS

MARTIALIS,

circ. 40-102 A.D.

M. FABIUS QUIN-

TILIANUS,

circ. 35-95 A.U.

SEX. JULIUS FRON

TINUS,

circ. 40-93 A.D.

D. (?M.) JUNIUS

JUVENALIS.

Date uncertain, but
from, probably,
before 67 A.U. to
certainly after 127

A.D.

In addition to his Thebais (an
epic dealing with the quarrel
of the brothers Eteocles and
Polynices in twelve books),
we have also an incomplete
Achilleis, and five books of
Siivae ( rapidly composed
metrical sketches, some ex-
tremely difficult to translate).
That he was also a writer of
mimes is proved by the allu-
sion to the Agave in Juvenal,
7. 86 (vide Mayor's note).

Epigrams on life in Rome in
fifteen books: properly speak-
ing, there are twelve books
of epigrams, with an intro-
ductory book dealing with
theatrical performances (un-
der Titus) sometimes called
Liber Spcctaculorum, and two
concluding books with the
distinctive titles of Xcnia and
Apophoreta.

Work on the decay of oratory,
Institutio Oratorio,, ten books,
D&damationes (but vide In-
trod. to the selection from
Quintil).

A writer on agriculture, en-
gineering, and tactics. We
possess three of his books
dealing with military tactics
and two with the water sup-
ply of Home.

Sixteen satires, the authen-
I ticity of the last being a
matter of dispute, as far back
as the scholia.

XV111

LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

EMPEKOK.

WRITER.

WORKS.

I

Dialogus de Oratoribus (on the
decay of oratory under the em- 1
pire).

Agricola (a history of Ta-
citus' father-in-law, with es-
pecial reference to his ex-
ploits in Britain).

Gcrmania.

Historiae (from Galba to
Domitian: Tacitus intended
to continue the work to in-
clude the reigns of Nerva
and Trajan) in (?) fourteen
books, of which we have the
first four and a portion of
the fifth.

Annalcs (Augustus to Ne-
ro), in possibly sixteen books:
we have the complete his-
tory of Tiberius, nothing of
Caligula, and portions only
of Claudius and Nero, i.e.
books i.-iv.; portions of v.
and vi., and fairly complete
but with serious gaps xi.-xvi.
The number of books to be
assigned to the Histories and
Annals depends on how we
assign the thirty books on
the lives of the Caesars which
Jerome mentions.

1. Gratiarum Actio, or as it is
generally called, Pan ctjyric
a speech in which Pliny re-
turns thanks to Trajan for
his election to consulship
(100 A.U.).

2. Nine books of letters to
various correspondents.

3. Correspondence between
Pliny and Trajan during
the former's governorship of
Bithynia.

TRAJAN,
98-117 A.D.

(P.) CORNELIUS

TACITUS.

Date uncertain, but
from, probably,
about 55 A.D., if
he was quaestor
underTitus (if this
be the right inter-
pretation of the in-
troductory chapter
of the Histories)
to after the acces-
sion of Hadrian.

C. PLINIUS CAECILIUS

SECUNDUS

(Pliny the Younger),
62-circ. 114 A.D.

GENERAL SCHEME OF WRITERS.

XIX

EMPEROR.

WRITER.

WORKS.

TRAJAN,
98-117 A.D.

HADRIAN,
117-138 A.D.

Several writers on
technical subjects
belong to this pe-
riod, i.e. Hyginus
on land bounda-
ries, Balbus on
geometry, Siculus
Flaccus on ques-
tions dealing with
land: of all these
we possess remains,

C. SUETONIUS TRAN-
QUILLUS.

Date uncertain, but
born probably un-
der Vespasian be-
fore 75 A.D. The
last reference to
S. is in a letter of
Pronto to the
young Aurelius,
which Roth (vide
preface to his edi-
tion, p. viii.) would
assign to the time
of Antoninus Pius.

i. Eight books on the lives of
the Caesars (J. Caesar to
Domitian). The first life is
deficient, as is proved by the
quotations of Lydus, DC ma-
gistratibus Romanorum (dis-
covered at beginning of this
century), who wrote in mid-
dle of 6th century.

There are many other
writings (mostly lost to us)
of Suetonius. A list of ten
is given by Suidas, and such
fragments as remain will be
found in the App. to Roth's
edition: it can scarcely be
doubted (vide Roth, p. Ixxi.
seq.) that S. wrote both in
Greek and Latin. The fol-
lowing seem to have been
the chief writings:

ii. De viris illustribus :
from this we possess the lives
of Terence, Horace, Lucan
(in part), Pliny the Elder (in
part). The lives of Juvenal,
Tacitus, and Pliny the Youn-
ger are clearly not genuine
(vide Roth, p. Ixxvii.): that
of Virgil is probably to be
referred to the commentator
Donatus, while even the

XX

LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

EMPEROR.

WRITER.

WORKS.

HADEIAN,
i 117-138 A.D.

C. SUETONIUS TEAN-

QUILLUS.

ancient critics did not regard
that of Persius as the work

of Suetonius: we have also

part of the book dealing with
grammarians and rhetori-

cians.

iii. De malcdictis (-rrepl
ova(f)'f)p:wv \eeuv ). From
fragments seems to have been
written in Greek.

iv. Romana Instituta

dealing apparently with the
Roman triumph (lost: vide
sub Prata).

v. De nominibus, ct de

genere vestium (as the book
is called by Servius, ad. Virg.
Aen. vii. 612): lost.

vi. HistoriaLudicra; games
at Rome: lost: probably also
in Prata.

vii. De Graecorum lusibus

(irepi T&V Trap "EX\?7<n TTCU-
8iwi>). From fragments seems
like iii. to have been written

in Greek.

viii. ix. The two genealo-
gies mentioned by Suidas are
probably to be referred, the
one to the lives of the Cae-

sars, the other to the Vivi

Illustres.

x. Trepl TUIV v rots /3c/3Xt'ots

xi. Prata (probably in ten
books), dealing with a variety
of subjects, as the title sug-
gests (A. Gellius says that
similarly the word Xet^tDms
was used in Greek), and pro-
bably containing among other
things the book on the Ro-

GENERAL SCHEME OF WRITERS.

XXI

EMPEROR.

WRITER.

WORKS.

HADRIAN,

C. SUETONIUS TRAN-

man year mentioned by Sui-

117-138 A.D.

QUILLUS.

das, Romana Instituta and

De Ciccronis republica. We

possess a few fragments from

the Praia.

xii. Trepl iri<j'f}[jiwv iropvuv

(mentioned by Lydus).

xiii. De vitiis corporal ibus

(mentioned by Servius).

xiv. De institutione offici-

orum (mentioned by Pris-

cian).

xv. Three books, De Regi-

bus (mentioned in a letter of

Ausonius').

xvi. De Rebus variis (? to

be referred to Prata).

(ANNAEUS) FLORUS,

A digest of Roman history

time of Hadrian.

down to Augustus, compiled

chiefly from Livy.

ANTONINUS

M. CORNELIUS

We have several books of let-

Pius,

FRONTO.

ters addressed to Aurelius,

138-161 A.D.

Consul 1 43 A. D. ; died

Antoninus Pius, and per-

after 175 A.D., as

sonal friends, and treatises

is proved by his

on rhetoric addressed to Au-

allusion to coins

relius. Fronto was a native

with name of Com-

of Cirta in Africa.

inodus, not struck

before that year.

GAIUS.

The most conspicuous of a

A contemporary of

group of jurists who flour-

Hadrian, but was

ished at this time: his chief

still writing after

works were seven books Re-

the death of An-

rum cotidianarum, and four

toninus Pius.

Institutionum (which we pos-

sess almost complete).

AURELIUS,

AULUS GELLIUS.

Twenty books : of book viii.

161-180 A.D.

Date of birth and

we possess only the titles of

death uncertain,

the sections, and book xx. is

but probably wrote

incomplete.

about 170 A.D.

XX11

LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

EMPEROR.

WRITER.

WORKS.

AURELIUS,
161-180 A.D.

L. APULEIUS.
Contemp. of Anton-
inus and Aurelius.

Metamorphoses (eleven books) ;
Apologia (a defence of him-
self when charged with em-
ploying magic); Florida (ex-
tracts from public lectures);
De Deo Socratis; De Platone
et eius dogmate ; De mundo
(a paraphrase of a possibly
Aristotelian treatise). He
also wrote poems ; a work
called Hermagoras, discus-
sions of questions of natural
science; and various mathe-
matical and other works.

INTRODUCTION.

Postquam, Saturno tenebrosa in Tartara misso,
Sub love mundus erat ; subiit argentea proles,
Auro deterior, fulvo pretiosior aere.

Ov. Met., i. 113-5.

The story of the evolution of the Roman Empire is
perhaps the most interesting chapter in all civil history.
The internal change from a primitive and patriarchal
monarchy to the oligarchy which called itself the re-
public, from this oligarchy, through certain phases of
endeavour after democracy in the limited sense in which
that word was understood by the ancient world, to a
despotism, at first thinly veiled under constitutional
fictions, but soon becoming absolute and even tyranni-
cal ; the parallel changes in outward relations, by which
a city-state was converted into a world-empire, and
through which Rome solved the great political problem
of antiquity, and found an answer to that riddle of the
Sphinx proposed in turn to Sparta, Athens, and Car-
thage; the long status quo of the imperial period, as
Rome's best modern historian terms it, and then the
decay, the 'decline and the fall' all this forms a
narrative full of interest and suggestion, and one which
fully and exactly to understand is for Englishmen,
especially in our day, of paramount importance.

The history of Rome's literature, not only as contain-
ing the greater part of the record of this constitutional
life-story, but also as giving us the best clue to the spirit
and therefore the secret of its various stages, is hardly

XXIV LATIN PROSE OF THE SILVER ACJE.

less interesting, and is even more singular. It follows,
but follows in a curious relation, the course of her
political history. Beginning late, long after the estab-
lishment of Roman nationality, Roman literature dies
early, predeceasing by some centuries the downfall even
of the Western Empire. It dies, in fact, as and when
the empire ceases to be truly Roman.

AVhy is this so ? That states and societies must ulti-
mately be dissolved, like individuals, like all things human
and mortal, would seem to be a natural law, and that
empires should prematurely decline owing to special
causes is not unnatural.

" I know that all beneath the moon decays,
And what by mortals in this world is brought
In time's great periods shall return to nought ;
That fairest states have fatal nights and days."

But what of literatures 1 Do they merely depend upon
the life of the society to which they belong, or have
they in themselves a limit, a curve, a parabola which they
must trace, an inevitable life -history of growth, of
blossoming, and decay; or again, are there cycles or
recurring seasons in their life, by which attempt passes
into creation, creation into criticism, and a dissipation
or suspension of forces must precede new productivity ?
We can hardly yet pronounce. 1

Certain it is that the decline and fall of Roman litera-
ture was very rapid. For a while the realm of letters,
like that of the state, was saved by reinforcement from
the provinces. Nothing is more interesting than to
watch this process, notable everywhere, most notable in
the case of Spain, which as it gave or gave back to Rome

1 Compare Velleius Puterculus' interesting remarks, p. 3, line 53 in this
selection.

INTRODUCTION. xxv

Trajan and Hadrian, so gave to Roman letters the
Senecas and Lucan, Martial and Quintilian, Columella
and Mela. The sacred fire kindled at the centre spreads
ever further and further, finding new material for its
flame, from Rome to Italy, from Italy to Gaul and Spain,
and leaping the sea to Africa. It is on the furthest
verge of the empire in our own Britain that it smoulders
on longest, fostered by men like Aldhelm and Bede,
and it is thence that it is rekindled.

But the centre had grown dark nearly five hundred
years earlier. Roman literature in the strict sense of
the word ends with the death of Marcus Aurelius, if
indeed it does not end before. After this period for
some two hundred years no writer of any eminent
originality arises at Rome. The declension from the
Golden to the Silver Age is not so remarkable as the
abrupt ending of the latter.

The first cause of this premature decline of the litera-
ture of Rome is not far to seek. It was obvious to the
Romans themselves, that it was the decay of freedom.
Postquam bellatum apud Adium, atque omnem potestatem ad
unum conferri pads interfuit, magna ilia ingenia cessere. 1

That this is a vera causa will appear more indisput-
ably if we follow the phases of the Silver Age with some
closeness. If we take with Mr. Brownrigg the limits of
the Silver Age to be, as hinted above, A.D. 14 and A.D.
180, it covers a period of a little more than one hun-
dred and sixty years. This period falls naturally into two
halves, some eighty years from the death of Augustus to
that of Domitian, and some eighty more to the death of
Aurelius. These halves present a striking contrast of
light and shade. " During fourscore years," says Gibbon,
speaking of the first half, " excepting only the doubtful

iTac. Hist.,i. 1.

XXVI LATIN PROSE OF THE SILVER AGE.

respite of Vespasian's reign, Rome groaned beneath an
unremitting tyranny which exterminated the ancient
families of the Republic, and was fatal to almost every
virtue and every talent which arose in that unhappy
period." l

The process of the extinction of the old spirit and the
old freedom was naturally gradual. Much of it had
really perished long before, under Augustus, in the civil
war, under Julius, and even earlier yet,

Olim vera fides, Sulla Marioque reccptis
Libertatis obit: Pompeio rebus adempto
Nunc etficta perit. 2

Augustus himself outlived his own greatness, and almost
all those glorious talents who had aggrandized or graced
his rule. In his later years, and under his successor,
the decline, as we read in the Annals, began, and
freedom was by degrees more and more circum-
scribed. Words were really or nominally free after deeds
were proscribed, Facta argnebantur, dicta impune erant. 3
The victim was first poisoned, then gagged, then
despatched. The old free spirit lingered awhile and
occasionally burst out. As the tyranny deepened it
became necessary to be absolutely inconspicuous. To
flatter and amuse might preserve for a while, but to
excel even in these arts was dangerous. In the reign of
Nero, to be virtuous was certain death, to be vicious only
uncertain safety. Nobilitas, opes, omissi gestique honores
pro crimine, et ob vir lutes certissimum exitium.^ Neither the
genius of Lucan, nor the respectability of Seneca, nor
the cynical frivolity of Petronius, neither austerity nor
complaisance were any permanent protection from the

i Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chap, iii., with note 51.

-Lucan, Phars., ix. 204. ^Tac. Ann., i. 72. 4 Tac. Hint., i. 2.

INTRODUCTION. XXV11

jealousy or caprice of the emperor. During his early
years there was a momentary lull, and the outspoken
notes of the Pharsalia are heard. 1 But they were the
very swan-song of liberty. Again, under the brief reigns
of Vespasian and Titus, there was a somewhat longer
respite, and the Flavian age with its writers arose. Then
Domitian, the duller and uglier Nero, once more forced
literature into silence or flattery, and "cleared Rome of
what most shamed him", truth and virtue. At last
with Nerva a better day dawned, and literature imme-
diately revived, when once more, "girt with friends or
foes a man could speak the thing he would", mm tem-
porum felicitate ubi sentire quae veils et quae sentias dicere
licet. 12 This is the period of Tacitus and the younger
Pliny, and of Juvenal.

