m

LIFE, LETTERS, AND WORKS
OF LOUIS AGASSIZ

IBRARY

• 13 I

LIFE, LETTERS, AND WORKS

OF

LOUIS AGASSIZ

BY

JULES MARCOU

WITH ILLUSTRATIONS

VOL. II

MACMILLAN AND CO.

AND LONDON
1896

Alt rights reserved

COPYRIGHT, 1895,
BY MACM1LLAN AND CO.

Xonuoou
J. S. Gushing JK Co. — Berwick & Sniith
Norwood Muss. U.S.A.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XIII.

1847

PAGE

Agassiz's Visits to the Markets — His First Two Storage Places, or
Museums, in America — Lectures before the Faculty of the College
of Physicians and Surgeons of New York — A Call from his Old
Artist, Jacques Burkhardt — Second Course of Lectures at the
Lowell Institute — Offer and Acceptance of a Professorship at Har-
vard College — His Removal from East Boston to Oxford Street,
in Cambridge — Dismissal of his Secretary, £„ Desor — Trial before
the Circuit Court of Massachusetts of the Case of E. Desor versus
Admiral Charles H. Davis — Agassiz's Journey to Lake Superior,
and his Volume, "Lake Superior" — Death of his First Wife —
The Second " Hotel des Neuchatelois," at Cambridge — American
Association for the Advancement of Sciences .... I

CHAPTER XIV.
1849 (continued ")-i8$2.

Philadelphia — Laboratory Work at Cambridge — Arrival of his Son
Alexander — His Engagement and Second Marriage — Arrival of
his Daughters Ida and Pauline — Exploration in Florida — Am-
pere's Visit — Appointment as Professor of Comparative Anatomy
at Charleston, South Carolina — Publication of Three Articles in
the "Christian Examiner," and his Opinion on a "Chart of Geo-
logical Formations " ......... 27

CHAPTER XV.
1852 (continued^-i&s^.

Lectures before the Smithsonian Institution at Washington — Agassiz's
Intimacy with Professor Henry and Professor Bache — Life in Cam-

v

vi CONTENTS.

PAGE

bridge — His First American Pupils and Assistants — Serious Ill-
ness at Charleston — Last Days at the Oxford Street House —
Removal of his Household from Oxford to Quincy Street —
Agassiz's School for Girls 47

CHAPTER XVI.

1856-1858.

" Contributions to the Natural History of the United States " — Its
Importance as a Scientific Work and its Popularity in America —
Special Reprint in England, and French Translation of his " Essay
on Classification" —Offers of Dr. Oswald Heer — Invitation to
accept the Chair of Palaeontology in the Jardin des Plantes of
Paris — Geographical Distribution of Fresh-Water Fishes of the
United States .... 63

CHAPTER XVII.
1858-1864.

Visit to Europe — Reunion of Swiss Naturalists at Pictet's Country
House to meet him — Agassiz Museum — Inauguration of Part of
the North Wing of the Building — New Series of Pupils — Money
Difficulties in Connection with the Museum — Lectures and Les-
sons at the Museum — Secession of Several of his Pupils . . 76

CHAPTER XVIII.
1858-1864 (contiHUi'd).

Darwin's "Origin of Species" — Cuvier, Agassiz, Owen, Lamarck,
and Darwin — The Opponents of Agassiz in America — Asa Gray
and Chauncey Wright — Parallel between Chauncey Wright and
Karl Schimper — Two Classes of Naturalists — Revolution an>l
Evolution — Pietist and Atheist — Lycll's Dissent — Nco-Lamarck-
ians and Nco-Darwini - Unit^niiit.ui.uiism — Spontaneous
Generation — True Position of Cuvier and Vuassiz . . 103

CONTENTS. vii

CHATTER XIX.

1858-1864 (continued').

PAGE

" The Philosophers' Camp " in the Adiromlacks — The Saturday Club —
Death of Professor Cornelius C. Felton — Social Relations with
Mr. George Ticknor and Mrs. Julia Ward Howe — Acclimatization
of American Marine Animals on the Coast of France — Enlistment
in the Army of Several of Agassiz's Pupils — A Grant of Ten
Thousand Dollars by the Legislature of Massachusetts in 1863 —
Lecturing Tour in the West during the Winter of 1863-1864 —
Collections of Fossil Crinoids at Burlington, Iowa — Dr. George
Engelmann of St. Louis — The Title of his Museum — Glacial Ex-
ploration in Maine 129

CHAPTER XX.

1865-1867.

Journey to Brazil — His Companions on the Journey — Burkhardt's
Illness and Death — Agassiz's Reception by the Emperor — Major
Coutinho — Explorations on the Amazons River — Two Steamers
placed at the Disposition of Agassiz — Traces of Glacial Phenomena
in the Province of Ceara — Results of the Journey — The Copley
Medal — Agassiz's Naturalization as an American Citizen — The
National Academy of Sciences — Dr. Brown-Sequard — Another
Series of Pupils and Assistants — Death of Mrs. Rose Agassiz,
nee Mayor ........ . 144

CHAPTER XXI.
1868-1870.

Three Letters to Jules Marcou — Short Journey to the Rocky Moun-
tains— Story of the First Discovery of the Great Fossil Vertebrate
Locality near Fort Bridger — Cornell University — Opinions of
Charles Darwin, Thomas Huxley, and J. Tyndall on Agassiz's
Great Worth — His Lack of Judgment in choosing his Associates
— Additional Building at the Museum — The Result of its First Ten
Years — Deep-Sea Dredging on the Steamer "Bibb" -The
" Pourtales Plateau" — The Centennial Anniversary of the Birth
of Alexander von Humboldt — An Apoplectic Attack — A Long
Convalescence — The Franco-German War ..... 163

viii CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXII.
1871-1872

PAGE

Voyage on the " Ilassler" - Dredging at the Barbadoes — Machinery
of the "Ilassler" -Prophetic Views in a Letter to Benjamin
Pierce — Glaciers in the Strait of Magellan — From Talcahuana to
Santiago by Carriage — Meeting of Domeyko and Philippi —
Agassiz's Election as a Foreign Fellow of the Academy of Science
of the Institute of France — The Galapagos Islands — Panama and
San Francisco — Return to Cambridge — Another and the Last
Series of Assistants at the Museum — Appropriations from the
Legislature of Massachusetts . 181

CHAPTER XXIII.

1873-

The Anderson School of Natural History at Penikese Island — An
Unexpected Gift — " Evolution and Permanence of Types "
Agassiz's Last Words on Darwinism — The Gigantic Squid of
Newfoundland — Agassiz's Last Illness — His Last Words -
Death — Post-mortem Examination — The Funeral — The Grave-
stone 201

CHAPTER XXIV.

Physical and Moral Characteristics — His Generosity — Opinions of
Mrs. Elizabeth Agassiz and Professor Karl Vogt — Parallel between
Agassiz and Cuvier ... ... 217

APPENDICES.

APPENDIX A (Biographies of Louis Agassiz) 237

APPENDIX B (Agassi/.'s Portraits, Engravings, Photographs, Busts,
Medals, and Tablets) .... .251

APPENDIX C (List of Louis Agassiz's Papers and Works, arranged
Chronologically) .... . • 258

ILLUSTRATIONS.

VOL. II.

AGASSIZ IN HIS LIBRARY, 1861 . Frontispiece

FAC-SIMILES OF THE LAST SCIENTIFIC LETTERS WRITTEN

BY Louis AGASSIZ . • 212, 213

GRAVE OF Louis AGASSIZ AT MOUNT AUBURN (FRONT) 215
GRAVE OF Louis AGASSIZ AT MOUNT AUBURN (BACK) . < 216

IX

CHAPTER XIII.
1847 (continued")— 1849-

AGASSIZ'S VISITS TO THE MARKETS — His FIRST Two STORAGE PLACES,
OR MUSEUMS, IN AMERICA — LECTURES BEFORE THE FACULTY OF THE
COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS AND SURGEONS OF NEW YORK — A CALL
FROM HIS OLD ARTIST, JACQUES BURKHARDT — SECOND COURSE OF
LECTURES AT THE LOWELL INSTITUTE — OFFER AND ACCEPTANCE
OF A PROFESSORSHIP AT HARVARD COLLEGE — His REMOVAL FROM
EAST BOSTON TO OXFORD STREET, IN CAMBRIDGE — DISMISSAL OF
HIS SECRETARY, E. DESOR — TRIAL BEFORE THE CIRCUIT COURT OF
MASSACHUSETTS OF THE CASE OF E. DESOR VERSUS ADMIRAL CHARLES
H. DAVIS — AGASSIZ'S JOURNEY TO LAKE SUPERIOR, AND HIS VOLUME,
"LAKE SUPERIOR" — DEATH OF HIS FIRST WIFE — THE SECOND
"HOTEL DES NEUCHATELOIS," AT CAMBRIDGE — AMERICAN ASSOCIA-
TION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCES.

AGASSIZ was a constant visitor to the great markets
at Boston, purchasing all the fishes, Crustacea, or wild
game he could find ; and he was soon a great favourite
with all the market-men. What astonished them most
was his never satisfied desire for more specimens. He
would collect ten, twenty, and fifty specimens of the
same species of fishes, and turtles by the hundreds.

At each city where he stopped he never failed to
go to the market and carefully examine the stands of
fishermen and poulterers. At New York, with the
help of his cousin, M. Auguste Mayor, in a few days,

VOL. II. — B I

2 LOi'/S AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xin.

he filled a large barrel with specimens. Charleston's
market, even more than the Boston and New York
markets, contributed largely to his collections, and
specimens accumulated rapidly. Barrel after barrel
was filled to its utmost capacity ; and Pourtales and
Girard had enough to do to keep pace with the pro-
fessor's well-known propensity to get hold of every
object of natural history with which he came in contact.
The collections were at first placed in the upper story,
or attic, of Tremont Temple, at Boston ; but during
the summer of 1847, they were divided into four parts:
one of which was sent to Berlin ; a second, to Neu-
chatel ; a third, to Paris ; while the fourth was kept
by Agassiz, and transferred to his house at East Bos-
ton, opposite Bird's Island, or placed in a wooden
shed in the garden, where several tanks containing
living animals constituted the aquatic laboratory.

At the request of the Faculty of the College of
Physicians and Surgeons, of New York, Agassiz de-
livered in the hall of that institution, during the months
of October and November, 1847, -a series of twelve
lectures, the full reports of which, as given in the
columns of the " New York Tribune," widely attracted
the attention of the American public. It was the first
time that Agassiz's lectures were reported by stenogra-
phers, and printed in full, immediately after their de-
livery, and he was amused by hearing the newsboys
in the streets of New York crying at the top of their
voices, " Professor's Agassiz Lecture ! " The demand
for the papers containing these admirable discourses
was so great, that the editor of the "Tribune" was

1 847-49. J LECTURES AT NEW YORK. 3

obliged to issue them in the form of a pamphlet, under
the title, "An Introduction to the Study of Natural
History. Also, a Biographical Notice of the Author '
(New York, Dec. 10, 1847; Greeley & McElrath, Trib-
une Buildings).

His large and attentive audiences were so pleased
that the medical students and the New York doctors,
headed by the ornithologist, Dr. Trudeau, a special
friend of Agassiz, raised a subscription, which filled
a large box with silver dollars, and came in a body
to Dr. Trudeau's house, where Agassiz was a guest,
to present the offering to the professor, as a contri-
bution, they said, toward the payment of the debts
contracted on account of his magnificent work on the
" Poissons fossiles." Agassiz was much touched, and
tears sprang to his eyes, when, turning toward Dr.
Trudeau, who made the presentation, he thanked the
physicians, surgeons, and medical students of the great
city of New York for their very welcome and generous
gift.

At the end of one of these lectures Agassiz received
a visit, which was to him a complete and agreeable
surprise, from Jacques Burkhardt, of Neuchatel, a
"salle d'armes" acquaintance as far back as his student
life at Munich. After a rather uncertain life as an
artist in Rome, Burkhardt had returned to Neucha-
tel just at the time that Agassiz was appointed pro-
fessor ; and as Agassiz was always in want of artists,
notwithstanding that he already had t\vo--Dinkel and
Weber - - in his service, he often employed Burkhardt
to draw fishes, and even took him, in 1842, to the

4 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xin.

" Hotel des Neuchatelois," on the glacier of the Aar.
Unsuccessful as a painter, notwithstanding the good
teaching and advice of the two great Neuchatel artists,
- the brothers, Leopold and Aurel Robert, — Burk-
hardt, who was not an exact draughtsman, being skil-
ful only in colouring the drawings after they had been
made by others, led at Neuchatel a precarious and un-
settled life, and was unable to make both ends meet.
Disappointed in his endeavour to become an artist of
repute, Burkhardt enlisted in a sort of half-military, half-
colonial organization, created by the Belgian government
as a means of establishing a colony in the district of St.
Thomas, in Guatemala. When on the point of sailing,
the Belgian government received a very strong protest
from the president of the republic of Guatemala, against
the sending of any military organization ; which he de-
clared would not be accepted under any pretext. This
put an end to the scheme, and left Belgium much em-
barrassed by the crowd of adventurers who had gathered;
and in order to dispose of them in the best manner possi-
ble, they were ordered to embark on a ship at Antwerp,
with sealed orders, to be opened by the captain of the
ship and the head of the expedition, when at a distance
of several hundred miles from the Belgian port. The
sealed orders directed the vessel to go to New York,
and there to disembark the colonists, who were to be
marched off to the .Belgian consulate, and receive two
months' pay, after which they were to be disbanded, and
to go and do what they pleased.

Thus Burkhardt found himself in the streets of New
York, ignorant of English, with only a small sum of

1 847-49.] JACQUES BURKHARDT. 5

money in his pocket, and without an acquaintance. He
was, however, soon helped by a Neuchatel merchant,
established at New York, --M. Diacon, — and succeeded
in making a humble living by drawing pictures on
shades, and washing and mending old oil paintings.
. Agassiz was in complete ignorance of what had
become of Burkhardt since he left the glacier of the
Aar and Neuchatel in 1843. But Burkhardt, learning
through the newspapers that Agassiz was delivering a
course of lectures, gladly called on him and told his
pathetic history, his attitude and appearance amply
proving that life in the streets of New York under such
conditions was a difficult one to endure. Agassiz, always
open-handed and generous, received his old artist with
great kindness, and offered him a home, on the single
condition that he should draw his zoological specimens.
The unfortunate artist was only too ready to accept any
offer, or, more correctly, any arrangement, which prom-
ised a living ; and with that lack of specific agreement
which always characterized Agassiz's connection with
his assistants, he resumed his position as draughtsman,
and was brought by Agassiz to East Boston, on his
return from New York, at the end of November, 1847.
This hap-hazard association lasted until the death of
Burkhardt, and is the only one, of all those formed in
the same way, during the life of Agassiz, which remained
undisturbed.

As soon as he had returned to Boston, Agassiz
delivered another course of lectures before the Lowell
Institute. His success increased with his facility in
the use of English. He had entirely conquered Ameri-

A LOUIS AGASSfZ. [CHAP. xm.

can audiences, and his popularity grew at a pace
which much astonished him. One clay in January,
1848, he was approached by some of his friends, —
among them most particularly Mr. John A. Lowell, -
to know if a permanent professorship at Harvard Col-
lege would be acceptable. His answer at first was a
little hesitating ; but the breaking out of the French
Revolution in February, 1848, and the consequent great
commotion all over the continent of Europe, including
a revolution at Neuchatel and rioting in Berlin, removed
all his doubts; and he accepted the chair of zoology and
geology, established specially for him by Mr. Abbott
Lawrence, a Boston gentleman, who at this time founded
the Lawrence Scientific School, in direct connection with
Harvard University.

Never was a more happy appointment made at Har-
vard ; it was a red letter day for the old university ;
for not only did Agassiz bring with him his unique
reputation as a great naturalist, but his example of
originating and urging forward new projects soon revo-
lutionized the whole institution. Indeed, no one did
so much to prepare for the new era of prosperity, and
t<> increase the facilities of instruction, now so success-
fully organized and maintained under the presidency of
Ur. Charles W. Kliot. But further, his children have
since become the greatest patrons and benefactors of
the university ; for, taken altogether, they have already
given not far from one million dollars, -- the largest
amount received from one family.

After his acceptance of the Harvard professorship,
Agassi/, with 1'ourtales, sailed for Charleston, South

!.S47-49-] HOUSE AT CAMBRIDGE. 7

Carolina, delivering there another course of lectures
and continuing to collect specimens and make observa-
tions on the fauna.

The ease with which money could be made by public
lectures rapidly turned the heads of Agassiz and all his
household. His secretary Desor sent money to a Ger-
man cousin, a gardener, asking him to come over at
once, which he accordingly did. Then Desor arranged
to have a regular emigration of assistants and attendants
of all sorts from Neuchatel to Cambridge, in order to
make a permanent and large establishment. In this
way an excellent lithographer, A. Sonrel, with the com-
plete equipment of a designer and a printer, was secured.
It was also decided to remove Agassiz's great library,
and an order to pack up and to accompany it to America
was sent to the librarian in charge, Henri Hiiber; and
finally two Swiss servants were also sent for.

During the absence of Agassiz in South Carolina,
Desor, with the help of Dr. A. A. Gould, the learned
conchologist of Boston, worked at a text-book of zoology,
and as the book was to be printed in English, and as
soon as possible, Desor lost no time in increasing his.
incomplete knowledge of English.

Before leaving for Charleston, Agassiz had rented a
wooden house just built at Cambridge, the third house
on the right side of Oxford Street, near the university ;
a much smaller house than the one at East Boston, and
cheaper, costing only four hundred dollars a year ; while
the university had also secured for Agassiz's laboratory
a small old bath-house close by Charles River, for the

8 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [i HAP. xin.

storage of his collections and microscopical and .
tomical studies. The removal was mainly effected dur-
ing April by Pourtales and Girard, who brought in a
dory all the specimens from the East Boston house,
and stored them partly in the cellar of Harvard Hall,
partly in the old bath-house near the Charles River,
and partly in the cellar of the Oxford Street house ; and
when Agassiz returned from the South the 4th of April,
1848, he settled at once at Cambridge. Under some
pretext Desor had remained at the house at East Boston,
and it was even determined to keep that house a year
longer, in order to use it fo^ the reception of all the
assistants and friends expected to arrive soon from
Switzerland, the Cambridge house being too small to
admit of such an increase of inhabitants. John A.
Lowell was frightened when Agassiz told him of what
he proposed to do, and it was with some difficulty that
he at last persuaded Agassiz to abandon the scheme,
as too expensive and entirely disproportionate to his
pecuniary resources.

We have now arrived at the most critical moment in
the life of Agassiz. Different publications in French
and in German made by Desor and Karl Vogt are so
one-sided and ill-natured in their tone, that an exact
history of the whole affair is here an absolute neces-
sity. The continual painful discussions, on scientific
and domestic subjects, between Agassiz and his secre-
tary Desor increased to such an extent that Agassiz's
best friends on this side of the Atlantic, Messrs. Mayor
and Christinat, advised a separation.

1 847-49-] DISMISSAL OF HIS SECRETARY. 9

Having just arrived at New York, at the begin-
ning of May, 1848, I received, through A. Mayor,
an urgent invitation from Agassiz, to visit him and
spend a few weeks at his house in Cambridge, pre-
paratory to an extensive tour in his company to
Lake Superior. I had been only a few days at Cam-
bridge when I found myself involved in the turmoil
of the personal difficulties between Agassiz and his
secretary. The first who spoke to me of the matter
was Desor, who endeavoured to prejudice me against
Agassiz, and succeeded to a certain extent. How-
ever, from the start it did not please me that a man
who, ten years before, had come to Neuchatel, un-
known and without means, should speak so harshly
and so inconsiderately of the person who had re-
ceived him more than kindly, had made him an in-
mate of his household, given him every opportunity
to rise in the world, and even taught him natural
history. Agassiz saw at once that I was influenced
to some extent by his secretary, and invited me to
a private talk. There he unburdened his heart,
sometimes sobbing and crying like a child. It was
extremely painful to him to be so ill-treated by one
who owed everything to him, although he was much
attached to Desor, whose qualities as a secretary and
assistant were highly praised and valued by him. At
the end of our long talk, Agassiz declared that he
would have no further connection of any sort with
Desor, and begged me, as the greatest favour he had
ever asked any one, to go to East Boston and tell Desor

Lours A(-,.ISSIZ. r, HAP.

that all relations between them were at an end, and
request him to vacate the house by the first of June,
when the lease would expire. I declined to give an
answer at once, saying that in twenty-four hours I
would make a reply.

My first impulse was to be out of the way, for I was
very much frightened by the responsibility and the awk-
ward position in which I was placed. Knowing no one
but the inmates of Agassiz's household, I asked advice
from every one of them. All denied Desor's accusations
as untrue, and all disapproved his conduct towards Agas-
siz. Christinat, who I knew represented the mother of
Agassiz, took me aside and insisted in the most positive
terms on their complete separation. He would not allow
compromise of any sort ; and he insisted more especially
on the immovable determination of Agassiz's mother,
not to permit one of Agassiz's children to join him in
America, so long as Desor remained in the house.
This part of the information derived from Christinat
was decisive for me. However, I wanted Agassiz's
own words in regard to his children ; for Desor had
repeatedly said in my presence that Agassiz did not
care anything about them. Agassiz was in much dis-
tress when he heard the accusation, and there was the
most pitiful scene imaginable. This idea of not seeing
his children around him again was so terrible that he
almost fainted away. Next day, after a sleepless night,
my decision was made ; I had chosen to side with the
father, wife, and children against the adventurer, intro-
duced in a fatal moment into the Agassiz household ;
and I told Agassiz that I accepted his mission, howevrr

1^47-490 ARBITRATORS. 11

disagreeable it might be, but that I wished to be accom-
panied by Frank de Pourtales. The latter consented,
and we went directly to the house at East Boston, where
I delivered my message. Desor was at first stunned by
it, but he soon recovered, and became insolent to such
an extent that I withdrew, in company with Pourtales,
and we returned to Cambridge.

There Agassiz, moved to tears, took me by both
hands and kissed me in the old Swiss fashion. He
was full of thanks and compliments. He felt him-
self another man, because he had been relieved of
a constant burden in his social and even mental life.
For little by little Desor had taken such a hold on him,
that he was not even free to express all his opinions and
views on scientific subjects. In fact, he was controlled
by Desor as by a manager, and not always consider-
ately, being too often handled rather rudely. He had
to provide all the money, and instead of being thanked
for it, he was subjected to all sorts of moral tortures.

Matters took such a turn that friends interfered, and
by common consent the whole difficulty was submitted
to arbitrators. Agassiz chose John A. Lowell, Desor
took Dr. D. Humphreys Storer, and the two elected as
umpire Thomas B. Curtis, all of them among the first
men in the city of Boston. After a thorough investiga-
tion the three arbitrators came unanimously to the opinion
that Agassiz had been wronged by Desor, and conse-
quently gave an award entirely in favour of Agassiz.1

So ended the scientific, social, and friendly relations
between Agassiz and his German secretary, after a con-

1 See the award, in "Trial of Desor versus Davis," pp. 53-56. Boston,
Stacy & Richardson, printers, n Milk Street. 1852.

12 LOUIS AGASSI/.. [CHAP. xin.

tinuancc of about ten years, during the last three of
which they were often turbulent and even violent.

Desor, after all his accusations against the man who
had made him what he was, was bold enough to pretend
that he had remained silent, and had only threatened to
expose Agassiz ; as if he had not attacked him in every
way, both verbally and in print. (See " Synopsis des
Echinides fossiles," par E. Desor, p. xx. Paris, 1858.)

The intervention of Professor Karl Vogt, an honest,
but not always very exact and well-informed man, rather
inclined by his eager disposition to see only one side of
things, and to turn into ridicule every other view and
opinion, has led me to give the real facts of the case,
although I pass over many details. How Vogt in his
biography of Desor ( " Eduard Desor, Lebensbild eines
Naturforschers," von Karl Vogt, in Deutsche Bucherei,
in Zwanglosen Helten. IV. Serie, Heft 24. Breslau)
could have declared that the award was in favour of
Desor, it is difficult to understand, except on the sup-
position that he never saw the paper cither in manu-
script or printed, and was deceived by some one.

The scheme which he had prepared was an utter
failure, happily for the natural history of America.
I Ie hoped to oblige Agassiz to leave Cambridge, and
even the United States, when he meant to step in
and take his place both officially and socially. Desor
thought highly of himself, and over-shot his mark,
lie never was more than a second or third-rate
naturalist, at the best, unable to go out of the beaten
paths opened to him by Agassiz, Gressly, and Keller.
lie had no originality whatever, and seemed never

1 847-49.] DESOR VERSUS DAVIS. 13

to realize that, after all, he was only small change in
comparison with the splendid medal " fleur de coin " of
Louis Agassiz. His real value was quickly seen by Mr.
John A. Lowell, who did not hesitate to uphold Agassiz,
and never invited Desor to deliver a course of lectures
at his institute, notwithstanding the pressure brought to
bear on him by several friends of Desor, among them
the celebrated Unitarian minister, Theodore Parker.

A few words more will dispose of Desor's doings
in America. After receiving more than hospitality on
board the Bibb, --lor Lieutenant Charles H. Davis gave
him pay as his secretary under the designation of mas-
ter's mate, - - Desor sued Commander Davis in Decem-
ber, 1851, before the Circuit Court of the United States
for the district of Massachusetts, for breach of contract
to write a memoir on the geological effects of the tidal
currents of the ocean.1 The jury gave a verdict for

1 In a letter to Desor, dated February, 1849, written after the award
between Desor and Agassiz, Davis said, " It appears from the award of
the arbitrators, which, as bound to do both by honor and judgment, I
fully accept — that in every point in dispute you have done injustice to
M. Agassiz, and have misled those of your friends who were influenced
by your representations"; and in another letter, dated March, 1849, he
adds, " You speak of my condemning you unheard (it was M. Agassiz, if
any one, whom I condemned unheard). ... I have no wish to boast of
any favors I may have conferred upon you. Nevertheless, I must say that
the cordial and hospitable entertainment you received on board the Bibb
last summer and autumn and my active but, as it appears, unavailing efforts
to bring to a termination the unhealthy excitement under which your mind
has labored towards M. Agassiz, may well relieve me from any painful
sense of obligation to you." Finally, Admiral Davis wrote to Desor on
the 5th of March, 1849: "No one can regret more sincerely than I do
that a moral necessity, superior to all other considerations, has been cre-
ated by yourself, which annuls these agreements" (i.e. the investigation
of the subject of Ground Ice, the Natural Causes of Fogs on Shoals, and
some other scientific topics, besides the Tidal Currents). — "Trial of Desur
versus Davis," pp. 62-67, Boston, 1852.

i.; LOUIS AGASSI/.. [< IIAI-. xm.

the plaintiff, fixing the indemnity at a thousand dollars.
The defendant moved for a new trial ; and the case
was definitely adjudged by his honour, Peleg Sprague,
as follows: "The jury must have made a mistake.
The verdict cannot stand in its present form. I shall
give the plaintiff his election to remit five hundred
dollars, or to take the opinion of another jury." The
decision was accepted ; and Lieutenant-commander
Charles H. Davis was obliged to pay Desor five hun-
dred dollars, besides his hospitality on board the United
States steamer Bibb, his very generous treatment dur-
ing Desor's stay, and his many acts of kindness during
1848.

After this performance, Desor, who had remained in
America during 1849, 1850, and 1851, constantly caus-
ing as much annoyance as possible to his old benefactor
and chief, had no alternative but to return to Europe,
which he did in March, 1852, publishing, as a last
Parthian arrow against Agassiz, his pamphlet, " Trial
of the Action of Edward Desor, Plff., versus Charles
11. Davis, Deft.," etc., Boston, 1852.

We have here a rare example of ingratitude in one
who was elevated from nothing to a recognized place
in the scientific world, and then turned against the hand
which raised him from his obscurity and poverty.

Agassiz's first course of lectures at Harvard Univer-
sity was largely attended, not only by the regular stu-
dents, but also by law students and several professors
and instructors of the college and Scientific School. As
soon as it was finished, Agassiz started to explore Lake
Superior, accompanied by ten students, two gentlemen

1 847-49.] JOURNEY TO LAKE SUPERIOR. 15

from Boston, three doctors, and myself. The rendez-
vous was a hotel at Albany, on the I5th of June, 1848.
On the same evening, Professor Agassiz began his daily
remarks on the region travelled over during the day,
giving a sort of itinerary lecture. He had brought with
him a piece of black canvas and some chalk, and deliv-
ered a regular address, on rocks polished and scratched
by old glaciers and erratic pebbles and boulders, trans-
ported at a very remote epoch, and called attention to
the deposits of the red rocks of the Connecticut valley,
as well as to the vegetation of Massachusetts.

It was a very original and unique summer natural
history school ; for Agassiz never repeated it, although
he said emphatically that he would do so every summer.
But circumstances were stronger than his desire ; and
with the exception of a rather limited excursion to the
Adirondacks, the Lake Superior expedition remains his
only scientific exploration into the interior of North
America. To be sure, he made several other explora-
tions on the Atlantic coast, in Maine, the White Hills,
Massachusetts, South Carolina, and Florida, and created
a summer school at the island of Penekeese, as we shall
see ; but he never made another scientific tour similar
to the Lake Superior excursion of 1848.

The tour extended through Niagara Falls, Lakes Erie
and Huron, with researches on the islands of Mackinaw
and St. Joseph, at the rapids of Sault Ste. Marie, and on
the whole northern shore of Lake Superior. In birch-
bark canoes, containing three, four, or even five per-
sons, besides three boatmen each, every feature of the
unsafe and sometimes dangerous shores was explored,

16 /.UL'/S .1(,'.1SS/Z. [CIIAI-. xin.

with halts at every interesting place, from Gros-Cap at
the outlet of Lake Superior to Michipicoten, Pic, and
Fort William factories of the Hudson Bay Company.
At that time the northern part of Lake Superior was a
perfect wilderness, all activity and marks of civilization
being confined to Point Keewenaw and its copper mines.
During the journey, which lasted from the 3Oth of June
until the i5th of August, only a few Indians, called
"gens du Lac" by the French Canadians, a branch
of the Ojibwa tribe, were met. The expedition when
at Fort William ascended the Kaministiquia River
as far as Kakabeka Falls, a distance of twenty-five
miles. There it separated; one canoe, the largest, con-
taining five members of the expedition, myself among
them, left the main party, and started on the 25th of
July to make the round of the lake, returning to Sault
Ste. Marie by the south shore, in order to visit some
of the celebrated copper mines. Agassiz, with the rest
of the party, returned to the entrance of Lake Superior,
where he arrived the i$th of August, returning by the
same road.

The main results of the exploration were, first, an
extension of the glacial theory of Agassiz to include
all the shores of Lake Superior, almost an inland sea ;
second, a thorough knowledge of the fishes of Lake
Superior and their comparison with those of the other
great Canadian lakes ; third, a comparison of the vege-
tation of the northern shores of Lake Superior with
that of the Alps and the Jura Mountains; and fourth,
large collections of fishes, reptiles, birds, shells, and
insects, rocks, minerals, and fossils.

1 847 -49.] LAKE SUPERIOR. 17

A remarkable volume entitled " Lake Superior : its
Physical Character, Vegetation and Animals, compared
with those of Other and Similar Regions," by Louis
Agassiz, with a narrative of the tour by J. Elliot Cabot,
and contributions by other scientific men, elegantly
illustrated, appeared in due time, -- March, 1850, --at
Boston. A few words are necessary to call atten-
tion to the great value of the volume, which marked
an epoch in natural history publications in America.
Until then, all books containing plates of natural his-
tory objects, with a few exceptions, such as Isaac Lea's
" Contributions to Geology," Conrad's " Fossil Shells
of the Tertiary," "Natural History of New York,"
and Wilkes's "United States Exploring Expedition,"
had been executed in very poor style. Compare, for
instance, the volumes of General J. C. Fremont, issued
in 1845, with that of Captain H. Stansbury, issued in
1852, two years after the appearance of Agassiz's work
on Lake Superior, both of which were published at the
expense of the government. Stansbury's survey of the
Great Salt Lake is in every respect a very creditable
publication ; while, on the contrary, Fremont's first and
second expedition to the Rocky Mountains, Oregon,
and Northern California is a disgrace as regards the
execution of landscapes and natural history illustrations.
Agassiz, who had succeeded in bringing the lithographic
establishment of M. A. Sonrel from Neuchatel to Cam-
bridge, put into the hands of that excellent French artist
all the illustrations and drawings of the landscapes and
specimens. Everything was done in fine style ; and the
volume, when published, attracted attention, and even

VOL. II. — C

LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xm.

admiration ; the best proof of its great value being
the fact that now it commands more than double its
original price.

Sad, but not unexpected, news awaited Agassiz on
his arrival at Cambridge, on the 28th of August. The
death of his wife, at Freiburg-im-Breisgau, Grand Duchy
of Baden, had occurred on the 27th of July, 1848, two
days before her thirty-ninth birthday. She had learned,
with great relief of mind, the separation of Agassiz
from his secretary ; but she was too ill to hope for
recovery, for consumption had set in. After a long
struggle she died, surrounded by her three children,
in the house of her beloved brother Alexander Braun,
professor of botany at the University of Freiburg,1
and was buried at the old cemetery of that town, closed
since 1867, and no longer used for burials. A simple
granite gravestone, with only her initial letters, C. A.
(Cecile Agassiz), engraved on it, marks her resting-
place ; no date, no sign, indicates that here reposes

1 The accomplished daughter of Alexander Braun, Mrs. Cecile Met-
tenius, says in the life of her father : "After many days of suffering, dur-
ing which hopes of recovery mingled with presentiments of the approach
of death, Mrs. Agassiz died quietly, the zjlh of July, 1848. A few days
before her death, she received with joy a letter from her husband, to whom
she had sent the portraits of her children, drawn during her sickness."
It was a last tribute of love. Mrs. Mettenius adds: "She had had a life
full of struggles and of sorrows." Braun wrote to his brother (Max
Braun), announcing the sad news: "Our sister, who has had so many
afflictions, has found to-day her rest after her stormy life. She has suffered
much. Clod will give her in the other life what will change to joy all the
suffering of the life on earth; there she will understand the divine Provi-
dence which is full of charity, but whose ways are so obscure to us."
("Alexander Braun's Leben," p. 405; Berlin, 1882.)

1 847-49.] DEATH OF HIS FIRST WIFE. 19

the first wife of the great naturalist, Louis Agassiz, the
mother of his children.

Alexander Braun had removed his family from Carls-
ruhe to Freiburg, after his appointment as professor of
botany at the university ; and almost as soon as he was
settled there, his sister, Mrs. Agassiz, became so ill, that,
after the month of December, 1847, she was unable to
leave her bed, except for a few hours each day. Phthisis
made rapid progress and became incurable.

Professor Braun kept with him the children of his sister
until he heard from Agassiz, who asked him to conduct
his two daughters to Switzerland, to their grandmother,
where they were to remain until he could himself go
for them, or arrange for their joining him in his lately
adopted country. The son Alexander, then twelve
years old, stayed a year longer in the Braun family.
Before separating, the children received the first visit
from an American family, Mrs. Bruen and her two
daughters, the oldest since so well known as the wife
of the celebrated author of "The Italian Sculptors,"
Charles C. Perkins, of Boston, friends of their father,
who came specially to Freiburg, in August, 1848, in
order to tell them, viva voce, how kindly their father
had been received, and how highly he was esteemed in
the New World. A few weeks after this visit, Braun
took his two nieces, Ida and Pauline, and placed them
under the guardianship of their grandmother, Mrs.
Agassiz, at Cudrefin, on the lake of Neuchatel.

The year 1848 was most eventful in the life of Agas-
siz: first, in his appointment as professor at Cambridge;
second, in the dismissal of his secretary, Desor; third,

20 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xin.

in the death of his first wife. The first two events
proved most beneficial to his future life.

Agassiz found at his house M. Sonrel and his wife,
awaiting his return from Lake Superior. A house was
immediately leased in the vicinity, and Sonrel began in
earnest the establishment of his lithography. During
September his two workmen arrived, a draughtsman
and a pressman. Then came, in succession, Professor
Arnold Guyot, with a nephew and a cousin ; Charles
Girard's brother and sister; Hiiber, with the library
and some specimens of rocks and fossils ; and M. Leo
Lesquereux, with his wife and five children. Every
one was lodged, at least, for several days, in Agassiz's
Oxford Street house. Mattresses were laid on the
floors of different rooms, even in the parlour ; the only
unoccupied room being the dining-room, where the table
was always abundantly furnished. It was a second
" Hotel des Neuchatelois," transferred from the glaciers
of the Aar to Cambridge. In all, there were twenty-
three persons, twenty-two of whom came from Neu-
chatel, town or canton. Pourtales and Marcou soon
left, but were replaced at the dining-table by the two
German assistant chemists of Professor Horsford. In
fact, it was "la Maison du Bon Dieu," as the French
call it, every one entering any room, and Agassiz receiv-
ing with a smile every new arrival.

Some details may be interesting, for it is not likely
that such a naturalist household will ever be seen
again. "Papa" Christinat, as he was called, was the
general manager. More than sixty years of age, he
was still extremely active, possessed excellent health,

1 847-49.] SECOND HOTEL DES NEUCHATELOIS. 21

and was most devoted to the welfare and interest of
Agassiz. Although not speaking or understanding
more than half a dozen English words, he had the skill
to make himself understood,' by gestures and pantomime,
which he executed with great readiness, and generally
with good results. He succeeded in teaching the cook,
an illiterate Irish girl, a sufficient number of French
words to make her understand his directions in regard
to some French dish to his taste. His most remarkable
performance was the buying of provisions. Not satisfied
with the butcher who brought meat and vegetables to
the door every day, he concluded to go himself to the
great markets in Boston. Every day, he walked into
Boston, starting at daybreak ; and, to economize, he
carried a great basket on his arm, and so calculated
his time, as to arrive at the Cambridge bridge before
the toll office on the Cambridge side was open. Then
he would stand on the bridge, between the two toll
houses, for five, ten, or even twenty minutes, waiting
patiently until the toll keeper on the Cambridge side
opened his small cabin and office, - - an indication that
the toll had been paid ; and then Christinat would pass
in front of the toll house on the Boston side, thus
avoiding the toll of one cent !

At the Faneuil Hall and Quincy markets, he always
made excellent choice of meat, fowls, fishes, lobsters,
and vegetables, for he was truly "a connoisseur" ; but
he spoke French to all the market men, his only English
being how much ? and he never understood the answer ;
but paid what he thought was proper. The men almost
always remonstrated on the ground that it was not the

LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xm.

price asked for. " C'est asscz ! " was the invariable
answer of M. Christinat, who then triumphantly put the
purchase into his basket, marching off as if he were per-
fectly satisfied. As he was known all over the market
as the friend and housekeeper of Professor Agassiz, the
traders let him do what he pleased, but marked the differ-
ence of price in their books. At dinner, Papa Christinat
would say : " Comment trouvez-vous le gigot de mouton ?
ou le poisson ? " " Excellent ! " was the ready answer of
all the guests ; " Eh bien ! je ne 1'ai paye qu'un dollar et
quart," when the piece, according to the market value,
may have been two dollars or two dollars and a half.
Agassiz used to smile quietly and compliment Chris-
tinat on his fine bargain. But, alas ! at the end of the
month came long bills from the fisherman, the butcher,
and provision dealer, which put an end to Christinat's
method of purchasing at markets at low prices.

All sorts of specimens in alcohol, and even alive, were
constantly coming by express, sent from all parts of
New England and even from more distant parts of the
country. One day, to the great amazement and amuse-
ment of all the inmates of Agassiz's American " Hotel
des Neuchatelois," the express brought a live big black
bear sent from the forests of Maine by an admirer of
Agassiz's lectures at the Lowell Institute. There was
no other indication on the label attached to the neck of
the animal. This time the professor had " caught a
Tartar " ; he had no place to keep it, and he begged an
expressman to keep it in his stable. There, all the
horses were made uneasy by such a neighbour, and
after a few days the animal was disposed of by poison-

1 847-49-1 A BLACK HEAR. 23

ing, and dissected, his bones being preserved for the
collection.

Another day there arrived, on a wagon, a single speci-
men, so large and weighty, that it was as much as the
horse could do to drag the heavy load. It was an
enormous sea-turtle, the gigantic leather-back (Sphargis
corriacea), found cast up on the coast of Cape Cod, after
a violent storm. The big animal, an inhabitant of the
Caribbean Sea, had lost one of its largest paddles, near
his head, cut off close to the carapace, very likely by a
shark ; and although the wound was well healed, the
loss of the paddle incapacitated him for facing a Gulf
Stream storm, which carried him far north, until
beached on the sand of Cape Cod. He was carried
to the old bath-house, where dissection was begun.
Christinat, with an eye to economy, noting the beautiful
veal-like meat, took some home, and at dinner it was
so praised and relished, that for a week the numerous
guests of the " Hotel des Neuchatelois " lived on turtle
soup, turtle steak, turtle pie, and turtle roast.

It was really beautiful to see Agassiz struggle to
provide for all the expenses of his household. In the
three months from September to December, 1848, he
had spent three thousand dollars, while his salary at the
Lawrence Scientific School was only sixteen hundred
dollars a year. John A. Lowell came forward at once,
paying him twelve hundred dollars in advance for
another course of lectures. But even this was not
enough, and Agassiz had to accept every offer made
to him for lectures in the towns and villages around
Boston. Besides his two regular lectures every week

24 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xin.

at Harvard University, and his two Lowell lectures,
Agassi/, went every afternoon, when not engaged
to the Lowell Institute, to some suburban town, like
Salem, Framingham, Worcester, etc., and delivered an
evening lecture, accepting any offer, however small,
which was offered to him. Only his strong constitu-
tion enabled him to stand such fatigue ; for, as too
often happened with him, he was burning the candle
at both ends. However, he was happy, for his suc-
cess as a lecturer was beyond his most sanguine ex-
pectation ; his audiences being so large that he was
obliged to repeat next day each of his lectures at the
Lowell Institute. " The Evening Traveller," a Boston
newspaper, similar to "The Tribune" of New York, had
each lecture stenographically reported, and published it
with woodcuts the day after its delivery, and the sale
was so great that the newspaper was obliged to reprint
each number containing these lectures, and finally to
issue them in the form of a pamphlet, under the title,
"Twelve Lectures on Comparative Embryology, deliv-
ered before the Lowell Institute, December and Jan-
uary, 1848-49," Boston, 8vo. The newsboys in the
streets of Boston and Cambridge used to cry Professor
Agassiz's lectures at the same time that they announced
a revolution in Europe, or a shipwreck of a great trans-
atlantic steamer, or the election of General Taylor as
President of the Republic. No one was more popular
in New England than Agassiz ; he even rivalled the
great statesman, Daniel Webster.

During 1848 Agassiz's prominent part on two pub-
lic scientific occasions showed what a high place he

I847-49-] HfS SUCCESS AS A LECTURER. 25

already held in America as a scientific leader. On
May 17 the Boston Society of Natural History dedi-
cated a new building in Phillips Place, at which time
the Annual Address was delivered by Dr. D. H. Storer.
The new building was very well suited in every respect
to the wants of the society, and was filled to its utmost
capacity, in expectation of hearing a speech by Professor
Agassiz. At the conclusion of the vice-president's
address, Agassiz made remarks on the future progress
of the natural sciences in America, insisting on the
excellent opportunity offered by the political disturb-
ances in Europe, where progress was forcibly suspended
for some time to come. If strenuous and sacrificing
efforts are made now, he said, they will soon bring
results which will place America in the position hitherto
occupied by Europe, Tremendous applause from the
great audience proved that the American scientific
public highly appreciated Agassiz's endeavours to pro-
mote the cause of American science.

The second occasion was the ninth annual session of
the Association of American Geologists, held the 2Oth
of September at Philadelphia. An organic change in
the name and purpose of the society had been proposed
at its last meeting at Boston, the year previous, and an
enlarged constitution embracing all sciences, somewhat
on the same plan as that of the British Scientific Associa-
tion for the Advancement of Sciences, had been framed
by a committee of three, Agassiz being one, and we may
say the leading member ; for he had assisted at several
meetings of the great British association in England,
and had even presided over the Societe Helvetique des

26 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xm.

Sciences Naturellcs, a precursor, and the first great
European association to promote progress in natural
and physical sciences, outside of scientific organizations
existing permanently in large cities. Full advantage
was taken of his experience in the new organization,
and the Association of American Geologists and Natu-
ralists became the American Association for the Ad-
vancement of Sciences.

CHAPTER XIV.
1849 (continued)— 1852.

PHILADELPHIA — LABORATORY WORK AT CAMBRIDGE — ARRIVAL OF HIS
SON ALEXANDER — His ENGAGEMENT AND SECOND MARRIAGE -
ARRIVAL OF HIS DAUGHTERS IDA AND PAULINE — EXPLORATION IN
FLORIDA — AMPERE'S VISIT — APPOINTMENT AS PROFESSOR OF COM-
PARATIVE ANATOMY AT CHARLESTON, SOUTH CAROLINA — PUBLICA-
TION OF THREE ARTICLES IN THE " CHRISTIAN EXAMINER," AND HIS
OPINION ON A "CHART OF GEOLOGICAL FORMATIONS."

AT the beginning of February, 1849, Agassiz left
Cambridge for a prolonged visit to Philadelphia, and
having agreed to deliver a course of lectures, he
remained there until the middle of April. His success
was so great that Philadelphia savants and society
leaders approached him with a view to an appointment
at the Pennsylvania University, but, as he said, it
was too late ; his decision was made to remain in
Cambridge. During the intervals of his lectures
Agassiz was very busy at the Academy of Natural
Sciences. The Academy was then the best equipped
institution in America. Its museum contained a large
number of typical specimens, fossil and living, described
by Morton, Conrad, Say, Nuttall, Audubon, Lucien
Charles Bonaparte, Harlan, Rafinesque, and others,
besides a great quantity of inedited species, and its
library was very rich and kept constantly au conrant

27

28 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xiv.

through the liberality of one of the members of the
Academy, Dr. Thomas B. Wilson. Agassiz had brought
with him his artist Burkharclt and his librarian Hiiber,
and both had their hands more than full during their
stay, for Agassiz's activity knew no bounds. There
were at that time in Philadelphia a number of natu-
ralists, the most prominent being Morton, Conrad, Lea,
and young Leidy.

Dr. Samuel George Morton was the most remarkable
American naturalist then living ; unhappily, he was an
invalid, suffering from a very serious affection of the
heart from which he died two years later. Morton was
the real founder of invertebrate palaeontology in America.
His volume entitled "Synopsis of the Organic Remains
of the Cretaceous Group of the United States," 1834, is
the starting-point of all palasontological and systematic
work on American fossils. His " Crania Americana,"
1X39, and "Crania /Egyptiaca," 1844, placed him at
the head of ethnologists in the Old and New Worlds.
It was natural that a friendly understanding should
promptly arise between Agassiz and himself, notwith-
standing the sad condition of Morton's health. Agassiz
became a strong advocate of the doctrine of different
species of man ; the word " race " being reserved, and
applied only to varieties in each species; and, as a
contribution to the ethnological researches of Morton,
Agassiz wrote, after Morton's death, his celebrated
" Sketch of the Natural Provinces of the Animal World
and their Relation to the Different Types of Man,"
which began the first volume of "Types of Mankind"
(1854) dedicated "to the memory of Morton."

I849-52-] EXCURSION TO TIMBER CREEK. 29

Agassiz saw a great deal of Morton during his two
months' stay at Philadelphia, frequently visiting him,
for Morton was already confined almost constantly to
his library. I may say that after George Cuvier,
Morton was the only zoologist who had any influence
on Agassiz's mind and scientific opinions. Of course, I
do not refer to the glacial question, which belongs to
another order of studies entirely outside of pure zoology.
I several times enjoyed the privilege of accompanying
Agassiz on these visits, and was much impressed by his
enthusiasm. He had, at last, found a naturalist to his
liking, without any reserve.

Timothy A. Conrad, then curator of the museum of
the Academy of Natural Sciences, was a palaeontologist
of the first order ; but ill-health prevented him all his
life from doing himself justice. Although his studies
were limited to other departments of palaeontology,
Conrad was much attracted by the varied and profound
knowledge of Agassiz. He delighted in showing him
all the rare specimens contained in the museum, and
finally he succeeded in organizing an excursion into
New Jersey to Timber Creek and vicinity, in order to
show the typical upper cretaceous of the Atlantic States.
Agassiz was suffering at that time from overwork and
anxieties of all kinds, and it was with difficulty that he
was persuaded to be one of the party. On a beautiful
early spring day in March, after awaiting at Camden the
arrival of Agassiz, who was never an early riser, the party,
composed of Conrad, Agassiz, Leidy, Dr. Hallowell,
myself, and two of Agassiz's Cambridge students, started
for Timber Creek, under the guidance of Dr. Harris, a

30 I.OU/S AGASSIS. [CHAP. xiv.

resident of that part of the country. We saw the cele-
brated New Jersey grecnsand, and collected in it a
quantity of sauroid teeth, fragments of vertebras of a
crocodilian, Ostira vcsicularis, Tcrcbratula Sayii, Pecten,
Area, J/j'(t, etc. Above the greensand and green marls
there are yellow sands and yellow calcareous sandstone
containing many echinoderms, such as Holastcr, Nnclc-
olitcs, Diadona, Hctniastcr, Ccratomns; and many Teredo,
Scalaria, and corals; the whole formation belonging
to the lower chalk and upper greensand of England.
The excursion was very successful, and Agassiz returned
to Philadelphia in better health and spirits.

Dr. Joseph Leidy, so justly celebrated since for his
great works on the comparative anatomy of American
fossil vertebrates, was then a young student just returned
from Paris, where he had followed the lectures and also
the private instructions of de Blainville, the successor
of Cuvier in the chair of comparative anatomy. Leidy
was the naturalist who followed, with the greatest atten-
tion and best results, the lectures of Professor Agassiz,
and received the most benefit from his presence in
Philadelphia. Agassiz was much impressed by his
:st manner, and predicted a great future for him if
he would devote his life to comparative anatomy. Many
were given by Philadelphia society in honour of
vas not without regret that on April 1 1
he left the city of Penn, returning directly to Cambridge,
suming his duties at Harvard University, he de-
limself, during the year, to microscopical studies,
calcpluc or Mcdnsic of the shores
rhich resulted in the publication of

1849-52-] PRIXUJ'LES OF ZOOLOGY. 31

a monograph in two parts, in the " Memoirs of the
American Academy of Sciences," of which the sixteen
quarto plates, drawn on stone from nature by Sonrel,
are simply superb. This first contribution of Agassiz
to the natural history of the United States marks a new
departure in America, in that it shows the structure,
the generic peculiarities, and all the characters of the
muscular system in very low animals.

Agassiz gave a great part of his time also to directing
the publication of his volume on Lake Superior. Curi-
ously enough, he wholly abandoned his " Principles of
Zoology." His collaborator, Dr. A. A. Gould, wrote,
during 1849 and 1850, the second part, as he had already
written with success the first part; but from year to year
Agassiz delayed reading and correcting the manuscript,
until it was too late to publish it. It was one of the
foibles of the great naturalist not to finish promptly the
work already begun, but to let it drop in order to under-
take other work. However, the success of the first part
on " Comparative Physiology," which was issued in 1848,
was great, and several editions were printed. The work
was quickly pirated in England by unscrupulous edi-
tors. A German translation by Professor Bronn, the
celebrated palaeontologist of the University of Heidel-
berg, was published at Stuttgart in 1851; and a

r

French translation, by the great geographer Elisee

/

Reclus, was printed in Paris, in the " Magasin d' Edu-
cation et de Recreation," as late as 1891, under the
title " Principes de Zoologie." The work had great
influence in America, the three editions of 1848, 1851,
and 1 86 1 being extensively used by professors and

3j LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xiv.

students, and it is to be regretted that it was never
completed.

A great j)leasure was in reserve for Agassiz ; namely,
the arrival of his son Alexander in the middle of June,
1849, brought from Neuchatel by a cousin, Dr. Mayor,
and the evangelist, Marc Fivaz, of Newark Valley, in
the state of New York, the first naturalist companion
of Louis Agassiz at Orbe. Born at Neuchatel the ist
of December, 1835, Alexander, as he was christened, in
honour of his uncle, Alexander Braun, was a lad of thir-
teen years, well developed and fine looking, but more
serious and inclined to solitude than boys of his age
generally are. Agassiz was delighted and grateful for
all the marks of interest and kindness shown his son by
every one in Cambridge and Boston. In a letter to me,
dated Cambridge, June 20, 1849, Agassiz says: " Je
reviens de New York avec mon fils, c'est vous dire que
je suis bien heureux maintenant. C'est dans toute la
vcrite de 1'exprcssion et a part de la partialitc paternelle
un charmant gar^on."

From the first day of his settlement at Cambridge,
Agassiz was befriended by both Professors C. C. Felton
and Benjamin Pierce. Every day they called at his house,
and generally more than once, helping and cheering him
by true friendship. Professor Felton, whose second wife
was the granddaughter of Colonel Perkins, — a mer-
chant-prince of Boston of the beginning of this cen-
tury,-had a very attractive home, in which Agassiz
was always welcome, and even indulged to his heart's
content Felton was an extremely amiable man, and a
scholar of repute ; and mutual attraction soon brought

IS49-52 J PROFESSOR FELTON. 33

him and Agassiz together in an intimacy which lasted
until the death of Felton in 1862.

Mrs. Felton saw quickly the influence she exercised
over Agassiz, and used it for his advantage. Agassiz
was always in need of good advice ; for in almost all
the walks of life outside of science he was like a child,
completely lacking in knowledge of men and good judg-
ment in matters of domestic life. He formed the habit
of asking the advice of Professor and Mrs. Felton, and
what is better, he followed it as far as it was possible
with his enthusiastic nature.

When a youth in Germany, Switzerland, and Paris,
Agassiz wore a heavy moustache, which he was obliged
to cut rather reluctantly when appointed professor at
Neuchatel, where the society was then formal and con-
ventional. During his exploration on Lake Superior
he had let his moustaches grow, and came back to Cam-
bridge with a formidable pair. Then moustaches were
absolutely abhorred in America, so much so that I was
insulted repeatedly in the streets of Buffalo, Cleveland,
and Detroit, because I wore a light moustache and a
light beard. As soon as Mrs. Felton saw Agassiz on
his return, she had no difficulty in persuading him that
a moustache was not becoming to him, which was true
enough ; and the next day Agassiz appeared completely
shaved, with the exception of slight whiskers, which he
wore until the end of his life.1

1 It may seem too unimportant and even trivial to refer to such a small
matter, hut it shows the strong prejudice then existing in America against
moustaches, a prejudice which was soon to disappear with the great Civil
War.

VOL. II. — D

34 LOUJS A(',ASSIZ. [CHAP. xiv.

Mrs. Felton's second sister, Miss Elizabeth C. Gary,
had always felt a great admiration for the rare gifts of
Agassiz as a public lecturer since his first course of
lectures at the Lowell Institute, and as she was a con-
stant visitor at her sister's house, a friendship soon
sprang up between Agassiz and her which in due time
on his part changed into courtship.

After the return of Agassiz from Philadelphia, the
engagement was announced, the marriage taking place
at King's Chapel early in the spring of 1850.

It was certainly the best thing Agassiz ever did in
the course of his whole life.

However, at first the news of the engagement did not
please Agassiz's old friend, M. Christinat, and his Swiss
family. With Agassiz's habit of spending money lav-
ishly in every direction, Christinat and Mrs. Agassiz,
the mother, thought that if he married again he ought to
marry a very rich wife, able to support a great establish-
ment, as his salary would never be sufficient to carry
out one-tenth part of the schemes of which his head
was always full. Miss Gary had no fortune of her own,
and Christinat, although very favourably impressed by
the young lady, opposed the marriage, because he
thought that instead of helping Agassiz, it would add
a new burden and be the occasion of additional expense.
As soon as he saw that the engagement was concluded,
Christinat resolved to leave Cambridge, being unwilling
to witness the marriage; and, therefore, in November,
1849, secretly, without a word to Agassiz, who was
absent on a lecturing tour in Massachusetts, he left

1849-52-] CHRISTINAT LEAVES CAMBRIDGE. 35

Cambridge, embarking for New Orleans. He kept his
own secret, and Agassiz did not know of his where-
abouts until more than a year later, when he learned
that he had passed the year at New Orleans, as pastor
of a Swiss church there. Agassiz, who knew the diffi-
culty of his family's position, urged him to finish his
life with his " viel ami," and when his fiancee was made
acquainted with the arrangement, she cordially acqui-
esced ; but it was all in vain. Christinat, to my great
surprise, recognized me one day in a church in Paris
early in January, 1851; he was returning to Switzer-
land, after a rather trying experience in Louisiana,
where there had been a severe epidemic of yellow
fever, from which he escaped almost miraculously. He
was reinstalled as pastor over his old parish at Mont-
preveyres, Canton de Vaud, in April, 1852, and died
there the 2Oth of February, 1855.

Instead of being a burden in her new home, Mrs.
Agassiz was an invaluable addition, and a comfort to
all. An excellent manager of her household, she at
the same time undertook to act as secretary to her
husband, always ready for any new task. It was,
indeed, remarkable to see a young lady, brought up
in great comfort and leisure, enter a life full of respon-
sibilities of all kinds, even becoming an authoress in
order to help and please her husband. She was and is
still the guardian angel of Louis Agassiz and his whole
family of children and grandchildren ; and blessed was
the day for Agassiz when she stepped into his house in
Oxford Street.

36 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xiv.

Christinat was not the only inmate of the second
"Hotel des Neuchatelois " who left it during 1849 and
1850. First, Pourtales received an appointment in the
United States Coast Survey, and became a resident
of Washington. Guyot brought over his rather large
family, and settled for a time in Cambridge. Les-
quereux went West, and made his home at Columbus,
Ohio. Charles Girard went to Washington, as an assist-
ant of Professor Spencer Baird, at the Smithsonian In-
stitution ; and, finally, the librarian, Huber, returned to
Switzerland, at the end of 1849. To him is due, in a
great measure, the executive part of the " Bibliographia
Zoologiae et Geologiae," and to him and Girard together,
the rather difficult work of the " Nomenclator " ; and
because of his scholarship and linguistic ability, he was
sent by Agassiz to Soleure, in 1846, to arrange for the
printing of the " Nomenclator."

At the end of August, 1850, Agassiz's two daughters
arrived, in the care of the good cousin, M. Auguste
Mayor, who was always ready to help his friends and
relatives, and all Louis Agassiz's family was at last
gathered under his roof. It was a great achievement,
and an immense relief to his mind, after many years
of anxiety and suffering, and a new life was now in
store for him.

Once surrounded by his children, Agassiz recollected
all his younger days and life in Switzerland ; and Mrs.
Agassiz had the happy thought of putting on paper all
she heard, in the form of a journal, which she has since
used to much advantage in the first half of the first vol-

2-] HIS HOME AT CAMBRIDGE. 37

ume of Agassiz's Life. Agassiz corrected the manu-
script; and it was occasionally read aloud to his children,
as an exercise in their English studies.

It was no small task for Mrs. Agassiz to manage a
family which, until then, had never used the English
language, and whose manners and thoughts were those
of the French Swiss, with many German elements. She
applied herself with rare perseverance, much gentle-
ness, constant watching, to Americanize the whole
family. As a rule, she never spoke French, although
understanding it perfectly. Her uniformly calm man-
ner and temperament helped her immensely ; she took
everything quietly, never losing her temper, always
serene, and determined to attach Agassiz and his chil-
dren to America, at whatever cost.1 She was admirably
seconded by her sister, Mrs. Felton ; and it is not too
much to say that to these two ladies is due Agassiz's
remaining in the New World and the Americanization
of his children and grandchildren. At first Agassiz was
easily won ; he even affected, during the first twelve
years of his union with his second wife, to see and hear
nothing but what was American, severing almost every
tie with Europe. If it had not been for the prolonged
life of his mother, who died only seven years before
him, he might have been considered a devoted natural-
ized American citizen. But a gradual change came

1 There is a sentence taken from a French author, very applicable to
the second marriage of Agassiz : " II n'y a d'amitie durable et feconde
qu'entre gens qui ne se ressemblent pas." How true of Agassiz and his
second wife. They differed in every way : education, character, disposi-
tion, and ideas.

3* i.orrs Ac.issrz. [AP. xiv.

over him after his journey to Brazil; more and more
frequently he remembered his Swiss origin, and became
more and more attached to the French civilization.

Early in January, 1851, Agassiz started for an explo-
ration of the Florida coral reef. His friend, Professor
Bache, the Superintendent of the Coast Survey, secured
his valuable services and put at his disposal and under
his orders the schooner W. A. Graham, of the Coast
Survey. During his ten weeks' survey he studied the
growth of coral reefs, their mode of living, the differ-
ent forms and associations of animals in the reef and
around it ; and the recent and present formation of
shell limestone and oolitic limestone ; but he found no
traces of upheaval or subsidence, even at the Tortugas.

In August, 1851, Agassiz addressed his report to
Professor Bache, who published extracts from it in his
Annual Report, Washington, 1852, on pp. 145-160.
Bache was so impressed by the Report, that he asked
Congress for an appropriation to give the entire results
in detail, with drawings of all the species of corals ; and
the specimens were put directly into Sonrel's hands, to
be drawn on stone from nature. The plates were all
struck in beautiful style and are works of art by them-
selves ; they were even paid for by the United States
government ; but this was all, for it was impossible to
get the text describing the species. I saw Agassiz,
just after his return from Florida, full of his subject,
enthusiastic, as he always was, urging M. Sonrel to
finish the plates as quickly as possible, and I certainly
thought that his full observations would be before the

i849-5=-] EXPLORATION IN FLORIDA. 39

scientific world in a year or two at most, and would give
new views on coral reefs, barrier reefs, and atolls,
entirely different from those presented by Darwin,
Couthouy, and Dana in describing those of the Pacific
Ocean.

Agassiz always had more irons in the fire than he
could manage, and instead of diminishing their number,
he was constantly increasing them. Happily, his son,
long after his death, took hold of the plates, reprinted
the whole of the Report sent to Professor Bache in
1851, and with the help of Pourtales, who named all the
figures, issued in 1882, in Vol. VII. of the "Memoirs
of the Museum of Comparative Zoology," the final
" Report on the Florida Reefs," by Louis Agassiz, 4to,
Cambridge. The editor has added at the end of the
paper a chapter "entitled, Sketch of the Florida Reefs
and Keys," extracted from a small volume of Louis
Agassiz, entitled " Methods of Study in Natural His-
tory," Boston, 1863, 121110.

The great number of specimens collected in Florida,
added to the already important collections gathered at his
house and at the old bath-house by the Charles River,
made it an absolute necessity to build a sort of laboratory
with a lecture-room, and a quantity of drawers for the
display of the specimens. A wooden structure, for the
storage of the specimens preserved in alcohol, was
therefore erected on the college grounds, to the left of
the chemical laboratory and engineer's room of the
Lawrence Scientific School, close by the present Hem-
enway Gymnasium, and was ready for occupancy in

40 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xiv.

the spring of 1852. It was only a temporary museum
— a rather dangerous wooden structure for the storage
of specimens kept in alcohol. The University voted a
sum of four hundred dollars annually for the preserva-
tion of the collections ; and some friends started a sub-
scription of twelve thousand dollars to purchase them
for the Lawrence Scientific School, as the expense
incurred by Agassiz was too great to be borne by a
man without a private fortune.

On a beautiful September afternoon of 1851, when
crossing that college yard now occupied by Memorial
Hall, I was stopped by a gentleman in full dress, -
frock coat and black pantaloons of an old pattern, and
too short by six inches, showing the upper part of his
boots, -- who asked me, in broken English, to direct him
to M. Agassiz's house. " I am going there myself," I
answered in French. " Oh ! vous etes francais ; je 1'ai
pense en voyant votre barbiche et moustache, car depuis
mon arrivee a Boston, je n'ai vu personne que vous et
moi avec des moustaches." We walked along leisurely,
and I thought from his conversation that he was a
countryman from the Canton de Vaud-- perhaps a rich
Swiss farmer. Agassiz was at home, and, on seeing my
companion, exclaimed : " Oh ! M. Ampere ! " In fact, it
was no less a person than the son of the great electri-
cian and physicist, Andre" M. Ampere, himself a very
remarkable scholar and savant in his way, and dis-
tinguished in literature, and the last admirer and lover
of the beautiful Madame Rccamier. His visit pleased
Agassiz much, showing as it did that he was not lor-

1849-52-] JEAN JACQUES A. AMPERE. 41

gotten by his numerous Paris friends. Both were great
and most agreeable talkers ; and reminiscences of all
kinds so rapidly succeeded each other, and time passed
so quickly, that M. Ampere was persuaded to pass the
night at Agassiz's house.

It may be said that Ampere1 was engaged, when a
young man, to marry the daughter and only child of
George Cuvier, an engagement which was broken by
the early death of the young lady. The acquaintance
of Agassiz with Ampere dated from their constant
meeting at the house of Cuvier. Next day, late in
the morning - - for both Ampere and Agassiz were
confirmed noctambules, and they had not retired until
nearly two o'clock in the morning, --their conversation
was resumed ; and the whole day passed rapidly, the
only interruption to their reminiscences being a visit
to Mount Auburn Cemetery, where Ampere was much
interested not only in the beauty of the place, but also
in finding the tomb of Spurzheim, an old acquaintance
made in Paris in the twenties ; and he lingered also a
long time before the tomb and statue of the mathe-
matician, Nathaniel Bowditch, an old correspondent of
his father.

Postponing his departure from day to day, Ampere,
who came only to pay a visit of a few hours, remained
a week. Agassiz gave a great dinner party, to which all
the Cambridge professors were invited to meet Ampere,
who thus had an opportunity to see Longfellow, Sparks,

1 Jean Jacques Antoine Ampere, born at Lyon, August 12, 1800, died
at Pau, March 27, 1864.

4^ LOUIS AG ASS IZ. IAP. xiv.

