GIFT OF
MICHAEL REESE

ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

FIRST VOLUME.

LONDON: PRINTED BY

SPOTTISWOODB AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET

LIFE

OF

ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT,

.

COMPILED

IN COMMEMORATION OF THE CENTENARY OF HIS BIRTH

BY

J. LOWENBERG, ROBERT AVE-LALLEMANT, AND ALFRED DOVE.

EDITED BY

PEOFESSOE KAEL BEUHNS,

DIRECTOR OP THE OBSERVATORY AT LEIPZIG.

IN TWO VOLUMES.
TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN BY

JANE AND CAKOLINE LASSELL,

TRANSLATORS OF SCHELLEN'S 'SPECTRUM ANALYSIS.'

VOLUME I.

WITH PORTRAIT OF IIUMBOLDT AT THE AGE OF TWENTY-SEVEN.
//

UHIVEESITY

LONDON:

LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO.
1873.

All rights reserved.

TRANSLATORS' PREFACE.

THE NEED experienced in Germany of an adequate biography of
Alexander von Humboldt has perhaps been felt with scarcely
less urgency in this country: and there is therefore every
reason to hope that this attempt to place before the world in a
true light the life and labours of the Author of c Cosmos,' will
meet in England with a welcome no less cordial than that which
has been granted to the work in its original form.

In preparing this biography for English readers, it has been
deemed advisable to omit the third volume, devoted to a
critical investigation of Humboldt's scientific labours, since
these are given with sufficient minuteness for the general
reader in the biographical portion ; nor has it been thought
desirable to include the last section of the second volume,
consisting of an elaborate catalogue of his voluminous works.
With these exceptions, the omissions consist only of official
documents and some passages of purely local interest.

In rendering quotations from ' Faust,' the translators have
followed the metrical version of Mr. Bayard Taylor. The
thermometric readings are given according to Fahrenheit's
scale. The notes within brackets have been added by the
translators.

RAY LODGE, MAIDENHEAD : March 1873.

PBEFACE.

WHEN, on May 6, 1859, Alexander von Humboldt closed his
eyes in death, in the ninetieth year of his age, the numerous
eulogies, biographical notices, and sketches of character that
appeared in periodicals of every description, both in his own
country and in foreign lands, afforded striking evidence of the
universal recognition of his genius, and of the unanimous
acknowledgment of the influence he had exerted on the
advancement of science during the present century.

Many attempts have already been made to record the life of
this illustrious man, and trace the process of development of
his master mind. A skeleton biography was furnished by
Humboldt, in the year 1850, at the request of the editor, for
Brockhaus' 6 Conversations-Lexikon.' An abridgment of this
biography appeared in the tenth edition of that work, while
the original article was published entire in the eighth volume
of the periodical entitled c Die Gregenwart ' (1853). A bio-
graphical memoir, compiled, however, with no direct references
to authorities, nor even with much acquaintance with scientific
subjects, was brought out by H. Klencke in 1851, and in 1859
W. F. A. Zimmermann published his '< Humboldtbuch.' In
addition, fragmentary portions of his biography have appeared
in various forms. But nowhere has the indefatigable Student
of Nature been depicted in the daily routine of his investiga-

Vlll PREFACE.

tions, nowhere has the man of science been represented as he
lived and laboured ; for even the biography published in 1860
by W. C. Wittwer : c Alexander von Humboldt. His Life and
Labours as a Man of Science,' furnishes in reality little more
than that which had already appeared elsewhere.

The fact is that the compilation of a biography of Humboldt
which should in every sense be worthy of the subject and em-
brace the whole range of his scientific labours, was an under-
taking of no small difficulty. Even the men who were most
closely associated with him are compelled to confess that they
are not in a position to do justice to the activity of his
universal genius. The necessary sources of information for
the accomplishment of such a purpose were unattainable, were
even hermetically sealed. Humboldt himself was ' painfully
shy of communicating anything relating to family affairs ; ' and,
though admitting their necessity for the history of science, he
detested all biographies, especially eulogies. Thus, in writing
to Dr. Spiecker, he remarks : — c I have so often refused to take
part in any biographical notice of either myself or my brother,
whether by furnishing materials or by revising the compilations
of others, that I feel compelled to preserve the same line of
conduct in Germany that I have hitherto maintained both in
France and England. My horror of biographies is almost as
great as that which I feel for the portraits of old men painted
by the sun, although both may be viewed in the history of
science as a disagreeable necessity. Life is daily losing for me its
charm, and I need your kindest indulgence, my worthy friend,
for this idiosyncracy of an old man. I have even inserted a
clause in my will forbidding that any eloge should be pro-
nounced over me at the Institute.' His will, bearing date
May 10, 1841, is preserved in the royal palace at Potsdam,
and the clause above referred to runs as follows : — c I request
that my dear relatives and friends will endeavour to prevent
the appearance of any biographical notice of me or laudatory
article in either the " Staatszeitung " or other public journal
over which they can exercise any control. I have also drawn

PREFACE. ix

up a letter for transmission to the Institute at Paris requesting
that the eloge usually delivered upon the death of a foreign
associate may be omitted in my case.' As in consequence of
these prohibitions his nearest relatives and friends published
immediately after his death a 6 protest against the publication
of any confidential letters,' it was simply impossible to attempt
the compilation of a life of Humboldt that should be based
upon the investigation of authentic sources. For the inner
life of a man is to be seen only in those confidential communi-
cations which are hastily committed to paper, and are addressed
only to his most intimate friends. A biography compiled
without the aid of correspondence or other manuscript records
could no more give a life-like representation of Humboldt
than a cold marble bust can approach the glow of living
flesh.