But it was too late for the stock so often and so cruelly
lopped really to put forth any new life, or else other and
deeper seated causes were at work. Slavery continued
to eat out the heart of the ancient world. " The long
peace and the uniform government of the Romans intro-
duced a slow and secret poison into the vitals of the
empire." 3 The provinces settled into a flat monotony;
the empire swamped Rome, and as a detail Greek over-
powered Latin. The very efforts, made with the best
intention to foster letters, endowment and subsidy, the
multiplication of universities and colleges, the diffusion
of education, hastened the process or stereotyped the
results, and original production sank, while a " cloud of
critics, of compilers, of commentators", darkened the
face of learning, and the decline of genius was soon
followed by the corruption of taste." 4

1 Even these are introduced with the grossest flattery.

2 Tacitus, Hist., i. 1. Cf. Martial, xii. G. 1-2.

3 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chap. ii. * Ibid.

XXV111 LATIN PROSE OF THE SILVER AGE.

Such in its main outline is the history of Latin
literature during the so-called Silver Age. The period of
which it is the expression is one then by no means want-
ing in interest. It is a period crowded with event and
incident, full of tragedy, 1 not wanting in comedy, full of
lessons, moral and intellectual. It is an age of high
culture and material civilization, of lofty strivings, as
well as of horrible degradations. Professional skill in
every branch was carried to the highest pitch. It
abounded in excellent lawyers and doctors, from Pliny
and Tacitus, Celsus and Galen downward. The instru-
ments and implements, surgical, culinary, and other, of
Pompeii are almost as elaborate and good as those of
our own day. The philosophers, who filled the place of
modern theologians, and the schoolmasters, at the head
of whom. respectively stand Seneca and Quintilian, were
many, and well informed. Books were easily and well
produced and multiplied. Good editions and commen-
taries abounded. But what gives to this age the deepest
interest of all is that it is the most central and most
important of all ages, for humanity and for ourselves.
The Silver Age may be said to begin with the era of
the birth of Christianity. It is the age of the Acts of
the Apostles, the age of the first years of the Christian
Church. It is no unnatural or insignificant legend
that connects Seneca with St. Paul. Though there is
no proof that they ever came into conscious contact,
the threads of their lives crossed each other curiously
more than once. The careless Gallio of Acts xviii. is
Seneca's brother, the dulcis Gallio of Seneca Quaest.
Nat. 4. Praef., and of Statins Silv. ii. 7. 32. The
Felix who "left Paul bound" (Acts xxiv. 27) is the

1 As Ben Jonson, Gray, and in our own day Mr. Robert Bridges, have recog-
nized and revealed.

INTRODUCTION. Xxix

brother of Pallas the favourite of the Emperor Claudius.
Bernice, who came " with great pomp " and sat in
court with her husband Agrippa to listen, as an
interesting entertainment, to this novel prisoner's
trial before Felix' successor Festus, was afterward to
follow the train of Vespasian and the uncertain favours
of Titus. The saints who salute the Philippians in St.
Paul's epistle are "chiefly they of Caesar's household"
(Phil. iv. 22). It is true, and it is sad, that as we read
of it in the Silver Age writers Christianity appears as
the object of misunderstanding and persecution, to the
thinkers foolishness, to the rulers a stumbling-block ; but
to us who read with knowledge of after events, it is at
once comforting and enlightening to mark how when
the night was darkest, the day was nearest, and to see
the light gradually gaining upon the gloom, and a quiet
dawn rising behind the glare and smoke of Nero's con-
flagrations.

Selections, like translations, seldom, perhaps never,
satisfy the advanced student, who is certain to complain
either of something inserted or of something omitted.
But they have their use and value, and for the novice
especially these may be considerable. They furnish an
introduction for the taste, a compendium for the memory.
Goethe, be it remembered, learned to love Shakespeare
through a selection sometimes ridiculed in England,
namely Dodd's Beauties. And in dealing with minor
authors, or with a Silver Age, a selection is particularly
helpful and appropriate. The main effort of school-boys
should be devoted to the Golden Ages, to the best and
purest writers. The strength and abundance, above all
the reality of Caesar and Cicero, the sublime intuitions,
the majesty and pathos, the Candida anima, the ' beautiful
soul' of Virgil speaking in his perfect music, the terse

XXX LATIN PROSE OF THE SILVER AGE.

vigour, wisdom, patriotism, and happy art of Horace,
the grace of Terence, the intellectual passion of Lucre-
tius, the idealism and pictorial pomp of Livy, these are
indeed golden,

semper dypASswia vta,

These, with the great Greek writers, are the best staple,
these set the best standard for the opening mind as soon
as it is worthy of them But the highest peaks and
ranges are better known and measured when we have
stood also and paused to study them upon the lower.
The student should be given, as soon as may be, some
glimpse or general idea of how the whole land lies, some
apergu of what followed, as of what led up to, the cul-
mination.

To provide the opportunity of this in a simple and
convenient form is, I conceive, the object of my friend
Mr. Brownrigg's little book, to which he has invited me
to write this preface.

He gives, it will be seen, selections of varying length
from some ten prose authors. He has assumed, and I
think rightly, that the chief poets of the Silver Age are
fairly well known. Juvenal is certainly well known.
Persius and Martial, and to some extent also Lucan and
Statius, are authors not unfamiliar to the sixth-form
room in Anthologies or selections made by the master
or 'pieces for unseen translation'.

But few school-boys read anything of Velleius Pater-
culus, of the elder or even the younger Pliny, of Seneca
or Quintilian. Of these writers he has given character-
istic and proportionate specimens. He has added a hint
of some of its various features in giving a page or two
from Petronius, the best, as also the worst, specimen of
the avowed decadent, a page or two of the chronique scan-

INTRODUCTION. XXXI

daleuse of Suetonius, and of the useful pedantry of Aulus
Gellius. He has done well, I think, to include Tacitus,
the greatest writer of the empire, the one golden prose
writer of the Silver Age, without whom no presentment
of the time could be complete.

Finally there is Apuleius of Madaura, educated at
Carthage and Athens, Punic, Greek, cosmopolitan, any-
thing rather than Eoman, a bizarre figure in Latin letters,
with his culture and myth, his ' precious ' style full of
revived archaisms, his flavour half of Plato, half of the
Arabian Nights. Strictly speaking Apuleius lies in time
as in place outside this age. His style is neither of gold
nor silver, but of a sort of tinsel or ormolu compounded
of various alloys, yet possessing a wonderful finesse and
flexibility of its own. Until we have read him we do
not know what the gamut of the Latin tongue contains. /
The prettinesses to which he compels it are as surprising j
as the wild honey found in the dead lion's carcase. His
African idiom is interesting, too, as furnishing a link
between the Silver Age and the unclassical yet strangely
eloquent language of the Latin fathers, Tertullian and
Augustine, and again with the Vulgate of St. Jerome.

If the style is the man or of the man, even more is the
style of the age. The style of the silver writers is em-
phatically characteristic of the Silver Age. In appreciat-
ing the one we understand the other. Like the age the
style isjjn^hsjaults^self-conscious and artificial, stilted
and stagey, full of the rhetoric of the schools and the
reciter's or the lecturer's room, unable to open its lips
without trope and epigram,

Paene iam quidquid loquimur figura est 1 ;

in its merits, clear and clean cut, and discriminating, the

1 Quintilian, ix. 3. 1. Cf. viii., Proem. 26. Nos quibus sordet omne quod
natura dictavit, qui non ornamenta quaerimus sed lenocinia

XXX11 LATIN PROSE OF THE SILVER AGE.

fit expression of the priggish yet genuine resolution of
the Stoics, with their suicides always theatrical, some-
times half noble, of the age of Nero and Domitian, but
also of Nerva and Trajan, of Petronius and Suetonius,
but also of Quintilian and Tacitus.

The age, then, and its authors are full of interest, and
just at this time a true appreciation of it may teach and
help us much. Our own day shows some symptoms of
a golden phase of letters paling into silver. We have
lived through a great period of creative activity. There
are signs abroad of a declension into a more rhetorical
and formal era, into a self-conscious seeking after style,
into a mawkish euphuism not unlike that so tersely de-
scribed and derided by Persius and Petronius.

The Silver Age of Rome seems to show us that to seek
style as the first thing is not always to find it, that
to teach it will not always give it, and that there is no
salvation even for a literature in the diffusion of educa-
tion, the popularization of ideas and the vulgarization of
technique, if a deeper spirit and faith be wanting.

Perhaps the parallel should not be pressed, or the
moral drawn too confidently. But in any case if this
little book conduces, as I think it is well fitted to do, to
a wider and juster knowledge of the career and meaning
of the literature of Rome and the scope of the Latin
tongue, it will have attained its object and its justi-
fication.

T. H. W.

.1

t)3

SELECTIONS FROM

LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

(PROSE.)

VELLEIUS PATERCULUS.

This historian nourished about 30 A.D. or a little earlier.
Of his life we have considerable details, at any rate from 1 A.D.
to 29 or 30 A.D., the year of the consulship of Vinicius, to
whom he dedicated his work. He was a soldier in the army
of Tiberius Caesar : we find him as tribunus militum, praefec-
tus equitum, quaestor (A.D. 7) : he is employed as legatus on
several occasions, and, with his brother, took a distinguished
part in Tiberius' triumph of A.D. 13. In the following year
he was appointed praetor (being a candidatus Caesaris, i.e.
one of the four who had to be elected 'sine repulsa et ambitu'.
Tac. Ann. i. 15). Higher than this he does not seem to have
risen, and we have no allusion in his writings to any fact later
than 30 A.D.

In his actual writings he covers in an extremely condensed
form the history of the East and Greece, with passing remarks
on literary history: he then reviews the early growth of
Home, treating the subject at greater length as he approaches
his own day. He is, however, very inconsistent in the space
he allots to different events. As an annalist he is not without
merit, but as a historical critic he lacks impartiality. The
most striking characteristic of his work is the short but
graphic delineation of some of the leading actors in Roman
history : in dealing with events he is much more meagre
of information, as e.g. of Pharsalia or Actium. Perhaps there
has been a tendency to depreciate Velleius owing to hia..fiik,
.some attitude of flattery towards Tiberius and Sejanus towards
the close of the second book, but we must not forget that it
( M 25 ) C

2 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

was as a general that Tiberius was most successful, and it was
as a servant of that general that Velleius wrote. In style,
as might be expected, Jie has not broken with the traditions
of the golden age : his diction, with certain exceptions, is
not unclassical, but often he is careless in the ordering and
arrangement of his sentences, which stretch ^on_ endlessly
and are further complicated by awkward parentheses. He
also displays the tendency, which was afterwards to become
so irresistible, to secure effect by epigram and antithesis,
and in his strained, artificiality he has been well compared
(by Teuffel, Hist. Eom. Lit., vol. ii. p. 18) to Sallust.

A consideration of the fact that in the different arts -history,
tragedy, comedy, cOc., many eminent men are contemporaneous.

Cum haec particula operis velut formam propositi ex-
esserit, \quamquam intellego mihi in hac tarn praecipitj ,y -;.. xj
estinatione, quae me rotae pronive gurgitis ac verticis ^] ,- \
lodo nusquam patitur consistere, paene magis necessaria"^
>raetereunda quam supervacanea amplectenda/jnequeo'v

ftamen temperare mihi, quin rem saepe agitatam animo v

I meo neque ad liquidum ratione perductam signem stilo.
Quis enim aJ&LQcig mirari potest, quod eminentissima
cuiusque professionis ingenia in eandem,Jomam, et in

10 idem artati temporis congruere spatium, et ^e^mjLjdmodu.m :
clausa cajjso^ aliove saepto diversi generis animalia nihilo
minus separata alienis in unum quaeque corpus con-
gregantur, ita cuiusque clari operis capacia ingenia in
similitudine et temporum et profectuum semet ipsa ab
aliis separaverunt. Una neque multorum annorum spatio
divisa aetas per divini spiritus viros, Aeschylum Sopho-
clen Euripiden, inlustravit tragoediam ; una priscam illam
et veterem sub Cratino Aristophaneque et Eupolide
comoediam; ac novam Menandrus aequalesque eius

w-non aetatis magis quam operis Philemo ac Diphilus

VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. 3

et invenere intra paucissimos annos naque imitandam
reliquere. Philosophorum quoque ingenia Socratico ore
defluentia omnium, quos paulo ante enumeravimus, quanto
post Platonis Aristotelisque mortem floruere spatio 1 Quid
ante Isocratem, quid post eius auditores eorumque di- M*f " . ^
% scipulos clarum in oratoribus fuit ? Adeo quidem artatum c**f*
jangustiis temporum, ut nemo memoria dignus alter ab t .. r *t""

I altero videri nequivsrint.

Neque hoc in Graecis quam in Romanis evenit magis.
f Nam nisi aspera ac rudia repetas et inventi laudanda so

nomine, in Accio circaque eum Romana tragoedia est;
.Jj^rtW* dulcesque Latini leporis facetiae per Caecilium Teren- /' (
***-tiumque et Afranium subpari aetate nituerunt. Histori-
^* cos etiam, ut Livium quoque priorum aetati adstruas,
praeter Catonem et quosdam veteres et pbscuros minus
octoginta annis circumdatum aevum tulit, ut nee poet-

arum in antiquius citeriusve processit ubertas. At oratio
ac vis forensis perfectumque prosae eloquentiae decus,
ut idem separetur Cato (pace P. Crassi Scipionisque et
Laelii et Gr'accnorum et Fannii et Servii Galbae dixerim) 40

. ita universa sub principe operis sui erupit Tullio, ut

'delectari ante eum paucissimis, mirari vero neminem
possis nisi aut ab illo visum aut qui ilium viderit. Hoc
idem e.Yenisse grammaticis, plastis, pictoribus, scalptori-

*** 'bus/quisquis temporum institerit notis, reperiet, eminen-
tiam cuiusque operis artissimis temporum claustris cir-
\cumdatam. Huius ergo recedentis in quodque saeculum
ingeniorum similitudinis congregantisque se et in studium
jpar et in emolumentum causas cum saepe requiro, num-
quam reperio, quas esse veras confidam, sed f ortasse veri 50
similes, inter quas has maxime. Alit aemulatio ingenia, i-
et mine invidia, nunc admiratio imitationem accendit,
naturaque quod summo studio petitum est, ascendit in

_ summum difficilisque in perfecto mora est, naturaliterque

4 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

r -fyuod procedere non potest, recedit. Et ut primo ad con-
sequendos quos priores dr p1Trm J : i accendimur, ita ubi aut
praeteriri aut aequari eos posse desperavimus, studium
cum spe senescit, et quod adsequi non potest, sequi
*.,-' desinit et velut occupatam relinquens materiam quaerit
6onovam, praeteritoque eo, in quo eminere non possumus,
aliquid, in quo nitamur, conquirimus, sequiturque ut
jfrequens ac mobnTs' transitus maximum perfecti operis
jimpedimentum sit.

j Transit admiratio ab condicione temporum et ad urbium.