Kelton, Pierce, etc. Longfellow especially pleased him
much, and both became absorbed in reciting old French
verses, for Ampere was somewhat of a poet himself,
and was also professor of old Frencn literature at the
College de France, at Paris.

Ampere-like, — for his father and he were celebrated
for their absent-mindedness, — he stayed eight days, say-
ing every morning that he was going back to Boston ; and
not only remaining, but, as each day passed, forgetting
even to bring a change of linen from his Boston hotel.
How he managed to keep up appearances with the same
shirt was a problem which furnished great fun to Agas-
siz's children, who were disposed to see the comical side
of their father's extraordinary guest. Every morning-
Ampere's shirt collar was lowered, in order to conceal the
mark of the preceding day, until the collar wholly dis-
appeared on the last day. Then he found his way back
to the Tremont House. Good Ampere ! He was a well
of knowledge, ready to talk for hours on zoology, botany,
geology, palaeontology, old French, history, political
economy, philology, travels, physics, chemistry, poetry,
glaciers, fine arts, romance languages (such as Pro-
ven^al, Italian, Spanish), German literature; in fact, on
any subject, like a veritable encyclopaedist.

Appointed professor of comparative anatomy at the
Medical College of Charleston, South Carolina, Agassiz
assumed his new duties in December, 1851, his lectures
being delivered every winter, between his autumn and
spring courses at Cambridge. He took with him all his
family, besides two assistants, Clark and Stimpson, and

1849-52-] ArrOIXTED AT CHARLESTON. 43

the artist Burkharclt, — a rather cumbrous establishment
so far from Cambridge. Always most hospitably re-
ceived by the Charleston savants and the "elite" of
Charleston society, he found opportunity to deliver not
only his courses before the Medical College, three times
a week, but also an evening course of lectures to the
public in general. But the strain was too great, and
his health began to break down. Sullivan's Island, a
few miles south of Charleston harbour, where he estab-
lished his laboratory, did not agree with him. He was
constantly feverish, and the South Carolina climate was
decidedly unfavourable for him.

Before leaving Charleston he learned with joy that
the French Academy of Science of the Institute of
France had bestowed on him its first award of the " Prix
Cuvier," in consideration of his splendid and difficult
work, the " Poissons fossiles." This prize was founded
with the money remaining from a public subscription to
raise a marble statue of Cuvier in the geological gallery
of the Jardin des Plantes, and a monumental fountain
at the corner of Cuvier and St. Victor streets, close by
the gate of the Jardin des Plantes, in the Pitie Square.
It was a reward well bestowed, honouring both the
Academy and the recipient.

Agassiz, about this time, had two curious experiences,
for which his previous European training had not pre-
pared him. To his great and disagreeable surprise, he
found himself entangled in two somewhat serious diffi-
culties almost before he was aware of it. The religious
world, always so powerful in America, and more espe-

44 LOUIS AGASSrZ. [CHAP. \i\

daily in New England, closely followed Agassiz's teach-
ings. In one of his letters, lately published, Asa Gray
expressed himself as well satisfied with the ground taken
by Agassiz on all spiritual matters ; and, thus encour-
aged by one of his colleagues of Harvard College, who
called himself an "orthodox Presbyterian" of the old
Puritan school, he made no objection to the request of
some of the leaders and editors of the " Christian Ex-
aminer " of Boston, to write a few articles for that
periodical; and during 1850 and 1851 he published
three articles on questions of natural history. The
first paper, on " Geographical Distribution of Ani-
mals," March, 1850, was well received by every one;
but this was not the case with the next article, " The Di-
versity of the Origin of the Human Races." Although
he took the scientific ground, and insisted most strongly
that there are two distinct questions involved, — the
Unity of Mankind, and the Diversity of Origin of the
Human Races, --it was taken by some as a sort of sup-
port of slavery, and the abolition party became angry
and excited. Finally his third paper, published in Jan-
uary, 1851, "Contemplations of God in the Kosmos,"
seemed to many religious men to make too light of
Genesis, and to pass over Adam as if he had never
existed. Newspapers reviewed the three articles, and
some sharp criticisms were made against Agassiz, not
only in America, but also in Europe. As is often the
case, some, without even reading the articles, took it for
granted that Agassiz wrote them in order to please the
Methodists and the slave-holders; while others, hardly

1849-52-] A GEOLOGICAL CHART. 45

better informed, accused him of agnosticism, because he
mentions " those whose religion consists in a blind ado-
ration of their own construction of the Bible." Having
displeased abolitionists, atheists, and pietists, he declined
to furnish any more articles to religious periodicals.

His second disagreeable experience at about this same
period had to do with savants. The palaeontologist of
the state of New York came to Cambridge one day in
November, 1849, with a large manuscript " Chart of the
Geological Formations," intended for the use of the
common schools of the whole state of New York.
Agassiz indicated some improvements and additions,
and gave a written testimonial. Some time after, he
received a copy of another chart of the geological for-
mations made by another person, with a request for his
opinion. The sending and request came not directly
from the author, but through the palaeontologist of New
York. Agassiz, accustomed in Europe to give freely
his opinions on scientific matters, did not pause an
instant to reflect, but wrote a letter disapproving this
second chart. Armed with this letter and Agassiz's
previous approval of his own chart, the palaeontologist
of New York succeeded in obtaining from those in
authority at Albany the acceptance of his chart1 and
the refusal of the other. The author of the second
chart, having learned that the rejection of his chart
was due mainly to the opinion expressed by Agassiz

1 " Key to a Chart of the Successive Geological Formations, with an
Actual Section from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. Illustrated by the
Characteristic Fossils of Each Formation." By James Hall, Boston, 1852.

46 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xiv.

in a private letter, sued Agassiz for damages before the
court of justice at Albany. A rather long and expen-
sive trial followed ; and although Agassiz won his case,
and showed that a savant had a right to give his
opinion upon any published scientific subject, he was
considerably annoyed by the proceedings, and never
afterward recommended anything for publication. The
truth is, that both charts were poor, and the choice
between the two was rather embarrassing on that ac-
count. Agassiz's good faith, reputation, and friendship
have been too often used for money-making without
scruple, and not always for the good of science.

CHAPTER XV.
1852

LECTURES BEFORE THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION AT WASHINGTON -
AGASSIZ'S INTIMACY WITH PROFESSOR HENRY AND PROFESSOR BACHE
-LIFE IN CAMBRIDGE — His FIRST AMERICAN PUPILS AND ASSIST-
ANTS — SERIOUS ILLNESS AT CHARLESTON — LAST DAYS AT THE OX-
FORD STREET HOUSE — REMOVAL OF ins HOUSEHOLD FROM OXFORD
TO QUINCY STREET — AGASSIZ'S SCHOOL FOR GIRLS.

AFTER leaving Charleston, Agassiz stopped at Wash-
ington, to deliver a course of lectures at the Smith-
sonian Institution, on the " Foundation of Symmetry in
the Animal Kingdom." He had already lectured once
before, at the Smithsonian, in 1850, on the "Unity of
the Plan of the Animal Kingdom." The great Institu-
tion, which has since done so much for American
science, and indeed for the whole world, was then in its
infancy, for it had begun its operations soon after
Agassiz's arrival in America, the " First Report" of the
secretary, Joseph Henry, being dated Dec. 8, 1847.
Professor Henry was much attracted by Agassiz's
immense store of scientific knowledge and his great
experience of European academies, scientific societies,
scientific journals, and personal acquaintance with all
the leaders, — from George Cuvier, to Humboldt, Arago,
and Leverrier, --and quickly took advantage of his

47

4S LOUIS AGASSI/.. [CHAP, xv.

presence in America to become intimate with him,
after a few years of acquaintance. The apartment
he occupied in the Smithsonian Building was thrown
open to Agassiz, as often as he visited or passed
through Washington. Agassiz enjoyed in Henry not
only his great capacity as an original observer in
experimental physics and meteorology, but also his
capability as a scientific administrator. Everything
was to be done at once; and Henry was very glad
to be able to consult Agassiz on everything con-
nected with natural history, great collections, scientific
libraries, and relations with foreign societies, institu-
tions, and scientific bodies. The first list of foreign
academies and scientific societies was suggested in a
great measure by Agassiz, who asked me to help him.
The instructions for collecting natural history sub-
jects were partly translated from the " Instructions
pour les voyageurs," par 1'administration du Museum
royal d'Histoire naturcllc (4iime edition, Paris, 1845), of
which I gladly offered copies to Agassiz and Henry.
Of course, Agassiz, Baird, and Girard added a great deal
to those instructions, which have contributed so much
toward making the United States National Museum
the greatest depository of American natural history
specimens.

Although constantly in relation with Henry and his
assistant, Baird, Agassiz was not appointed one of the
regents of the Smithsonian Institution until Feb. 6,
1863, in place of Mr. Badger, removed, as a "traitor,"
during the Civil War. In the Annual Report of 1862,
printed in 1863, Agassiz is for the first time on tin-

1852-55-] ALI'.XAXDER DALLAS BACHE. 49

list of regents, being the last of the list ; and from that
time until his death he was a constant attendant at
the meetings, taking great interest in all that related
to the Institution.

Professor Alexander Dallas Bache, the justly cele-
brated director of the United States Coast Survey, was
the first American savant to appreciate what a valuable
addition Agassiz was to American science ; and he at
once put at his disposal all the vessels and steamers
employed in surveying the Atlantic coast. A very
strong friendship rapidly sprang up between them, and
though the two men were entirely different, they ad-
mirably supplemented one another. Bache was a good
and accurate mathematician, and inherited from his
grandfather, Benjamin Franklin, great administrative
power, --two things entirely wanting in Agassiz, who
knew absolutely nothing of mathematics, or even of
arithmetic, and was a rather poor administrator, as we
have seen.

Bache preceded Henry at Washington by three
years, having been appointed Professor Hassler's suc-
cessor as superintendent of the United States Coast
Survey, in December, 1843. Under his direction, the
bureau became very important ; and he had the good
judgment to choose for his principal assistants the
most able young officers of the army, such as Major
Isaac I. Stevens, afterwards governor of Washington
Territory, and major-general, United States Volun-
teers ; Lieutenant A. A. Humphrey, afterward chief
of the staff of Meade during the last Virginia cam-
paign, and brigadier-general and chief of engineers,

VOL. II. — E

50 LOi'IS AC..ISSI/.. [CHAP, xv.

United States army ; and many others. The publica-
tions of the Coast Survey, which, until then, were
limited to marine charts, were largely extended to
geographical subjects, astronomical expeditions, and
studies of the coal reefs, and tidal researches.

For many years, we may say that the triumvirate of
Bache, Henry, and Agassiz led American science, and,
on the whole, they gave the strongest impulse science
has received on this side of the Atlantic.

Life in Cambridge was resumed with great relish by
Agassiz. He was full of schemes for new researches and
publications, and his activity was as great as it had ever
been before. Society claimed his presence in Cambridge
and in Boston, and, as he was very fond of social occa-
sions, he accepted all invitations. He became very
popular with the members of the various clubs which
he joined, and his presence enlivened the tables of all
the "elite." Felton and he were inseparable, and it was
a pleasure to hear them in after-dinner talk. Agassiz
was very genial and would talk for hours ; Felton was
also full of anecdote ; and both were charming com-
panions. They had royal times together, rarely re-
turning home until one or two o'clock in the morning.
Such late hours made early rising out of the question,
and Agassiz was seldom at his breakfast table before
eleven o'clock, often not before twelve o'clock. Then,
after lighting a cigar, he would start for his laboratory,
where he would examine some wonderful organisms
with the microscope, directing the attention of his
pupils to some special point, correct their drawings,
and encourage them in every way ; for he had no equal

1852-55-] ALEXANDER AGASSI/.. 51

in the art of instigating researches, and inspiring his
hearers with desires to accomplish something grand
and new to science.

The pupils of Agassiz in America may be divided
into two series : the first dates from his arrival until the
opening of his Museum of Comparative Zoology in
1860, and the second, from the opening of the Museum
until his death. I shall only notice those who have
gained celebrity in the scientific world.

His first pupil was his son Alexander, upon whom
Agassiz bestowed much of his time. Of course, in this
case, paternal love was interested, and some anxiety
was caused, when, after graduation from college, and
lecturing for two years at his school, Alexander entered
the United States Coast Survey as an assistant, and de-
parted for a survey of the mouth of the Columbia River
(Oregon). However, he returned in July, 1860, a few
months before the opening of the Zoological Museum,
and devoted himself to the work of arranging the collec-
tions of animals preserved in alcohol, - - by no means an
easy task. His success in studying marine animals, and
more especially echinoderms, was a great pleasure to his
father, who was justly proud of his beautiful and excel-
lent monograph, " Revision of the Echinoderms," Cam-
bridge, 1872. Since this time Mr. Alexander Agassiz
has become an expert and an authority on animals
obtained from deep-sea soundings, not only in the Gulf
of Mexico and along the Atlantic coast, but also in the
Pacific Ocean ; and he is considered the best specialist
on living echinoderms.

The second pupil of this first set was William Stimp-

52 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAI-. xv.

son, an extremely bright young Cambridge student,
with no small amount of originality. Stimpson took at
once to dredging along the sea-bottom, in order to
investigate and determine provinces of marine life,
more especially of the Mollusca. He was strongly
impressed by Edward Forbes's researches in that line,
and followed in his steps, not only on the shores of the
British Isles, but on the coasts of Maine, Massachu-
setts, Maryland, Virginia, the Carolinas, and Florida,
adding greatly to that branch of natural history. After
leaving Professor Agassiz's laboratory in 1855, Stimpson
was attached to the Smithsonian Institution at Wash-
ington, and did much, in collaboration with Dr. Charles

O

Girard, to create the collection of living marine inver-
tebrates of the United States National Museum. Hav-
ing agreed to found and direct a museum of natural
history at Chicago, he had the misfortune to see all
his manuscripts and collections destroyed by the great
Chicago fire of October, 1871. Although Stimpson died
young, he left an imperishable name in conchology.

H. James Clark, also a graduate like Stimpson of the
Lawrence Scientific School of Harvard University, was
the favourite pupil of Agassi/ ; his investigation of the
embryology of turtles, and his microscopic illustrations
of all the researches of Agassiz, contained in his " Con-
tributions to the Natural History of the United States
of America," show a rare amount of patience, and great
accuracy as an original observer. Clark possessed a
quality which was much admired by Agassiz ; namely,
steadiness in work. He was indefatigable at the micro-
scope, day after day, month after month, year after

1852-55-] H- JAMES CLARK. 53

year. In the eyes of Agassiz, everything and every
one in his laboratory was second to Mr. Clark. In the
construction of his house on Quincy Street, in 1855, he
took special care to have a stone pillar placed where it
would receive the best northern light for Clark's micro-
scope. He did the same when, in 1860, he built his
great museum. In fact, Clark was his right hand dur-
ing almost twelve years. I quote a letter from Agassiz
which will show the great place Clark occupied in the
scientific organization of Agassiz's establishment :-

CAMBRIDGE, 24juillet, 1860.
MON CHER PICTET (Jules Pictet de la Rive, a Geneve) .

C'est un vrai plaisir pour moi de vous presenter mon collegue, Mr.
H. J. Clark, celui de tous mes eleves dont j'attends le plus. Vous
verrez bien qu'il a embrasse Thistoire naturelle dans son ensemble,
et je ne crois pas qu'il existe un naturaliste, plus habile que lui dans

1'emploi du microscope.

Tout a vous,

Ls. AGASSIZ.

Clark was appointed adjunct professor of zoology at
Harvard University, on the special recommendation of
Agassiz. As had happened before, Agassiz, with his
enthusiastic and sanguine temperament, had raised
hopes of pecuniary position in Clark's mind, as soon
as his great museum should be inaugurated, which it
was impossible to gratify, at least immediately. Disap-
pointed in his expectations, and with a large family to
provide for, Clark's conduct was such that he was
obliged to resign his position at Harvard ; the difficulty
having become so personal that Agassiz simply said to
the Board of Trustees that he or Clark must leave. In
such a dilemma, the question was of necessity decided

54 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAI-. xv.

• i-ainst Clark. The case was a particularly trying one,
and is much to be regretted. Poorly paid, --receiving
hardly enough to sustain his family, — Clark thought
that the least he could receive from Agassiz was pub-
lic acknowledgment of collaboration on the title-pages
of the second, third, and fourth volumes of the " Con-
tributions to the Natural History of the United States."
Instead of this, Agassiz contented himself with saying
in the prefaces that he had "received much valu-
able assistance" from his friend and colleague, "Pro-
fessor H. J. Clark," who had "assisted him from the
beginning of his investigations of the embryology of
these animals with untiring patience and unsurpassed
accuracy." On the point of authorship, Agassiz was
very sensitive and easily offended, and would not allow
any one to interfere. Clark asked him in vain to refer
his claim to "an arbitration by competent umpires."
Agassiz declined to consent to such a demand, which
he considered as rather preposterous from an old
pupil.

Then Clark published in July, 1863, a small pamphlet
of three pages only : "A Claim for Scientific Property,"
over his signature and title of adjunct professor of Har-
vard University, which brought the affair to a crisis and
caused his dismissal. Clark never rallied from the
shock, and died at Amherst the ist of July, 1873, a
few months before Agassiz's death. I do not hesitate
to say that this was the most unfortunate scientific diffi-
culty with which Agassiz was connected. Although he
was right in the main, he might have shown more Ion-

1852-55-] THEODORE LYM.\.\. 55

iency to a favourite pupil, and have given him full satis-
faction, by inscribing his name as collaborator on the
title-page of the three volumes, without diminishing in
any way his own share in the work. Cuvier did so with
Valenciennes, in his " Histoire naturelle des Poissons " ;
and with that precedent Agassiz might have granted
Clark's claim.

The case of Karl Vogt's claim in regard to the
"Anatomic des Salmones " is different; for Vogt had
his name recorded as collaborator on the title of the
work. Had Agassiz done the same with Clark, he
would have raised himself above the petty question of
scientific ownership of a few observations or thoughts,
which it is always very difficult to decide in the case of
two observers engaged together on the same work and
daily exchanging their views.

Mr. James E. Mills, who worked out for Agassiz the
special characters of the families of turtles, removed to
California in 1858, where he has since lived, engaged
in gold mining and practical geological work in the
Sierra Nevada and other parts of Central California, as
well as in Brazil.

Dr. David F. Weinland, a German from Frankfort-on-
the-Main, helped Agassiz in his work on the "Anat-
omy of the Turtles," between 1856-58, and is referred
to in the Preface, p. xv, of " Contributions to the Natu-
ral History of the United States," Vol. I.

Theodore Lyman, who was graduated in the same
year as Alexander Agassiz, 1856, was another favourite
pupil of Agassiz. In 1857, ne made an exploration of

56 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xv.

Florida, returning with a rich collection of echino-
derms, corals, etc., which he presented to the Museum.
He has devoted most of his zoological researches to
the interesting and beautiful families of the Asteroides
and the Crinoides of the present fauna, though during
the last twenty-five years the number of Crinoides has
increased to such an extent that he has been hardly
able to describe the new species brought up from the
deep seas by the different expeditions. Lyman is the
authority for everything relating to living Crinoides ;
but unhappily, on account of his health, he has been
obliged to give up all work at an age when it was ex-
pected that he would much increase our knowledge as
well as assist Congress, of which he was a member for
Massachusetts, in the reform, so much needed, of the
scientific organizations of the United States govern-
ment.

The following letter from Agassiz to his friend,
Jules Pictet de la Rive, of Geneva, will give an idea
of the high esteem and friendship he felt for Theodore

Lyman : —

CAMBRIDGE, n juin, 1861.

Mon cher ami, — Permettez que je vous presente Mr. Th.
Lyman de Boston, un de mes Sieves de predilection, et beau-frere
de mon fils, qui se rend en Europe avec sa femme pour voir le
monde. et faire la connaissance des savants d'outre-mer. Je vous
le recommande tout particulierement comme mon ami et comme un
gtfologiste plein d'avenir.

Votre tout dcVou<5,

Ls. AGASSIZ.
Fred. \\ . Putnam, of Salem, joined the laboratory

1852-55.] ILLNESS AT CHARLESTON.

57

and class of Agassiz at the beginning of 1856, making
a specialty of living fishes, and took charge of that
important branch of the collections when the Agassiz
Museum was inaugurated in 1860. He has since en-
tirely given up his zoological work, and turned to eth-
nology and prehistoric man, and is now director of the
Peabody Museum at Harvard University.

I may add to this first list of Agassiz's pupils in
America the entomologist, Dr. John L. Leconte, who
often came to Cambridge as a guest of Professor Agas-
siz, and learned much from the great store of knowl-
edge and methods of studying of the professor ; and as
an acknowledgment of the benefits received from these
visits, he bestowed his large, important, and rich ento-
mological collection upon the Agassiz Museum. Dr.
Joseph Leconte, a cousin, was also a pupil at Charles-
ton, South Carolina, and also at Cambridge. He has
since published a Manual of geology, based in part on
the lectures of Professor Agassiz, which has given him
a certain reputation, and he has also become professor
of geology at the State University of California.

Agassiz's annual visit to Charleston, South Carolina,
was attended by most serious illness, — an attack of
that southern fever generally called malaria, - - which
brought him to death's door. His life was at mo-
ments despaired of, and he was in great danger for
many days. This illness incapacitated him for two
months, from Christmas, 1852, until the end of Feb-
ruary, 1853, when, with his unconquerable energy, he
again began to deliver his lectures before the Medical

58 LOi'IS AGASSIZ. [CHAP, xv.

School. The Charleston climate had always disagreed
with him; and at each of his four visits, from 1847 to
1852, he suffered an attack of sickness, either while
there or as soon as he left. His South Carolina friends,
Drs. Holbrook and Ravenel, who had taken such good
care of him during his last illness, advised him not to
return, and he consequently resigned his professorship
at the Medical College.

As soon as his lectures were finished, he started for
a prolonged tour in the South, delivering lectures at
Mobile, New Orleans, and St. Louis. The Mississippi
River was a wonder to him, with its muddy waters, and
its rich fauna of fishes, turtles, and caimans. He had
there, on a smaller scale, the spectacle which so much
impressed Spix on the Amazon, and which had haunted
him ever since he had described Spix's fishes at Munich
in 1829. The journey up the Mississippi increased, if
possible, his desire to explore the Amazon ; a desire
which he finally realized fourteen years later.

By this time his house on Oxford Street was over-
crowded by inhabitants, books, and all sorts of imped-
imenta. Agassiz was still so full of future work, and
he was so eager to accumulate materials of all sorts for
studies, that he brought home everything he could lay
his hands upon. As an illustration I may give a per-
sonal recollection. During May, 1853, he drove to my
house in Dorchester, and packed his two-horse carriage
full of my books, such as the publications of the Geo-
logical Society of London, a full set of the reports of
the British Association for the Advancement of Science,

1852-55-] HOUSE IN QUINCY STREET. 59

and a quantity of volumes on the geology and palaeon-
tology of France and Italy. As I was on the eve of
an exploration from the Mississippi River to the Pacific
Ocean for the United States government, and expected
to be absent at least a year, Agassiz thought that he
might want to consult many of my books during my
long absence, and he therefore carried them to his
house. This shows also how scarce scientific books
were then in America. The few savants scattered
over New England were obliged to borrow from one
another the memoirs they wished to consult in their
work. Now with such rich libraries as we have at our
disposal, it seems hardly possible that only forty years
separate us from that time of difficulty in consulting all
the publications needed for a special study. Agassiz
was thinking of those times when, eight years later,
after he had gathered a valuable natural history library
at his museum, he generously offered to allow American
naturalists to borrow all the books they wanted.

A larger house had become an absolute necessity ;
and accordingly Harvard College built one for him, on
a piece of its ground at the corner of Quincy and Har-
vard streets, just opposite the house of his friends, the
Feltons. He left the second Hotel des Neuchatelois
in Oxford Street during 1854, after a sojourn of seven
years ; and it may be said that Agassiz passed there
the happiest time of his life. For there he was freed
from that sort of nightmare which hung over him so
long, his abnormal and never well-defined association
with his secretary, Desor. There he received and lived

60 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAT. xv.

with his children ; while living there he was married,
and there also he entertained all his American and
European friends.

The main difficulty that Mrs. Agassiz had to contend
with as soon as she entered the Oxford Street house was
to obtain a regular supply of money for daily household
expenses. At last she realized that it was almost hope-
less to expect a reform of Agassiz in this direction, and
she herself took the matter in hand. With the help of
the two oldest children, Alexander and Ida, she decided
to open a school for young ladies and girls, and to
locate it in the upper story of the great house in Ouincy
Street. Agassiz, whose strongest passion had always
been for teaching, was enchanted with the scheme, and
entered into it with great enthusiasm.

Mrs. Agassiz had the whole management of the
school ; everything was referred to her, as director.
It is important to remark that she had had absolutely
no experience in teaching, either in a public or private
school. She had received her education from an English
governess in her family, and did not enjoy the advantage
of a school education bestowed upon almost all Ameri-
can girls. Nevertheless, she took the directorship of
Agassiz's school in a masterly way, and succeeded
admirably. She herself did not teach, but everything
regarding the teaching came under her supervision.
As the fees were high, the school was a very select
one ; and pupils came from different parts of the
United States, even from as far west as St. Louis. It
was considered a great privilege to be taught by such a

1852-55-] SCHOOL FOR GIRLS. 61

naturalist as Agassiz, and all the girls whose parents
could afford it were anxious to join the school.

Of course the great attraction was Agassiz, who lec-
tured every day of the week, except Saturday. The
girls' parents often came with them, and sat down in
the schoolroom to listen to the lectures, which were so
clear and so entertaining, that every one followed, with
the greatest attention, the subjects brought up by their
great teacher, however difficult they might be. But it
must be said that, although the school continued eight
years, and the number of pupils who passed through
it was quite large, --about five hundred, --not a single
one of them became a naturalist, or even an " amateur "
in natural history. The only female pupil Agassiz
made in all his life was his second wife ; and even she
gave up her studies in this line after his death, show-
ing that it was not through inclination and special taste
that she had become a naturalist, but only through her
husband's inspiration.

The money brought in by the school was a great
help and a great relief. As Mrs. Agassiz says, " He
was never again involved in the pecuniary anxieties of
his earlier career." * However,' it must not be supposed
that from the day he opened his school for girls he
had no further money difficulties. It was impossible
for a man of his nature to keep free from such diffi-
culties. As long as he lived, he was constantly hunt-
ing after a dollar to pay some expense he had already
incurred.

1 " Louis Agassiz," by Mrs. E. C. Agassiz, Vol. II., p. 527.

62 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xv.

On the whole, the school for girls was a most suc-
cessful undertaking, which reflected great credit on
the leadership of Mrs. Agassiz, and on the practical
turn of mind shown by Alexander Agassiz and Miss
Ida.

CHAPTER XVI.

1856-1858.

"CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE NATURAL HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES"
— ITS IMPORTANCE AS A SCIENTIFIC WORK AND ITS POPULARITY IN
AMERICA — SPECIAL REPRINT IN ENGLAND, AND FRENCH TRANSLA-
TION OF HIS " ESSAY ON CLASSIFICATION " — OFFERS OF DR. OSWALD
HEER — INVITATION TO ACCEPT THE CHAIR OF PALEONTOLOGY IN THE
JARDIN DES PLANTES OF PARIS — GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF
FRESH-WATER FISHES OF THE UNITED STATES.

UNDER the direction of Mr. Francis C. Gray, of
Boston, a most generous and constant friend of Agassiz,
the editorship of an important and costly work on the
natural history of North America was undertaken.
A subscription list was started as soon as the pro-
spectus was issued, in the autumn of 1855, and, to the
astonishment and great delight of Agassiz, quickly
reached the unexpected number of twenty-five hundred
subscribers, the necessary number suggested by the
publisher, to insure the success of the publication,
being five hundred. The subscription price was twelve
dollars per volume, and there were to be ten vol-
umes, each volume being entirely independent, except
the first two, which were combined in such a manner
that they formed a whole. The first two volumes were
issued in April, 1858; two more volumes appeared in

63

•'-4 LOUIS AGASS/Z. [CIIAI-. xvi.

1860 and 1862 ; and then the work was interrupted,
and never resumed.

The large number of subscribers to such a costly
and special publication proves the great popularity
attained by Agassiz during the first eight years of his
stay in America. He had succeeded in exciting an
interest in questions of natural history, until then much
neglected, not only as a special pursuit, but as a part
of the general education of the people at large. The
citizens liberally showed their interest in the under-
taking, not only because they thought that the subject
was worthy, but also to reward a naturalist of world
renown, whom they wanted to attach more and more
to themselves, and persuade to make America his
home and adopted country. This explains both the
success of the subscription, and the following optimistic
sentences in the preface of Volume I. : "I must beg my
European readers to remember that this work is written
in America, and more especially for America ; and that
the community to which it is particularly addressed has
very different wants from those of the reading public in
Europe. There is not a class of learned men here, distinct
from the other cultivated members of the community.
On the contrary, so general is the desire for knowledge,
that I expect to see my book read by operatives, by
fishermen, by farmers, quite as extensively as by the
students in our colleges, or by the learned profes-
sions; and it is but proper that I should endeavour to
make myself understood by all " (" Contributions Natu-
ral History of the United States," Vol. I., Preface,
I'- x).

1856-58.] ESSAY ON CLASSIFICATION. 65

His expectation proved a Utopian dream ; for, except
Part I., "Essay on Classification," all the other memoirs,
-on the "Turtles," on the "Acalephs," on the "Radi-
ata," -are so special, that only very few persons were
able to read them with anything approaching a general
understanding, and fewer still, to follow the minute
descriptions. It is no exaggeration to say that the
number of persons in America who read this great
work, except the " Essay on Classification," was limited
to less than one hundred ; and that the specialists in
Europe interested in the subjects treated numbered
only a few dozens. However, it should be said that
these memoirs are worthy of Agassiz's great reputation
as a naturalist, and have added many new facts in
regard to the Testudinata and Acalephs. The figures
on the plates are all excellent, and show beyond ques-
tion that natural history specimens and details of the
most delicate anatomical structures were treated in a
style which was never surpassed and rarely equalled in
Europe.

Part I., " Essay on Classification," was read by many.
To say that it was understood, in all its meaning and
far-reaching generalities, would be wide of the mark.
It requires a profound and vast knowledge of natural
history enjoyed by few naturalists to understand such
a philosophical work, which is in fact a resume of the
discoveries of all observers since Linnaeus and Cuvier.

A special octavo edition of the " Essay " was re-
printed in England, and a French translation in Paris.
It is the work of the mature age of Cuvier's best pupil,
and is by far the most important contribution of Agas-

VOI.. II. — F

66 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvi.

siz to natural history during his life in America. It
contains the last great discovery he made ; namely,
that " the changes which animals undergo during their
embryonic growth coincide with the order of succession
of the fossils of the same type in past geological ages."

If the influence exerted by the " Essay ' was not so
great as it should have been, it was due to adverse
circumstances which it was impossible to foresee and
prevent. During his stay in Europe, Agassiz's researches
were mainly palrcontologic, with the study of glaciers
as a sort of recreation. His true zoological studies were
confined to fresh-water fishes, and even these studies he
did not carry very far. In America, on the contrary,
he devoted almost all his time to zoology and to embry-
ologic researches, almost entirely abandoning palaeontol-
ogy and glaciers ; and it required ten years of hard and
continuous work, mainly with the microscope, to enable
him to master the purely zoological part of living
animals, and explain its harmony with the palaeontology.
It is not just to reproach him, as has sometimes been
done, with the fact that his work on classification came
too late by ten years ; for it was impossible for him to
collect sooner the immense quantity of materials re-
quired, though, of course, if it had been published ten
years earlier, it would have exerted a greater influence
on his contemporaries.

On the other hand, the publication of Darwin's
" Origin of Species," only two years after the issue of
Agassiz's " Essay on Classification," distracted the at-
tention of a certain number of savants, who seized this
opportunity to discuss and checkmate the theory of

1856-58.] HIS FIFTIETH BIRTHDAY. 67

diversity of creations, admitted and propagated by
Cuvier's school. The great misfortune of Agassiz's
" Essay " was that it came at an inopportune moment.
It was too late to do all the good that it ought to have
done ; and too soon, because of the discussion and pas-
sionate polemic raised by Darwin. If Agassiz had
waited three years longer, he would have given another
shape to his great generalization, and presented well-
digested views in opposition to the Lamarckian system
revived by Darwin. It is to be regretted that Agassiz
entered into personal encounters at meetings of acade-
mies and scientific societies, for, not being a good debater
like Cuvier, he failed to present the best part of his
argument; whereas, if in the calm of his library, he had
marshalled all his facts against natural selection, the
survival of the fittest, etc., he would have exerted a very
beneficial influence in the sort of unreasonable allure-
ment which induced a large number of semi-savants to
enter the path reopened by Darwin, to the conquest of
the creation and the Creator.

As it is, however, Agassiz's " Essay" is a great work,
and will remain in the history of classification. Pecu-
niarially, also, it was a great success for both Agassiz
and the publishers.

The issue of the first two volumes almost coincide
with the anniversary of his fiftieth birthday. At least
on that day, the 27th of May, 1857, the manuscript was
so far advanced, that he might justly have felt that he
had attained the end of his task. While hard at work,
at his library desk, as the clock struck twelve, musicians
stationed in front of his house began a serenade which

68 LOUIS AGASSIZ [CHAI>. xvi.

was followed by congratulations of friends and special
students. It was for this occasion that his colleague and
friend, Longfellow, composed the following verses : —

THE FIFTIETH BIRTHDAY OF AGASSIZ.

It was fifty years ago.

In the pleasant month of May,
In the beautiful Pays de Vaud,

A child in its cradle lay.

And Nature, the old nurse, took

The child upon her knee,
Saying : u Here is a story-book

Thy Father has written for thee.

'* Come wander with me," she said,

'• Into regions yet untrod ;
And read what is still unread

In the manuscripts of God/1

And he wandered away and away

With Nature, the dear old nurse,
Who sang to him night and day

The rhymes of the universe.

And whenever the way seemed long.

Or his heart began to fail,
She would sing a more wonderful song,

Or tell a more marvellous tale.

So she keeps him still a child,

And will not let him go.
Though at times his heart beats wild

For the beautiful Pays de Vaud, —

Though at times he hears in his dreams

The Ranz des Vaches of old,
And the rush of mountain streams

From glaciers clear and cold ;

1856-58.] INVITATION TO PARIS. 69

And the mother at home says, " Hark !

For his voice I listen and yearn ;
It is growing late and dark,

And my boy does not return ! "
May 28, 1857.

When Switzerland founded a federal polytechnic
school, as a sort of compromise for a state university,
Agassiz was written to, unofficially, in regard to an
appointment. The friend who sent the message, the
learned Oswald Heer, wrote first to call Agassiz's atten-
tion to the advantages to be derived from a position
among his old friends, some of them his classmates also,
as Arnold Escher de la Linth, Albert Mousson, and his
first teacher in zoology, the old Schink, who was still
living at Zurich ; and second, at the same time, to offer
to sell Agassiz his own private collection of Oeningen
fossils, knowing well how easily he was tempted by
collections. But Agassiz, in a letter dated January,
1855, declined both offers, at the same time asking for
Claris fossils fishes, if Heer was able to procure any,
and saying that as soon as he had money at his com-
mand, he would with pleasure purchase his collection of
Oeningen fossils, which he was enabled to do five years
later.

But a much more tempting offer was made in August,
1857, when Agassiz received the following official letter :

PARIS, le 19 aout, 1857.

Monsieur, — Une chaire de paleontologie est vacante au Museum
d'Histoire Naturelle de Paris. Vous etes Francais, vous avez en-
richi votre pays natal de travaux eminents et de recherches labo-
rieuses ; vous etes membre correspondant de Tlnstitut. L'Empereur
serait heureux de ramener en France un savant distingue", un pro-

70 LOU7S AGASSI/.. [CHAI-. xvi.

fesseur renommc. Je viens vous offrir en son nom la chaire vacante
et votre patrie se felicitera de retrouver un de ses enfants les plus
de'vouds a. la science.

Veuillez agreer, Monsieur, Tassurance de mes sentiments de haute
estime.

ROULAND.

The Museum of Natural History or Jardin des Plantes
had just passed through a great crisis. Its organization
needed a complete reform ; but two successive commit-
tees, appointed in 1849 and in 1858, to report on the
condition and improvements to be introduced, in order
to end the existing anarchy, had most pitifully failed to
do anything, owing to the factious opposition of the
professors, who were at the same time administrators of
that great establishment. The Emperor and his ministry
were well acquainted with the difficulties, owing to in-
formation obtained from a naturalist of talent, Prince of
Canino, Charles Lucien Bonaparte, who was mentioned
by Napoleon III. for the directorship, with power to
form a new organization and to put into operation all
the needed reforms to keep the establishment on a level
with foreign institutions of the same sort, or even at
their head, as it had been during the time of Cuvier,
Lamarck, Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, Lacepede, Desfon-
taines, etc.

Prince Charles Lucien Bonaparte had spoken to his
cousin, the Emperor, of the great value of Agassiz ; he
had always maintained intercourse with him, ever since
they had proposed a joint expedition to the United
States in 1842, and he relied much on Agassiz to reform
the Jardin des Plantes; but his death in 1857, at the
premature age of fifty-four, put an end to the scheme.

1856-58.] LETTER TO M. ROULAND. 71

The French government, however, resolved to adopt
his views of reform, and the Secretary of Public Instruc-
tion wrote the preceding letter, hoping that Agassiz
would accept and accomplish the complete reorganiza-
tion so much needed in the Museum of Natural History.

But it was too late ; the French government had
twice missed its opportunity. The offer should have
been made in 1846, when Agassiz was in Paris, poor
and anxious as to his future; or even in 1853, on his
return from Charleston, after the serious illness which
endangered his life. Now, after the great success of
his school for girls, of the subscription to his great work
on the natural history of North America, with brilliant
prospects for the foundation of a great museum, which
should be entirely his own, and with the strong family
ties resulting from his second marriage, it was out
of the question for him to return to Europe and begin
life a third time, however attractive the offer and
prospect might be.

After long and deliberate consideration, Agassiz
declined, in the following letter to M. Rouland : -

A SON EXCELLENCE LE MIXISTRE BE L'INSTRUCTION PUBLIQUE
ET DES CULTES, a Paris.

Monsieur le Ministre, — Apres avoir passe la plus grande partie
de ma vie eloigne des grands centres scientifiques, je ne me serais
jamais attendu a recevoir Phonneur tres distingue que vous m'avez
fait, en m'offrant an nom de PEmpereur, la chaire de Paleontologie
au Museum d'Histoire Naturelle de Paris.

Le monde entier regarde le Jardin des Plantes comme Petablisse-
ment le plus important qui existe pour les sciences naturelles.
Aussi ai-je lu votre lettre avec le plus grand plaisir, et en recevant
votre offre j'ai eu la preuve. bien precieuse pour moi, que je n'etais

72 I.OUIS AGASSfZ. [CHAP, xvi.

pas oublie en Europe. Malheureusement je me trouve dans Tinca-
pacite d'accepter votre proposition, car il m'est impossible de tran-
cher brusquement les liens que depuis plusieurs aonees je me suis

t

habitue a considerer comme m'attachant aux Etats-Unis pour le
reste de mes jours. Comme je ne puis supposer que renseignement
qui d-tait confie a M. d'Orbigny puisse etre interrompu assez long-
temps pour me permettre de finir les travaux embryologiques que
j'ai entrepris en vue d'dtablir des comparaisons avec les fossiles des
epoques antcrieures a la n6tre, travaux qui perdraient tout leur
intc'ret si je les laissais inachevcs, je me trouve ainsi place* dans la
penible ne'cessite' de refuser une position que, dans toutes les cir-
constances, je regarderai toujours comme la plus brillante a laquelle
un naturaliste puisse aspirer.

11 pent vous paraitre etrange que je laisse quelques ovaires et
embryons peser dans la balance qui doit decider du reste de ma vie ;
mais c'est sans aucun doute a ce devouement absolu a 1'dtude de la
nature que je dois la confiance dont vous venez de me donner une
marque aussi eclatante qu'inattendue ; et c'est precisement parce
que je desire de continue!" a la me'riter dans Tavenir, que j'ai pris la
libertd d'entrer dans ces details.

Permettez-moi aussi de rectifier une erreur qui circule sur moi.
Je ne suis pas Francais. Quoique d'origine francaise, ma famille a
dtd Suisse depuis des siecles ; et moi-meme, malgrd une expatriation
qui dure depuis plus de dix annees, je n'ai pas cesse d'etre Suisse.

Je demande a Votre Excellence de recevoir, avec le renouvelle-
nient de mes regrets sinceres de ne pouvoir accepter la chaire que
vous m'offrez, Tassurance de ma consideration la plus clistinguee.

Louis AGASSIX,
Professeur & /' Universite ife Cambridge

{£tats- Unis d'Amerique).
CAMBRIDGE, le 25 septembre, 1857.

•

M. Rouland was so desirous of securing Agassiz's
services that he did not accept this refusal as final, but
wrote him again, saying that he would let his offer
stand for two years, in order to allow him to finish his

1856-58.] AGASSM'X REFUSAL. 73

most important works in America ; and it was not
until Agassiz's personal visit to him at Paris, .in July,
1859, during which the Secretary of Public Instructions
explained to him that the chair of palaeontology was
only a pretext to bring him to France, that he accepted
his decision as final. He intimated to him that he
would have the directorship of the Museum of Natural
History, — an office to be created, — very likely another
chair at the College de France, as Cuvier had, and
finally a senatorship, with salaries amounting to not far
from fifteen thousand dollars, — an offer brilliant, both
as to rank and remuneration.

But it was all in vain. Agassiz's refusal was final. The
French government behaved nobly, taking the refusal
in good part, and continuing to consult him on ques-
tions of acclimatization of marine animals, and sending
him, in succession, the cross of a Knight of the Legion
of Honour and of an officer of the same order. In brief,
it may be said that Agassiz received from France more
tangible proofs of the great esteem in which he was
held than from any other European country. He was
first elected correspondent,1 afterward foreign associate
fellow (Membre associe etranger) of the Academy of
Science of the Institute, a rare and much-valued distinc-
tion. He received a Monthyon prize of Physiology and
the Cuvier prize from the same academy, was offered
officially the chair of palaeontology at the Jardin des

1 Agassiz was elected a corresponding member of the Academy of Sci-
ence of France as far back as April, 1839, when he was barely thirty-two
years old. His concurrent was Prince Canino, the son of Lucien Bonaparte,
and the election was very close.

74 LOUIS AGASSI Z. [CHAP. xvi.

Plantes, and was created Knight and officer of the
Legion of Honour. In 1870-1871, when France was
in trouble and suffering such crushing defeats, although
mainly through her own fault, Agassiz came forward,
and expressed his great disapproval of the brutal con-
duct of the victorious Prussians, fully realizing the debt
the present civilization and political freedom in Europe
owed to the many good acts and the intervention of
France in behalf of progress. Indeed, without the
help offered so generously to Switzerland, in 1857, his
own canton of Neuchatel, of which he was a burgess
(Bourgeois de Neuchatel ct de Valengin), would have
remained to this day under the rule of the king of
Prussia. Although Agassiz shrank all his life from
politics, he was very liberal, and always in favour of
liberty.

One of Agassiz's first schemes when he came to the
New World was the preparation of a great work on the
fresh-water fishes, analogous to the one he had attempted
in Europe on the same subject. He soon discovered that
the best man to associate with him to carry out his inten-
tions was Dr. Spencer F. Baird, then a young professor at
Carlisle, Pennsylvania. Baird entered with great enthu-
siasm into all the views and ideas of Agassiz, explained
to him during a prolonged visit to Cambridge in May
and June, 1848; and after an understanding in regard
to the number of specimens to be collected and their
geographical distribution, he started to explore Lake
Champlain. Baird succeeded, but he did one thing
which he had not anticipated. He made the acquaint-
ance, at Burlington, of Senator George P. Marsh of Ver-

1856-58.] FRESH-WATER FISHES. 75

mont, one of the regents and a member of the executive
committee of the Smithsonian Institution, who was so
impressed by the knowledge, modest bearing, and indus-
try of the young ichthyologist that he proposed him as
assistant director of the new institution. After some
years of dilatoriness and continuous postponement,
really due to want of time, Baird saw that it was
idle to expect the realization of Agassiz's scheme, and
abandoned it altogether. Agassiz, however, was too
much of a fish-lover not to be constantly reminded that
a great work was in reserve for him ; and during his
journey up the Mississippi from New Orleans to St.
Louis in 1853, he was much struck by the differences
of fishes, according to difference of latitude, in that
long north-south watercourse, and in accordance with a
habit formed at that time, and practised constantly after-
ward, he printed a circular asking for information and
for collections, which was distributed largely all along
the courses of the rivers and on the coasts of the Lakes.
Answers came by dozens, and collections followed one
another, until Agassiz had ichthyological treasures to
his heart's content. But time to co-ordinate and make
use of all these facts and specimens was lacking, and
one scheme after another constantly postponed the
promised study of the distribution and localization of
the fresh-water fishes of the United States. Only a
few short papers were published on " Extraordinary
Fishes from California," on " Fishes from the Southern
Bend of the Tennessee River, Alabama," while some
of his letters on the subject have appeared in Mrs.
Agassiz's life of her husband ; but this is all.

CHAPTER XVII.

185^-1864.

VISIT TO EUROPE — REUNION OF Swiss NATURALISTS AT PICTET'S COUN-
TRY HOUSE TO MEET HIM — AGASSIZ MUSEUM — INAUGURATION OF

PART OF THE NORTH WING OF THE BUILDING — NEW SERIES OF
PUPILS — MONEY DIFFICULTIES IN CONNECTION WITH THE MUSEUM
- LECTURES AND LESSONS AT THE MUSEUM — SECESSION OF SEV-
ERAL OF HIS PUPILS.

IN June, 1859, Agassiz, in company with his wife
and youngest daughter, left for Europe. He wished
to see his old mother, and to present his American
wife to her and to all the members of his Swiss and
German families. On his way to Switzerland, he lin-
gered a few days in the British Isles to see his old
friends, the Earl of Enniskillen and Sir Philip Eger-
ton, the two most distinguished palreoichthyologists of
Great Britain and Ireland ; Richard Owen, at Rich-
mond Park, near London ; and Roderick Murchison,
who invited all the naturalists then in London to meet
him at his fine house in the fashionable and aristocratic
West End.

At Paris a week quickly passed among Agassiz's old
friends, the French savants ; and he had long conver-
sations with the Secretary of Public Instruction, M.
Rouland, on all sorts of questions relating to natural

76

1858-64.] STAY AT MONTAGNY. 77

history establishments and organizations. Although
most cordially received by the French naturalists, Agas-
siz easily perceived the presence of a fear that he would
accept M. Rouland's previous offers ; but he foresaw
too many difficulties to yield even to such a tempting
proposal. As he said afterward, it would have been
impossible to reform anything at the Jardin des Plantes,
without deeply and irremediably wounding his friends,
Valenciennes, Henry Milne-Edwards, Decaisne, and
others. When they knew his final refusal, it was a
great relief to them all, and their pleasure in his visit
was increased a hundred fold.

His return to Switzerland gave immense pleasure to
Agassiz, who, like a true Swiss boy, shed tears when
he again beheld the Alps. His distinguished mother
was enraptured to see her favourite child again, and
the few weeks they spent together passed like a dream
for her. Agassiz spent most of his time in her com-
pany at the beautiful country house of her eldest
daughter, Mrs. Cecile Wagnon, at Montagny, between
Yverdun and Grandson, "an beau Pays de Vaud " ;
and, on seeing them together, it was most evident, as
one of the family told me a short time afterward, that
the great attractiveness possessed by Agassiz was a
gift from his mother. They spent most of their time
in the " buvette," a sort of out-of-door sitting-room in
the garden ; and there, with the great panorama of the
Alps in the distance, and back of him the Aiguilles de
Baulmes and the Suchet, two of the old Jura mountains
where he used to hunt for plants, boulders, and traces
of old glaciers, Agassiz passed a summer of repose and

78 LOWS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. XVH.

true happiness. He visited at Lausanne his younger sis-
ter, Mrs. Olympe Francillon, and other family relations.
The Italian war, then raging, had much disturbed
all Switzerland. The Helvetic Society of Natural Sci-
ences, which met every year in some part of the Swiss
Confederation, was to have had its session at Lugano,
in Tessino, close by the boundary line of Italy. On
account of the war, the meeting was postponed to the
next year ; but the arrival of Agassiz, and also the sud-
den conclusion of peace between France and Austria,
gave another turn to affairs. It was too late for a reg-
ular call of the Helvetic Society ; but Pictet had the
happy thought of asking the " Societe de Physique et
d'Histoire Naturelle de Geneve," to take upon itself
the calling of an extraordinary meeting of the Helvetic
Society of the Natural Sciences, in order to allow the
numerous scientific friends of Agassiz, scattered all over
Switzerland, to meet and shake hands with him. First
of all, Pictet asked permission of Agassiz, who answered

at once :-

MONTAGNV (VAUD), 17 aoilt, 1859.

Mon cher ami, — J 'arrive de Neuchatel et je n'ai que cinq mi-
nutes pour repondre a votre charmante lettre, avant le depart du
courrier d'aujourd'hui. Je suis enchante* de vos arrangements, et
je prdfere infiniment que la rdunion ait lieu a Geneve plut6t que
partout ailleurs. J'accepte avec reconnaissance votre aimable invi-
tation pour ma femme et pour moi, et vous pouvez compter que je
serai a Genthod [the splendid country house of Pictet] marcli, pour
peu qu'il me reste un souffle de vie. Mille remerciements a Madame
Pictct pour le bon acceuil qu'elle promet a ma femme.

Mes amities les plus cordials ;i tous nos amis communs de Geneve.

Bien a vous,

Ls. AGASSIZ.

1858-64.] SIV/SS XATl/RALfSTS AT GENEVA. 79

The Swiss naturalists gathered promptly at Geneva
and the Helvetic Society met the 24th and 25th of
August in one of the halls of the Conservatory of
Music. All Agassiz's old friends came in force ; among
them, Peter Merian of Bale, the Nestor of Swiss
geologists ; Escher von der Linth of Zurich, a class-
mate and personal friend, and one of the first con-
verts to the glacial theory; Bernard Studer of Berne,
the explorer of the geology of the Oberland, Monte
Rosa, and Grand St. Bernard ; Louis de Coulon of
Neuchatel, the constant friend of Agassiz, etc., etc. ;
besides foreign savants of note, Tyndall and Frank-
land of England, Henry St. Clair Deville of Paris,
and others.

The interest concentrated on the communications of
Agassiz. On the first day he treated, with more than
his usual brilliancy, a general question of natural his-
tory : " Toutes les grandes divisions du regne animal,
telles qu'elles ont etc etablies par Cuvier, sont avec
quelques modifications, fondees sur des bases naturelles
tenant a un plan commun et non sur des bases plus ou
moins artificielles," and on the second day he communi-
cated his observations on the Acalephs, and the present
formation of coral reefs on the Florida coasts in con-
nection with an explanation of some oolitic strata of the
Jura Corallian.

All the Swiss naturalists were loud in their congratu-
lations. It was such a treat to hear again the voice of
one who had made such a sensation, first at Neuchatel
in 1837, and afterwards at Porrentruy in 1838, on the
subject of the glacial age and the present glaciers.

8o LOL'JS .1G.ISS/Z. [CHAP. xvn.

Tyndall was among the most enthusiastic, and it was
a rare sight to see such savants as Jules Pictet de la
Rive, Auguste de la Rive, Plantamour, A. de Can-
dolle, A. Favre, Escher, Studer, Merian, Heer, Mous-
son, Dufour, Vouga, crowding round and complimenting
Agassiz.

Pictet, with his usual desire to conciliate, and with
the best intention, arranged, at a great party he gave
Agassiz at his country seat at Genthod, a sort of acci-
dental meeting between him and Desor ; and in order
to succeed in the conciliatory role he had undertaken,
without the approbation or even knowledge of Agassiz,
he tried to bring Karl Vogt to Genthod. But Vogt,
who was always honest in his dealing with others, if
rough and sometimes in the wrong, and who was
adverse to scenes, declined to be one of the party.
Agassiz was somewhat painfully impressed by the
meeting, tears were shed, but, as Vogt says in his
biography of Desor, no change of any sort was effected,
and things remained as they were after the separation
at East Boston in the spring of 1848.

Agassiz also paid a short visit to the home of his
cousin, Auguste Mayor, in Neuchatel. Although al-
most all the Neuchatel families were at their summer
places, they came to meet him, and he had an oppor-
tunity to see the strong feeling of friendship and
admiration which all the inhabitants felt toward him.
From Neuchatel he went to Germany to visit the Braun
family. His brother-in-law, Alexander Braun, had
removed from Freiburg-im-Breisgau to Berlin, in 1851,
and as Agassiz had not time enough at his disposal

1858-64.] VISIT AT AIX-LA-CHAPELLE. 81

to go so far as Berlin, Alexander arranged with his
brother Max to meet Agassiz at Aix-la-Chapelle, and
from there to go with the whole party for a two-days
visit at the house of Max Braun, who was director of
the mines at La Vielle Montagne, near Moresnet,
Belgium. It was a meeting of congratulation on every
side, and Mrs. Agassiz and Pauline were objects of
great interest to the two brothers. They found Agassiz
the same enthusiast, full of new schemes for the prog-
ress of natural history, and they were delighted to
learn his success in the foundation of a new museum
at Cambridge. The moment of separation, which all
realized meant a final farewell, came only too soon,
and Agassiz left for Ostende, London, and Liverpool,
whence he sailed the loth September for Boston.

Agassiz took advantage of his stay in Europe to pur-
chase palseontological collections for his new museum.
He succeeded in obtaining the excellent collection of
his old teacher at the University of Heidelberg, Pro-
fessor Bronn, of which he had made use when a
student there. While in Switzerland he secured col-
lections from the rich cretaceous localities of Ste. Croix,
Canton de Vaud, of Oeningen and Claris, and in Eng-
land he bought splendid Jurassic fossils from the
vicinity of Weymouth and Lyme Regis. But it was
at Lieges in Belgium that he made the most important
purchase, the great collection and the no less great
library of Professor L. G. de Koninck, the author of
many monographs on the carboniferous fossils. How-
ever, the bargain with de Koninck was not concluded
until more than a year later.

VOL. II. — G

82 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. XVH.

The contemplated visit to the Aar glacier and to see
the ruins of the first "Hotel des Neuchatelois" on the
moraine was postponed. It was rather a disappoint-
ment to Mrs. Agassiz, who was always ready to yield
to her husband's wishes. Although Agassiz travelled
a great deal after 1859, and Mrs. Agassiz always
accompanied him, they did not pay a second visit to
Europe, and since the death of her husband she has
not revisited Switzerland.1

At the end of September Agassiz returned to Cam-
bridge, determined to spend his life in America, and at
the same time to consecrate all his energy and ability
to the creation of a great museum, according to his
own views of natural history, and, as he said to his most
intimate friends, " the best arranged and the most per-
fect in the world " ; for in the case of Agassiz we may
apply Sydney Smith's aphorism, that " Merit and
Modesty have no other connection, except in their first
letter."

On the 1 4th of June, 1859, before leaving for Europe,
he had laid the corner-stone of his future great museum,
with appropriate ceremonies. It had always been the
custom of Agassiz to start any scheme having to do
with natural history, whether publications or researches,
without thought of the necessary means to carry it out,
always confident that the future would provide the
money required. He followed the same plan with his
museum. He found, on entering upon his duties as
professor of zoology and geology in the Lawrence

1 Lately --November, 1894 — Mrs. Agassiz left America with Mrs.
1'aulinc Shaw, to pass the winter in Italy.

1858-64.] HIS COLLECTIONS IN CAMBRIDGE. 83

Scientific School of Harvard University, that there
were no collections in Cambridge with which to illus-
trate lectures upon geology and zoology, and that no
provision had been made to obtain such collections by
purchase or otherwise. Therefore, from the first day
of his arrival at Cambridge, he was incessantly planning
and continually adding to his private collection, sure
that although not a dollar had been provided yet, and
no suitable place existed, building and money would
come. He himself was heavily in debt, and in addition
had to provide for the daily expenses of a numerous
and complicated household. Never did a man display
such an amount of skilful diplomacy, - - not diplomacy
of the ordinary kind but natural history diplomacy,
peculiar to the man, as well as peculiar to the end
he wanted to attain. No one else could have suc-
ceeded, no corporation however strong and influen-
tial could have executed the plan he conceived alone
and carried out alone, against all odds and constant
difficulties. He never despaired of final success, al-
though he sometimes became despondent, under press-
ure of illness, or of political troubles, or of dissensions
among his assistants and pupils. What courage !
Never was there such a valiant promoter of the prog-
ress of natural history.

The first money which came to him was the twelve
thousand dollars mentioned before, raised by private
subscription under the initiation and direction of the
treasurer of Harvard University, Mr. Samuel Eliot,
the distinguished father of the present President of the
University. Then, in 1858, Mr. Francis C. Gray of

84 LOUrS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvu.

Boston left a bequest of fifty thousand dollars for the
purpose of establishing and maintaining a museum of
comparative zoology. State aid was necessary ; but the
question was how to get it in a commonwealth celebrated
for its careful management of public money. The ma-
jority of the members of the Massachusetts Legislature
are farmers, very difficult to interest in anything not
directly profitable ; and how to persuade them to lend
the pecuniary help of the state to a purely scientific
establishment, to the exclusion of similar institutions for
educational purposes scattered through the state, was a
problem not easy to solve ; and now, more than at any
other period of his eventful life, Agassiz showed of what
solid metal he was made.

He first enrolled the governor of Massachusetts under
his banner ; then the State Committee on Education
was carefully approached on general principles of pub-
lic instruction, and the advantages to be derived by the
farmers from a knowledge of everything relating to pests
of all sorts, the best breeds of domestic animals, and kin-
dred matters, and Agassiz obtained, by skilful manoeu-
vring, an invitation to address the Committee on the
subject. His success was now assured. What he wanted
was to be brought before the Legislature ; for, after pri-
vately interesting the governor and the lieutenant-gov-
ernor, and the Committee on Education, he attacked the
President of the Senate, the Speaker of the House of
Representatives, the Secretary of the Board of Educa-
tion, and the Chief Justice of the Supreme Judicial
Court. In fact, the Legislature was captured, and
voted that aid should be granted to the extent of

1858-64.] PLAN OF HIS MUSEUM. 85

one hundred thousand dollars. Another sum, of sev-
enty-one thousand dollars, was also raised among the
citizens of Boston for the purpose of erecting a
fireproof building to receive and exhibit the collec-
tions, for which Harvard College gave a piece of
land, and Agassiz offered a plan. The plan was on
a grand scale ; the building was to be in the form of a
great rectangle open on the eastern side, the main part
364 feet in length by 64 feet in width on the western
side, with wings 205 feet in length and 64 feet in width.
It was impossible to erect such an immense fireproof
structure with the means at his disposal, and Agassiz
contented himself with building, for the present, only
two-fifths of the north wing. We shall see further on
how his plan was carried out, with great modifications,
if not in the building at least in the purpose to which
almost two-thirds of it were devoted.

In December, 1859, the condition of the north wing
was sufficiently advanced to allow the beginning of the
removal of the collections from the wooden house, near
the chemical laboratory of the Scientific School, and, in
May, 1860, the building was completed, all the collec-
tions removed, and the wooden house also changed its
place and purpose, being moved opposite the north wing
of the great museum and placed on the ground on which
the south wing was to be built later, and which is now
occupied by the Peabody Museum of Ethnography. This
small house was completely refitted and arranged as a
sort of boarding-house, called the Zoological Hall, for
the use only of assistants and students of the Museum.
It was a kind of third " Hotel des Neuchatelois," con-

8fi I.OUIS AGASSI/.. [CHAP. xvn.

ducted largely on the plan of the Pavilion Dolfuss
of the glacier of the Aar. Besides the artist Burk-
hardt, F. W. Putnam, assistant in care of the fishes,
was located there, and also successively the following
students : A. Hyatt, N. S. Shaler, A. Ordway, A. E.
Verrill, A. S. Bickmore, J. A. Allen, E. S. Morse, and
William H. Niles.

On November 13, 1860, the inauguration of the
Museum took place in the presence of the governor
and his staff and escort of Lancers, and addresses
were made by Governor Banks, President Felton of
Harvard University, Dr. Jacob Bigelow, the chairman
of the Building Committee, and Professor Agassiz. It
was a happy day for the professor, and a well-deserved
reward for his Herculean exertions since his arrival in
the New World fourteen years previously.

Of course everything at first was in confusion. Boxes,
empty or full of specimens, were piled up in all directions
in the workrooms. The great library purchased from
de Koninck lay on the floor in complete disorder. The
labourers employed were limited to an infirm Irishman,
who had great difficulty in walking, and another man
absolutely inexperienced in moving specimens. Besides
the cellars and attics in which were stored the collec-
tions kept in alcohol and in drawers, there were, on the
first floor, four halls for the lecture room, the work-
rooms, and library, and on the second floor four more
halls in which the collections for the public were dis-
played. The classification was zoological at first ; and
each assistant and pupil was assigned to a special class
of animals living and fossil. Afterward the animals

1858-64.] INAUGURATION OF THE MUSEUM. 87

were divided, the fbssils being in charge of special assist-
ants, and the living animals in charge of others. To the
general zoological classification was added what Agas-
siz called his "synoptic room," a sort of epitome of the
whole creation, and later fauna of special geographic
divisions. He even asked me to have, in a " palaeon-
tologic room," a resume of the succession of fauna dur-
ing the geological periods. After submitting a plan,
which I have published since in my volume, " La Sci-
ence en France," Paris, 1868, he was so enthusiastic
about my plans that he wanted at once to put them in
operation ; but there was no room large enough, and to
build a special hall for the purpose was too costly, and
impossible at that moment.

His energy was constantly directed to innovations.
Before the arrangement was made for a new placing
and classification of the specimens on exhibition, he
changed his plan ; and this happened with him every
three or four months. It was impossible to keep pace
with his tremendous activity and his constant changes.

Agassiz himself was so busy that after passing from
place to place, where his assistants and pupils were
working, giving advice and directions, or announcing
the arrival of new specimens, no time was left to him
to do anything else ; for every afternoon he was obliged
to spend in Boston in the committee rooms of the Gen-
eral Court to push his claims for an annual appropriation
for his Museum. Nevertheless, an immense amount of
work was done every day. Each one worked with a
will, for the impulse given by Agassiz was sufficient
to keep every one busy.

LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvn.

With the opening of the Museum came a new series
of pupils. Of the old ones only four remained, -
Alexander Agassiz, Theodore Lyman, H. J. Clark, and
F. W. Putnam. Alexander Agassiz had charge of all
the specimens kept in alcohol, of the exchanges, and
the business management of the Museum, --by no
means a sinecure. Henry J. Clark had been appointed
adjunct professor of zoology, and his time was mainly
occupied by his lectures and his microscopic embryo-
logical studies. F. W. Putnam was in charge of the col-
lection of fishes and vertebrates, and Theodore Lyman
worked at the Ophiuridae.

The new set of pupils were remarkable for their
almost complete ignorance, not only of what a museum
of natural history is, but also of natural history itself.
To be sure, they all had a great desire to learn, and to
become naturalists, but they had not enough experience
to make them efficient as assistants in the work to which
they were specially detailed. On the whole, the person-
nel of the institution was rather crude ; and the collec-
tions which came from every corner of the world became
much confused, some being determined and well labelled,
others having no labels at all or very inadequate indi-
cations. No catalogue of any sort existed, and over all
there was a mind oscillating and hesitating as regards
classification ; for almost every three months, during
the first four years of the existence of the Museum,
some new idea was put forward by Agassiz, which
altered and more or less changed what he had
already proclaimed as a definite and immutable classi-
fication.

1858-64.] ARRANGEMENT OF THE MUSEUM, 89

From the beginning, Agassiz adopted a very question-
able method of giving his directions and instructions for
the arrangement of the Museum, by calling together
all his assistants and pupils into the lecture room, and
there making known his plans for organization, rear-
rangement, classification, method, etc., explaining every-
thing at great length and with great force. Naturally
every one applauded ; and Agassiz came away from
each of those numerous meetings convinced that his
new directions and reforms were well understood, and
that they would be put directly into operation and soon
executed. Instead of giving orders, Agassiz, with great
naivete, tried to convince. The result may be easily
imagined. Every assistant and pupil after the delivery
of the address, — for it was nothing more nor less than
one of the usual speeches of the director, — returned to
his place in the laboratories, and continued to study the
work he was engaged upon, without once thinking of
the advice and fresh directions just heard. They felt a
sort of inertia, which finally irritated Agassiz, who did
not understand why his clear directions and instruc-
tions were not better followed. At times he was in-
clined to think that it was due to the too independent
American character; at other times, to ill-nature and
even to conspiracies among his young pupils and assist-
ants. The teaching of Agassiz was unique, but the
organization of the Museum was rather deficient ; for
the pupils, outside of their studies, had no time to
arrange collections, and besides, they did not know how
to proceed. On the whole, there was considerable con-
fusion, but no anarchy, thanks to the help and generous

go LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvn.

services constantly rendered by the friends of Agassiz,
who, solely to please him, gave a great part of their time,
without compensation, and often even expended liberally
their own money to promote the progress of the infant
establishment.

I may mention more especially the constant and
generous help of Mr. James M. Barnard, an old pupil
of Agassiz, who devoted a great deal of his time to the
Museum, increasing its collections, working at some of
them, subscribing largely to the funds of the Museum,
and finally taking in hand the numerous unsold volumes
and memoirs of Agassiz's works published in Switzer-
land, and disposing of them to the best pecuniary inter-
est of their author. From 1855 to 1865, a period when
he was always hard pressed, Mr. Barnard rendered
Agassiz the greatest service in his money affairs, thus
saving him from much trouble and nervous wear. To
him also belongs the credit of being the prime mover
and the treasurer of the Agassiz Memorial Teachers'
and Pupils' Fund raised in 1874, after the death of
Agassiz.