Meanwhile this prohibition could not be long maintained.
Notwithstanding its frequent sad infringement, it is impossible
with any justice to deny the right of posterity to the letters
of men whose public career is connected inseparably with the
history of their country.

The first series of Humboldt's letters, published scarcely a
year after his death, failed to represent him in a favourable
aspect, inasmuch as they revealed some of those weaknesses of
character from which even great men are not always exempt.
By these letters, and still more by the censorious remarks
contained in the annotations by Varnhagen, whose undoubted
genius was unfortunately marred by a spirit embittered by
disappointment, many secrets were brought to light which
were quite unsuitable for general publication, or even for being
privately circulated amongst his personal friends, although it
cannot be denied that the ' Letters from Alexander von Hum-
boldt to Varnhagen von Ense ' have made us acquainted with
many facts and exhibited various traits of character, without
which the portrait of Humboldt would seem now to be incom-
plete. The letters had been penned by Humboldt for the
gratification of a friend who delighted in gossip, and they

X PEEFACE.

should in any case, after perusal by him, have been committed
to the flames. In comparison with this rich and piquant col-
lection, the small work which came out the same year (1860)
entitled ' Letters from Alexander von Humboldt to a Young-
Friend, with Notes of Conversations between the Years 1848
and 1856,' appeared insignificant, and excited but little atten-
tion. Many years passed before the scientific aspect of Hum-
boldt's life was again brought into prominence, through the
publication of other letters — those, for instance, which were
edited by H. Berghaus and De la Koquette. Meanwhile, the
history of the years 1864 and 1866 drew the attention of
Grermany to that political stage where Prussia, the once in-
significant country of Humboldt, was now to take the lead,
and it was only on the approach of the centenary of his birth
that the interest once felt towards him was reawakened.

At the meeting of the scientific association at Dresden on
September 18, 1868, it devolved upon me to make a few in-
troductory remarks upon the progress of science, especially
with reference to astronomy, in the course of which I made
some allusion to the approaching centenary of Humboldt's
birth. I availed myself of the opportunity to point out the
need of an adequate biography of our distinguished country-
man, the want of which was the more to be regretted as the
number of those who enjoyed ptftsonal intercourse with him
and retained the most vivid recollection of his peculiar charac-
teristics was every year diminishing.

Since that period several fresh sources of information have
been thrown open to the compiler of such a work. In the
course of the year 1868 a valuable collection of letters from
Humboldt to Marie Auguste Pictet made their appearance in
the geographical organ ' Le Globe,' constituting the seventh
volume of that periodical, which were followed in the succeed-
ing year, 1869, by the publication of the ' Correspondence
between Alexander von Humboldt and Count Greorge von
Cancrin,' and of the exceedingly interesting ' Letters of Hum-

PEEFACE. xi

boldt to Christian Carl Josias Baron von Bunsen.' Various
eloges and speeches commemorative of the centenary of
Humboldt's birth were published by different academies, geo-
graphical societies, and other associations, not only in Europe,
but also in America, among which we can refer only by name
to those of Agassiz, Bastian, Dove, and Ehrenberg ; nor did
there fail to appear on the occasion of the celebration many
other smaller essays and popular biographies.

During the previous year I had already received a communi-
cation from the firm of F. A. Brockhaus of Leipzig, offering to
undertake the publication of the work in the event of my
preparing a life of Humboldt. This intelligence helped to
mature my scheme, and I resolved to attempt to enlist the
co-operation of a number of scientific men in the work of
composing a comprehensive biography of Humboldt, in which
justice should be done to his labours in the various branches of
science. The centenary of his birth appeared to me to offer a
most appropriate opportunity for the commencement of such a
literary memorial — the more so, as at that time there had been
no proposition to erect in his native city a monument in
bronze.

My scheme met with ready sympathy from my friends in
Berlin. Professor W. Forster placed in my hands the manu-
scripts deposited at HumbcSlt's death in the Berlin Observa-
tory, and promised to afford me all the assistance in his power ;
Frau von Biilow, a niece of Humboldt, granted me the use of
the Journals kept by him during his travels in America and
Asia, and allowed me to have access to all the letters in her
possession ; while Professors Dove and Du Bois-Reymond ex-
pressed their willingness to join in the undertaking.

The work is divided into two Parts. The first consists of the
story of his life, the second, of a discussion in detail of his
labours in the various departments of science. The first part
is subdivided into three sections, treating of his Youth, his
Manhood, and his Old Age ; while the second part, consisting

xii PREFACE.

of eight distinct treatises, is devoted to the consideration of
each department of science into which his investigations ex-
tended. Various portraits, published for the first time in this
work, afford interesting records of the personal appearance of
Humboldt during the three principal stages of his career.

The prospectus of the work was issued on the centenary
anniversary of Humboldt's birth. I was able to present it in
person before the Congress of Astronomers at Vienna, convened
on that day in honour of Humboldt, upon which occasion I
was entrusted with the pleasing duty of presenting a summary
of his valuable services in the department of astronomy.