Una urbs Attica pluribus auctoribus eloquentiae quam

universa Graecia operibusque floruit, adeo^JiL corpora

' gentis illius separata sint in alias civitates, ingenia vero

solis Atheniensium muris clausa existimes. Neque hoc

ego magis miratus sim guam neminem Argivum The-

robanum Lacedaemonium oratorem aut dum vixit auctori-

tate aut post mortem memoria dignum existimatum.

Quae urbes et in alia talium studiorum fuere steriles,

nisi Thebas unum os Pindari inluminaret: nam Alcmana

v Lacones falso sibi vindicant. [i. 16-18.]

II.

A brief account of the rise, projects, and death of Tiberius and
C. Gracchus.

Inmanem deditio Mancini civitatis movit dissensionem.
Q.uippe Tiberius Gracchus, Tiberii Gracchi clarissimi atque
emineritissimi viri filius, P. Africani ex filia nepos, quo
quaestore et auctore id foedus ictum erat, nunc graviter
ferens aliquid a se pactum infirmari, nunc similis vel iudicii
vel poenae metuens discrimen, tribunus pi. creatus, vir
alioqui vita innocentissimus, ingenio florentissimus, pro-
posito sanctissimus, tantis denique adornatus virtutibus,
quantas perfecta et natura et industria mortalis condicio
10 recipit, P. Mucio Scaevola L. Calpurnio corisulibus abhinc

VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. 5

annos centum sexaginta duos descivit a bonis, pollicitusque ^\
toti Italiae civitatem, simul etiam promulgates agrariis
legibus, omnibus statum concupiscentibus, summa imis **
miscuit et in praeruptum atque anceps periculum adduxit J
rem publicam. Octavioque collegae pro bono publico
stanti imperium abrogavit, triumviros agris dividendis
colonisque deducendis creavit se socerumque suum, con-
sularem Appium, et Gaium fratrem admqdum iuvenem.

Tum P. Scipio Nasica, eius qui optimus vir a senatu
iudicatus erat, nepos, eius qui censor porticus in Capitolio 20
^ ecerat ' fili us > pronepos autem Cn. Scipionis, celeberrimi
viri P. Africani patrui, privatusque et togatus, cum esset
consobrinus Ti. Gracchi, patriam cognationi praeferens
et quidquid publice salutare non esset, privatim alienum
existimans (ob eas virtutes primus omnium absens ponti-
fex maximus factus est), circumdata laevo brachio togae
lacinia ex superiore parte Capitolii summis gradibus
insistens hortatus est, qui salvam vellent rem publicam,
se sequerentur. Turn optimates, senatus atque equestris
ordinis pars melior et maior, et intacta perniciosis con- so
siliis plebs inruere in Gracchum stantem in area cum *^
cater vis suis et concientem paene totius Italiae frequen- If *
tiam. Is fugiens decurrensque clivo Capitolino, fragmine
subsellii ictus vitam, quam gloriosissime degere potuerat,
immatura morte finivit. Hoc initium in urbe Roma civi-
lis sanguinis gladiorumque impunitatis fuit. Inde ius
vi obrutum potentiorque habitus prior, discordiaeque j>.
civium antea condicionibus sanari solitae f erro diiudicatae '
bellaque non causis inita, sed prput eorum merces fuit.
Quod baud mirum est : non enim ibi consistunt exempla, 40
unde coeperunt, sed quamlibet in tenuem recepta trami-
tem latissime evagandi sibi viam faciunt, et ubi semel
recto deerratum est, in praeceps pervenitur, nee quisquam
sibi putat turpe, quod alii fuit fructuosum.

b LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

Decem deinde interpositis annis, qui Ti. Gracchum,

idem Gaium fratrem eius occupavit furor, tarn virtutibus

eius jomnibus quam huic errori similem, ingenio etiam

* * eloquentiaque longe praestantiorem. Qui cum summa

quiete animi civitatis princeps esse posset, vel vindican-

sodae fraternae mortis gratia vel praemuniendae regalis
potentiae eiusdem exempli tribunatum ingressus, longe
maiora et acriora petens dabat civitatem omnibus Italicis,
extendebat earn paene usque Alpis, dividebat agros, veta-
bat quemquam civem plus quingentis iugeribus habere/* Ai
quod aliquando lege Licinia cautum erat, nova constitue-j-^^
bat portoria, novis coloniis replebat provincias, indicia a
senatu transferebat ad equites, frumentum plebi dari in-
stituerat ; nihil immotum, nihil tranquillum, nihil quietum,
nihil denique in eodem statu relinquebat; quin alterum

eo ctiam continuavit tribunatum. Hunc L. Opimius consul,
vl > qui praetor Fregellas exciderat, persecutus armis unaque
Fulvium Flaccum, consularem ac triumphalem virum,
aeque prava cupientem, quern C. Gracchus in locum
Tiberii fratris triumvirum nomine, re autem socium
regalis adsumpserat potentiae, morte adfecit. Id unum
nefarie ab Opimio proditum, quod capitis non dicam
Gracchi, sed civis Roman! pretium se daturum idque
auro repensurum proposuit. Flaccus in Aventino arma-
tus ac pugnam ciens cum filio maiore iugulatus est;

70 Gracchus prof ugiens, cum iam comprehenderetur ab iis,
quos Opimius miserat, cervicem Euporo servo praebuit,
qui non segnius se ipse interemit, quam domino succur-
rerat. Quo die singularis Pomponii equitis Romani in
Gracchum fides fuit, qui more Coclitis sustentatis in
ponte hostibus eius, gladio se transfixit. Ut Ti. Gracchi
antea corpus, ita Gai mira crudelitate victorum in Ti-
berim deiectum est. [ii. 2-3 and 6.]

VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. 7

III.

The character and early career of Julius Caesar.

Secutus deinde est consulatus C. Caesaris, qui scribenti
manum iniicit et quamlibet festinantem in se morari
cogit. Hie nobilissima luliorum genitus familia et, quod
inter omnis antiquitatis studiosos constabat, ab Anchise
ac Yenere deducens genus, forma omnium civium excel-
lentissimus, vigore animi acerrimus, munificentia effusis-
simus, animo super humanam et naturam et fidem evectus,
magnitudine cogitationum, celeritate bellandi, patientia
periculorum Magno illi Alexandro, sed sobrio neque ira-
cundo simillimus, qui denique semper et cibo et somnoio
in vitam, non in voluptatem uteretur, cum fuisset C.
Mario sanguine coniunctissimus atque idem Cinnae gener, ^.o- -
cuius filiam ut repudiaret nullo metu compelli potuit,
cum M. Piso consularis Anniam, quae Cinnae uxor fuerat,
in Sullae dimisisset gratiam, habuissetque fere duode-
viginti annos eo tempore, quo Sulla rerum potitus est,
magis ministris Sullae adiutoribusque partium quam ipso
conquirentibus eum ad necem mutata veste dissimilem-
que fortunae suae indutus habitum nocte urbe elapsus
est. Idem postea admodum iuvenis, cum a piratis captus 20
esset, ita se per omne spatium, quo ab iis retentus est,
apud eos gessit, ut pariter iis terrori venerationique esset,
neque umquam aut nocte aut die (cur enim quod vel
maximum est, si narrari verbis speciosis non potest,
omittatur ?) aut excalcearetur aut discingeretur, in hoc - r
scilicet, ne si quando aliquid ex solito variaret, suspectus
iis, qui oculis tantummodo eum custodiebant, foret.

Longum est narrare, quid et quotiens ausus sit, quanto
opere conata eius qui obtinebat Asiam magistratus populi
Eomani metu suo destituerit: illud referatur documen-so
turn tanti mox evasuri viri. Quae nox earn diem secuta

8 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

est, qua publica civitatium pecunia redemptus est, ita
tamen, ut cogeret ante obsides a piratis civitatibus dari,
contracta classe et privatus et tumultuaria manu invectus
in eum locum, in quo ipsi praedones erant, partem classis
fugavit, partem mersit, aliquot navis multosque mortalis
cepit ; laetusque nocturnae expeditionis triumpho ad suos
revectus est, mandatisque custodiae quos ceperat, in
Bithyniam perrexit ad proconsulem luncum (is enim cum

40 Asia earn quoque obtinebat) petens, ut auctor fieret su-
mendi de captivis supplicii: quod cum ille se facturum
negasset venditurumque captivos dixisset (quippe seque-
batur invidia inertiam), incredibili celeritate revectus ad
mare, priusquam de ea re ulli proconsulis redderentur
epistulae, omnes, quos ceperat, suffixit cruci.

Idem mox ad sacerdotium ineundum (quippe absens
pontif ex factus erat in Cottae consularis locum, cum paene J\JLT
puer a Mario Cinnaque flamen dialis creatus victoria/*
Sullae, qui omnia ab iis acta fecerat irrita, amisisset id

50 sacerdotium) festinans in Italiam, ne conspiceretur a
praedonibus omnia tune obtinentibus maria et merito
iam infestis sibi, quattuor scalmorum navem una cum*"**"
duobus amicis decemque servis ingressus effusissimum
Adriatici maris traiecit sinum. Quo quidem in cursu
conspectis, ut putabat, piratarum navibus cum exuisset/^** jr< ^ ^
vestem alligassetque pugionem ad femur alterutri se ^ w
fortunae parans, mox intellexit frustratum esse visum
suum arborumque ex longinquo ordinem antemnarum jr**
praebuisse imaginem. Reliqua eius acta in urbe, nobilis-

eosima Cn. Dolabellae accusatio et maior civitatis in ea
favor, quam reis praestari solet, contentionesque civiles
cum Q. Catulo atque aliis eminentissimis viris celeberri-
mae, et ante praeturam victus in maximi pontificatus
petitione Q. Catulus, omnium confessione senatus prin-
ceps, et restituta in aedilitate adversante quidem nobili-

VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. 9

tate monumenta C. Marii, simulque revocati ad ius dig-
nitatis proscriptorum liberi, et praetura quaesturaque
mirabili virtute atque industria obita in Hispania, (cum
esset quaestor sub Vetere Antistio, avo huius Veteris
consularis atque pontificis, duorum consularium et sacer- 70
dotum patris, viri in tantum boni, in quantum humana
simplicitas intellegi potest) quo notiora sunt, minus egent
stilo.

Hoc igitur consule inter eum et Cn. Pompeium et M.
Crassum inita potentiae societas, quae urbi orbique ter-
rarum nee minus diverse cuique tempore ipsis exitiabilis
fuit. Hoc consilium sequendi Pompeius causam habuerat,
ut tandem acta in transmarinis provinciis, quibus, ut
praediximus, multi obtrectabant, per Caesarem confirma-
rentur consulem, Caesar autem, quod animadvertebat seso
cedendo Pompei gloriae aucturum suam et invidia com-
munis potentiae in ilium relegata confirmaturum vires
suas, Crassus, ut quern principatum solus adsequi non
poterat, auctoritate Pompei, viribus teneret Caesaris.
Adfinitas etiam inter Caesarem Pompeiumque contracta
nuptiis, quippe luliam, filiam C. Caesaris, Cn. Magnus
duxit uxorem. In hoc consulatu Caesar legem tulit, ut
ager Campanus plebei divideretur, suasore legis Pompeio:
ita circiter viginti milia civium eo deducta et ius urbis
restitutum post annos circiter centum quinquaginta duos 90
quam bello Punico ab Romanis Capua in formam prae-
fecturae redacta erat. Bibulus, collega Caesaris, cum
actiones eius magis vellet impedire quam posset, maiore
parte anni domi se tenuit: quo facto dum augere vult
invidiam collegae, auxit potentiam. Turn Caesari de-
cretae in quinquennium Galliae. [ii. 41-44.]

10 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

IV.

Defeat and death of Cn. Pompcy.

Turn Caesar cum exercitu fatalem vicloriae suae Thes-
saliam petiit. Pompeius, longe diversa aliis suadentibus,
quorum plerique hortabantur, ut in Italiam transmitteret
(neque hercules quidquam partibus illis salubrius fuit),
alii, ut bellum traheret, quod dignatione partium in dies
ipsis magis prosperum fieret, usus impetu suo hostem
secutus est. Aciem Pharsalicam et ilium cruentissimum
Romano nomini diem tantumque utriusque exercitus
profusum sanguinis et conlisa inter se duo rei publicae

10 capita effossumque alterum Romani imperii lumen et tot
talesque Pompeianarum partium caesos viros non recipit
enarranda hie scripturae modus. Illud notandum est:
ut primum C. Caesar inclinatam vidit Pompeianorum
aciem, neque prius neque antiquius quidquam habuit,
quam ut in omnes p&rtes praecones damantes signum, 'parce
civibus', ut militari verbo ex consuetudine utar, dimitterct.
Pro dii immortales, quod huius voluntatis erga Brutum
suae postea vir tarn mitis pretium tulit! Nihil in ilia
victoria mirabilius, magnificentius, clarius fuit, quam quod

20 neminem nisi acie consumptum civem patria desideravit :
sed munus misericordiae corrupit pertinacia, cum libentius
vitam victor iam daret, quam victi acciperent.

Pompeius profugiens cum duobus Lentulis consulari-
bus Sextoque filio et Favonio praetorio, quos comites
ei fortuna adgregaverat, aliis, ut Parthos, aliis, ut Afri-
cam peteret, in qua fidelissimum partium suarum haberet
regem lubam, suadentibus, Aegyptum petere proposuit
memor beneficiorum, quae in patrem eius Ptolemaei, qui
turn puero quam iuveni propior regnabat Alexandriae,

so contulerat. Sed quis in adversis beneficiorum servat
memoriam? Aut quis ullam calamitosis deberi putat

VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. 11

gratiam 1 Aut quando fortuna non mutat fidefti ? Missi
itaque ab rege, qui venientem On. Pompeium (is iam a
Mytilenis Corneliam uxorem receptam in navem fugae
comitem habere coeperat) consilio Theodoti et Achillae
exciperent hortarenturque, ut ex oneraria in earn navem,
quae obviam processerat, transcenderet : quod cum fecis-
set, princeps Romani nominis imperio arbitrioque Ae-
gyptii mancipii C. Caesare P. Servilio consulibus iugula-
tus est. Hie post tres consulatus et totidem triumphos 40
domitumque terrarum orbem sanctissimi atque praestan-
tissimi viri in id evecti, super quod ascendi non potest,
duodesexagesimum annum agentis pridie natalem ipsius
vitae fuit exitus, in tantum in illo viro a se discordante
fortuna, ut cui modo ad victoriam terra defuerat, deesset
ad sepulturam. [ii. 52-53.]

v.

The battle of Actium and defeat of Antony. [31 B.C.]