Agassiz was so earnest that it was a pleasure to help
him and to increase the collections of his Museum. He
was almost irresistible when he begged some favour or
some beautiful and rare specimen. In the early sum-
mer of 1 860, on my return from an absence of six years
in Kuropc, I found that my friend Agassiz had much
altered in his appearance and in his capacity for original
study. As a teacher, he was as brilliant as ever ; and
as a collector of specimens, he was even more zealous
than he had been ; for having now a museum of his

1858-64-] JAMES J7. />'. /AVT.//iY>>. 91

own, he was ambitious to fill it to its utmost capacity
with all the best and rarest specimens he could obtain.
His dangerous sickness at Charleston in the winter of
1853, combined with the great mental exertions involved
in the publication of the first two volumes of his " Con-
tributions to the Natural History of America," had told
on his strong constitution. After mutual congratula-
tions on meeting again, — for, although very different in
character and in our scientific researches, we agreed on
many points, and were much devoted to one another, -
Agassiz imparted to me, in his naive way, his desire to
have me help him in his difficult undertaking. I saw
at once the great disadvantage of creating an establish-
ment on such a large scale, in such an out-of-the-way
place as Cambridge ; but Agassiz was so sanguine and
so optimistic that it would have been cruel to raise
objections and to try to open his eyes. It was truly
magnificent to see him every year, fighting against diffi-
culties, especially money difficulties, with which no one
but he would have dared to contend, and always
expending double, sometimes treble, the sum he had on
hand. Indeed, to be in debt was his normal condition.
He used to say, " Every year has its work to provide
pecuniary means for the Museum," and he acted as if
he thought he should live forever.

During the winter of 1861, Agassiz, in order to influ-
ence the Legislature and government of Massachusetts
to make a grant of money, arranged to have the governor
and the General Court to visit the Museum. They
came in a body, and were shown all over the building,
and Mr. Barnard and I were invited to help him receive

92 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvu.

them. At his special request, I came to the Museum
almost daily during 1861-62, to give advice to several of
the pupils,1 taking them on geological excursions about
Boston and Gay Head. Finally, after helping Agassiz
gratuitously for two years, some family friends and rela-
tions in Boston subscribed a thousand dollars for two
years, to defray my travelling expenses, on the condi-
tion that I should give to the Agassiz Museum the col-
lection of fossils made during my explorations. In this
way I was more or less connected with the Museum
during the first four years of its existence, by far its
most difficult period ; for not only was the building-
small and crowded, but the space allowed for each
specialty was inadequate, the halls were cold and most
uncomfortable during the long winters, and it was not
easy even to reach the building, on account of the lack
of proper sidewalks and roads, through the surrounding
marsh.

The lack of money was a difficulty which fettered the
development of the Museum from the start. Agassiz
had been too precipitate in his purchase of collections
in Europe, relying upon the grant of a hundred thou-
sand dollars voted by the Legislature, the payment of
which was delayed several years ; and when it was
received the trustees of the Museum refused to allow
the use of the capital, but only the income, — a great
disappointment to Agassiz, who was hard pressed for
money to pay for his foreign purchases.

1 Agassiz recommended me more specially Messrs. Alpheus Hyatt and
N. S. Shaler, ami afterward Messrs. C. Frederick Ilartt and Orestes St.
John, with the request that I should help them in geology and the use of
palaeontology in practical stratigraphy.

1858-64.] DE KONINCK^S COLLECTION. 93

I shall give one example only to show the sort of diffi-
culty experienced. An old scientific friend, L. Guillaume
de Koninck, of Liege, on my suggestion, sold to Agassiz
his splendid collection of fossils for five thousand dol-
lars, and his no less valuable library for another five
thousand dollars. Collection and library came safely
over, and were unpacked during the winter of 1860-
1861. But there was no money to pay for them.
Agassiz, with his usual confidence, was not in the least
embarrassed. " I have the collection and library, at all
events," said he, "and de Koninck will have to wait."
But the great Civil War came, the price of exchanges
rose rapidly and so high that to send the ten thousand
dollars to de Koninck would have cost fifteen thousand
dollars or even eighteen thousand dollars. De Koninck
was in distress, and wrote me under the date of the igih
of December, 1862 : —

JTai toute confiance en M. Agassiz, et je crois suffisamment le lui
avoir montre" en lui expediant le tout, malgre les circonstances de-
favorables dans les quelles se trouvent les affaires en Amerique.
Comme vous avez etc en quelque sorte rintermediaire dans cette
affaire, puisque c'est d'apres vos indications que je me suis aclresse
a votre savant ami, et que par une heureuse coincidence vous vous
trouvez actuellement avec lui, vous irTobligeriez infmiment, si vous
aviez la bonte de me dire vers quelle epoque vous croyez que je
pourrai etre payd et en combien de versements ? Je me suis permis
de faire la meme demande a M. Agassiz, mais jusqu'ici je n'ai re£U
aucune reponse. Je Tai supplie meme de tacher de m'envoyer une
dizaine de mille francs avant la nouvelle annee, ou au moins imme'-
diatement apres, parce que j'en ai un pressant besoin pour satis-
faire a des engagements souscrits. Si vous pouviez contribuer
en quelque chose a me faire obtenir cette somme, qui an reste

94 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvn.

m'est due d'apres nos conditions, vous me rendriez une immense
service.

Another more pressing letter came soon after, and
Agassiz made a settlement, agreeing to pay a yearly
interest on the ten thousand dollars until he should be
able to pay the whole sum. Of course, all \vas finally
paid, but cle Koninck had to wait several years.

Mr. Samuel H. Scudder has given a very good
description of Agassiz's method with his students in
an article entitled, " In the Laboratory with Agassiz," l
by a former pupil, a very clever and charming remi-
niscence.

Mr. Scudder says : " He asked me . . . whether I wished to
study any special branch. ... I replied that while I wished to be
well grounded in all departments of zoology, I purposed to devote
myself specially to insects.

"'When do you wish to begin ? ' he asked.

"'Now,' I replied.

" This seemed to please him, and, with an energetic ' Very well,1
he reached from a shelf a huge jar of specimens in yellow alcohol.

" • Take this fish,1 said he, ' and look at it ; we call it a Haemulon.
By and by I will ask you what you have seen.'

" With that he left me, but in a moment returned with explicit
instructions as to the care of the object intrusted to me.

" ' No man is fit to be a naturalist,' said he, ' who does not know
how to take care of specimens.1

"... Entomology was a cleaner science than ichthyology ; but
the example of the professor, who had unhesitatingly plunged to
the bottom of the jar to produce the fish, was infectious ; and though

"Every Saturday," Vol. XVI., pp. 369, 370, April 4, 1874, and
" American Poems," several editions, published by Houghton, Mifilin &
Co., Cambridge. Also issued separately as a leaflet for the Agassiz fun I.
by Mr. Barnard.

1858-64-] SAMUEL H. SCUDDER. 95

this alcohol had l a very ancient and fish-like smell,1 I really dared
not show any aversion within these sacred precincts, and treated the
alcohol as though it were pure water. Still I was conscious of a
passing feeling of disappointment, for gazing at a fish did not com-
mend itself to an ardent entomologist.

"... In ten minutes I had seen all that could be seen in that
fish. . . . Half an hour passed, an hour, another hour; the fish
began to look loathsome. I turned it over and around ; looked it
in the face. — ghastly! from behind, beneath, above, sideways, at
a three-quarters view, — just as ghastly. I was in despair. At an
early hour I concluded that lunch was necessary ; so, with infinite
relief, the fish was carefully replaced in the jar, and for an hour I
was free.

" On my return. I learned that Professor Agassiz had been at
the Museum, but had gone, and would not return for several hours.
. . . Slowly I drew forth that hideous fish, and, with a feeling
of desperation, again looked at it. I might not use a magnifying
glass ; instruments of all kinds were interdicted. My two hands,
my two eyes, and the fish ; it seemed a most limited field. . . .
At last a happy thought struck me — I would draw the fish ; and
now, with surprise, I began to discover new features in the creature.
Just then the professor returned.

"'That is right,1 said he; 'a pencil is one of the best eyes. I
am glad to notice, too, that you keep your specimen wet and your
bottle corked.1

" With these encouraging words, he added : -

"'Well, what is it like ?'

" He listened attentively to my brief rehearsal of the structure
of parts whose names were still unknown to me. . . . When I
had finished, he waited as if expecting more, and then, with an air
of disappointment. ' You have not looked very carefully ; why,1 he
continued most earnestly, i you haven't even seen one of the most
conspicuous features of the animal, which is as plainly before your
eyes as the fish itself. Look again! look again!' and he left me to
my misery.

"I was piqued; I was mortified. Still more of that wretched
fish ! But now I set myself to my task with a will, and discovered

96 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvn.

one new thing after another, until I saw how just the professor's
criticism had been. The afternoon passed quickly, and when,
toward its close, the professor inquired, -

"' Do you see it yet?'

" ' No,' I replied, * I am certain I do not ; but I see how little I
saw before.'

•' ; That is next best,' said he earnestly ; ' but I won't hear you
now ; put away your fish and go home ; perhaps you will be ready
with a better answer in the morning. I will examine you before
you look at the fish.'

•• This was disconcerting. Not only must I think of my fish all
night, studying, without the object before me, what this unknown
but most visible feature might be, but also, without reviewing my
new discoveries, I must give an exact account of them the next day.
I had a bad memory, so I walked home by Charles River in a dis-
turbed state with my two perplexities.

•• The cordial greeting from the professor the next morning was
reassuring. Here was a man who seemed to be quite as anxious as
I that I should see for myself what he saw.

" ' Do you perhaps mean,' I asked, ' that the fish has symmetrical
sides with paired organs?'

" His thoroughly pleased • Of course, of course! ' repaid the wake-
ful hours of the previous night. After he had discoursed most hap-
pily and enthusiastically — as he always did — upon the importance
of this point, I ventured to ask what I should do next.

'' ' Oh, look at your fish ! ' he said, and left me again to my own
devices. In a little more than an hour he returned and heard my
new catalogue.

" ' That is good, that is good,' he repeated ; ' but that is not all ;
go on.' And so for three long days he placed that fish before my
eyes, forbidding me to look at anything else or to use any artificial
aid. 'Look! look! look!' was his repeated injunction.

'This was the 2st entomological lesson I ever had, — a lesson
whose influence has extended to the details of every subsequent
study ; a legacy that professor lias left to me, as he left it to many
others, of inestimable value, which we could not buy, with which
we cannot part.

1858-64.] SAMUEL II. SCUDDER. 97

"... The fourth day a second fish of the same group was
placed beside the first, and I was bidden to point out the resem-
blances and differences between the two ; another and another fol-
lowed, until the entire family lay before me, and a whole legion of
jars covered the table and surrounding shelves. The odour had
become a pleasant perfume ; and even now the sight of an old six-
inch, worm-eaten cork brings fragrant memories.

"... Agassiz's training, in the method of observing facts and
their orderly arrangement, was ever accompanied by the urgent
exhortation not to be contented with them.

•••Facts are stupid things,' he would say, -until brought into
connection with some general law.'

'• At the end of eight months, it was almost with reluctance that
I left these friends and turned to insects ; but what I had gained
by this outside experience has been of greater value than years of
later investigation in my favourite group."

Agassiz delivered lectures twice or three times a
week before his students. It was the custom at the
Museum for every one, assistants, as well as pupils and
friends, to attend. His wife was always present, taking
notes most faithfully of all that he said. Never was
there such a devoted secretary. The numerous public
lectures in America, delivered during fifteen years before
large audiences, exerted an influence easy to perceive.
His explanations were clear, right to the point, never
too scientific, and, as far as possible, in untechnical
words. But he wanted applause, and even courted it,
with great skill. Like an actor on the stage, he would
pause at the end of a sentence, in order to allow
time for applause. His lectures then and after took
more the form of addresses than ordinary expositions
of scientific questions. He always interested his audi-

. i:. — H

98 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvn.

once to a high degree, but his best teaching was not
clone in this way. It was too theatrical. Agassiz
was at his best when he was looking at specimens,
detailing the differences, dwelling strongly on charac-
ters which would have escaped other eyes than his own.
His unusually keen sight and his rare memory were his
great attractions, and he displayed them to the best
advantage, on the spur of the moment, when there
were only one or two hearers. Then Agassiz was
natural, without thought of effect ; and he was a won-
derful and rare naturalist and incomparable teacher.
Like many men of genius, he would seek for admira-
tion and applause, even in dealing with questions, or
more correctly with branches, of science, upon which
he was not well informed. Trusting to his great abil-
ity and immense experience in lecturing, he would go
deeply into a subject, not only foreign to his usual
researches, but which he had really no inclination to
investigate fairly ; like the great French painter Ingres,
who preferred the approval given to his rather indiffer-
ent performance on the violin to that accorded his great
and splendid pictures.

Agassiz was not a practical geologist ; and when in
the field, he showed an almost complete absence of
the intuition requisite, indeed absolutely necessary, to
master the stratigraphy, the classification, and the orog-
raphy of any portion of the earth's surface — excepting
in regard to glacial questions, on which he was a great
master. In his lectures he liked to go into historical
geology, in which branch his knowledge was absolutely
defective. So long as he kept to generalities, he did

1858-64-] LECTURES ON GEOLOGY. 99

very well ; but as soon as he entered into the details
of strata, he was weak, wholly lacking in exactness,
and uninformed as to geographical geology and the
sequence of the numerous groups into which the strata
have been divided in each country. If I happened
to be present at such lectures, - - which was very sel-
dom the case, - - Agassiz would look at me in a ques-
tioning and imploring way, which said as plainly as
words, " Please do not contradict me." Of course I
never did.

As a resume of his unequalled capacities and talents
as a teacher, we may repeat what was said of the great
French geometer Monge : " II combinait pour la clarete
de ses demonstrations, les regards, les paroles et les
gestes. Ses auditeurs craignoient de faire le moindre
mouvement dont le bruit put troubler le charme de cette
etonnante eloquence."

Unhappily difficulties of another nature than money
stringency occurred in the Museum ; namely, with the
personnel of the establishment. Agassiz never knew
how to manage his assistants, and repeated the same
faults, with some little variation of details, in his Cam-
bridge Museum, which he had committed previously at
Neuchatel. At first all went smoothly. As a sort of re-
ward, he sent most of his assistants to the Smithsonian
Institution at Washington, to study its management and
arrange exchanges of specimens. The first difficulty was
with Professor Clark, who left the Museum in June, 1863,
as we have seen. Then came a sort of revolt among most
of his other assistants, which developed slowly during
the years 1863 and 1864, and broke out at the begin-

ioo LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvn.

ning of 1865. A regular secession occurred, and five
assistants left. One, Mr. Verrill, went to the Smith-
sonian and afterwards to Yale College; while the others,
Messrs. Putnam, Morse, Packard, and Hyatt, retired to
Salem, the county seat of Essex County, as a sort of
Mount Aventine, where George Peabody, an American
banker in London, had given a certain sum of money to
the Essex Institute and Peabody Academy of Science.
And around these Agassiz's four pupils collected, using
them as a base or citadel, from which they expected to
conquer the natural history of North America ; and for
this purpose they started a monthly magazine, "The
American Naturalist" and an agency for selling scien-
tific books and papers and for exchanging specimens.
After a few years of hard struggle the enterprise failed,
notwithstanding their residence among people whom
the novelist, W. D. Howells, satirically characterizes as
"a little above the salt of the earth." Two were glad
to return to Cambridge, one went to Brown Univer-
sity, Providence, while one has remained at Salem,
as curator of the Peabody Museum and of the Essex
Institute. The whole disagreement was a great mis-
take on both sides, but more especially on the part
of the pupils, who ought to have been, more patient
with their old professor. The crisis was brought on
by new regulations for the assistants of the Museum.
Agassi/, with justice, requested that no one connected
with the Museum as a regular assistant, or even as a
student-assistant, should work for himself in the Museum
during the hours fixed for Museum work. He contended
that persons were nothing, and that the Museum

1858-64.] SECESSION OF SOME ASSISTANTS. 101

above everything and every one. It was, perhaps, a
little too much to expect that young men, who had
come there to learn and fit themselves for positions as
teachers and professors of natural history, should give
the best of their time every day to Museum work,
especially in view of the fact that the majority of
them were not paid at all. All had come with expec-
tations of situations and reputation in the near future ;
and besides this, almost all possessed that independence
of character peculiar to Americans, and more particu-
larly to New Englanders. Agassiz was at first too
lenient, and afterward became too exacting, while the
liberty and equality existing there were not conducive
to good discipline. In fact, all the regularly appointed
assistants or student-assistants were working for them-
selves as much as they could. The curator had too
much in hand to see that every one was doing his duty.
Besides, no definite duties were assigned to most of the
assistants ; and if one was given the superintendence of
a department, he had no one to help him, even in moving
and carrying specimens, writing labels, or cataloguing
and numbering the collections.

On the other hand, the assistants and pupils should
have considered that it was a great privilege, and at
that time an opportunity unique in all North Amer-
ica, to help in building up a great museum under the
leadership of a naturalist of' genius, and that they
were there, not only for their own instruction, but also
for the good of future generations. Egotism played too
large a part with them, and caused Agassiz great dis-
appointment. He had become very irritable through

io2 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvn.

overwork, and signs of failing health were only too
visible. His young assistants ought to have been more
considerate, and endured with more composure the
weak points of their position. Both sides suffered by
the separation, but the assistants suffered the most;
and to this day the result of this secession is still visible
on most of them, although they are all very proud of
being old pupils of Agassiz.

CHAPTER XVIII.

1858-1864 (continued').

DARWIN'S "ORIGIN OF SPECIES" — CUVIER, AGASSIZ, OWEN, LAMARCK,
AND DARWIN — THE OPPONENTS OF AGASSIZ IN AMERICA — ASA
GRAY AND CHAUNCEY WRIGHT - - PARALLEL BETWEEN CHAUNCEY
WRIGHT AND KARL SCHIMPER — Two CLASSES OF NATURALISTS —
REVOLUTION AND EVOLUTION — PIETIST AND ATHEIST -- LYELL'S
DISSENT -- NEO-LAMARCKIANS AND NEO- DARWINIANS — UNIFORMI-
TARIANISM — SPONTANEOUS GENERATION — TRUE POSITION OF CUVIER
AND AGASSIZ.

DARWIN'S "Origin of Species" appeared in London,
the first of October, 1859, a f£w days after Agassiz's
return from Europe. The book was a disappointment
to almost all naturalists. It had been heralded several
years before it was issued as an event which was likely
to revolutionize natural science, and so it did. Our friend
Sir Charles Lyell more especially was enthusiastic and
mysterious about it ; but six months after its publica-
tion, when I visited him in London, I found him rather
more frightened than pleased. He says, " Darwin goes
too far. I am not prepared to follow him on natural
selection and the geological succession of organic beings;
the last more especially is still too incomplete to draw
such sweeping conclusions."

In England adherence to, and even sympathy with,

104 LOUIS AGASSfZ. [CHAP. xvm.

Danvin's essay was rather limited. Besides Lyell and
Wallace (then at Ternate, Molucca Isles), who accepted
the new doctrine with reservations, there were only
the botanist, Sir Joseph D. Hooker, the anatomist and
essayist, Thomas H. Huxley, and two entomologists,
H. \V. Bates and Sir John Lubbock, who could be called,
from the first, friends of the theory of the descent and
modification of species according to Darwin's views.
All the English pahrnntologists, with Sir Richard
Owen at their head, were opposed to it; and not long
after the appearance of the " small green-covered book,"
as it is called by Huxley, Owen in his library, at the
Sheen Lodge, Richmond Park, used to make fun of
Darwin's modification of species under domestication ;
and pointing to his pet clog, as he tried to catch flies,
he would say, " My dog is in the act of becoming one
of the insectivora."1

Darwin's old teacher at the Cambridge University,
Professor Adam Sedgwick, was anything but pleased
on receiving a presentation copy of the " Origin of
Species," which he read " with more pain than pleas-

1 Attempts have been made, not only to question the influence exerted
on Richard Owen by Cuvier, but to place Owen among the Darwinists,
and even to call him a precursor of Darwin in the much-controverted
question of " Natural Selection." Owen, like Agassiz, was truly a disciple
of Cuvier. Owen until the end of his life always uttered the name of
Cuvier "with grateful reverence"; and in 1883 he wrote to Georges
Frederic Cuvier, nephew of Georges and son of Frederic: "There are
fashions of thought as well as of dress. A somewhat prevailing one, to
which you allude, I have occasionally referred to as the Biologic con-
jeclurale ; but the science of living things which will endure is based on
the foundation of \\\e fails post tifs made known, with the true methods of
their discovery, in the immortal works of Georges Cuvier" ("The Life
of Richard Owen" by Rev. R. Owen, Vol. II., p. 249; 1894).

1858-64.] ORIGIN OF SPECIES. 105

tire. Parts of it T admired greatly, parts I laughed at
till my sides were almost sore ; other parts I read with
absolute sorrow, because I think them utterly false and
grievously mischievous. Many of your wide conclu-
sions are based upon assumptions which can neither
be proved nor disproved. . . . Darwin has deserted
utterly the inductive track and taken the broadway of
hypothesis " (" Life and Letters of Adam Sedgwick,"
Vol. II., pp. 356-357; Cambridge, 1890). Other cele-
brated English naturalists, like A. Murray, J. E. Gray,
Harvey, and Henslow, would have none of it.

On the continent of Europe, the only open sympa-
thizers were two botanists, Alphonse de Candolle of
Geneva and Charles V. Naudin 1 of Paris ; and as a
matter of course, the learned and always most progres-
sive geologist, J. J. d'Omalius d'Halloy, the steadfast
friend and pupil of Lamarck, but he was rather sur-

1 Previous to Darwin's publication, the French botanist, Naudin, had
made some remarkable researches on the hybridization of plants; but all
his efforts to penetrate the mechanism of variation of species had been
unsuccessful. Another French botanist, Joseph Decaisne, desirous to
prove for himself the question of variations, made a series of experiments,
lasting more than twenty years, on the genus Pirns. He chose a rare
example of cultivation of the pear tree, at the Garden of the Chartreux,
Palace of Luxembourg. Paris, which had continued without interruption
during several centuries. The number of typical species or varieties of
pear trees cultivated there had reached, in 1871, the large number of
fourteen hundred. As a result of his experiment, Decaisne arrived at the
unexpected conclusion that all pear trees belong to an unique type,
although a polymorph one; and writing to a friend in 1868, he said, "Si
la nature n'a pas employe d'autre precede [referring to the natural selec-
tion of Darwin] pour faconner le monde actuel, il ne doit pas etre difficile
de la prendre sur le fait," to which he added, " Je voudrois voir cela de
mes yeux." Here lies the real difficulty, — the impossibility of seeing
with one's own eyes the arrival of a new species.

io6 LOUIS AGASSI/.. [CHAP. xvni.

prised to find that Darwin had almost entirely ignored
Lamarck, as if he had never existed. For d'Omalius
the " Origin of Species " was the " Philosophic Zoolo-
gique " of Lamarck in a new dress.

In America it was different. Under the leadership
of the botanist, Asa Gray, and the geologist, William B.
Rogers, almost all the naturalists became at once strong
Darwinians. Agassiz tried in vain to stop the sweeping
wave, but he was overwhelmed by the flood of publica-
tions and reviews. What was rather annoying to him
was that the most enthusiastic propagators and apostles
of the new gospel were not naturalists at all, with the
exception of the systematic botanist, Asa Gray. Not
one of them was a zoologist, in any sense of the word.
Agassiz was too much a naturalist to accept a number
of mere suggestions until they were scientifically proved
by exact observations. In his eyes Darwin was an
advocate of a foregone conclusion, who argued, not for
the purpose of finding in what direction the evidence
of any particular fact would lead, but for the purpose
of finding something in the fact favourable to his
preconceived opinion. Agassiz himself had had the
honour to overthrow too many errors and false general-
izations, not to be open to all new facts and investiga-
tions. But where were the facts? Darwin admitted
the difficulties in his theory, which he tries to explain
away, not by well-grounded facts and careful observa-
tions, but by various suppositions and many ifs; and
these through frequent repetition seem to become estab-
lished truths in his mind, and are used as arguments.
On the contrary, Agassiz had gathered together, dur-

1858-64.] CUVIER AND GEOFFROY. 107

ing his many years of close investigations, a mass of
facts which were not favourable to Darwin's somewhat
hasty conclusions, and more especially to those of his
followers, who at once exaggerated many of his views
and conclusions.

This controversy brought to Agassiz's mind the great
discussion between Cuvier and Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire,
at the meetings of the Academy of Sciences of Paris, in
I83O.1 Cuvier, who was the greatest debater natural
history has ever had, with his prodigious memory, had
every fact at his tongue's end, and was always able to
accumulate such a mass of proofs against an adver-
sary that it was useless to oppose him. Although in
this case Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire was right, as it has
been amply proved since, he was fairly defeated in each
day's encounter with Cuvier, and withdrew, so over-
powered by his great opponent that he tottered like a
drunken man, not knowing where he was, nor where he
was going, so one of the witnesses of those discussions
has told me.

Agassiz, although a rare teacher and a remarkable

1 It began on the 22d of February, 1830, and was occasioned by a
report made by Geoffroy on a paper, on the Organization of the Cephalo-
pods, written by two young and obscure naturalists. In his report,
Geoffroy advanced his new views on the unity of organic composition and
unity of types — the result of more than thirty years of constant research.
The discussions, which lasted, with one interruption only, during the whole
year, are well summarized in the book published in May, 1830, by Geofiroy,
under the title " Principes de Philosophic Zoologique," which may be con-
sidered as a basis for the classification of all the facts of comparative
anatomy; and also in the chapter, " Discussion Academique de 1830," in
the "Vie, travaux, et doctrine scientifique d'Etienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire,"
par son fils Isidore, pp. 366-385. Paris, 1847.

io8 LOUrS AGASSfZ. [CHAP. xvm.

lecturer, was a poor debater. While Cuvier always
kept cool and carefully selected every word he used,
Agassiz, on the contrary, quickly lost patience, became
excited, and showed signs of vexation. It should be
said, however, that this was not the case with Agassiz
until after he was fifty years old. I remember to have
seen him very cool and under perfect self-control in
several of the discussions on the glacial theory before

/

von Buch, Elie de Beaumont, and other adversaries of
his glacier theory, who on their part to a greater or less
degree lost their tempers. At the meetings of the
American Academy of Sciences and of the Natural
History Society of Boston in 1860, objections against
the acceptation of Darwin's theory led to several debates
between him and Asa Gray and William B. Rogers, in
which he was defeated, although he was right in all
the facts he advanced to sustain his views and opinions.
Some of his antagonists were excellent debaters and
skilled in interrupting; and they annoyed him constantly
by shaking their heads, or even saying a few words aloud,
which disconcerted him and produced a painful impres-
sion. His opponents have reproached him for taking all
that they said as directed against him personally when
they were only making objections to his arguments and
the views he expressed and defended. Probably the
reproach is just, to a certain extent; but that Agassiz
should take it as a personal opposition is easy to under-
stand, and was at least partly authorized by certain
facts. His great success and popularity in America
had arrayed against him almost all the American natu-
ralists, with very few exceptions. Even his position at

1858-64.] OPPONENTS OF AGASSIZ. 109

Harvard University was considered by some as unjustly
bestowed on him, a criticism which was particularly
applicable in regard to his geological work ; and it was
current among a certain public, happily a rather limited
number, that the merits of Agassiz had been "much
overrated in America." It would have been politic on
his part if he had offered the chair of geology to
William B. Rogers, then a resident of Boston. But
Agassiz did not like to have any one so near, who
might overshadow him.

But, however it happened, Darwin's " Origin of
Species " became a thorn in his side. His pupils in
a body turned against him, for they were delighted to
believe that they knew more than he of the philoso-
phy of natural history, the descent of man, the crea-
tive power of horticulturists, and of pigeon breeders,
and the mutability of species and genera. To the
disgust of Agassiz, they turned from their master to
applaud all the articles on evolution and origin of
species, published in American periodicals by Asa
Gray,1 Chauncey Wright, and John Fiske, the last two
not even naturalists.

1 Almost a year before the publication of Darwin's " Origin of Species,"
Gray, in January, 1859, read before the American Academy of Arts and
Science, a paper in which, as he said in a letter to Torrey, he " knocked
out the underpinning from Agassiz's theories about species and their
origin, showing by the very facts that threw de Candolle, the high prob-
ability of single and local creation of species, turning some of Agassiz's
own guns against him" ( " Life of Asa Gray," Vol. II., p. 450). It is
plain that Darwin's book came just in time for Gray, who seized upon it
at once, and used Darwin's weapons against Agassiz with a quickness,
which was not free from some passionate opposition. To be sure,
Lamarck's " Philosophic Zoulugicjue " was within Gray's reach, but it is

i io LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvm.

A few words on Chauncey Wright, and his singular
similarity to another adversary of Agassiz, Karl Schim-
per, will not be out of place. Chauncey Wright was a
mathematician of talent, who turned his mathematical
skill to a study of the phyllotaxis of plants, just as
Schimper had done forty years before. Agassiz treated
Wright in the most friendly way, even appointing him
a lecturer at his school for girls, just as he had treated
Karl Schimper. Wright was an earnest seeker for
truth, but he was above all a great dreamer, and some
of his writings are rather obscure. He was suffering
from the same weakness which afflicted Schimper, and
presents a rare parallel to him. As his biographer and
friend, Mr. Charles Eliot Norton, says, "He was never a
persistent and systematic student, but he was essentially
a persistent and systematic thinker ' (" Philosophical
Discussions," p. xvi., 1877; New York).

Asa Gray " had no proper training in biological
science," Huxley says, and this was certainly true of
Chauncey Wright, and especially of John Fiske. All
three were ignorant of zoology, and it was almost comi-
cal to have Wright say, " Darwin's ' Origin of Species '
renders Agassiz's essay on classification a useless and
mistaken speculation ; creation is a word pretending
knowledge and feigning reverence."

In an address of Professor Asa Gray ! on Professor
Jeffries Wyman, we read, " I may venture to take the

doubtful if he had ever read it, not being very proficient in the French
language. At all events, Gray's attention was not called to Lamarck's
work until after the publication of Darwin's " < )rigin of Species."

'"Proceedings Boston Soc. Nat. History," Vol. XVII., p. 123.
1874.

1858-64.] JEFFRIES WYMAN. in

liberty to repeat the substance of a conversation which
I had with him [Jeffries Wyman] some time after the
death of the lamented Agassiz, and not long before his
own. I repeat the substance only, not the words."

"Agassiz repeated to me," he said, "a remark made
to him by Humboldt, to the effect that Cuvier made a
great mistake, and missed a great opportunity, when he
took the sides he did in the famous controversy with
Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire. He should have accepted the
doctrine of morphology, and brought his vast knowledge
of comparative anatomy and his unequalled powers to
their illustration. Had he done so, instead of gaining
by his superior knowledge some temporary and doubt-
ful victories in a lost cause, his pre-eminence for all
our time would have been assured and complete. I
thought," continued Wyman, "that there was a parallel
case before me --that if Agassiz had brought his vast
stores of knowledge in zoology, embryology, and palae-
ontology, his genius for morphology, and all his quick-
ness of apprehension and fertility in illustrations, to the
elucidation and support of the doctrine of the progres-
sive development of species, science in our day would
have gained much, some grave misunderstandings been
earlier rectified, and the permanent fame of Agassiz
been placed on a broader and higher basis even than it
is now."

These opinions of Wyman, quoted and indorsed by
Gray, indicate an inclination in both to say, " what a pity
that Cuvier and Agassiz did not at once accept La-
marck's, Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire's, and Darwin's theories
of descent ; if they had done so, they would have been

,,, LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvm.

greater men." On the contrary, both would have in-
jured their record as exact observers and true savants.
Their convictions were based on researches in labora-
tories, which had lasted all their long lives, and it would
not have been to their honour to give up all the facts
they had patiently accumulated, in order to adopt views
contrary to what they had seen and observed. Both
Cuvier and Agassiz were very honest, and had too high
an idea of their priesthood in natural history, not to
protest against the acceptation c f theories not fully sus-
tained by facts patiently accumulated. Darwin, in a
letter to Sedgwick, says, that his volume on the " Origin
of Species " was the result of more than twenty years'
study, during which he "worked like a slave on the
subject." But Cuvier also worked like a slave during
forty years, and so did Agassiz.

Naturalists may be divided into two categories : those
who are philosophical naturalists, and those who are,
above all, guided by well-observed facts. Philosophers
are all dreamers and isolate themselves as much as they
can, not only from society, but even from companion-
ship with their fellow-workers. Lamarck, although
suffering from weakness of the eyes, and finally becom-
ing blind, led an isolated life ; he was not sociable even
with his colleagues in Paris ; and Pyramus cle Can-
dolle, who became his collaborator in the third and
fourth edition of his " Flore Franchise," did not affiliate
with him at all, while, on the contrary, he was intimate
with, and a great admirer of Cuvier. Geoffrey Saint-
I I ilaire also became blind. Nauclin was completely deaf.
Darwin's constant suffering and complete isolation at

1858-64.] TWO CLASSES OF NATURALISTS. 113

his country house, " Down, Bromley, Kent," are well
known. We read in his life, Vol. I., p. 243 : " Those
two conditions --permanent ill health and a passionate
love of scientific work for its own sake --determined
thus early in his career the character of his whole future
life." An avowal of Huxley to the son of Darwin may
also be added : " Like the rest of us [which means
Joseph Hooker, Asa Gray, Charles Lyell, and himself],
he [Charles Darwin] had no proper training in biolog-
ical science." Bates passed eleven years in the Amazon
valley, cut off from all scientific society and absolutely
isolated; and when I saw him in London, in 1870, he
was living like a hermit. Wallace is another example
of a traveller who lived year after year in the natu-
ralists' paradise of both the new and old worlds : four
years on the Amazons and eight years in the Indio-
Malayan archipelago. During their long isolation,
naturalist-philosophers are apt to theorize ; more espe-
cially if, like Bates and Wallace, they start with the
avowed purpose of finding the origin of species. The
weak points seem to them only imperfections in the
records, which will be filled up by and by, and each
believes that he has found the laws of variation and of
evolution in the organic world.

The second class of naturalists, who may be called
classifiers and pioneer-naturalists, do not isolate them-
selves, and are anything but hermits. They work in
laboratories as well as in the field, always well equipped
and drilled to observe every organism; and they are
disinclined to theorize, until all the facts lead them
toward an inevitable conclusion. They are constant

VOL. II. — I

114 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvm.

attendants at scientific meetings of academies and
natural history societies, discussing there every new
fact brought up by any observer, whatever may be his
scientific position and record. They try to classify
the immense stores of collections around them, criti-
cally examining every specimen, and observing without
prejudice everything that comes under their keen
eyes.

The majority of them never indulge in dreams ; or, if
they do, they do not allow their imagination to go
beyond the limit of speculation which can be easily
seen and readily controlled by the immediate researches
of their fellow-workers, as well as their own. To this
category belong Cuvier, Agassiz, Owen, d'Orbigny,
Deshayes, Ed. Forbes, Thomas Davidson, Pictet de
la Rive, Herman von Mayer, Barrande, Lartet, Cotteau,
and almost all palaeontologists. Cuvier was unique for
his constant adherence to facts. He never dreamed
in his life. Agassiz, next to him, was influenced only
by facts, though he dreamed now and then ; but his
great practical experience in both hemispheres soon
put an end to all wild conclusions or hasty speculations
which may have come now and then to his impetuous
spirit, and brought him back face to face with the simple
facts. Which of the two classes of men do the best
work in natural history ? is a question easy to answer.
All true and solid progress is due to the second class
and without them natural history could hardly be com-
prehended. Philosophical naturalists would find their
task a very barren one if there were no classifiers, no
embryologists, no palaeontologists. It is very well to

1858-64-] THE PIONEER-NATURALISTS. 115

theorize and discuss teleology, agnosticism, spiritism,
morphology, mimicry, natural selection, evolution, trans-
formism, etc., but before everything else we must know
the history of every animal, of every plant, and accu-
mulate all that constitutes the treasuries of every branch
of natural history. Notwithstanding the saying of
Bates that " Darwin and Hooker have elevated natural
history into the rank of an inductive science, instead of
being only the observation and cataloguing of facts "
(letter to Dr. J. S. Hooker, March, 1861), it is difficult
to decide how Bates would classify the comparative
anatomy of Cuvier, the stratigraphical system of organ-
ized fossils of William Smith, or the Ice period of
Agassiz.

There are two words which have an almost super-
natural influence on the naturalists of the nineteenth
century, --a circumstance which is easily explained
when we consider how far humanity is led by
words, and that fashion exists in everything human.
During the first part of this century, the word " revolu-
tion " was extensively used in natural history. It was
natural for persons who had witnessed the great French
Revolution of 1789 to liken all that was extraordinary
and difficult to explain in natural history to great revo-
lutions. So Cuvier, with his " Revolutions de la surface
du globe," started a whole literature. Everything was
revolution and catastrophe. Humboldt spoke of revo-
lutions in both hemispheres ; Elie de Beaumont spoke
of revolutions and elevations of mountain systems ; de
Boucheporn revolutionized the theory of the earth by
his explanation that the changes in its axis were due to

ii6 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvm.

the shock of comets, etc., etc. Later, since October,
1860, when Herbert Spencer, in his "First Principles of
a New System of Philosophy," gave the following defini-
tion : " Evolution is the integration of matter and con-
comitant dissipation of motion," everything in natural
history, and in social, political, economical, historical,
and philological sciences, is evolution. It is not that the
word "evolution" was not used before in natural his-
tory, although, curiously enough, Darwin did not use it
once in his " Origin of Species " ; for since the second
half of the eighteenth century we find it used by
Bonnet, and afterward by Laurillard, the assistant and
right hand of George Cuvier, who recalled the observa-
tions of Bonnet on evolution. If Lamarck had used it
in his " Philosophic Zoologique," his theory might have
had another destiny during his lifetime. Darwin had
the acuteness to see what a capital handle it would
make for his theory, and as soon as he saw it in Spen-
cer's work, he transferred the word into all his other
works, speaking constantly of the " principles of evo-
lution." His sympathizers took to evolution, and now
evolution is everywhere. It has dethroned revolution
completely. The word "evolution" a fait fortune ac-
cording to a French proverb.

It is the only tie — certainly a very slender and
elastic one --between all those who call themselves
Darwinians ; l although the word does not occur at all
in the " Origin of Species." In this connection a few
quotations from "Asa Gray's Life and Letters" are

1 There is only one exception, Alphonse de Candolle, who used the
word " transformism " as preferable to " evolution," because, as he says,

1858-64.] ASA GRAY. 117

interesting. He says, " Lyell considers the case [trans-
mutation question] as not yet ripe for a decision."
" Lyell does not come out as an advocate of natural
selection, transmutation ' (both Darwin and Hooker
complain of it). " Lyell has presented the case of
transmutation so as to commend it as much as possible
to us orthodox people. [Huxley would have put it in a
way to frighten us (orthodox) off.] " Here is the great
obstacle between Gray and Huxley, and even Darwin.
Gray says, "As to the Exeter meeting of the British
Association, I am, on the whole, glad enough to keep
away, especially from Darwinian discussions, in which
I desire not to be at all mixed up with the prevailing
and peculiarly English materialistic, positivistic line of
thought, with which I have no sympathy, while in
natural history I am a sort of Darwinian " (" Letters
of Asa Gray," Vol. II., p. 592). And in two other
places Gray says : " In Darwin's contributions to tele-
ology, there is a vein of petite malice, from my knowing
well that he rejects the idea of design." "You (Dar-
win) see what uphill work I have in making a theist of
you of good and reputable standing." Darwin is in
favour of chances, while Gray feels a "cold chill" when
Darwin brings him to the point of co-adaptations in
orchids. Certainly the association of an orthodox Pres-
byterian, or strict Puritan of the old school, like Gray,
with the agnostic and materialistic Darwin and Huxley
is curious. Circumstances made Gray a Darwinian, for

the successive changes of forms do not occur always in the direction of a
greater development, being sometimes in the direction of simplification or
even of the production of monstrosities ("Darwin," 2d edition, p. 35;
Geneve, 1882).

n8 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvm.

he always stopped short of complete deduction. For in-
stance, when he says, "in Bates's geographical varieties,
etc., we get about as near to' seeing a species made as we
are ever likely to get." Darwin and Huxley do not think
so. Gray leaned towards Owen's definition, that species
are somewhat derived genealogically, and he urges Dar-
win " not to insist much on natural selection, if you can
only have derivation of species"; and adds, "derivation
of species is to be the word." Finally, Gray accepts
the conclusions of Darwin as a "probable hypothesis."

As to Lyell, he says in a letter to Darwin, " I cannot
go Huxley's length in thinking that natural selection
and variation account for so much, and not so far as
you, if I take some passages of your book separately.
I think the old ' creation ' is almost as much required
as ever, but, of course, it takes a new form if Lamarck's
views improved by yours are adopted ' ( " Life of
Charles Lyell," Vol. II., p. 363).

In another letter also to Darwin, he says, " Lamarck's
belief in the slow changes in the organic and inorganic
world in the year 1800 was surely above the standard
of his time, and he was right about progression in the
main, though you have vastly advanced that doctrine "
("Charles Lyell," Vol. II., pp. 365, 366). And farther on
Lyell entirely breaks with some of the main conclusions
of Darwin, as when he says, " I feel that progressive
development or evolution cannot be entirely explained
by natural selection. I rather hail Wallace's sugges-
tion that there may be a Supreme Will and Power
which may not abdicate its functions of interference,
but may guide the forces and law of Nature. . . .

1858-64-] CHARLES LYELL. 119

At the same time, I told Wallace that I thought his
arguments as to the hand, the voice, the beauty and
the symmetry, the naked skin, and other attributes of
man, implying a preparation for his subsequent devel-
opment, might easily be controverted " (" Charles Lyell,"
Vol. II., p. 442).

Lyell is the only Darwinian who has made any refer-
ence to " spontaneous generation." It is in a letter to
Charles Darwin, dated March 15, 1863 (" Charles Lyell,"
Vol. II., p. 346). Curiously enough, he calls Richard
Owen " a disciple of Pouchet" of Rouen. Darwin and
Huxley have gone as far as it was possible for them to go,
in reducing the initiative beings on earth to four or five
cells, even to a single one, according to Darwin's most
intimate thought. From that cell to spontaneous gener-
ation there was an easy passage, especially for materi-
alists and agnostics. But the very exact and splendid
experiments of Louis Pasteur, proving beyond discussion
that " spontaneous generation " does not exist, broke
the first link of their chain of reasoning for the " Origin
of Species," and they all by common consent passed
over it as too dangerous ground.

Gray's slight knowledge of geology, palaeontology,
and zoology led him to overestimate the value of both
Lyell and Darwin, when he says, " It is interesting to
see how early he [Lyell] took to the line which he fol-
lowed in his whole life's work, and which has changed
the face of geology and philosophical natural history.
For, indeed, Lyell is as much the father of the new
mode of thought which now prevails as Darwin" (Letter
of Gray to A. de Candolle in " Letters of Asa Gray,"

120 LOUIS AGASSI Z. [CHAP. xvm.

Vol. II., p. 732). The influence of Lyell on geology,
outside of a very limited circle in the British Isles, is
absolutely insignificant. Geology has been built up
entirely outside of his "line of work," by practical
geologists and original observers, as well as by great
thinkers. That Lyell was a charming character is true,
and it is also true that he influenced Darwin, but he did
not in the least change the face of geology.

The publication of some letters of Darwin, Lyell, and
Gray, in their respective biographies, although carefully
selected, apparently to do honour to their authors, shows
in part the inside history of the strong divergences exist-
ing among evolutionists and uniformitarians. Both Lyell
and Gray feel "cold chills" every time they come to
the full conclusions drawn by Darwin, Huxley, and
Wallace. They had to come face to face with agnostic
and antitheistic ideas. The bridge they had to cross
seemed to both of them too insecure to trust their
feet on it, just as Agassiz and many others refused
to cross the bridge of the " Origin of Species " of
Darwin.

Some of the quotations from the letters of Darwin
arc certainly amusing. He calls Hooker " a barrister,
a great lawyer"; Lyell is "a Lord Chancellor"; Asa
Gray is " a born reviewer, a capital reasoner, a poet, a
hybrid, a complex cross of lawyer, poet, naturalist, and
theologist ! was there ever such a monster seen be-
fore ?" And he wrote to Asa Gray, "You have made
a mistake in being a botanist ; you ought to have been
a lawyer" (" Darwin's Life," Vol. II., p. 120). This is
true. Lyell, Hooker, and Gray were certainly lawyers,

1858-64.] DARWIN ON LAMARCK. 121

and all three constantly applied lawyers' methods to
natural history. No one of them possessed the natu-
ralist spirit and turn of mind.

Of Joseph Prestwich, Darwin says, " I fear he is too
much of a catastrophist." For him " Huxley is a
regular reviewer." Never a man was more inclined to
paradoxes than was Darwin. For instance, he says,
"A compiler is a great man, and an original man, a
commonplace man"; "only fools can generalize and
speculate " (in a letter to Hooker). His treatment of*
Lamarck's views and observations do not speak in his
favour, for in one place he says that Lamarck's work
appears to him " extremely poor " ; and again, " I got
not a fact or idea from it." Lamarck's book is "ab-
surd, an absolutely useless book," and all that Lamarck
did is " rubbish." However, he admits that Lamarck is
the only exception among all those who have described
species, for he did not believe in the immutability and
permanence of species.

Darwin applied the word "rubbish" rather at random,
and not always to the point. For instance, he charac-
terized by that title the great discovery of the antiquity
of man by Boucher de Perthes at Amiens, and a few
months later he scolds Lyell for not rendering suffi-
cient justice to Boucher de Perthes in his book " The
Antiquity of Man," saying that " Boucher de Perthes
has done for man something like what Agassiz did for
glaciers."

On the whole, Darwin was a great sceptic, and a
lover of paradoxes, full of preconceived ideas, although
he constantly protested that he had never had any, ex-

122 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvm.

cept one, and that one was very unfortunate, for it was
in regard to the formation of atolls by corals, which he
preconceived when on the coast of South America,
before he had seen a single coral island of Australia.
Since 1874 Darwin's theory has been so often damaged
by the numerous facts brought forward by Semper,
John Murray, Agassiz, Guppy, and Bourne, that it is
now regarded as an exploded hypothesis.

As a matter of course, like all zoologists, with the
unique exception of Edward Forbes, Darwin was op-
posed to the theory of change of place of the continents
and oceans. Although an evolutionist of the most
radical type when applied to animals and plants, he
was ultra-conservative and even retrograde in his views
of the permanence l of seas and lands.

To this day there has been nothing but chaos in
regard to the questions agitated by the new school.
All disagree on some of the most important points;
and if Darwin, according to Gray's expression, " has
turned the world of science upside down," he has
failed to give a doctrine well based and acceptable
as an indisputable truth, like the glacial theory, the
strata identified by organized fossils, the primordial
fauna, comparative anatomy, and historic and chron-
ologic geology.

As Agassiz says : " Suppose that descent of species
is proved as correct ; in what arc we more advanced

1 This is a rare contradiction of all the views and opinions advanced by
Darwin, and almost incredible from a geologist who had made a journey
round the world. Immutability of oceans and lands is a greater heresy in
the eyes of all true practical geologists than immutability of species for
Darwinians.

1858-64.] NEO-LAMARCKISM. 123

in our knowledge of them ? Can we dispense with
a study of the organism, the embryology, the exact
position each species occupies in classification?" True
progress in natural history does not depend on fine
theories, hypotheses, and philosophy. What is wanted
are new observations, new facts, new deductions well
based on facts absolutely undeniable.

We shall always have a quantity of theories. We
already hear of neo-Darwinism, of neo-Lamarckism ;
one need not be much of a prophet to predict that
we shall see several other "neos" during the next
century.

Cuvier and Agassiz did not believe in the descent
of species and in transformism ; they knew well that
species vary, that intermediate forms exist, that links
are constantly found ; but all this did not shake their
faith in the existence of species and genera. They
were unwilling to go beyond what they saw with their
own eyes and what they touched with their own hands.

Slow action a la Lyell and Darwin is very well,
but principles of uniformitarianism are constantly dis-
turbed by facts which confront every honest and care-
ful observer, and which cannot be explained in any
satisfactory way, except by the presence of parox-
ysms, catastrophes, and revolutions among the forces
of nature as we have them now under our eyes.
Before such facts, evolutionists and uniformists are
at a loss, totally disagreeing among themselves. For
instance, the glacial epoch has been a thorn in the
flesh of Darwin, Wallace, Bates, and others, each one
disagreeing with the others.

124 LOUIS AGASSIS. [CHAP. xvin.

Between variations of extinct species and their affin-
ities to each other and to living species, and transform-
ism, or the theory of descent from common parents,
there is a gap ; rather, an immense abyss, over which
Agassiz was not willing to leap. A bridge was needed,
but natural selection seemed to him too frail a struct-
ure for so dangerous a passage. In his view, natural
selection 1 was only a beautiful circumlocution ; for he
clearly saw that selection in natural history could not
be other than natural. When naturalists like Cuvier,
Agassiz, Barrande, Owen, Pictet, Lartet, Deshayes,
etc., hesitate, it is simply because the conclusions pre-
sented to them are too full of obscurity and of sup-
position. True savants, accustomed to rigid scientific
methods and exact principles, do not like to move
in the dark. It is possible that for some of them,

1 Darwin had obtained his idea of natural selection from the work of
Malthus, as he says in his introduction to the " Origin of Species," and also
in a private letter, published by Haeckel. The idea was not original with
him, but only an application to all the animal and vegetable species of what
Malthus held to be the principle governing the human species in its struggle
for existence. Curiously enough, Wallace also got the same idea of natural
selection from reading Malthus, while in camp in the jungles of Java, and
he at once outlined the " revelation," which had come to him almost
as an " inspiration." After all, it was simply a coincidence in the minds
of two men who were interested in the same subject and were trying
to theorize in regard to the progress of life through some sort of agency.
Malthus furnished " natural selection," and at once both Darwin and
Wallace found that their ideas had fashioned themselves into a complete
system. So Malthus is the revelator and inspirer of what has been called
by an enthusiastic admirer of both Darwin and Wallace " the greatest syn-
thetical emanation of the scientific mind of our day." To this case the say-
ing of Marshal Canrobert after the cavalry charge at Balaklava, "C'est
beau, mais ce n'est pas la guerre," may be applied, with a slight change:
" C'est beau, mais ce n'est pas 1'origine des especes."

1858-64-] THEORY OF DESCENT. 125

like Huxley, the way may seem clear. However,
even Darwin declares that it is not easy, and that
he was constantly troubled by hesitation, and even
doubts. Agassiz was perhaps too cautious, but no
true naturalist will blame him, and the position he
took in the controversy has been fully justified.

All branches of natural history, except mineralogy,
are now in a transitory state, and our ignorance on
many most important points is very great. In fifty
years, our successors will be in a better position to
form a judgment. The records of a Cuvier and of
an Agassiz, with their admirable works on classifica-
tion, comparative anatomy, palaeontology, embryology,
glacial doctrine, can await the test of time.

By way of resume, we may say that at present the
theory of descent as set forth by Lamarck and Darwin
has not been established by incontestable facts and obser-
vations. Agassiz was unwilling to abandon the method
of exposition of facts which he had found established
in science, and to substitute in its place metaphysics
and hypotheses ; he clung to observation and experi-
ment. Man has not yet found the secret of creating
species; it is true, man has the power of destroying
species, as he has already shown by the extermination
of several species of animals. But the question of
mutability of species and the method of effecting it
are still reserved for future observers ; and not until
we possess unquestionable proof of their soundness
will transformism and descent be accepted in science.
Notwithstanding all that has been advanced as to pre-
destined evolution, by Naudin, Minart, Koeliker, and

126 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvm.

others, the bold assertions of Haeckel,1 the natural
selection of Darwin and Wallace, are hypotheses insuf-
ficient to prove the reality of the origin and descent
of species.

De Candolle insists that transformism is no longer
an hypothesis, but a proved fact, and that the only
hypothesis lies in the explanation of the process of
variation of species and their propagation. Herein
is the whole difficulty. Agassiz has proved that each
individual, in his embryologic development, passes
through forms analogous to those of species which
have existed in geological times. If the Darwinists
can replace their hypothesis of process of variations

1 Haeckel's attacks upon Agassiz's character, calling him an " hypo-
crite and a charlatan," are happily unusual in natural history. At all
events, they do not prevent him from making use of Agassiz's discoveries,
as it is proved by Alpheus Hyatt, who says: "Therefore, while the law of
correlation of the stages of development and those of the evolution of the
phylum may, if one chooses, be called a law of biogenesis, it is more
accurate to consider it a law of correlation in bioplantology; or, better
still, the law of palingenesis, or regular repetition of ancestral characters,
which very nearly expresses what the discoverer, Louis Agassiz, saw and
described. The fact that Agassiz was wrong in his theory, not believing
in evolution and not recognizing the meaning of his laws in this sense,
does not absolve those who profit by his labours from recognizing his
discovery of the facts, and his obviously full acquaintance with the law
and its applications to the explanation of the relations of organisms. It
is Agassiz's law, not Haeckel's" (" Philogeny of an Acquired Character-
istic," by Alpheus Hyatt; " Proceed. Amer. Philosophical Society," Vol.
XXXIL, p. 390; Philadelphia, 1894).

Ernst Haeckel is trying to play — in the origin of species — the role of
a Mahomet, and like him is very intolerant against all those who do not
accept his " creed " and use his method of doubt on the problem of life, as
his last work, " Monism. The Confession of Faith of a Man of Science,"
London, 1894, sufficiently proves. His preconceptions on matters which fall
within the provinces of research and discovery are anything but scientiiic.

1858-64.] NATURAL SELECT/OAT. 127

of forms, by proofs based on observations easily
repeated and accessible to every one who studies spe-
cies, then we shall understand the origin of species
by accidental transformation, which they want us to
believe. The theory of the followers of Cuvier does
not differ so much from that of the transformists as is
generally supposed. The plan of both is the same ;
in both, intermediate species have always been recog-
nized, and the discovery of links between past forms
and new ones is mainly due to the researches of
Cuvier, Agassiz, Owen, and others. But it is the part
played by accident, as a sort of mechanical process
constantly made use of by Darwin and his school,
which fails to explain an enormous amount of palaeon-
tological and biological facts, which are all left to
be accounted for by pure hypothesis. Suppress all
hypotheses, if possible, and then the two schools of
immutability and mutability of species will unite. But
as long as hypotheses are the main factors in the
problem, it will remain a problem, and not a final
solution.

If natural selection or other expedients proposed by
Darwin and his school will account for the origin of
species, the mechanical process resorted to should
not be difficult to get at. Laboratories for biological
research exist now in great numbers, in both hemi-
spheres, and if it is as simple as Darwin, Wallace,
and Haeckel are inclined to think, we shall before
long have new species to add to the catalogues
of plants and animals. If, on the contrary, no new
species is produced, we shall be obliged to have re-

128 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xvin.

course, in some way or other, to the " Supreme Will
and Power," according to Lyell's phraseology, or to the
creation or at least sudden appearance of organized
being, which Cuvier and his school have maintained as
the only rational hypothesis. " Nous verrons ! "

CHAPTER XIX.

1858-1864 (continued).

"THE PHILOSOPHERS' CAMP" IN THE ADIRONDACK^ — THE SATURDAY
CLUB — DEATH OF PROFESSOR CORNELIUS C. FELTON — SOCIAL RELA-
TIONS WITH MR. GEORGE TICKNOR AND MRS. JULIA WARD HOWE-
ACCLIMATIZATION OF AMERICAN MARINE ANIMALS ON THE COAST OF
FRANCE — ENLISTMENT IN THE ARMY OF SEVERAL OF AGASSIZ'S PUPILS
— A GRANT OF TEN THOUSAND DOLLARS BY THE LEGISLATURE OF
MASSACHUSETTS IN 1863 — LECTURING TOUR IN THE WEST DURING
THE WINTER OF 1863-1864 — COLLECTIONS OF FOSSIL CRINOIDS AT
BURLINGTON, IOWA — DR. GEORGE ENGELMANN OF ST. Louis — THE
TITLE OF HIS MUSEUM — GLACIAL EXPLORATION IN MAINE.

DURING all these years social life was at its height
with Agassiz. In August, 1858, the "Saturday Club"
made a summer expedition to the Adirondacks, under
the leadership of the poet -- afterward diplomatist -
James Russell Lowell, who was the youngest and the
most energetic of the "philosophers' camp." A roughly
built shelter, with a roof of fir bark, on the shore of
Follansbee Pond, a small lake in the Raquette Moun-
tains, not far from Keeseville on Lake Champlain,
served as tent for the whole party, which was com-
posed of Agassiz, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Lowell, John
Holmes, Dr. E. Howe, Judge Hoar, A. Binney, Jeffries
Wyman, and a few others. The life was rather rough ;
all were in flannel shirts, red or blue, and slept wrapped

VOL. II. — K 129

130 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [i HAP. xix.

up in blankets on fir boughs. Game and fish were
abundant, and the fare good. Longfellow had declined
point blank to go, because Ralph Waldo Emerson,
whose mind was always wandering among the temples
of Greece and Rome, and seldom concerned with reality,
had taken a gun. When asked why he refused to join
them, Longfellow's ready answer was, because "some-
body will be shot." However, nothing was shot, except
deer.

It was the custom at the " philosophers' camp" every
morning after breakfast to practise firing at a mark,
during which time Agassiz, Wyman, and an assistant
would dissect and prepare their specimens. One day
some one asked Agassiz to shoot at the mark; and on
his hesitating to accept the offer of a rifle, the whole
company joined in the request, urging that a man with
such eyes must be a capital shot. Not one of them
knew or imagined that Agassiz had never fired a shot
in his life. Finally Agassiz took aim, fired, and put
the ball in the eye of the mark, which gave occasion
for much applause and many compliments. Further
solicitations found him immovable, and he firmly de-
clined to fire another shot. He had been too lucky to
try again, and this was actually the only shot he ever
fired.1

1 In a letter to Cuvier, written about 1827, Agassiz mentions that he
"practised arms, the bayonet and sabre exercise" (Mrs. Agassiz's "Life
and Correspondence of Louis Agassiz," Vol. I., p. 108), which seems to
indicate that he then used a gun. But it was not so. William Schimprr,
the brother of Karl, when he joined Agassiz at Munich, had just left the
Radcn military service as a non-commissioned officer; and he drilled
Agassiz in the use of a gun, without firing it. Agassiz always declinol to
lire a shot, and would give no reason for his refusal.

1858-64-] THE "SATURDAY CLUB." 131

In Boston and Cambridge dinner parties succeeded
each other so rapidly that it was a wonder that any
man could stand such a strain on his digestive powers.
Agassiz was a member of all the fashionable clubs of
the time, and besides was a welcome guest at the hos-
pitable tables of all the leading families of Boston. A
description of one of these meetings will suffice. Dr.
Holmes, the great humourist and poet, says, " At the
other end of the table [of the "Saturday Club"] sat
Agassiz, robust, sanguine, animated, full of talk, boy-
like in his laughter." They lingered long round the
table, while hour after hour passed in animated conver-
sation, in which bon mots and repartee were exchanged
as rapidly as a discharge of fireworks — an encounter of
anecdote, wit, and erudition. At such times Agassiz
was at his best, with his inexhaustible bonJioniic. With
a lighted cigar in each hand, he would force the atten-
tion of every one around him. Excited by the pyro-
technic wit of James Russell Lowell, Judge Rock¥n«44
Hoar, and the author of the "Autocrat of the Breakfast
Table," Agassiz, whose vivid imagination was always
on the qui-vive, was not a man to let others eclipse him.
Then would come one of his made-up stories --a mixt-
ure of dream and science. He knew perfectly well
that it was a fiction, and the first time he told it he hesi-
tated a little. If he thought any one in the company
was doubting its truth, he would look at him with a
dumb request not to betray him. On the next occasion
he would repeat the same story without any hesitation ;
and the third time he told it, he was sure that it had
really happened, and was true. Agassiz would have

132 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xix.

been very truthful, if he had had less fire and brill-
iancy in his imagination, always too easily excited. In
principle he was honest, because he believed all that he
said. For him the Italian proverb, " si non e vero e ben
trovato," was an article of the code of conversation in
after-dinner talk among witty gentlemen. Very appre-
ciative of a well-served table, of witty conversation, and
of the company of ladies, his gaulois spirit formed a
relish, as it were, for his more serious and guarded
American friends. As Lowell says of him, " Blood
runs quick in his veins, and he has the joy of animal
vigour to a degree rare among men — a true male, in
all its meaning."

Lowell was a special favourite with Agassiz, and
knew him thoroughly. As Agassiz was always a great
walker, he and Lowell, after a long sitting at the " Sat-
urday Club," in the early hours of morning, would come
back to Cambridge on foot, Agassiz continuing his con-
fidential gauloiscries, begun " under the rose," until the
joyful companions were forced to separate, a parting
which Lowell has so well described in his memorial
poem entitled " Agassiz " : -

'• At last arrived at where our paths divide,
'Good night ! ' and, ere the distance grew too wide,
' Good night ! ' again ; and now with cheated ear,
I half hear his who mine shall never hear."

While returning from one of these Saturday Club meet-
ings, Agassiz was greatly shocked by the sudden illness
of his friend, President Felton, who suffered a seven-
attack of heart disease, as they were walking home. It
proved a. first warning of death ; and some months later,

1858-64.] .J/A'. AND MRS. GEORGE TICKNOR. 133

on the 26th of February, 1862, a second attack prema-
turely ended the life of one who had been a most
devoted friend and true brother to Agassiz.

Ever since his arrival in Boston, in 1846, Agassiz
had been not only a welcome guest, but a great
favourite, at the house of Mrs. George Ticknor. Mrs.
Ticknor's literary " salon " exerted, during the middle
of the nineteenth century, a great influence on New
England society. There gentlemen and ladies, distin-
guished for their literary attainments, their education,
their high official position, met daily. Foreigners, as
well as Americans, came and went constantly under
this charmingly hospitable roof ; and Agassiz, when in
Cambridge, was one of the most assiduous " habitues."
Although not scientific, both Mr. and Mrs. Ticknor
enjoyed the conversation of savants. Sir Charles Lyell
and Lady Lyell were guests at the Ticknors' during
each of their visits to America ; and Agassiz ran in
almost every time he came to Boston, sure to find there,
not only friends, but sympathizers and often helpers of
his never-ending schemes for the progress of natural
history in North America.

Another house where Agassiz was often a most wel-
come guest was that of the director of the Perkins
Asylum for the Blind at South Boston. Dr. S. G.
Howe, the philanthropist, and his gifted wife, Mrs.
Julia Ward Howe, appreciated Agassiz at his real value
as soon as they knew him. The friendship was recip-
rocated ; and it was no small privilege and enjoyment
to hear a conversation between him and Mrs. Howe,
both geniuses, and spirited and witty to a rare degree.

I34 LOUIS AGASSI/.. [CHAP. xix.

Charles Simmer, although a good friend, was too
much engrossed by politics for Agassiz, who never
much relished political societies and meetings. Natural
history discussions left no time for other debates. Out-
side of his natural history pursuit, pictures, especially
landscapes, were the only things which attracted him,
although he had little time to devote to them. He saw
at once the quality of a picture ; and I have seen him
lost in admiration before Alpine landscapes by Calame,
Diday, and Topffer, or beautiful "paysages" of the
Jura Mountains by Gustave Courbet.

At the beginning of the Civil War Agassiz received,
through M. Jules Souchard, the French consul at
Boston and his personal friend, a message written by
order of the Emperor Napoleon, asking information
in regard to the acclimatization of several marine ani-
mals living in the American Atlantic. With his usual
promptness to help in anything relating to natural
history, Agassiz took the trouble to send, in charge
of his old friend Burkhardt, a whole cargo of living
Mya arenaria, Venus mcnenaria, Pectcn conccntricns,
llomarus americanus, Mactra solidissima, and Mylilus
edulis, which might be experimented with at the oyster
station near Havre. The passage from Boston to Liver-
pool, which was made just at the equinoctial time, at
the end of September, 1861, was very stormy and long;
and almost all the animals died during the voyage, not-
withstanding the care of the captain of the steamer,
James (afterward Sir James) Anderson, a special friend
and great admirer of Agassiz.

Agassiz, Burkhardt, and Anderson took every pro-

1858-64.] JULES SOUCHARD. 135

caution possible in this first experiment of sending liv-
ing marine animals across the Atlantic ; but owing to
adverse circumstances, not only the long and protracted
journey over the Atlantic, but also the journey from
Liverpool to Havre, only two hundred live specimens
of Venus mcrcenaria arrived at La Houge de Saint-
Waast, on the island of Tatihou, in the marine aquarium,
near Normandy's coast, Havre.

Burkhardt was presented to Napoleon at the Tuile-
ries, who thanked him for the part he had taken in the
difficult task of conveying such an unusual cargo ; and
Agassiz received through his friend Souchard the im-
perial thanks and the cross of officer of the Legion
d'honneur. The failure did not discourage further
experiments. On the contrary, the difficulties encoun-
tered by Burkhardt were taken into consideration ; and
other cargoes were sent across in 1862, with complete
success, by a lieutenant of the French navy, M. Philippe
de Broca, sent for that special purpose by the Secretary
of the Navy. M. de Broca carefully followed all the
instructions and advice given to him by Agassiz ; and
although two-thirds of the animals sent over at different
times during his stay in the United States died on the
voyage, a third of them, about ten thousand specimens,
arrived alive and in tolerably good condition.