Upon my return from Vienna I proceeded without delay to
the execution of my scheme. The task of narrating the events
of Humboldt's youth and of the years he spent in travel was
undertaken by Herr Julius Lowenberg, who had been occupied
with the subject for many years, and was in possession of nume-
rous documents, letters, and other material indispensable for a
biography. The history of Humboldt's sojourn in Paris, where
he spent many years in scientific labour and in intercourse
with the distinguished men there assembled, was confided to
Dr. K. Ave-Lallemant, who has himself spent many years amid
the scientific circles of the French capital. Finally, in Dr.
Alfred Dove I secured the assistance of one who, from his in-
timate acquaintance with the safety of Berlin, is peculiarly
fitted to depict in an authentic manner, free from every trace
of traditionary false colouring, the closing period of Humboldt's
life, dating from the time of his settlement at Berlin. I was
thus able satisfactorily to complete the arrangements for the
compilation of the purely biographical portion of the work.
With regard to the scientific part of my undertaking, I have
been fortunate enough to obtain the co-operation of Professors
H. W. Dove and J. W. Ewald of Berlin, of Professor A. H. E.
Grisebach of Gottingen, and of Professors J. W. Carus, 0.
Peschel, and Gr. H. Wiedemann of Leipzig. Professor du Bois-
Keymond, to whom had been entrusted the analysis of Hum-
boldt's achievements in the province of physiology, has, to

PEEFACE. xiii

my great regret, been compelled to withdraw his valued co-
operation from the work; but I have been fortunately able
to secure in his stead the help of Professor W. "Wundt of
Heidelberg.

Her Majesty the Empress- Queen Augusta has in the most
gracious manner placed at the disposal of the Editor many of
Humboldt's unpublished letters ; unfortunately, a valuable
collection of letters perished in the flames during the year
1848. Besides the Journals, Frau von Billow placed in my
hands twenty-two valuable letters from Humboldt, nineteen of
which were written to his brother during the expedition to
Russia, and three are addressed to his sister-in-law.

A series of more than 80 letters, addressed by Humboldt
to the friend of his youth, Freiesleben, subsequently Director
of Mines at Freiberg, embracing a period from the time of
Humboldt's departure from Freiberg to the year 1845, have
been placed in my hands by his son, Herr Freiesleben, of
Dresden. From Professor Borchardt of Berlin I have received
13 letters addressed to Jacobi, the mathematician; from Pro-
fessor Kronecker 80 written to Lejeune-Dirichlet ; 30 addressed
to Gauss, through the kindness of Professor Schering of Grottin-
gen ; 54 to Schumacher, lent, by his sons at Valparaiso and
Altona ; 30 to Karsten, Privy Counsellor of Mines, through his
son, Professor Karsten, of 9e>l ; 1 1 to W. Struve and Fuss,
through Herr Otto von Struve, Director of the Imperial
Observatory at Pulkowa ; and 330 to Encke, which have been
lent to me by his heirs. From Dr. Gr. von Boguslawski I have
received 28 letters addressed by Humboldt to his father, the
late Director of the Observatory at Breslau ; from Herr Carus
of Dresden 12, addressed to his father, late surgeon to the king
and President of the Academy of Leopold-Charles ; and from
Dr. H. Vogel 9, addressed to the late Herr Vogel, Inspector
of Schools, the father of the unfortunate African explorer.
For a valuable collection of 50 letters I am indebted to Madame
Richards-G-agiotti, of Florence, and to Von Madler, formerly
Director of the Observatory at Dorpat, I am indebted for 19.

XIV PREFACE.

My thanks also are due to Professor Gralle of Breslau, Dr.
Luther of Bilk, Herr Reich of Freiberg, W. Weber of Grottingen,
Herr Wild of St. Petersburg, and Dr.Focke of Bremen, from
whom I have received various letters addressed either to them
or to their scientific friends.

From General Count von Helmersen of St. Petersburg, from
Herr Paschen of Schwerin, and others, I have received various
communications concerning Humboldt's scientific labours. I
am indebted to Herr Hermann of Cologne for 16 letters
addressed by Humboldt while a student at Grottingen to his
fellow-collegian Wegener ; while I have been furnished with a
series of 61 letters addressed to Eisenstein, the mathematician,
by the committee organised for the erection of a memorial to
Humboldt at Berlin.

I have also been so fortunate as to obtain possession of all
the papers belonging to Humboldt which at the time of his
death fell into the hands of his confidential attendant, Herr
Seifert. These consisted of 500 letters of recent date, most of
them written within ten years of his death, from royal per-
sonages, statesmen, men of science, and artists, besides various
sketches of maps and many original treatises, poems, &c., that
were presentations to Humboldt. I am also indebted to Herr
Seifert for the communication of several orders in Council, the
loan of some private letters an^an insight into some of the
details of his domestic history.

In addition to the foregoing I may also mention that I have
received various letters and other documents from Herr Fried-
lander of Berlin, from Herr von Hermann of Munich, from
Herr von Carnall, from Professor Eudolph Wagner of Grottingen,
from Dr. Henry Lange of Berlin, from Romer of Lothein, near
Meissen, from Herr von Locher, from Herr Lehfeldt, from
Frau Groldschmidt nee, Kunth, from Fraiilein Schwenken of
Langendeinbach, and others.

From the Superintendents of the Royal Archives of Berlin I
received permission to inspect the public records containing any
reference to Humboldt, and I am indebted to them for much

PREFACE. XV

valuable information in reply to my numerous inquiries.
Through the kindness of Herr von Weber, Director of the
Koyal Archives at Dresden, I was allowed to have access to the
State documents, and make abstracts from the various papers
having reference to Humboldt. By Professor Grneist of Berlin
I was offered the use of 295 letters to Bockh, which were
found among his papers. From Herr Of. Rose I received a
valuable addition to the Cancrin correspondence, consisting of
a number of unpublished letters and several important orders
in Council ; through the kindness of Professors Bellermann,
Curtius, Dove, and others, I have been granted a perusal of the
letters addressed to them by Humboldt.