Advenit deinde maximi discriminis dies, quo Caesar
Antoniusque productis classibus pro salute alter, in ruin-
am alter terrarum orbis dimicavere. Dextrum navium
lulianarum cornu M. Lurio commissum, laevum Ar-
runtio, Agrippae omne classici certaminis arbitrium;
Caesar ei parti destinatus, in quam a fortuna vocaretur,
ubique aderat. Classis Antonii regimen Publicolae Sosio-
que commissum. At in terra locatum exercitum Taurus
Caesaris, Antonii regebat Canidius. Ubi initum certa-
men est, flfflf"- in altera parte fiiA^ dux, remiges, 10
milites, in altera nihil praeter milites. Prima occupat
fugam Cleopatra: Antonius fugientis reginae quam pug-
nantis militis sui comes esse maluit et imperator, qui in
-desertores saevire rJp.Tmp.rfl.tj desertor exercitus sui factus
""* est. Illis etiam detracto capite in longum fortissime

12 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

^_ pugnandi duravit constantia et desperata victoria in mor-
tem ^limicabatur. Caesar, quos ferro poterat interimere,
verbis mulcere cupiens clamitansque et ostendens fugisse
Antonium, quaerebat, pro quo et cum quo pugnarent.
20 At illi cum diu pro absente dimicassent duce, aegre sum-
missis armis cessere victoriam, citiusque vitam veniamque
Caesar promisit, quam illis ut earn precarentur persuasum
est; fuitque in confesso milites optimi imperatoris, im-
peratorem fugacissimi militis functum officio, ut dubites,
Jsuone an Cleopatrae arbitrio victoriam temperaturus
(fuerit, qui ad eius arbitrium direxerit fugam. Idem
locatus in terra fecit exercitus, cum se Canidius praecipiti
fuga rapuisset ad Antonium.

Quid ille dies terrarum orbi praestiterit, ex quo in
so quern statum pervenerit fortuna publica, quis in hoc
transcursu tarn artati operis exprimere audeat ? Victoria
vero fuit clementissima, nee quisquam interemptus est
paucissimis exceptis, qui ne deprecari quidem pro se
sustinerent. Ex qua lenitate ducis colligi potuit, quern
aut initio triumviratus sui aut in campis Philippiis, si ei
licuisset, victoriae suae facturus fuerit modum. At Sosium
I L. Arruntii prisca gravitate celeberrimi fides, mox, odium
Iclementia eluctatus sua, Caesar servavit incolumem. Non
praetereatur Asinii Pollionis factum et dictum memora-
40 bile: namque cum se post Brundusinam pacem continu-
isset in Italia neque aut vidisset umquam reginam aut
post enervatum amore eius Antonii animum partibus eius
se miscuisset, rogante Caesare, ut secum ad bellum pro-
ficisceretur Actiacum: mea, inquit, in Antonium maiora
merita sunt, illius in me beneficia notiora; itaque discri-
mini vestro me subtraham et ero praeda victoris. [ii.
85-86.]

VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. 13 fl I

/

The rise of Arminius and disastrous defeat of the army of Varus.

Varus Quintilius inlustri magis quam nobili ortus . ;
familia, vir ingenio mitis, moribus quietus, ut corpore, <K
ita animo immobilior, otio magis castrorum quam bellicae .**>
adsuetus militiae, pecuniae vero quam non contemptor,
Syria, cui praefuerat, declaravit, quam pauper fjJYi fA
ingressus dives pauperem reliquit; is cum exercitui, qui
erat in Germania, praeesset, concepit esse homines, qui &**"*
nihil praeter vocem membraque haberent hominum, qui-
que gladiis domari non poterant, posse iure mulceri. Quo * "
proposito mediam ingressus Germaniam velut inter viros 10
pacis gaudentes dulcedine iurisdictionibus agendoque pro
tribunali ordine trahebat aestiva. /a ^"

At illi, quod nisi expertus vix credat, in summa feri-
tate versutissimi natumque mendacio genus, simulantes
fictas litium series et nunc provocantes alter alterum in
iurgia, nunc agentes gratias, quod ea Romana iustitia fini-
ret feritasque sua novitate incognitae disciplinae mites-
ceret et solita armis discerni iure terminarentur, in sum-
mam socordiam perduxere Quintilium, usque eo, ut se
praetorem urbanum in foro ius dicere, non in mediis Ger- 20
maniae finibus exercitui praeesse crederet. Jumjuvenis
gen ere nobilis, manu fortis, sensu celer, ultra barbarum
promptus ingenio, nomine Arminius, Sigimeri principis
gentis eius films, ardorem animi vultu oculisque prae-
ferens, adsiduus militiae nostrae prio' comes, iure etiam
civitatis Romanae decus equestris consecutus gradus, "'
segnitia ducis in occasionem sceleris usus est, haud im- ,*(**
prudenter speculatus neminem celerius opprimi, quam -
qui nihil timeret, et frequentissimum initium esse calami-
tatis securitatem. Primo igitur paucos, mox pluris in so
societatem consilii recepit: opprimi posse Romanes et

14 LATIN OP THE SILVER AGE.

/ dicit et persuadet, decretis facta iungit, tempus insidiarum . ( '- x
constituit. Id Yaro per virum eius gentis fidelem clari-
que nominis, Segesten, indicatur. Obstabant iam fata,
consiliis omnemque animi eius aciem praestrinxerant:,*^
quippe ita se res habet, ut plerumque cuius fortunam
mutaturus est deus, consilia corrumpat efficiatque, quod
miserrimum est, ut, quod accidit, etiam merito accidisse
jvideatur et casus in culpam transeat. Negat itaque se .

40 credere speciemque in se benevolentiae ex merito aesti-M~
I mare profitetur. Nee diutius post primum indicem tvf f *~-
I secundo relictus locus.

Ordinem atrocissimae calamitatis, qua nulla post
Crassi in Parthis damnum in externis gentibus gravior ^
Romanis fuit, iustis volummibus^ ut alii, ita nos conabi-^' 1 "

I mur exponere: nunc' summa deflenda est. Exercitus
omnium fortissimus, disciplina, manu experientiaque
bellorum inter Romanos milites princeps, jnarcore.ducis,

perfidia hostis, iniquitate fortunae circumventus, [cum ne.;

50 pugnandi quidem egrediendive occasio iis, in quantum
voluerant, data esset immunis, castigatis etiam quibusdam ' \&J**
gravi poena, quia Romanis et armis et animis usi fuissent)
inclusus silvis, paludibus, insidiis ab eo hoste ad inter-.^
necionem trucidatus est, quern ita semper more pecudum
trucidaverat, ut vitam aut mortem eius nunc ira nunc
venia temperaret. Duci plus ad moriendum quam ad
pugnandum animi fuit: quippe paterni avitique exempli

/ successor se ipse transfixit. At e praefectis castrorum
duobus quam clarum exemplum L. Eggius, tarn turpe

eo Ceionius prodidit, qui, cum longe maximam partem ab-
sumpsisset acies, auctor deditionis supplicio quam proelio U % ' A
mori maluit. At Yala Numonius, legatus Yari, cetera , '
quietus ac probus, diri auctor exempli, spoliatum equite

\ peditem relinquens fuga cum alis Rhenum petere ingres-
sus est. Quod factum eius fortuna ulta est; non enim >'''

VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. 15

desertis superfuit, sed deserter occidit. Yari corpus '
semiustum hostilis laceraverat feritas; caput eius absci- ^"^
sum latumque ad Maroboduum et ab eo missum ad
Caesarem gentilicii tamen tumuli sepultura honoratum ^
est. [ii. 117-119.] ro

16 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

SENECA.

L. Annaeus Seneca, himself the son of a writer (portions of
whose rhetorical writings we still possess), was a__Spaniard,
born at Corduba probably about 4 A.D. His parents brought
him while quite a child to Eome, and he seems early to have
devoted himself to the study of rhetoric and of philosophy, and
soon made such a mark as a pleader that he incurred the jea-
lousy of the Emperor Caligula. At this time he had already
become a senator. In 41 A.D. the first year of Claudius'
reign he was banished to Corsica, owing to the exertions of
Messalina (the cause being his intrigue with Julia Livilla,
Claudius' niece), and was not recalled till 48 A.D., and then
only through the good offices of Agrippina, to whose son,
afterwards the Emperor Nero, he became tutor. On Nero's
accession to power in A.D. 54, Seneca, as the imperial adviser,
at once became extremely powerful, and amassed a fortune
which became proverbial [both Juvenal and Tacitus call him
praedives'; vide Tac. Ann. xiii. 42, and Mayor's note and reff.
on Juv. x. 16]. At this period his life was hardly in harmony
with his own philosophy. On the one hand, he certainly
made an attempt to check the vicious development of Nero's
character ; on the other, he equally certainly used his oppor-
tunities for his own ends, arid his support of Nero's action in
the murder of Agrippina is indefensible. He was indeed a
man to whom precept came more easily than practice. In
his study he was most capable of seeing the better course, but
in political life he too often followed the worse. When Nero's
vicious character broke free from all restraints Seneca fell
under suspicion, and, realizing his danger, he wrote to the
emperor requesting leave to retire into private life, and offer-
ing him his wealth. The request Nero granted, while refusing
the gift, and at the same time feigned affection for the philo-
sopher. This was in the year 60 A.D., and five years later,
after the conspiracy of Piso, the emperor sent a tribune to
Seneca bidding him die. The philosopher and his wife
Paulina, who insisted on sharing his fate, opened their veins.

SENECA. 1 7

What followed is familiar to us from the narrative of Tacitus
[Ann. xv. 62]. Owing to Seneca's age and enfeebled body,
the blood ran slowly, and after hemlock had failed to act he
was suffocated by a vapour stove, while the veins in his wife's
arm were bound up by Nero's order ("nullo in Paulinam
proprio odio ac ne glisceret invidia crudelitatis iubet inhiberi
mortem": Tac. loc. cit.), and she lived to prove by her pale face
and wasted limbs ("ore ac membris pallentibus ") the con-
stancy of her affection. The whole passage in Tacitus will
well repay perusal; and despite the fact that it was somewhat
theatrical, Seneca's death was not unworthy of his philoso-
phical principles, and hardly merited the jeers of Dio Cassius.
As a writer he was in many respects the most brilliant
of the Silver Age a man of extraordinary ability, who, at
any other time than one devoted to rhetoric and the tinsel
adornments of style, and marked by an exaggerated tendency
to false adulation, would have earned a reputation second
only to that of Cicero. Certainly in versatility of genius he
was superior to his only rival of the age, Tacitus. But the
atmosphere of the time was congenial to Seneca, as his writ-
ings were congenial to his contemporaries ("ingenium temporis
eius auribus accommodatum": Tac. xiii. 3). It is therefore no
matter of wonder if his style degenerated into mannerisms
which are repeated with a regularity that becomes nauseous,
and we cannot but suspect a false ring of artificiality under
his sentiment and pathos. Quintilian, if not so severe as
Fronto or Aulus Gellius, is at any rate outspoken in his
criticism, and as on the whole the estimate is a fair one, it
has been included among the selections in this volume (see
page 88), and may well be referred to at this point.

Seneca was a voluminous writer, but many of his works
have been lost or exist only in fragments. We have three
books De Ira, seven De Beneticiis, eight on Naturales Quaes-
tiones, two De Clementia, a collection of Epistulae ad Lucilium
(124 in number), three Consolationes (those to Marcia, Poly-
bium, and Helvia), and other treatises such as those De Vita
Beata, De Tranquillitate Animi, De Brevitate Vitae, De Otio,
De Providentia. In addition to these there are nine tragedies

(M25 ) D

18 LATIN OP THE SILVER AGE.

(the praetexta named Octavia, though included in Seneca's
plays, is certainly not his, mentioning as it does Nero's down-
fall, which happened three years after the philosopher's death),
and the satire on Claudius' apotheosis called the'ATro/coXoKwrwo-ts
(i.e., transformation into a pumpkin). There also exist four-
teen undeniably spurious letters (though believed to be genuine
from the time of Jerome to the sixteenth century, and even in
our own day) purporting to be a correspondence between
Seneca and St. Paul, and on the strength of these Jerome
included the philosopher 'in catalogo sanctorum'. A discus-
sion of the subject, which is full of interest, will be found in
English in Bishop Lightfoot's Dissertations on the Apostolic
Age, p. 249 seq., though there are more elaborate works in
French, e.g., those of FJeury and Aubertin. The coincidences
between the Stoic teaching of Seneca and that of the New
Testament are in many instances of remarkable closeness, but
can scarcely be expounded here. One or two of the selections
which follow have been intentionally picked out to illustrate
the parallelism of the teaching. 1

I.

This extract is from perliaps one of the earliest of Scnccds writ-
ings, a letter of consolation to Marcia (daughter of Cremutius
Cordus] on the loss of her son, who had, however, died three
years before. The note struck is the shortness and uncertainty
of life as Lucretius had put it many years before, vitaque
inancipio nulli datur, omnibus usu.

Quicquid est hoc, Marcia, quod circa nos ex adventicio
fulget, liberi, honores, opes, ampla atria et exclusorum
clientium turba referta vestibula, clara, nobilis aut for-
mosa coniux ceteraque ex incerta et mobili sorte pen-
dentia alieni commodatique adparatus sunt. Nihil horum
dono datur: collaticiis et ad dominos redituris instru-

1 The chapters from Tacitus, giving Seneca's correspondence with Nero and
the description of Seneca's death, have been added for the sake of complete-
ness, more especially as they are excellent examples of Tacitus at his best,
and are taken from a portion of the Annals too seldom read. See pp. 109-113.

SENECA. 19

mentis scena adornatur. Alia ex his primo die, alia
secundo referentur, pauca usque ad finem perseverabunt.
Itaque non est quod nos suspiciamus tamquam inter
nostra positi : mutua accepimus. Usus fructusque noster 10
est, cuius tempus ille arbiter muneris sui temperat: nos
oportet in promptu habere quae in incertum diem data
sunt, et adpellatos sine querela reddere. Pessimi debito-
ris est creditori facere convicium. Omnes ergo nostros,
et quos superstites lege nascendi optamus et quos prae-
cedere iustissimum ipsorum votum est, sic amare debe-
mus, tamquam nihil nobis de perpetuitate, immo nihil de
diuturnitate eorum promissum sit. Saepe admonendus
est animus, amet ut recessura, immo tamquam receden-
tia. Quicquid a f ortuna datum est, tamquam exemptum 20
auctore possideas. Rapite ex liberis voluptates, fruen-
dos vos invicem liberis date et sine dilatione omne gau-
dium haurite. Nihil de hodierna nocte promittitur.
Nimis magnam advocationem dedi: nihil de hac hora.
Festinandum est. Instatur a tergo: iam disicietur iste
comitatus, iam contubernia ista sublato clamore solventur.
Rapina rerum omnium est: miseri nescitis fuga vivere.
Si mortuum tibi filium doles, eius temporis quo natus est,
crimen est. Mors enim illi denuntiata nascenti est. In
hanc legem natus. Hoc ilium fatum ab utero statim pro- so
sequebatur. In regnum fortunae et quidem durum atque
invictum pervenimus, illius arbitrio digna atque indigna
passuri. Corporibus nostris inpotenter, contumeliose,
crudeliter abutetur: alios ignibus peruret vel in poenam
admotis vel in remedium. Alios vinciet: id nunc hosti
licebit, nunc civi. Alios per incerta nudos maria iactabit
et luctatos cum fluctibus ne in arenam quidem aut litus
explodet, sed in alicuius inmensae ventrem beluae decon-
det. Alios morborum variis generibus emaceratos din
inter vitam mortemque medios detinebit. Ut varia et*o

20 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

libidinosa mancipiorumque suorum neglegens domina et
poenis et muneribus errabit.