Agassiz much enjoyed the society of Jules Souchard,
the French consul, and he and Agassiz arranged a
weekly meeting half-way between their two houses.
Every Sunday afternoon each set forth from his home
at the same hour, and walked toward the other until
they met. Then they continued the walk together as

I.OUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xix.

far as the house of one or the other, alternating each
week, whence, after enjoying a glass of French wine
and cigars, the visitor would return by a horse car.
This friendly arrangement lasted several years, until
Souchard returned to France in 1867.

The Civil War was a terrible hindrance to the prog-
ress and prosperity of Agassiz's Museum. First of all,
almost half of his assistants and pupils left to enlist
in the army. Three of them died there, - - N. Bowditch,
C. A. Shurtleff, and A. P. Cragin. Nathaniel Bow-
ditch, son of Dr. Henry Bowditch, was killed on one
of the battle-fields of Virginia. Albert Ordway rose
rapidly to be colonel, and finally brigadier-general, of
United States volunteers. He had had charge of the
Crustacea at the Museum, and had begun good work on
the trilobites, but he unfortunately never returned to
the Museum, and has been lost to science. Alpheus
Hyatt remained over a year in Louisiana on the staff
of General Banks, the commanding officer, and after
good service returned as captain of volunteers in 1863,
several months after his time of service was over, for
he was so appreciated by his chief that General Banks
would not allow him to return earlier. Hyatt, more
than any other assistant of the Museum, deserves credit
for having enlisted for active service, because, educated
in Maryland, his family were in sympathy with the
South, and in enlisting in the Northern army, he en-
countered their strong opposition.

Albert Bickmore deserves more than a passing
notice, for he made use of his spare time in the army
as a nine-months soldier to make a splendid collect i»n

1858-64-] ALBERT BICKMORE. 137

of the marine animals, more specially shells, of the
coast of North Carolina. Being only a private in an
infantry regiment, he was detailed upon special hospital
duty near the seashore. There almost daily he explored
the beaches, going often so far as to trespass on the
Confederate lines, wandering in his pursuit of shells, on
rather dangerous ground for a boy in blue, for he always
wore his military dress. The least that could have
happened to him was to be made a prisoner of war, but
somehow his pursuit was so earnest, he seemed so indif-
ferent to danger, so absorbed in collecting shells, that
the Confederates looked on him as a sort of inoffensive
"crank," and let him alone. Bickmore is now the
efficient curator of the American Museum of Natural
History at the Central Park, New York City. He was
a modest pupil, and does credit to Agassiz.

Theodore Lyman, appointed colonel on the staff of
General Meade, served with distinction until the end of
the war.

The other pupils and assistants did not enter the
army. Mr. Alexander Agassiz was confined to the
halls and laboratories of the Museum, where he did
excellent and valuable service.

I was the only person attached to the Museum who
crossed the belligerent lines. In the fall of 1863, I
ventured on a geological exploration in Nebraska. At
that time there was no railway in Iowa, and to go from
Burlington, Iowa, to Omaha, I was obliged to pass
through all the northern part of Missouri, the most
rebellious part of that state. Railroad trains were con-
stantly held up by guerillas and bushwhackers on the

138 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xix.

Hannibal and St. Joseph line, notwithstanding the gar-
risons of United States troops stationed in and around
block-houses at several important points of the road,
and the day before I passed, the train had been fired at
and stopped by a party of guerillas. However, I arrived
safely, and embarked at St. Joseph to go up the Mis-
souri River. My exploration was very successful, and
I brought back to the Museum important collections of
fossils. Agassiz congratulated me on my return, saying
that he was not without some apprehension as to my
safety.

Several other pupils of Agassiz, who came during
1862 and 1863, have since distinguished themselves in
natural history. I would mention William H. Ball, the
efficient curator of invertebrates at the United States
National Museum; William H. Niles, professor of geol-
ogy and geography at the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology ; Horace Mann, the explorer of the Sand-
wich Islands ; and the entomologist, P. R. Uhler.

As I have said, the Civil War retarded the progress of
the Museum, for it was no time to ask for money when
all the resources of the country were required to carry
on the war. Still, in 1863 Agassiz obtained from the
Legislature of Massachusetts a grant of ten thousand
dollars for the publication of an illustrated catalogue of
the Museum --the best proof of his great popularity
among the inhabitants of Massachusetts.

The want of money became so pressing in 1865, that
Agassiz bravely made a last effort to obtain it, by a
grand lecturing tour in the West. The Museum had
existed for only three years then, and to surmount the

1858-64.] LECTURES IN THE WEST. 139

scarcity of funds, increased by the depreciation of gov-
ernment money, was of prime importance almost for
the very existence of the new institution. With his
ordinary pluck and courage Agassiz did not hesitate for
a moment, and plunged into the scheme without a
doubt of his success, and at the same time trusting to
the herculean strength of his constitution to bear the
strain. However, he presumed too much on his endur-
ance, and those near him realized his danger. Although
everything which love could imagine was done to help
him and spare unnecessary fatigue, Agassiz returned
from his tour, on which his admirable wife had been
always at his side, much exhausted and broken down.
At the age of fifty-six the strain was too great. Going
from town to town, from Buffalo, Cleveland, Detroit,
Chicago, to St. Louis, lecturing always before crowded
audiences, from December, 1863, until March, 1864,
was a veritable tour dc force, which it would have been
absolutely impossible for him to repeat. Happily,
although money was always wanted in larger quantities
than it came, Agassiz was not again embarrassed by
lack of pecuniary aid. To be sure, he was always in
pursuit of money, pressing the Massachusetts Legislat-
ure not to forget his museum, but aid came more read-
ily from private individuals, and the periodical crisis
concerning money, to which he had been subjected all
his life, at last passed away, never to return.

When in Chicago he planned an excursion to Bur-
lington, Iowa, on his way to St. Louis. In my visit to
Burlington in September, 1863, I had been absolutely
astounded by the extraordinary wealth of fossil crinoids

140 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAI-. xix.

displayed in three private collections belonging to citi-
zens of that town. After my return, I had spoken of
them in such glowing terms to Agassiz, who knew how
difficult it was for me to become enthusiastic over any-
thing touching collections, that he resolved to see for
himself. He found that the reality surpassed all his
expectations, and at once he was eager to have all
three of these collections transferred to his museum.
The temptation proved too strong to resist, and he
purchased one, promising as soon as his means would
allow to purchase the others, which he did a few years
later. Finally, the great and unique collection of Dr.
Charles Wachsmuth, containing almost all the typical
specimens described of Western fossil crinoids, was
safely stored in the numerous drawers of the Agassiz
Museum, under the direction of Dr. Wachsmuth him-
self. What a devourer of collections Agassiz was !

At St. Louis Agassiz enjoyed the society and com-
panionship of Dr. George Engelmann, an old classmate
at the Heidelberg University, and their reminiscences
of student life and intimate association with Karl
Schimper and Alexander Braun, revived their young
days, when morphology of plants was the constant
subject of their thought and talk. In fact, Engel-
mann's first paper, written as his thesis, or inaugural
dissertation, for his degree of Doctor of Medicine, in
1831, was entitled "The Morphological Monstrosities
of Plants." Engelmann's character and spirit were
most congenial to Agassiz, who appreciated him highly,
for, in the words of his life-long friend, Dr. A. \\'is-
lizenus, Engelmann "was firm and decided. He did

1858-64-] DR. GEORGE ENGELMANN. 141

not rely upon speculations in his scientific researches,
but on facts only, ascertained by severe and searching
studies. He was strictly true in scientific matters."
Both have followed constantly the same principles in
their researches and classifications, and Agassiz much
admired Engelmann's great works on the Cactacece,
the Yucca, the Agave, Jaucus, Coniferce, the American
oaks, etc., etc. After the passionate discussions on
the " Origin of Species," it was a great comfort to
Agassiz to find a botanist not given to speculations
and theories, but standing firmly on plain and proved
facts.

Agassiz passed the summer at Nahant, where he had
a seaside laboratory close by the cottage of Mrs.
Agassiz, a charming place of resort for a naturalist,
much enjoyed by him and his children. Naturally
Agassiz kept every one round him busy, directing the
microscopical studies and researches, superintending
the drawings, and giving his leisure time to dreams of
schemes to increase the usefulness and wealth of his
dear museum.

Now a word in regard to the name given to his
creation, no longer in its infancy, but in full vigour.
Museum of Comparative Zoology is a very long title,
especially for common people ; and for a man like
Agas"siz, who always courted popularity, it may seem
strange that he made such a choice. First, the name
is a pleonasm, for it is impossible to work at zoology
without making comparison. It is not so with anat-
omy ; and Cuvier, in creating comparative anatomv,
used a proper term for a new science. Agassiz knew

142 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xix.

this perfectly well, and one day, in a mood of confi-
dence with me (after his forty-fifth year Agassiz, until
that time extremely frank, saying even more than was
prudent, became rather reserved and reticent), ad-
mitted the fact that the title was not very appropriate.
" I did not want the name of any patron or benefactor
given to it," he said ; " Mr. Peabody, the generous
American banker of London, has informed me that
he will endow the Museum with a large sum of money,
but on the condition that it shall bear his name ; that
I cannot accede to." " Of course," said I, looking
him full in the eyes, " it will be Agassis s JHuscuvi."
"Yes," he answered feebly, "you have ferreted my
secret."

To repeat this now is not to betray my illustrious
friend. Every one, savant or illiterate, native or for-
eigner, calls it " Agassiz's Museum," notwithstanding
the great sign, " Museum of Comparative Zoology,"
sculptured in big letters over the gate. It is simple
justice, and the reward conferred by universal consent
on the man of genius who created it, from nothing,
with his brain and invincible will. After all, men are
not ungrateful, even in a republic.

His summer at Nahant not having given the relief
that he expected, as a means to restore his health and
get more strength for the next year's work at the
University, he made, during the whole of September,
1864, an extended excursion into Maine, looking for
glacial remains. He extended his researches for mo-
raines and ocsars — now called drumlins — from Hangor
and Katahdin to Mount Desert, and carefully studied

1858-64.] EXCURSION INTO MAINE. 143

what are called "horse-backs." His Alpine experiences
of twenty and more years before came vividly before
him, when in presence of the morainic material accumu-
lated all over the state of Maine, and after returning
home he dictated one of the best articles he contributed
to the "Atlantic Monthly," under the title, "Glacial
Phenomena in Maine."

CHAPTER XX.

1865-1867.

JOURNEY TO BRAZIL — His COMPANIONS ON THE JOURNEY — BURKHARDT'S
ILLNESS AND DEATH — AGASSIZ'S RECEPTION BY THE EMPEROR -
MAJOR COUTINHO — EXPLORATIONS ON THE AMAZONS RIVER — Two
STEAMERS PLACED AT THE DISPOSITION OF AGASSIZ — TRACES OF GLA-
CIAL PHENOMENA IN THE PROVINCE OF CEARA — RESULTS OK THE
JOURNEY — THE COPLEY MEDAL — AGASSIZ'S NATURALIZATION AS AN
AMERICAN CITIZEN — THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCE — DR.
BROWN-SliQUARD — ANOTHER SERIES OF PUPILS AND ASSISTANTS —
DEATH OF MRS. ROSE AGASSIZ, NEE MAYOR.

EVER since 1828, when a student at Munich, he
undertook the publication of the " Brazilian Fishes "
collected by Spix, Agassiz had cherished the hope of
some day exploring the basin of the Amazons and see-
ing Brazil. It may almost be called his hobby ; and
his relations with the Emperor of Brazil, with whom he
had exchanged letters on scientific subjects, so much
increased his desire that he resolved at the beginning
of 1865 to carry out his plan of a visit to Rio Janeiro.
His health had been gradually giving way ever since
his illness at Charleston in 1853; and the attack he
suffered at Cambridge in 1863 made it important for
him to seek a change of scene and climate, with resl
from work. Brazil was his lifelong desire, and towards

144

1865-67.] ARRJl'AL AT RIO JANEIRO. 145

it he bent all his energy. Mr. Nathaniel Thayer, a
friend, and at the same time one of the richest men of
Boston, whom Agassiz had succeeded in enlisting as
treasurer of the board of trustees of the Museum of
Comparative Zoology, provided most liberally for six
assistants and all the expense of collecting and for-
warding the specimens to the Museum.

Agassiz embarked at New York, on the 2d of April,
1865, and arrived at Rio Janeiro the 22d of the same
month. He was accompanied by his wife, Burkhardt
as artist, J. G. Anthony as conchologist, Frederick C.
Hartt and Orestes St. John as geologists, J. A. Allen
as ornithologist, and a preparator. Besides these, six
volunteer assistants, among them Mr. William James,
had joined the expedition. The journey lasted sixteen
months, ten of which were passed on the Amazons.
Two of the assistants, Anthony and Allen, were soon
compelled by poor health to leave for home. The
artist, Burkhardt, although a constant sufferer during
the whole trip, bravely continued his work until the
end, drawing living fishes in their natural colours. But
the exertion was too much for him ; and this faithful
companion of Agassiz returned home with such im-
paired health that after ten months of sickness at Cam-
bridge, he died in the house of Mrs. Pauline Shaw, nee
Agassiz, whose kind heart and grateful remembrance
of many kindnesses bestowed on her by Burkhardt
when a child and a young lady drew her to the sick-
bed of the old man, whence she took him in her car-
riage to her beautiful home in Jamaica Plain, where
Burkhardt breathed his last, after a few days of the

VOL. II. — L •

i4r. /.OL'/s .l(JASS/Z. [CHAI-. xx.

most affectionate nursing and tender attention from his
hostess.

Dom Pedro Secundo, Emperor of Brazil, received
Agassiz in the kindest and most liberal and generous
manner. It was a great pleasure for him, a scientific
dilettante, to receive such a naturalist under his roof
and in his empire. Educated partly in Switzerland,
Dom Pedro had heard of Agassiz's researches on the
glaciers and on fishes ; and as his turn of mind was

o

decidedly scientific, he had read more of Agassiz's works
than any one else in Brazil. From their first meet-
ing the two men were friends. His Majesty enjoyed
Agassiz's immense store of knowledge/ his brilliant
spirit, and the charm of his conversation, while Agassiz,
on his part, was rather surprised to find a crowned head
so well instructed in geology, the glacial theory, and
other scientific questions. Dom Pedro rendered every
possible aid to the expedition ; and from the time
Agassiz put his foot on Brazilian soil until he left, the
Emperor showed his great interest in the success and
comfort of Agassiz and his party, and in these respects
he succeeded admirably.

As soon as he arrived, Agassiz divided his party into
several smaller ones, some to go to the interior, others
to explore the coast ; and as usual with him, and at the
request of the Emperor, he delivered a course of lec-
tures, open to all, without charge, at the Collegio Dom
Pedro II, before a very large audience of gentlemen
and ladies, headed by the Emperor with his whole
family. Agassiz spoke in French ; and it was a giv;it
pleasure to him to address an audience in his native

1865-67.] .MAJOR J. M. COUTINHO. 147

tongue, after so many years of constant lecturing in
the English language, of which he was never a com-
plete master. After a visit by railroad to the province
of Minas-Geraes, Agassiz sailed from Rio, the 25th of
July, for his Amazonian journey. The Emperor had
detailed Major Joao M. da Silva Coutinho of the engi-
neer corps to accompany Agassiz during his whole
exploration, --an admirable selection; for no Brazilian
was better acquainted with the region of the Amazons
River than he, having been engaged there for several
years in scientific surveys. " His assistance was invalu-
able to us throughout the journey," says Agassiz ; " and
he became my intimate associate in all my scientific
undertakings in Brazil. During eleven months of the
most intimate companionship I had daily cause to be
grateful for the chance which had thrown us together.
I found in Major Coutinho an able collaborator, untir-
ing in his activity and devotion to scientific aims, an
admirable guide, and a friend whose regard I trust I
shall ever retain."

The attachment was reciprocated by Coutinho, who
became a great admirer of Agassiz. A Brazilian by
birth and education, he was very fond of the wild
Indian life of the tropical forests, and acted during all
Agassiz's journey on the Amazons as an Indian scout
looking after natural history specimens. In one of his
rambles he put his foot on a big boa-constrictor, taking
it for an old log fallen across the path. An unusual
noise above his head put him on his guard and notified
him of his mistake, but he did not choose to follow the
beast into the swampy thicket. Coutinho was one of

148 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAI-. xx.

the most progressive men in Brazil. He was one of the
promoters of the construction of railroads in all parts
of the country, and distinguished himself greatly as a
government engineer. I became very strongly attached
to Coutinho afterward at Paris in 1867, 1868, and
1877, and appreciated highly the charm of his society
as a geologist, geographer, and friend. He died in
Paris, October u, 1890, while yet in middle life,
from an illness contracted in the unhealthy wilder-
ness of the Brazilian seacoasts, during his railroad
surveys.

In the following paragraph I quote Agassiz's words
in regard to his expedition : -

Once in the waters of the great river (the Amazons), I divided
my forces, in order to survey simultaneously various parts of this
vast fresh-water system, wishing to ascertain how far the distribu-
tion of its inhabitants was local, or whether the same species might
be found at the same moment in diliferent parts of the main stream
and its tributaries. This precaution led to results which amazed
me, though I was in part prepared for it by my knowledge of their
aquatic fauna. Not only did I find the number of species in these
waters exceeding by thousands all former estimates, but I found
their location so precise and definite, that new combinations occurred
at given intervals along the main stream, while every forest lake
and all the lesser watercourses had their special fauna. I neglected
no opportunity of verifying the accuracy of my results, visiting the
same regions at different seasons of the year, repeating my collec-
tions that I might have the fullest means of comparison, and, as I
have said, stationing my parties at considerable distances, in order
that by making simultaneous collections, we should ascertain what
was the range of the species (" Special Report of the Directors of
the Museum of Comparative Zoology," in " Annual Report for
1866," p. 14; Boston, 1867).

iS<>5-67.] OAr THE AMAZONS. 149

The Amazonian Steamship Company placed a fine
steamer, furnished with everything needed by the whole
party, at Agassiz's disposition for one month, while
later a ship of war was sent up by order of the Emperor
for the use of Agassiz during the remainder of his stay
in the waters of the Amazons, to replace the Com-
pany's steamer, and wherever Agassiz arrived he found
that directions had been given to the local authorities
to furnish him with canoes, men, and whatever else he
might require for his scientific researches.

The first station on the Amazons was Para, then
Manaos, Tabatinga, and Teffe. An excursion was made
on the Rio Negro as far as Pedreira, where the stones
in the bed of the river were so numerous and large, that
the channel was too dangerous for the war-steamer
Ibicuhy.

To Agassiz, as well as to Bates, Wallace, and
Martins, the valley of the Amazons seemed the para-
dise of naturalists. His enthusiasm and admiration
of everything he met knew no bounds, while he busied
himself in collecting animals of all sorts, plants, more
especially all the palms and ethnological specimens,
and observed with his keen and searching eyes every-
thing from men to insects. He filled to its utmost
capacity with specimens the war-steamer, even the deck
being encumbered with trunks of palm trees. For him
the basin of the Amazons was a " fresh-water ocean,"
with an archipelago of islands. The character of its
fauna is also oceanic, and its most noticeable feature is
the abundance of cetaceans through its whole extent.

The health of. Agassiz during his stay on the Ama-

i; LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. \x.

zons was good, but it is no wonder that at last he was
overcome by fatigue, and though not actually ill,
was exhausted by incessant work, and by the contem-
plation, each day more vivid and impressive, of the
grandeur and beauty of tropical nature. On his re-
turn to Para, where he arrived in February, 1866, he
was so tired as to be unable for several days to exert
himself even to write letters. The climate had affected
and enervated him more than he had at first thought.
If Agassiz had made an exploration of the Amazons
thirty years before, when still in the prime of life, the
results would have been very different. Although he
had undoubtedly acquired great practical experience on
all zoological questions, and made good use of that
experience during his journey up and down the great
Amazons, he was too old to make a full use of his rare
ability as an observer. His mind was no longer so
elastic as at the time of his sojourn on the glacier of
the Aar, and although his eagerness to collect speci-
mens was as great as ever, he had no longer the bodily
strength to make full use of them.

vCertainly his " Brazilian expedition, fitted out and
sustained by individual generosity, was treated as a
national undertaking, and welcomed by a national hos-
pitality," and Agassiz succeeded in bringing safely
home to his museum the treasures he accumulated in
Brazil ; but it remained to work them up, to classify
them systematically, and, as he himself says, " a critical
examination of more than eighty thousand specimens
cannot be made in less than several years." Unhap-
pily this critical examination, for some reason or other,

1865-67.] LECTURE AT PARA. 151

was not only never finished, but was hardly begun,
except some years later in the case of the fishes only,
by his assistant, Dr. Steindachner. This is much to be
regretted ; for if he had accomplished what he planned
before he started on that expedition, it would have
resulted in a great advance in our knowledge of the
geographical distribution of aquatic animals. In his
own words, " One of my principal objects during the
whole journey was to secure accurate information con-
cerning the geographical distribution of the aquatic
animals throughout the regions we visited. Upon this
subject we had little precise knowledge, - - even the
best known among the fishes, reptiles, etc., of the
Brazilian waters being entered in our zoological records
simply as living in Brazil, or more generally still, as
found in South America. As the distribution of species
lies at the very foundation of the question of their
origin, I have aimed at ascertaining as far as possible
what are the areas and limits of their localization." It
is a pity that he did not accomplish this localization !

Before leaving Para, Agassiz delivered a lecture on
the physical history of the valley of the Amazons, which
was afterwards published in " The Atlantic Monthly,"
Vol. XVIII., July, August, 1866, pp. 49-60, 159-
169, and reprinted in "A Journey in Brazil," Boston,
1868. The month of April, 1866, was devoted to an
exploration of the province of Ceara, with the special
purpose of looking for traces of ancient glaciers. The
time was not propitious ; it was the rainy season, and it
was not easy to reach the Sierra of Aratanha in the
interior of the province. However, Agassis succeeded

1 5-: LOUIS AGASSIZ. i \i. xx.

in finding the glacial phenomena as legible as in any of
the valleys of Maine, or even the Cumberland Moun-
tains of England, with medial, lateral, and frontal
moraines, at a level of only eight hundred feet above
the sea in latitude four degrees south.

The roads in Ceara, during the rainy season, are
so bad that the only way to travel is on horseback.
This was the only time that Agassiz ever rode, and it
was so trying and disagreeable to him, that he made
most of the journey, especially the mountain scramble,
on foot, notwithstanding the mud and the consequent
pitching, tumbling, and sliding. He never repeated
the experience, and nothing could have induced him then
to mount a horse but his great desire to see moraines
under the tropics.

By the end of April Agassiz was back again at Rio
Janeiro. During the month of May he delivered at
the Collegio de Pedro II, a series of six lectures, which
was attended by the Mite of society, ladies as well as
gentlemen. It seems that before Agassiz came to
Brazil ladies did not make their appearance at public
lectures. It was certainly a progress in Brazilian cus-
toms that senhoras were allowed to follow a course of
lectures, and Agassiz was much pleased with the sym-
pathetic reception given by his Brazilian audiences.
The lectures, delivered in French, were stenographi-
cally reported, were then translated into Portuguese by
the French naturalist, M. Felix Vogeli, and published
under his direction at Rio, bearing the title, " Con-
versa9oes Scientificas sobre o Amazonas," and had a
large circulation.

1865-67.] RETURN TO CAMBRIDGE. 153

A last excursion in the vicinity of Rio to the Organ
Mountains during June terminated Agassiz's journey in
Brazil. He embarked the second of July for the United
States, and arrived in Cambridge in August, 1866.

The main results of the Brazil expedition were, first,
the great collections of all sorts, which were stored in
the Agassiz Museum, awaiting final arrangement;
second, two series of lectures at the Lowell Institute,
in Boston, and at the Cooper Institute in New York, on
the scientific generalizations growing out of the expedi-
tion ; third, a volume of five hundred pages, entitled,
" A Journey in Brazil, by Professor and Mrs. Louis
Agassiz," Boston, 1868, with a French translation by
F. Vogeli,1 Paris, 1869; and fourth, a few articles
published in reviews, and in the " Bulletin Societe
Geologique de France " - these last on the geology and
with the collaboration of Coutinho and the present
writer.2

The "Journey in Brazil" was a disappointment to
the public in general, and more especially to the natu-
ralists and personal friends of Agassiz. " The Naturalist
on the River Amazons," by H. W. Bates, a work of
genius, had somewhat spoiled the Amazons as a field of
research, and had led people to expect more important

1 The French edition is more complete and more valuable than the
English, containing three times as many illustrations and maps and also
some additional notes.

2 " Lettre de M. Agassiz a M. Marcou sur la geologic de la vallee de
1'Amazone, avec des remarques de M. Jules Marcou" ("Bull. Soc. Geol.
France," Vol. XXIV., p. 12, December, 1866). "Sur la geologic de
1'Amazone," par Agassiz et Coutinho, with notes by Marcou (" Bull. Soc.
Geol. France," Vol. XXV., p. 685, May, 1868).

LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP, xx.

results from a naturalist of such repute as Agassiz. It
is true that Bates remained there eleven years, while
Agassiz passed only ten months, but the store of
knowledge possessed by both was so different, that it
was natural to expect not only something startling, but
also something which might have some effect on the
theory of the origin of species, in a Cuvierian way.
The only part which can be called Cuvierian is an
appendix on "The Permanence of Characteristics in
Different Human Species."

In Agassiz's volume the personal adventures and
incidents of travel are rather tame and the style dull
and heavy, not in harmony with the usual brilliancy and
spirit of the great naturalist, while in Bates's volume
the narrative is most attractive, whether he speaks of
adventures, incidents, or purely scientific matter, and
the style full of animation. The difference is due
mainly to their mode of travelling, one journeyed in
state, as it were, while the other, alone, and with very
scanty, sometimes without any pecuniary means at his
disposal, forced his way with great difficulty. Besides,
Bates was there in his prime, and wrote his volume
himself.

However, Agassiz's influence on the progress of
natural history in Brazil was very great, so far as any-
thing makes a lasting impression upon a population
inhabiting such a warm climate; for we must not for-
get the dolcc far nicnte of the inhabitants of tropical
regions.

It is interesting to sec how Agassiz was influenced
by what he observed during his Brazilian jourm-y, in

1865-67.] LETTER TO SIR PHILIP EGERTON. 155

regard to the origin of species, for he visited exactly
the same ground that Henry W. Bates and Alfred R.
Wallace had visited a few years before. In a letter to
his old friend the ichthyologist, Sir Philip de Grey
Egerton, dated Cambridge, March 26, 1867, Agassiz
says, " I have about eighteen hundred new species of
fishes from the basin of the Amazons ! . . . It sug-
gests at once the idea that either the other rivers
of the world have been very indifferently explored, or
that tropical America nourishes a variety of animals
unknown to other regions. . . . My recent studies
have made me more adverse than ever to the new
scientific doctrines which are flourishing now in Eng-
land. This sensational zeal reminds me of what I
experienced as a young man in Germany, when the
physio-philosophy of Oken had invaded every centre of
scientific activity, and yet, what is there left of it ? I
trust to outlive this mania also. As usual, I do not ask
beforehand what you think of it, and I may have put
my hand into a hornets' nest, but you know your old
friend Agassiz, and will forgive him if he hits a tender
spot." 1

Until the end of his life Agassiz considered "the
transmutation theory as a scientific mistake, untrue in
its facts, unscientific in its method, and mischievous in
its tendency " (" On the Origin of Species " in " Ameri-
can Journal of Science and Arts," Vol. XXX., July,
1860, p. 15).

It is just to say that the sixteen months spent in
Brazil were among the most happy of Agassiz's life.

1 " Louis Agassiz," by Mrs. E. C. Agassiz, Vol. II., pp. 646-647.

156 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. \\.

He enjoyed everything immensely, was never sick, only
now and then tired through over-exertion and excite-
ment, was received with open arms by every one, from
the Emperor to planters, traders, etc., and for the first
time in his life was unembarrassed financially, being
amply supplied with money by Mr. Nathaniel Thayer.
Besides this, his wife at his side always took upon herself
a great part of the management, and shared his comfort
and fatigues, and was the recipient of many complimen-
tary attentions on the part of the Brazilian population.
Altogether it was a sort of triumphal scientific explora-
tion, certainly merited after the many years of hard
work in Europe and in America of one who concen-
trated in himself the careful and original studies of
almost half a century. No naturalist more deserved
such a reception than Louis Agassiz.

General incidents in Agassiz's life, which happened
before his journey to Brazil, have been passed over, in
order not to break the narration of more important
events. Among these we may mention the receipt of
the Copley Medal, awarded to him in December, 1861,
by the Royal Society of London, — an honour which
pleased Agassiz much, and which is considered by the
English savants as the highest reward they can bestow
on a foreigner or a native. It was certainly well placed
this time, for few of its recipients have done so much
for the progress of natural history in both hemispheres.

Not long after the outbreak of the Civil War, in 1861,
in its darkest hour, Agassiz took out naturalization
papers, to show his sympathy with the Union. Until
this time he had kept his Swiss nationality, notwith-

1865-67.] XATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCE. 157

standing his acceptance of various positions and offices
in America. He felt indignant at the action of England
and France in recognizing the Southern Confederacy,
and did his best to open the eyes of certain European
officials in this country to the right side of the question
and the final results.

In March, 1863, during a session of the Board of
Regents of the Smithsonian Institution, he joined Pro-
fessor Bache in his scheme for the foundation of a
National Academy of Science. Bache was a rather
ambitious man, full of academic distinctions, and a
lover of power. In 1860 Agassiz had him elected
a corresponding member of the Academy of Science of
the Institute of France, and from that moment Bache
worked at the creation of a National Academy, to bear
some analogy to the French one. Under the pretext
that the government in Washington might be in want
of advice, directions, and reports on scientific subjects,
Bache, supported by Agassiz and Joseph Henry, ob-
tained, through Henry Wilson, then Vice-President
of the United States, an act by the Thirty-seventh
Congress " to incorporate the National Academy of
Science."

Agassiz, who knew the defects of close corporations
with government privileges, like the Institute of France,
hesitated in following Bache, as did Joseph Henry.
But both had been in such intimate relationship with
Bache, and the American Association for the Advance-
ment of Science, founded in 1848, had given such scanty
results, notwithstanding the influence exerted on the
committee by Professor Bache and his friends, that

158 LOUIS AGASSrZ. [CH,\I». x.\.

they thought a trial might be made. Agassiz may be
called one of the founders, but not the "prime mover."
Returning from Washington, after the act was passed
by Congress, Agassiz was certainly not an enthusiast
on the subject, and even showed a dislike to talk about
it, simply saying that "the National Academy was
mainly to satisfy Bache's ambition for control." A
friend told him that it would soon fall into the hands of
politico-savants, which he admitted might be true ; and,
in fact, a few years after the death of Bache, Agassiz,
and Henry, the National Academy of Science became,
as predicted, a tool in the hands of ambitious govern-
ment employees at Washington.

In 1864, before Agassiz's journey to Brazil, Dr.
Brown-Sequard had taken up his residence at Cam-
bridge, as professor in the Medical School of Harvard ;
and a friendship based on mutual admiration soon
sprang up between them. After his return the rela-
tions became very close, and Agassiz urged Brown-
S6quard to go to Paris as the best place to prosecute
his physiological researches. He gave him very strong
recommendations,11 advising the Minister of Public In-
struction to create a special professorship at the Medi-
cal School. Armed with these letters of Agassiz, Dr.
Brown-Sequard went to Paris at the end of 1867, and
was soon appointed professor of physiology in the
medical faculty, a new chair created in his favour ; and
later he succeeded the great physiologist, Claude Ber-
nard, at the "College de France" and at the Academy
of Science of the French National Institute.

Some of Agassiz's pupils have already been refcnvd

1865-67.] CHARLES FREDERICK HARTT. 159

to ; others, added from time to time, require special
mention. Among the assistants whom he took to
Brazil were Hartt, Saint John, and William James, all
three noteworthy naturalists. Charles Frederick Hartt
came to Cambridge in 1862, for instruction at the
Agassiz Museum. He was already in advance of all
the other students as a practical geologist, having
worked steadily and intelligently at the geology of a
part of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. I at once
saw his value, and followed his work with interest.
Although a member of Agassiz's party in Brazil, he
did little in the geological field, because the special
part of Brazil assigned to him was devoid of fossil
remains; but he conceived a desire to see more of
the country, and returned to it in 1867. This time
he had greater success ; and about Bahia and Sergipe
he collected many fossils, and really began his geologi-
cal survey of Brazil. In 1868, having been appointed
professor of geology in the new Cornell University, on
the recommendation of Agassiz, he organized a third
expedition to Brazil in 1871 ; and in company with
some of his pupils, he explored the Amazons River
region. On this occasion he succeeded in discovering
the Devonian system at Monte Alegre and Sierra Erere",
and extending the area of the Cretaceous rocks between
Para and Pernambuco. In these two expeditions Hartt
showed his great capacity as an observer and a leader.
After the death of Agassiz he submitted to the Brazilian
government a plan for a systematic geological survey
of Brazil, which was accepted. Having been consulted,
I did not hesitate to recommend the scheme to the

160 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAI-. xx.

Emperor Dom Pedro; and in 1877, in Paris, the Em-
peror thanked me, saying how highly he appreciated
Hartt and his assistants, Orville A. Derby, R. Rathbun,
and J. Branner, " all very able and conscientious young
savants," as he expressed it. Unhappily yellow fever
killed Hartt in March, 1878, after only two years of
work on the geological survey of Brazil, which was
discontinued.

Orestes H. Saint John, another of Agassiz's assistants
on the Brazilian journey, is the only student of fossil
fishes that Agassiz had in America. An extremely
modest man, Saint John has since distinguished him-
self by the publication of memoirs of great value on
the fossil fishes of Illinois and other Western states,
and stratigraphical researches on the state of Kansas.

As to William James, a gifted member of a gifted
family, his journey to Brazil and up the Amazons
developed his keen power of observation, in a psycho-
logical direction and in the philosophical realm, and he
has since been made one of the professors of philos-
ophy at Harvard University, and become one of the
most enlightened disciples of the Charcot school of
psychology.

Samuel H. Scudder, the author of the charming
sketch, " In the Laboratory with Agassiz," is one of
the best pupils, and perhaps the most devoted natu-
ralist, who studied under Agassiz. He has devoted
his life to American entomology, living and fossil, and
has published standard and most beautiful works on
these subjects. Fossil insects, more especially, have
been his favourite study for many years, and we may

1865-67.] JOHN B. PERRY. 161

truly say that he is the American palaeo-entomologist
par excellence.

John B. Perry came to Cambridge among the last
of Agassiz's pupils and assistants. I had met him at
Swanton, Vermont, in 1861, where he was a pastor
of the Congregational church, and was much impressed
by his capacity as an observer in practical geology.
He was my constant companion during all my re-
searches on the Taconic system, in Vermont and North-
eastern New York, and, as his biographer says, my
"friendship was the great turning-point in Mr. Perry's
future." He rapidly became a good palaeontologist,
and in 1868 left the ministry to accept a position as
assistant in the Agassiz Museum. But Perry did not
live long ; during a protracted excursion in the Southern
States, during the summer of 1872, in search of Tertiary
fossils, he contracted malaria, and died of it at Cam-
bridge in October, 1872. He was a man whose honest
and modest diligence as a geologist Agassiz highly
appreciated.

During the fall of 1867 Agassiz lost his mother, -- the
heaviest sorrow of his life. She died at Montagny
on November n, at the age of eighty-four years.
" Madame la pasteur Agassiz," as she was called in
Switzerland, was a most remarkable lady, superior to
all her surroundings. Every one loved her, and she
was respected as few women ever were. Her son
Louis was her favourite child, and in her Agassiz found
a profound maternal love, comforting him in all his
trouble, giving gentle counsel, never discouraged, but
always hoping for better times to come. Mother-like,

VOL. II. — M

1 62 LOUIS AGASSI/.. [CHAP. x\.

she kept her interest in all his work in America, looked
over all his publications in the English language, al-
though she did not understand English, and every vol-
ume and every paper received from the other side
of the Atlantic from her dear Louis was carefully
treasured by her.

CHAPTER XXI.

1868-1870.

THREE LETTERS TO JULES MARCOU — SHORT JOURNEY TO THE ROCKY
MOUNTAINS — STORY OF THE FIRST DISCOVERY OF THE GREAT
FOSSIL VERTEBRATE LOCALITY NEAR FORT BRIDGER — CORNELL
UNIVERSITY — OPINIONS OF CHARLES DARWIN, THOMAS HUXLEY,
AND J. TYNDALL ON AGASSIZ'S GREAT WORTH — His LACK OF
JUDGMENT IN CHOOSING HIS ASSOCIATES — ADDITIONAL BUILDING
AT THE MUSEUM — THE RESULT OF ITS FIRST TEN YEARS — DEEP-
SEA DREDGING ON THE STEAMER "BIBB"- -THE " POURTALES
PLATEAU "-- THE CENTENNIAL ANNIVERSARY OF THE BIRTH OF
ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT — AN APOPLECTIC ATTACK — A LONG
CONVALESCENCE — THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR.

THE activity of Agassiz in scientific lines knew no
bounds, as will be seen from the following extracts from
some of his letters to me, written during 1868.

CAMBRIDGE, MASS., le 13 mars, 1868.

Moil cher Marcou, — Vous savez peut-etre que Mr. Peabody, le
banquier americain a Londres a clonne a notre Universite une
somme de 150,000 dollars pour fonder un musee ethnographique.
Tot apres cette donation je me suis mis en campagne pour engager
les ''Trustees'1 au nombre desquels est Mr. R. C. Winthrop,
aujourd'hui en Europe, a faire quelque grande acquisition comine
point de depart. J'ai d'abord recommande la collection du Colonel

»

Schwab (Switzerland) ; je vais presser celle (de Gabriel de Mortillet)
que vous me recommandez, et si le Musee e"tait deja organise je ne
doute pas que la chose ne se fit, mais tout est encore en question,
jusqu'a ['emplacement a choisir pour y deposer les collections.

'63

1 64 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAI-. xxi.

Votre lettre du 24 fevrier a trait a mes " Principles of Zoology/1
Je n'ai jamais recu de communication a ce sujet, ni de votre ami
M. Reclus, ni de son dditeur M. Hetzel. Ce sont de ces choses
auxquelles on n'est pas indifferent et je verrais avec plaisir ce livre
traduit en francais ; mais il a besoin d'etre revu. Plusieurs cha-
pitres sont vieillis et bien qu'il en ait paru plusieurs editions ici, je
n'y ai jamais fait de retouches.

Votre devout,

Ls. AGASSIZ.

The Hon. Robert C. Winthrop visited me in Paris,
and asked my help in the purchase of de Mortillet's col-
lection. The transaction was successfully made, and I
superintended the packing of the collection, after re-
ceiving it into my charge, happy to have another oppor-
tunity to help Harvard University. The elementary
treatise on zoology, although translated by Elisee
Reclus as far back as 1867, was not published until
1891, when it appeared in Hetzel's " Magasin d' Educa-
tion et de Recreation," under the title, " Principes de
Zoologie, par L. Agassiz et Gould, traduit par Elisee
Reclus." This reprinting of the work forty-three years
after its original publication shows how highly it was
appreciated, and is unique in the case of an elementary
book, treating of so variable a science as zoology.

NAHANT, le 4 juillet, 1868.

Mon cher Marcon, — Vous aurez peut-etre appris que j'ai fait
line grosse maladie qui a failli m'cnlever et dont je me remets
lentement. Toute application m'est interdite; seulement jc vou-
drois, s'il en est encore temps, m 'assurer la collection de Poirrier.
Veuillez dire a sa veuve que si elle n'a pas conclu avec Mr. Cope, je
la prie de me donner la preference, puisque j'ai e"td en ne"gociation
pour cette collections avant lui.

Encore une demande. La Legislature [of Massachusetts] vient

i868-7o.j LETTER TO J. MARCOU. 165

de m'accorder une forte somme pour etendre le Musee et je voudrois
y attacher un mouleur de premiere force. Vouclriez-vous voir Stahl
au Jardin cles Plantes et lui demander s'il serait dispose a venir me
rejoindre ; et si non, peut-etre a fil forme quelqu'eleve qu'il pourrait
me recommander consciencieusement pour faire des travaux delicats,
aussi bien que des moules de grands ossements fossiles. Faites lui
en meme temps mes amities.

Des que je serai moins affecte par la position necessaire pour
ecrire qui me suffoque, je reprendrai la plume plus longuement.

Bien a vous,

Ls. AGASSIZ.

This letter shows unmistakable signs of the difficulty
Agassiz experienced in holding his pen. Indeed, I
never received one from him so plainly indicating
tremulousness. •

His health, regained during his Brazilian journey,
broke down again during the spring of 1868. The
heart was affected this time, and Dr. Brown-Sequard
ordered a complete cessation of cigar-smoking, — a
great privation to Agassiz. He was not an easy in-
valid, being too full of schemes of all sorts, and very
impatient of bodily inactivity.

The Poirrier collection, referred to in the above let-
ter, was a rich collection of very rare vertebrates from
the fresh-water Tertiary formation of Auvergne. I had
to look at it attentively, at the request of Agassiz ; but
the death of M. Poirrier and the serious sickness of
Agassiz prevented the purchase. The collection has
been secured since by Mr. Cope, of Philadelphia, and,
consequently, is in good hands.

M. Stahl, Agassiz's former modeller at Neuchatel,
trained with great care to the work of modelling fossil

AGASSIZ. [i HAP. xxi.

fishes and other objects, had become so expert that the
Jardin des Plantes of Paris would not part with him ;
and besides, he felt, as he told me, that he was too old
to begin life again in America. However, Agassiz,
with his usual persistency when he wanted anything
connected with natural history, got a modeller, and cre-
ated at his museum a studio where numerous speci-
mens, especially of fossil bones, were modelled. But it
proved too expensive, and at his death the studio work

was discontinued.

UTICA, N.Y., le 10 aoflt, 1868.

Mon cher Marcoit, — Vous savez peut-etre que j'ai fait une ma-
ladie grave et douloureuse 1'hiver dernier. Ne me remettant pas
assez vite pour pouvoir espe"rer de reprendre mon travail 1'hiver
• prochain en restant a Xahant, ou je suis harcele" de visites, je me
suis mis en route pour les Montagues Rocheuses, et me void a
Utica, ou je passe le dimanche, occupd a ctudier votre Ge"ologie et
carte ge"ologique de TAmdrique du Norcl.

Pendant mon voyage je m'appliquerai surtout a dtudier 1'influence
que les Montagnes Rocheuses ont cue sur les phtmomenes erratiques
durant Pdpoque glaciale ; c'est un point de la question qui n'a pas
encore dtd touche". J'dtudierai aussi le lit de nos fleuves, dont les
dimensions se rattachent aussi a cette question. Comme je I'ai etc*
a I'origine, je veux, si possible rester a I'avant-garde pour tout ce qui
louche a ce sujet. Quoiqu'on cherclie a la rapetisser, c'est apres
tout une des plus grandes questions de la geologic et quoiqu'en dise
les envieux c'est moi qui I'ai souleve'e et deVeloppe"e.

La part de Charpentier est d'avoir mis en dvidence la plus grande
extension des glaciers des Alpes. II ne s'est jamais avise" d'y voir
un phdnomene ge'ne'ral indiquant des changements profonds dans la
temperature du globe. J'ai etc* surpris de voir que bien des ge"o-
logues sont disposes a lui faire honneur aussi de ma part de la
question. . . .

Adieu, mon cher Marcou, au revoir.

Ls. AGASSI/.

1868-yo.] LETTER TO J. MARCOU. 167

This letter is doubly interesting- : first, because it
shows that the great and wonderful memory of Agassiz
was on the decline, for he had forgotten his preceding
letter in regard to the state of his health ; second, be-
cause it expresses his feeling about the glacial question
and the studied neglect of some, who affected to pass
over the great part he had taken in it, from the start.

In 1868, a short journey to the Rocky Mountains
was made on the invitation of Mr. Samuel Hooper,
then member of Congress for Massachusetts, to see
the progress made in the construction of the Union
Pacific Railroad. General Sherman, commander-in-chief
of the army, joined the party with ambulances and an
escort of cavalry for conveyance across a part of the
Kansas and Nebraska prairies. The road was built
only as far as the Green River station, in Wyoming,
where the laying of rails had brought to view a bed of
limestone full of fossil fishes and insects. Agassiz was
delighted by the discovery, and, if he had been fifteen
years younger, he would never have stopped at Green
River station and thence turned eastward without a
visit, strongly urged upon him by Judge Carter, of Fort
Bridger, to the Grizzly Bear Buttes, so celebrated since
as the richest locality for fossil vertebrates of the Oligo-
cene period. Judge Carter, the sutler at Fort Bridger,
met the party at Green River, and related to Agassiz,
how an old trapper, Jack Robinson, had repeatedly
reported to him that he knew several places, at the
foot of the Uintah Mountains, where grizzly bears
were changed into stone, the bones being as hard and
heavy as rocks ; and, in order to convince Judge Carter,

i6S LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAI-. xxi.

the trapper one day brought a bag full of these fossil
bones, which he threw down on the floor at his feet.
To his surprise, he saw a well-preserved skull, resem-
bling that of a bear, which has since been described by
Dr. Leidy as Pal&osyops.

If Agassiz had accepted the hospitality and help
most generously offered by Judge Carter, he would
have anticipated the discovery, made the year after,
in 1869, by Hayden's exploring party. But Agassiz
was too old and not strong enough to undertake a
horseback ride of sixty miles to reach Fort Bridger.
His experience on horseback the year previous, in the
province of Ceara, in Brazil, had entirely disgusted him
with this mode of conveyance, and he firmly declined
Judge Carter's invitation.

This is another instance of the singular case of ata-
vism of his ancestors, the lake-dwellers of Switzerland.
Like them, Agassiz would go on any kind of boat,
however unsafe it might be ; but on land he trusted
only his legs.

When, in 1875, during an exploration round Fort
Bridger, I told Judge Carter of the strong aversion
Agassiz had to riding horseback, he exclaimed, " Oh !
if I had been aware of it, I would have brought with
me an ambulance, for I wanted so much to show him
the specimens."

On his return to Cambridge, Agassiz stopped at
Cornell University, which was about to be inaugu-
rated, and where he had accepted an appointment
as non-resident professor. He assisted at the open-
ing of the University, and made one of his charac-

1868-70.] CORM-'.l.L UNIVERSITY. 169

teristic speeches, entering most heartily into the new
enterprise, pledging it his support, and giving most
valuable hints as to the proper lines of development.
With his optimistic tendency, Agassiz took a great
fancy to the idea of a university combining the artisan
with the student, manual labour with scientific work.
He came back from Ithaca, the seat of the Cornell
University, with the most exaggerated views in regard
to the future of the new institution, speaking of the
backwardness of Harvard, and prophesying that Cornell
would soon leave Harvard far behind. In his enthusi-
asm for a new plan, Agassiz was apt to go too far. He
seemed to forget entirely that an old university like
Harvard must always possess an amount and kind of
interest which a new university cannot have. A uni-
versity is the work of time ; and money and new plans
cannot take the place of the long series of accessions,
material as well as intellectual, which has enriched
Cambridge during more than two centuries.

A letter to Agassiz from the poet Longfellow, then
travelling with his family in Europe, gives me an
opportunity to recall several facts, all to the honour of
Agassiz, as contributions, coming either from scientific
adversaries like Darwin and Huxley or from admirers
like Tyndall. On meeting Longfellow at the Isle of
Wight, Darwin said to him, " What a set of men you
have in Cambridge ! Both our universities [meaning
Cambridge and Oxford] put together cannot furnish
the like. Why, there is Agassiz — he counts for three."
Coming from Darwin, the compliment is no small one,
for Agassiz had opposed his " Origin of Species " in

170 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xxi.

undisguised terms for eight years. A few months after,
at the Athenaeum Club in London, Thomas Huxley
said to me, " Agassiz is a backwoodsman in natural
history. He clears up the forest, cutting down all
errors, theories, without regard to persons or estab-
lished reputation. What a pioneer!"

Some years before, at the meeting of the Swiss natu-
ralists at Geneva, in 1865, I heard John Tyndall say,
" If Bishop Rendu had been a physicist, he would have
left nothing for me to do ; for after the experiments of
Agassiz on the Aar glacier, all the main facts of the
glacier motion and mechanism were so well established
as to leave nothing but a question of pure physics,
which was as nearly as possible solved by Rendu's
theory." Tyndall expressed, without reserve, his admi-
ration of Agassiz's work, and his dissent from James
Forbes's theory and claims in regard to the structure
of ice.

Agassiz was never a good judge of character; and he
too often associated with himself persons either unfit
for the work assigned to them, or not in a condition to
render the services expected. He was too easily led by
flattery, and was apt to trust any one who made a show
of devotion to the progress of science, and spoke grand-
iloquently of the sanctity of the sacred office of carry-
in": on researches in various scientific fields. He was

O

imposed upon by the airs assumed by a certain number
of half savants, who are to be found everywhere, but in
greater number in America, where they have received
the name "Almighty Savants."

His professorship of zoology and geology, on his

1868-70.] flfS .1SSOC/.177{S AT CAMBRIDGE. 171

proposition, was successively divided into three separ-
ate chairs ; a chair of geology, a chair of palaeontology,
and a chair of zoology. At the time of his death neither
of the incumbents were persons well fitted for the posi-
tion for which they had b€en chosen.

The first mistake was the calling to the chair of
geology of an indifferent observer. We know how
Agassiz was justly proud of his knowledge on glaciers
and of being considered as the father of the " Ice-age."
What did his successor do but publish, in 1882, a
long and diffuse paper entitled, "The climatic changes
of later geological times," in Volume VII. of the " Me-
moirs of the Museum of Comparative Zoology," founded
by Agassiz, in which he attempts to nullify his greatest
discovery in geology. It is almost incredible that at
this time of our knowledge of glaciers and the glacial
question a person has called the "Ice-age" a myth, say-
ing, pp. 387 and 388 in the paper quoted above : " The
so-called glacial epoch . . . the glacial epoch was a
local phenomenon," just the reverse of the discovery
and teaching of Agassiz. The same person, after
ascending Mount Shasta in California, and exploring
the Sierra Nevada, has the boldness to emphatically
declare that no glaciers exist now at either Mount
Shasta or in the Sierra Nevada, where we all know
they may be counted by the half-dozen.

The second mistake was his choice for the chair of
palaeontology. Agassiz formed some pupils who greatly
honour his teaching in palaeontology. It is sufficient to
name such able American palaeontologists as Alpheus
Hyatt, Samuel H. Scudder, and Orestes St. John. But

172 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAI-. xxi.

instead of choosing one of these, he appointed another
pupil, who after a futile attempt at work on the Brachi-
opoda, took to teaching geology. After some years his
official position of professor of palaeontology became so
embarrassing, even to himself, that he asked to have his
title changed to professor of geology.

Finally, the third mistake was the appointment of a
third-rate zoologist for the chair of zoology. After a
few years the incumbent retired.

The preceding details are necessary in order to show
a foible in Agassiz's character, and how some of his
greatest efforts and successes were partly paralyzed by
his choice of associates and substitutes in zoology,
palaeontology, and geology.

It had become an absolute necessity to increase the
financial resources of the Museum ; for the constant
addition of specimens involved such expense that it
was almost impossible to carry on active operations
even in the most meagre way. In 1867, Agassiz
obtained a grant of ten thousand dollars from the Leg-
islature of Massachusetts, and from the American Con-
gress the remittance of excise duty on alcohol used for
scientific purposes; and again in 1868, the Legislature
granted seventy-five thousand dollars for an extension
of the building, and private individuals subscribed a
similar sum. Work was begun at once, and two-fifths
of the north wing was added to the two-fifths already
standing. It was impossible to do more at the moment,
and the final tilth of the north wing was left to be
added at some future time.

Over four hundred and seventy-three thousand dol-

1868-70.] EXTENSION OF THE MUSEUM. 173

lars had been expended on the Agassiz Museum from
the time of its organization in 1859; certainly a large
sum, but not too large, if we consider the results arrived
at. As Agassiz justly says : " It is an astonishment
and a gratification to me to find that in ten years we
have attained a position which brings us into the most
intimate relations with the first museums of Europe ;
we have a system of exchanges with like establish-
ments over the whole world ; while the activity of
original researches in our institution, and its well-sus-
tained publications, the possibility of which we owe to
the liberality of the Legislature, make it one of the
acknowledged centres of the scientific progress. . . .
I claim that its results, as compared with those of
other institutions, are in more than due proportion to
the money expended. . . . The organization must, of
course, be the work of the director ; but for the ener-
getic and intelligent carrying out of the scheme, I
have to thank the gentlemen working with me either
as assistants upon very moderate salaries, or as friends
of the institution who give their work without any
remuneration whatever.1 . . . From the earliest organ-
ization of the Museum, I have had three great objects
in view. First, to express in material forms the pres-
ent state of our knowledge of the animal kingdom ;
second, to make it a centre of original research, where
men who were engaged in studying the problems con-
nected with natural history should find all they needed
for comparative investigations; thirdly, --and this last

1 "Report of the Director of the Museum of Comparative Zoology" for
the year 1869.

i74 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xxi.

object has been by no means less prominent than the
two others, but, if possible, has engrossed my thoughts
more, — to make it an educational institution ; to give
it a widespread influence upon the study, the love, and
the knowledge of nature throughout the country. . . .
I have laboured under many obstacles in the carrying
out of this scheme. Often, for want of means to pay
salaries, the assistants have been so few, and their
knowledge so immature, that it was impossible to
organize any extensive scheme of instruction." l

During the spring of 1869 Agassiz joined Pourtales
on the United States coast survey steamer Bibb, en-
gaged in deep-sea dredging between Florida, Cuba, and
the Bahama Islands. Dr. William Stimpson, a favourite
pupil of Agassiz, had inaugurated dredging for marine
animals along the New England coasts, but to Pourtales
are due the systematic investigations of the beds of the
Atlantic Ocean, on the American side, having for their
aim the fauna existing at different depths. In the two
years 1867 and 1868, Pourtales had succeeded so far as
to leave no doubt that "animal life exists at great depths
in as great a diversity and as great an abundance as in
shallow water."

Agassiz in his " Report upon Deep-sea Dredgings in
the Gulf Stream, during the Third Cruise of the United
States Steamer Bibb," Cambridge, November, 1869, says,
pp. 363 and 367 : " The object of my own connection with
the present cruise was to ascertain how far the last inves-
tigations covered the ground to be surveyed, and to what

1 "Report of the Director of the Museum of Comparative Zoology" !<>i
the year 1868.

1868-70.] DEEr-SEA DREDGINGS. 175

extent and in what direction further researches of the
kind were desirable in the same region, and likely to
furnish important information. ... It is a pleasure to
me to state that our cruise --extending farther to the
east in the Gulf Stream, between Cuba and the Bahamas
on one side, and Florida on the other, than those of
previous years - - confirmed in every feature the con-
clusion already reached by M. Pourtales. . . . Permit
me a suggestion. ... It would be appropriate and
just that this extensive coral plateau, the characteristic
fauna of which M. Pourtales has so faithfully explored,
should bear his name and be called the ' Pourtales
Plateau.' "

The Boston Society of Natural History proposed
to celebrate the centennial anniversary of the birth of
Alexander von Humboldt on the I4th of September,
1869, and appointed Agassiz orator of the day. He
accepted the invitation with joy, and was grateful for
the honour, because, as he says, he " loved and
honoured the man." The address was delivered at
the appointed time, in the Music Hall of Boston, before
a crowded and brilliant audience comprising many per-
sons of the highest culture and distinction in New
England.

The choice of Agassiz was eminently proper, not only
on account of the nature of the work done by Humboldt
in the New World, but also because of Agassiz's per-
sonal intercourse with him, which began when Professor
Oken wrote from Munich in 1829 to offer Agassiz's
services as an assistant for Humboldt's journey in
Central Asia. It was more especially during Agassiz's

176 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xxi.

stay in Paris, 1832, that he saw much of von Humbokll.
Then the great traveller was at the zenith of his reputa-
tion and social success. He was the lion of all the polit-
ical, literary, and scientific salons of the French capital.
Humboldt was an admirable talker. He would con-
verse for hour after hour, hardly taking time to breathe,
keeping the whole circle of hearers collected round him,
and hanging in suspense on his lips. He was a monol-
ogist par excellence ; few people were bold enough to
interrupt him, even by an exclamation of admiration
or wonder. An anecdote will best show the great
attraction exercised by von Humboldt upon all savants.
His friend and companion at the School of Mines of
Freiberg, Leopold von Buch, was so fond of hearing
him that he could find nothing better to do than to
waylay him as he left " les salons," during the winter
of 1820 in Paris, walk home with him, and sit down and
listen to him all night, from midnight until daybreak.
The result was that von Buch suffered from an attack
of pneumonia, and when reproved by his cousin, the
young Count d'Arnim, for his imprudence, the answer
was, " It is my fault. The open fire near which we
were talking went out. I was very cold and chilly, but
if I had made the slightest move to light it again, per-
haps I would have caused Humboldt to leave me. I
preferred to suffer and hear his conversation, and I am
very glad of it, because I have gained much knowledge
by it."

The only person in Paris who treated Humboldt as
an equal and did not fear to interrupt him and even to
make fun of him, was the great astronomer, Francois

1868-70.] HUMBOLDT'S ANNIVERSARY. 177

Arago. One day he said to him before witnesses, one
of whom repeated it to me, " You do not know how to
write a book. When you begin a subject, you go, go,
go, and cannot stop, just like your never-ending talk."
["Toi, Humboldt! tu ne sais pas ecrire un livre ; tu
commences, va, va, va, tu ne peux plus t'arreter ; exacte-
ment comme tu paries." ] Arago always futoyait
Humboldt, a custom dating from the French republic
at the time of the sans-cnlotte, which was kept up for
one or two generations among the savants, and even to
this day among artists.

The address of Agassiz was admirable. It gave all
the salient points of Humboldt's life; indicated his great
influence on the progress of natural sciences during the
first half of this century, and acknowledged the debt
America owes to him as a discoverer in physical geog-
raphy,— a science which it may be said was created by
him, — and to his clear and exact exposition of every-
thing relating to the natural history of the equinoctial
regions of the New World. Humboldt was inclined
to be sarcastic and was always ready to make fun
of others, the only ones exempt from his rather sharp
remarks, among his scientific contemporaries, being
Arago and young Agassiz. Even the glacial doctrine,
which he did not relish much, was treated respectfully
by him, and he used it only against his old friend von
Buch, who always lost his temper every time a reference
was made to it.

To deliver his address, Agassiz had to leave the
side of his dear and favourite child, Mrs. Pauline
Shaw, then very ill and in a critical condition. The

VOL. II. — N

178 LOUIS AGASSIZ [CHAP. xxi.

great effort of preparing his elaborate address, its
delivery before a large audience, combined with the
sorrow clue to his daughter's illness, proved too much
for his brain ; and soon after he broke down completely,
and a very severe and dangerous attack of paralytic
apoplexy disabled him for more than ten months. His
speech was affected, he was unable to control his hands
and hold anything, and physicians forbade every exer-
tion, even thinking. This last privation was the most
painful, and not easy to bear without constant desire
to break the doctor's order. Lying on a lounge in his
sick-room, he looked like a lion loaded with chains and
encaged in an iron box. His splendid and strongly
built body was no longer at the command of his will ;
his inquisitive, brilliant, and intelligent eyes followed
closely every visitor, as if to inquire what they thought
of his sickness. Vertigo was a constant menace. How-
ever, as soon as he could, he began to dictate notes in
regard to the arrangement of the more recent collec-
tions received in his museum ; and he called to his side
some of his assistants, to confer with them regarding
lectures and the application of a new and strict rule
to each employee, compelling each to work seven hours
a day purely for the benefit of the institution, no out-
side work, even of a scientific character, being allowed
during that time.

In the spring of 1870, as soon as it was possible to
remove him without too much risk, he left Cambridge
for the small village of Dcerfield, on the Connecticut
River. There he improved rapidly; the vertigo symp-
toms soon disappeared, daily walking about the village

1868-70.] AN .//VVy.A'CT/C ATTACK. 179

being the only "cure" he followed, with the relish of
an old walker, accustomed since his life at Metiers,
Orbe, and Concise to ramble in search of animals
and plants. As soon as he could write, he began a
correspondence with the .trustees and his assistants at
the Museum and his old scientific friends in Europe,
showing how miraculously his health had recuperated,
and activity returned into his frame, like the rebound-
ing of an elastic ball. In November, 1870, he returned
to his dear museum, and was able to resume his lectures.
Although Agassiz never meddled, or even troubled
himself much, with politics, he followed with an intense
interest the Franco-German War. The abuse of victory
by the new German emperor paKticularly wounded him ;
he thought better of a Prussian king, and from the
moment he read the autocratic and exacting terms of
the peace forced on France by an ungenerous and
impolitic victor, he turned against Germany, all his
old French instincts and early impressions of the great
services rendered to liberal ideas and science by France
and Frenchmen coming back to his memory, and blot-
ting out all the sympathies aroused during his student
life in German universities. It was a complete rever-
sion of sentiment, and he at once wrote a letter full of
sympathy to his old friend, M. Thiers, then president
of the French republic, receiving a most flattering letter
of thanks some months later. Agassiz knew too well
what was due to French influence in every department
of human knowledge to accept all that was said against
France and the French nation. His original Vaudois
blood revolted, and from that moment, until his death,

iSo LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xxi.

he spoke openly of his sympathies and ardent feeling
for a people which had rescued his native Canton de
Vaud from Bernese tyranny and bondage, and is of the
same Latin race, using the same language, - - the lan-
guage of Jean Jacques Rousseau, de La Harpe, Jomini,
and Madame de Stael, and in which his own works on
the " Poissons fossiles " and on the glaciers were writ-
ten. The crisis brought up by the fall of France,
added to old age, made him, by a sort of irresistible
tendency, return naturally to the feelings of youth and
of childhood, while those of middle age disappeared,
and after 1871 Agassiz was more French than myself,
at least in his feeling about the future of France.

CHAPTER XXII.

1871-1872.

VOYAGE ON THE " HASSLER " - DREDGING AT THE BARBADOES — MA-
CHINERY OF THE "HASSLER" -PROPHETIC VlEWS IN A LETTER TO

BENJAMIN PIERCE — GLACIERS IN THE STRAIT OF MAGELLAN — FROM
TALCAHUANA TO SANTIAGO BY CARRIAGE — MEETING OF DOMEYKO
AND PHILIPPI — AGASSIZ'S ELECTION AS A FOREIGN FELLOW OF THE
ACADEMY OF SCIENCE OF THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE — THE GAL-
APAGOS ISLANDS — PANAMA AND SAN FRANCISCO — RETURN TO
CAMBRIDGE — ANOTHER AND THE LAST SERIES OF ASSISTANTS AT
THE MUSEUM — APPROPRIATIONS FROM THE LEGISLATURE OF MAS-
SACHUSETTS.

PUBLIC life possesses such an attraction, and gets
such a strong hold on any one who has drunk at the
cup of popularity, that it is almost impossible to resist
the temptation of maintaining a name which has once
become celebrated on the world's stage. Great natural-
ists, like statesmen, artists, speculators, financiers, are
no exception to the rule. Simple prudence, after the
illness of 1870, would have easily prolonged Agassiz's
life for a score of years, for he came from long-lived
parents, his mother dying in the eighty-fifth year of her
age. But Agassiz was not a man to step into compar-
ative obscurity ; he wanted applause, not only in the
lecture-room, but also before the general public. The
discovery of animals living at great depth on the bot-
tom of the sea was so interesting that he was unable to

181

i82 LOUIS AGASS1Z. [CIIAI-. xxn.

resist the desire for an investigation directed by himself
in person.

His friend, Professor Benjamin Pierce, had succeeded
Professor Bache as Director of the United States Coast
Survey, and an expedition was easily arranged under
his supervision. Frank de Pourtales, who had passed
the last five years in deep-sea dredgings for the Survey,
was naturally put in charge of the apparatus for sound-
ing and hauling the net from the bottom of the sea. A
new steamer, built especially under the direction of the
navy officer, Captain C. P. Patterson, chief hydrographer
of the Coast Survey, and named the Hasslcr in hon-
our of a Swiss mathematician of Aarau and the first
director of the Coast Survey, was fitted for the voyage.
It was a small steamer of three hundred and fifty tons,
rigged as a three-masted schooner, one hundred and
sixty-five feet long, twenty-five feet beam, ten feet
depth of hold, and with a draught seven and a half
feet forward and ten feet aft ; but it was too hastily
and imperfectly finished by the contractor, and was not
a proper vessel for a long voyage. The compound
engines, with double cylinders, the same used at that
time on the White Star Line Company's transatlantic
steamers, were unfit, and ought never to have been
accepted. A lack of oversight, during the construc-
tion and at the reception of the little steamer, marred
the whole expedition from its start until its arrival at
San Francisco. It was a great, almost a cruel, care-
lessness to embark a man so distinguished, so old, and
so much an invalid as Agassiz was, in an unseaworthy
craft, sailing under the United States flag.

1871-72.] THE "HASSLER? 183

The crew and passengers numbered about fifty per-
sons, the scientific party being composed of Professor
Agassiz and his wife; Dr. Thomas Hill, ex-president
of Harvard University ; Frank de Pourtales ; Dr. Franz
Steindachner, Agassiz's favourite assistant in ichthy-
ology, and a draughtsman ; and Commander P. C.
Johnson, United States Navy, who was also accom-
panied by his wife, a native of Chili. Everything that
could contribute to the comfort of Agassiz and his
friends was provided.