To all those who have thus kindly assisted in the compi-
lation of this biography I would here express my most grateful
thanks.

The words of William von Humboldt, which have been
selected as the motto for the first volume : ' My only conception
of biography is that of historical truth,' have served as a
guiding principle throughout the work.

In portraying the early life of Humboldt, in particular, the
Author has regarded it as a duty, not so much to controvert the
false and unfounded representations that have prevailed hitherto
regarding this period, but rather to support the statements of
a very different character, by the introduction of proofs never
before published.

For the compilation of the second section, containing the
narrative of the expeditions to America and Asia, the principal
source of information has been the works published by Hum-
boldt himself, which, however, were never wholly completed.
These have therefore been supplemented by a careful investi-
gation of his manuscript journals, and of many published and
unpublished letters relating to that period. The expedition to
Asia, though separated by half a lifetime from the travels in
America, presented so much similarity in subject and mode of
treatment that it was deemed advisable to include them in the
same section.

XVI PREFACE.

The third section, which contains an account of his residence
in Paris, where for eighteen years he was closely occupied with
the preparation of his works and the arrangements necessary
for their publication, is also founded partly on information
derived from printed matter already before the public and
partly from manuscript letters and documents.

In the preparation of the fourth section, which treats of
Humboldt's life at Berlin, from the year 1827, when he took
up his residence in his native city, till his death, a vast amount
of material has been at the disposal of the Author, enabling him
to introduce much new matter relating to this period, as well
as to correct many errors that have largely prevailed.

The elaborate catalogue of all the works, treatises, and mis-
cellaneous writings of Humboldt, constituting the fifth section,
will, as a first attempt to reduce this literary chaos into any-
thing like system and order, be welcomed by all those who value
accuracy even in the most trivial facts in literature.

It was found almost impossible in arranging for the compila-
tion of the sixth section, so to classify the various scientific
subjects that in the eight treatises, each of which was entrusted
to a different author, there should be on the one hand no
omissions of importance and on the other hand no unnecessary
repetitions. The names of the several authors are a sufficient
guarantee for the complete and accurate treatment of the sub-
jects they have taken in hand.

Of the three portraits illustrating the work, that in the first
volume is engraved from a chalk drawing in the possession of
Fran von Biilow ; it was taken in the year 1796, and has never
before been published. The portrait in the second volume,
which also appears through the kind permission of Frau von
Biilow, was taken at Paris in 1814, and is interesting from the
fact that it is copied from a drawing made by Humboldt him-
self from the looking-glass. The third portrait is from an
oil-painting by Eduard Hildebrandt, with whom Humboldt was
on terms of intimate friendship ; and this picture, in the pos-

PBEFACE. xvii

session of Herr Seifert, is one of the few portraits painted by
this highly-gifted artist.

According to the scheme originally planned by the Editor,
the work was to have appeared in the Easter of 1871 ; but no
more elaborate excuse need be furnished for the delay than is
to be found in the exciting events affecting the greater part of
Europe during the summer of 1870 and the spring of 1871.

May the united efforts of the various Authors to afford to the
present generation a complete and faithful picture of Alexander
von Humboldt, both in his life and labours, meet with the kind
reception due to their exertions.

It is in this hope that, upon the recurring anniversary of his
death, I present this work, not only to every votary of science,
but to every friend of intellectual progress, as an intellectual
memorial of Humboldt in commemoration of the centenary of
his birth.

KAKL BRUHNS.

LEIPZIG : May 6, 1872.

VOL. T,

CONTENTS

OF

THE FIEST VOLUME.

I.

ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.. YOUTH AND EARLY
MANHOOD. BY JULIUS LOWENBERG.

CHAPTER I.

EARLY HOME.

Signification of Name — Traditional History — Ancestry and Parentage —
Tegeland Childhood — Tutors, and Bent of Mind — Universal Enthusiasm
for Geographical Discovery — Overwork and Illness — Preparations for
the University— State of Society at Berlin .... PAGE 3

CHAPTER II.
COLLEGE LIFE.

The University of Frankfort — Studies in Finance and Philology — The Win-
ter of 1788 at Berlin — The University of Gottingen — Short Journeys —
' Observations on some Basalts of the Rhine ' — Journey with George
Forster- — School of Commerce at Hamburg — Application for Official
Employment — School of Mines at Freiberg 44

CHAPTER III.

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT.

Assessor of Mines — Animus of Official Administration — Official Employ-
ment only a Stepping-stone to more important Scientific Schemes —
Commission in Franconia — Appointment as Superintendent of Mines —

a2

xx CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

Extension of Commission to January 1793 — Visit to Berlin — 'Flora
Fribergensis ' — Experiments on Sensitive Organisms — Commencement
of Official Employment in Franconia, May 1793 — Condition of Fran-
coma — Free Schools for Miners — Practical Undertakings— Scientific
Labours — Appointment as Counsellor of Mines, 1794 — Commission in
Southern Prussia — Diplomatic Service under Mollendorf — Repeated
Ol!ers to become Director of the Silesian or Westphalian Mines and
Salt-works — Refusal — Tour in Switzerland, 1795 — Return, and well-
directed Industry — Dangerous Experiments — Visit to Berlin — Diplo-
matic Mission to Moreau, 1796 — Proposals for further Official Service
—Death of his Mother PAGE 118

CHAPTER, IV.

WEIMAR AND JENA.