Quid opus est partes deflere? tota flebilis vita est,
Urgebunt nova incommoda, priusquam veteribus satis-
feceris. Moderandum est itaque vobis maxime, quae
inmoderate fertis, et in metus et in dolores humani pec-
toris dispensandae. Quae deinde ista suae publicaeque
conditionis oblivio est 3 Mortalis nata es, mortales pe-
peristi. Putre ipsa fluidumque corpus et causis repetita
so sperasti tarn inbecilla materia solida et aeterna gestasse 1
Decessit films tuus, id est, decucurrit ad hunc finem, ad
quern quae feliciora partu tuo putas properant. Hue
omnis ista quae in foro litigat, in theatris desidet, in
templis precatur turba dispari gradu vadit. Et quae
diligis et quae despicis, unus exaequabit cinis. Hoc
videlicet ilia Pythicis oraculis adscripta NOSCE TE.
Quid est homo? quodlibet quassum vas et quolibet
fragile iactatu. Non tempestate magna, ut dissiperis, est
opus. Ubicumque arietaveris, solveris. [Ad Marciam,
10-11.]

/

How much better it is to die at the heigJit of one's fame than to
survive one's reputation and meet ivith misfortune as was the
fate of Cn. Pompey, Cicero, and M. Cato. 1

ignaros malorum suorum, quibus non mors ut op-
timum jnventum naturae laudatur exspectaturque, sive
felititatem includit, sive calamitatem repellit, sive satie-
tatem ac lassitudinem senis terminat, sive iuvenile aevum
dum meliora sperantur, in flore deducit, sive pueritiam
ante duriores gradus revocat, omnibus finis, multis reme-
dium, quibusdam votum, de nullis melius merita quam
de iis, ad quos venit antequam invocaretur. Haec ser-

i The whole passage resembles in idea Juv. x. 283 foil.

SENECA. 21

"t*'"

vitutem invito domino remittit. Haec captivorum catenas '"'
levat. Haec e carcere educit quos exire imperium in- 10 ^^
potens vetuerat. Haec exulibus in patriam semper ani-
mum oculosque tendentious ostendit nihil interesse, infra
quod quis iaceat. Haec, ubi,- res communis fortuna male
divisit et aequo iure genitos aliutn~aliL donavit, exaequat
omnia. Haec est, post quam nihil quisquam alieno fecit
arbitrio. Haec est, in qua nemo humilitatem suam sensit. v< *
Haec est, quae nulli non patuit. Haec est, Marcia, quam
pater tuus concupiit. Haec est, inquam, quae efficit, ut
nasci non sit supplicium, quae efficit, ut non concidam . **
adversus minas casuum, ut servare animum salvum ac2o
potentem sui possim: habeo quod adpellem:-' Videaistic v- ;
cruces non unius quidem generis, sed aliter ab aliis I
fabricatas : capite quidam converses in terram suspendere,
alii per obscoena stipitem jegerunt, alii brachia patibulo >
explicuerunt. Video jjorfcuj^ video verbera. Et membris
singulis et articulis singula docuerunt machinamenta : at
video et mortem. Sunt istic hostes cruenti, cives superbi :
sed video istic et mortem. Non est molestum servire,
ubi si domini pertaesum est, licet uno gradu ad libertatem
transire. Caram te, vita, beneficio mortis habeo. ffiagitaso
quantum boni opportuna mors habeat, quam multis diu-
tius vixisse nocuerit. Si Cn. Pompeium, decus i&lud

/TA^Mlft /** t I

firmamentumque imperii, Neapoli valitudo "absfulisset,
indubitatus populi Romani princeps excesserat : at nunc
exigui temporis adiectio lastigio ilium suo depulit. Vidit
legiones in conspectu suo caesas. Et ex illo proelio, in
quo prima acies senatus fuit, quae inf elicis reliquiae sunt,
ipsum imperatorem superfuisse ! vidit Aegyptium carni^
ficem et sacrosanctum victoribus corpus satelliti praksti-
tit, etiamsi incolumis fuisset, poenitentiam salutis a^cturus?40
^^ttid enim erat turpius quam Pompeium vivere beneficio
regis? M. Cicero si illo tempore, quo Catilinae sicas ^' 9

22 LATIN OP THE SILVER AGE.

devitavit, quibus pariter cum patria petitus est, conci-
disset liberata republica servator eius. Si denique filiae
suae funus secutus esset, etiamtunc felix mori potuit.
Non vidisset strictos in civilia capita mucrones nee divisa
percussoribus occisorum bona, ut etiam de suo perirent,
non hastam consularia spolia vendentem nee caedes nee
locata publice latrocinia, bella, rapinas, tantum Catilina--^
50 mm.7] Marcum Catonem si a Cypro et hereditatis ^.egi^ae f
dispensatione redeuntem mare devorasset vel cum ilia r
ipsa pecunia, quam adferebat civili bello stipendium,
nonne illi bene actum foreU hoc certe secum tulisset,
neminem ausurum coram Catone peccare: nunc annorum*'
adiectio paucissimorum virum libertati non suae tantum,
sed publicae natum coegit Caesarem fugere, Pompeium
sequi. Nihil ergo mali illi inmatura mors adtulit: omnium
etiam malorum remisit patientiam. [Ib. 2(D.]

m.

Life should le lived in harmony with nature.

Natura eriim duce utendum est. Hanc ratio observat,
hanc consulit. Idem est ergo beate vivere et secundum
naturam. Hoc quid sit, iam aperiam: si corporis dotes
et apta naturae conservabimus diligenter et inpavide
tamquam in diem data et fugacia, si non subierimus
eorum servitutem nee nos aliena possederint, si corpori
grata et adventicia eo nobis loco fuerint, quo sunt in
castris auxilia et armaturae leves : serviant ista, non im-
perent, ita demum utilia sunt menti. Incorruptus vir
10 sit externis et insuperabilis miratorque tantum sui, fidens
animo atque in utrumque paratus artifex vitae. Fiducia
eius non sine scientia sit, scientia non sine constantia:
maneant illi semel placita nee ulla in decretis eius litura
sit. Intellegitur, etiamsi non adiecero, conpositum ordi-

SENECA 23

natumque fore talem virum et in iis quae aget, cum
comitate magnificum. Erit vera ratio sensibus insita et
capiens inde principia: nee enim habet aliud, unde con-
etur aut unde ad verum inpetum capiat : in se revertatur.
Nam mundus quoque cuncta conplectens rectorque uni-
versi deus in exteriora quidem tendit, sed tamen in 20
totum undique in se redit: idem nostra mens faciat:
cum secuta sensus suos per illos se ad externa porrexerit,
et illorum et sui potens sit. Hoc modo una emcietur vis
ac potestas concors sibi et ratio ilia certa nascetur non
dissidens nee haesitans in opinionibus conprehensioni-
busque nee in persuasione, quae cum se disposuit et par-
tibus suis consensit et, ut ita dicam, concinuit, summum
bonum tetigit. Nihil enim pravi, nihil lubrici superest,
nihil in quo arietet aut labet. Omnia faciet ex imperio
suo nihilque inopinatum accidet, sed quicquid agetur, in 30
bonum exibit facile et parate et sine tergiversatione
agentis. Nam pigritia et haesitatio pugnam et incon-
stantiam ostendit. Quare audaciter licet profitearis
summum bonum esse animi concordiam. Virtutes enim
ibi esse debebunt, ubi consensus atque unitas erit : dissi-
dent vitia. [Ad Gallionem de Vita Beata.]

IV.

The right acquisition and use of money not alien to the life of a
philosopher.

Desine ergo philosophis pecunia interdicere: nemo
sapientiam paupertate damnavit. Habebit philosophus
amplas opes, sed nulli detractas nee alieno sanguine cru-
entas, sine cuiusquam iniuria partas, sine sordidis quaest-
ibus, quarum tarn honestus sit exitus quam introitus,
quibus nemo ingemiscat nisi malignus. In quantum vis
exaggera illas : honestae sunt, in quibus cum multa sint,

24 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

quae sua quisque dici velit, nihil est, quod quisquam
suum possit dicere. Ille vero fortunae benignitatem a

lose non submovebit et patrimonio per honesta quaesito
nee gloriabitur nee erubescet. Habebit tamen etiam quo
glorietur, si aperta domo et admissa in res suas civitate
poterit dicere: "quod quisque agrioverit, tollat".
magnum virum, optime divitem, si post hanc vocem tan-
tumdem habuerit! ita dico, si tuto et securus scruta-
tionem populo praebuerit, si nihil quisquam apud ilium
invenerit, quo manus iniciat, audacter et propalam erit
dives. Sapiens nullum denarium intra limen suum ad-
mittet male intrantem. Idem magnas opes, munus for-

2otunae fructumque virtutis, non repudiabit nee excludet.
Quid enim est quare illis bono loco invideat? veniant,
hospitentur. Nee iactabit illas nee abscondet: alterum
infruniti animi est, alterum timidi et pusilli velut magnum
bonum intra sinum continentis. Nee, ut dixi, eiciet
illas e domo. Quid enim dicet 1 utrumne " inutiles estis "
an " ego uti divitiis nescio'"? Quemadmodum etiam ped-
ibus suis poterit iter conficere, escendere tamen vehiculum
malet : sic pauper, si potuerit esse dives, volet, et habebit
itaque opes, sed tamquam leves et avolaturas. Nee ulli

so alii nee sibi graves esse patietur. Quid ? Donabit. Quid
erexistis aures 1 ? Quid expeditis sinum? Donabit aut
bonis aut eis, quos facere poterit bonos. Donabit cum
summo consilio dignissimos eligens, ut qui meminerit
tarn expensorum quam acceptorum rationem esse red-
dendam. Donabit ex recta et probabili causa. Nam
inter turpes iacturas malum munus est: habebit sinum
facilem, non perforatum, ex quo multa exeant et nihii
excidat. [Ib. 23.]

SENECA. 25

r </

The evils of inconsiderate anger: an elaborate antithesis between D*Q^^
Ratio and Ira.

Ratio utrique parti tempus dat. Deinde advocationem
et sibi petit, ut excutiendae veritati spatium habeat: ira
festinat. Ratio id iudicare vult quod aequum est: ira -M*^
id aequum videri vult quod iudicavit. Ratio nil -**
praeter ipsum de quo agitur spectat: ira vanis et extra ^
causam obversantibus commovetur. Yoltus jllajji^ecurior,
vox clarior, sermo liberior, ^jtfllfl ^^fiati^r? ^advocatjp- 1. *-* '
ambitiosior, favor popularis exasperant. Saepe Infesta
patrono^ reum damnat, etiam si ingeritur oculis veritas,
amat et tuetur errorem. Coargui non vult et in male 10 >
coeptis honestior illi pertinacia videtur quam poenitentia.
On. Piso fuit memoria nostra vir a multis vitiis integer,
sed pravus et cui placebat pro constantia rigor. Is cum
iratus duci iussisset eum, qui ex commeatu sine cpmmilit- i rJ*\+\ <^*
one redierat, quasi interfecisset quem non exhibebat,
roganti tempus aliquod ad conquirendum non dedit.
Damnatus extra vallum productus est et jam cervicem > .-.
porrigebat, cum subito adparuit ille coiiimmto qui occisus

^

J v rr . ; ,,. v x^, X

videbatur. lupc centurio'sjippiicj^praepositus conere
gladium ipecufatorem iubet, damnatum ad Pisonem re 20
ducit redditurus Fisoni innocentiam : nam militi f ortuna
reddiderat. Ingenti concursu deducuntur conplexi alter '
alterum cum magno gaudio castrorum commilitones.
QpnftcftTMJjfr tribunal furens Piso ac iubet duci utrumque,
et eum militem qui non occiderat et eum qui non peri-^
erat. Quid hoc indignius? quia unus innocens adpferu-
erat, duo peribant. Piso adiecit et tertium. Nam ipsum
centurionem, qui damnatum reduxerat, duci iussit. Con-
stituti sunt in eodem illo loco perituri tres ob unius in-
nocentiam. quam ^ojlecs est iracundia ad fingendae

so .**

26 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

causas furoris ! " Te, inquit, duel iubeo, quia damnatus
es. Te, quia causa damnationis commilitoni fuisti. Te,
quia iussus occidere imperatori non paruisti." Excogi-
tavit quemadmodum tria crimina faceret, quia nullumA "
invenerat.

Habet, inquam, iracundia hoc mali: non vult regi.
Irascitur veritati ipsi, si contra voluptatem suam adparuit^^*
Cum clamore et tumultu et totius corporis iactationjg . ^
* quos destinavit, insequitur adiectis conviciis maledictis- G
4oque. Hoc non facit -ratio: sed si itja opus est, silens f ^
quietaque totas domos funditus^tflfiii! et familias reipubli- 00
cae pestilentes cum coniugibus ac liberis perdit, tecta ipsa
diruit et solo exaequat et inimica libertati n'omina exstir-
pat : hoc non frendens nee caput quassans nee quicquam ' f ^
} indecorum iudici faciens, cuius turn maxime placidus esse
\ debet et in statu voltus, cum magna pronuntiat. Quid
opus est, inquit Hieronymus, cum velis xaedew aliquem, tua '
prius labra mordere? Quid, si ille vidisset desijijntem '
de tribunal! proconsulem et fasces lictori auferentem et
sosuamet vestimenta scindentem, quia tardius scindebantur r
aliena? Quid opus est mensam evertere? quid pocula
udfiigere ? quid se in columnas jngmgerej quid capillos
avellere 1 femur pectusque percutere ? Quantam iram ;
putas, quae, quia in alium non tarn cito quam vult erum-
pit, in se revertitur? Tenentur itaque a proximis et
rogantur, ut ipsi sibi placentur. Quorum nil facit quisquis
vacuus ira meritam cuique poenam iniungit. Dimittit
saepe eum, cuius peccatum deprendit, si poenitentia facti N r "
\ spem bonam pollicetur, si intellegit non ex alto venire
Jo nequitiam, sed summo, quod aiunt, animo inhaerere. "-
. Dabit inpunitatem nee accipientibus nocituram nee dan-
tibus. Nonnumquam magna scelera levius quam minora

cojipeseet, si ilia lapsu, non crudelitate commissa sunt, * i tx<-
his inest latens et .operta et inveterata calliditas. Idem -jjty*

SENECA. 27

delictum in duobus non eodem malo adficiet, si alter per

neglegentiam admisit, alter curavit ut nocens esset. Hoc

semper in omni animadversione servabit, ut sciat alteram ^ '

adhiberi, ut emendet malos, alteram, ut tollat. In utro-

que non praeterita, sed futura intuebitur. Nam, ut Plato

ait, nemo prudens punit, quid pectafufa est, sed ne peccetur. To

Bevocari enim praeterita non possunt, futura prohibentur.