After long delays, from the summer until the begin-
ning of the winter, the Hassler at last sailed from
Boston, the 4th of December, 1871, in a snowstorm,
and with a heavy sea. During the first four days, the
roughness of the voyage much fatigued Agassiz, who
thought that he had undertaken a task beyond his phy-
sical strength. However, after passing Cape Hatteras
and reaching the West Indies, he quickly rallied from
the discouragement and depression which had seized
him at the departure ; and a very successful dredging,
made in a depth of eighty fathoms near the coast of
the Barbadoes, which brought up several stemmed cri-
noids, then a great rarity, delighted him so much that
he soon forgot all the unpleasantness of the voyage.

Unhappily, the station near the island of Barbadoes
was the only one of the whole expedition which was
successful so far as number of sea-animals obtained was
concerned It soon became evident that the engine of
the Hassler was not only defective, but absolutely
worthless ; and the whole plan of the voyage, sketched
with such a masterly hand, had to be modified and cur-

184 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xxii.

tailed. The Hasslcr was able merely to creep along
the coast from one port to another, stopping at almost
every one to allow her machinery to be repaired. She
sailed from the Barbadoes to Pernambuco, thence to
Rio Janeiro, Montevideo, Port of San Antonio, Strait
of Magellan, Arenas, Port Famine, Glacier Bay, Sholl
Bay, San Pedro, and finally to Talcahuana in Concep-
tion Bay, Chili, where she remained three weeks for
the repair of her engine. Pourtales dredged as often
as practicable, and succeeded in collecting a large num-
ber of rare or unknown species.

Before embarking, December 2, Agassiz wrote " A
Letter concerning Deep-Sea Dredgings, addressed to
Professor Benjamin Pierce, Superintendent United
States Coast Survey,"1 in which he says:-

On the point of starting for the Deep-Sea Dredging Expedition,
for which you have so fully provided, and which I trust may prove
to be one of the best rewards for your devotion to the interests of
the Coast Survey, 1 am desirous to leave in your hands a document
which may be very compromising lor me, but which I nevertheless
am determined to write, in the hope of showing within what limits
natural history has advanced toward that point of maturity when
science may anticipate the discovery of facts.

If there is, as I believe to be the case, a plan according to which
the affinities among animals and the order of their succession in
time were determined from the beginning, and if that plan is re-
flected in the mode of growth, and in the geographical distribution
of all living beings ; or, in other words, if this world of ours is the
work of intelligence, and not merely the product of force and mat-
ter, the human mind, as a part of the whole, should so chime with
it that, from what is known, it may reach the unknown ; and if this
be so, the amount of information thus far gathered should, within

1 " Bulletin Mus. Comp. Zotilogy," Vol. 111., Cambridge, 1871.

1871-7^-] LETTER TO h\ PIERCE. 185

the limits of errors which the imperfection of our knowledge renders
unavoidable, be sufficient to foretell what we are likely to find in
the deepest abysses of the sea, from which thus far nothing has
been secured.

. . . There is a correlation between the gradation of animals in
the complication of their structure, their order of succession in geo-
logical times, their mode of development from the egg, and their
geographical distribution upon the surface of the globe. If that
be so, and if the animal world designed from the beginning has
been the motive for the physical changes which our globe has
undergone, and if, as I also believe to be the case, these changes
have not been the cause of the diversity now observed among
organized beings, then we may expect, from the greater depth of
the ocean, representatives resembling those types of animals which
were prominent in earlier geological periods, or bear a closer
resemblance to younger stages of the higher members of the same
types, or to the lower forms which take their place nowadays.

As the adversaries of Agassiz not only sharply criti-
cised, but even scouted these views, and cast all manner
of fun upon them, and as I made the suggestion to him
that successive marine faunas would be found at succes-
sive great depths, according to the number of fathoms,
showing a correlation between the depth and the geo-
logical periods, the deepest possessing forms of the
primordial fauna, and consider myself as responsible for
it, I would call attention to the following facts, very
lately made public.

This prophetic announcement has been at least fully
confirmed in regard to Radiolaria, which have been
brought up from great depths, varying from six thou-
sand to thirteen thousand metres, and present numer-
ous genera absolutely identical with forms existing, not
only in the Mesozoic and Palaeozoic strata, but even

1 86 LOUIS AGASSI/.. [CHAP. xxn.

from the Infra-primordial fauna of the Lower Taconic.
The persistence of several genera from the oldest quartz-
ite rocks in North Britanny, near Saint L6,1 through
millions of years, notwithstanding the metamorphoses
cf all other animals around them, is a fact which cannot
be put aside by transformists and Darwinians. Immu-
tability of several genera, from the beginning of life on
our planet until now, is not in favour of natural selec-
tion or evolution. Permanence of forms has existed
since the first appearance of life on our planet, — a
privilege only enjoyed now by Radial aria and perhaps
by Foraminifera, but which may be extended, as Agassiz
thought, to higher animals, such as Trilobites and Am-
monites. It seems only a question of time ; for we
know yet so little of life at great depths in our oceans
that some unexpected discovery may be made, and
prove a great bar to all the hypotheses constantly
resorted to by the theorists of the Darwin school.

If the hopes formed by Agassiz were not fulfilled by
the Hasslcr expedition, it was due mainly, first, to
the defects in the dredging apparatus ; second, to the
inadequate estimate of the time required to explore the
deepest abysses of the sea. We shall not know for
centuries to come all the fauna of the deep sea. The
difficulties of finding animals and bringing them from
the sea-bottoms, at great depths, are such that centu-
ries will be required before a complete knowledge of

1 " Les prcuves dc 1'existence cl'organismes clans le terrain precambrien.
Premiere note sur les Radiolaires precambriens," par L. Cayeux (" Bulle-
tin Soc. Geol. France," 3d Se'rie, Tome XXII., pp. 197-228; Paris,
1894).

1871-72.] MAGELLAN^ GL.ICJKRS. 187

the exact distribution of marine animals at the different
zones of depth in the oceans can be expected.

The most interesting geological parts of the voyage,
especially for Agassiz, were the visits to glaciers in the
Strait of Magellan and in Smithe's Channel. There
he found, almost at seaJevel, great glaciers like the
Aar, Aletch, and Rhone glaciers of Switzerland. The
marks of RocJies montonnccs, moraines, scratched peb-
bles, and boulders were seen, and ancient traces of
glacial action found in many places, on the southern
extremity of the South American continent, which was
a great satisfaction to the old landlord of the " Hotel
des Neuchatelois " in the Bernese Oberland; and the
discoverer of the " Ice epoch " had the pleasure of
seeing his prediction in his Discourse at Neuchatel in
1837 verified, even in the Southern Hemisphere. As
he said on his return to Cambridge, " If I had done
nothing else but see and study the glacial phenomena
at the Magellan Strait and among the Chiloe Islands,
this would have amply paid me for all my trouble and
fatigue." What does not geology owe to such an ob-
server ? To him, and to him alone, is due the discovery
of the existence of glaciers in Scotland, England, and
Ireland, and their extension over all New England,
and in the province of Ceara in Brazil, and in Chili.
Seldom does a savant have the opportunity to verify,
on the field, in both hemispheres, observations made in
the limited area of such a small country as Switzerland.
Such a success was only possible to the foresight and
genius of an Agassiz.

At Talcahuana Agassiz disembarked, and thence

1 88 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xxn.

travelled by post to Curicu and by rail to Santiago.
The Hasslcr, after repairs, resumed its cruise to the
island of Juan Fernandez, with only Pourtales and Dr.
Hill on board, to continue the dredging and other scien-
tific observations. But the sounding-lines broke down
entirely, the ropes rotted, and it became impossible to
dredge at a depth even of one hundred fathoms.

It was a great disappointment to Agassiz and
Pourtales, after coming so far, to be deprived of
expected results by defective machinery and worthless
apparatus. Before leaving Cambridge, Agassiz had
written in his Annual Report as director of the
Museum for the year 1871 that he was going "to
explore the greatest depths of the Atlantic and Pacific
oceans, on both sides of the American continent " ; and
in no case was a really great depth reached by the
dredge.

At Santiago Agassiz met two old European friends,
both eminent naturalists, - - Don Ignacio Domeyko,
rector (president) de la Universidad de Chile, and Dr.
R. A. Philippi, professor of zoology and botany at the
same university. Domeyko was a student at the Paris
School of Mines, when Agassiz was there in 1832 ; and

/

both met at Cuvier's house and in the office of Elie de
Beaumont. No one has done so much as Domeyko to
develop mining in Chili, and no one was held in such
high regard and respect all over the Chilian Republic.
He received Agassiz with open arms, and he and his
daughter Annita did all they could to make his visit
agreeable and profitable. Philippi had visited Agassi/,
at Neuchatel on his return from a scientific exploration

1871-72-] DOMEYKO AND PHILIPPI. 189

of Sicily with Friedrich Hoffmann and Arnold Eschcr
von dcr Linth, and there had been a friendly intercourse
between them ever since that time. Philippi went to
South America about the time that Agassiz came to
North America, and his exploration of the great desert
of Atacama and subsequent publications are justly cele-
brated. The alcalde and municipal body of Santiago
called on Agassiz, tendering an invitation to a great
dinner party and reception in his honour ; but his pre-
carious health and fatigue from the journey prevented
him from accepting.

A very agreeable telegram from the Emperor of
Brazil awaited Agassiz at Santiago ; it announced his
election as a " Membre etranger de 1'Academie des
Sciences de I'lnstitut de France," an honour seldom
conferred, on account of the limited number (eight)
allowed in this class of members. Several times before,
his name had been on the list presented by the com-
mittee for election, but, curiously enough, he was
always opposed by the zoologists, while his just claim
to the distinction was strongly supported by the physi-
cists, astronomers, mathematicians, botanists, and med-
ical fellows of the Academy. As he says, in a letter
to Dom Pedro Secundo : " The distinction . . . unhap-
pily, is usually a brevet of infirmity, or at least of old
age, and in my case it is to a falling house that the
diploma is addressed. I regret it the more because I
have never felt more disposed for work, and yet never
so fatigued by it."

He joined the Hasslcr at Valparaiso, after a few
clays of rest at Santiago, and continued his voyage.

LOUIS AGASSI/.. [CHAP. xxn.

Some dredgings in shallow waters (for the lines had
been too short to allow any other dredging) were suc-
cessfully made along the coast of Peru, and then the
steamer headed for the Galapagos Islands.

Ever since Darwin's exploration of these islands in
1835, Agassiz had had a great desire to see the home
of the lizard Amblyrhinchus, that remarkable remnant
of Secondary or Mesozoic times, and he now had the
pleasure of watching its capture in considerable num-
bers, as Steindachner and Pourtales hunted it on the
rocks and in the shallow waters ; while from the deck
he drew their attention to a large specimen lying on
the sand, half choked by the pocket handkerchief tied
round its neck, and which swiftly turned round, as it
revived, ready to plunge into the sea. Specimen after
specimen was placed in alcohol ; for Agassiz, as usual
with him in the case of rare animals, was never satis-
fied. The collections made in the Galapagos were
important and very valuable, but Agassiz was too old
to obtain the full benefit of such an exploration ; if it
had been made in the prime of his scientific life, the
result would have been different. Sickness tormented
him during his stay. However, he was quite well again
when the steamer dropped anchor opposite Taboga, in
the bay of Panama. As soon as his arrival was known
in town, fishermen and pearl traders came on board, the
latter to find with surprise that a naturalist of such repu-
tation was not necessarily a great purchaser of pearls.
His hands were filled with the most superb specimens
collected in the bay, several being very large and perfect ;
but, to their astonishment and disgust, Agassiz piv-

1871-72.] SAN FRANC/SCO. 191

ferred to purchase the most common fishes brought
from the city market.

Here the party separated. Pourtales crossed the
Isthmus and took ship at Colon for Washington, while
Agassiz and the other members of the party cruised
along the Pacific coast of Central America, Mexico, and
the two Californias, entering the Golden Gate of the bay
of San Francisco on the 24th of August, 1872, a little
less than nine months after leaving the wharf of the
Charlestown navy-yard at Boston.

A month was spent at San Francisco, in social activ-
ity and enjoyment of the great metropolis of the Pacific
states, although Agassiz, who was much in need of re-
pose, declined all invitations of too exciting a nature.
Every one showed much kindness to both Agassiz and
his wife ; in fact, it was impossible for Mrs. Agassiz
even to go shopping without being recognized by trades-
men and their clerks. Agassiz was too weary of travel-
ling to undertake any scientific researches round San
Francisco, and he did not even visit the gigantic
Sequoia trees in Calaveras County.

Early in October Agassiz found himself once more
in his museum at Cambridge, and it was a great pleas-
ure to the assistants and to all the friends of the insti-
tution to see his genial face again. It seems in place
here to complete what has been previously said in re-
gard to his museum.

The first four years of its existence, from 1860 to
1864, were very difficult years. Its success was all
that could be reasonably expected, both as to its exhib-
its, which were tolerably presentable, and as to its sci-

192 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xxn.

entific arrangement. And as it was, the governors of
Massachusetts, - - Banks and Andrew, --the members
of the Legislature, numbers of savants, American as
well as foreign, even princes of royal blood, among
whom were the Comte de Paris in 1862, and Prince
Napoleon Jerome, and Princess Clotide in 1861, visited
the Museum with evident satisfaction and pleasure,
during what may justly be called its infancy. With
Agassiz as a guide, it would have been impossible not
to admire both the director and his collections.

After the secession of the Salem party, as the action
of the assistant-pupils, in 1864, may be denominated, a
better direction of its affairs was soon visible, owing to
the continuous and well-directed efforts of Mr. Alex-
ander Agassiz. During the absence of his father in
Brazil, he directed the Museum, and although the
force employed was much reduced, it worked better,
and proved the administrative capacity which has since
distinguished Mr. Agassiz.

Agassiz, with his usual generous and enthusiastic
encouragement of original observers and students, al-
lowed almost every one the use of the collections ; going
so far as to send specimens and books to whoever
expressed a desire for them. But such a confidence
exceeded proper bounds, and as its inevitable result
several valuable specimens, books, and papers were
lost.

New accessions to the staff of the Museum were
made from time to time. Reference to some of the
attaches has already been made, and it only remains
to complete the list, omitting mention of perhaps ;i

1871-72.] HIS MUSEUM. 193

dozen, either on account of the small amount of scien-
tific work they have done, or because of their short con-
nection with the Museum.

Mr. J. A. Allen began as a student in 1862, and took
charge of the mammalia and birds in 1864, publishing
valuable memoirs on the buffaloes, the pinnipeds, etc.
He remained in the Museum until 1884, when he
accepted a position at the American Museum of natural
history in New York.

During the autumn of 1867, Agassiz called from
Prussia an entomologist of great reputation, Dr. Her-
mann Hagen, to take charge of the collections of artic-
ulates. His services to the Museum were invaluable.
Following the plan adopted by Agassiz, Dr. Hagen suc-
ceeded in placing the numerous and rich collections
entrusted to his care in fine condition.

In 1869, Dr. G. A. Maack, a pupil of the celebrated
professor, Albert Oppel, of the University of Munich,
came to the Museum as assistant in charge of the col-
lection of fossil vertebrates. Having passed several
years at Buenos Ayres as an assistant in the National
Museum, directed by the learned naturalist, Dr. Her-
mann Burmeister, Maack was well prepared for the
work assigned to him in the Agassiz Museum. Un-
happily he accepted the position of geologist and natu-
ralist of the United States Darien Expedition sent by
the government to explore the isthmus of Panama,
Darien, and Choco, and he returned with his health so
impaired by constant attacks of Panama fever that his
mind became affected ; and in a moment of despond-
ency he ended his life. Maack was an excellent

VOL. II. O

194 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xxn.

observer, a good practical geologist, and well posted
in osteology and comparative anatomy, and he sent
to the Museum large and valuable collections of mam-
mals, birds, reptiles, fishes, molluscs, and radiates,
besides palaeontological specimens from Carthagena,
the Atrato River, Panama, San Miguel, Cupica Bay,
and Napipi River.

Dr. Franz Steindachner, attracted by the magnificent
collection of fishes, came to Cambridge from Vienna
in May, 1870, to assist Agassiz for two years in their
arrangement and determination. Chosen to accom-
pany Agassiz in his voyage on the Hasslcr, he had
the rare privilege of seeing the fish fauna from Cape
Cod to the Strait of Magellan, the Galapagos, Panama,
Acapulco, San Diego, and San Francisco. As he had
already examined the fauna of the West Coast of Africa,
especially at the Cabo de Verde, he had acquired an
unusual knowledge of ichthyology. His work at the
Museum was most valuable. Returning to his native
country at the end of 1872, he was placed at the head
of the zoological division of the Imperial Museum of
natural history at Vienna, and has since become direc-
tor-general. Before leaving Cambridge, he said to me :
" No naturalist knows fishes like Agassiz ; his knowl-
edge in ichthyology is unparalleled on account of his
researches on both the living and fossil species ! " An
opinion which, coming from such a learned ichthyolo-
gist, who was also reserved and careful in his judg-
ment, is worth recording.

A conchologist of talent, John G. Anthony, was
attached to the Museum, about 1864, to catalogue and

1871-72.] POURTALES AT CAMBRIDGE. 195

label the shells in the Museum. For years he worked
faithfully at the task, and, at his death, several years
after that of Agassiz, left the conchological collections
in an excellent condition.

Leo Lesquereux, during 1868 and 1869, classified
the fossil plants at the Museum. After his arrival
in America at the end' of 1848, Lesquereux studied
fossil plants with great success, and had justly be-
come an authority on this subject on both sides of
the Atlantic.

I will mention also Charles Hamelin and Messrs.
Walter Faxon, Samuel Gorman, and Walter Fewkes,
who were attached to the Museum during the last years
of Agassiz's life.

Finally Pourtales resigned his official connection with
the Coast Survey in 1873, and took up his residence in
Cambridge to assist Agassiz in the general direction of
the Museum. As he was the first of the European
friends who joined Agassiz at Boston as far back as
1846, it was most appropriate that he should be the last
to help him. At the death of his father in 1870, he
had inherited a fortune sufficient to place him in an
independent position, and he devoted the remainder of
his life entirely to his zoological studies. Extremely
modest and retiring, timid as a child, always a hard
worker, but rather slow in all his motions, persistent in
his schemes and undertakings, he possessed just the
qualities required in the long and weary process of
casting and hauling the dredge in the collection of
marine animals at great depths. As a curator of the
Agassiz Museum, he devoted the last part of his life to

196 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xxn.

the progress of the institution. Frank de Pourtales was
a man always true to his word, a rare and most trusty
friend. His original work in natural history was con-
fined to the deep-sea corals of the Gulf Stream area in
the Caribbean Sea, and the Gulf of Mexico, and on the
Florida coast, to crinoids and to halcyonarians. He
died in July, 1889, at the age of fifty-seven years, and
is buried in Mount Auburn cemetery, not far from the
grave of his old teacher and friend.

A few quotations from the last report of Louis
Agassiz and from the first of his son and successor
will show the condition and standing of the Mu-
seum of Comparative Zoology during the last year
of the life of its founder and at the moment of his
death.

I have heard it said repeatedly, that the organization of the
Museum was too comprehensive, that it covered a wider range than
was useful in the present state of science among us, and that since
it must collapse whenever I should be taken away, it was unwise to
support it on so large a scale. The past year has proved beyond
question that the Museum is now so organized (vitalized, as it were,
with the spirit of thought and connected work) that my presence or
absence is of little importance. It will keep on its course without
any new or repeated stimulus beyond the necessary appropriations
for its maintenance. As to the expense, I cannot feel that it is dis-
proportionate, because when I compare it with that of institutions
of the same character I see that they spend much more for smaller
results. The only question now is, whether a museum of the first
order is needed in Massachusetts, or not. If the Legislature will
favour us with a visit, I would gladly submit our institution to the
most critical examination of its organization. I think I can satisty
any competent visitor, that by her liberal support of the Museum.
our state has earned the right to say, that among civilized cum-

1871-72.] REPORT ON HIS Ml^EL'M. 197

inanities there is not a purely scientific establishment of higher
character, or distinguished by more active, unremitting original
research in various departments of knowledge. If the same pecuni-
ary support it has had in the last two years can be continued in the
coming years, it will not be long before the scientific world will
acknowledge that the Museum of Comparative Zoology in Cam-
bridge has no superior, nay, no equal, in the world (Report of the
Director, in the "Annual Report of the Museum of Comparative
Zoology at Harvard College, in Cambridge, for 1872," pp. 4, 5;
Boston, 1873).

Early in 1873 ^ became apparent that the Museum could not
longer be carried on with the means at the disposal of the Curator.
Repeated assistance from the state and from private sources kept
the institution up to a standard of activity far beyond its own regu-
lar resources. As the time drew near when retrenchment seemed
inevitable, Professor Agassiz made an appeal to the Legislature for
support, and with the generosity which has always characterized
their action towards an institution in which the state of Massachu-
setts has so great an interest, the Legislature appropriated twenty-five
thousand dollars, on condition that a similar sum should be con-
tributed by the friends of the institution towards its support. This
sum was at once subscribed by friends of the Museum, and the
appropriation of the state secured. Soon after this a further sum of
one hundred thousand dollars was presented to the Museum by
Mr. Quincy A. Shaw. These sums gave Professor Agassiz the
means to reorganize the Museum on a very extensive scale. Addi-
tional assistants were employed, collections were purchased in
every direction, and a large outlay made to place in safety the
valuable alcoholic collections stored in the cellar of the Museum
building. True to his policy of always using his present means as
a lever for further improvement, nothing was laid up for the future
and by the first of April next the Museum will have to depend
entirely upon its invested funds for its resources. This will entail
a very material reduction in the working force and running ex-
penses, as the regular income of the Museum is somewhat less than

19* LOUIS AGASSI Z. [CHAP. xxn.

fifteen thousand dollars annually, only half the sum needed to carry
on the present scale of operations (" Annual Report of the Museum
for 1873," PP- 4> 5 5 Boston, 1874).

The constant success of Agassiz, in obtaining for his
Museum appropriations of large sums of money from
the Legislature of Massachusetts, is something unique
in natural history, for the Museum has been finally
turned over by its trustees to Harvard University, a
private corporation ; and if Harvard had asked of the
Legislature a sum of money, however small, for the
foundation of a museum, it would never have been
granted. The success is entirely personal, and due
wholly to Agassiz's power of persuasion He
quickly became expert in handling the Legislature.
When called before the Committee of Appropria-
tions to explain the nature of his wants, he would
meet every member of the committee, first in private,
then in the committee-room. But before any step
was taken, he would call on the Governor, the
Lieutenant-Governor, the President of the Senate,
the Speaker of the House, the Secretary of the
Board of Education, and the Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court, all cx-officio trustees of the Mu-
seum, and consequently in sympathy with its needs.
The amount of scientific diplomacy he made use of is
something astounding; for instance, he would detail,
with great clearness, the working of the institution,
and make it clear that the Museum is an element of
education even in the most elementary school of the
commonwealth, and that in the future generations there
would not be a child who would not have the oppor-

1871-72.] HIS SCIENTIFIC DIPLOMACY. 199

tunity of understanding the scheme of creation as thor-
oughly as he 'understood his multiplication table. He
had the tact to adapt his explanations and his description
of the absolute poverty of the institution, to the listener
and his official position in the state. Then, after weeks
of such preparatory work at the state house, came the
annual visit of the whole Legislative body, with the
Governor at its head, to the Museum. Everything was
in readiness for the reception when the six or ten street
cars, filled with legislators, arrived at the University
grounds. Agassiz conducted them at once into the
various exhibition halls, showing the treasures of each,
and briefly describing the departments. Afterward, in
the lecture-room, in an informal conversation, he de-
tailed the methods and needs of the institution. He
always succeeded in winning to his side farmers, trades-
men, and politicians. After such a visit, the Legis-
lature always voted a new appropriation of public
money ; it was only necessary for the President of the
Senate and the Speaker of the House to make speeches
in its favour, and the resolution would easily pass the
three readings without further debate.

Agassiz made stupendous efforts, during the last four-
teen years of his life, to obtain seven hundred thousand
dollars to found his Museum. Less than half of it was
furnished by the state of Massachusetts, and the rest
by private subscriptions, a great part of it coming from
his own family and relatives. If he had gone to Wash-
ington and made only half the exertion he did in Bos-
ton, he would have easily obtained from Congress ten
and even twenty millions of dollars to found the United

200 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CUM-. \\n.

States National Museum. The University of Cambridge
cannot be grateful enough for the service he rendered in
identifying himself with it, and founding for its benefit
an American institution, which, in many respects, rivals
the great museums of London, Paris, Vienna, and
Berlin.

CHAPTER XXIII.

1873-

THE ANDERSON SCHOOL OF NATURAL HISTORY AT PENIKESE ISLAND —
AN UNEXPECTED GIFT — "EVOLUTION AND PERMANENCE OF TYPES"
— AGASSIZ'S LAST WORDS ON DARWINISM — THE GIGANTIC SQUID OF
NEWFOUNDLAND — AGASSIZ'S LAST ILLNESS — His LAST WORDS —
DEATH — POST-MORTEM EXAMINATION — THE FUNERAL — THE GRAVE-
STONE.

AGASSIZ came back from his journey around South
America with such renewed vigour of mind and body
that he renewed his social duties, and his always hos-
pitable house was often open to his friends and his
large family circle.

At the beginning of 1873 occurred the most extraor-
dinary episode in Agassiz's life. A merchant of New
York, upon seeing in the newspapers the announce-
ment that Agassiz proposed to give a course of in-
struction in natural history, chiefly designed for
teachers, and students preparing to become teachers,
to be delivered on the island of Nantucket during
the summer months, offered him Penikese Island,
one of the Naushon Islands, in Buzzard's Bay, oppo-
site New Bedford, on the southern coast of Massa-
chusetts, and to complete the gift, an additional
endowment of fifty thousand dollars, for the support

20 1

202 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xxm.

and maintenance of the school. To a man of the
optimistic and enthusiastic temperament of Agassiz,
the offer was too great a temptation to resist, notwith-
standing his age and his broken health. Those near
him knew that he was not in a condition to accept such
a heavy burden, in addition to the many engagements
already assumed. But remonstrances were of no avail ;
he answered all objections, and after a few weeks of
hesitation accepted the gift. As his son says : "It
is a new povipc added to the many already in activity."
Mr. Alexander Agassiz, above all a business man, was
justly alarmed at the anticipated expenses of the
Museum, without the addition of another burden, the
extent of which it was impossible to foresee. Knowing
his father's propensity to " faire grand " in everything
relating to science, without any regard to expenditure,
it is not surprising that he was opposed to the accept-
ance of the gift. But it was impossible to restrain
Agassiz when he had started on any special scheme,
and a summer school of natural history had been for
years one of his pet desires.

In March, 1873, he wrote to Mr. John Anderson: "It
seems to me impossible to do otherwise than accept the
great gift you offer. It changes at once an experiment
without fixed location or stable foundation into a perma-
nent school for the study of nature, such as the world
has not seen before. ... I am overwhelmed by your
generosity [the additional endowment of fifty thousand
dollars]. Such a gift, following so close upon the
donation of an island, admirably adapted by its position
for the purposes of a practical school for natural his-

1 873.] WHFTTIER^S POEM. 203

tory, opens visions before me such as I had never dared
to indulge in connection with this plan."

On the 22d of April, in company with members of
the city government of New Bedford and a number of
invited guests, he visited the island to take formal pos-
session, where the party was cordially welcomed by
Mr. and Mrs. Anderson-r Under these circumstances
Agassiz first met Mr. Anderson, and for the first time
saw what was to be one of his future laboratories in
the cause of natural science. The ceremony of the
transfer took place in the house of Mr. Anderson, his
solicitor reading the deed of conveyance.

Agassiz returned from his visit, delighted with the
island and its surroundings. He at once ordered a
building for the laboratory, upon which work was im-
mediately begun, and by the 8th of July the building
was ready for the reception of fifty persons, and the
school of natural history commenced on the appointed
day. The lecture-room was an old barn, and there Agas-
siz, with bared head, called the pupils to join him in silent
prayer. Whittier's poem on this subject is as follows : —

THE PRAYER OF AGASSIZ.

On the isle of Penikese,

Ringed about by sapphire seas,

Fanned by breezes salt and cool,

Stood the Master with his school.

Over sails that not in vain

Wooed the west-wind's steady strain,

Line of coast that low and far

Stretched its undulating bar,

Wings aslant along the rim

Of the waves they stooped to skim,

204 \i'-

Rock and isle and glistening hay,
Fell the beautiful white day.
Said the Master to the youth :

" We have come in search of truth,

Trying with uncertain key

Door by door of mystery ;

We are reaching, through His laws,

To the garment-hem of Cause,

Him, the endless, unbegun,

The unnamable, the One

Light of all our light the Source,

Life of life, and Force of force.

As with fingers of the blind,

We are groping here to find

What the hieroglyphics mean

Of the Unseen in the seen,

What the Thought which underlies

Nature's masking and disguise,

What it is that hides beneath

Blight and bloom and birth and death.

By past efforts unavailing,

Doubt and error, loss and failing,

Of our weakness made aware,

On the threshold of our task

Let us light and guidance ask,

Let us pause in silent prayer ! "

Then the Master in his place
Bowed his head a little space.
And the leaves by soft airs stirred,
Lapse of wave, and cry of bird
Left the solemn hush unbroken
Of that wordless prayer unspoken,
While its wish, on earth unsaid,
Rose to heaven interpreted.

[873-] WHITTIER W ' POEM. 205

As in life's best hours we hear
By the spirit's finer ear
His low voice within us, thus
The All-Father heareth us ;
And His holy ear we pain
With our noisy words and vain.
Not for Him our violence
Storming at ttfe gate of sense,
His the primal language, His
The eternal silence !

Even the careless heart was moved,
And the doubting gave assent,
With a gesture reverent,
To the Master well-beloved.
As thin mists are glorified
By the light they cannot hide,
All who gazed upon him saw,
Through its veil of tender awe,
How his face was still uplit
By the old sweet look of it,
Hopeful, trustful, full of cheer,
And the love that casts out fear.
Who the secret may declare
Of that brief, unuttered prayer ?
Did the shade before him come
Of th1 inevitable doom,
Of the end of earth so near,
And Eternity's new year ?

In the lap of sheltering seas
Rests the isle of Penikese ;
But the lord of the domain
Comes not to his own again ;
When the eyes that follow fail,
On a vaster sea his sail
Drifts beyond our beck and hail.

206 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CH.U-. xxni.

Other lips within its bound
Shall the laws of life expound ;
Other eyes from rock and shell
Read the world's old riddles well ;
But when breezes light and bland
Blow from summer's blossomed land,
When the air is glad with wings.
And the blithe song-sparrow sings,
.Many an eye with his still face
Shall the living ones displace,
Many an ear the word shall seek
He alone could fitly speak.
And one name forevermore
Shall be uttered o'er and o'er
By the waves that kiss the shore,
By the curlew's whistle sent
Down the cool, sea-scented air ;
In all voices known to her,
Nature owns her worshipper,
Half in triumph, half lament.
Thither Love shall tearful turn,
Friendship pause uncovered there.
And the wisest reverence learn
From the Master's silent prayer.

It was amusing to see Agassiz delivering his lectures,
surrounded not only by forty-four students,1 of both sexes,
but by the workmen who were finishing the interior ar-
rangements and erecting a second building. Never had
the small island seen so many people collected on its
shores. Every one was collecting, examining with
microscopes, dissecting, or watching marine animals in

1 Among the students at Penikese, I will mention only a few who have
become celebrated since: Professor C. O. Whitman of Chicago University,
I). S. Jordan, President of the I.cland Stanford Jr. University (CalilWmu ),
Professor William K. Brooks, and Professor Charles S. Minot.

1 873.] PENIKESE ISLAND. 207

aquaria improvised out of pails and buckets. Agassiz
lectured nearly every day, and frequently twice a day,
and his passion for teaching had full play. Mr. C. W.
Galloupe of Boston made him a donation of his yacht,
Sprite, and as she was fully equipped, Pourtales took
charge of her and at once began dredging, going
out daily, weather permitting, with eight or ten stu-
dents, and obtaining a variety of specimens which could
not be procured from the shore ; and at the close of
the school session they went as far as Casco Bay, to
dredge for brachiopods and echinoderms that could
not be procured in Buzzard's Bay.

Agassiz left Penikese 1 at the end of the summer,
when the school broke up, and on invitation of friends
visited the mountains for rest, which was an absolute
necessity in his present condition of mental and physi-

1 The Anderson School of Natural History at Penikese Island did not
survive long after Agassiz's death. The appeal for aid addressed by Mr.
Alexander Agassiz to the superintendents of public institutions and presi-
dents of State Boards of Education of the several states, did not find the
ready response necessary for the support of the school, and although the
expenses were estimated at a minimum, they were too large for the means
at the disposal of the director, and the Anderson School was soon a thing
of the past. But if its existence was ephemeral, it set a most beneficial
example, soon followed by permanent schools of the same sort, created in
imitation of the Marine Biological Laboratory of Penikese Island, first,
those at Wood's Holl, Mass., one under the direction of the United States
Fish Commission, and the other directed by Mr. C. O. Whitman; second,
one at Annisquam, and afterward at several other places on the Atlantic
and Pacific coasts, under the direction of the Johns Hopkins University, the
State University of California, and the Leland Stanford Jr. University, while
Mr. Alexander Agassiz, notwithstanding his failure at Penikese in carrying
on the school, has since built a fine laboratory at Castle Hill, near his
summer residence at Newport, Rhode Island, where researches on living
marine animals are made every summer under his direction and at his
expense.

2oS Z.6V/.V .lu.lSS/Z. [CHAP, xxin.

cal fatigue. The effort had been too great, and the
strain upon his health beyond reason. When among
pupils it was impossible to restrain him. He must
teach. Teaching was as natural to him as breath-
ing to others; but after his illness of 1870, he was
obliged to exert himself to deliver his lectures, and
it was often painful to see him forcing his voice
through his over-fatigued throat. His throat was the
weak point in his herculean frame. However, October,

1873, found him again at his post in his Museum, and
he began a course of lectures on the radiates from
their first appearance until the present time. At the
same time he dictated to Mrs. Agassiz an article for
the " Atlantic Monthly," on " Evolution and Perma-
nence of Type," which did not appear until January,

1874, after his death. As it is his last production, it
may be taken as " Louis Agassiz's Scientific Will " ; and
a few quotations will serve to show his strong convic-
tions on the most exciting of all natural history subjects.

The law of evolution, so far as its working is understood, is a
law controlling development and keeping types within appointed
cycles of growth, which revolve forever upon themselves, returning
at appointed intervals to the same starting-point, and repeating
through a succession of phases the same course. These cycles
have never been known to oscillate or to pass into each othn ;
indeed, the only structural differences known between individuals
of the same stock are monstrosities or peculiarities pertaining to
sex, and the latter are as abiding and permanent as the type itself.
Taken together the relations of sex constitute one of the mnM
obscure and wonderful features of the whole organic world, all the
more impressive for its universality. . . .

Under the recent and novel application of the terms " evolution "
and "evolutionists," we are in danger of forgetting the only

1 873.] PERMANENCE OF TYPE. 209

of the kind in the growth of animals which has actually been
demonstrated, as well as the men to whom we owe that demonstra-
tion. Indeed, the science of zoology, including everything pertain-
ing to the past and present life and history of animals, has furnished,
since the beginning of the nineteenth century, an amount of startling
and exciting information in which men have lost sight of the old
landmarks. In the present ferment of theories respecting the rela-
tions of animals to one anothef, their origin, growth, and diversity,
those broader principles of our science — upon which the whole ani-
mal kingdom has been divided into a few grand comprehensive types,
each one a structural unit in itself — are completely overlooked. . . .

The time has, perhaps, not come for an impartial appreciation of
the views of Darwin, and the task is the more difficult because it
involves an equally impartial review of the modifications his theory
has undergone at the hands of his followers. The aim of his first
work on " The Origin of Species " was to show that neither vegeta-
tion nor animal forms are so distinct from one another or so inde-
pendent in their origin and structural relations as most naturalists
believed. This idea was not new. Under different aspects it has
been urged repeatedly for more than a century by de Maillet, by
Lamarck, by E. Geoffrey Saint-Hilaire and others; nor was it
wholly original even with them, for the study of the relations of
animals and plants has at all times been one of the principal aims
of all the more advanced students of natural history ; they have
differed only in their methods and appreciations. But Darwin has
placed the subject on a different basis from that of all his prede-
cessors, and has brought to the discussion a vast amount of well-
arranged information, a convincing cogency of argument, and a
captivating charm of presentation. His doctrine appealed the more
powerfully to the scientific world because he maintained it at first
not upon metaphysical ground, but upon observation. Indeed, it
might be said that he treated his subject according to the best
scientific methods, had he not frequently overstepped the boundaries
of actual knowledge and allowed his imagination to supply the links
which science does not furnish. . . .

The excitement produced by the publication of" The Origin of Spe-
cies" may be fairly compared to that which followed the appearance of
VOL. 11. — 1>

210 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xxm.

Oken's "Natur-Philosophie," over fifty years ago, in which he claimed
that the key had been found to the whole system of organic life. . . .

Darwin's watchwords, "natural selection," "struggle for exist-
ence," " survival of the fittest," are equally familiar to those who do,
and to those \vho do not, understand them ; as well known, indeed,
to the amateur in science as to the professional naturalist. His
theory is supported by a startling array of facts respecting the
changes animals undergo under domestication. . . .

The final conclusion of the author is summed up in his theory of
Pangenesis. And yet this book does but prove more conclusively
what was already known ; namely, that all domesticated animals
and cultivated plants are traceable to distinct species, and that the
domesticated pigeons, which furnish so large a portion of the illus-
trations, are, notwithstanding their great diversity under special
treatment, no exception to this rule. The truth is, our domesticated
animals, with all their breeds and varieties, have never been traced
back to anything but their own species, nor have artificial varieties,
so far as we know, failed to revert to the wild stock when left to
themselves. Darwin's works and those of his followers have added
nothing new to our previous knowledge concerning the origin of man
and his associates in domestic life, the horse, the cow, the sheep,
the dog, or, indeed, of any animal. The facts upon which Darwin.
Wallace, Haeckcl, and others base their views are in the possession
of every well-educated naturalist. It is only a question of interpreta-
tion, not of discovery of new and unlooked-for information. . . .

It has even been said that I have myself furnished the strongest
evidence of the transmutation theory. This might, perhaps, be so,
did these types follow, instead of preceding, the lower fishes. But
the whole history of geological succession shows us that the lowest
in structure is by no means necessarily the earliest in time, either in
the vertebrate type or any other. Synthetic and prophetic types
have accompanied the introduction of all the primary divisions of
the animal kingdom. With these may be found what I have callol
embryonic types, which never rise, even in their adult state. abo\ c
those conditions which in higher structures are but the prelude to
the adult state. It may. therefore, truly be said that a great variety
of types has existed from the beginning. . . .

I873-] LETTER TO A. MURRAY. 211

The world has arisen in some way or other. How it originated
is the great question, and Darwin's theory, like all other attempts
to explain the origin of life, is thus far merely conjectural. I believe
he has not even made the best conjecture possible in the present
state of our knowledge. . - .

I would add as a resumt : Man has not yet been able
to create, or " evolve," if the word is more acceptable to
the followers of Darwin's theory, a single true species
of animal or plant ; but per contra he has certainly the
power to destroy them, several species of animals hav-
ing been exterminated during the last two centuries by
men — not one of whom knew anything about the origin
of species, according to Darwin, Lamarck, Haeckel, or
Huxley. Destruction is certainly easier than evolution.

The last, but not the least, natural history surprise
enjoyed by Agassiz came from Newfoundland. Fish-
ermen in Conception Bay, in a battle against a gigantic
squid, succeeded in cutting off and securing an arm of
the beast nineteen feet long. The body of the animal
was sixty feet long, and his diameter not less than five
feet. The state geologist of Newfoundland, Mr. A.
Murray, wrote me a long letter1 on this remarkable
monster, which I hastened to communicate to Agassiz.
The following is Agassiz's letter to Mr. Murray on the

subject : -

CAMBRIDGE, MASS., Nov. 25, 1873.

My dear Sir, — My friend Marcou has communicated to me your
most interesting letter ; and I am delighted at last to have so direct
information concerning the gigantic cephalopods of the Atlantic, of
which so much has been said since the clays of Pontoppidan in his

1 This letter from Mr. Murray was published in "The American
Naturalist," Vol. VIII., pp. 120-123. February, 1874. Salem.

212 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xxin.

" Norwegian Fables of the Kraken." I will now hunt up everything
that is worth noticing upon the subject ; and if you will allow me
an examination of your specimen, the zoological characters of the
creature might be made out from the part preserved, as we do of
imperfect fossil remains. I would also ask leave to publish the
substance of your letter to Mr. Marcou, in connection with this.
With great regard, yours very truly,

Ls. AGASSIZ.
ALEX. MURRAY, ESQ.,

ST. JOHN'S, NEWFOUNDLAND.

This letter and the two following, of which a fac-
simile is here given, were the last scientific letters
written by their illustrious and lamented author, the
last one on the 26th of November, 1873.

Uluseiim of CompratibE Zoology,

CAMBRIDGE, MASS.

//tf^

f f~^' <"**"*,

^5T a

i8;3-] LAST LETTER TO MARC017. 213

ul Comparatrbc sfooLogn,

CAMBRIDGE, a ASS.

On the 2d of December Agassiz delivered his last
lecture before the Massachusetts Board of Agriculture
at Fitchburg, on " The Structural Growth of Domesti-
cated Animals." On the 5th he enjoyed, as usual, his
weekly family dinner, with all his children around
him, smoked cigars, contrary to the special order
of Dr. Brown-Sequard ; but the next morning, the
6th, he complained of a dimness of sight, of feeling
" strangely asleep," and of great weariness. He went,
nevertheless, to his Museum, but soon returned, and lay
down in his room. It was his last illness. Paralysis of

214 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP. xxm.

the larynx rapidly developed ; and all the care and skill
of Dr. Brown-Sequard, then in New York, who came
at once to the side of his friend, and of another friend,
Dr. Morrill Wyman, could not stay the mortal disease.

Agassiz had been in great dread of softening of the
brain, of which his friend, Professor Bache, had died in
1866, after a very long and most painful illness. He
often expressed the hope that he should disappear sud-
denly ; and his wish was in great part realized, for he
lingered only eight days. It was, however, hard for
him to die just when fortune had at last smiled on
him and all his children ; and when everything was
ready for the realization of the two dreams of his life,
— a great museum and a practical school of zoology ;
but the old Arab proverb proved true also for him :
"When the house is ready, death walks in."

He had so many schemes, and was so full of projects,
that desire to prolong life was still very strong in him,
even after he was stricken by such a grave illness. The
presence at his bedside of the great physiologist, Dr.
Brown-Sequard, encouraged him, and it was not until
the last clay that he gave up all hope. During his
short illness, which was undisturbed by acute suffer-
ing, he received every comfort which his family could
divine.

Agassiz resumed his native language as soon as Dr.
Brown-Sequard came, and used it until the end. When
all hope of recovery was given up, during the last eigh-
teen hours, he often said, " Tout est fini ! " And when
the last moments came, all retired to the adjoining
room to let him finish his life in complete quietness;

Grave of Louis Agassiz at Mount Auburn (Front).

1873.] DEATH. 215

while they kept watch over him from the open door,
relieving one another from time to time. It was Pour-
tales who, at the last moment, was surprised to see him
rise in his bed, and to hear him exclaim, with great
distinctness, " Le jeu est fini ! " l Then he fell back,
and died, shortly after ,ien o'clock P.M., the i4th of
December, 1873. Life for him had been a long and
successful play, well filled from beginning to end. A
post-mortem examination was made by Drs. Brown-
Sequard, Jeffries and Morrill Wyman, assisted by five
other physicians. The brain was found to be very large
and heavy, like that of George Cuvier, and traces of
disease were recorded for a period dating back at least
twelve years.

The funeral took place on the i8th, at 2 P.M., in
Appleton Chapel, in the College ground, Harvard
Square. Rev. Dr. Andrew P. Peabody, professor in
the College, conducted the service, according to the
King's Chapel liturgy, of Boston. It was simple, all
ceremonies except the strictly religious rites being dis-
pensed with. The church was crowded with the most
noted assembly ever seen in New England, including
the Vice- President of the United States, the Governor,
Ex-Governor, admirals, major-generals, poets, natural-
ists, savants, and distinguished ladies, together with the
little band of Europeans who came with Agassiz to
the New World, and all the members of the faculty
of the University, with the students in a body.

It was a winter afternoon, without snow, and not a

1 This recalls the exclamation of Rabelais at the moment of his death,
"La farce est jouee."

216 LOUIS -/</. \SSIA [CHAI-. xxiu.

cold clay. \Vhcn the benediction was pronounced, the
body was removed, the organ playing the " Dead March
in Saul." A long procession followed to Mount Auburn,
where the remains were buried in one of the most beau-
tiful parts of the cemetery, very near the grave of Agas-
siz's friend, Felton. The monument erected over his
grave is symbolic of one of his most remarkable dis-
coveries. It is simply an Alpine boulder, weighing
twenty-five hundred pounds, from the moraine of the
glacier of the Aar. This granite block was selected by
his cousin, M. Auguste Mayor, of Neuchatel, from the
lateral moraine, not far from the spot where the cele-
brated "Hotel des Neuchatelois " once stood. It was
carried with great difficulty, "a force de bras," from
the glacier to the Bernese Oberland village of Imhof,
a distance of twenty-five miles, thence on a wagon to
the railroad station of Thun. Around this superb boul-
der— on which are engraved on one side the words,
" Jean Louis Rodolphe Agassiz," and on the other,
"Born at Motier, Switzerland, May 26, 1807; died at
Cambridge, Mass., December 14, 1873" -there are
several pine trees which formerly grew near the
celebrated boulder called " Pierre-a-Bot," above the
city of Neuchatel, and which were successfully trans-
planted, and now shelter the Agassiz lot.

Grave of Louis Agassiz at Mount Auburn (Back).

CHAPTER XXIV.

PHYSICAL AND MORAL CHARACTERISTICS — His GENEROSITY — OPINIONS
OF MRS. ELIZABETH AGASSIZ AND PROFESSOR KARL VOGT — PARALLEL
BETWEEN AGASSIZ AND CUVIER.

DR. PROFESSOR HERMANN LEBERT, the anatomist
and naturalist, says : " Agassiz was one of the most
brilliant men of his time. Young, handsome, of an
athletic constitution, gifted with a captivating elo-
quence, his spirit was animated by an insatiable curi-
osity, his memory excellent, his perspicacity rare and
very keen, and his way of judging and coordinating
facts highly philosophical in its tendency " (" Actes de
la Societe helvetique des sciences naturelles reunies a
Bex," aout, 1877, p. 149). No one was better fitted to
give an exact description of the physical and scientific
characteristics of Agassiz than Dr. Lebert, who had
known him well during the twelve years of his greatest
scientific activity, from 1834 to 1846.

Agassiz was a little above the average height,
although not tall. He was squarely built, with broad
shoulders and a powerful and well-proportioned body,
and with remarkably large, and at the same time well-
formed, hands, which he always used most skilfully.
They were the hands of an artist or of a naturalist,
ready to use the pencil, the hammer, the scalpel, or

217

218 LOUIS AGASS/Z. [CHAP.

the microscope, and his manner of shaking hands was
very cordial and friendly. He stood firmly, though
his feet were rather small in comparison with his
herculean structure, and seemed formed for walking ;
indeed, he was all his life a capital pedestrian, both
on level ground and among the Alpine mountains.

His head was simply magnificent, his forehead large
and well developed; and his brilliant, intelligent, and
searching eyes can be best described by the word fasci-
nating, while his mouth and somewhat voluptuous lips
were expressive, and in perfect harmony with an aqui-
line nose and well-shaped chin. His hair was chestnut
colour and rather thin, especially on the top of his
head ; indeed, after he was thirty-six years old he
showed signs of baldness, which greatly increased
after his fiftieth year. The only part of Agassiz's
body which was not in harmony with the rest was
his short neck, which gave him the appearance of
carrying his head on his shoulders, -- a defect which
he possessed in common with Napoleon Bonaparte.
It was his weak point, and the part which failed first.

He was easily moved to tears, and at times cried
like a child. He had spells of laughing, which some-
times seemed forced, but which were perfectly spon-
taneous. It was almost impossible for him to conceal
his emotions. This remark applies more especially to
the first forty years of his life; later, he was less apt
to show his feelings. During the first half of his life
he was seldom angry, however great the provocation
might be. But after 1853, he quite often got into a
passion, even losing control of his words, although he

xxiv.] HfS DRESS. 219

never ceased to be a gentleman, and was careful
not to wound too deeply his adversaries or the per-
son with whom he was discussing. As one of his
most constant and bitter enemies said, he was " un
bon enfant." During his youth and student life, and
even as late as his " sejours " at the " Hotel des Neu-
chatelois," he used to sing, and even to yodel, like the
Tyrolese peasants and the Oberland guides ; but he
completely ceased as soon as he landed on American
soil.

Fine clothes never attracted him. He was, on the
contrary, rather inclined to wear the most common and
unbecoming suits and a slouch hat during winter and
summer, and I do not believe that during his whole
stay in America he ever wore a silk hat. At Neu-
chatel, his dress was most ordinary, notwithstanding
the rather formal society in which he moved. But in
Paris, during his long visit of 1846, he was obliged to
follow the customs of other savants, conformed to ever
since the time of Cuvier and Humboldt, viz. a black frock
coat, white cravat, and high hat. Alexander von Hum-
boldt affected to wear such ceremonial dress even when
he explored the Ural Mountains and Central Asia, and

/

Leopold von Buch, as well as Elie de Beaumont, did
the same during their geological excursions. It was
not becoming to Agassiz, however, and he was delighted
when he arrived in America to find that every one
dressed as he pleased, without any ceremony or con-
vention of any sort. He very seldom wore gloves,
never carried a cane, except an alpenstock, and very sel-
dom used an umbrella. When in Neuchatel at official

220 I GUIS AGASSTZ. [CHAP.

meetings, he wore over his coat the ribbon and cross
of the Red Eagle of Prussia, but after leaving Neu-
chatel he wore no decorative ribbon of any kind, not-
withstanding that he possessed that of knight and
officer of the Legion of Honour of France, besides the
Prussian order. On the whole, Agassiz was extremely
simple, and did not like to make an appearance differ-
ent from that of ordinary people in his neighbourhood.

Being a good pedestrian, he carried on his back in
all his excursions in Switzerland and Southern Ger-
many a knapsack of the kind now called " sacs de
tourists." At Neuchatel one was always lying in the
library at the foot of his desk, with hammers and
papers and specimens. He did not bring one with
him to America, using a carpet-bag instead.

In religion, Agassiz was very liberal and tolerant,
and respected the views and convictions of every one.
He was opposed to all form and exaggeration, and
did not like theology, but avoided, as far as possible,
all discussion of the subject. He was neither a sceptic
nor a scoffer, and Dr. Karl Vogt, with his unceasing
sceptical and cynical attacks against the Bible, shocked
him so much that, notwithstanding Vogt's great talents
as a naturalist, Agassiz was glad when he left Neu-
chatel.

In his youth and early manhood, Agassiz was un-
doubtedly a materialist, or, more exactly, a sceptic ;
but in time, and little by little, his studies led him to
a belief in a divine Creative Power. He was more
in sympathy with Unitarianism than any other Chris-
tian denomination. He was married to his second wile

xxiv.] /-Vr SOCIETY. 221

by a Unitarian minister, and his funeral service was
conducted by another, both named Peabody, but not
related. Agassiz always avoided the society of minis-
ters and clergymen in general, because, ,as he said, "he
saw too many of them in his youth."

In society, he was fond of meeting rich and influen-
tial men, being always desirous of acquaintance with
those possessing a great name and in high social or
official positions. He was an aristocrat by nature, with
a strong mixture of popular and democratic habits and
manners, and always ready to distribute large doses of
"1'eau benite des cours," in which connection he had
been at a good school, with Alexander von Humboldt,
who was a perfect courtier.

He was not fond of the society of other savants,
often having occasion to complain of their conceit and
curiosity. He did not know how to repulse the too
familiar manners, and even insolence, to which cele-
brated men are often exposed. Poets, litterati, histo-
rians, philologists, lawyers, and especially merchant
princes, were more to his taste. Military officers had
no attraction for him ; but he was very fond of naval
officers and captains of merchant steamship lines.

Agassiz, who was a brilliant conversationist, had also
the most winning manners; and he easily induced those
around him to accept and even to share in his enthu-
siasm. If any one resisted, he was' not discouraged,
and displayed a true coquetry in his efforts to conquer.
Easily approached, he met you most openly, with ex-
pressions of frankness, mingled with agreeable surprises,
and brought you to his view or side almost before you

222 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAT.

were aware of it. However, Agassiz seldom revealed
himself entirely, and after his fiftieth year he never did
so. He possessed the shrewd simplicity characteristic
of the Vaudois peasant, and went willingly beyond the
mark in order to discover the true meaning of your
thought. At first his design did not appear ; and you
were led to look upon him as a man who said all and
even more than he knew and thought. But soon you
were obliged to admit that your first impression of
the man was erroneous ; you found an unconquer-
able opposition to anything of which he disapproved.
Agassiz was very ready to make promises ; he asked
favours in every direction, and then he was apt to
forget the conditions under which they were granted.
He was at the same time a dreamer and a man of
action, dreaming aloud, and taking the public as a
confidant of everything which came into his mind.
He was not to be taken at his own word, but it was
necessary to allow a large margin for contingencies and
changes. When surrounded by material difficulties, he
fortified his spirit by a marvellous power of always
hoping for better times, having an absolutely unshaken
confidence in himself.

He was one of those whose hands and heart are
always open ; for whom work is the main path of life,
and, at the same time, a great pleasure and not to be
interfered with, --a sort of prodigal child. "II ne
vivait que pour les autres, s'il n'y avait eu personne
pour le regarder tout le temps, il n'aurait pas existe,"
- a sentence of a distinguished French author, which
applies fully to Agassiz. He always thought that he

xxiv.] HIS GENEROSITY. 223

had not enough friends or assistants around him. His
home was a sort of "phalanstery" of savants. He
was always inclined to trust too much to his persuasive-
ness ; and if it often helped him, sometimes it acted
otherwise, and was the cause of very regrettable mis-
takes. He would take for genuine any compliments
which flattered some hobby or weak point, and no other
explanation can be given of some of his blunders. He
repeatedly let escape him --at least in America --sev-
eral very able savants, retaining instead persons whom
he very well knew were not so capable.

I have already had occasion to notice his generosity.
Agassiz was a kind-hearted man ; he helped many with
money, and always in an unostentatious way. It is true
that he was often deeply in debt ; but as soon as he
had money he distributed it almost lavishly, without
thinking of the morrow. One anecdote will show how
full of liberality and charity he was. A Neuchatel
merchant, established at New York, had suffered
pecuniary misfortunes, and become a pauper, perhaps
on account of his bad habits. This man had abso-
lutely no claim on Agassiz, who came to Neuchatel
several years after he had left there ; but he had
kindly received the artist, Burkhardt, at New York,
in 1844, and this was reason enough for Agassiz,
who ordered the agent of his cousin, M. Auguste
Mayor, to pay fortnightly to this poor Neuchatelois
an allowance sufficient for his support until he died,
several years after. This occurred during and at the
end of the Civil War, before any of Agassiz's children
became wealthy.

224 LOUIS Au.ISSM [CHAP.

Mrs. Agassiz says : " The ability, so eminently pos-
sessed by Agassiz, of dealing with a number of sub-
jects at once, was due to no superficial versatility. To
him his work had but one meaning. It was never dis-
connected in his thought, and therefore he turned from
his glaciers to his fossils, and from the fossils to the liv-
ing world, with the feeling that he was always dealing
with kindred problems, bound together by the same
laws."1 And she adds that Agassiz followed all his
life a unity of plan in his scientific researches.

Professor Karl Vogt,2 of Geneva, who was associated
with Agassiz for five years of the most active and sci-
entifically productive part of his life, says : " I never
met with another man gifted with such remarkable
talent in the zoological domain. Agassiz, better than
anybody else, made discoveries in collecting materials
and looking rapidly over collections ; but after a first
hasty examination and classification, and when it was
time to study methodically the specimens, then he
escaped and shut himself up like the folding of the
blades of a pocket-knife, and it was most difficult to
bring him back to the work only sketched out. . . .
He was wanting in character, being like a piece of
wax, which retains the mark of the last hand that has
held it, and like a weathercock, which turns all around

1 " Louis Agassiz," by Mrs. E. C. Agassiz, Vol. I., p. 336.

2 Karl, or Carl, or Charles Vogt, born at Giessen, the 5th July, iSi-,
died at Geneva, the 5th May, 1895. He was the last surviving member
of the scientific household of Agassiz at Neuchatel. Dr. Charles I
Girard, another assistant, preceded him by only a few months, having diol
on the 29th of January, 1895, at Levallois-l'eiret, a suburb of Paris, at tin-
age of seventy-two.

xxiv.] HIS VERSATILITY. 225

the horizon, believing that it has remained motionless,
pointing all the time in the same direction."

These two diametrically opposed views are both exag-
gerated. The truth lies between them. Agassiz was
capricious in the extreme, very versatile, attracted easily
by any new object or subject; and he had the faculty
of almost completely forgetting works half done or
only sketched. He lacked persistence and steadiness
at work requiring long and difficult observations. Like
a splendid butterfly, he flew from one delight to another.
But to compare Agassiz to a weathercock or a piece of
wax is a great mistake. When his opinion was formed
on a subject, it was impossible to move him. He would
listen to all the objections, assent more or less to what
was said, but in the end do only what he wanted to do.
That something sternly practical mingled with Agassiz's
habitual idealism was well proved by his Museum. He
did not carry it out entirely, as he proposed to do at the
start; but had he lived twenty years longer, his ideal
Museum would have become a reality.

He began and abandoned successively many subjects.
For instance, after the publication of his " Poissons
fossiles " and the " Poissons du vieux gres rouges ou
systeme Devonien " -that is to say, after 1844 --he
never took up the subject again, with the single ex-
ception of the study of a few fossil teeth, collected
in California, and described in Vol. V. of the " Pacific
Railroad Explorations"; (Washington, 1856). He
never returned to the glacier of the Aar after his
hurried visit in 1845. Fossiles echinoderms were also

1 " Ecluanl Desor, LebensbilJ eines Naturforschers," p. 18.
VOL. II. — Q

226 LOCIS AGASSI*. [CHAP.

a favourite study with him from 1833 to 1846, when
lie wholly abandoned them. The same is true of the
Mya and Trigonia. He announced ten volumes of his
" Contributions to the Natural History of the United
States," and only four were published ; and, but for his
son, his researches on the Florida corals would never
have been issued. Part II. of his "Principles of
Zoology" was never published.

Notwithstanding these serious defects, it is impossible
not to admire his great scientific intelligence, and not to
'recognize his immense scientific force. No one was
such an able instigator of scientific researches. He
had a magnetic power, and he used it constantly, what-
ever the subject to be investigated might be. His two
principal passions in natural history were teaching and
collecting specimens. As a teacher he was unrivalled
and unique ; and from the first, as a student at Zurich
until the last ten days of his life, we may say that he
taught. He was always ready to deliver a lecture, -
on the glacier of the Aar, at the Little Academy at
Munich, at Neuchatel, at Boston, at Rio Janeiro, at
Lake Superior, at sea, on the Amazons, at Cambridge,
at Penikese Island, anywhere. He would withdraw for
half an hour at most, sometimes for only ten minutes,
and then would begin on the subject chosen, speak-
ing with an abundance of detail, broad general views,
and philosophical conclusions.

As to his other passion, that of collecting specimens
and organizing museums, he was a man of wonderful
resource. He was insatiable, and had a real mania f««r
possessing and keeping everything; and he never re-
jected any specimen or drawing.

xxiv.] NO UNITY OF PLAN 227

An anecdote will show how persistent and skilful he
was, when he wanted a rare and valuable specimen.
Among the few specimens I had kept from my numer-
ous geological explorations was the head of a mammifer
of the Miocene from Nebraska, showing the brain, with
even a little reddish colour of the animal's blood on it.
Agassiz tried two or three times to get it for his
Museum. I resisted, wishing to keep it as a memento
of my excursion in Nebraska in 1863. When on the
point of leaving Cambridge for a long sojourn in
Europe in 1864, Agassiz gave a large dinner party in
my honour ; and as soon as we were all seated at table,
in a loud voice, with an imploring tone and in the most
friendly way, he begged for that specimen so hard that
it would have seemed cruel to deny his request. In
fact, that day he acted like a spoiled child who wanted
a long-desired toy. Of course he got it.

Agassiz's first plan was to work at living and fossil
fishes, — an immense domain for a naturalist. He added
to it the fossil echinoderms and afterward the living
echinoderms. All the rest of his work came acciden-
tally or incidentally, but not as a result of a unity of
plan. He studied glaciers as a pastime, and to prove
that the theory of de Charpentier and Venetz was wrong.
His researches on the Mya and Trigonia were prompted
by Gressly's discoveries of fine and rare specimens of
these two families of molluscs. As soon as he arrived
in America, he turned to turtles and jelly-fishes, and
began to work on them with the help, first of Charles
Girard and Desor, afterward of Mills and Clark. Agas-
siz was too easily drawn from one study to another.

228 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP.

He was absolutely devoid of the business faculty, — a
defect which would have been of little consequence, if
he had not always engaged in undertakings involving
great expense and requiring financial capacity of no
small order.

Like his master, George Cuvier, Louis Agassiz's per-
sonality has strongly marked the natural history of the
middle of the nineteenth century. With certain simi-
larities, they present a great many more contrasts, due
mainly to the differences in the time of their existence,
and also to their peculiar temperaments. Both born
at the foot of the Jura Mountains, one at the north, at
Montbeliard (Doubs), the other at the east, at Metier
(Fribourg), they were descended from families essen-
tially Jurassic, Protestant, and including Protestant
ministers. Cuvier came originally from the small village
of Cuvier, near Censeau, in the department of Jura,
while Agassiz came from the small town of Orbe and
the village of Bavois in the Jura Vaudois, at a distance
of only twenty-five miles from Cuvier. Their youth
was passed in countries using the German language ;
Cuvier's at Stuttgart, and Agassiz's at Bienne, Zurich,
Heidelberg, and Munich. On both, German education
left indelible marks, more especially during the first
half of their scientific life.

Cuvier was, above all, a careful observer of facts.
In all zoological questions he was never led by his
imagination ; the only field in which he followed pre-
conceived theory was in general geology, in what he has
called the " Revolutions du Globe." On the contrary,
Agassi/: was inclined to theorize; his brilliant imagina-

xxiv.j AMI BOUE. 229

tion was constantly alert and given to prophesying the
future of science. However, having seen much more
of the world than Cuvier ever did, his large practical
experience often put a limit to his audacious generali-
zations, bringing him to more just and rational ideas,
more especially in regard to physical geography.

Cuvier was an excellent practical geologist and ob-
server in the field, and he understood, and may be said
to have created, all the principles of stratigraphy and
of classification of strata. However, he failed com-
pletely in trying to maintain the question of the uni-
versal deluge, and the biblical genesis, notwithstanding
many contradictory facts well known to him, and which
he systematically ignored ; as witness his celebrated
command to his assistant, Laurillard, to throw out of
his laboratory window the skeleton of the fossil man
of Lahr (Grand Duchy of Baden), found in the loess
(Quaternary) by Ami Boue, saying : " cela vient d'un
cimetiere." Cuvier thought that no human bones could
be fossil remains, an opinion often disproved by facts
since 1829. Boue, justly wounded by this rash excla-
mation of Cuvier, calls it his " hypocrisie biblique," - a
phrase which he extends even to Agassiz in his " Auto-
biographic," 1879, p. xix. of the catalogue of his works.
Cuvier and Agassiz were unwilling to mix science and
religion, and from their education and their connection
with Protestantism, did not feel justified in accepting
facts which seemed probable only, but which lacked
'substantial and repeated proofs. Neither of them was
hypocritical, having too great a respect for science to
merit such a grave condemnation. Boue went too

230 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP.

far in his criticism,1 although his discovery of a fossil
Quaternary man is a fact now fully accepted.

Agassiz was not a good practical geologist, like
Cuvier. His active spirit did not allow him to follow
patiently the always long, tedious, and often too-fatigu-
ing researches of practical geology. He wanted the
results which he could promptly obtain in the drawers,
on the shelves, and in the glass cases of large collec-
tions. There Agassiz had not his equal, being even
quicker than Cuvier.

Both spoke slowly and with that drawling accent
peculiar to the Jurassic peoples, and at their first meet-
ing they recognized one another as children of the
Jura. Agassiz kept the accent almost to his sixtieth
year ; as for Cuvier, he kept it until the end of his life,
in consequence of his daily intercourse with his country-
men from Montbeliard, his brother Frederic, his assist-
ant, Laurillard, and his pupil and cousin, the naturalist
Duvernoy.

Cuvier was very grave, while Agassiz, on the con-
trary, was always laughing, or, at least, smiling. Cuvier
had a special aptitude for all kinds of knowledge, and
possessed talents to fill any official position, such as
professor, general inspector of public instruction, state
councillor, great chancellor of the University, or secre-

1 Here is the quotation regarding Agassiz : " Parmi les savants de
renom Cuvier n'est pas du reste le seul, qui ait prefere" 1'hypocrisie a la
ve"rite, 1'exemple le plus connu est celui d'Agassiz, qui pour s'assurer sa
position en Massachusetts et y pouvoir etablir un superbe inusee zool^i
i Cambridge passa sous les fourches caudines du protestantisme m£thodiste
le plus absurde." This is a remarkable example of misrepresentation and
misunderstanding of the true position of Agassiz in Massachusetts.

xxiv.] GEORGES CUVIER. 231

tary of public instruction, peer of France, perpetual
secretary of the Academy of Science, etc., etc., while
Agassiz limited himself all his life entirely and exclus-
ively to natural history. Both possessed an extraordi-
nary memory, and both were remarkably gifted with the
faculty of order ; both were capable of long labour, and
at the same time both worked with great facility. With
them work was always easy. They did it without effort ;
it was natural to them. But neither was inventive ;
both saw facts and observed them sharply, but neither
thought to link them by theories calculated to conduct
to the discovery of other facts. They were " terre
a terre" naturalists, while Lamarck, Geoff roy Saint-
Hilaire, Darwin, Huxley, looked forward to the future,
prophesying, and always ready to call to their help
suppositions and probabilities.