State of Society in Weimar and Jena — Goethe as a Natural Philosopher —
Early Recognition of Humboldt's Genius — Opposition to his Views
and subsequent Recantation — Humboldt's opinion of Goethe — Con-
trasts and Harmonies afforded by the two Characters — Schiller's Medi-
cal Studies — Humboldt a Contributor to the ' Horen ' — The Genius of
Rhodes — Schiller's harsh Judgment — Korner's Mediation — Schiller's
* Idealism — Humboldt's Empiricism and Love of Formula — Friendly
Counsel and Avowal — Reconciliation — Humboldt and the New
Philosophy — Humboldt and Karl August — The Duke's Love of
Nature — Frequent Visits to Weimar and Jena — Inscription in an
Album 161

*

CHAPTER Y.

- THWARTED PLANS AND THEIR ULTIMATE ACCOMPLISHMENT.

State of Prussia in 1797 - Visit to Jena — Dresden — Vienna — Salzburg —
Paris — Journey to Marseilles — Marseilles and Toulon — Wanderings in
Spain— Madrid— Cor unna 211

Retrospect 248

II.

ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT. TRAVELS IN AMERICA
AND ASIA. BY JULIUS LOWENBERG.

TRAVELS IN AMERICA.

CHAPTER I.

PRELIMINARY REMARKS.

Extent of the Spanish Colonies in America— Principles of Government —
Results of Previous Explorations — New Direction given to Physical

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. xxi

Science — The Objective Character of Humboldt's Descriptions of
Nature— Their Biographical Value .... PAGE 253

CHAPTER TI.

FROM COEUNNA TO PUERTO CABELLO.

Landing at Teneriffe — The Peak— The Dragon Tree— Multiplicity of Phe-
nomena— Landing and first Sojourn at Cumana — First Impressions
and Preliminary Arrangements — Scientific Labours — Visit to Caripe
and Caripana, to the Mission Stations, and to the Caves of Guacharo
— First Earthquake and Meteor Shower — Visit to Caracas and Puerto
Cabello . . . . . . . . ' . . .259

CHAPTER III.
EXPEDITION TO THE ORINOCO.

Outline of the Expedition — Letter to William von Humboldt — Prosperity,
Leisure, and Objects of Study — Bonpland's Ability and Faithfulness —
Nocturnal Scene — Letter to Willdenow — Herbariums— 'Arrangements
in case of Death — Eraser's Shipwreck — Profusion of Plants ; their
Preservation difficult — Hardships — ' The Tropics are my Element ' —
Courteous Reception, and Position of Independence — Bonpland's Share
in the Work — Recollections of Berlin ...... 275

CHAPTER IV.

VISIT TO CUBA.

Departure from Barcelona — Landing at Havana — New Plans for the Journey
— News of Baudin — Voyage from Batabano to Cartagena — Double
Danger — Turbaco — Fidalgo's Commission . . . . . 290

CHAPTER Y.
JOURNEY TO QUITO.

Change of Route — Up the Rio Magdalena to Honda — Santa F£ de Bogota,
and its Environs — Ibague - The Pass of Quindiu — Caucathale and
Popayan — The Paramos of Pasto — Arrival at Quito . . . 297

CHAPTER VI.
QUITO.

The Town and its Inhabitants — Interest in the Ascent of Mountains —
Three Ascents of Pichincha — Ascent of Chimborazo — Letters from
Paris — Despatch of Letters to Europe — News of Baudin — Noble Self-
reliance— Friends at Lima— Humboldt's Portrait at Chillo , . 305

xxii CONTENTS OF THE FIEST VOLUME.

CHAPTER VII.

FROM QUITO TO MEXICO.

Acquisition of Manuscripts — The Carib and Inca Languages — Former
Civilisation — The Road of the Incas— Expedition to the Amazon, and
Return over the Andes — Caxamarca — First View of the Pacific Ocean
— Truxillo, Lima, Guayaquil — Guano as Manure — Acapulco — The
Huniboldt Current — Letter to the National Institute . PAGE 320

CHAPTER VIII.

MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. BET URN HOME.

From Acapulco to the Capital — Acquisition of Historical Information
concerning New Spain — The Mines of Moran and Guanaxuato — The
Jorullo — Correspondence with Willdenow — Reminiscences of a Fail-
Mexican — Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl — The Pyramid of Cholula —
Jalapa, Cofre, Orizaba — Second Visit to Havana — Visit to the United
States — Sojourn with Jefferson at Washington — Return Home — At
Bordeaux — Humboldt an Apparition — Greetings to his Friends . 328

CHAPTER IX.

HOME LIFE.

New Circumstances, but old Friends — Co-operation with Pictet — Plan for
the Publication of his Works — English Translation — Labours with
Gay-Lussac and Biot — Letters to Friends at Berlin — Visit to Italy —
Visit to Germany — Berlin — Honours and Occupation — Letters to old
Friends — The Fall of Prussia — Humboldt as a Mediator — Consolation
in the Study of Nature 342

TRAVELS IN ASIA.

CHAPTER I.

PROJECTED SCHEMES.

Proposals from Russia in 1811 — Negotiations with Von Rennenkampff —
Preparatory Studies — Projected Arrangements with Prussia, 1818 —
Munificence of Frederick William III. — Acquisition of Asiatic Lan-
guages 365

CHAPTER II.

TRAVELS IN ASIATIC RUSSIA.

Proposal and Negotiations— Journey from Berlin to St. Petersburg— Visits .
to St. Petersburg and Moscow — Line of Route — Distance travelled —

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. xxiii

Personal Adventures — Diamonds in the Ural Mountains — Return and
Reception of Honours PAGE 373

APPENDIX.

1. The Humboldt Household 391

2. Visit to England in 1790 392

3. Humboldt's Passport on leaving Paris in 1798 .... 394

4. Warrant of Arrest against Alexander von Humboldt . . . 394

5. Aime Bonpland 397

Errata*

220, line 3 from below, for genial re'dcl gifted.