Et quos volet nequitiaejtnale cedentis exempla fieri, palam A^t

occidet, non tantum ut pereant ipsi, sed ut alios pereundo &

deterreant. Haec cui exp^nctenda aestimandaque sunt,

vides quam debeat omni perturbatione liber accedere ad

rem summa diligentia tractandam, potestatem vitae nec-

isque. Male irato ferrum committitur. [De Ira, i. 18-

19.]

VI.

The wrong use of money.

Circa pecuniam plurimum vocif erationis est : haec fora
defatigat, patres liberosque committit, venena miscet,
gladios tarn percussoribus quam legionibus tradit. Haec
est sanguine nostro delibuta. Propter hanc uxorum
maritorumque noctes strepunt litibus et tribunalia magis-
tratuum premit turba, reges saeviunt rapiuntque et civi-
tates longo seculorum labore constructas evertunt, ut
aurum argentumque in cinere urbium scrutentur. Libet
intueri fiscos in angulo iacentes: hi sunt propter quos
oculi clamore exprimantur, fremitu iudiciorum basilicae 10
resonent, evocati ex longinquis regionibus indices sede-
ant iudicaturi, utrius iustior avaritia sit. Quid si ne
propter fiscum quidem, sed pugnum aeris aut inputatum
a servo denarium senex sine herede moriturus stomacho
dirumpitur? Quid si propter usuram milensimam vali-
tudinarius fenerator distortis pedibus et manibus ad con-
parandum non relictis clamat ac per vadimonia asses

28 LATIN OP THE SILVER AGE.

suos in ipsis morbi accessionibus vindicate Si totam
mihi ex omnibus metallis, quae cum maxime deprimimus,
20pecuniam prof eras, si in medium proicias quicquid the-
sauri tegunt avaritia iterum sub terras referente, quae
male egesserat : omnem istam congeriem non putem dig-
nam quae frontem viri boni contrahat. Quanto risu
prosequenda sunt quae nobis lacrimas educunt? [Ib. iii.
33.]

VII.

Nothing befits a ruler so much as clemency.

Excogitare nemo quicquam poterit, quod magis decorum
regenti sit quam dementia, quocumque modo is et quo-
cumque iure praepositus ceteris erit. Eo scilicet f ormosius
id esse magnincentiusque fatebitur, quo in maiori prae-
stabitur potestate, quam non oportet noxiam esse, si ad
naturae legem conponitur. Natura enim commenta est
regem, quod et ex aliis animalibus licet cognoscere et ex
apibus, quarum regi amplissimum cubile est medioque
ac tutissimo loco. Praeterea onere vacat exactor alien-

loorum operum, et amisso rege totum dilabitur examen,
nee umquam plus unum patiuntur melioremque pugna
quaerunt. Praeterea insignis regi forma est dissimilisque
ceteris turn magnitudine, turn nitore. Hoc tamen maxime
distinguitur. Iracundissimae ac pro corporis captu pug-
nacissimae sunt apes et aculeos in volnere relinquunt:
rex ipse sine aculeo est. Noluit ilium natura nee saevum
esse nee ultionem magno constaturam petere, telumque
detraxit et iram eius inermem reliquit: exemplar hoc
magnis regibus ingens est. Est enim illi mos exercere

20 se in parvis et ingentium rerum documenta in minima
cogere. Pudeat ab exiguis animalibus non trahere mores,
cum tanto hominum moderatior esse animus debeat,
quanto vehementius nocet. Utinam quidem eadem ho-

SENECA. 29

mini lex esset, ut ira cum telo suo frangeretur nee saepius
liceret nocere . quam semel, nee alienis viribus exercere
odia! Facile enim lassaretur furor, si per se sibi satis-
faceret et si mortis periculo vim suam effunderet. Sed
ne nunc quidem illi cursus tutus est. Tantum enim ne-
cesse est timeat, quantum timeri voluit, et manus omnium
observet et eo quoque tempore, quo non captatur, peti seso
iudicet nullumque momentum inmune a metu habeat:
hanc aliquis agere vitam sustinet, cum liceat innoxium
aliis, et ob hoc securum salutare poten-tiae ius laetis omni-
bus tractare 1 Errat enim, si quis existimat tutum esse
ibi regem, ubi nihil a rege tutum, sed securitas securitate
mutua paciscenda est. Non opus est instruere in altum
editas arces nee in adscensum arduos colles emunire nee
latera montium abscidere, multiplicibus se muris turri-
busque sepire: salvum regem in aperto dementia prae-
stabit. Unum est inexpugnabile munimentum amor40
civium. Quid pulchrius est quam vivere optantibus
cunctis et vota non sub custode nuncupantibus 1 Si
paulum valitudo titubavit, non spem hominum excitari,
sed metuml Nihil esse cuiquam tarn pretiosum, quod
non pro salute praesidis sui commutatum velit 1 [De Cle-
mentia, i. 19.]

VIII.

The gift depends on the giver, not on the size of the gift.

Quid est ergo beneficium ? Benevola actio tribuens
gaudium capiensque tribuendo, in id quod facit prona et
sponte sua parata. Itaque non quid fiat aut quid detur
refert, sed qua mente, quia beneficium non in eo quod fit
aut datur consistit, sed in ipso dantis aut facientis animo.
Magnum autem esse inter ista discrimen vel ex hoc in-
tellegas licet, quod beneficium utique bonum est, id autem
quod fit aut datur, nee bonum nee malum est. Animus

30 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

est qui parva extollit, sordida inlustrat, magna et in

lopretio habita dehonestat: ipsa quae adpetuntur, neutram
naturam habent, nee boni nee mali. Refert, quo ilia
rector inpellat, a quo forma rebus datur. Non est bene-
ficium ipsum, quod numeratur aut traditur: sicut ne in
victimis quidem, licet opimae sint auroque praefulgeant,
deorum est honor, sed pia ac recta voluntate venerantium.
Itaque boni etiam farre ac fitilla religiosi sunt, mali rursus
non effugiunt inpietatem, quamvis aras sanguine multo
cruentaverint.

Si beneficia in rebus, non in ipsa benefaciendi voluntate

20 consisterent, eo maiora essent, quo maiora sunt, quae ac-
cipiinus. Id autem falsum est : nonnumquam enim magis
nos obligat qui dedit parva magnifies, qui "regum aequavit
opes animo ", qui exiguum tribuit sed libenter, qui pau-
pertatis suae oblitus est dum meam respicit, qui non
voluntatem tantum iuvandi habuit, sed cupiditatem, qui
accipere se putavit beneficium cum daret, qui dedit tam-
quam recepturus, recepit tamquam non dedisset, qui oc-
casionem qua prodesset et occupavit et quaesivit. Contra
ingrata sunt, ut dixi, licet re ac specie magna videantur,

so quae danti aut extorquentur aut excidunt, multoque
gratius venit, quod facili quam quod plena manu datur.
Exiguum est quod in me contulit : sed amplius non potuit.
At hie quod dedit magnum est: sed dubitavit, sed dis-
tulit, sed cum daret, gemuit, sed superbe dedit, sed cir-
cumtulit et placere non ei cui praestabat voluit. Ambi-
tioni dedit, non mihi.

Socrati cum multa multi pro suis quisque facultatibus
offerrent, Aeschines, pauper auditor : nihil, inquit, dignum
te, quod dare tibi possim, invenio et hoc uno modo pauperem

40 me esse sentio ? Itaque dono tibi quod unum habeo, me ipsum.
Hoc munus rogo qualecunque est boni consulas cogitesque olios,
cum multum tibi darent, plus sibi reliquisse. Cui Socrates :

SENECA. 31

\idni tu, inquit mihi magnum munus dederis, nisi forte te
parvo aestimas? Habebo itaque curae, ut te meliorem tibi
reddam quam accepi. Vicit Aeschines hoc munere Alci-
biadis parem divitiis animum et omnem iuvenum opulen-
torum munificentiam. \I)e Benefidis, i. 6-8.]

IX.

The right manner of giving.

Inspiciamus, Liberalis virorum optime, id quod ex
priori parte adhuc superest, quemadmodum dandum sit
beneficium, cuius rei expeditissimam videor monstraturus
viam: sic demus, quomodo vellemus accipere. Ante om-
nia libenter, cito, sine ulla dubitatione. Ingratum est
beneficium, quod diu inter manus dantis haesit, quod
quis aegre dimittere visus est et sic dare tamquam siU
eriperetur. Etiam si quid morae intervenit, evitemus
omni modo ne deliberasse videamur. Proximus est a
negante qui dubitavit, nullamque iniet gratiam. Namio
cum in beneficio iucundissima sit tribuentis voluntas, qui
nolentem se tribuisse ipsa cunctatione testatus est, non
dedit, sed adversus ducentem male retinuit : multi autem
sunt quos liberalis facit frontis infirmitas. Gratissima
sunt beneficia parata, facilia, occurrentia, ubi nulla mora
fuit nisi in accipientis verecundia. Optimum est ante-
cedere desiderium cuiusque, proximum sequi. Illud
melius, occupare antequam rogemur, quia, cum homini
probo ad rogandum os concurrat et subfundatur rubor,
qui hoc tormentum remittit, multiplicat munus suum. 20
Non tulit gratis qui, cum rogasset, accepit, quoniam
quidem, ut maioribus nostris, gravissimis viris, visum
est, nulla res carius constat quam quae precibus empta
est. Yota homines parcius facerent, si palam facienda
essent : adeo etiam deos, quibus honestissime supplicamus,
tacite malumus et intra nosmetipsos precari,

32 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

Molestum verbum est, onerosum, demisso voltu dicen-
dum, rogo. Hums facienda est gratia amico et cuicumque,
quern araicum sis promerendo facturus. Properet licet,

so sero beneficium dedit qui roganti dedit. Ideo divinanda
cuiusque voluntas et, cum intellecta est, necessitate gra-
vissima rogandi liberanda est : illud beneficium iucundum
victurumque in animo scias, quod obviam venit. Si non
contingit praevenire, plura rogantis verba intercidamus,
ne rogati videamur, sed certiores facti statim promit-
tamus, facturosque nos etiam antequam interpellemur,
ipsa festinatione adprobemus. Quemadmodum in aegris
opportunitas cibi salutaris est et aqua tempestive data
remedii locum obtinuit, ita, quamvis leve et volgare bene-

4oficium sit, si praesto fuit, si proximam quamque horam
non perdidit, multum sibi adicit gratiamque pretiosi sed
lenti et diu cogitati muneris vincit : qui tarn parate fecit,
non est dubium quin libenter faciat. Itaque laetus facit
et induit sibi animi sui voltum. \Ib. ii. 1-2.]

X.

Various causes assigned for earthquakes.

Ignem causam motus quidam et quidem non ob eam-
dem causam iudicant : imprimis Anaxagoras, qui existimat
" simili paene ex causa et ae'ra concuti et terram, cum in
inferiore parte spiritus crassum ae'ra et in nubes coactum
eadem vi, qua apud nos quoque nubila frangi solent,
rumpit et ignis ex hoc conlisu nubium cursuque elisi
aeris emicnit. Hie ipse in obvia incurrit exitum quaerens
ac divellit repugnantia, donee per angusta aut nactus est
viam exeundi ad coelum, aut vi et iniuria fecit ". Alii
10 in igne causam quidem esse, sed non ob hoc iudicant, sed
quia pluribus obrutus locis ardeat et proxima quaeque
consumat. Quae si quando exesa ceciderint, tune sequi

SENECA. 33

motum earum partium, quae subiectis adminiculis desti-
tutae labant, donee corrueVunt nullo occurrente, quod
onus exciperet: tune chasmata, tune hiatus vasti aperi-
untur, aut, cum diu dubitaverunt, super ea se, quae
supersunt stantque, conponunt. Hoc apud nos quoque
videmus accidere, quotiens incendio laborat pars civitatis :
cum exustae trabes sunt aut corrupta, quae superioribus
firmamentum dabant, tune diu agitata fastigia concidunt 20
et tarn diu deferuntur atque incerta sunt, donee in solido
resederunt.

Anaximenes " terrain ipsam ait sibi esse causam motus
nee extrinsecus incurrere, quod illam inpellat, sed intra
ipsam et ex ipsa. Quasdam enim partes eius decidere,
quas aut humor resolverit aut ignis exederit aut spiritus
violentia excusserit. Sed his quoque cessantibus non
deesse, propter quod aliquid abscedat aut revellatur : nam
primum omnia vetustate labuntur nee quicquam tutuir*
a senectute est. Haec solida quoque et magni roborisso
carpit : itaque quemadmodum in aedificiis veteribus quae-
dam non percussa tamen decidunt, cum plus ponderis
habuere quam virium, ita in hoc universo terrae corpore
evenit, ut partes eius vetustate solvantur, solutae cadant
et tremorem superioribus adferant, primum, dum absce-
dunt. Nihil enim utique magnum sine motu eius, cui
haesit, absciditur. Deinde cum ceciderunt, solido ex-
ceptae resiliunt more pilae, quae cum cecidit, exsultat ac
saepius pellitur, totiens a solo in novum inpetum missa.
Si vero in stagnantibus aquis delata sunt, hie ipse casus40
vicina concutit fluctu, quern subitum vastumque inlisum
ex alto pondus eiecit." [Nat. Quaest. vi. 9-10.]

(M25)

34 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

v V/ XL

Seneca moralizes on the use of mirrors.