Physically, Cuvier and Agassiz resembled each other
in possessing enormous heads and largely developed
brains, while neither Lamarck nor Darwin were ab-
normal as regards size and development of the head.
In a crowd Cuvier and Agassiz always attracted atten-
tion, and were distinguished at once as uncommonly
fine-looking men, while Lamarck, Darwin, and Huxley
passed unnoticed.

Agassiz did not possess the original ideas, or the
great sagacity, or the depth of view of Cuvier. He did
not open new roads to natural history, but he enlarged
greatly all those which were pointed out by others. If
Cuvier had an enormous influence on the future of
science and on the savants themselves, Agassiz had
more influence on the masses ; he made science more

232 LOUIS AGASSIZ. [CHAP.

popular, gave a strong impulse to the development of
questions very little known before him, and created
a more elementary method of teaching. Agassiz de-
lighted in making pupils, and was always on the lookout
for applause from all his hearers, whoever they might
be, savants or populace. Cuvicr, on the contrary, never
took the trouble to make pupils, although he left several
after him, among them Agassiz and Richard Owen ; he
never courted applause nor popularity. Cuvier took
care to screen himself, and preferred the solitude of his
laboratory and library, while for Agassiz solitude was
insupportable ; he wanted to be surrounded at all times
by pupils or admirers. He courted bustle. This is a
very unusual characteristic among savants, who are
generally more or less retiring, and conduct their re-
searches in the solitude of a laboratory, far from all
distractions. As soon as Agassiz had found some-
thing new, he proclaimed it even before he had
obtained all the proofs. He was always anxious to
make an impression on his surroundings and his con-
temporaries. He was a leader of men, and above all
a charmer. Cuvier, on the contrary, was difficult to
reach, always on his guard, and very reserved. He did
not care about publicity, but he was extremely desirous
to make discoveries and keep them secret, until he had
deduced all the consequences, and proved them beyond
question.

If Cuvier showed great superiority and inventive
genius in his classification of the animal kingdom, in
his comparative anatomy, his restoration of the forms
of fossil vertebrates, his description of the geology of

xxiv.] GEORGES CUVIER. 233

Paris basin in collaboration with Alexander Brongniart,
and in his celebrated lectures at the Jardin des Plantes,
and at the College de France, Agassiz rose very high
in his study of the " Poissons fossiles," the living fishes,
the echinoderms, the Myae, the embryology of the
turtle, the Acalephs, in the description of the glacial
epoch in collaboration with Venetz and de Charpentier,
and in his popularization of natural history in North
and South America, and finally in his creation of a
great museum at Cambridge, and of a great marine
biological laboratory at Penikese. Both were creators,
each in his own way. From 1795 to 1873 these two
savants " de tres grande envergure " gave to natural
history the most important impulse which it has ever
received, divulging facts more numerous and more
clearly founded on exact principles than any other
naturalists who preceded them. If Cuvier was superior
to Agassiz as a classifier, and a creator of several parts
of natural history, Agassiz was above Cuvier as a lover
of nature, and a popularizer of science. No naturalist
has admired every object of natural history with the
enthusiasm of Agassiz. He stood in ecstasy before a
zoological specimen ; whether it was living or fossil
was of no importance to him. I doubt if any one has
ever handled a specimen with such reverence and
veneration as Agassiz always did. Cuvier will always
occupy a very exalted position in natural history. He
is above the rank and file ; while Agassiz is only in the
first rank of Cuvier's pupils. Agassiz is a brilliant
satellite who has moved in the orbit traced by Cuvier ;
but what an orbit ! and what a brilliant light !

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX A.

BIOGRAPHIES OF LOUIS AGASSIZ.

THE biographies of Louis Agassiz are numerous. Many are mere
sketches, and more are only repetitions without any original facts.
Scientific periodicals, and even literary reviews and political news-
papers, have published a number of articles on Agassiz. I shall
quote only those containing original matter. The biographical
sketches in dictionaries and encyclopaedias, such as the " Diction-
naire cles Contemporains," by Vapereau ; Appleton's " Cyclopedia
of American Biographies,11 and others in English, French, and Ger-
man, are all compilations, more or less well executed, without real
value, except to popularize his name.

Several papers and books have been quoted, which contain orig-
inal and important facts bearing on the life of Agassiz, although
they were published for other purposes, and under titles which do
not indicate Agassiz's connection with the subject treated.

i. DURING HIS LIFE.
Only three original biographies were published during his life.

1845. --The first appeared at Geneva in 1845-47, in the "Album
de la Suisse Romane," Vol. V., p. I, 4to, with portrait. The title
is Agassiz. The name of the author is not given, but in the Table
of Contents, at the end of the volume, it is entered as "Par F. J.
Pictet," .the celebrated naturalist of Geneva. As I have mentioned,
the manuscript was sent to Agassiz, at Neuchatel, for correction.

This article did not make its appearance until Agassiz was already
in America; and it is doubtful whether Agassiz ever received a

237

238 APPENDIX A.

copy of it, or ever saw it in print. It is excellent, and, although
short, is the best biographical sketch we have, so far as it goes ;
that is to say, up to 1845, when Agassiz was on the point of leaving
Neuchatel for America.

By virtue of his own studies of fossil fishes and fossil inverte-
brates, Pictet was able to make a just estimation of the merit and
originality of Agassirs researches; and his liberty of judgment
and high sense of justice enabled him to examine, without prejudice,
the roles played in the glacial question by Venetz, de Charpentier,
and Agassiz.

1847. — The Life and Writings of Agassiz, published in Boston,
December, 1847, in the "Massachusetts Quarterly/1 Vol. I., pp. 96-
1 19. The author, Mr. J. Elliot Cabot, whose name is not, however,
attached to the article, wrote it from materials furnished by Agassiz's
secretary. M. Desor. It was substantially a translation, or rather,
a report of verbal information ; and it may be considered an accu-
rate sketch of Agassiz's life until his acceptance of the professor-
ship of zoology and geology at Harvard University. The article
was reprinted in the " Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal,"
Vol. XLVI., p. i. Edinburgh, 1848.

1847. — At about the same time, 10 December, 1847, a Biographic
Notice of Professor Agassiz appeared in New York, in a pamphlet
entitled, ''Professor Agassiz's Lectures: The Animal Kingdom."
issued by Horace Greeley, the editor of the New York "Tribune."
The proofs of this short sketch, of only two pages, were corrected
by Agassiz and Auguste Mayor.

Many newspapers and magazines reprinted in part these last two
biographical sketches.

2. AFTER HIS DEATH.

1874.— Commemorative Notice ''Louis Agassiz, by Theodore
Lyman. This paper, by one of his favourite pupils, was published
as an academic eulogy, in the '' Annual Report of the Council ot
the American Academy of Arts and Sciences for 1873," Boston,
13 pages. It is a good sketch, and very complete, considering its
limitation to a dozen octavo pages.

APPENDIX A. 239

1874. — Obituary. Louis John Rudolpli Agassis, by Benjamin
Silliman. Jr. In -American Journal of Science,1' Third Series,
Vol. VII., pp. 77-80, January, 1874. The author gives extracts
from two letters of Agassiz, dated October^ 1845, ancl February,
1846, addressed to Benjamin Silliman, Sr.

1874. — Notice biographique stir Loin's Agassis, par Alphonse
de Candolle, dans son Rapport comme President de la Societe de
Physique et d'Histoire naturelle de Geneve pour Pannee 1873-1874.
Lu le 16 Juillet, 1874. "Mem. Soc. Phys. et Hist. Nat.," Vol.
XXIII., pp. 470-478. 4to, Geneve, 1874. An excellent and origi-
nal biography, containing two most interesting letters addressed to
M. Louis de Coulon of Neuchatel, written by Agassiz, from Paris,
during the months of March and June, 1832.

1874. — Louis Jean Rodolphe Agassis, by the Duke of Argyll, in
the Anniversary Address of the President of the Geological Society
of London, "The Quarterly Journal,11 Vol. XXX., May, 1874, pp.
xxxvii-xliii. This academic eulogy is less complete than that by
Mr. Lyman.

1874. — Louis Agassiz, by Dr. F. Steindachner, in "Die Feierliche,
Sitzung der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften am 30 Mai,
1874. Wien, pp. 60-82. The author, who accompanied Agassiz
in his last journey around South America, and passed three years
in constant and most intimate intercourse with him, has here written
an excellent k- Nekrolog," by far the best published in German.
Steindachner, being an excellent ichthyologist, was able to appreciate
at its full value the great and, as he says, the unique knowledge of
Agassiz, whom he justly calls his master.

1874. — (Sketch of) Professor Louis Agassiz, by Richard Bliss,
Jr., in "Popular Science Monthly," Vol. IV., pp. 608-618, with
portrait. New York, March, 1874.

1875. — Sketch of Agassiz, by L. F. de Pourtales, in "Harvard
Book,11 by F. O. Waille and H. A. Clark, Vol. L, pp. 342-344- folio,
with an excellent portrait, taken from the larger photograph by
Sonrel, Cambridge, 1875.

This sketch contains exact and little known information in regard

240 APPENDIX A.

to the storage of the first collections made by Agassiz in America,
though the account of his European life is short and somewhat
inaccurate ; e.g. Agassiz was never at school at Orbe.

1877. — Louis Agassiz, notice biographique, par Ernest Favre, in
" Archives des Sciences de la Bibliotheque Universelle,1' May and
June, 1877, 53 pages; issued also separate!}', Geneve. An English
translation, made by order of Professor Joseph Henry, the secretary
of the Smithsonian, was published in the •' Annual Report of the
Smithsonian Institution for 1878," pp. 236-261, Washington.

The author was too young to have known Agassiz personally, but
he makes good use of the knowledge of his father, Alphonse Favre,
an old pupil of Agassiz ; and the biography is original and good,
containing extracts from letters of Agassiz to Alphonse Favre,
and several anecdotes about Agassiz, when in Switzerland. I may
add that M. Ernest Favre asked me to write the biography for the
" Biblioth&que Universelle." But at the time, I was passing a
winter at Algiers, far from all my notes and books ; and I declined,
but promised to furnish him some notes, more especially upon the
life and works of Agassiz in America. He begged me to do so,
as otherwise he would not undertake the work. I therefore sent
him notes, which he acknowledged very courteously in a foot-note
on the first page of his Notice. But, influenced by his acquaintance
with M. Desor, and also by a little difficulty which had occurred
between Agassiz and his father, he gave Desor much more credit
for the fossil echinoderms than he is really entitled to, curiously
reversing the facts, by saying that Agassiz was the collaborator of
his assistant and secretary. Agassiz began the work on echino-
derms many years before he knew Desor, and before Desor came to
Neuchatel, as his secretary, and worked out the greater part of it until
1846; and the part taken by Desor is wholly secondary, and far
below Agassiz's in excellence. I am obliged to make this statement
because M. E. Favre, in quoting me as furnishing numerous fa<
seems to indicate that his opinion of the part taken by Desor, in
the publication of the " Catalogue des Echinodermes vivants ct
fossiles," 1846-1848, is more or less in accordance with my infor-
mation, which is erroneous. As I have previously said. I saw the

APPENDIX A. 241

manuscript of the Catalogue, from the beginning, at Paris, in 1846;
and it fell to my lot to finish it, after M. Desor left Paris, in
February. 1847. the memoir appearing in January, 1848, under my

editorship.

t
1879. — Scientific Worthies. — Jean Louis Rodolphe Agassiz, in

"Nature," Vol. XIX., pp. 573-576. London, April, 1879. This
anonymous paper is mainly a translation of Dr. Steindachner's
necrology of Agassiz, mentioned above. In the main it is exact,
only it is marred by an unusual number of typographical errors, and
several dates are not given with sufficient accuracy.

1879. — Louis Agassiz, par Louis Favre, in the u Academic de
Neuchatel. Programme des cours pour I'anne'e scolaire 1879-1880."
Neuchatel, 32 pages, 4to, with an excellent portrait. This is by far
the best academic eulogy of Agassiz. The author knew Agassiz per-
sonally, and, although not a naturalist, had lived long enough among
naturalists to be able to appreciate justly the great scientific worth of
Agassiz's numerous discoveries. It contains three letters addressed
to M. Louis de Coulon, and several extracts from notes dictated by
Agassiz. After Mrs. E. C. Agassiz's life of her husband, it is the
most important contribution we possess on the life of the great
naturalist. It is to be regretted that it is very little known in
America and England.

1883. — Memoir of Louis Agassiz, 1807-1873, by Arnold Guyot.
Read before the National Academy of Sciences, October, 1877, and
April, 1878, in Washington. 49 pages, 8vo. Printed at Princeton,
New Jersey, and not distributed until April, 1883.

The part relating to Agassiz's stay in the Braun family at Carls-
ruhe, in 1826, during a vacation, when a student at Heidelberg, is
well written and charming ; but the author gives too prominent a
place to the Glacial question, considering the other researches of
Agassiz.

The great objection to Guyot's paper is that it seems to be written
not so much in honour of Agassiz, as to urge his own claim to pre-
tended discoveries of the laminated or ribbon structure of the ice.
To all impartial glacialists, the part taken by Guyot in the Glacial

VOL. II. — R

242 APPENDIX A.

question seems extremely slight, and does not compare, either with
that played by Venetz, de Charpentier, and Agassi/,, or even with
that of Renclu. Hugi, Desor, Vogt, Charles Martins, Daniel Dollfus-
Ausset, and James D. Forbes. Guyot not only waited many years
after the death of Agassiz before publishing his claim, but did not
print and distribute his biography of Agassiz until six years after
reading it before the National Academy, and one year after Desors
death, and after the disappearance of Forbes, his adversary in the
question.

1885. — Louis Agassiz, his Life and Correspondence, edited by
Elizabeth Gary Agassiz. Boston and London, 2 vols., 121110, 1885.
Two Swiss critics well acquainted with Agassiz and his family have
given the key to a just appreciation of the work. M. Auguste
Glardon, in the " Bibliotheque universelle et Revue Suisse," June,
p. 449, says: "The biography of a celebrated man, more especially
when it is due to his widow, always occasions some suspicions. To
demand from conjugal love a true impartiality would be entirely
unreasonable, and we must expect that a monument erected under
such circumstances will always be more or less a mausoleum." The
other critic, M. Charles Berthoud, in the "Journal de Geneve,"
I4th December, 1886, after expressing his surprise at the complete
silence about the controversy with Karl Schimper, says : " The
book is a eulogy, a brilliant picture, without shadows, of a brilliant
life, — more than a true portrait. We must wait for a complete
biography of the savant.'1 Even as a family eulogy, the work lacks
now and then proper appreciation of some of the great difficulties
under which Agassiz laboured during the greater part of his life,
and of the extraordinary, but always successful, efforts which he
made at several critical moments to overcome them, and to continue
his herculean labours. There are many parts and some most impor-
tant acts of Agassiz's life which are not touched, or even hinted at,
by Mrs. Agassiz. The obviously eulogistic purpose of the work,
and its unquestionably partial character, diminish its interest. With
these exceptions, the work of Mrs. Agassiz is most important. It
is all that could reasonably be expected from a wife.

1886. — The daughter of Alexander Braun, Mrs. C. Mettenius.

APPENDIX A. 243

has published a German translation of Mrs. E. C. Agassiz's work,
under the title, '' Louis Agassiz, autoriste deutsche Ausgabe von
C. Mettenins. i vol., 8vo. Berlin, 1886.

1887. — Madame Elizabeth C. Agassis — Louis Agassis : sa vie, sa
correspondance, traduit de r anglais par August e Mayor, i vol.,
Svo, 617 pages, with a remarkably good portrait of Agassiz. Neu-
chatel, 1887. With the consent of Mrs. Agassiz, M. Mayor has
added several notes and extracts from letters not given in the
English version, and he has placed at the end the catalogue of
Louis Agassiz's publications. With M. Mayor, as well as with
Mrs. Agassiz, it was a work of love; and the French version is a
marked improvement on the original English edition, being more
complete, and, in consequence more valuable, notwithstanding the
suppression of a few letters found in the English edition, and the
omission of all the engravings, and the substitution of a portrait of
Agassiz, which, by the way, is far superior to the one published by
Mrs. Agassiz.

1892. — Louis Agassiz, par Philippe Godet, in "Petite Biblio-
theque Helvetique " ; a popular and patriotic publication, containing
the biographies of celebrated Swiss. 1 6 pages. 121110. Geneve, 1892.

1893. — Louis Agassis, his Life and ll'0r£,by Charles Frederic
Holder, i vol., I2mo, 327 pages. New York, 1893. This is a well
illustrated volume, giving a sort of resume of Mrs. Agassiz's work, by
a person who did not know Agassiz personally. He has gone so far
as to quote what he represents as an extract from Agassiz's reply to
an offer made by the Emperor Napoleon of a position in France.
The correspondence on the subject is well known, having been
repeatedly published in newspapers, both in America and in Europe,
while I have given in full, in Chapter XVI ., pp. 7 1-72, Agassiz's answer
to the offer of M. Rouland, Secretary of Public Institutions, and there
is nothing in it resembling Mr. Holder's quotation, <; that his family
owed nothing to France but exile and poverty ; and that he prized
more highly the spontaneous gratitude and gifts of a free people
than the patronage of emperors and the formal regard of nobles."
It is an apocryphal letter. Agassiz was too courteous and too

244 APPENDIX A.

much a man of the world to write so rudely, in answer to a very
flattering and honourable proposal.

At the end of the volume, Mr. Holder gives a " Bibliography of
Louis Agassiz," extremely confused, and too often erroneous, repeat-
ing papers, and even volumes, and passing over some of Agassi/.'s
most important contributions. Per contra, he attributes to Louis
Agassiz a book entitled, "A Journey to Switzerland," with which
he had absolutely nothing to do.

3. BOOKS AND PAPERS CONTAINING IMPORTANT FACTS OR ORIG-
INAL VIEWS OF THE VALUE OF AGASSIZ'S LIFE.

1852. — Trial of the action of Edward Desor, Plff. versus Chas.
H. Davis, Deft, before the Circuit Court of the United States, for
the district of Massachusetts ; for breach of contract to write a
book on the geological effects of the Tidal Currents of the Ocean.
Tried before His Honor Peleg Sprague. Boston, 1852, 67 pages.
In the Appendix, at p. 53, are the "Award between Edward Desor
and Louis Agassiz," and several important letters of Admiral Davis,
relating to Agassiz.

1857. — The Fiftieth Birthday of Agassiz, by Henry Wadsworth
Longfellow. Poem. Reprinted in "Louis Agassiz, his Life and
Correspondence," edited by E. C. Agassiz, Vol. II., pp. 544-545 ;
and also in the present work.

1863. — A Claim for Scientific Property, by Henry James Clark.
3 pages. Cambridge. July, 1863. Distributed widely among savants
and libraries. It is a one-sided view of claims in regard to certain
portions of the "Contributions to the Natural History of the United
States," by Louis Agassiz.

1868. — Farewell to Agassiz. Poem by O. W. Holmes, in the
"Atlantic Monthly," Vol. XVI., pp. 584-585. Boston, November,
1865. Written on the occasion of his departure for a journey in
Brazil.

1873. — Addresses and Proceedings at the Agassiz Mem or in 1
Meeting at San Francisco, in "Proceedings California Ar.idi.-my of
Sciences," Vol. V., pp. 220-243, December, 1873. Reprinted in

APPENDIX A. 245

- Louis Agassiz. his Life and Work," by C. P\ Holder, pp. 219-267.
New York, 1893.

1874. — Tributes to Professor Louis Agassiz, in " Proc. Boston
Soc. Nat. Hist.,11 Vol. XVI., pp. 210-237. ,JBoston, January, 1874.

1874. — The Prayer of Agassiz. Poem by John G. Whittier, in
'•Tribune Popular Science," p. 46. Boston, 1874. Reprinted in
'• The Complete Poetical Works " of Whittier, pp. 383-384. Boston,
1 88 1. Written on the occasion of the opening of the Anderson
School of Natural History, at Penikese Island, in July, 1873, when
Agassiz called upon his pupils to join in silent prayer, asking God's
blessing on their work. Reprinted in the present work.

1874. — Agassis at Penikese. With a portrait. An anonymous
article, well written and important, in " Tribune Popular Science,"
pp. 47-64. Boston, 1874.

1874. — In the Laboratory with Agassis, by a former pupil
(Samuel H. Scudder), in "Every Saturday," Vol. XVI., pp. 369-
370. Boston, April, 1874. Reprinted in "American Poems," Cam-
bridge, and issued separately, as a leaflet, for the Agassiz Fund, by
Mr. Barnard.

1874. — Recollections of Louis Agassiz, a Chapter of Reminis-
cences, by Theodore Lyman, in "Atlantic Monthly," Vol. XXXIII.,
pp. 586-596. Boston, May, 1874.

1874. — Elegy of Agassis, by James Russell Lowell, in the "At-
lantic Monthly," pp. 586-587, published in the chapter of reminis-
cences, with the preceding paper by Theodore Lyman. Boston,
May, 1874. "A long poem," written at Florence (Italy), in Feb-
ruary, 1874, which, according to Lowell, "is among his best verses."
A very friendly tribute by one who " understood and liked Agassiz
better as he grew older." (Letters of Lowell to C. E. Norton, in
" Letters of James Russell Lowell," edited by Charles Eliot Norton.
Vol. II., p. 114. New York, 1894.)

1875. — Un naturaliste du dix-neuvieme siecle — Louis Agassiz,

y

par Emile Blanchard, in " Revue des Deux mondes," July and Au-
gust, 1875, 64 pages. Paris. Issued also separately as a pamphlet.

246 APPENDIX A.

This is a scientific sketch rather than a biographic notice. The
author, an entomologist and a writer of scientific articles in the
" Revue des Deux mondes,1' although slightly acquainted with
Agassiz, knew little of his life and of his great works on zoology,
palaeontology, and the glaciers. The article is sympathetic, and
written for a special class of readers, not savants, but dilettanti ';
but there is nothing new or impressive in it. M. Blanchard takes
this occasion to claim priority over Agassiz in regard to the dif-
ferences presented between species on account of a more or less
advanced state of development and the diminution of typical char-
acters among small species of great natural families.

1878. — Jean de Charpentier, par le Docteur Herman Lebert. a
biography published in " Actes de la Societe' Helvetique des Sciences
naturelles rdunies a Bex,11 aout, 1877, pp. 140-154. Lausanne, 1878.
In it.t\\<> pa-rs, pp. 141; -150, arc.1 de-voted to Louis Agassiz; remark-
ably correct and of a fine touch ; an excellent sketch, by one who
had known Agassiz intimately, and was the first savant who associ-
ated with de Charpentier in the glacial theory. His reminiscence of
Agassiz, with its interesting anecdotes, is most important, and one
of the finest tributes to both de Charpentier and Agassiz.

1879-1887. — Recollections of Agassiz, by Edwin P. Whipple, in
his " Character and Characteristic Men," and -Recollections of
Eminent Men," pp. 266-292, and pp. 77-118. 8vo ; Boston. 1879
and 1887. An excellent critique, the best from a literary point of
view.

1 88 1. — Louis Agassiz, son activitl: a Neuchdtel conune natural! si e
et comme profcssenr dc 1832 a 1846, par Louis Favre. "Bulletin
Soc. Sc. nat. de Neuchatel,1' Vol. XII., pp. 355-372. Neuchatel,
2 Juin, iSSi. " Un hommage tardif," as it is called by its author.
At the time of Agassiz's death, the president, M. Louis de Coulon,
announced the painful news, at the meeting of the i8th December,
1873, simply saying, "M. Agassiz jouissait au milieu de nous
de Testime ge'ne'rale." That was all. And the society founded
by Agassiz, in 1832, waited eight years before a eulogy of him
was read before it, a "devoir sacre,"1 as it was called by Louis

APPENDIX A. 247

Favre. The article is good and highly complimentary, but rather
"tardif."

1882. — Editard Desor. Lebensbild eines Naturforschers, von
Carl Vogt. Breslau. 37 pages. 8vo. Published first in a re-
view, it was afterwards issued as part of the "Deutsche Biicherei."
Several pages of this biography of Eduard Desor are filled with
notes on Agassiz. Although rather prejudiced, and written in a
tone of severe criticism, and entirely hostile to the inhabitants of
Neuchatel, the article contains interesting and generally fair ac-
counts of the life of Agassiz at Neuchatel from 1839 to 1844, and
on the glacier of the Aar from 1840 to 1843. This was during the
most active part of Agassiz's scientific life, and at a very critical
period in the publication of his costly works. Vogt, with his sharp
eyes, inclined to see the humorous of everything, gives a rather
piquant inside view of Agassiz's scientific and business methods.
The article is written somewhat coarsely, but humorous, and not
always in sympathy with his subject ; for even his old companion
Desor is not secure from his scorching criticism.

1882. — Alexander Br ami's Leben nach seinem handschriftlichen
Nachlass, dargestellt von C. Mettenius. Berlin, 1882. This most
interesting biography of Agassiz's friend and brother-in-law, Alex-
ander Braun, contains several letters by or to Agassiz, and many
references to their relations when students at Heidelberg, Munich,
and Paris. Although written by his daughter, Alexander Braun's
life is not a family eulogy, but a true life, with many private inci-
dents, which give a tone of veracity, most appreciated by those
who want to know in full the different phases of the character
of a savant.

1882. — Hist oi re abrcgee de la S octet e Neuchdteloise des Sciences
Naturelles depitis sa Fondation, par Louis Favre. " Bull. Soc. Sc.
Nat. de Neuchatel,"' Vol. XIII., pp. 3-33. Neuchatel, Decembre,
1882. This is an address on the fiftieth anniversary of the founda-
tion of the Natural History Society of Neuchatel, — " societe dont
1'idee et 1'initiative sont dues a. Agassiz,1' according to the author.
It contains important facts in the scientific life of Agassiz during his

248 APPENDIX A.

stay at Neuchatel. It was reprinted under the title, " Cinquanu -
nairc de la Socidte Ncuchateloise des Sciences naturelles," in
'• Musee Neuchatelois,11 Vol. XX., pp. 84-90, and pp. 99-112. 410.
February and March. Neuchatel, 1883.

1883. — Louis Agassis at Neuchatel, by Jules Marcou. " The
Nation/' Vol. XXXVI., pp. 36, 410. Jan. 11, New York, 1883.
We have in this an exact and most complete list of countries where
ancient glaciers have been found ; proving the existence of a •• Glacial
epoch." as prophesied by Agassiz at Neuchatel, in July, 1837.

/

1886. — Louis Agassiz. Etude biographique* par Auguste Glar-
don, in '• Bibliotheque universelle et Revue Suisse." Third series,
Vol. XXX., June and July, 1886. pp. 449-481, and 116-146. Lau-
sanne, 1886.

The author, a Vaudois, has known the Agassiz family for the
last three generations, and his critical review gives a good and true
account of Louis Agassiz. 1 will quote his own impression of
Agassiz's departure from Neuchatel for America : "' 11 etait deux
heures clu matin, lorsque le professeur quitta la maison qui avait
pendant treize ans abate* son bonheur domestique et ses collections.
Les dtudiants vinrent en corps lui dormer une sdrdnade d'adieu a la
lueur des flambeaux ; ses collegues cle l'Acade*mie dtaient aussi
presents. L'emotion dtait gendrale ; plusieurs avaient le pressenti-
ment que rAmdrique retiendrait le professeur aimd et qu'on ne le
reverrait jamais.1'

1886. — Glaciers and Glacialists^\>\ Jules Marcou. "Science,"
Vol. VI II., pp. 76-80, 4to. July 23, New York. 1886. This is an
explanation of the glacial doctrine, with dates of the discoveries,
and an account of the part taken by Louis Agassiz.

1886. — Of all the numerous articles in newspapers, American or
foreign, reviewing the work of Mrs. Agassiz in the English, German,
and French versions, 1 shall quote only one containing original
suggestions and facts not recorded in the work. It is a review in
the "Journal de Geneve " of the 141)1 December. 1886, entitled:
Agassiz, sa vie ct xa correspondence) by Charles Berthoud, an

APPENDIX A. 249

old friend of Agassi/, who freely speaks his impressions of the
book and its contents in the words, k>Ce livre n'est point une biog-
raphic scientifique,'' and he regrets to find so few letters of Agassiz
on scientific subjects.

1887. — Das ^Q jiihrige Jubilaum der ^fciszeit-Lehre, 1837, 15
Feb. 1887, von Dr. Otto Volger, in " Beilage zur Allgemeinen
Zeitung." MUnchen, pp. 697, 698, and pp. 715, 716. Folio,
Munich, 1887. The facts, although quite correct in the main, give
only the views on one side, in favour of Karl Schimper's claim ; and
the article is unjust in regard to Agassiz's part in the controversy.

1887. — // Natitralista Agassiz secondo le mentor ie scritte da sit a
M'oglie, by Paolo Lioy, in " Nuova Antologia.'' Terza serie, Vol.
VIII., pp. 240-258. Roma, Italy, 16 Mazo, 1887. A remarkable
and fascinating article, full of life, and written with such a brio that
Agassiz seems to pass before the eyes.

1887. — Souvenir de r inauguration du buste eleve a L. Agassiz
par la Societk des Belles-Lettres dans le Bdtiment Academique de
Neuchdtel, le 1 2 Mat, 1 887. 65 pages, 8vo, with portrait . Neuchatel,
1887. Several of the speeches and addresses delivered during the
ceremony contain new facts and special characteristics, as well as
anecdotes in regard to the great naturalist.

1 889. — La premiere Academic de Neuch&tel. Souvenirs de 1 838-
1848, par Alphonse Petitpierre. I2mo. Neuchatel, 1889. This
contains several extremely interesting letters of Agassiz. The
author shows the great part taken by Agassiz in the founding of the
Academy, and its prosperity so long as he inhabited Neuchatel.

1892. — Agassiz at Penikese, by David S. Jordan, in "Popular
Science Monthly," Vol. XL., pp. 721-729. New York, April, 1892.
An interesting reminiscence of the school at Penikese Island in
1873, b>" one °f tne pupils.

Post-script mil. — -Finally, Jean Jacques Antoine Ampere in his
book, Promenades en Aincrique (2 vols., 1852), speaks of his stay at
Agassiz's house in Cambridge ; and Auguste Laugel, some years

/

after (1865), in a volume on Les Etats-Unis pendant la guerre de

250 APPENDIX A.

Secession, gives an account of a visit to Agassiz. The last author
has also published in the "Revue de Deux niondes,'1 of 1857, an
article entitled: M. Agassis et ses travau.\\ Vol. XI.. pp. 77-108.
The celebrated Julius Froebel, of kindergarten fame, in his work
Aus Amerika, 1857, relates a visit to Agassiz.

Second Post-script it m. — 1863. — Etude stir I* Industrie hnitriere
des Etats-Unis, par Philippe de Broca. contains a letter of Agassiz
and notes on the acclimatization of oysters, pp. 4-6. Extrait de la
" Revue Maritime et Coloniale," Paris, 1863.

1869. — De la Science en France, par Jules Marcou, contains an
interesting letter of Agassiz, and a list of Agassiz's principal publi-
cations, pp. 185-191, Paris, 1869.

APPENDIX B.

AGASSIZ'S PORTRAITS, ENGRAVINGS, PHOTOGRAPHS,
BUSTS, MEDALS, AND TABLETS.

AGASSIZ'S face has been popularized by many portraits, although
not a single good oil portrait of him exists. The only good coloured
picture is a miniature pastel drawing, made by his first wife, when
he was a student at Heidelberg, at the age of nineteen. A copy of
it forms the frontispiece of Vol. I., of " Louis Agassiz, his Life and
Correspondence," edited by Elizabeth Gary Agassiz.

In 1840, Jacques Burkhardt made a portrait of Agassiz, but it is
a very poor likeness. It is preserved in the public library of
Neuchatel.

In 1842, Agassiz's portrait was painted, of natural size, by an
artist of the name of Zuberbuhler. His face is much coloured, as
if by sunburn, and he is dressed in a brown coat, decorated with a
long golden chain, and is represented surrounded by masses of ice.
It is a poor likeness, and the picture as a whole is not in good taste.
The original is now at the house of Mr. Alexander Agassiz at Cam-
bridge. A copy of it, made at Neuchatel for M. Auguste Mayor,
has been improved in regard to the surroundings ; instead of a
great mass of ice with blue-green crevices, the background is
occupied by a true landscape of the glacier of the Aar, and show-
ing the Finsteraarhorn, the Agassiz's horn, and the " Hotel des
Neuchatelois."

In 1846, AI. Fritz Berthoud, a banker of Neuchatel, at the same
time an amateur painter, then a resident of Paris, made a full-length

251

-o-

APPENDfX B.

picture of Agassiz and Desor on the same canvas ; neither is u
good likeness, that of Agassiz more especially being very poor.
This large picture is now in the fine picture gallery of the city of
Neuchatel.

In 1886, another oil portrait, by Alfred Berthoud, by order of
the Canton of Neuchatel, was painted, and placed, first, in the hall
of the Great Council of the canton, and afterward in the Anla of
the Academy of Neuchatel.

After Agassiz's death, in 1875, a large oil portrait was made by
Mrs. C. V. Hamilton, and is placed in the library of the Boston
Society of Natural History. The likeness is not good, and it is a
very poor representation of the great naturalist. A painter named
Billings, also, made an unsuccessful attempt at a picture of Agassiz.

Lately, 1894, another three-quarters length life-sized portrait of
Agassiz has been executed in oil, by an American artist, Walter
Gilman Page, who never saw him when he was alive. The flesh
tints are far too exaggerated, and the picture does not give a cor-
rect idea of the original. It also is an unsatisfactory likeness. It
has been placed at the Agassiz School in Jamaica Plain, near Boston.

If we do not possess a single good likeness in oil of Agassiz, we
have, per contra, many excellent lithographs and photographs.
The first one is to be found in "Excursions et se"jours dans les
glaciers et les hautes regions des Alpes, de M. Agassiz et de ses
compagnons de voyage," par E. Desor, Neuchatel, 1844. It is the
frontispiece of the volume, and was drawn on stone, by A. Sonrel,
from a daguerrotype of very small size. The likeness was not
very good, except the upper part of the head.

The second was published in the '• Album de la Suisse Romane,"
Geneva, to accompany his biography, page r, by his friend Jules
Pictet de la Rive, in Vol. V., 1847. The drawing was made on
stone, from life, by M. P. Elie Bovet, at Neuchatel, in 1845. It is
a good portrait, cabinet size; rather rare. It was unknown to his
family, as well as the biography, until I discovered them in 1887,
while reading Agassiz's correspondence with Pictet.

The third portrait appeared as the frontispiece of the first volume
of " The Annual of Scientific Discovery ; or, Year-Book of Fuels
in Science and Arts.1' edited by David A. Wells and George I'.i:

APPENDIX B. 253

1849, Boston. It was drawn on stone, by A. Sonrel, from a da-
guerrotype. The likeness is not satisfactory. This is the first time
that a facsimile of his signature was published under the portrait.

After 1859, many photographs were taken, more especially by
A. Sonrel. All are good likenesses. I shall mention only the
larger ones. A large sized one was taken in 1863, and has circu-
lated much among his friends and students. A reduction of it is
engraved as a frontispiece of Agassiz's "Geological Sketches,"
Boston, 1870.

Another full-length photograph was taken in 1869, representing
Agassiz, Professor Benjamin Pierce, then Superintendent of the
United States Coast Survey, and Captain Carlisle P. Patterson,
Chief Hydrographer of the Coast Survey; all three are seated.

The same year, 1869, another large photograph represented
Agassiz seated and looking at a globe, on which Professor Pierce,
who is standing, points out the Gulf Stream above the Pourtales
Plateau. Both portraits are excellent. The one of Agassiz, repre-
senting him almost in profile, has been reproduced since by Justin
Winsor in his Vol. I., p. 373, of his "Narrative and Critical His-
tory of America.'"

A cabinet photograph was taken at San Francisco by Watkin,
in 1872, just after his arrival from his voyage in the Hassler. A
good photograph of Mrs. Agassiz was made at the same time.

Another cabinet photograph, in 1872, the last made by Sonrel,
is a splendid profile of Agassiz ; it was taken especially for the
engraving of the large bronze medal at Neuchatel, by Professor F.
Landry. I give it as the frontispiece of Vol. I.

Among the numerous cartes de visile, I may mention one taken
in 1863, representing Agassiz seated, with manuscript in his left
hand ; it is remarkably well executed, showing his peculiar attrac-
tive smile and brilliant eyes. Another taken at the same time,
represents him in front of the blackboard and lecturing before
his pupils, with an echinide drawn in white chalk on the black-
board. Eight years later another photograph represented Agassiz
and Pourtales together seated at a table, on which lie a book, a
stone, and specimens of echinoderms ; Agassiz holds an echinus
in his left hand, and in the right hand a lens, through which he is

254 APPENDIX B.

looking attentively at the specimen. This portrait, with a few
changes, has been used by Mr. C. F. Holder, as the frontispiece
for his volume. " Louis Agassiz, his Life and Work," New York,
1893 ; but the engraving is very poor, and the likeness decidedly
bad. In 1866, when at Rio de Janeiro, just after his return from
the Amazons, Agassiz was taken at full length with his friend
Major Coutinho, Agassiz's right hand resting on the right shoulder
of Coutinho. This is one of the most animated portraits of Agas-
siz, who looks browned by his ten months' stay on the great
Amazons, but full of life and very spirited, with his piercing eyes
and his strong frame, so much in contrast with Coutinho's small
size.

The portrait of Agassiz, forming the frontispiece of Vol. II. of
Mrs. Agassiz's life of her husband, is taken from an engraving,
which appeared in '•Nature,'1 April, 1879, with a biography of
Agassiz, one of the " Scientific Worthies Series " of that periodical.
The likeness is poor. But in the French translation of Mrs.
Agassiz's work, by Auguste Mayor, the frontispiece portrait of
Agassiz is excellent, the best by far of all those published. The
portrait published by Louis Favre, in his biography of Agassiz,
forming part of the •• Programme des cours de TAcadcfmie de
Neuchatel pour Tannee scolaire, 1879, 1880." is also a good likeness.

I know only one double photograph of Agassiz for use in a
stereoscope. It was made by Sonrel in 1861, and represents
Agassiz in his library at his home in Quincy Street. A part of
the library is visible, as well as a geological map of Central Europe
hanging against the bookcase. It was made as an imitation of
"Alexander von Humboldt in his library,"1 a popular engraving
often seen in Germany and Switzerland, and a part of which may
be seen in the corner of the photograph. Agassiz is seated at his
desk, loaded with manuscripts, and looking through a magnifying-
glass at a fossil on a small stone held in his left hand. The expres-
sion is rather too serious, but it is a good portrait.

As to the three busts executed after his death, by three artists
who had never seen him. they are all poor so far as likeness is con-
cerned. One is by Mr. Preston Power, and may be sec-n at tin-
Agassiz Museum, and a cast of it at the library of the Huston

APPENDIX B. 255

Society of Natural History; the second, by Henry Dexter, is in
the gallery of the Museum of the Boston Society of Natural His-
tory ; the third, by M. Iguel of Neuchatel, was erected with appro-
priate ceremonies, May 12, 1887, at the Academy of Neuchatel, by
the " Societe de Belles-Lettres " of Switzerland, which raised a
subscription among its members to cover the expenses. This bust,
by M. Iguel, although well executed and more elaborate than the
others, does not give a true likeness of Agassiz, not even so good
as the one by Power. It is placed on a pillar of brown marble, on
which is engraved : "A Agassiz, la Societe" de Belles-Lettres, 1887."

MEDALS AND TABLETS.

The medals executed, one at Neuchatel and the other at the
National Mint in Philadelphia, are both good. The one engraved
at Neuchatel and coined at Geneva in 1876 is very remarkable,
both on account of its execution and its size ; it is one of the best
medals ever struck, being so large as to look like a medallion, and
is most creditable to the engraver, Professor Fritz Landry, of Neu-
chatel. The module or size is 94 mill. On the obverse, the legend
is Ls. Agassiz, 1807-1873, — F. Landry, Neuchatel, Suisse. On
the reverse we read as exergue enclosed in a crown of laurels :
Viro ingenio labor e sclent ia Prcestantissimo. It is a bronze medal,
of which one hundred and fifty-one copies were struck, and two
copies in silver by special request.

The other, engraved in 1875 by W. Barber, an artist at the Phila-
delphia Mint, is much smaller. The size is 45 mill., and is the one
used by the National Government for all medals struck to honor
the memory of great men in America. The medal taken as a
model for that series is the Benjamin Franklin medal, engraved by
A. Dupre, in 1784, at Paris. The size is rather small, which gives
to all these medals an unattractive appearance. The profile of
Agassiz is good, but the details are not so harmonious and exact
as they were in nature and in the photograph used by the engraver.
On the obverse, the legend is simply Agassiz, without any of his
Christian names. On the reverse, we read as exergue na. 1807,
ob. 1873, and as legend: Terra Marique Duct or indagatione
nature. This medal also is bronze. During 1876 and 1877 only

256 APPENDIX B.

thirty-one copies were struck; and, in 1879, a silver one was struck,
according to the reports of the director of the Mint.

Tablets to the memory of Louis Agassiz have been placed in
Europe and in America. The inhabitants of his birthplace placed
over the door of the parsonage of Motier (Fribourg) a marble
tablet with the inscription: "J. Louis Agassiz, celebre naturaliste
est ne" dans cette maison, le 28 Mai, 1807"; and the Cornell Uni-
versity at Ithaca, New York, unveiled a marble tablet, in com-
mencement week, June, 1885, in the founder's chapel. At the
opening of the University in 1868, Agassiz was present, made a
speech, and immediately after began a course of twenty lectures
before a very large audience, including almost all the professors,
instructors, and students. The inscription on the tablet reads in
black lines as follows: "To the Memory of Louis Agassiz, 1807-
1873. In the midst of great labors for science throughout the
world, he aided in laying the foundation of instruction at the Cornell
University, and by his teaching here gave an impulse to scientific
studies which remains a precious heritage. The Trustees, in grati-
tude for his counsels and teachings, erect this memorial, 1884."

In September, 1885, a large stone slab was placed by his son
in the wall of the entrance hall of the Museum of Comparative
Zoology at Harvard University, with the following inscription :
" Ludovici — Agassiz — Patri — films — Alexander — M D — CCC -
LXXX."

An Agassiz Memorial Fund was subscribed during 1874 and 1875,
to be used for the completion of his Museum. $245,792 were
received, of which $130,000 came from his son and his daughter
Pauline, and $9192 from teachers and pupils, while the state granted
$50,000, the total amounting to $310,600.

But the most original memorial is the inscription on the boulder
of micaceous schist, once forming part of the " Hotel des Neuch.i-
telois,1' on which is engraved in large letters L. Agassiz above the
name of H Mel des Nench&telois, 1840.

In 1844, the roof and sides of the " Hdtel des Neuchatelois "
broke apart, and afterward frost divided the boulder into a thousand
pieces. Happily, Edouard Collomb, in 1842, had drawn, in water
colour, the north face of the block on which were

APPENDIX /?. 257

names of all the assistants. Daniel Dollfus-Ausset has since pub-
lished the picture in his Atlas of the " Materiaux pour 1'etude des
glaciers" ; and, at my suggestion, a small, but good, reproduction of
it was given in "Science,"1 Vol. IV., p. 360,, October, 1884, Cam-
bridge. A correct and successfully executed reproduction of Col-
lomb's water colour picture of the " Hotel des Neuchatelois '' is
given in Vol. I., opposite p. 202. In August, 1884, several pieces
with inscriptions on them were found at a great distance : twenty-
four hundred metres lower than the position of the hotel, as deter-
mined by Agassiz in 1842, giving an average annual velocity of
fifty-five meters. Thus, many years after his death, Agassiz,
through his inscriptions on the boulder, is still the promoter of
valuable discoveries on the Aar glacier.

VOL. 11. — s

APPENDIX C,

LIST OF LOUIS AGASSIZ'S PAPERS AND \VORKS
ARRANGED CHRONOLOGICALLY.1

1828. — I. Cynocephalus U'agleri. — /sis, 1828, Part IX.. pp.
861-863, with a Fig. Translated into French and reprinted in
Ferussac, Bull., Vol. XIX., 1829, pp. 345-346, under the title
•• Description d'une notivelle espece du genre Cynoce'phale."

1828. — 2. Beschreibung einer neuen species aus clem genus
Cyprinus. (Cypriims uranoscopus) nouvelle espcce trouve'e par
Agassiz a Munich, et pre'sentee a la reunion des savants d'Alle-
magne a Berlin par Oken. — /si's, 1828, Part X., pp. 1046-1049, and
/sis, 1829, Parts III. and IV., pp. 414-415. French translation in
Ferussac, Bull., Vol. XIX., 1829, pp. 117-118.

1829. — 3. Selecta genera et species piscium quas in itinere per
Brasiliam annis 1817-1820 collegit et pingendos curavit J. 15. de
Spix ; digessis, descripsit et observationibus anatomicis illustravit
Dr. L. Agassiz ; prnefatus est et edidit itinerissocius Dr. de Marlins.
Monachii, 1829, folio with 29 plates. Reviewed in /sis. 1829, Part
VII.. p. 715.

1830. — 4. Dissertatio inauguralis : De taxi et syntax! inorpho-
matum telae cornea; dictae. 4to, Monachii. 1830. This title is in
the centre of the second page. On the first page used as a cover

1 Several short papers appear more than once in this list, because they
are either extracts from some of the larger works of AL; . i lie-cause he
was in the habit of sending the same paper, with only a tew \\onlh rluinyol,
to several scientific periodicals. This is unavoidable in a complete l>il>li-

ography.

258

APPENDIX C. 259

we read : Ad Disputationem publicam [under the presidency of
Roeschlaub] . Pro summis in medicina chirurgia et arte obstetricia
honoribus rite obtinendis a praenobili, clarissimo et doctissimo
viro ac domino Ludovico Agassiz, A. A. L)z. Philos. Doct. Urbi-
genensi, Helveto, Die III. Aprilis, MDCCCXXX. habendam, etc.

There are 74 theses. Thesis r, page 3, entitled: Foemina hu-
mana superior mare, caused a sensation among the examiners and
the audience, for Agassiz proved that the organization of woman
was more complicated and superior to that of man.

1830. — 5. Prospectus de T^Histoire naturelle des Poissons
d'eau douce de 1'Europe centrale, ou Description anatomique et
historique des Poissons qui habitant les lacs et les fleuves de la
chaine des Alpes et les rivieres qu'ils refoivent clans leurs cours."
Small folio, Munich, 1830. This rare prospectus preceded by
twelve years the publication of the first part of the work, which will
be found in its chronological place, No. 90, 1842. An announce-
ment of the proposed work is inserted in Fcrussac, Bull., Vol.
XXIII., p. 271. 1830.

1832. — 6. Untersuchungen iiber die fossilen Slisswasser-
Fische der tertiaren Formation. Lconhard mid Bronn, Jahrb., pp.
129-138. 1832.

1832. — 7. Untersuchungen iiber die fossilen Fische der Lias
formation. Lconhard und Bronn, Jahrb.. pp. 139-149. 1832.

1833. — 8. Tableau synoptique des principales families des
plantes. 121110. Neuchatel, 1833.

1833-1844. — 9. Recherches sur les Poissons fossiles, 5 Vols.
4to. with four hundred coloured folio plates. Neuchatel, 1833-1844.

The work was noticed in Isis, 1834, Part IV., p. 405, and 1835,
Part II.. p. 135 ; in Leonhard und Bronn, Jahrb., 1834, pp. 242,
484; 1835, p. 595. etc.; 1844, p. 250. Also in Sillimait's Amer.
Journ. Sc., Vol. XXVIII., p. 193, and Vol. XXX., p. 34.

1833-1835. — 10. Resume des travaux de la section d'histoire natu-
relle, et de celle des sciences medicales (de la Societe" des sciences
naturelles de Neuchatel) pendant 1'aiinee 1833. Mini. Sac. sc.
nat. Xi-uJuitel, Vol. I., pp. 17-28, Neuchatel, 1835. Although the

260 APPENDIX C.

volume was not distributed until 1835, the report was issued among
the resident fellows at the end of 1833.

1833. — ii. Neue Entdeckungen liber fossile Fisches. Leon-
hard und Bronn, Jahrb.. pp. 675-676. 1833. Also in Edinb. New
Phil. Journ., Vol. XXXVII., p. 331.

1833. — 12. Synoptische Uebersicht der fossilen Ganoiden.
Leonhard und Bronn, Neues Jahrb., 1833, P- 47°-

1834. — 13. Remarks on the different species of the genus Salmo
which frequent the various rivers and lakes of Europe. Report,
British Assoc. Adi'. Sc. Edinburgh, pp. 617-623. 1834. Edinb.
New Phil. Journ., Vol. XVII., pp. 380-385. 1834. LInstitut,
Vol. III., pp. 72-73. Paris.

1834. — 14. On the fossil fishes of Scotland. Report British
Assoc. Adv. Sc. Edinburgh, pp. 646-649. Reprinted in LInstitut,
Vol. III., No. 94. pp. 65-66. Paris, 1835.

1834. — 15. On a new classification of fishes, and on the geo-
logical distribution of fossil fishes. Proc. Geol. Soc. London, Vol.
II., No. 37, pp. 99-102. November 5, 1834. Also in London and
Edinb. Phil. Mag., Vol. V., pp. 459-461. London, 1834. And in
Edinb. New Phil. Journ., Vol. XVIII., pp. 175-176. 1835.

1834. — 16. On the anatomy of the genus Lepidosteus. Proc.
Zool. Soc. London, Vol. IV., pp. 1 19-120. 1834. Also in Lfnstitnt,
Vol. III., p. 190. Paris, 1835.

1834. — 17. Observations on the growth and the bilateral sym-
metry of the Echinodermata. London and Edinb. Phil. Mag.,
New Series, Vol. X., pp. 369-373. London, 1834. Reprinted
under the title : Ueber die aussere Organisation der Echinodermen
in Oken, his, pp. 254-257. 1834.

1834. — 18. Ueber das Alter der Glamor Schiefer-Formation
nach ihren Fischresten. Lconhard und Bronn, Neues Jahrb.,
1834, pp. 301-306. '

1834. — 19. Allgemeine Bemerkungen liber fossile Fische. Lcon-
und Bronn, Neues Jahrb., 1834, pp. 379-390.

1834. — 20. Re'sumc des truvaux de la section d'histoire natu-

APPENDIX C. 261

relle, et de celle des sciences medicales de la Societe" des sciences
naturelles de Neuchatel, pendant Tannde 1834. Mem. Soc. sc. nat.
Neitchdtel. Vol. I., pp. 28-32. 1834.

1834. — 21. Description de quelques espece^ de Cyprins du lac
de Neuchatel, qui sont encore inconnues aux naturalistes. Mem.
Soc. sc. nat. Neuchatel, Vol. I., pp. 33-48. Neuchatel, mai, 1834.
Llnstitnt, Vol. IV., pp. 419-420. Paris, 1836.

1835. — 22. Notice sur les fossiles du terrain cretace du Jura
Neuchatelois. Mem. Soc. sc. nat. NenchAtel, Vol. I., pp. 126-145.
1835. LInstitut, Vol. IV., pp. 420-421. Paris.

1835. — 23. Prodrome d'une monographic des Radiaires ou
Echinodermes. Mem. Soc. sc. nat . Nenchatel, Vol. I., pp. 168-199.
1835. (Read the 10 January, 1834.) Ann. sc. nat. Zoologie, pp.
257-296. Paris. Ann. nat. Hist, or Mag. Zool. Bot. & GeoL,
Vol. I., pp. 30-43, 297-307, 440-449. London, 1838.

1835 — 24. Sur les Belemnites (memoire communique a Pacademie
des Sciences par Ferussac) . Comptes Rendits Acad. sc. Institnt de
France, Vol. I., p. 341. Paris. Reprinted under the title, " Ueber
Belemniten." Leonhard und Bronn, Neites Jahrb., 1835, p. 168.

1835. — 25. Revue critique des Poissons fossiles figures clans
\rttiolihologia Veronese, Neuchatel, 1835. Leonhard und Bronn,
Neues Jahrb., 1835, pp. 290-316.

1835. — 26. Sur les poissons fossiles de la formation houillere.
1} Institnt, Vol. III., pp. 253-254. Paris, 1835.

1835. — 27. On the principles of classification in the animal
kingdom in general, and among mammalia in particular. Report
British Assoc. Adv. Sc., Dublin, pp. 67-68. 1835.

1835. — 28. Systematic enumeration of the fossil fishes in Eng-
lish collections. Proc. Geol. Soc. London, Vol. II., pp. 207-208.
Nov. 7, 1835. Translated into French, under the title, " Sur les
Poissons fossiles de rAngleterre," DInstitut, Vol. IV., pp. 85-86.
Paris, 1836.

1835. — 29. Remarques sur les Poissons fossiles. Bull. Soc.
natur. Moscou, Vol. VIII., pp. 180-201. Moscou, 1835.

262 APPENDIX C.

1835. — 30. Coup d'ceil synoptique des Gano'ides fossiles. />'.'///.
Soc. natur. Moscon, Vol. VIII., 'pp. 202-318. Moscou. 1835.

1835. — 31- Views of the affinities and the distribution of the
Cyprinidae. Proc. Zool. Soc... 1835, PP- 149~1S1- London.

1835. — 32- On tne arrangement and geology of fishes. Edinb.
New Phil. Journ., Vol. XIX.. pp. 331-346. 1835.

1835. — 33. Observations sur les blocs erratiques des pentes <lu
Jura. Bull. Soc. geol. France, Vol. VII., p. 30. Paris, novembre,

1835-

1835. — 34. Notice on the fossil beaks of four extinct species of
Fishes, referrible to the genus Chimcera, which occur in the oolitic
and cretaceous formations of England, by W. Buckland, with the
distinctive characters of each species, by L. Agassiz. Proc. Geol.
Soc. London, Vol. II., pp. 205-206. London, November, 1835.
London and Edinb. Phil. Mag., Vol. VIII., pp. 4-7. 1836.

1836. — 35. Resume des travaux de la Socidtc des Sciences
naturelles de Neuchatel. Section d'histoire naturelle et de me'de-
cine, de 1834 a 1836. Mem. Soc. sc. nat. Neuchdtel, Vol. II.. pp.
6-1 1. Distributed to the fellows in 1836, and issued with the volume
in 1839. Neuchatel.

1836. — 36. Les Poissons fossiles de TAngleterre. L * Institute
Vol. IV., pp. 85-86. Paris, 1836.

1837. — 37. Discours prononcd a 1'ouverture des stances de la
Socidte Helvetique des sciences naturelles, a Neuchatel le 24 juillet,
1837, par L. Agassiz, President. Actes de la Soc. Helvetique sc.
naturelles, Neuchatel, 24, 25 et 26 juillet, 1837, 22° session, pp.
v-xxxii. Neuchatel, 1837.

1837. — 38. Des glaciers, des moraines et des blocs erratiques.
Uibl. univ. Geneve, Vol. XII., pp. 369-394. Edinb. New Phil.
Journ., Vol. XXIV., pp. 364-383. Edinburgh.

1837. — 39. Sur les blocs erratiques du Jura. Comptes Rendus
Acad. sc. Paris, Vol. V., pp. 506-508. Also in Edinb. Nc\s /'////.
Journ., Vol. XXIV., p. 176-179. Bibl. univ. Gencrc, Vol. XL,
pp. 416-418. L'lnstitut, Vol. XI., pp. 417-418. Paris.

APPENDIX C. 263

1837. — 40. Sur les infusoires fossiles du tripoli d'Oran. /.V//-
stitut. Vol. V., pp. 330-331. Paris, 1837.

1837. — 41. A systematic and stratigraphical catalogue of the
fossil fish in the cabinets of Lord Cole and Sir Philip Grey Egerton.
by Sir Philip Grey Egerton. With notes of his^systern of Ichthy-
ology, hitherto uncommunicated to the public, by L. Agassiz. The
synoptical table of the orders and families is in French, by Agassiz.
23 pages. 4to. London, 1837.

1837-1844. — 42. Mineral-Conchologie Grossbrittaniens, von
James Sowerby ; deutsche Bearbeitung, herausgegben von Hercules
Nicolet, durchgesehen von Dr. Agassiz. i livraison. The work was
not finished until 1844, when it appeared under the title, u James
Sowerby's Mineral-Conchologie Grossbrittaniens ocler ausgemalte
Abbilclungen und Beschreibungen der Schalthier-Ueberreste welche
zu verschiedenen Zeiten und in verschieclenen Tiefen der Erde
erhalten worclen sind. Deutsch bearbeitet von Ed. Desor. Durch-
gesehen und mit Anmerkungen und Berichtigungen versehen von
Dr. Louis Agassiz. 395 colorite Tafeln und 88 halbe Bogen Texte.
Neuchatel und Solothurn, 1837-1844.

1837-45. — 43. Conchyliogie Minerale de la Grande Bretagne,
par James Sowerby, traduit de 1'anglais par E. Desor, avec un
avant-propos et des notes par L. Agassiz. i vol. text, i vol.
coloured plates. Neuchatel and Soleure, 1837-45.

1838. — 44. Notice sur les moules du Musee de Neuchatel. 3 p.
4to. Neuchatel, novembre, 1838.

1838. — 45. Kiinstliche Steinkerne von Konchylien-Fisches. Leon-
hard und Bronn, Nenes Jahrb., pp. 49-51. 1838.

1838. — 46. Theorie der erratischen Blb'cke in der Alpen. Leon-
Jiard und Bronn, Neues Jalirb., pp. 303-304. 1838.

1838. — 47. Monographies d'Echinodermes vivans et fossiles.
iire livraison, Les Salcnies. 4to. Neuchatel, 1838.

1838. — 48. Discussions sur les argiles de Speeton (Yorkshire) ;
le Spatangns retitsus ; les causes de modification des etres vivants ;

264 APPENDIX C.

et les ossements fossiles de Stonesfiekl. Bull. Soc. geol. France.
Vol. IX., pp. 262-266. Paris, avril. 1838.

1 838. — 49. Observations sur les glaciers. Bull. Soc. geol. France,
Vol. IX., p. 407. The paper was published farther on, at pp. 443-
450, under the title, "Note de M. Agassiz sur les glaciers." Repro-
duced in the Bibl. univ. Geneve, Vol. XX., p. 382 (1839) ; and also
in Excursions dans les Alpes, par E. Desor, pp. 1-14. under the title,
'"Notice sur les glaciers" (1844). Translated into English, under
the title, " Remarks on Glaciers, Read at a Meeting of the Geological
Society of France,'1 and published in Edinb. New Pkilos. Journ.,
Vol. XXVII., pp. 383-390. Edinburgh, October, 1839.

1838. -- 50. Rcponses aux objections du transport des blocs
erratiques par hi marche des glaciers, et du poli des roches. Bull.
Soc. geol. France, Vol. IX., p. 409. Porrentruy, septembre, 1838.

1838. — 51. Conjectures sur 1'origine des couches spatiques ob-
servdes dans le Jura. Bull. Soc. geol. France, Vol. IX., p. 426.
Porrentruy, septembre, 1838.

1838. — 52. Explications sur les laves vues a la Neuveville.
Bull. Soc. geol. France, Vol. IX.. p. 435. La Neuveville, septembre,
1838.

1838. — 53. Le terrain ndocomien plus re'cent que la formation
wealdienne. null. Soc. geol. France, Vol. IX., p. 435. He Sl Pierre,
septembre, 1838.

1839. — 54. Notice sur quelques points de P organisation dts
Euryales, accompagnee de la description ddtaillee de Tespece de la
Mdditerranee, 14 pages, with 5 plates. Mem. Soc. sc. nat. Neuchatel,
Vol. II. Neuchatel, 1839.

1839. — 55- Notice sur le Mya alba, espece nouvelle de Porto-
Rico. 2 pages, with a plate. Mlm. Soc. sc. nat. NcuchAtel, Vol. 1 1 .
Neuchatel, 1839.

1839. -- 56. Pterygotus Probltmaticus, onchus Mnrchisoni, in
"The Silurian System," by Roderick Impey Murchison, p. 606.
4to. London, 1839.

1839. — 57. Mdmoire sur les moules de Mollusques vivans et fos-

APPENDIX C. 265

siles. Premiere partie. Moules d'Acephales vivans. Mem. Soc.
sc. nat. Neuchatel, Vol. II., 50 pages, 10 plates. Neuchatel, 1839.
Bull. Soc. imp. natur. Moscou, pp. 415-430. Moscou, 1839.

1839. — 58. Geologic und Mineralogie in Beziehung zur natu'r-
lichen Theologie von W. Buckland, aus dem ^Englischen iibersetzt
und mit Anmerkungen und Zuzatzen versehen, von L. Agassiz.
2 vols.. So plates. Neuchatel, 1839.

iS-^g. — 59. Lettre ecrite par M. Ls. Agassiz a M. Ed. Charles-
worth en reponse a un article insere dans le N° 29 du. Magazine of
Natural History, 3 pages, 4to, autographiee. Neuchatel, 15 mai,

1839. Reprinted under the title, "Letters from Professor Agassiz,
on the subject of the French edition of the ' Mineral Conchology of
Great Britain,"1 Neuchatel, 15 mai, 1839, in French first, and followed
by an English translation, in Mag. Nat. Hist., new series, Vol. III.,
N° 31. pp. 356-359. London, July, 1839.

1839. — 60. Anhang, added at the end of a memoir by J. J.
Tschudi, entitled. " Classification der Batrachier, mit beriicksichti-
gung der fossilen Thiere dieser Abtheilung der Reptilien," Mem.
Soc. sc. nat. Neuchatel, Vol. II. 4to. An appendix of two pages,
dated September. 1838, and signed, Dr. Agassiz. Neuchatel, 1839.

1839. — 61. Observations sur les echinodermes fossiles des ter-
rains de la Suisse. Verhandl. Schweiz. naturforsch. Gesellschaft ;
Bern, 5, 6, 7 Aug., 1839, pp. 43~44- Bern, 1839.

1839. — 62. Catalogus Echinodermatum fossilium musei neoco-
mensis. Bull. Soc. imp. natur. Moscou, pp. 422-430. Moscou, 1839.

f

1839-1840. — 63. Description des Echinodermes fossiles de la
Suisse. Premiere partie, Spatangoides et Clypeastroides, 101 pages,
14 plates, 1839. Seconde partie, Cidarides, 107 pages, 11 plates,

1840. Nouv. Mem. Soc. Helvetique sc. nat., Vols. III. and IV.,
Neuchatel, 1839 and 1840. Leonhard und Bronn, Neues Jahrb.,
1840, p. 502, and 1842, p. 393.

1840. — 64. Gletscher-Studien mit Studer. Leonhard und Bronn,
Neues Jahrb., pp. 92-93. 1840.

1840. — 65. Etudes sur les glaciers, i vol., 8vo, and an atlas of
32 plates, folio. Neuchatel, 1840.

266 APPENDIX C.

1840. —66. Untersuchungen Uber die Gletscher; a German edi-
tion of the " Etudes sur les glaciers.'' i vol., Svo, and atlas of
32 plates, folio. Neuchatel, 1840.

1840. — 67. Enumeration des Poissons fossiles d'ltalie. Nuovi
Annali Sc. Nat., Vol. IV., pp. 244-245 and 325-332. Bologna,
1840.

1840.— 68. On glaciers and boulders in Switzerland. Report
British Assoc. Adv. Sc. Glasgow, Part II.. pp. 113-114. Glasgow,
1840.

1840. — 69. On animals found in red snow. Report British Assoc.
Adv. Sc. Glasgow, Part II., p. 143. Glasgow, 1840. Leonhard
und Bronn, Nenes Jahrb., p. 93, 1840, under the title, " Farbende
Infusorien in rothem Schnee." DInstitut, Vol. IX., p. 94. Paris,
1841, under the title, " Sur les animaux de la neige rouge.''

1840. — 70. On the polished and striated surfaces of the rocks
which form the beds of Glaciers in the Alps. Proc. Geol. Soc.
London, Vol. III., No. 71. June 10, 1840. pp. 321-322. Ann. Mag.
Nat. Hist., Vol. VI., pp. 392-393. Edinb. New Philos. Mag.
Vol. XVIII., pp. 565-569. 1842.

1840. — 71. On Glaciers, and the evidence of their having once
existed in Scotland, Itx-land. and England. Proc. Geol. Soc. London,
Vol. III., No. 72, Nov. 4, 1840, pp. 327-332. Ann. Mag. Nat.
Hist., Vol. VI., pp. 396-397. 1841. Edinb. New Phil. Mag., Vol.
XVIII.. pp. 569-570. 1842.

1840. — 72. Observations sur la structure des dcailles de poissons.
Ann. Sc. Nat. Zoologie, 2d Se"rie, Vol. XIII., pp. 58-61 . Paris. 1840.

1840. — 73. Remarques a 1'occasion d'une note de M. Mandt sur
la structure des dcailles de poissons. Comptes Rcndits Acad. sc.
France, Vol. X., pp. 191-194. Paris, 1840. Reprinted under the
title, " Observations sur la structure et le mode d'accroissement des
dcailles des poissons et rdfutation des objections de M. Mandt. .-/;///.
Sc. Nat. Zoologie, 2d Se"rie, Vol. XIV., pp. 97-110. Paris. 1840.
Translated into English : Edinb. New Phil. Journ., Vol. XXVIII..
pp. 287-291. 1840.