222 „ 10 » above, /or most genial read full of geni

ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT

YOUTH AND EARLY MANHOOD.

BY

JULIUS LOWENBERGK

'Mais surtout, mon digne ami, faites une biographie et non un eloge;
en voulant m'honorer vous me feriez du tort. Je n'ai ete deja que trop
loug dans le public, et cela irrite toujours.'— ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT to
M. AUG. PICTET. (Le Globe, Journal geogr., vii. 177.)

' "Wenn von Biographic die Rede ist, habe ich nun einmal den Begriff
nur von historischer Wahrheit.' — WILHELM VON HUMBOLDT. (JBriefe an eine
Freundin, Dec. 16, 1828.)

YOL. I. //

Vs
V

CHAPTER I.
EARLY HOME.

Signification of Name — Traditional History — Ancestry and Parentage —
Tegel and Childhood — Tutors and Bent of Mind — Universal En-
thusiasm for Geographical Discovery — Overwork and Illness — Prepara-
tions for the University — State of Society at Berlin.

THE NAME of HUMBOLDT shines in twofold splendour, illus-
trious alike in the world of science and in the history of modern
development ; for intimately associated with Alexander von
Humboldt must ever stand his elder brother William, who, dis-
tinguished as a statesman for the nobility of mind of a Pericles,
was even further renowned as a philologist and critic. By the
name of Humboldt a chord is struck, the vibrations of which
extend in ever-widening circles, awakening as they spread
thoughts of the deepest import, and arousing visions of the
loftiest efforts in philosophic enquiry and the most varied
achievements in every branch of scientific investigation.

The biographies hitherto published of the two distinguished
men who bore the name of Humboldt trace their descent
from an ancient noble family of Eastern Pomerania, resident
at Zamenz or Zemmenz, in the principality of Cammin, who
had been for generations in possession . of property in the circle
of Neustettin. It is stated by Berghaus that their ancestors ' in
ancient times fought under Flammberg, in the wars between the
Germans and Sclavonians.' Pott interprets the etymological
meaning of the name ' as a fabulous Hun of gigantic propor-
tions.' French biographies represent the father of William
and Alexander von Humboldt to have been so wealthy, that by
lending the whole of his property to the King, he had actually
borne half the expenses of the Seven Years' War ; eventually it

B 2

4 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

became customary to prefix the title of Baron to the name of
Humboldt.

Whether it was intended by such fabulous tales to confer
additional lustre upon the Dioscurean brothers, William and
Alexander von Humboldt, or whether any actual honour was
thus conferred upon them, need not be discussed here. In
the meantime we shall offer no injustice to historic truth, nor
be guilty of any want of due reverence, if we wait for addi-
tional evidence before accepting myths of this kind, which,
without further proof, have been copied and recopied even to
the typographical errors.

The earliest and best source of information concerning the
genealogy of the Humboldt family is Krone's c Allgemeines
teutsches Adelslexikon,' published in the year 1774, and the
details contained in this work have supplied material for the
various biographies hitherto published. It is to be regretted
that the ancient classic authorities for the history of the
Pomeranian nobles have not given even brief notices of the
family of Humboldt and the property attributed to them,
as the correctness of Krone's statements might thus have
been tested, and additional facts probably obtained. Grund-
ling, indeed, enumerates ' the Humboldts of Zemmenz ' among
the nobility in the circle of Neustettin, but accompanies the
statement with no further remark. Briiggemann, in quoting
from Grundling and some books of heraldry, includes the Hum-
boldts among the noble families of Pomerania, but mentions
them as no longer resident in that province. It is true that
Zamenz or Zemmenz is alluded to in his work, and is de-
scribed as an estate— a small farm — annexed to the manor of
Juchow, in the circle of Neustettin, but it is nowhere stated that
this property, an old feoff of Kleist's, was ever in the possession
of the Humboldts ; on the contrary, it is again referred to as
belonging, in 1744, to two brothers of the name of Kleist. The
estate at Zamenz has been described also by Klempin and
Kratz as appertaining with Juchow and Zeblin to Kleist's
freehold, without any allusion to the Humboldts in reference
to any portion of the property.

Meanwhile, though the ancestral property and the early
ennoblement of the Humboldt family have not been satisfac-

EAELY HOME. 5

torily proved, it is yet evident from authentic and circum-
stantial accounts that several of their ancestors were among the
bravest and best men of their time.

Whether Heinrich Humboldt, who in 1442 was in possession
of a small farm at Grrunow, in the circle of Angermund, is to
be reckoned as one of the ancestors of the illustrious brothers,
is uncertain. There is, however, no doubt that one of their
immediate progenitors was Johann Humboldt,1 who lived during
the most disastrous period of the Thirty Years' War, and died
as Burgomaster of Konigsberg, in the New Mark, on February
11, 1638, in the sixty-third year of his age. Of his son
Clemens — great-grandfather of William and Alexander von
Humboldt — the following particulars are gathered from the
unpublished Chronicles of the years 1400—1750 of Greorge
Christ. Gutknecht, pastor of Hermsdorf and Wulkow :—