Derideantur nunc philosophi, quod de speculi natura , ''
disserant, quod inquirant, quid ita facies nostra nobis et
quidem in nos obversa reddatur, quid sibi rerum natura *
voluerit, quod, cum vera corpora edidisset, etiam simul- ^ T(/ ^
acra eorum adspici voluit. Quorsus pertinuit hanc con-
I parare materiam excipiendarum imaginum potentem 1
! non in hoc scilicet, ut ad speculum barbam velleremus*l
I aut ut faciem viri poliremus. In nulla re ilia negotium
Ihixuriae concessit: sed primum omnium, quia inbecilli , t ^
looculi ad sustinendum cominus solem ignoraturi erant>* ,

formam eius, hebetato ilium lumine ostendit. Quamvis
enim orientem occidentemque eum contemplari liceat, ^^
tamen JiaJbjj^Eft ipsum, qui verus est, non rubentis, sed H
Candida luce fulgentis nesciremus, nisi in aliquo nobis4^*
humore lenior et adspici facilior occurreret. Praeterea
duorum siderum occursum, quo inifilpellari dies solet, ,'
non videremus nee scire possemus, quid esset, nisi liberius
humi solis lunaeque imagines videremus. Inventa sunt
specula, ut homo ipse se nosset. Multa ex hoc conse-
2oquuntur: primum sui notitiam, deinde ad quaedam con-
silium : f ormosus, ut vitaret inf amiam, def ormis, ut sciret
redimendum esse virtutibus quicquid corpori deesset,
iuvenis, ut flore aetatis admoneretur illud tempus esse
discendi et fortia audendi, senex, ut indecora canis de-
poneret, ut de morte aliquid cogitaret: ad hoc rerum
natura facultatem nobis dedit nosmetipsos videndi. Fons
cuique perlucidus aut laeve saxum imaginem reddit :

mtper me in litore vidi,
cum placidum ventis staret mare.

soQualem fuisse cultum putas ad hoc se speculum comen- f

SENECA. 35

tium ? Aetas ilia simplicior et f ortuitis contenta nondum
in vitium beneficium detorquebat nee inventum naturae
in libidinem luxumque rajpiebat. Primo faciem suam N-**^
cuique casus ostendit. Deinde cum blandus sui mor-
talibus amor dulcem adspectum formae suae faceret,
saepius ea respexere, in quibus prius effigies suas vide- "^
rant. Postquam deterior populus ipsas subiit terras
icffossurus obruenda, ferrum primum in usu fuit (et id *
inpune homines erMfant, si solum eruissent) tune demum--
alia terrae mala, quorum laevitas aliud agentibus speciem 40
suam obtulit, quam hie in poculo, ille in aere ad alios
usus comparato vidit. Et mox proprie huic ministerio'^"
praeparatus est orbis, nondum argentei nitoris fragilis
vilisque materia. Tune quoque, cum antiqui illi viri in-
^pndjte viverent, satis nitidi, si squalorem opere collectum
adverso flumine eluerant, cura comere capillum fuit ac
prominentem barbam depectere : et in hac re quisque
sibi, alteri/in vicem operam dabat. Ne coniugum qui- t^ '
dem manu crinis ille, quern effundere olim mos viris fuit,
.adtrectabatur, sed ilium sibi ipsi sine ullo artifice f ormosi 50 ' : "
quatiebant, non aliter quam jjibam generosa animalia.
Postea iam rerum potiente luxuria specula totis paria
corporibus auro argentoque caelata sunt, gemmis deinde '
adornata et pluris unum ex his feminae constitit, quam
antiquarum dos fuit ilia, quae publice dabatur im-
peratorum pauperum liberis. An tu existimas auro in-
ditum habuisse Scipionis filias speculum, cum illis dos
fuisset aes grave 3 felix paupertas, quae tanto titulo
locum fecit! Non fecisset illis senatus dotem, si habuis-
sent. At quisquis ille erat, cui soceri loco senatus fuit, eo
intellexit accepisse se dotem, quam fas non esset reddere :
iam libertinorum virgunculis in unum speculum non suf-
ficit ilia dos, quam dedit senatus pro Scipione. Processit
enim paulatim in deterius opibus ipsis invitata luxuria et

36 LATIN OP THE SILVER AGE.

incrementum ingens vitia ceperunt, adeoque omnia in-
discreta sunt diversissimis artibus, ut quicquid mundus
muliebris vocabatur, jarcinag viriles sint : minus dico, b
etiam militares. lam speculum ornaus tantum causaA>
adhibetur ? Nulli non vitio necessarium f actum est.
[Ib. i. 17.]

XII.

The true hearing and outward appearance of the philosopher.

Quod pertinaciter studes et omnibus omissis hoc unum
agis, ut te meliorem cotidie facias, et probo et gaudeo,
nee tantum hortor, ut perseveres, sed etiam rogo. Illud
autem te admoneo, ne eorum more, qui non proficere
sed conspici cupiunt, facias aliqua, quae in habitu tuo
aut genere vitae notabilia sint. Asperum cultum et
intonsum caput et neglegentiorem barbam et indictum
argento odium et cubile humi positum, et quicquid
aliud ambitio perversa via sequitur, evita. Satis ipsum

lonomen philosophiae, etiamsi modeste tractetur, invidio-
sum est: quid si nos hominum consuetudini coeperimus
excerpere 1 Intus omnia dissimilia sint, frons populo
nostra conveniat. Non splendeat toga, ne sordeat
quidem. Non habeamus argentum, in quod solidi auri
caelatura descenderit, sed non putemus frugalitatis indi-
cium auro argentoque caruisse : id agamus, ut meliorem
vitam sequamur quam volgus, non ut contrariam: alio-
quin quos emendari volumus, fugamus a nobis et averti-
mus. Illud quoque efficimus, ut nihil imitari velint

2onostri, dum timent, ne imitanda sint omnia. Hoc pri-
mum philosophia promittit, sensum communem, humani-
tatem et congregationem. A qua prof essione dissimilitude
nos separabit. Videamus, ne ista, per quae admirationem
parare volumus, ridicula et odiosa sint. Nempe pro-
positum nostrum est secundum naturam vivere: hoc

SENECA. 37

contra Haturam est, torquere corpus suum et faciles
odisse munditias et squalorem adpetere et cibis non
tantum vilibus uti, sed tetris et horridis. Quemadmodum
desiderare delicatas res luxuriae est, ita usitatas et non
magno parabiles fugere dementiae. Frugalitatem exigitso
philosophia, non poenam : potest autem esse non incompta
frugalitas. Hie mihi modus placet: temperetur vita
inter bonos mores et publicos: suspiciant omnes vitam
nostram, sed agnoscant. "Quid ergo 1 ? eadem faciemus,
quae ceteri ? nihil inter nos et illos intererit ?" Plurimum.
Dissimiles esse nos volgo sciat, qui inspexerit propius.
Qui domum intraverit, nos potius miretur quam supel-
lectilem nostram. Magnus ille est, qui fictilibus sic
utitur, quemadmodum argento. Nee ille minor est, qui
sic argento utitur, quemadmodum fictilibus. Infirmi40
animi est pati non posse divitias. [Ep. Mor. 5.]

It is not pain but fortitude in pain which is desirable.

Ut a communibus initium faciam, ver aperire se coepit,
sed iam inclinatum in aestatem, quo tempore calere de-
bebat, intepuit nee adhuc illi fides est. Saepe enim in
hiemem revolvitur: vis scire, quam dubium adhuc sit?
Nondum me committo frigidae verae : adhuc rigorem eius
infringe. "Hoc est, inquis, nee calidum nee frigidum
pati." Ita est, mi Lucili: iam aetas mea contenta est -+

suo frigore. Vix media tggelatur aestate. Itaque maior "t**-*?* 1
pars in vestimentis dfigitur. Ago gratias senectuti, quod ^
me lectulo adfixit. Quidni gratias illi hoc nomine agam 1 10
quicquid debebam nolle, non possum: cum libellis mihi
plurimus sermo est. Si quando intervenerunt epistulae
tuae, tecum esse mihi videor et sic adficior animo, tarn- '-
quam tibi non rescribam, sed respondeam. Itaque et de

38 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

hoc, quod quaeris, quasi conloquar tecum, quale sit,
una scrutabimur. Quaeris, an omne bonum optabile sit :
" si bonum est, inquis, fortiter torqueri et magno animo
uri et patienter aegrotare, sequitur, ut ista optabilia
Nihil autem video ex istis voto dignum. Neminem certe

20 adhuc scio eo nomine votum solvisse, quod flagellis caesus
esset aut podagra distortus aut eculeo longior factus."
Distingue, mi Lucili, ista, et intelleges esse in iis aliquid
optandum. Tormenta abesse a me velim: sed si susti-
nenda fuerint, ut me in illis fortiter, honeste, animose
geram, optabo. Quidni ego malim non incidere bellum 1 . f ,
Sed si inciderit, ut volnera, ut famem et omnia, quae - 1
bellorum necessitas adfert, generose f eram, optabo. Non
sum tarn demens, ut aegrotare cupiam : sed si aegrotan-
dum fuerit, ut nihil intemperanter, nihil effeminate fiat

so optabo. Ita non incommoda optabilia sunt, sed virtus,
qua perferuntur incommoda. Quidam ex nostris existi-
mant omnium istorum fortem tolerantiam non esse opta-
bilem, sed ne abominandam quidem, quia voto purum
bonum peti debet et tranquillum et extra molestiam
positum: ego dissentio. Quare 1 ? primum quia fieri non
potest, ut aliqua res bona quidem sit, sed optabilis non
sit. Deinde si virtus optabilis est, nullum autem sine
virtute bonum est, omne bonum optabile. Deinde etiamsi
uUimorum tormentorum fortis patientia optabilis est.

40 Etiamnunc interrogo : nempe fortitude optabilis est : atqui
pericula contemnit et provocat.' Pulcherrima pars eius ' '
maximeque mirabilis ilia est, non cedere ignibus, obviam
ire volneribus, interdum tela ne vitare quidem, sed
pectore excipere: si fortitude optabilis est, et tormenta
patienter ferre optabile est. Hoc enim fortitudinis pars
est. Sed separa ista, ut dixi : nihil erit quod tibi faciat
errorem. Non enim pati tormenta optabile est, sed
pati fortiter. Illud opto fortiter, quod est virtus.

SENECA. 39

"Quis tamen umquam hoc sibi optaU" Quaedam vota
aperta et prof essa sunt, cum particulatim fiunt : quaedam 50 *
latent, cum uno voto multa conprensa sunt. Tamquam .^ '
opto mihi vitam honestam. Vita autem honesta actioni-
bus variis constat: in hac est Eeguli area, Catonis scissum :' *
manu sua volnus, Rutilii exilium, c&lix venenatus, qui %> ^ f' x
Socratem transtulit e carcere in coelum. Ita, cum optavi
mihi vitam honestam, et haec optavi, sine quibus inter-
dum honesta non potest esse.

terque quaterque beati,

quis ante ora patrum Troiae sub moenibus altis j/
(contigit oppetere ! -n-C\ f- ^ ^ fl 60

Quid interest, optes hoc alicui an optabile fuisse fatearis 1

Decius se pro republica devovit: in medios hostes con-

citato equo mortem petens inruit. Alter post hunc,

paternae virtutis aemulus, conceptis sollemnibus ac iam

familiaribus verbis in aciem confertissimam incucurrit, de <^"

hoc sollicitus tantum, ut litaret, optabilem rem putans " ' '

bonam mortem. Dubitas ergo, an optimum sit memora-

bilem mori et in aliquo opere virtutis 1 Cum aliquis

tormenta fortiter patitur, omnibus virtutibus utitur for-

tasse : una in promptu sit eu maxime adpareat patientia. 70

Ceterum illic est fortitude, cuius patientia et perp^^sio

et tolerantia rami sunt. Illic est prudentia, sine qua ./-**-

nullum initur consilium, quae suadet, quod effugere non

possis, quam fortissime ferre. Illic est constantia, quae

deici loco non potest et propositum nulla vi extorquente ; I/

dimittit. Illic est individuus ille comitatus virtutum:

quicquid honeste fit, una virtus facit, sed ex consilii

sententia. Quod autem ab omnibus virtutibus conpro- * /'

batur, etiamsi ab una fieri videtur, optabile est. Quid 1

tu existimas ea tantum optabilia esse, quae per volup-so

tatem et otium veniunt? quae excipiuntur foribus or-

40 LATIN OP THE SILVER AGE.

riatis 1 sunt quaedam tristis voltus bona. Sunt quaedam
vota, quae non gratulantium coetu, sed adorantium
venerantiumque celebrantur. Ita tu non putas Eegulum
optasse, ut ad Poenos pervenireU Indue magni viri
animum et ab opinionibus volgi secede paulisper. Cape,
quantum debes, virtutis pulcherrimae ac magnificentis- , .^
simae speciem, quae nobis non thure nee sertis, sed f**^
sudore et sanguine colenda est. Adspice MT^Catonem ''^^
. Qosacro illi pectori purissimas manus admoventem et vol-
nera^ parum autem demissa laxantem. Utrum tandem

illi dicturus es: "vellem quae velles". Et "moleste
fero". An: "feliciter quod agis 1 ?" Hoc loco mihi
r>| Demetrius noster occurrit, qui vitam securam et sine
ullis fortunae occursionibus "mare mortuum" vocat.
Nihil habere, ad quod exciteris, ad quod te concites,
cuius denuntiatione et incursu firmitatem animi tui n'jO
^ temptes, sed in otio inconcusso iacere non est tranquil- "''

litas : malacia est. Attains Stoicus dicere solebat: "malo
/loo me fortuna in castris suis quam in deliciis habeat. Tor-
queor, sed fortiter: bene est. Occidor, sed fortiter:
bene est." Audi Epicurum, dicet: "et dulce est". Ego
tarn honestae rei ac severae numquam molle nomen in-
ponam. Uror, sed invictus. Quidni hoc optabile sit 1 ? I
Optabile autem non quod urit me ignis, sed quod non
vincit. Nihil est virtute praestantius, nihil pulchrius.
Et bonum est et optabile, quicquid ex huius geritur ^^
imperio. Vale. \Ep. Mor. 67.]

XIV.

The ethics of suicide.