APPENDIX C. 267

1840. 74. Catalogus systematicus ectyporum echinodermatum

fossilium musei neocomensis, secundum ordincm zoologicum dispo-
situs; adjectis synonimis recentioribus, nee non stratis et locis in
quibus reperiuntur. Sequuntur characteres diagnostic! generum
novorum vel minus cognitorum. 4to. Neocoipi, Helvetorum, 1840.

1840. — 75. Etudes critiques sur les Mollusques fossiles. Memoire
sur les Trigonies. 58 pages. 11 plates. 4to. Neuchatel, 1840.
Leonhard und Bronn, Neues Jahrb., 1841, p. 848.

1840. — 76. Gegen Wismann's Ansricht vom Ursprung erratischer
Blocke. Leonhard und Bronn, Neues Jahrb., 1840, pp. 575-576-

1841. — 77. On the fossil fishes found by Mr. Gardner in the
province of Ceara, in the north of Brazil. Edinb. New Phil. Journ.,
Vol. XXX., pp. 82-84. 1841 .

1841. — 78. Genus Trigonia. Character von Artiiberhaupt
Gletscher. Leonhard und Bronn, Neues Jahrb., 1841, pp. 356-357.

1841. — 79. Alter Moranen bei Baden-Baden. Leonhard und
Bronn, Neues Jahrb., 1841, pp. 566-567.

!84i. — 80. Une serie de coquilles vivantes et fossiles des bords
de la Clyde en Ecosse. Verhandl. ScJvweiz. naturforsch . Gesellschaft ;
Zurich, 2, 3, 4 Aug., 1841. pp. 63-64. Zurich, 1841.

1841. — 81. Routes paralleles de Glen-Roy en Ecosse. Ver-
handl. ScJvweiz. naturforsch. Gesellschaft; Zurich, 2, 3, 4 Aug., 1841,
pp. 68, 69. Zurich, 1841.

1841. — 82. Terrain cyliolitique. Verhandl. ScJvweiz. natur-
forsch. Gesellschaft; Zurich, 2, 3, 4 Aug., 1841, p. 72. Zurich, 1841 .

1841. — 83. Monographies d'Echinodermes, vivans et fossiles.
2ieme livraison ; " les Scutelles." En tete de cette livraison, se
trouve : " Observations sur les progres rdcents de Thistoire natu-
relle des Echinodermes." 4to. Neuchatel, 1841.

Nota bene. — Les " Observations sur les progres, etc.," ont etc tirds
a part et distribues en juillet, 1841. 20 pages, 4to, avec une page de
title : " Monograph d'Echinodermes (Extrait de la seconde livaaison
de cet ouvrage, etc.).11 English translation: "Observations on the
progress recently made in the natural history of the echinodermata."

268 APPENDIX C.

Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist.. Vol. IX., pp. 180-190 and 569-570. Lon-
don, 1842.

1841. — 84. Additions to .Mr. Wood's catalogue of Crag radiaria.
Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist., Vol. VI.. p. 343. London, 1841.

1841.— 85. De la succession et du developpement des etres
organises a la surface du globe terrestre dans les diffe'rents ages de
la nature. Discours prononce' a Inauguration de TAcaddmie de
Neuchatel, le 18 novembre, 1841. 47 pages. 121110. Neuchatel,
1841. The edition was limited to four hundred copies, and two
hundred separata for the use of Agassiz. Translated into English :
Edinb. New Phil. Journ., Vol. XXXIII.. pp. 388-399. Edinburgh,
October, 1842. A German translation by Dr. N. Gra'ger was pub-
lished at Halle, 1843. Part of it is reprinted in La premise Acade-
mic de Neitchdtel, par A. Petitpierre, pp. 85-93. Neuchatel, 1889.

1842.— 86. The Prospectus of the Nomenclator Zoologicus ; in
French and in German. 3 pages. 4to. Neuchatel and Soleure,
feVrier, 1842.

1 842. --87. Nomenclator Zoologicus, continens nomina syste-
matica generum animalium tarn viventium quam fossilium, etc. 4to.
Soloduri, 1842. Leonhard und Bronn, Neites Jahrb., 1842, p. 496.

1842. — 88. Deux Lettres a M. Arago. Observations sur le
glacier de 1'Aar et sur les glaciers. Comptes Rendus Acad. sc.
France, Vol. XV., pp. 284-288 and 435~466. Paris, 1842. L'Justitut,
Vol. X., pp. 278. 305, and 359. Paris, 1 842. Leonhard und Bronn,
Neites Ja ., 1843, P- 364- Edinb. New Phil. Journ., Vol. XXXI 1 1 ..
p. 339. Edinburgh, 1842.

1842. -- 89. La theorie des glaces et ses progres les plus re'cents.
Bibl. Univ. Geneve, Vol. XLI., pp. 118-139. Geneve, 1842. Leon-
hard und Bronn, Neues Jahrb., 1842. pp. 56-58. Edinb. New
Phil. Journ., Vol. XXXIII., p. 217, and Vol. XXXIV., p. 364,
under the title : " The glacial theory and its recent progress."

1842. — 90. Histoire naturelle des poissons d'eau douce de
1'Europe centrale. i vol., 8vo, and folio atlas of 41 coloured
plates. Neuchatel, 1842.

APPENDIX C. 269

f

1842. — 91. Monographies d'Echinodermes, vivans et fossiles.
^iemc Hvraison, '• L 'anatomic du genre echinus," par G. Valentin ;
avec une ''Preface par Agassiz." 4to. Neuchatel, 1842.

The " preface " of ten pages by Agassiz is important because in it
he says that Valentin delivered his manuscript-'lnto his hands as far
back as 1840, and the "Preface" is dated December, 1841. The
exact date of the issue of the fourth part or " Hvraison " is marked
on the cover, — 1842. It is the last part of those monographs of the
Echinodermata.

The third monograph, " Des Galerites," and the fourth mono-
graph, "Des Dysaster," forming together the third part, or "3ieme
livraison," are by E. Desor ; and the part was issued in 1842. Like
the other parts, it was published " aux frais de L. Agassiz."

1842. — 92. No title. The paper has been quoted under the
following designations : ist, " Lettre sur la structure lamellaire des
glaciers que s'attribue Mr. James D. Forbes." 2cl, '' A reply to
Mr. James D. Forbes on the laminated structure of glaciers."
3d, " Agassiz1s controversy with James D. Forbes, of Edinburgh."
Neuchatel, i o pages. 4to. 1 1 avril, 1842. Expedie de Neuchatel,
le 21 avril, 1842. In it is reprinted a letter of Professor James D.
Forbes to M. Desor, which was largely distributed among savants
by Professor Forbes.

1842. — 93. Extrait d'une lettre a M. Alcide d'Orbigny sur la
repartition des fossiles dans les divers terrains. Bull. Soc. Geol.
France, Vol. XIII., pp. 355-356. Paris, mai, 1842.

1842. — 94. New Views regarding the distribution of fossils in
formations. Edinb. New Phil. Journ., Vol. XXXII., pp. 97-98.
Edinburgh, January, 1842.

1842. — 95. Materiaux pour une bibliotheque zoologique et pale-
ontologique. 562 pages, folio. Neuchatel, 1842.

1842. — 96. Reiseproject nach dem Aargletscher, Hiigi iiber
Gletscher; Myaceen. Leonhardund Bronn, Neues Jahrb., pp. 313-
317. 1842.

1842. — 97. Vortrag iiber seine Gletscheruntersuchungen auf

270 APPENDIX C.

dem Aargletscher. Verhandl. Schweiz. Natnrforsch. Gesellschaft ;
Altdorf, 25, 26, mid 27 Jnli, 1842, pp. 81-91. Altdorf, 1842.

1842. — 98. Betreff der Gletschereimvirkung im Jura. Ver-
liandl Schweiz. Natnrforsch. Gesellschaft; Altdorf, 25, 26, und 27
Juli, 1842, pp. 46-48. Altdorf, 1842.

1842. — 99. Enviederung auf Dr. Carl Schimper's Angriffe. 4
pages. 4to. (Im November, 1842. privatim vertheilt.) No place of
publication, although there is no doubt that it was Neuchatel.

1842-1845.- - 100. Etudes critiques sur les mollusques fossiles.
Monographic des Myes. 287 pages. 94 plates. 410. Neuchatel,
1842-1845. Leonhardt und Bronn, Neues Jahrb., 1842, p. 862, and
1843, P- 747-

1843. --ioi. Neue Beobachtungen auf den Gletschern ; Mya-
ceen ; Struktur der Gletscher- Desor iiber fossile Nucleoliten ; Fos-
silarten der Molasse. Leonhard und Bronn, Neues Jahrb., 1843,
pp. 84-89.

1843.- -102. Synoptical table of British fossil fishes, arranged
in the order of geological formation. Report British Assoc. Adv.
Sc. 1843, PP- 194-207. Edinb. New Phil. Journ., Vol. XXXVII.,
PP- 33I~347- Ann. Sc. Nat. Zoologie, 3° S<5rie, pp. 25 1-271 . Paris,
1844.

1843. --103. A period in the history of our planet. Edinb. New
Phil. Journ., Vol. XXXV.. pp. 1-291. Edinburgh. 1843.

X843- — J04- Notice sur la succession des Poissons fossiles dans
la sdrie des formations gdologiques. (Extrait de la 18° ct derniere
livraison des Recherches sur les Poissons fossiles.) 16 pages, 4to.
Neuchatel, 1843. Ann. Sc. Nat. Zoologic, 3° Sc"rie, Vol. II., pp.
251-271. Paris, 1844.

1843. — 105- Sur les glaciers. Actes Soc. Helvctiquc sc. nat.
Lausanne, 24, 25, ct 26jnillct, 1843, pp. 72-74. Lausanne, 1843.

1843. — 106. Valeur gdologique des dents de Squales pour la
determination des terrains. Actes Soc. Helvctique sc. nat. Lausanne,
24, 25, et 26juillet, 1843, PP- 83-84. Lausanne, 1843.

irPENDIX C. 271

1843. — 107. Ouel est Page des plus grands glaciers des Alpes
suisses? Lettre a M. Arago. Comptes Rendus Acad. sc. France,
Vol. XVI., p. 678. Paris, 1843.

1843. — 108. Sur le Mouvement clu glacier de PAar. Influence
cle 1'inclinaison du sol sur le mouvement de la glace. Bull. Soc. sc.
nat. NeuchAtel, Vol. I., pp. 1-5. Neuchatel, novembre, 1843. Leon-
hard und Bronn, Neues Jahrb., p. 620. 1844.

1843. — 109. Sur les fossiles rapportes du PeVou par M. Tschudi.
Bull. Soc. sc. nat. Neuchatel, Vol. I., pp. 29-30. Neuchatel, decem-
bre, 1843.

1843. — no. Sur la determination exacte cle la limite des neiges
eternelles en un point donne. Comptes Rendus Acad. sc. France,
Vol. XVI., p. 752. Poggend. Ann. der Phys. und Chem., Vol.
LIX.. p. 342.

1843. — IJI- Expose abrege de la stratification des glaciers avec
des coupes. Leonhard und Bronn, Neues Jahrb., 1843, PP- 84 and
86.

1843. — 112. Report on the fossil fishes of the Devonian system
or old red sandstone. Report British Assc. Adv. Sc. 1842, pp.
80-88. Bibl. univ. Geneve, Vol. XLIIL, pp. 353-369. 1843.

1844. — 113. Tableau general des Poissons fossiles ranges par
terrains. 17 pages. 4to. Neuchatel, 1844. (Extrait des Recherches
sur les Poissons fossiles.} Introduction; Neuchatel, 1844. Ann.
sc. nat. Zoologie, 3e serie, Vol. II., pp. 251-271. Paris, 1844.

1844. — 114. Essai sur la classification des Poissons. (Extrait de
la i8e et derniere livraison des Recherches sur les Poissons fossiles.)
8 pages and a table. 4to. Neuchatel, 1844. Edinb, New Phil.
Journ., Vol. XXXVII.. pp. 132-143. 1844.

1844. — 115. De la forme des Placoides et Tableau general des
especes de placoides ranges par terrains. (Extrait de la derniere
livraison des Recherches sur les Poissons fossiles.) 18 pages. 4to.
Xeuchatel, 1844.

1844. — 116. Sur les progres de Tdtude de Pichthyologie. Bull.
Soc. sc. nat. Neuchatel, Vol. I., pp. 49, 50. Neuchatel, Janvier, 1844.

272 APPENDIX c.

1844. — 117. Sur 1'importance des divers embranchemens du
regne animal, sous le point de vue biologique, ou revue des diffd-
rentes dpoques gcologiques. Bull. Soc. sc. nat. Neuch&tel, Vol. I.,
pp. 50-52. Neuchatel, Janvier, 1844.

1844. — 118. Sur Tlsar des Pyrdndes, compare au chamois des
Alpes. Bull. Soc. sc. nat. NeuchAtel, Vol. I., pp. 57-58. Neucha-
tel, fdvrier. 1844.

1844. — 119. Sur la distribution gcographique des quadrumanes.
Bull. Soc. sc. nat. Neuchatel, Vol. I., pp. 59-62. Neuchatel, mars,
1844-

1844. — 120. Sur la distribution gdographique des Chiropteres.
Bull. Soc. sc. nat. Neuchatel, Vol. I., pp. 63-65. Neuchatel, mars,
1844.

1844. — 121. Sur le genre Pyrula de Lamarck. Bull. Soc. sc.
nat. Neuchdtel, Vol. I., pp. 69-70. Neuchatel, avril, 1844.

1844. — 122. Sur les prdtendues identites que Ton admet
gdndralement entre les especes vivantes et les fossiles de certaincs
terrains. Bull. Soc. sc. nat. Neuchdtel, Vol. I., pp. 107, 108. Neu-
chatel, mai, 1844.

1844.— 123. On fossil fishes. Edinb. New Phil. Joitrn., Vol.
XXXVII., pp. 331-334- 1844-

1844. - - 124. Sur quelques Poissons fossiles du Brdsil. Comptes
Rendus Acad. sc. France, Vol. XVIII., pp. 1007-1015. Paris,
1844. Ulnstitut, Vol. XII.. pp. 187-188. Paris, 1844.

1844. — 125. Rdponse a la socidtd acaddmique de Savoie. Bull.
Soc. gtol. France, 2e sdrie, Vol. I., pp. 605-606. Chambdry, aout,
1844.

1844. — 126- Sur un nouvel oursin, le Metaporinus Michelini.
Bull. Soc.gcol. France, 2° sdrie, Vol. 1.. p. 730. Chambdry, aout,
1844-

1844. — 127. Sur les prdtendues identitds des coquilles tertiaires
et vivantes. Bull. Soc. ge"ol. France, 2C sdrie, Vol. I., pp. 744-745.
Chambdry. aout. 1844.

APPENDIX C. 273

1844. — 128. Observations sur le poll et les stries des roches.
Bull. Soc. geol. France, 2e serie, Vol. I., pp. 617, 630, 639, 640.
Chambe'ry. aout, 1844.

1844. — 129. Sur les glaciers et les depots erratiques. Bull. Soc.
geol. France, 2e serie, Vol. I., pp. 636, 637, 643, 646, 648, 650.
Chambe'ry, aout, 1844.

1844. — 130. Nummulitique dans la craie supe"rieur. Bull. Soc.
geol. France, 2e serie, Vol. I., pp. 826, 827, 629, 630. Chambe'ry,
aout, 1844.

1844. — 131. La question paleontologique de Petit-Coeur. Bull.
Soc. geol. France, 2e serie, Vol. I., p. 672. Chambe'ry, aout, 1844.

1844. — 132. Sur une collection de coquilles d'Orient de M.
Albert de Pourtales. Bull. Soc. sc. nat. Neuchatel, Vol. I., pp. 141,
142. Neuchatel, novembre, 1844.

1844. — 133. Sur le cerveau des Poissons. Bull. Soc. sc. nat.
Neuchatel, Vol. I., pp. 147-148. Neuchatel, decembre, 1844.

1844. — 134. Introduction a une monographic des poissons fos-
siles du vieux gres rouge, suivi d\m tableau synoptique des poissons
fossiles du systeme Devonien. (Extrait de la Monographic des
Poissons fossiles de VOld Red Sandstone ou systeme Devonien.) 36
pages. 4to. Soleure, 1844.

1844-1845. — 135. Monographies des Poissons fossiles, supple"-
ment aux Recherches sur les Poissons fossiles. Premiere mono-
graphic, comprenant Phistoire des Poissons du vieux gres Rouge
(Old Red Sandstone ou systeme Devonien). Trois livraisons ou
parts, in 4to, avec atlas in folio de43 planches. Neuchatel, 1844-45.

1845. — 136. Lettres sur les poissons fossiles du systeme DeVo-
nien de la Russie, adresse'es a MM. Murchison et de Verneuil par
M. le professeur Agassiz. Russia and the Ural Mountains or
Geologic de la Russie d' Europe et les 3 font agues de rOural, par
Roderick Impey Murchison, Edouard de Verneuil, Alexandre de
Keyserling, Vol. II., PaUontologie ; Appendice, pp. 397-418. Five
letters written from 1842 to 1845. 4to. London and Paris.

1845. — 137. Iconographie des coquilles tertiaires re'pute'es iden-

VOL. II. T

274 APPENDIX C.'

tiques avec les especes vivantes. Nouv. Mem. Soc. Helvetique Sc.
Nat., Vol. VII. Neuchatel, 1845.

1845. — *3&' Sur les metamorphoses des animaux des classes
infcrieures. Bull. Soc. sc. nal. Neuchdtel, Vol. I., pp. 156-159.
Neuchatel, Janvier, 1845.

1845. — I39- Sur la distribution geographique des animaux et de
Thomme. Bull. Soc. sc. not. Neuchdtel, Vol. I., pp. 162-166. Neu-
chatel, Janvier, 1845.

1845. — 140. Cirques des glaciers dans les Alpes et le Jura.
Bull. Soc. sc. nat. Neuchdtel, Vol. I., p. 172. Neuchatel, fevrier,
1845-

1845. — 141' Anciennes moraines de PAllde-Blanche et du val
Ferret. Glacier d'Ornex. Bull. Soc. sc. nat. Neuchdtel, Vol. I..
p. 171. Neuchatel, tVvrier. 1845.

1845. — J42- Lettre a Elie de Beaumont sur les roches strides
de la Suisse. Bull. Soc. gcol. France, 2f serie. Vol. II., pp. 273-277.
Paris, feVrier, 1845.

1845. — 143. Sur un fait de superposition de roches observers
en Ecosse par M. Robertson. Bull. Soc. sc. nat. Neuchdtel, Vol. I.,
pp. 183-184. Neuchatel, mars, 1845.

1845. — 144. Sur 1'importance de I'e'tude des animaux fossiles.
Bull. Soc. sc. nat. Neuchdtel, Vol. I., pp. 189-190. Neuchatel, avril.
1845-

1845. — 145- Extrait de deux lettres de L. Agassiz a Edouard
Collomb sur des galets stries glaciaires des Vosges. Bull. Soc-gtol.
France, 2" serie, Vol. II., pp. 394-395- Paris, mai. 1845.

1845. — 146. Anatomic des Salmones par L. Agassiz et C. Vogt.
14 planches. 4to. Mem. Soc. sc. nat. Neuchdtel, Vol. III. Neu-
chatel. 1845.

1845. — 147. Remarques sur le "Traite* de Paleontologie v de
F. Jules Pictet. Bibl. univ. Geneve, N" 112, juin. 1845. Edinb.
New Phil. Jmirn., Vol. XXXIX., pp. 295-302. 1845.

1845. — 148. Notice sur la geographic cles animaux. Revue
Suisse, p. 31. Neuchatel, aotit. 1845.

APPENDIX C. 275

. — 149. Nouvelles observations sur les nageoires des pois-
sons. Actes Soc. Helvetique sc. nat. Geneve, 11, 12 et 13 aout, 1845.
p. 49. Geneve, 1845.

1845. — 150. Observations sur le glacier de 1'Aar. Actes Soc.
Helvetique sc. nat. Geneve, 11, 12 et 13 aout, 1845, P- 66. Geneve,
1845.

1845. — 151' Observations du Dr. Basswitz sur la neige rouge.
Actes Soc. Helvetique sc. nat. Geneve, n, 12 et 13 a<w/, 1845, p. 68.
Geneve, 1845.

1845. — 152. Re'sume' de ses travaux sur Pencephale des poissons.
Actes Soc. Helvetiqne sc. nat. Geneve, u, 12 et 13 aout, 1845, p. 70.
Geneve, 1845.

1845. — 153. Sur diverses families de Tordre des crinoides. Actes
Soc. Helvetique sc. nat. Geneve, 11, 12 et 13 aout, 1845, pp. 91-92.
Geneve, 1845.

1845. — 154. Notice sur les glaciers de Tallee Blanche et du Val-
Ferret. In Nouvelles Excursions ct scjours dans les glaciers et les
hautes regions des Alpes, de M. Agassis ct ses compagnons de voyage,
par E. Desor, pp. 212-219. Neuchatel. 1845. In the table of con-
tents, and on page 212 of the book, the title is different from the title
on the cover and the title-page ; it there reads : " Les glaciers et le
terrain erratique du revers meridional du Mont Blanc, par M. Agassiz."

1845. — 155. Remarques sur les observations de M. Durocher
relatives aux phenomenes erratiques de la Scandinavie. Comptes
Rendus Acad. sc. France. Vol. XXII., pp. 1331-1333. Paris, 1845.
Edinb. New Phil. Journ., Vol. XL., p. 237. 1845.

1845. — 156. Rapport sur les poissons fossiles de 1'argile de
Londres. — Report on the fossil fishes of the London clay (French
and English). Report British Assoc. Adv. Sc., 1844, pp. 279-310,
one plate. Ann. sc. nat. Zoologie, pp. 21-48. Paris, 1845. Edinb.
New Phil. Journ., Vol. XXXIX., pp. 321-327.

1845-1846. — 157. On fossil fishes, particularly those of the Lon-
don clay. Edinb. New Phil. Journ., Vol. XXXIX., pp. 321-327,
1845; and Vol. XL., pp. 121-125.

276 APPENDIX C.

1846. — 158. Nomenclatoris Zoologici Index universalis. etc. 4to.
Soloduri, 1846. A i2mo edition of this work was issued also at
Soloduri. in 1848, by the same publishers, Jent et Gasmann.

1846. — 159. Observations sur la distribution gdographique des
etres organises. Bull. Soc. sc. nat. Neuchatel, Vol. I., pp. 357~362-
Neuchatel. 1846.

1846. — 160. Observations sur les rapports qui existent entre les
faits relatifs a 1'apparition successive des etres organises a la surface
clu globe et la distiibution ge'ographique des differents types actuels
d'animaux. /lull. Soc. sc. nat. NeucMtd, Vol. I., pp. 36&~369-
Neuchatel, 1846.

1846. — 161. Observations sur les glaciers de la Suisse. Bull.

Soc. geol. France. 2° serie, Vol. III., pp. 415-418. Paris, avril, 1846.

1846. — 162. Discussions sur 1'Oscillation des glaciers et sur les

roches et galets strids. Bull. Soc. geol. France, 2' sdrie, Vol. III.,

pp. 419-422. Paris, avril. 1846.

1846. — 163. Sur un nouveau genre de poissons fossiles (Emi-
dichthys] clu terrain de'vonien de 1'Eifel. Bull. Soc. geol. France,
2' sdrie, Vol. III., pp. 488-489. Paris, mai, 1846.

1846. — 164. Sur les Poissons des terrains paleozoiques. Ext.
Proc. Verb. Soc. Pkilomathique, pp. 61-62. Paris. 1846. L'lnstitut.
Vol. XIV., p. 163. Paris. 1846.

!846.— 165. On the ichthyological fossil fauna of the Old Red
Sandstone. Kdinb. New Phil. Joitrn., Vol. XLI.. pp. 17-49- l846-
1846. — 166. Re'sume' cTun travail d'ensemble sur Torganisation,
la classification et le ddveloppi-mrnt progressif des Echinodermes
dans la sdrie des terrains. Comptes Rendus Acad. sc. France, Vol.
XXXIII., pp. 276-279. Paris, 1846.

1846-47-48.— 167. Catalogue raisonnd des families, des genres
et des espcces do la classe des Echinodermes, par L. Agassiz et
E. Desor ; pre'cc'de' d'une introduction sur ['organisation, la classifi-
cation et le d<?veloppcment progressif des types dans la seVie des
terrains, par. L. Agassi/. Ann. sc. nat. Zoologie, 3" sdrie. Vol. VI.,
PP- 350-374, 1846; Vol. VII., pp. 129-168, 1847; Vol. VIII..

APPENDIX C. 277

PP- 5~35< et PP- 355~38!' 1848, Paris. Sixty separates printed
with repaging; 167 pages, 2 plates. Paris, 1848.

1846. — 168. On the fish Huronigricans of Cuvier; and the
shovel fish from the Ohio River. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist.,
Vol. II., p. 184. Boston, November, 1846.

1846. — 169. On a new Pygorhynchus of Georgia; and the
crawfish from the Mammoth Cave, Kentucky. Proc. Boston Soc.
Nat. Hist., Vol. II., pp. 193-194. Boston, December, 1846.

1846. — 170. Climate of Europe during the later Miocene period.
Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc'., Vol. I., p. 43. Boston, December,
1846.

1847. — 171. Analogy between the fossil flora of the European
Miocene and the living flora of America, in a letter to Roderick I.
Murchison. Athenceiun^ No. 1023. London, 1847. Reproduced in
Amer. Jonrn. Sc., 2d series, Vol. IV., pp. 424-425. 1847.

1847. — 172. On the .Coal-field of Eastern Virginia — Fossil
Fishes, by Charles Lyell, with notes from L. Agassiz and Sir Philip
Egerton. Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc. London, Vol. III., pp. 275-278.
London.

1847. — !73- Geologische Alpenreisen. L. Agassiz. Deutsche
von Desor und Vogt. Zweite Aufl. mit. 4 Karten. Frankfurt,
1847-

1847. — 174. Systeme glaciaire ou Recherches sur les glaciers,
leur me'canisme, leur ancienne extension et le role qu'ils ont joud
dans 1'histoire de la terre, par MM. L. Agassiz, A. Guyot et E.
Desor. Premiere partie : Nouvelles dtudes et experiences sur les
glaciers actuels, leur structure, leur progression et leur action phy-
sique sur le sol ; par L. Agassiz. i vol., 8vo, et un atlas in folio,
avec 3 cartes et 9 planches. Paris et Neuchatel, mai, 1847. The
other two parts, by Guyot and Desor, were never published, or even
written.

1847. — 175. Lettre a M. de Humboldt sur quelques points de
Torganisation des animaux Rayonne*s et sur la parite" bilate'rale
dans les Actinies. Coinptes Rendiis Acad. sc. France, Vol. XXV.,

278 APPENDIX C.

pp. 677-682. Paris, 1847. Proc. Verb. Soc. Philoinathique, pp. 95-98.
Paris, 1847. Llnstitut, Vol. XV.. pp. 388-389. Paris, 1847. Edinb.
New Phil. Journ., Vol. XLIV., pp. 316-319. Edinburgh, April,
1848.

1847. — 176. An introduction to the study of natural history, in
a series of lectures delivered in the hall of the College of Physicians
and Surgeons. New York ; also a biographical notice of the author.
58 pages, 8vo. New York, 1847.

1847. — 177. Remarks on the position of Boston naturalists in
their location at a seaport. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. II..
p. 243. Boston, July. 1847.

1847. — 178. On the blind-fish of the Mammoth Cave. Proc.
Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. I., p. 180. Boston, October, 1847.

1847. — J79- Remarks upon the Moose and Caribou (Cer-viis alces
et Tarandus) and the American Raven. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat.
Hist., Vol. II., pp. 187, 188. Boston, November, 1847.

1847. — 180. De 1'dtude comparative cles animaux inferieurs et
des plantes qui accompagnent I'homme en Europe et dans 1'Ame'-
rique. Bull. Soc. sc. nat. .Yenchdtel,Vo\. II., pp. 187-189. Neu-
chi'itel, December, 1847.

1848. — 181. Letter to Dr. Gibbes in relation to Dorndon Ser-
ratiis. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sc. Philadelphia, Vol. IV.. pp. 4-5.
Philadelphia, February, 1848.

1848. — 182. Tubulibranchiate Annelids of Boston harbor. Proc.
Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., pp. 26-27. Boston, April, 1848.

1848. — 183. On the existence of numerous minute tubes in
Fishes. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., pp. 27-28. Boston,
April, 1848.

1848. — 184. An appeal to the students of science in America.
Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., pp. 36-37. Boston, May,
1848.

1848. — 185. Observations on the structure of the foot in the
embryo of birds. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., pp. 42-
43. Bostun, June, 1848.

APPENDIX C. 279

1848. — 186. The terraces and ancient river bars, drifts, boulders,
and polished surfaces of Lake Superior. Proc. Anier. Assoc. Adv.
Sc., First Meeting, Philadelphia, pp. 68-70. Philadelphia, 1849.

1848. — 187. Fishes of Lake Superior. Proc. A/ner. Assoc.
Adv. Sc., First Meeting, Philadelphia, pp. 30-32. Philadelphia,
1849-

1848. — 188. On the comparison of Alpine and northern vegeta-
tion. Proc. A liter. Assoc. Adv. Sc., First Meeting, Philadelphia,
pp. 41-42. Philadelphia, 1849.

1848. — 189. Phonetic apparatus of the Cricket. Proc. A/ner.
Assoc. Adv. Sc., First Meeting, Philadelphia, p. 41. Philadelphia,
1849.

1848. — 190. Black Banded Cyprinidae. Proc. Amer. Assoc.
Adv. Sc., First Meeting, Philadelphia, p. 70. Philadelphia, 1849.

1848. — 191. Monograph of Garpikes. Proc. Amer. Assoc.
Adv. Sc., First Meeting, Philadelphia, pp. 70-71. Philadelphia,
1849-

1848. — 192, On the origin of the actual outlines of Lake Supe-
rior. Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sc., First Meeting, Philadelphia,
p. 79. Philadelphia, 1849.

1848. — 193. On the fossil Cetacea of the United States. Proc.
Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. II., pp. 4-5. Boston, October,
1848.

1848. — 194. The Salmonida of Lake Superior. Proc. Boston
Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., pp. 61-62. Boston, October, 1848.

1848. — 195. Revision of the system of classification in Zoology.
Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., p. 65. Boston, October,
1848.

1848. — 196. Two new Fishes from Lake Superior {Percopsis
Rhinichthys). Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., pp. 80-81.
Boston. November, 1848.

1848. — 197. Principles of Zoology: touching the structure,
development, distribution, and natural arrangement of the races of

-So APPENDIX C.

animals, living and extinct. Part I.. Comparative Physiology, by
Louis Agassiz and Augustus A. Gould. 121110. Boston, 1884.
Second edition. 1851. Third edition. 1861. Translated into Ger-
man by H. G. Bronn, with an Introduction by Bronn. 8vo. Stutt-
gart, 1851. Translated into French by Elise'e Reclus, in Magasin
d'Education et de Recreation, 1891. Published by Hetzel & Co.,
Paris. Several unauthorized editions were published in England
and in Germany between the years 1849 and 1854. Part II., Sys-
tematic Zoology, although advertised, was never published.

1848-1854. — 198. Bibliographia Zoologiae et Geologias. A gen-
eral catalogue of all books, tracts, and memoirs of Zoology and
Geology. By Professor Louis Agassiz. Corrected, enlarged, and
edited by H. E. Strickland and Sir William Jardine (Ray Society).
4 vols. London, 1848-1854.

1849. — 199. Twelve lectures on Comparative Embryology deliv-
ered before the Lowell Institute in Boston, December and January,
1848-1849. 104 pages. 8vo. Reprinted from the Daily Evening
Traveller. Boston, 1849.

1849. — 200. Communication from Agassiz relative to the forma-
tion of a Museum at the Smithsonian Institution. U. S. Public
Documents, 31*1 Congress, ist Session. House and Senate Misc.
Doc., pp. 24-26. Washington, 1849.

1849. — 201. On the distinction between the fossil crocodiles of
the Green Sand of New Jersey, /'roc. Acad. Nat. Sc. Philadel-
phia, Vol. IV., p. 169. Philadelphia, March, 1849.

1849. — 202. Investigations upon Medusa?. Proc. Amer. Acad.
Arts and Sc., Vol. II., pp. 148-149. Boston, May, 1849.

1849. — 203. On the structure of coral animals. Proc. Amer.
Assoc. Adv.Sc., Second Meeting, Cambridge, August, 1849. pp. 68-
77. Boston. 1850.

1849. — 204- The zoological character of young mammalia. Proc.
Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sc., Second Meeting. Cambridge, August. 1849,
pp. 85-89. Boston, 1850.

1849. — 205- The vegetable character of Xanthidinm. Proc.

APPENDIX C. 281

Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sc., Second Meeting, Cambridge, August, 1849,
pp. 89-91. Boston, 1850.

1849. — 206. On the fossil remains of an elephajat found in Ver-
mont. Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sc., Second Meeting, Cambridge,
August, 1849. PP- 100-101. Boston, 1850.

1849. — 2O7- On the circulation of the fluids in insects. Proc.
Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sc., Second Meeting, Cambridge, August, 1849,
pp. 140-143. Boston. 1850. Ann. Sc. Nat. Zoologie, Vol. XV.,
pp. 358-362. Paris, 1851.

1849. — 208. On the embryology of Ascidia, and the characteris-
tics of new species from the shores of Massachusetts. Proc. Amer.
Assoc. Adv. Sc., Second Meeting, Cambridge, August, 1849, PP-
157-159. Boston, 1850.

1849. — 209. On the structure and homologies of radiated ani-
mals, with reference to the systematic position of the Hydroid
Polypi. Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sc., Second Meeting, Cambridge,
August, 1849, PP- 389~396- Boston, 1850.

1849. — 210. On animal morphology. Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv.
Sc., Second Meeting, Cambridge, August, 1849, pp. 41 1-423. Boston,
1850.

1849. — 2II> On the differences between progressive, embryonic,
and prophetic types in the succession of organized beings through
the whole range of geological times. Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sc.,
Second Meeting, Cambridge, August, 1849, pp. 432-438. Boston,
1850. (The name of L. Agassiz was accidentally omitted, but is
given in the Index, p. 45 1 .) Edinb. New Phil. Journ., Vol. XLIX.,
pp. 160-165. Edinburgh, 1850.

1849. — 212. Remarks on two kinds of drift in Cambridge, on
the road to Mount Auburn. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III.,
p. 183. Boston, October, 1849.

1849. — 2I3' Worms of the coast of Massachusetts. Proc.
Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., pp. 190-191. Boston, November,
1849-

1849. — 2I4- The metamorphoses of the Lepidoptera. Proc.

282 APPENDIX C.

Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., pp. 199-200. Boston, November.
1849-

1849. — 215- On tne development of ova in insects. Proc.
Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc.. Vol. II., p. 181. Boston, November,
1849.

1849. — 216. Relation between the structure of animals and the
element in which they dwell. Proc. Anier. Acad. Arts and Sc.,
Vol. II., p. 181. Boston, November, 1849.

1849. — 217. On the egg in vertebrate animals as a means of
classification. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. II., pp. 183-
184. Boston, December, 1849.

1849. — 218. On the circulation and digestion in the lower ani-
mals. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., pp. 206-207. Boston,
December, 1849.

1849. — 219. Resemblance of the mastodon and the manatee.
l'ri>i. ttoston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., p. 209. Boston, December,
1849-

1849. — 220. On the respiratory system in the lower animals.
Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist.. Vol. III., pp. 209-210. Boston.
December, 1849.

1850. — 221. Lake Superior: its physical character, vegetation,
and animals, compared with those of other and similar regions.
With a narrative of the tour by J. Elliot Cabot. Contributions
by other scientific gentlemen (John L. Leconte. A. A. Gould,
J. E. Cabot, T. W. Harris. A. Gray, Leo Lesquereux and Edward
Tuckerman). 8vo. Boston, 1850.

1850. — 222. Contributions to the natural history of the Acale-
phae of North America. Part I.: On the naked-eyed Medusae of
the shores of Massachusetts in the perfect state of development.
Part II. : On the Beroid Medusas of the shores of Massachusetts in
their perfect state of development. Mem. Amer. Acad. Arts and
Sc., New Series, Vol. IV., pp. 221-374. 16 plates. Boston, 1850.
Communicated to the Academy May 8 and May 29, 1849. Review of
Part I. in Amer. Joiirn. Sc., Vol. X., pp. 272-276, September, 1850.

APPENDIX C. 283

1850. — 223. PJwcnena Americana, New Sp. Agas. Proc. Boston
Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., p. 225. Boston, January. 1850.

1850. — 224. On the gills of Crustacea. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat.
Hist., Vol. 111., pp. 225-226. Boston, January, 1850.

1850. — 225. Muscular structure of Medusae. Proc. Boston Soc.
Nat. Hist., Vol. III., p. 232. Boston, January, 1850.

1850. — 226. Embryonic development of insects. Proc. Boston
Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., pp. 236-237. Boston, January, 1850.

1850. — 227. Breathing organs of Mollusks. Proc. Boston Soc.
Nat. Hist., Vol. III., p. 237. Boston, January, 1850.

1 850. — 228. Remarks on the development of air-bladders. Proc.
Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sc., Third Meeting, Charleston, p. 72. Charles-
ton, 1850.

1850. — 229. Remarks on the species common to different forma-
tions. Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sc., Third Meeting, Charleston,
p. 73. Charleston, 1850.

1850. — 230. On the morphology of the Medusae. Proc. Amer.
Assoc. Adv. Sc., Third Meeting, Charleston, pp. 119-122. Charles-
ton, 1850. Edinb. New Phil. Journ., Vol. L., pp. 85-89. Edin-
burgh, 1851.

1850. — 231. On the principles of classification (of the animal
kingdom). Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sc., Third Meeting, Charles-
ton, pp. 89-96. Charleston, 1850.

1850. — 232. On the structure of the Halcyonoid Polypi. Proc.
Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sc., Third Meeting, Charleston, pp. 207-213.
Charleston, 1850.

1850. — 233. Geographical distribution of animals. Christian
Examiner and Religions Miscellany. Vol. XLVIII., pp. 181-204.
Boston, March, 1850. A short resume is published in Bull. Soc.
sc. nat. Nenchdtel, Vol. II., fevrier, 1852, pp. 347-350, par L.
Coulon pere. Neuchatel, 1852. Reprinted in Edinb. New Phil.
Journ., Vol. XLIX., pp. 1-23. 1850. Translated into German in
Verhandl. Naturhist. Ver. Preuss. Rheinland und Westphalens,
Vol. VII., pp. 228-254. 1850. This paper is a revision with numer-

APPENDIX C.

ous additions of the article in La Revue Suisse of August,
Neuchatel, entitled : '• Notice sur la geographic des animaux." No.
148 of this biography.

1850. — 234. The natural relations between animals and the
elements in which they live. Amer. Journ. Sc., 2d Series, Vol. IX.,
pp. 369-394. May, 1850. Reprinted in Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist.,
Vol. VI., pp. 153-179. London. 1850. Edinb. New Phil. Journ.,
Vol. XLIX., pp. 193-227. Edinburgh, 1850. Translated into
French in Bibl. Univ. Geneve Arch. Sc. P/iys. et Nat., 4* se"rie,
Vol. XIX., pp. 15-31. Geneve, 1852.

1850. — 235. Classification of some of the Alollusca Acephala.
Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., p. 301. Boston, June, 1850.

1850. — 236. On the coloration of animals. Proc. Amer. Acad.
Arts and Sc., Vol. II.. p. 234. Boston, June, 1850.

1850. — 237. On the diversified functions of cells. Proc. Amer.
Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. II., p. 236. Boston. July, 1850.

1850. — 238. On the structure of the egg.. Proc. Amer. Acad.
Arts and Sc., Vol. II., p. 237. Boston, July, 1850.

1850. — 239. The diversity of origin of the human races. Chris-
tian Examiner and Religious Miscellany, Vol. XLIX., pp. 1 10-145.
Boston, July, 1850.

1850. — 240. On Silurida?. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc.,
Vol. II., p. 238. Boston, August, 1850.

1850. — 241. On the scales of the Bonito. Proc. Amer. Acad.
Arts and Sc., Vol. II., p. 238. Boston, August, 1850.

1850. — 242. On the growth of the Egg, prior to the develop-
ment of the Embryo. Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sc., Fourth Meet-
ing, New Haven, pp. 18-19. Washington. 1851.

1850. — 243. On the structure of the mouth in Crustacea. Proc.
.liner. Assoc. Adv. Sc., Fourth Meeting, New Haven, pp. 122-123.
Washington, 1851.

1850. — 244. On the relation between coloration and structure
in the higher animals. Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sc., Fourth Meet-
ing, New Haven, p. 194. Washington, 1851.

APPENDIX C. 285

1850. — 245. Announcement of an American Zoological Journal
at Cambridge, Massachusetts, "under the direction and editorship
of Professor Agassiz," which was never issued. Amer. Journ. Sc.,
2d Series, Vol. X., p. 287. September, 1850.

1850. — 246. A new naked-eyed Medusa, Rhacostoma Atlanti-
cum. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol . 1 1 1 ., pp. 342-343. Boston,
October, 1850.

1850. — 247. On the pores in the disc of Echinoderms. Proc.
Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., pp. 348-349. Boston, October,
1850.

1850. — 248. On Lamprey Eels (Petromyzontidae) and their
embryonic development and place in the natural history system.
Extract from Agassis on Lake Siiperior, pp. 249-252. Edinb. New
Phil. Journ., Vol. XLIX., pp. 242-246. Edinburgh, October,
1850.

1850. — 249. On the little bodies seen on Hydra. Proc. Boston
Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., pp. 354-355. Boston, November, 1850.

1850. — 250. On the soft parts of American fresh water-Mollusks.
Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. III., pp. 356-357. Boston,
November, 1850.

1850. — 251. De la classification des animaux dans ses rapports
avec leur ddveloppement embryonnaire et avec leur histoire pale-
ontologique. Bibl. Univ. Geneve, Arch. Sc. Phys. et Nat., 4e
serie, Vol. XV., pp. 190-204. Geneve, 1850.

1850. — 252. Classification of Mammalia, Birds, Reptiles, and
Fishes from embryonic and paleozoic data. Edinb. New Phil.
Journ., Vol. XLIX., pp. 395-398. Edinburgh, 1850.

1850. — 253. Glacial theory of the erratics and drifts of the New
and Old Worlds. Edinb. New Phil. Journ., Vol. XLIX., pp.
97-117 Edinburgh, 1850.

1851. — 254. The classification of Insects from embryological
data. Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, Vol. II., No. 6.
28 pages. Washington, 1851.

1851. — 255. Contemplations of God in the Kosmos. Christian

286 APPENDIX C.

Examiner and Religious Miscellany, Vol. L., pp. 1-17. Boston,
January, 1851.

1851. — 256. Extract from the Report of Professor Agassiz to
the Superintendent of the Coast Survey, on the Examination of the
Florida reefs, keys, and coasts. A tin. Rep. Supt. Coast Survey
during the year ending November, 185 1 . Appendix No. 10, pp. 145-
160. Svo. Washington, 1852. Reprinted in the Report U. S.
Coast Survey for the year 1866. Appendix No. 19, pp. 120-130,
4to. Washington, 1869.

1851. — 257. On the Florida coral reefs. Proc. Amer. Acad.
Arts and Sc., Vol. II., pp. 262-263. Boston, March, 1851.

1851. — 258. Results of an exploration of the coral reefs of
Florida, in connection with the U. S. Coast Survey. Proc. Amcr.
Assoc. Adv. Sc., Fifth Meeting, Cincinnati, May, 1851, pp. 81-85.
Washington. 1851.

1851. — 259. Report on the vertebrate fossils exhibited to the
Association. Proc. Ainer. Assoc. Adv. Sc., Fifth Meeting, Cincin-
nati, May, 1851, pp. 178-180. Washington, 1851.

1851. — 260. Observations on the Blind Fish of the Mammoth
Cave, in a letter to 15. Silliman. Amer. Journ. Sc., 2d Series,
Vol. XL, pp. 127-128, June, 1851. Reprinted in Edinb. New Phil.
Journ., Vol. LI., pp. 254-256, 1851.

1851. — 261. Shells of New England, by W. Stimpson. Svo.
Boston, 1851. The author quotes a manuscript of Louis Agassiz
on the Naiades of the New England species, pp. 13-15. Isaac
Lea has printed the three pages of Stimpson's quotation of Agassiz's
Mss., in his "Synopsis of the family of Unionidav' pp. xix-xx.
4to. Fourth edition. Philadelphia, 1870.

1851. — 262. Letter to Isaac Lea on Naiades. Proc. Amer.
Phil. Soc., Vol. V.. p. 219. Philadelphia, September, 1851.

1851. — 263. Remarks upon the unconformability of the paleo-
zoic formations of the United States. Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv.
Sc., Sixth Meeting, Albany, August, 1851, pp. 254-256. Washing-
ton, 1852.

APPENDIX C. 287

1851. — 264. On the Mansfield coal formation. Proc. Amer.
Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. II., pp. 270-271. Boston, November,
1851.

1851-1855. — 265. Grundziige der Geologic, 1851-1854, and Die
Zoologie. 1855. By Agassiz, Gould, and Perty. Stuttgart und
Leipzig. An unauthorized publication.

1852. — 266. Ueber die Gattung unter den nordamerikanischen
Najaden. Wiegmann Archiv, Naturgesch., Vol. XVIII., pp. 41-
52. Reprinted in part by Isaac Lea in "Synopsis of the family of
Unionidae,11 pp. xxii-xxiii. Fourth edition. 4to. Philadelphia,
1870.

1852. — 267. Hugh Miller, author of "Old Red Sandstone"
and "Footprints of the Creator,11 Cambridge, September, 1850.
Printed in The Footprints of the Creator, from the third London
edition, with a memoir of tJie Author by Louis Agassiz, pp. xi-
xxxvii. Boston, 1852.

1852. — 268. Des relations naturelles qui existent entre les ani-
maux et les milieux dans lesquels ils vivent. Bibl. Univ. Geneve,
-Arch. Sc. Phys. et Nat., 4e serie, Vol. XIX., pp. 15-31. Geneve,
1852.

1852. — 269. Zoological notes addressed to J. D. Dana. Amer.
Journ. Sc., 2d Series, Vol. XIII., pp. 425-426. May, 1852.

18^2. — 270. Diversity of origin of the human race. Proc.
Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. III., pp. 7-8. Boston, June, 1852.

1852. — 271. On the Allantois. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and
Sc., Vol. III., pp. 15-16. Boston, July, 1852.

1852. — 272. On organic tissues. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and
Sc., Vol. III., pp. 21-22. Boston, October, 1852.

1852. — 273. The earliest larval state of Intestinal Worms. In-
fusoria. Edinb. New Phil. Journ., Vol. LIII., pp. 314-315. 1852.

1853. — 274. Sur les Poissons des Etats-Unis. Comptes Rendus
Acad. sc. France, Vol. XXXVII., p. 184. Paris, 1853. LInstitut,
p. 287. Paris, 1853.

288 APPENDIX C.

1853. — 275. Family of Cyprinodonts. Proc. Amcr. Acad. Arts
and Sc., Vol. III., pp. 42-43. Boston. June, 1853.

1853. — 276. On cell-segmentation. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts
and Sc., Vol. III., pp. 46-47. Boston, June, 1853.

1853. --277. Recent researches in a letter addressed to J. D.
Dana. Amer. Journ. Sc., 2d Series, Vol. XVI., pp. 134-136, July,
1853-

1853. — 278. Notices of works on geology. Amer. Journ. Sc.,
2d Series, Vol. XVI., pp. 279-283, September, 1853.

1853. — 279. Notices of works on zoology. Amer. Journ. Sc.,
2d Series, Vol. XVI., pp. 283-287, September, 1853.

1853. — 280. On viviparous fishes from California or extraordi-
nary fishes from California constituting a new family. Amer.
Journ. Sc., 2d Series, Vol. XVI., pp. 380-390, November, 1853.
Edinb. New Phil. Journ., Vol. LVII., pp. 214-228, 1854.

1853. — 281. On cartilaginous fishes. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts
and Sc., Vol. III., pp. 63-64. Boston, November, 1853.

1853. — 282. Cestracion from China. Proc. Artier. Acad. Arts
and Sc., Vol. III., pp. 65-66. Boston, November, 1853.

1853. — 283. Age of the new red sandstone of Virginia and
North Carolina. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. III., p. 69.
Boston, December, 1853.

1853. — 284. Footmarks of the Potsdam sandstone. Proc. Amer.
Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. 111., p. 70. Boston. December, 1853.

1853. — 285. Fishes found in the Tennessee River. Proc.
Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. III., p. 70. Boston, December,
1853-

1854. --286. Notice of a collection of Fishes from the southern
bend of the Tennessee River in the State of Alabama. Amer.
Journ. Sc., 2d Series, Vol. XVII., pp. 297-308, March, 1854; and
pp. 353-365, with additional notes on the Holconoti, pp. 365-369,
May, 1854.

1854. — 287. The primitive diversity and number of animals in

APPENDIX C. 289

geological times. Amer. Journ. Sc., 2cl Series, Vol. XVII., pp. 309-
324, May, 1854. Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist., Vol. XIV., pp. 350-366.
1854. Edinb. New Phil. Journ., Vol. LVIL, pp. 271-292. Trans-
lated into French in Bibl. Univ. Arch. Sc. Phys. et Nat., Geneve,
Vol. XXX., pp. 27-50. 1855.

1854. — 288. Sketch of the natural provinces of the animal
world and their relation to the different types of man (with coloured
lithographic tableau and map). Contributed by L. Agassiz, in
Types of Mankind, by J. C. Nott and G. R. Gliddon, pp. Iviii-
Ixxvi. 4to. Philadelphia, 1854. Reprinted in Edinb. New Phil.
Journ., Vol. LVIL, pp. 347-363- 1854.

1854. — 289. Phenomena accompanying the first appearance of
a circulating system. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. III.,
p. 1 66. Boston, October, 1854.

1855. — 290. On the Ichthyological fauna of Western America,
or Synopsis of the Ichthyological fauna of the Pacific slope of
North America, chiefly from the collections made by the United
States Exploring Expedition, under command of Capt. C. Wilkes,
with recent additions and comparisons with Eastern types. Amer.
Journ. Sc., 2d Series, Vol. XIX., pp. 7J~99' January, 1855; and
pp. 215-231, March, 1855.

1855. — 291- Discovery of Viviparous Fish in Louisiana, by
Dr. Dowler. Amer. Journ. Sc., 2d Series, Vol. XIX., pp. 133-
136. January, 1855. DInstitut, Vol. XXIV., p. 164. Paris, 1856.
(Poissons Vivipares.)

1855. — 292. Letter on the Smithsonian Institution, addressed
to the Hon. Charles W. Upham. Amer. Journ. Sc., 2d Series,
Vol. XIX.. pp. 284-287. March, 1855.

1855. — 293. Lettre a M. Elie de Beaumont sur le deVeloppe-
ment des etres ou Transformations embryologiques. Bull. Soc.
geol. France, 2" se'rie, Vol. XIL, pp. 353-354- Paris, mars, 1855.

1855.— 294. Classification of Polyps. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts
and Sc., Vol. III., pp. 187-190. Boston, April, 1855.

1855. — 295. On the so-called footprints of birds in the Connect-

VOL. II. — U

2QO APPENDIX C.

icut River Sandstone. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts andSc.,Vo\. III.,
p. 193. Boston, May. 1855.

1855. — 296. Contributions to the Natural History of the United
States of America. Prospectus. 4to. Boston, June. 1855. Re-
printed in Amer. Journ. Sc., 2d series, Vol. XX., pp. 149-151.
July, 1855.

1856. — 297. Classification in Zoology. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts
andSc., Vol. III., p. 221. Boston, January, 1856.

1856. — 298. On the Geographical Distribution of Turtles in the
United States. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VI., pp. 6-8.
Boston, July, 1856.

1856. — 299. Ovarian impregnation in Fishes and Chelonians.
Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist.,Vo\. VI., pp. 9-10. Boston. July,
1856.

1856. --300. Embryology of a species of shark (Acantkeus
Americanus). Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VI., pp. 37-38.
Boston, August, 1856.

1856. — 301. Orthagoriscus mola. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and
Sc., Vol. III., p. 319. Boston, August, 1856.

1856. — 302. On OimcE. In a letter to J. D. Dana. Amer.
Journ. Sc., 2d Series, Vol. XXII., pp. 285-286. September,
1856.

!g^6. — 303. The class of Fishes, divided into several distinct
classes. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VI., p. 63. Boston,
November, 1856.

!856. — 304. The Glanis of Aristotle. Proc. Amer. Acad.
Arts and Sc., Vol. III., pp. 325-333. Boston, November, 1856.

1856. — 305. On the general characters of orders in the classifi-
cation of the animal kingdom. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and ^ ,
Vol. III., p. 346. Boston, December, 1856.

1856. — 306. Notice of the fossil Fishes. Explorations and
Surveys for a railroad route from the Mississippi River t<> the
J'acific Ocean. Report of explorations in California, by Lieutenant

APPENDIX C. 291

R. S. Williamson, Vol. V. Appendix, Article I., pp. 313-316.
One plate. 4to. Washington, 1856.

Nota bene. — This is the only paper on fossil fishes written by
Agassiz, after leaving Europe in 1846.

1857. — 307. Obituary of Francis C. Gray. Proc. Amer. Acad.
Arts and Sc., Vol. III., pp. 347-349. Boston, January, 1857.

1857. — 308. On the correspondence of different stages of em-
bryonic development with the different stages of geological succes-
sion. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. III., pp. 353-354-
Boston, January, 1857.

1857. — 309. On de Beaumont's theory. Proc. Amer. Acad.
Arts andSc., Vol. III., p. 355. Boston, January, 1857.

1857. — 310. The order to which Ammonites belong. Proc.
Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. III., pp. 356-357- Boston, Feb-
ruary, 1857.

1857.— 311. The family of Naiades. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts
andSc., Vol. III., pp. 3?8-379- Boston, March, 1857.

1857. — 312. Nouvelle espece d'Esoce du Lac Ontario. L'lnsti-
tiit, Vol. XXV., p. 128. Paris, 1857.

!857. — 313. Letter from Professor L. Agassiz, in "Prefatory
remarks," by G. R. Gliddon, in Indigenous Races of the Earth,
pp. xiii-xv. 4to. London and Philadelphia, 1857.

1857. — 314. Various existing systems of classification of fishes.
Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. IV., pp. 8-9. Boston,
December, 1857.

1857-1862. — 315. Contributions to the natural history of the
United States of America. 4vols. 4to. Boston, 1857-1862. Vols.
I. and II. were published in 1857; Vol. III., in 1860; Vol. IV., in
1862. Contents: Vol. I., Essay on classification. — North Ameri-
can Testudinata. Vol. II., Embryology of the Turtle. Vol. III.,
Acalephs in general. — Ctenophorae. Vol. IV., Discophorae. -
Hydroidae. — Homologies of the Radiata. Announced in the Pro-
spectus as a work of ten quarto volumes, only four of which uvn
published.

292 APPENDIX C.

1858. — 316. What constitutes an individual in natural history ?
Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. IV., pp. 17-18. Boston,
January, 1858.

1858. — 317. Account of his visit to the reefs of Florida. Proc.
Boston Sac. Nat. Hist., Vol. VI., p. 364. Boston, April, 1858.

1858. — 318. On lasso cells upon living corals. Proc. Boston
Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VI., p. 367. Boston, April, 1858.

1858. — 319. Observations upon Corals. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat.
Hist., Vol. VI., pp. 373-374. Boston, May, 1858.

1858. — 320. Observations on the egg-case of Skates. Proc.
Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VI., pp. 377-378. Boston, May, 1858.

1858. — 321. Sketch of the labors of the late Professor Johannes
Miiller. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VI., pp. 382-383.
Boston, June, 1858.

1858. — 322. A new species of Skate from the Sandwich Islands
(Goniobatis meleagris Ag.). Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol.
VI., p. 385. Boston, June, 1858.

1858. — 323. The animals of Millepora are Hydroid Acalephs,
and not Polyps. In a letter to J. D. Dana. Amer. Journ. Sc.,
2d Series, Vol. XXVI., pp. 140-141. July, 1858. Bibl. Univ.
Gen&ve, Arch. Sc. Phys. et Nat., Vol. V., pp. 80-8 1. 1859.

1858. — 324. New fishes from Lake Nicaragua, collected by
Julius Froebel. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VI., pp. 407-
408. Boston, October, 1858.

1858. — 325. Remarks on the Lump-fish {Discoboli) from the
Florida reefs. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VI., pp. 41 1-412.
Boston, October, 1858.

1858. — 326. Some remarks on a catalogue of fishes of Jamaica,
by R. Hill of Kingston. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VI.,
pp. 414-415. Boston, November, 1858.

1858. — 327. On some Salmonido.-; The Characini ; On the so-
called migrations of fishes. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VI.,
pp. 418-419. Boston, November, 1858.

APPENDIX C. 293

1858. — 328. The classification of Fishes. Proc. Amer. Acad.
Arts and Sc., Vol. IV., p. 108. Boston, December, 1858.

1859. — 329. Similarity between the fauna of Northeastern
America and that of Northeastern Asia. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts
and Sc., Vol. IV., pp. 133-134. Boston, January, 1859.

1859. — 330. On Marcou's " Geology of North America." Amer.
Jonrn. Sc., 2d Series, Vol. XXVII., pp. 134-137. January, 1859.
Reprinted in " Reply to the Criticisms of James D. Dana,1' by Jules
Marcou, pp. 26-30. 40 pages, 8vo. Zurich, 1859.

1859. — 331- On some new Actinoid Polyps of the coast of the
United States. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VII., pp. 23-24.
Boston, February, 1859.

1859. — 332. Origin of Animals. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and
Sc., Vol. IV., pp. 177-179. Boston, February, 1859.

1859. — 333. The scientific career of Alexander von Humboldt.
Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. IV., pp. 234-247. Boston,
May, 1859.

1859. — 334. Alexander von Humboldt. Eulogy by Professor
Agassiz before the American Academy of Arts and Sciences,
delivered on the 24th of May. Amer. Journ. Sc., 2d Series, Vol.
XXVIII., pp. 96-107. July, 1859.

1859. — 335. On reversed bivalve shells. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat.
Hist., Vol. VII., pp. 166-167. Boston, October, 1859.

1859. — 336. Discoveries of prehistoric remains on the shores of
Lake Neuchatel. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. IV., p. 326.
Boston, October, 1859.

1859. — 337. Morphology of the genus Eurypterns. Proc. Amer.
Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. IV., p. 353. Boston, December, 1859.

1859. — 338. The best arrangement of a Zoological Museum.
Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VII., pp. 191-192. Boston,
December, 1859.

1859. — 339. An essay on classification. An octavo reprint of
the "Essay on Classification " contained in Vol. I. of the "Con-

294 APPENDIX C.

tributions to the Natural History of the United States of America,"
p. 381. London, 1859.

1860. — 340. A communication in opposition to the theory of
origin of species of Mr. Darwin. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist.,
Vol. VII., pp. 231-235. Boston, February, 1860.

1860. — 341. On consecutive fauns and their corresponding num-
ber of geological formations. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VI I .,
pp. 241-245, 250-252. Boston, March, 1860.

1860. — 342. Discussion on the theory of Prof. W. B. Rogers,
of subsidence and denudation of the ocean-floor. Proc. Boston Soc.
Arat. Hist., Vol. VII., pp. 271-275. Boston, April, 1860.

1860. — 343. On the Arctic Sea. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and
Sc., Vol. IV., pp. 422-423. Boston, April, 1860.

1 860. — 344. Homologies of the Radiata. Proc. Amer, Acad. Arts
and Sc., Vol. IV., p. 441. Boston, May, 1860.

1860. — 345. Individuality and specific differences among Aca-
lephs ; or, Professor Agassiz on the origin of species. Published
from advanced sheets of the third volume of the Contributions to the
Natural History of the United States. — Amer. Journ. Sc., 2d series,
Vol. XXX., pp. 142-154. July, 1860.

1860. — 346. Varieties do not in reality exist as such. Proc.
Amer. Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. V., p. 72. Boston, October, 1860.

1860. — 347. On the age of some of the sandstones of North
America. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VII., pp. 356-357.
Boston, 1860.

1860. — 348. On Afallotiis vittosiis of Labrador. Proc. Boston
Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VII., p. 399. Boston, November, 1860.

1 86 1. — 349. Report of the Director of the Museum of Compara-
tive Zoology, for the year 1859, presented to the Board of Trustees
in January, 1860. In Report of the Trustees of the Museum of
Comparative Zoology, 1861, pp. 33-37. Svo. Boston, 1861.

1861. — 350. Report of the Director of the Museum of Compara-
tive Zoology, for the year 1860. January 30, 1861. In Report of

APPENDIX C. 295

the Trustees of the Museum, in 1861, pp. 43-49. 8vo. Boston,
1861.

1861. — 35 1. Discussion on the primordial fauna. Proc. Boston
Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VIII., pp. 58-59. Boston, January, 1861.

1861. — 352. Some remarks on the circumscription of animals in
the ocean. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VIII., p. 60. Boston,
January, 1861.

1 86 1. — 353. Observations on the rate of increase and other char-
acters of fresh-water shells, Unios. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist.,
Vol. VIII., pp. 100-102. Boston, February, 1861.

1861. — 354. Perforation in rocks made by the Saxicava rugosa,
a bivalve shell. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VIII., p. 102.
Boston, February, 1861.

1861. — 355. Two individual corals developed from one base.
Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VIII., p. 104. Boston, February,
1861.

1861. — 356. Pressure on living star-fishes at great depths. Proc.
Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VIII., p. 104. Boston, February, 1861.

1861. — 357. On the homologies of Echinoderms. Proc. Boston
Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VIII., pp. 235-238. Boston, November, 1861.

1861. — 358. Remarks on bilateral symmetry and laterality in
mollusks. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. VIII ., p. 279. Boston,
November, 1861.

1862. — 359. Third Annual Report of the Museum of Compara-
tive Zoology, October, 1861. In Annual Report of the Trustees of
the Museum of Comparative Zoology, together with tJie Report of the
Director, 1862, pp. 5-17. 8vo. Boston, 1862.

1862. — 360. Directions for collecting objects of natural history,
by L. Agassiz, Director of the Museum of Comparative Zoology.
8 p. 8vo. No date, no place of publication. Cambridge, 1862.

1862. — 361. Highly interesting discovery of new Sauroid re-
mains. In a letter to B. Silliman. Amer. Journ. Sc., 2d series,
Vol. XXXIII., p. 138. January, 1862.

796 APPENDIX C.

1862. — 362. The structure of animal life. Six lectures delivi-n-d
at the Brooklyn Academy of Music, in January and February, 1862.
New York. A fourth edition was issued at New York, in 1886.

1862. — 363. On homologies of Brachiopoda. Proc. Boston Soc.
Nat. Hist., Vol. IX., pp. 68-69. Boston, May, 1862.

1862. — 364. On the Megatheroids. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist.,
Vol. IX., pp. 101-102. Boston, June, 1862.

1862. — 365. On development of Ranatemporaria. Proc. Boston
Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. IX., p. 174. Boston, October, 1862.

1862. — 366. On the subdivisions of Tertiary strata. Proc. Boston
Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. IX , p. 174. Boston, October, 1862.

1862. — 367. Differences among the faunae of fossils. Proc. Amer.
Acad. Arts and Sc., Vol. VI., p. Si. Boston, October, 1862.

1862. — 368. On geographical distribution of the fresh-water
fishes. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. IX., p. 178. Boston,
November, 1862.

1863. — 369. Methods of study in natural history. i2mo. Bos-
ton. 1863.

Nota bene. — Appeared first in serial form in the Atlantic Monthly,
Vol. IX., 1861, pp. 1-13, 214-222. 327-337, 446-460, 570-578, 754-
762 ; and Vol. X., 1862, pp. 87-98, 325-336, 571-580 ; under the fol-
lowing titles : General sketch of the early progress in natural history.
Nomenclature and classification. Categories in classification. Clas-
sification and creation — Different views respecting orders. Gra-
dation among animals. Analogous types. Family characteristics.
The characters of genera. Species and breeds. Formation of
coral reefs. Age of coral reefs as showing permanence of species.
Homologies. Alternate generations. The ovarian egg. The clos-
ing chapter, Embryology and Classification, did not appear in the
Atlantic Monthly.

This is the most popular volume published by Agassiz. A nine-
teenth edition was issued in 1889.

1863. — 370. Fourth Annual Report of the Museum of Compara-
tive Zoology, October, 1 862 . I n Annual Report of the Trustees of
the Museum, etc., 1862; pp. 5-13. Svo. Boston, 1863.

APPENDIX c. 297

1863. — 371. On the enigmatic fossil of Solenhofen. Proc. Boston
Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. IX., p. 191. Boston, January, 1863.

1863. — 372. Geographical distribution of Echini. Proc. Boston
Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. IX., pp. 191-192. Boston, January, 1863.

1863. — 373. On the natural attitude of the Megatherium. Proc.
Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. IX., p. 193. Boston, January, 1863.

1863. — 374. On the young of fishes. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat.
Hist., Vol. IX., p. 326. Boston, October, 1863.

1864. — 375. Fifth Annual Report of the Director of the Museum
of Comparative Zoology. In Annual Report of tJie Trustees of the
Museum, etc., 1863, pp. 6-iS. Svo. Boston, 1864.

1865. — 376. Sixth Annual Report of the Director of the Museum
of Comparative Zoology, at Harvard College, in Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts. In Annual Report of tJie Trustees of the Museum, etc.,
1864, pp. 7-17. Svo. Boston, 1865.

1865. — 377. Metamorphoses subies par certains Poissons avant
de prendre la forme propre a Tadulte. Comptes Rendus Acad. sc.
France, Vol. LX., pp. 152-153. Paris, 1865. Ann. sc. nat. Zoologie,
5e se'rie, Vol. III., pp. 55-58. Paris, 1865. Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist.,
3d series, Vol. XVI., pp. 69-70. London, 1865.