6 Clemens Humpolt, Bailiff of NeuhofF, in the Electorate of
Brandenburg, died on the 2nd of January, 1650, and was,
together with his daughter, who died a few days afterwards,
conveyed in a hearse to Vircho, and interred in the church
there. In fulfilment of his wish, and at the request of his
widow, the funeral sermon, from 2 Timothy iv. 6, was printed
at Stettin. Being ambitious of a university education, he had
been sent to Frankfort, but at the end of a year was obliged,
owing to the troublous times consequent upon the war, to bid
farewell, nolens volens, to the University, since his father,
Consul at Konigsberg in the New Mark, had become so greatly
impoverished by the frequent quartering of soldiers, the in-
tolerable contributions laid upon him, and the robbery and
plunder consequent upon the passage of countless troops, that he
was unable to supply the young student any longer with the
sumptus necessarios for the prosecution of his studies. Mean-

1 The names of various members of the Humboldt family occur in nume-
rous mortgage and other deeds belonging to the seventeenth century, proving
them to have been persons of consideration in the districts where they
resided. A descendant of a distant branch of the family is still living at
Berlin, so that Alexander von Humboldt was scarcely correct in speaking
of himself and his brother as ' long the last of their name/ ' My brother
and myself are the sole representatives of the name of Humboldt.' (' Briefe
von A. v. Humboldt an Varnhagen/ p. 113 ; ' Lettres d'Alexandre de Hum-
boldt a M. Aug. Pictet,' p. 181.)

6 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

while he was appointed to the office of Clerk in the town of
Syndico in Crossen, which he retained for two years, and was
afterwards promoted to the rank of Bailiff. He was pious and
charitable, and listened to sermons with peculiar devotion,
writing them down most indefatigably in a neat little book,
and on his return home not consenting to dine until he had
carefully transcribed them, so that on his death there were
found five neatly-stitched separate volumes, in which the
sermons for rive years had been written out with surprising
industry. He always accounted it a pleasure to do a service to
any servant of the Church of God, and he bequeathed a hand-
some legacy to three churches for the purposes of restoration,
and for reinstating the bells of which they had been plundered
during the war : he was gentle, obliging, and modest, and pos-
sessed a true Grerman heart, often labouring hard, and travelling
night and day, in the service of his retainers, to secure them
against oppression and injustice ; yet his unenlightened neigh-
bours frequently attempted his life, and by their persecution,
to escape which he had often to flee during the night, were
ultimately the cause of his death at the age of forty-five years.'
His gravestone is still to be seen in the church of Virchow,
in the circle of Drammburg, and bears an inscription in Latin,
on either side of which stands in Grerman the text of the funeral
sermon, with the remark appended : c Preached from and ex-
pounded by Pastor Christian Grriitzmachern, on the 30th of
January, 1650.'

Of his son, Conrad Humboldt, the following notice occurs in
a note in Konig's manuscript 'Collect, geneal.' vol. xxxix.: —
6 Cyriacus Griinther von Eehebergk, Captain of Neuhoff, urges
the appointment of his step-son Humbold to the office formerly
held by his father ', since he has travelled in foreign lands, has
studied at universities, has twice served on a mission to Moscow
with Schultetz (?), Counsellor of Legation, has contracted a
marriage with the daughter of Herr Beeorks (?), Electoral Kesi-
dent of this neighbourhood, and, on the advice of President
von Schweder, has completed his qualifications by a visit to
France during the year 1676.' A second entry runs as follows :—
' 1682, 11 March. Appointment of Conrad v. Humbolt as Coun-
sellor ; ' to which is appended the remark, c The original draft

EAELY HOME. 7

of this appointment is deserving of notice, since it is evident
that the prefix u v." (von) has been recently added.' He himself
subscribed his name in official documents as simply Conrad
Humboldt. Abundant evidence of the ability he displayed in
his official duties is to be found in various enactments pre-
served in the Royal ministerial archives respecting the Starost
of Draheim, in which he is represented as opposing, with
characteristic energy and untiring perseverance, the arbitrary
assumptions of the neighbours, especially of the Manteuffel
family.

This Conrad, Bailiff of Draheim, had an only son, Hans Paul
Humboldt, who entered the army in 1703, and upon his retire-
ment as captain with a pension of eight thalers a month, took
up his residence in the neighbourhood of Coslin. His appli-
cation for the grant of a patent of nobility is still extant, whence
it appears that the prefix ' von ' does not date farther back
than the year 1738 ; so that where it now and then occurs
earlier, it must have been only used conventionally, on account
of the high position borne by the individual to whom the pre-
fix is given. Even as late as 1830 it was still doubtful whether
the title of Baron was due to William and Alexander von
Humboldt. Alexander himself cared neither for prefixes nor
titles ; they are mostly wanting in the signatures of his letters,
particularly in his communications to his intimate friends and
in his scientific correspondence. He submitted with reluc-
tance to the title of 4 Excellency ' in the dedication to Berghaus's
* Charts of the Coast of Peru,' making it a condition that all
the honours represented by his ' decoration hieroglyphics,' as
he termed his orders, as well as the honourable distinction
of ' Actual Privy Councillor,' should be omitted.1 In giving
to Pictet at Geneva, in 1805, his 'Confessions,' for the pre-
paration of a biographical sketch to be affixed to an English
translation of his American works, he writes : — ' In mention-
ing me, I should much prefer that you named me simply
M. Humboldt, or at least M. Alexander Humboldt. It
sounds more English, since the constant repetition of the de
is very unpleasant to the ear. For the sake, however, of pre-

' l l Briefrvechsel A. von Humboldt's mit Heinrich Berghaus,' vol. ii. pp.
163, 285.

8 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

serving the honours of our family — you see I am considering
your work in a diplomatic light — please mention me on one
single occasion as Frederick Alexander Baron von Humboldt,
but only on one. This is a matter connected with certain prin-
ciples with which you do not altogether sympathise, but which
have been maintained by my brother and myself throughout
life, leading us never to make use of any title, except in the
most extraordinary cases, therefore never on the title-page of a
book.' *

Of the children of Hans Paul Humboldt, several died young ;
only four sons and a daughter survived him.