Subito nobis hodie Alexandrinae naves adparuerunt,
quae praemitti solent et mmtiare secuturae classis ad-
ventum : tabellarias voc.int. Gratus illarum Campaniae

SENECA. 41

adspectus est: omnis in pilis Puteolorum turba consistit
et ex ipso genere velorum Alexandrinas quamvis in
magna turba navium intellegit. Solis enim licet siparum
intendere, quod in alto omnes habent naves. (Nulla
enim res aeque adiuvat cursum quam summa pars veli :
illinc maxime navis urgetur. Itaque quotiens ventus in-
crebruit maiorque est quam expedit, antenna submittitur : 10
minus habet virium flatus ex humili.) Cum intravere
Capreas et promontorium, ex quo

alta procelloso speculatur vertice Pallas,

ceterae velo iubentur esse contentae: siparum Alexan-
drinarum insigne est. In hoc omnium discursu pro-
perantium ad litus magnum ex pigritia mea sensi volup-
tatem, quod epistulas meorum accepturus non properavi
scire, quis illic esset rerum mearum status, quid ad-
ferrent: olim iam nee perit quicquam mihi nee adquir-
itur. Hoc, etiamsi senex non essem, fuerat senti-20
endum: nunc vero multo magis, quia quantulumcumque
haberem, tamen plus iam mihi superesset viatici quam
viae, praesertim cum earn viam simus ingressi, quam
peragere non est necesse. Iter imperfectum erit, si in
media parte aut citra petitum locum steteris: vita non
est inperfecta, si honesta est. Ubicumque desines, si
bene desinis, tota est. Saepe autem et fortiter desinen-
dum est et non ex maximis causis. Nam nee maximae
sunt, quae nos tenent. Tullius Marcellinus, quern optime
noveras, adulescens quietus et cito senex, morbo et non so
insanabili correptus, sed longo et molesto et multa im-
perante coepit deliberare de morte. Convocavit con-
plures amicos : unusquisque, aut quia timidus erat, id illi
suadebat, quod sibi suasisset, aut quia adulator et blandus,
id consilium dabat, quod deliberanti gratius fore suspica-
batur : amicus noster Stoicus, homo egregius et, ut verbis

42 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

ilium, quibus laudari dignus est, laudem, vir fortis ac
stremms, videtur mihi optime ilium cohortatus. Sic
enim coepit: "Noli, mi Marcelline, torqueri tamquam de

40 re magna deliberes. Non est res magna vivere : omnes
servi tui vivunt, omnia animalia: magnum est honeste
mori, prudenter,. fortiter. ' Cogita, quamdiu iam idem
facias : cibus, somnus, libido : per hunc circulum curritur.
Mori velle non tantum prudens aut fortis aut miser,
etiam fastidiosus potest." Non opus erat suasore illi,
sed adiutore: servi parere nolebant. Primum detraxit
illis metum et indicavit tune familiam periculum adire,
cum incertum esset, an mors domini voluntaria fuisset:
alioquin tarn mali exempli esse occidere dominum quam

50prohibere. Deinde ipsum Marcellinum admonuit non
esse inhumanum, quemadmodum coena peracta reliquiae
circumstantibus dividantur, sic peracta vita aliquid por-
rigi his, qui totius vitae ministri fuissent. Erat Marcel-
linus facilis animi et liberalis, etiam cum de suo fieret:
minutas itaque summulas distribuit flentibus servis et
illos ultro consolatus est. Non fuit illi opus ferro, non
sanguine: triduo abstinuit et in ipso cubiculo poni taber-
naculum iussit. Solium deinde inlatum est, in quo diu
iacuit et calda subinde subfusa paulatim defecit, ut aie-

eo bat, non sine quadam voluptate, quam adferre solet lenis
dissolutio non inexperta nobis, quos aliquando liquit
animus. In fabellam excessi non ingratam tibi. Exitum
enim amici tui cognosces non difficilem nee miserum.
Quamvis enim mortem sibi consciverit, tamen mollissime
excessit et vitae elapsus est. Sed ne inutilis quidem
haec fabella fuerit: saepe enim talia exempla necessitas
exigit. Saepe debemus mori nee volumus : morimur nee
volumus. Nemo tarn inperitus est, ut nesciat quandoque
moriendum: tamen cum prope accessit, tergiversatur,

70 tremit, plorat. Nonne tibi videbitur stultissimus omnium,

SENECA. 43

qui flevit, quod ante annos mille non vixerat 1 ? aeque
stultus est, qui flet, quod post annos mille non vivet.
Haec paria sunt : non eris nee fuisti. Utrumque tempus
alienum est. In hoc puncto coniectus es, quod ut ex-
tendas, quousque extendes 1 ? Quid fles 1 ? quid optas?
Perdis operam.

desinefata deumflecti sperare precando.

Rata et fixa sunt et magna atque aeterna necessitate du-
cuntur. Eo ibis, quo omnia eunt. Quid tibi novi est ?
ad hanc legem natus es. Hoc patri tuo accidit, hoc so
matri, hoc maioribus, hoc omnibus ante te, hoc omnibus
post te. Series invicta et nulla mutabilis ope inligavit
ac trahit cuncta. Quantus te populus moriturorum
sequetur 1 ? quantus comitabitur 1 fortior, ut opinor, esses,
si multa milia tibi commorerentur : atqui multa milia
hominum et animalium hoc ipso momento, quo tu mori
dubitas, animam variis generibus emittunt. Tu autem
non putabas te aliquando ad id perventurum, ad quod
semper ibas 1 ? Nullum sine exitu iter est. [Ep. Mor. 77.]

XV.

The uncertainty of life. So live as if each day were to le your last.

Omnis dies, omnis hora quam nihil simus ostendit et
aliquo argumento recenti admonet fragilitatis oblitos:
turn aeterna meditates respicere cogit ad mortem. Quid
sibi istud principium velit quaeris? Senecionem Cor-
nelium, equitem Romanum splendidum et officiosum,
noveras: ex tenui principio se ipse promoverat et iam
illi declivis erat cursus ad cetera. Facilius enim crescit
dignitas quam incipit. Pecunia quoque circa pauper-
tatem plurimum morae habet, dum ex ilia erepat. Hie
etiam Senecio divitiis inminebat, ad quas ilium duae res 10

44 LATIN OP THE SILVER AGE.

ducebant efficacissimae, et quaerendi et custodiendi
scientia, quarum vel altera locupletem facere potuisset.
Hie homo summae frugalitatis, non minus patrimonii
quam corporis diligens, cum me ex consuetudine mane
vidisset, cum per totum diem amico graviter adfecto et
sine spe iacenti usque in noctem adsedisset, cum hilaris
coenasset: genere valitudinis praecipiti arreptus, angina,
vix conpressum artatis faucibus spiritum traxit in lucem.
Intra paucissimas ergo horas, quam omnibus erat sani
20 ac valentis officiis functus, decessit. Ille, qui et mari et
terra pecuniam agitabat, qui ad publica quoque nullum
relinquens inexpertum genus quaestus accesserat in ipso
actu bene cedentium rerum, in ipso procurrentis pecuniae
inpetu raptus est :

insere nunc, Meliboee, piros, pone ordine vites.

Quam stultum est aetatem disponere ne crastini quidem
dominum! quanta dementia est spes longas incho-
antium: emam, aedificabo, credam, exigam, honores
geram: turn deinde lassam et plenam senectutem in

so otium ref eram. Omnia, mihi crede, etiam f elicibus dubia
sunt. Nihil sibi quisquam de future debet promittere.
Id quoque, quod tenetur, per manus exit et ipsam, quam
premimus, horam casus incidit. Volvitur tempus rata
quidem lege, sed per obscurum : quid autem ad me, an
naturae certum sit, quod mihi incertum est? Naviga-
tiones longas et pererratis litoribus alienis seros in patri-
am reditus proponimus, militiam et castrensium laborum
tarda manipretia, procurationes officiorumque per officia
processus, cum interim ad latus mors est, quae quoniam

lonumquam cogitatur nisi aliena, subinde nobis ingeruntur
mortalitatis exempla non diutius, quam dum miramur,
haesura. Quid autem stultius quam mirari id ullo die
factum, quod omni potest fieri? stat quidem terminus

SENECA. 45

nobis, ubi ilium inexorabilis fatorum necessitas fixit, sed
nemo scit nostrum, quam prope versetur terminus: sic
itaque formemus animum, tamquam ad extrema ventum
sit. Nihil difFeramus. Cotidie cum vita paria faciamus.
Maximum vitae vitium est, quod inperfecta semper est,
quod aliquid ex ilia differtur. Qui cotidie vitae suae
summam manum inposuit, non indiget tempore. Ex hacso
autem indigentia timor nascitur et cupiditas futuri
exedens animum. Nihil est miserius dubitatione venien-
tium, quorsus evadant. Quantum sit illud, quod restat,
aut quale, contracts, mens inexplicabili formidine agitat.
Quo modo effugiemus hanc volutationem ? uno, si vita
nostra non prominebit, si in se colligitur. Ille enim ex
futuro suspenditur, cui inritum est praesens: ubi vero,
quicquid mini debui, redditum est, ubi stabilita mens
scit nihil interesse inter diem et seculum : quicquid dein-
ceps dierum rerumque venturum est, ex alto prospicit etco
cum multo risu seriem temporum cogitat. Quid enim
varietas mobilitasque casuum perturbabit, si certus sis
adversus incerta 1 Ideo propera, Lucili, vivere et singulos
dies singulas vitas puta. Qui hoc modo se aptavit, cui
vita sua cotidie fuit tota, securus est: in spe viventibus
proximum quodque tempus elabitur subitque aviditas et
miserrimus ac miserrima omnia efficiens metus mortis.
Inde illud Maecenatis turpissimum votum, quo et debili-
tatem non recusat et deformitatem et novissime acutam
crucem, dummodo inter haec mala spiritus prorogetur: TO

Debilem facito manu,

debilem pede, coxa,
tuber adstrue, gibberum,

lubricos quate denies:
vita dum superest, bene est.

Sane mihi, vel acuta
si sedeam cruce, sustine.

46 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

Quod miserrmum erat, si incidisset, optatur et tamquam
vita petitur supplicii mora. Contemptissimum putarem,

so si vivere vellet usque ad crucem: "tu vero, inquit, me
debilites licet, dum spiritus in corpore fracto et inutili
maneat. Depraves licet, dum monstroso et deforto tem-
poris aliquid accedat. Suffigas licet et acutam sessuro
crucem subdas " : est tanti volnus suum premere et pati-
bulo pendere districtum, dum differat id, quod est in
malis optimum, supplicii finem 1 est tanti habere animam,
ut agam 1 ? Quid huic optes nisi deos faciles? quid sibi
vult ista carminis effeminati turpitude 1 ? quid timoris
dementissimi pactio 1 ? quid tarn foeda vitae mendicatio?

90 Huic putes umquam recitasse Vergilium

usque adeone mori miscrum est?

Optat ultima malorum et, quae pati gravissimum est,
extendi ac sustineri cupit: qua mercede? scilicet vitae
longioris. Quid autem huius vivere est ? diu mori. In-
venitur aliquis, qui velit inter supplicia tabescere et
perire membratim et totiens per stilicidia emittere ani-
mam, quam semel exhalare 1 invenitur, qui velit adactus
ad illud infelix lignum, iam debilis, iam pravus et in
foedum scapularum ac pectoris tuber elisus, cui multae
loomoriendi causae, etiam citra crucem fuerant, trahere
animam tot tormenta tracturam? nega nunc magnum
beneficium esse naturae, quod necesse est mori. Multi
peiora adhuc pacisci parati sunt : etiam amicum prodere,
ut diutius vivant, et liberos ad stuprum manu sua tradere,
ut contingat lucem videre tot consciam scelerum. Ex-
cutienda vitae cupido est discendumque nihil interesse,
quando patiaris, quod quandoque patiendum est. Quam
bene vivas ref ert, non quamdiu : saepe autem in hoc est
bene, ne diu. Yale. [Ep. Mor. 101.]

/

A. ' ' "'

SENECA. 47

XVI. *

The satire on the sham deification of Claudius, from which this
extract is taken, has been generally called 'ATroKoXoK^roxris, i.e.
transformation into a pumpkin, this being the title given by Dio.
But there seems no other authority for its being so termed, and,
as Teuffel suggests (Hist. Rom. Lit. vol. ii. p. 47), the St. Gatt
MS. calls it simply an ' apotheosis ' because the original title was
misunderstood.

Tandem lovi venit in mentem, privatjs. intra curiam
* morantibus, sententiam dicere senatoribus non licere nee
disputare. " Ego, inauitJP. .0.. interrogare vobis permis-
eram, vos mera mapa^ia fecistis. Volo servetis discipli-
nam curiae. Hie, qualiscumque est, quid de nobis existi-
mabiU" Illo dimisso primus interrogatur sententiam
I lanus pater. Is designatus erat in Kal. lulias postmeri-
| dianus Cos., homo quantum vis yafer, qui semper videt
apa irpbffffw Kal oTnVcrw. Is multa diserte, quod in foro vi- i
jyat, dixit, quae notarius persequi non potuit, et idea non 10
refero, ne aliis verbis ponam, quae ab illo dicta sunt.
Multa dixit de magnitudine deorum: non debere hunc
volgo dari honorem. "Olim, inquit, magna res erat
deum fieri: iam ^om imam fecisti [et iam pessimum
quemque ilium adfectare]. Itaque ne videar in personam,
non in rem dicere sententiam, censeo, ne quis post hunc
diem deus fiat ex his, qui apotpys Kapirbv tSovo-w, aut ex his,
quos alitjfefffaYMM fymipa. Qui contra hoc senatus consul-
turn deus factus, dictus pjctusxe erit, eum dedi larvis et
fc proximo munere inter novos auctoratos ferulis vapulare2o
placet." Proximus interrogatur sententiam Diespiter,
Vicae Potae filius, et ipse designatus Cos. nmnjjyjjajjyjj^.
Hoc quaestu se sustinebat, vendere civitatulas solebat.
Ad hunc belle accessit Hercules et auriculam illi tetigit.
Censet itaque in haec verba: "Cum divus Claudius et
divum Augustum sanguine contingat nee minus divam

48 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

Augustam, aviam suam, quam ipse deam esse iussit,
longeque omnes mortales sapientia antecellat sitque e
republica esse aliquem, qui cum Romulo possit

30 S^^ ferventia rapa vorare: sl*"i -'V-o

censeo, ut divus Claudius ex hac die deus sit, ita uti ante
^eum quis optimo iure factus sit, eamque rem ad metamor-
phosis Ovidii adiciendam". Variae erant sententiae et
videbatur Claudius sententiam vincere. Hercules enim,
qui videret ferrum suum in igne esse, modo hue modo
illuc cursabat et aiebat: "Noli mihi invidere, mea res
agitur. Deinde tu si quid volueris, invicem faciam:
manus manum lavat."

s

PETRONIUS. 49

PETRONIUS.

Petronius or Titus Petronius (as Plutarch calls him) belongs
as an author probably to the beginning of the reign of Nero,
or the end of that of Claudius : this date has, however, not
been universally accepted, some critics placing it earlier, while
Niebuhr would postpone it to the third century. The name
Arbiter (in full 'arbiter elegantiarum ' ) clung to him, as,
while some later writers call him Petronius, others simply
refer to him as Arbiter.

The Cena Trimalchionis is in reality only an excerpt from a
large satirical work : it is not only valuable for its Latinity,
but also from the light which it throws on the luxurious life
and profligate manners of rich Eomans under the empire. As
we have it the Cena Trimalchionis is a novel or novelette with
many happy and witty touches, giving a sketch of a ' happy
day ' at Rome, interspersed with a certain amount of literary
criticism. In its mixture of prose and verse, dealing jocularly
with plebeian subjects, it may be styled a Menippean satire
(for which see note on Extract iii. line 15 of Aulus Gellius).
Moreover, it affords an excellent example of plebeian speech
and the colloquialisms of middle-class society, and, as might
be expected, contains a large number of proverbial sayings
and maxims : many of the words used in the description of the
Cena are not to be found elsewhere. The narrative deals
with the adventures of the freedman Eu&olpius. (f r an inter-
esting summary of the contents vide Simcox, Hist. Lat. Lit., ^
vol. ii.). ,

(L) * \^r

Trimalchio's singing slave.

Interposito deinde spatio cum secundas mensas Tri-
malchio iussisset afferri, sustulerunt servi omnes mensas
et alias attulerunt, ^T^^^ crqco et "'fljjfl tinctam .-
sparserunt et, quod nunquam ante videram, ex lapide

(M25) F

50 LATIN OF THE SILVER AGE.

specular! pulverem tritum. Statim Trimalchio *