1865-1866. — 378. Lettres relatives a la faurie Ichthyologique de
TAmazone. Ann. sc. nat. Zoologie, 5" serie, Vol. IV., pp. 382-383,
Paris, 1865 ; Vol. V., pp. 226-228, 309-311, Paris, 1866.

1866. — 379. Geological sketches. First series, I2mo, Boston,
1866. Reprinted in 1870.

Nota bene. — Appeared first in serial form in the Atlantic
Monthly, Vol. XL, 1863, pp. 373-382, 460-471, 615-625, 742-756;
and Vol. XII., pp. 72-81, 212-224, 333-342, 568-576, 751-767; and
Vol. XIII. , 1864, pp. 56-65; under the following titles: America
the Old World. The Silurian beach. The fern forests of the
Carboniferous period. Mountains and their origin. The growth
of continents. The geological middle age. The Tertiary age and
its characteristic animals. The formation of glaciers. Internal struc-
ture and progression of glaciers. External appearance of glaciers.

298 APPENDIX C.

1866. — 380. Conversances scientificas sobre o Amazonas feitas na
sala do externato do Collegio de Pedro II., durante o mez de Maio
de 1866. Translated into Portuguese by Fe'lix Vogeli. 71 pages,
Svo. Rio de Janeiro, 1866. A French translation of a part has
appeared under the title, " Apergu du cours de TAmazone d'apres
le Professeur Agassiz " par la Redaction du Bulletin de la Socie'te de
Geographic de Paris (Charles Maunoir, Secre'taire-gdne'ral). Bull.
Soc. Ghgraphie, Paris, Vol. XII., pp. 433-457. Paris, de"cembre,
1866. Reprinted under the title. " Bassin de TAmazone" in Mem.
et Bull. Soc. Geogr. de Geneve, Vol. VII., pp. 150-196. Geneve,
1868.

1866. — 381. Lettre a Marcou sur la geologic de la valle'e de
TAmazone occup^e par un loess, avec des remarques de Jules Mar-
cou. Bull. Soc. gcol. France, 2 sdrie, Vol. XXIV., pp. 109-110.
Paris, de'cembre, 1866. Leonhard und Bronn, Nenes Jahrb., Vol.
XXXVIII., pp. 180-181. 1867.

1867. — 382. Report on use of a new hall in the Smithsonian.
Report Smithso nian Institution for 1867, pp. 109-111. Washing-
ton, 1868.

1867. — 383. Annual Report of the Director of the Museum of
Comparative Zoology on resuming his duties in 1866. In Annual
Report of the Trustees of the Museum, etc., 1866. p. 4, with a
"Special Report of the Director," pp. 8-17. Svo. Boston, 1867.

1867. — 384. Observations gdologiques faites dans la vallce de
TAmazone. Comptes Rendus Acad. sc. France, Vol. LXIV., pp.
1269-1270. Paris, 1867. Leonhard und Broun, Neues Ja/irb.,
Vol. XXXVIII.. pp. 676-680. 1867.

1867. — 385. Remarks upon the antiquity of man. Proc. Boston
Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. XI., pp. 304-305. Boston, October, 1867.

!867. — 386. On phyllotaxis. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. I fist.,
Vol. XI., pp. 315-316. Boston, November. 1867.

1867. — 387. Examination of the skulls of the American bison
and the European aurochs. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. XI..
pp. 316-318. Boston, November, 1867.

( • 299

1867. — 3^8- A Cetacean new to America. Proc. Boston Soc.
Nat. Hist., Vol. XL, p. 318. Boston, November, 1867.

1867. — 389. Remarks on the Taconic system. Proc. Boston
Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. XL, pp. 353-354. Boston, December, 1867.

1867. — 390. On the classification of the Siluroids. Proc.
Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. XL, p. 354. Boston, December, 1867.

1868. — 391. Report of the Director of the Museum. In Annual
Report of the Trustees of the Museum of Comparative Zoology at
Harvard College, in Cambridge, together with the Report of the
Director, 1867, pp. 4-12. Svo. Boston, 1868.

1868. — 392. Stir la geologie de TAmazone, par MM. Agassiz
et Coutinho ; notice redigee et communiquee par M. Jules Marcou.
Bull. Soc. geol. France, 2e serie, Vol. XXV., pp. 685-691. Paris,
mai, 1868.

1868. — 393. A Journey in Brazil by Professor and Mrs. Louis
Agassiz. 540 pages. Svo. Boston, iS6S.

1869. — 394. Voyage au Bresil par Mine, et M. Louis Agassiz,
traduit de T Anglais par Felix Vogeli. Avec additions et plus de
gravures et de cartes. 532 pages. Svo. Paris, 1869. This is more
complete than the English edition of 1868.

In 1872 an abridged edition was published at Paris, under the
title, " Voyage au Bresil de Louis Agassiz, abrege sur la traduction
de F. Vogeli. " I2mo. Carte et 16 gravures.

1869. — 395. Report of the Director of the Museum of Compara-
tive Zoology, for the year 1868. In Annual Report of the Trustees
of the Museum, etc., 1868, pp. 4-12. Svo. Boston, 1869.

1869. — 396. De Tespece et de sa classification en Zoologie.
Traduit de 1'anglais par Felix Vogeli. Edition francaise revue et
augmentee par Tauteur de r Essay on Classification. Svo. Paris,
1869.

1869. — 397. Principes rationnels de la classification Zoologique.
Revue des Cours Scientiftqnes, Vol. VI., pp. 146-165. Paris, 1869.
Extrait de la traduction fran9aise, "An essay on classification."

1869. — 398. Nature et definition des especes. Revue des Cours

300 APPENDIX C.

Scientific nes, \o\. VI.. pp. 166-169. Paris, 1869. Kxtrait tin vol-
ume, traduit en francais, "An essay on classification."

1869. — 399. Ordre d'apparition des caract^res zoologiques pen-
dant la vie embryonnaire. Revue des Conrs Scientifigues, Vol. VI..
pp. 169-171. Paris, 1869. Extrait du volume traduit en francais,
" An essay on classification."

1869. — 400. Address delivered on the centennial anniversary of
the birth of Alexander von Humboldt, under the auspices of the
Boston Society of Natural History. 58 pages, Svo. Boston, 1869.
The leading newspapers of Boston, New York, etc., reprinted
Agassiz's address in full.

1869. — 401. Report upon deep-sea dredgings in the Gulf Stream,
during the third cruise of the United States steamer Bibb,
addressed to Professor Benjamin Pierce, superintendent United
States Coast Survey. Bull. Mies. Comp. Zool., Vol. I., pp. 363-
386. Cambridge, November, 1869.

jgyo. — 402. Report of the Director of the Museum of Compar-
ative Zoology, for the year 1869. In Annual Report of the Trusted
of the Museum, etc., 1869, pp. 4-11. Svo. Boston, 1870.

1870. — 403. On the former existence of local glaciers in the
White Mountains. Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sc., Nineteenth Meet-
ing, Troy, New York, Vol. XIX., pp. 161-167. Cambridge, 1871.
Amer. Naturalist, Vol. IV., pp. 550-558. 1871.

1871. — 404. Report of the Director of the Museum of Compar-
ative Zoology, for the year 1870. In Annual Report of the Trustees
of the Museum, etc., 1870, pp. 4-8. Svo. Boston, 1871.

1871. — 405. Eulogy of Dr. J. E. Holbrook. Proc. Boston Soc.
Nat. Hist., Vol. XIV., pp. 347-351. Boston, October, 1871.

1871. — 406. Observations on a set of boulders in Berkshire
County and Wachusett range, Massachusetts. Proc. Boston Soc.
Nat. Hist., Vol. XIV., pp. 385-386. Boston, October, 1871.

1871. 407. Mode of Copulation among the Selachians. /V,>< .

Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., Vol. XIV.. pp. 339-341- Boston, October,
1871.

APPENDIX C. 301

1871. — 408. Letter concerning deep-sea dredging, addressed to
Professor Benjamin Pierce. Bull. Mus. Comp. Zool., Vol. III.,
pp. 49-53. Cambridge, December, 1871. Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist.,
Vol. IX., pp. 169-174. London, 1872.

1872. — 409. Report of the Director of the Museum of Com-
parative Zoology, for the year 1871. In Annual Report of the
Trustees of the Museum, etc., 1871, pp. 4-8. Svo. Boston, 1872.

1872. — 410. Fish-nest (of Chironectes Pictus) in the seaweed of
the Sargasso Sea. Amer. Journ. Sc., 3d Series, Vol. III., pp.
154-156. 1872. Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist., 4th Series, Vol. IX.,
pp. 243-245. London, 1872. Bulletin Soc. sc. nat. NeiichAtel,
Vol. IX., pp. 165-169. Neuchatel, 1873.

1872. — 411. Agassiz's deep-sea explorations. More about the
trilobites. In a letter to Professor Pierce, published in The New
York Tribune, and reprinted in The Canadian Naturalist, Vol. VI.,
New Series, pp. 358-361. Montreal, 1872.

1872. — 412. Glacial action in Fuegia and Patagonia. Abstract
of a letter by Professor Agassiz of the Hassler Expedition, addressed
to Prof. B. Pierce, dated Talcahuana, April 27. Amer. Journ. Sc.,
3d Series, Vol. IV., pp. 135-136. August, 1872.

1872. — 413. Address to the California Academy of Science, in
Response to an Introduction. Proc. California Acad. Sc., Vol.
IV., p. 253, Sept. 2, 1872. San Francisco, 1872.

1872. — 414. Remarks on results of the Hassler Expedition.
Proc. California Acad. Sc., Vol. IV., pp. 257-258, Sept. 2. San
Francisco, 1872. Mining and Scientific Press, Vol. XXV., p. 153,
Sept. 7. San Francisco, 1872.

1872. — 415. A lecture on the natural history of the animal
kingdom. Mining and Scientific Press, Vol. XXV., pp. 262-265.
San Francisco, October, 1872. Overland Monthly, Vol. IX., pp.
461-466. San Francisco, October, 1872.

1872. — 416. Sketch of a voyage from Boston to San Francisco.
Professor Agassiz's Narrative. Smithsonian Report for 1872. Ap-
pendix to the Journal of Proceedings of the Board of Regents,

302 APPENDIX C.

pp. 87-92. Washington, 1873. Also in Misc. Coll. Smithsonian
Institution, Vol. XVIII., pp. 394-400. Washington, 1872.

1873. — 4T7- Voyage d'exploration scientifiquc dans TAtlantique
ct TAmerique du Sud. Revue des Cours Scientifiques, 2C se'rie, Vol.
IV., pp. 1077-1093. Paris, 1873.

1873. — 4J8- Structure and growth of domesticated animals.
Aincr. Naturalist, Vol. VII., pp. 641-657. Salem, 1873. Twentieth
Annual Report of the Mass. Board of Agriculture. Boston, Decem-
ber 3, 1872.

POSTHUMOUS PUBLICATIONS.

1874. — 419. Evolution and permanence of type. Atlantic
Monthly, Vol. XXXIII., pp. 92-101. Boston, January, 1874.

1874. — 420. The Darwinian theory. Fac-simile of a letter sent
to James A. Parsons, in reply to an inquiry as to Agassiz's views.
Scientific American, Vol. XXX., p. 85. February 7, 1874.

1874. — 421. Three different modes of teething among Sela-
chians. Amer. Naturalist, Vol. VIII., pp. 129-135. Salem, March,
1874.

1874. — 422. Two letters addressed to Alexander Murray and
Jules Marcou on Gigantic Cuttle-Fishes of Newfoundland. Amer.
Naturalist, Vol. VIII., pp. 226-227. Salem, April, 1874. The
letter to Alexander Murray is reprinted in Maritime Monthly Mag.,
Vol. III., p. 207. Saint John, New Brunswick, March, 1874.

1874. — 423. The organization and progress of the Anderson
School of Natural History at Penikese Island. Report of the
Trustees for 1873. Contains several letters, addresses, and a cir-
cular by Louis Agassiz. 20 pages and 3 plates, 8vo. Cambridge.
1874.

1876. — 424. Geological sketches. 2d Series, I2mo. Boston,
1876.

Nota bene. — Appeared first in serial form in the Atlantic
Monthly, Vol. XIII.. 1X64, pp. 224-232, 723-736; Vol. XVIII.,
1866, pp. 49-60, 159-169; and Vol. XIX., 1867, pp. 211-220, 281

APPENDIX C. 303

287 ; under the following titles : Glacial Period, The Parallel Roads
of Glen Roy in Scotland, Ice Period in America, Glacial Phenom-
ena in Maine, Physical History of the Valley of the Amazons.
Edited by Mrs. E. C. Agassiz.

The paper " Glacial Phenomena in Maine," published in the
Atlantic Monthly, Vol. XIX., pp. 211-220 and 281-287, February
and March, 1867, has been translated into French, and published in
Bibl. Univ. Gen&ve, Arch. Sc. Phys. ct Nat., Vol. XXVIII., pp. 319-
352. Geneve, 1867.

1880. — 425. Report on the Florida reefs, by Louis Agassiz;
accompanied by illustrations of Florida corals, from drawings by
A. Sonrel, Burkhardt, Alexander Agassiz, and Roetter; with an
explanation of the plates by L. F. de Pourtales. 21 pages and 23
plates. May. 1880. Mem. Mus. Comp. Zool., Vol. VII., No. i.
Cambridge, 1882.

INDEX.

Aar, Glacier of, i. 147, 163, 175, 187,
195, 203, 219, 250, 251, 263.

Academy of Natural Sciences, Phila-
delphia, ii. 27.

Agasse, M., publisher in Paris, i. 3.

Agassiz, family origin, i. i; different
branches of the family, i. 2 ; coat of
arms, i. 2; name in Arabic, Mau-
resque, and Saracenic language, i. 3 ;
name in Italy, i. 3; an Agassiz mar-
ried to a French Huguenot, i. 4;
family connections in the Cevennes
and Provence, i. 4 ; descendants of
French Huguenots mere tradition, i.
4 ; family features Swiss and Jurassic,
i. 4.

Agassiz, Rodolphe Benjamin Louis,
father of Louis, i. 5 ; pastor at Mo-
tier, i. 5; leaves St. Imier, i. 6; his
children, i. 7 ; as a teacher, i. 8.

Agassiz, Auguste, at the College of
Bienne, i. 10.

Agassiz, Mrs. Rose, i. 14.

Agassiz, Mrs. Cecile, as an artist, i. 57 ;
dislikes Neuchatel.i. 58 ; an excellent
and careful mother, i. 66; in poor
health, i. 246 ; joins her family at
Carlsruhe, i. 246 ; her death, ii. 18.

Agassiz, Alexander, i. 232, 262, ii. 51,
61, 88, 137, 192.

Agassiz, Jean Louis Rodolphe.

VOL. I. Born at Motier, 7 ; takes
naturally to water, 8 ; the best pupil
of his father, 8 ; his passion for col-
lecting objects of natural history, 9 ;
goes to the College of Bienne, 9 ; his
capacity for languages, 9 ; geography
his favourite study, 10 ; walks to and
from Motier and Bienne, 10 ; vaca-
tions spent at his grandfather's, Dr.
Mayor, ii ; country life at Cudrefin,
ii ; as a sportsman, 12; enters the

VOL. II. — X 305

commercial house of his uncle, 13;
at the College of Lausanne, 13; re-
solves to become a naturalist, 13 ;
asks permission to study medicine,
14 ; as an admirer of the fair sex, 14 ;
goes to the University of Zurich, 14 ;
studies ornithology, 14 ; student life
at Zurich, 15 ; his friendship for
Arnold Escher, 15 ; his motto " First
at work, and first at play," 16; his
constitution, 16; goes to the Univer-
sity of Heidelberg, 16 ; becomes ac-
quainted with Alexander Braun and
Karl Schimper, 16 ; visits Carliiruhe,
16; sickness at Heidelberg, 18 ; ex-
plores the environs of Orbe, 38 ;
writes his first essay in natural history
at Orbe, 18 ; his first artists, the two
" Ceciles," 19 ; joins Braun at Carls-
ruhe, 20; portrait by Miss Cecile
Braun, 20; goes to Munich, 21;
visits the Royal Museum at Stutt-
gart, 21 ; visits Esslingen, 21 ; visit
to Ferdinand von Hochstetter, 21 ;
at Munich, with Braun and Schim-
per, 21 ; at the house of Dollinger,
22; becomes Germanized, 22; Er-
•wiedening attf Dr. Karl Schimper' s
Aiignffe, 22 ; as a swordsman, 22 ;
his pleasure in fencing, 23 ; chal-
lenges the German Club, 23 ; confines
himself to work on fishes, 24; his
yearly allowance, 24; student life at
Munich, 24 ; his happy life at Munich,
25 ; his acquaintance courted by all,
25 ; doctor of medicine, 26 ; doctor
of philosophy from the University of
Erlangen, 26; Martins secures his
services on the fishes of Brazil, 27 ;
receives his degree of doctor of
medicine, 27; his fishes of Brazil
attracts the attention of Cuvier, 28 ;

INDEX,

first success enjoyed by his family,
28 ; vacation spent at Heidelberg,
Carlsruhe, and Orbe, 28 ; work at
the Munich and Strasbourg Mu-
seums, 28 ; not a good business man,
29; letter to his father, 30; begins
work on his Poissons fossiles, 31 ;
goes to Vienna, 31 ; goes to Concise
with Dinkel, 32; on the Lake of
Neuchatel. 43; the "Little Acad-
emy," 33 ; resolves to visit Paris,
33 ; generosity of Christinat, 34 ;
journey to Paris, collecting material,
34; letter to his mother, 35; his
manner of interviewing, 35 ; first
visit to Paris, 36 ; first meeting with
Cuvier, 37 ; object in visiting Paris,
39 ; Cuvier's assistance, 39 ; Cuvier's
gift of drawings and notes, 39 ; edi-
torship of the zoological part of
Bulletin des amionces et des nou-
velles scientifiques, 40 ; breakfasts
with Humboldt, 40; journey to Nor-
mandy, 42 ; seashore at Dieppe, 42 ;
Cuvier's influence, 43; resolves to
leave Paris, 43 ; difficulty of obtain-
ing an official position in Paris,
46; persuaded by Humboldt to ac-
cept professorship at Neuchatel, 47 ;
leaves Paris, 47 ; gives up all hope
of travel beyond Europe, 48 ; dislike
of intrigue, 48 ; professor of natural
history at Neuchatel, 50; first es-
tablishment at Neuchatel, 50; lect-
ures in the City Hall, Neuchatel,
51 ; arranged a museum in the Or-
phans' Home, Neuchatel, 51 ; inau-
gural lecture at Neuchatel, 51 ;
founded the Socilte des Sciences
Natur elles de Neuchtitel, 52; first
contribution to the " Soci6t6 des
Sciences Naturclles," 52; tribute to
Cuvier, 52 ; lectures on zoology and
botany, 53; takes his pupils on ex-
cursions, 53; offer of an appoint-
ment at Heidelberg, 53 ; consults
Humboldt about the call to Heidel-
berg, 53; letter to Humboldt, 53;
sells his collection to the Museum,
Neuchatcl, 55; desire to marry, 55;
engagement to Miss Cecile Braun,

57; marriage, 57; first three years
of married life, 58 ; first number of
Fossil Fishes, 58 ; memoir read be-
fore the Natural History Society
of Neuchatel, 59; first visit to Eng-
land, 59; work at the rooms of Geo-
logical Society, Somerset House, 59 ;
lectures on the state of Natural
Science in England, 60 ; publications
on the echinoderms, 61 ; devoted
to his work on Fossil Fishes, 62;
method of publication of Fossil
Fishes, 63 ; takes his wife to Carls-
ruhe, 63; second visit to England,
63 ; becomes his own publisher, 64 ;
growing expenses, 64; receives one
hundred guineas from the British
Association lor the Advancement of
Science, 64; visit to Dublin, 64; life
at Florence Court, 66; his children,
66 ; constantly increasing work at
Neuchiltel, 67 ; letters to Jules Pictet,
67 ; receives the Wollaston medal, 72 ;
visits Charpentier at Bex, 83 ; con-
verted to the views of Venetz and de
Charpentier, 83 ; social life at Bex,
84; his power of quick perception,
85; the Ice-age; 85; Schimper at
Bex, 86; lectures at Neuchiltel on
the Ice-age, 87 ; writes his famous
Discours d'ouverture, 87 ; kindness
to Schimper, 87 ; Discours on the
Ice-age, printed in extenso, 89-108 ;
astonishment and incredulity of
savants after the Discours, 109 ; re-
view of the address, no; discus-
sions following the address, 112;
loss of professorship at Berlin due
to his theory on the Ice-age-, 113;
action of glaciers on rocks, 113;
his reputation at an curly
113; evil? of collaboration, 114;
death of his father, 115; want of
an assistant, 116; as a man.i^cr
of men, 116; Nicolet's lithographic
establishment at Nemlutrl, 117;
translations of Sowerbv's M;/i,-ral
CoJichology, 1 17 ; search for a secre-
tary, 118 ; engages Desor asM-iT<-tary,
119; unbusinesslil. im-ntsin

money matters, 120; publications,

INDl'.X.

307

121 ; difficulties in money matters,
121 ; his friends alarmed at his new
undertakings, 122 ; call to Academy
of Lausanne, 122; letter of thanks,
from the citizens of Neuchatel, 123 ;
increase of salary, 123 ; call to the
Geneva Academy, 123; unable to
break off relations with Neuehatel,
123; journey to Paris, 123; visit to
the Bernese Alps, 123 ; letter to
Thurmann, 124 ; visit to Chamounix,
127 ; at the meeting of the Geological
Society of France, Porrentruy, 127 ;
irresistible in all his explanations,
128 ; Observations stir les glaciers
attacked by Studer, 128 ; rocks pol-
ished by glaciers, 129 ; visit to Ger-
many, 129 ; repeats his arguments
relating to glaciers, 129; at work
again at Neuchatel, 129; first meet-
ing with Gressly, 130; created a
"Bourgeois" of Neuchatel, 135; ap-
pointment confirmed as professor of
natural history, 136 ; Desor's progress
under Agassiz's instruction, 137 ;
scientific activity in 1839, 137; his
ardour for scientific publication, 138 ;
his generosity, 138 ; dispute with
Edward Charlesworth, 139; difficul-
ties with the Sowerby brothers, 139 ;
visit to the Monte Rosa, and the
Mattcrhorn, 143; discovers Hugi's
cabin on the glacier of Aar, 147 ;
Karl Vogt as an assistant, 148 ;
household arrangements, 148; criti-
cism of his undertakings, 151 ; first
important publication on echino-
derms, 152; letter on glaciers to de
Beaumont, 153; publishes Etudes
siir les Glaciers, 160; his eagerness
to make known a new doctrine, 161 ;
his treatment of de Charpentier, 161 ;
letter to de Charpentier, 162 ; end of
friendly relations with de Charpen-
tier, 163 ; visit to Aar, 163 ; observa-
tion on the Aar glacier, 164; visit of
his wife to the Hotel des Neuchate-
lois, 165 ; at the meeting of the
British Association for t!ie .-Ui\inci'-
ment of Science, Glasgow, 165 ; vis-
its the North of Scotland, 167;

shows Buckland how to recognize
traces of ancient glaciers, 168 ; reads
a paper on glaciers, before the
Geological Society of London, 168 ;
letter to Humboldt, 169; visit to the
Aar glacier in winter, 175 ; letter to
Eugene Sismonda, 178 ; method of
collecting specimens, 177; letter to
Jules Thurmann, 177 ; expensive and
unfortunate publications, 179 ; letter
to Paul Deshayes, 180; erroneous
notions, 183 ; letter to Jules Thur-
mann, 184; invitation to James D.
Forbes to visit the Hotel des Neu-
c/iatelois, 187; occupy their old
quarters on the Aar glacier, 187;
silence of Forbes, 188; ascent of the
Jungfrau, 189; letter introducing
Forbes to Nicolet, 191 : address at
the inauguration of Neuchatel Aca-
demy, 191 ; objections by the rector,
192; letter to the rector, 192; dislike
of " ministers," 194 ; controversy with
Forbes, 195 ; erection of a new es-
tablishment on the Aar, 195 ; letter
to Mr. Murray, 196 ; his reply to
Forbes, on the laminated structures
of glaciers, 198 ; final letter to Forbes,
200; family alarmed at the increase
of his expenses, 201; opposition to
building a new cabin on the Aar, 201 ;
Humboldt's advice, 202; occupies
the new cabin on the Aar, 203 ; plans
for great publication on the glacial
system, 204; dispute with Karl
Schirnper, 205; his reluctance to
acknowledge an error, 208 ; Cuvier's
influence, 208 ; spends Christmas
with "Papa Dollfus" at Bale, 210;
conclusion of Kecherches sitr les
Poissons fossiles, 211; his classifi-
cation, 217; too easily multiplied the
number of species, 218; his collabo-
ration, 219; returns to his work on
the glacier of Aar, 219; his hospital-
ity at the Hotel des Neitchatelois,
220; complications with Vogt and
Desor, 221 ; his lack of management,
221; relations with Hugh Miller, 224;
letter from Hugh Miller, 226; preface
to Old Red Sandstone, 229; letter

3o8

INDl-.X.

to Professor Sedgwick, 231 ; his '
.\[<>n<\> jf>/i of the Fossil Fishes of
the DiJ AV,/, 231; IJistoire natu-
/\>issons d' Kau douce de
1' Europe Ceiitrale, unfinished, 232;
;'s dissatisfaction, 233 ; generosity
to Desor, 234 ; success at meeting of
the Geological Society of France at
Chambery, 235; recognition of his
glacial theory, 236; lithographic es-
tablishment broken up, 237 ; Dinkel
leaves Xeuchatel, 237 ; collaborators
on Nomenclator Zoologiciis, 241 ;
present value of Agassiz's publica-
tions, 243 ; debt on account of publi-
cations, 244 ; his pecuniary position
becomes serious, 244 ; fourteen years'
work at Neuchatel, 245 ; Vogt and
Desor, 245 ; gift of King of Prussia
for journey to America, 246 ; painful
incident in his family life, 246; last
public course of lectures at Neucha-
tel, 247 ; first news of journey to
New World, 247 ; last lecture pub-
lished in Revue Suisse, 247 ; types of
man, change of opinion, 248 ; the
author's introduction to Agassiz,
248 ; letter to Pictet, 249 ; last visit
to Aar, 250; at the meeting of Hel-
vetian Society of Natural Sciences,
Geneva, 1845, 251 ; address on the
structure of fins of fishes, Geneva,
251 ; address on the glacier of Aar,
Geneva, 251 ; visit to Zurich, 251 ;
address on the brain of fishes,
Geneva, 252 ; letter to Pictet, 252 ;
dinner given to him by Helvetian
Society, 252; corrections of Pictet's
biography, 253 ; appreciated by his
countrymen, 256; good by to Neu-
chatel, 257; returns all specimens
loaned by friends and public institu-
tions, 257 ; departure from Neu-
chatel, 258 ; as a dreamer, 261 ; his
great lump of gold, 261 ; directions
with regard to his library, 261 ; visit
to Paris, 262; Catalogue raisonne,
263 ; work on glaciers published in
Paris, 264; discussion of the glacial
theory, Paris, 265 ; success of the
glacial theory in France, 266; Jardin

des Plantes, 267; Catalogue d<-<;
Echinodermes,2(x); Desor adds his
name to " Catalogue," 270 ; many
attentions from old friends in Paris,
272 ; declines invitation to meet
Forbes, 273; endeavour to keep him
in Paris, 274; portrait by Berthoud,
274; meeting of British Association
at Southampton, 275; interview with
Lyell about America, 275 ; English
leaders of science courteous ami
friendly, 275; embarked at Liver-
pool for Boston, 275 ; on the Atlan-
tic, 277 ; study of English language,
277 ; arrival in America, 279 ; recep-
tion by Mr. John A. Lowell, 280; be-
ginning of a new life, 280; condition
of the sciences in America, 281 ; visits
the surrounding country, 282 ; avoids
fashionable society, 283; visits Au-
guste Mayor, 283; visits Mr. Red-
field, 283; manner of living in
America, 284; visits Princeton, 284;
visits Philadelphia and Washington
with Professor Gray, 284 ; efforts to
improve government scientific publi-
cations, 288; first course of lectures
before the Lowell Institute, 288 ; first
lecture in the English language, 289 :
audiences in America, 290; as a
lecturer, 290; lectures in French in
Boston, 291; his lectures published
in newspapers, 291; repeats Lowell
lectures at Albany, 292 ; visits
Charleston, S. C., 292; new dis-
coveries and surprises in the South,
292; his observations on ne;
293; in New York, 294; house at
East Boston, 295 ; sickness, 295 ;
visitors at the "naturalists' home,"
296; goes to Niagara Falls with Mr.
Lowell, 297; cruise in tho sir
Bibb, 297; Desor's change of man
ner, 298; letter to Monsieur !
Marcou, 300.

VOL. II. Purchasing sp
at the markets, i: leetme-, al
College of Pip .ind Sine

New York, 2; storage ot spi
2; lectures printed in the Nru N<.iL
:ited with a bu.\ ol

INDEX.

309

silver dollars, 3; employs Burkhardt
as draughtsman, 5 ; professorship at
Harvard College, 6 ; second course
of lectures at Charleston, S. C., 7;
assistants from Ncuchatel, 7 ; house
at Cambridge, 7 ; trouble with Desor,
8; interference of friends, n; arbi-
tration, ii ; dismissal of Desor, n;
first course of lectures at Harvard,
14 ; visits Lake Superior with stu-
dents, 14 ; explores the shores of
Lake Superior, 15 ; original " sum-
mer natural history school," 15 ;
publishes Lake Superior, 17 ; death
of his first wife, 18 ; arrival of
his library, etc., in Cambridge, 20 ; a
second Hotel des Neuchatelois, 20;
presented with all kinds of spec-
imens, 22 ; his struggles to pro-
vide expenses, 23 ; lectures in subur-
ban towns, 24; his popularity in
New England, 24; on the commit-
tee, Association of American Geolo-
gists, 25 ; delivers address at the
dedication of new building, Boston
Society of Natural History, 25 ; work
at the Academy of Natural Sciences,
27 ; visit to Philadelphia, 27 ; influ-
ence of Dr. Morton, 28 ; excursion
to Timber Creek, 29; returns to
Harvard, 30; unfinished work, 31;
Memoirs of the American Acad-
emy of Sciences, 31 ; Comparative
Physiology, 31 ; friendship of Fel-
ton and Pierce, 32 ; arrival of his
son Alexander, 32; friendship with
Mrs. Felton, 32; his moustaches,
32 ; engagement to Miss Gary, 33 ;
second marriage, 34; happiness of
second marriage, 35 ; his two daugh-
ters at Cambridge, 36; becomes
Americanized, 37; cruise of the
IT..-/. ( l/itt'itim, 38; explores Florida
Coral Reefs, 38 ; builds a laboratory,
39; delay in publishing report on
Coral Reefs, 39 ; visit of M. Ampere,
40; tombs of Spurzheim and Bow-
ditch, 41; appointment of professor
of comparative anatomy, Charleston,
S. C., 42 ; illness at Charleston, 43 ;
receives the "Prix Cuvier,"43; the

religious world, 43; writes articles
for Christian Kxamiiter, 44 ; sharp
criticisms of ( ~!irn.ti,tn l-.xitniiner
articles, 44 ; refuses to write for re-
ligious pa]ins, 45; his experience
with the law, 45 ; lectures before the
Smithsonian Institution, 47; friend-
ship of Henry and Bache, 48 ; inter-
est in the Smithsonian Institution,
48; social life at Cambridge, 50; his
pupils in America, 51 ; letter to
Pictet, 53 ; disagreement with Pro-
fessor Clark, 53 ; letter to Jules Pic-
tet, 56; illness at Charleston, 57;
resigns professorship at the Medical
College, Charleston, 58; tour in the
South, 58; explores the Mississippi
River, 58 ; removal from Oxford
Street, 58 ; his books, etc., 59; house
corner of Quincy and Harvard
Streets, 59 ; lectures to the pupils of
Mrs. Agassiz's school, 61 ; contribu-
tions to the Natural History of United
States, 64 ; his Essay on Classifica-
tion" 65; his fiftieth birthday, 68;
Longfellow's verses on his birthday,
68 ; offer from Oswald Heer, 69 ;
call to the chair of palaeontology at
the Jardin des Plantes, Paris, 70 ;
declines offer from Paris, 71 ; letter
to M. Rouland, 71; receives the
Monthyon prize, 73 ; Knight of the
Legion of Honour, 73 ; receives
the Cuvier prize, 73 ; his sympathy
for France in 1870, 74; work on
Fresk Water Fishes postponed, 75 ;
visit to Europe, 76; visits M. Rou-
land and old friends in Paris, 76;
visit to his mother, 77; in Swit/i-r-
land, 77 ; reception given by Swiss
naturalists to Agassiz at Geneva, 79 ;
meets Desor at Genthod, 80; visit to
Auguste Mayor, Neuchatel, 80; pur-
chases Professor Bronn's palrcon-
tological collection, 81 ; purchases
the Koninck collection, 81 ; farewell
to Europe, 81; America to be his
final home, 82; scheme lor Museum,
82 ; first subscription for his Museum,
83; state aid for Museum, 84; his
industry and activity in establishing

3io

INDEX.

the Museum, 87; his assistants, 88; '
plans of organization, 88 ; new series
of pupils, 88 ; his ambition to found
a great museum, 91; money difficul-
ties, 92 ; lecturer at the Museum, 97 ;
as a lecturer, 98 ; revolt among his
assistants, 99 ; overwork, 101 ; the
Darwinian theory, 106 ; debates with
Gray and Rogers, 108; his oppo-
nents criticise his work, 109 ; Wy-
man's opinion of him, in; his
relations with Cuvier, 112; influ-
enced only by facts, 114; descent
of species, 122; "Saturday Club"
summer expedition, 129 ; shooting
at a mark, 130; as a story-teller,
131 ; friendship with James Russell
Lowell, 132 ; at the Ticknors', 133 ;
friendship for Dr. and Mrs. Howe,
133 ; friendship with Charles Sumner,
134 ; sends collection of marine ani-
mals to France, 134; receives the
cross of officer of Legion of Honour,
135 ; walks with M. Souchard, 135 ;
svar, hindrance to the prosperity of
Museum, 136; assistants enlist in the
army, 136; lecturing tour in the
West, 138 ; grant for publication of
Museum catalogue, 139 ; purchases
collection of fossil crinoids, 140; visit
to Dr. Engelmann, 140; summer
at Nahant, 141 ; the title Agas-
siz's Museum, 142 ; excursion into
Maine, 142; visit to Brazil, 144; ar-
rives at Rio Janeiro, 145 ; kindness
of the Emperor of Brazil, 146; lect-
ures at Rio Janeiro, 146; his com-
panion and friend Major Coutinho,
147 ; the exploration of the Amazons,
148-150; at Para, 151; at Ceara,
151 ; returns to Rio Janeiro, 152 ;
lectures again at Rio Janeiro, 152;
Journey to Brazil, a disappointment,
153; Brazilian journey, 154; letter
to Sir Philip Egerton, 155 ; receives
the Copley medal, 156; takes out
his naturalization papers, 156; foun-
dation of the National Academy of
Sciences, 157; his assistants, 159;
death of his mother, 161 ; letters to
Jules Murcou, 163; Principles of 7.0-

ology translated into French, 164;
signs of failing health, 165; journey
to Rocky Mountains, 107 ; avei
to riding horseback, 168 ; non-resi-
dent professor at Cornell, 168 ; com-
pliments from Englishmen of scii IKC,
169; as a judge of character, 170;
second cruise in the Bibb, 174 ; ad-
dress at the Humboldt Centennial,
175; an apoplectic attack, 17
Deerfield, 178; health imp:'
I79> sympathy with France, 179;
voyage in the Hassler, 182 ; the //,; > >-
ler sails from Boston, 183; the- ma-
chinery of the Hassler breaks down,
184; meets old friends at San;
188 ; at the Galapagos Islands, 190;
sickness, 190 ; at San Francisco, 191 ;
extract from last report of the Mu-
seum, 196; his success in obtaining
appropriations, 198; gift of 1
kese Island from Mr. Anderson, 201 ;
letter to Mr. John Anderson, 202;
visit to the island, 203; poem by
Whittier, The Prayer of A^
203; course of lectures at Pen
206 ; mountains for rest, 207 ; gift of
the yacht Sprite, 207 ; dictates to
Mrs. Agassiz Evolution and Perma-
nence of Type, 208 ; loss of \
208; last scientific letters of, 211;
receives an arm of gigantic squid,
211 ; delivers his last course ot
ures, 213; his last illness, 213; his
fear of softening of the brain, 214;
"Tout est fini," 214; his last v.
" Le jeu est fini," 215; death, 215;
his funeral, 215; boulder from A.ir
as a monument, 216; physical and
moral characteristics, 217 ; his habit
of dressing, 219; as a pedestrian,
220; his religion, 220; in society,
221; his generosity, 223; his \
tility, 224 ; his passion for .
and organizing museums, z
dote of his persistency in obtaining
rare specimens, 227; lack of unity
of plan, 227; resemblance to Cuvier,
230.

Agassiz, Mrs. (Elizabeth Gary), her
husband's "guaidian angel," ii. 35;

INDEX.

her journal, ii. 36; as a manager,
ii. 37 ; opens a school for young
ladies, ii. 60 ; visit to Max Braun, ii.
Si ; A Journey to Brazil by Pro-
fessor and Mrs. Louis Agassiz, ii.

153-

Agassiz, Miss Ida, ii. 60.
Agassiz's Museum, ii. 83, 85, 86, 89,

loo, 139, 141, 153, 172, 191, 192, 199.
Albany, i. 292.
Allen, J. A., ii. 86, 145, 193.
American Naturalist (The), ii. 100.
American Academy of Sciences, dis-
cussion of Darwinian theory, ii. 108.
Ampere, M., visit to Agassiz, ii. 40.
An Introduction to the Study of Natural

History, ii. 3.
Anatomie des Salmones by L. Agassiz

and C. Vogt, i. 232.
Anderson, Mr. John, ii. 202, 203.
Anderson School of Natural History,

ii. 201.

Anthony, J. G., ii. 145, 194.
Appleton Chapel, ii. 215.
Arago, Francois, i. 59, ii. 176.
Association of American Geologists,

Philadelphia, ii. 25.

Bache, Professor A. D., i. 297, ii. 38,

49, 157-

Baird, Dr. Spencer F., ii. 74 ; assistant-
director of the Smithsonian Institu-
tion, ii. 75.

Bale, i. 210.

Banks, Governor, ii. 86.

Barnard, James M., ii. 90.

Bates, H. W., The Naturalist on the
River Amazon, ii. 104, 113, 114, 153.

Berne, i. 6.

Bernese Alps, i. 123.

Berthoud, Fritz, portrait of Agassiz, i.
274.

Bettannier, i. 143, 147.

Bex, i. 83, 84, 86.

Beyle, Stendhal, i. 273.

Bibliographia Zoologies et Geologies
printed by the Ray Society, i. 241.

Bickmore, A. S., ii. 86, 137.

Bienne, College of, i. 10.

Bigelow, Dr. Jacob, ii. 86.

Biuney, A., ii. 129.

Bischoff, Professor G., i. 16, 143.
Bonaparte, Prince C. Lucien, i. 129, ii.

70.

Bonnet, ii. 116.
Booth, i. 285.
Boston, i. 291 ; first view of, i. 279 ;

citizens give money for Agassiz's

Museum, ii. 85.
Boston Society of Natural History, ii.

175; dedication of new building of,

ii. 25.

Boue, Ami, ii. 229.
Bowditch, N., ii. 136.
Braun, Alexander, i. 16, 24, 34, 42, 56,

207, ii. 18, 80.
Braun, Emmy, i. 17, 56.
Braun, Cecile, i. 56 ; as an artist, i.

17-

Braun, Postmaster-General of the
Grand Duchy of Baden, i. 17.

Braun, Max, i. 128, ii. 81.

Bravais, i. 190.

Brazil, Emperor of, kindness to Agas-
siz, ii. 146.

Brazil, the Amazons, ii. 148 ; Agassiz at
Para, ii. 151 ; roads in Ceara, ii. 152 ;
lectures published in Portuguese, ii.
152 ; excursion to the Organ Moun-
tains, ii. 153 ; species of fish from the
basin of the Amazons, ii. 155.

Brongniart, Alexandre, i. 144, 268.

Bronn, Professor H. G., i. 16, 26, ii.
81.

Brown-Sequard, Dr., ii. 158, 165, 214.

Bruen, Mrs., ii. 19.

Buch, Leopold von, i. 63, 251 ; anec-
dote of Hmnboldt, ii. 176.

Buckland, i. 59, 129, 165.

Buckland's Bridge-water Treatise in
Geology (translation), i. 121.

Burkhardt, Jacques, i. 189, ii. 3, 28,
86, 145 ; his death, ii. 145.

Cambridge, ii. 7, 36, 50.
Candolle, Alphonse de, ii. 105, 112.
Carlsruhe, i. 16, 20, 28.
Carter, Judge, ii. 167.
Gary, Miss Elizabeth C., ii. 34.
Catalogue of All Books, etc., on Zool-
ogy and Geology," i. 138.
Ceara, ii. 151.

INDEX.

•ouniv, i. 127.

Charpentier, Jean de, i. 13, 127, 128,
161, 207, 251 ; paper on the glacial
theory, i. 73-77.

Charlesworth, Edward, i. 139.

Charleston, S. C., Lowell lectures de-
livered at, i. 292; Agassiz professor
at Medical College, ii. 42 ; Agassiz's
sickness, ii. 57.

Chavannes, Professor D. A., i. 13.

Christian Examiner, articles by Ag-
assiz, ii. 44.

Cliristinat, M., i. 34; joins Agassiz in
America, i. 298 ; represents Agassiz's
mother, ii. 10; his method of buying
provisions, ii. 21 ; leaves Agassiz, ii.

34-

Civil war, ii. 136.
Clark, H. James, ii. 52, 88; his claim

as joint author with Agassiz, ii. 54.
College of Physicians and Surgeons,

New York, ii. 2.
Comparative Physiology, ii. 31.
Concise, i. 32.

Conrad, Timothy A., i. 285, ii. 29.
Contributions to the Natural History of

the United States, ii. 63.
Coiiversacoes Scientificas sobre o Ama-

zonas, ii. 125.
Cooper Institute, lectures on Brazil by

Agassiz, ii. 153.
Cope, Mr., ii. 165.
Cornell University, ii. 168.
Cotta, M., i. 24, 28 ; abandons the pub-
lication of" Poissons fossiles," i. 64.
Coulon, Louis de, i. 51, 52.
Coulon, Henri, i. 164.
Coutinho, Major J. M., ii. 147.
Covan, Mrs., i. 190.
Crinoids, Lyman, the authority on, ii.

56; fossil, at Burlington, Iowa, ii.

139.

Cudrefin, home of Agassiz's grand-
father, Dr. Mayor, i. ii.

Curtis, Thomas Ii., ii. n.

Cuvier, George, i. 28, 29, 37-39, 46, 116,
ii. 107,228; his death, i. 42; sketch of
his life, i. 43.

Dnll, \V. II., ii. 138.
Dana, J. D., ii. 39.

Darwin, "Origin of Species," i. 45, ii.
66, 103, 106, 113, 116; Professor
Sedgwick's letter on, ii. ic>: I
letter to, ii. 118; letter of Asa <
ii. 119; quotations from his letters,
ii. 120; principles of uniformitarian-
ism, ii. 123; compliment from, ii.
169.

Darwinian theory, ii. 124, 125.

Daudet, Alphonse, author of " Tar-
tarin of Tarascon," i. 4.

Davis, Lieutenant, i. 297.

Deep-sea dredgings, ii. 175.

Deep-sea Dredging Expedition in the
Hassler, ii. 184.

Deerfield, ii. 178.

De Koninck, Professor T. G. ii. 81;
letter to M. Marcou, ii. 93; collec-
tion, ii. 93 ; settlement for his collec-
tion, ii. 94.

Descriptions des Echinodermes fossiles
de la Sitisse, i. 152.

Deshayes, Paul, i. 242, 265 ; letter from
Agassiz, i. 180.

Des Moulins, Charles, Etudes sur Us
Echinides, i. 61, 62.

Desor, Edward, i. 118, 137, 164, 189,
195, 198, 200, 222, 264, ii. 7, :•'
view of his early life, i. 119; at wmk
on Sowerby's Conchology, i. 121;
slight knowledge of natural history,
i. 121 ; Excursions et Sejours Jans
les Glaciers et hautes Regions (/<•>•
Alpes, de M. Agazziz et de ses Com-
pagnons de Voyage," {.234; ai
in Boston, i. 294; sues Lieutrn.mt
Charles H. Davis, ii. 13; his return
to Europe, ii. 14.

Dieppe, i. 42.

Dinkel, Joseph, makes drawings for
Agassiz, i. 24, 30, 33, 34, 42, 124.
goes to England, i. 59; purch;i
drawings by the British Museum, i.
60; his friendship for At;. ISM/, i.
238.

Discours d'ouverturc, i. 89.

Dollfus-Ausset, Daniel, i. 209.

Dollinger, i. 20, 22, 24, 25.

Domeykn, Don Igr.ario, ii. 188.

D'Orbigny, Alcicle, i. 48.

Drayton, drawings by, i. 286.

IXHEX.

3'3

Dublin, i. 64.
Duchatrlier, M., i. 189.
Dufrenoy, i. 265.

Echinoderms, Monograph.it des Echin-

odermes, i. 60.

Echinodermes de la. Suisse, i. 138, 179.
Egerton, Sir Philip de Grey, i. 2, ii.

,76.

Elie de Beaumont, i. in; letter from
Agassiz on Glaciers, i. 163, 265.

Eliot, Dr. Charles W.. ii. 6.

Eliot, Samuel, ii. 83.

Emerson, R. W., ii. 129.

Engelmann, Dr. G., ii. 140.

England, visit to, i. 59, 63, 275.

Enniskillen, Lord, i. 66, 190, ii. 76.

Erie, Lake, ii. 15.

Erlangen, University of, i. 26.

Escher-Gesner, the engineer, i. 15.

Escher von cler Linth, Arnold, i. 15,
190, 203, 251.

Essay on Classification, ii. 65.

Esslingen, i. 21.

Etudes sur les glaciers, i. 138 ; pub-
lished in book form, i. 160.

Evening Traveller prints Agassiz's
lectures, ii. 24.

Evolution and Permanence of Type,
published in " Atlantic Monthly," ii.
208.

Extraordinary Fishes from California,

ii- 75-

Fabre, D., i. 292.

Farel, the Protestant reformer at Mo-
tier, i. 6.

Faxon, Walter, ii. 195.
Fellenberg, i. 118.

Felton, Professor C. C, ii. 32, 50, 86.
Felton, President, his death, ii. 132.
Felton, Mrs., influence over Agassiz,

»• 33-

Fewkes, Walter, ii. 195.
Fishes from the Southern Bend of the

Tennessee River, Ala., ii. 75.
Fiske, John, ii. 109.
Fivax, Marc Louis, i. 19.
Florida Coral Reefs, ii. 38, 39.
Forbes, Edward, i. 143.
Forbes, James D., invitation to Aar,

i. 187 ; ascent of the Jungfrau, i. 189 ;

attempt at reconciliation, i. 273.
Fossiles du terrain cretace du Jura,

Neitchatelois, i. 179.
Fossils, discoveres in the Rocky

Mountains, ii. 167.
France, subscribers to his " Poissons

fossiles," i. 64.

Francillon, Mrs. Olympe, ii. 78.
Franco-German War, ii. 179.
Frazer, i. 285.

Fremont's expedition, i. 287.
Fresh-water Fishes, ii. 74.

Galapagos Islands, ii. 190.

Galloupe, C. W., ii. 207.

Geikie, A., explanation of Sopwith's
caricature, i. 166.

Geikie, James, i. 169.

Geneva, ii. 79.

Genthod, the country seat of Pictet, ii.
80.

Geological Society of London, i. 168.

Geological Society of France, i. 235 ;
communications by Agassiz, i. 264.

Germany, i. 129.

Girard, Charles, i. 151, 189, 223 •. ar-
rives in Boston, i. 294 ; assistant to
Professor Baird, ii. 36.

Glacial theory, ii. 123.

Glaciers, i. 153, 160, 164, 175, 198, 204,
219, 236, 251, 265, 266; Les glaciers
et I'epoque glaciaire, subject of lect-
ure in Boston, i. 291.

Glasgow, i. 165.

Gorman, Samuel, ii. 195.

Gould, Dr. A. A., ii. 7, 31.

Gray, Francis C., ii. 63, 83.

Gray, J. E., ii. 105.

Gray, Professor Asa, i. 284, ii. 44, 106,
109, no, 117.

Green River Station, ii. 167.

Gressly, Armand, pupil of Thurmann,
i. 130-134, 223; and Vogt, i. 149;
placed in an asylum, i. 238.

Gunther, Dr. A., his criticism oi Pens-
sons fossiles, \. 217.

Guyot, Professor Arnold, i. 17, 56, 128,
136, 190, 200, 204, ii. 20, 36.

Haeckel, ii. 126.

3'4

IXDEX.

Hagen, Dr. Herman, ii. 193.

Hallowell, i. 285.

Hamelin, Charles, ii. 195.

Hartt, F. C., ii. 145, 159.

Harvard College, Agassiz accepts pro-
fessorship, ii. 6, 14, 30 ; gives land for
Agassiz's Museum, ii. 85.

Harvey, ii. 105.

Hassler Expedition, failure of, ii. 186.

Heath, Mr., i. 187.

Heer, Oswald, i. 76, ii. 69.

Heidelberg, i. 16, 28, 53.

Helvetic Society of Natural History, i.

13-

Helvetic Society of Natural Sciences at
Berne, i. 143 ; communication by
Agassiz, i. 220.

" Helvetian Society of Natural Sci-
ences," meeting at Geneva, 1845, i.
250.

Helvetic Society at Geneva, ii. 79.

Henry, Professor Joseph, i. 284, ii. 47.

Henslow, ii. 105.

Hill, Dr. Thomas, ii. 183.

Hoar, Judge, ii. 129, 131.

Holbrook, Dr., of Charleston, i. 292.

Holmes, John, ii. 129.

Holmes, Dr. O. W., ii. 131.

Hooker, Sir Joseph D., ii. 104.

Hotel des NeucMtelois, i. 164 ; in win-
ter, i. 176 ; abandoned, i. 190 ; visi-
tors, i. 190 ; building new cabin, i.
203 ; the second, ii. 20 ; the third, ii.

85-

Howe, Dr. E., ii. 129.

Howe, Dr. S. G., ii. 133.

Howe, Julia Ward, ii. 133.

Huber, librarian, ii. 20, 36.

Hugi, i. 128; cabin on the Aar, i.
147.

Humboldt, Alexander von, i. 40, 41;
his influence over Agassiz, i. 47;
letter to Agassiz, i. 53 ; letter to Agas-
siz as to the publication of Poissons
fossiles, \. 63; centennial, ii. 175.

Huron, Lake, ii. 15.

Huxley, Thomas H., ii. 104, 113, 169.

Hyatt, Alpheus, ii. 86, 100, 136, 171.

Ice-age, Dlscours, i. 89 ; Ice-age, ii.
171.

Iconographie des coquillcs tcrtiares ;•/•'-
putees identiqites avec les especes vi-
•vantes, etc., 1845, i. 242.

Irnhoff, visits Carlsruhe with Agassiz
and Schimper, i. 16.

Italian War, ii. 78.

Jacquemont, Victor, i. 48.

James, W., ii. 145, 160.

Jardine, Sir William, edited the re-
maining volumes of Bibliographic
Zoologies, i. 241.

Johnson, Commander P. C., ii. 183.

Journey to Switzerland, wrongly attrib-
uted to Louis Agassiz, i. 2.

Juan Fernandez, Island of, ii. 188.

Jungfrau, i. 189.

Jurassic fossils, ii. 8l.

Keller, Ferdinand, i. 203.

Lamarck, ii. 112, 116.

Lardy, Professor, i. 13, 143.

La Rive, Auguste de, i. 123.

Laurillard, Charles L., assistant to
Cuvier, i. 115.

Laurence, Mr. Abbott, ii. 6.

Lausanne, College of, i. 13.

Lea, i. 285.

Lebert, Dr. Professor H., i. 76, ii. 217.

Le Blanc, Captain, i. 128, 146.

Leconte, Dr. John L., ii. 57.

Leidy, Dr. Joseph, ii. 30.

Lesquereux, Leo, ii. 36, 195.

Leuckart, Professor, i. 16, 53.

Lithography, used by Nicolet, i. 130.

London, i. 168.

Longfellow, H. W., ii. 42, 130; his
verses on Agassiz's fiftieth birtlnl.iv,
ii. 68 ; letter to Agassiz, ii. 169.

Lowell Institute, Boston, i. 275;
siz's first course of lectures, i. 288 ;
second course of lectures, ii. 5 ; lect-
ures on Brazil by Agassi/., ii. i

Lowell, John Amory, i. 275, 297, ii. n,
13-23; reception of Agus.si/., i. 280;
his advice to Agassiz, ii. 8.

Lowell, James Russell, ii. 129, 131,
132.

Lubbock, Sir John, ii. 104.

Lycll, Charles, i. 59, 275, ii. 104, 123;

INDEX.

315

letter to Agassiz, i. 72 ; letter to Dar-
win, ii. 118.
Lyman, Theodore, ii. 55, 88, 137.

Maack, Dr. G. A., ii. 193.

Magellan Straits, ii. 187.

Maine, ii. 142.

Mann, Horace, ii. 138.

Mantel!, Dr. G., Medals of Creation,

i. 229.
Marcou, M. Jules, ii. 90, 92; letter

from Agassiz, i. 300 ; La Science en

France, ii. 86, exploration during

the war, ii. 137 ; letters from Agassiz,

ii. 163, 165, 166.

Marine faunas, successive, ii. 185.
Markoe, Mr. Francis, i. 285.
Marsh, George T., ii. 74.
Martins, Charles, i. 190, 264, 266.
Martius, i. 22, 27, 29.
Massachusetts Legislature and Agas-

siz's Museum, ii. 84.
Massachusetts, governor of, and staff

visit the Museum, ii. 91.
Masson, M. Victor, i. 263.
Matterhorn, i. 143.
Mayor, Rose, Louis Agassiz's mother,

i- 5-
Mayor, Dr., grandfather of Agassiz, i.

ii ; death of, i. 31.

Mayor, Francois, Agassiz's uncle, i. 13.

Mayor, Dr. Mathias, Agassiz's uncle,
i. 13.

Mayor, Auguste, i. 283, ii. 36, 80.

Memoire stir les Trigonies, i. 138.

Memoirs of the American Academy of
Sciences, ii. 31.

Miller, Hugh, i. 224; letter to Agassiz,
i. 226; specimens named by Agas-
siz, i. 228 ; indebtedness to Agassiz,
i. 229.

Mills, James E., ii. 55.

Milne-Edwards, Henry, i. 46.

Mississippi River, ii. 58.

Monographies d ' Echinoderms vivants
et fossiles, i. 179.

Motwgraphie des Poissons fossiles du
Vieux Ores rouge ou Systeme Devo-
nien [Old Red Sandstone] des lies
Britanniijues et de Russie, i. 224.

Monographic des Myes, i. 239.

Monte Rosa, i. 143.

Montperreux, Dubois de, i. 136.

Morse, E. S., ii. 86, 100.

Mortillet collection, purchase of, ii. 164.

Morton, Dr. Sarnuel G., i. 248, 285, ii.
28.

Metier, boulder at the parsonage at,
i. 9.

Motier-en-Vuly, birthplace of Louis
Agassiz, i. 5.

Munich, i. 20; Royal Museum, i. 21.

Murchison, Roderick, i. 66, 167, ii. 76.

Murray, A., ii. 105, 211.

Museum of Comparative Zoology, ii. 83 ;
finished, 1859, ii. 85 ; building north
wing, ii. 85 ; removal of collections,
ii. 85 ; inauguration, ii. 86 ; work at
classification, ii. 86; Agassiz and his
assistants, ii. 89; assistants leave, ii.
loo ; receives grant from Legislature
for publication of catalogue, ii. 139 ;
name of, ii. 141 ; Brazilian collection
stored in, ii. 153 ; extension of the
building, ii. 172; distinguished vis-
itors, ii. 191; the staff, ii. 192; annual
visit of the legislators, ii. 199.

Nahant, ii. 141.

National Academy of Sciences, ii. 157.

Natural History Society, Boston, Dar-
winian theory discussed, ii. 108.

Naturalists of the nineteenth century,
ii. 115.

Natural selection, ii. 127.

Naudin, Charles V., ii. 105, 112.

Negro race, i. 293.

Neuchatel, i. 50, 55, 67, 80, 117, 123,
129, 135, 245, 247, 257, ii. 80; com-
mercial life, i. 13 ; Agassiz, Professor
of Natural History, i. 50.

Neuchatel, Agassiz's inaugural lecture,
i. 51.

Neuchitel, Academy, inauguration, i.
191 ; controlled by the " Ministres de
1'Eglise," i. 194 ; Agassiz's departure,
1846, i. 258 ; review of Agassiz's four-
teen years' residence, i. 259.

Neuchatel, Lake of, i. 32.

Newfoundland, gigantic squid, ii. 211.

New York, i. 294, ii. 2.

Niagara Falls, i. 297, ii. 15.

INDEX,

NicoK-t, Hcrcule, lithographer,!. 117;

new process of printing in tints, i.

130.

Nicolet, Celestin, i. 164.
Niles, W. H., ii. 86, 138.
Nomenclator Zoologicus, 1842-1845, i.

138, 240.

Normandy, i. 42.
Norton, Charles Eliot, ii. no.
Notice sur la Geographie des Animaux,

i. 247.

Observations sur les glaciers, i. 128.
Observations geologiques sur la Jura

Soleurois, i. 138.
Oken, i. 22, 25.
Old Red Fishes, i. 229.
Omalius, d'Halloy, i. 128, ii. 105.
Orbe, i. i, 4, 18, 28.
Ordway, Albert, ii. 86, 136.
Owen, Sir Richard, ii. 76, 104.

Packard, ii. 100.

Panama, ii. 190.

Para, ii. 151.

Paris, i. 33, 34, 36, 39, 43, 46, 47, 123,
262,264,272, 274, ii. 71,76; " Hfitel
du Jardin du Roi," i. 37.

Parker, Theodore, ii. 13.

Pasteur, Louis, ii. 119.

Patterson, Captain C. T., ii. 182.

Peabody. Rev. Dr. A. G., ii. 215.

Peabody, George, ii. 100, 142.

Pcnikese Island, Anderson School of
Natural History, ii. 201.

Perry, John B., ii. 161.

Perthes, Boucher de, ii. 121.

Pfuel, General de, i. 190, 195.

Philadelphia, ii. 27; visits Dr. Samuel
Morton, i. 285.

Philippi, Dr. R. A., ii. 188.

Pictet, Jules, i. 67 ; letter to Agassiz,
i. 138; his opinion of Poissons fos-
si/es, i. 212; friendship with Agas-
siz, i. 249 ; letter from Agassiz, i. 249 ;
letter from Agassiz, i. 252; biography
of Agassiz, i. 255.

Pierce, Professor Benjamin, ii. 32, 182.

Plan of Creation, subject of Agassiz's '
first lecture in America, i. 288.

Poirrier Collection, ii. 165.

Pol ssons fossiles, i. 31, 58, 63, 138, 211.

Porrentruy, i. 127.

Pourtales, Fran9ois de, i. 164, ii. 174,
175, 182, 191 ; joins Agassiz in Bos-
ton, i. 291 ; appointment in the
United States Coast Survey, ii. 36.

Prestwich, Joseph, ii. 120.

Prevost, Constant, i. 265.

Princeton, i. 284.

Prodrome d'une Monographic dcs
Echinodermes, i. 179.

Prussia, King of, gift for the continu-
ance of Agassiz's glacial work, i. 203 ;
gives ten thousand louis for public
instruction in Neuchatel, i. 136 ; gift
for journey to America, i. 246.

Putnam, F. W., ii. 56, 86, 88, 100.

Redfield, W. C., i. 283.

Rendu, Bishop, i. 235.

Renoir, i. 128, 146.

Report upon the Deep-sea Dr edgings,

ii. 174.

Rio Janeiro, ii. 145, 146, 152.
Rocky Mountains, ii. 167.
Rogers, W. B., ii. 106.
Rondelet, i. 24.
Rougemont, i. 190.
Rouland, M., letter to Agassiz, ii. 69.
Rousseau, Louis, i. 267.

Saint Hilaire, Geoffrey, i. 44, ii. 107,

112.
St. Imier, Agassiz's father pastor of,

i-5-

St. lohn, O., ii. 145, 160, 171.

St. Lawrence River, i. 297.

San Francisco, ii. 191.

Santiago, ii. 188.

"Saturday Club," ii. 129, 131.

Schelling, i. 25.

Schimpcr, Karl, i. 16, 24, 56, 86, 87, 208 ;
his discovery in regard to the mor-
phology of plants, i. 23; inflm-m •<•
over Agassiz and Braun, i. 23; <.<>ms
the word Eiszeit, i. 88 ; on th.
age, i. in; dispute with Aga^
205; his death, i. 209.

Schimpcr, W., i. 24.

Schinz, professor of natural liistc
Zurich, i. 14.

INDEX.

3'7

Scotland, i. 167; traces of glaciers, i.

168.
Scudder, Samuel H., ii. 160, 171 ; de-

scription of Agassiz's method with

his students, ii. 94.
Sedgwick, Professor Adam, i. 207, ii.

104 ; letter to Lyell, i. 65, 66.
Shaler, N. S., ii. 86.
Shaw, Mrs. Pauline, ii. 164.
Sherman, General, ii. 167.
Siberian mammoth, i. 21.
Sismonda, Professor, i. 236.
Sismonda, Eugene, letter from Agassiz,

i. 178.

Smithsonian Institution, ii. 47.
" Societe des Sciences Naturelles de

Neuchatel," i. 53, 179.
" Societe Helvetique des Sciences Na-

turelles," i. 179.

Sonrel, Auguste, i. 130, ii. 7, 20.
Sonrel, Auguste, makes drawings for

" Lake Superior," ii. 17 ; drawings

for Coral Reefs, ii. 38.
Sopwith, Thomas, caricature of Buck-

land, i. 165.

Souchard, Jules, ii. 134, 135.
Southampton, i. 275.
Sowerby's Mineral Conchology of Great

Britain, i. 243.
Spencer, Herbert, ii. 116.
Stahl, M., ii. 165.

Steindachner, Dr. Franz, ii. 183, 194.
Stimpson, Dr. William, ii. 52, 174.
Storer, Dr. D. Humphreys, ii. ii.
Strasbourg, i. 25.
Strickland, Professor H. E., edited

Bibliographia Zoologies, i. 241 ; killed

on railroad track, i. 241.
Structural Growth of Domesticated

Animals, ii. 213.
Studer, Bernard, i. 128, 143, 190, 199;

his conversion to the glacial theory,

i. 146.

Stuttgart, Royal Museum, i. 21.
Sumner, C., ii. 134.
Superior, Lake, ii. 14.
Superior, Lake, its Physical Character,
Vegetation, and Animals compared

wit /i (V'trr and Similar Regions,

ii. 17.
Switzerland, ii. 77.

Thayer, Nathaniel, ii. 145.

Thiers, Adolphe, i. 272, ii. 179.

Thomas, E., i. 76.

Thurmann, Jules, i. 127; letters from
Agassiz, i. 124, 1,77-184.

Ticknor, Mrs. G., ii. 133.

Tiedemann, Professor I., 16.

Torrey, Professor, i. 284.

Tribune, New York, reports Agassiz's
lectures, ii. 2.

Trudeau, Dr., ii. 3.

Twelve Lectures on Comparative Em-
bryology, ii. 24.

Tyndall, John, i. 264, ii. 170; " Glaciers
of the Alps," i. 205.

Uhler, P. R., ii. 138.

United States, first news of journey to,
i. 247; arrives in Boston, i. 279; sci-
ence in America, i. 281 ; American
naturalists hail with delight Agassiz's
arrival in America, i. 282 ; " Associa-
tion of American Geologists," 1840,
i. 282; Lyell's visits to, i. 282; soci-
ety in, i. 283 ; expedition sent out by
government, i. 286; government pub-
lications, i. 287 ; Wilkes exploring
expedition, i. 287.

Valenciennes, M., assistant to Cuvier,

i. 46.

Valentin, Professor G., i. 180.
Valparaiso, ii. 189.
Vaud, Canton de, i. i, 2, 3, 4.
Venetz, M., on the glacial theory, i. 74,

75-

Verrill, A. E., ii. 86, 100.
Vestiges of Creation, i. 229.
Vienna, i. 31.
Vogt, Dr., i. 118.
Vogt, Karl, i. 164, 221, ii. 8, 12, 55, 224;

joins Agassiz at Neuchatel, i. 148.
Voltz, Professor, i. 144.

Wachsmuth, Dr. C., ii. 140.

Wagnon, Mrs. Cecile, ii. 77.

Wallace, ii. 104, 113, 119.

Washington, description of, i. 285 ; visits
to National Institute, i. 286.

Weber, J. C., makes drawings for Agas-
siz, i. -H.

\Veinland, Dr. David F., ii. 55.
Whittier, J. G., poem " The Prayer of

Agassiz," ii. 203.
Wild, M., i. 203.

\\'ilkes exploring expedition, i. 287.
Wilson, Dr. Thomas B., ii. 28.
Winthrop, Hon. R. C., ii. 164.

Wright, Chauncey, ii. 109, no.
Wyman, Jeffries, ii. 129; opinion oi

Agassiz, ii. in.
Wyman, Dr. Merrill, ii. 214.

Zurich, i. 251 ; University of, i. 14.

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