One of his sons, Alexander Greorge, born at Zamenz, in
Pomerania, in 1720, is the father of the brothers William and
Alexander von Humboldt. The following account of him is
given by Biisching, the geographer2 : —

'After receiving an excellent education in his father's house,
he entered the Prussian military service in 1736, and served in
a regiment of dragoons under Lieut-General von Platen. Al-
though he immediately distinguished himself in three cam-
paigns, he does not appear to have met with any favourable
opportunity for the display of his talents whereby he could
obtain promotion ; he therefore left the army with the rank of
Major in 1762. He was appointed by the King to the office
of Chamberlain in 1764, and was attached to the household of
the Prince of Prussia. Attracted by the eminent qualities of
Maria Elizabeth von Colomb, widow of Baron von Hollwede,
he was united to her in marriage in 1766 ; two sons were the
issue of this union. , In 1769 he resigned his appointment in
the household of the Crown Prince, and lived henceforth with-
out official employment, but not without useful occupation.
He let his property in the New Mark upon a lease while he
devoted himself to the improvement of his residence at Tegel,
and it is manifest from the result of his labours that he was a
man of intelligence and taste. He was exceedingly benevolent,
affable, and charitable, and won the respect and esteem of all

1 < Lettres d'A. de Humboldt a M. Aug. Pictet,' p. 189.
* Description of his journey from Berlin to Kyritz (Leipzig, 1780),
p. 28.

EAELY HOME. 9

classes. His death, which occurred on the 6th of January,
1779, at the age of 59, was an event universally deplored.'

The 'Vossische Zeitung,' of January 9, laments his loss in
these terms : — ' Not only the highest in the State, but the people
also mourn in him a- friend, and the country a patriot.'

To these admirable qualities is to be ascribed the confidential
relationship in which Major von Humboldt stood towards the
Great King, with whom, as Adjutant to the Duke of Bruns-
wick, during the worst times of the Seven Years' War, he fre-
quently held personal intercourse. In a letter concerning
Wedel's disaster, the king writes, ' I have told Humboldt all
that there is to be told at this distance.'

Even his retirement from the prince's court at Potsdam, in
consequence of the domestic troubles of the heir-apparent,
did not impair this confidence that was so honourable to
Humboldt. In a letter from the English ambassador, in the
year 1776, Major von Humboldt is described as c a man of good
understanding and estimable character,' and pointed out as one
of the foremost in the list of capable men who might be
expected to occupy the post of Minister in the future reign of
Frederick William II.1

His various connections with the courts of the other princes,,
especially with that of Prince Ferdinand, procured him, among
other undertakings, an interest in the farming of Lotteries,,
which subsequently became very lucrative, both to him and his
heirs ; he was also concerned in a tobacco-magazine enterprise
(for leasing the sale of tobacco), which since November 1,,
1766, had been undertaken by the ministers Count Eetiss and
Count Eickstadt and the chamberlain Baron von (render.

Major von Humboldt entered upon domestic life, as already
stated, in 1766, by his marriage with the widow of Captain
Ernst von Hollwede, who was but recently deceased ; she was
the daughter of Johann Heinrich von Colomb, Director of the
East Friesland Chamber, and was cousin to the lady who sub-
sequently became Princess of Bliicher. To her mainly did the
family of Humboldt owe the possession of their considerable
landed property : from her mother she inherited, in 1764, the

1 'Briefe von Alexander von Humboldt an Vamhagen/ p. 113. 'Briefe
von Chainisso, Gneisenau, Haugwitz, W. v. Humboldt, &c.,' vol. i. p. 5.

10 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

house in Jagerstrasse, No. 22, where Alexander was born ;
through her first husband. Captain von Hollwede, she came into
possession of the estate at Eingenwalde ; through her was trans-
mitted to her second husband, Major von Humboldt, the
residence at Tegel which had been held by Von Hollwede on
an inheritable lease ; lastly, the property at Falkenberg was
purchased by her in 1791 from Lieut.-Colonel von Lochow.

The issue of the marriage of Major von Humboldt with the
widow of Von Hollwede was a daughter, who died in infancy,
and two sons.

Frederick William Christian Charles Ferdinand, born at
Potsdam, on June 22, 1767.

Frederick William Henry Alexander, born at 22, Jager-
strasse, Berlin, on September 14, 1769.

The year marked by the birth of Alexander — 1769 — was
.also that in which the following illustrious men first saw
the light: — Napoleon, Cuvier, Chateaubriand, Canning, and
Wellington. At the time of his birth, the great King of
Prussia was at the height of his victorious career, the genius
of Lessing had begun to illuminate the intellectual world of
Grermany, the philosophic mind of Kant was establishing the
laws of pure reason, while in Groethe, as a youth of twenty years,
already raged the storm and passion of the classic literature of
Germany. These were the brilliant stars of his horoscope.

At his baptism, which took place on October 19, 1769, when
Sack, the court chaplain officiated, several distinguished per-
sons were named as sponsors, including the following royal
personages : ] — the Prince of Prussia, afterwards King Frederick
William II., Prince Henry of Prussia, the Hereditary Prince
of Brunswick, and Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick.

Born with the advantages connected with a high social
position, Alexander von Humboldt was a noble in the most
elevated and extensive sense of the word, ennobled more by his
qualities of mind and heart than by the pedigree of his
ancestors.

It is a remarkable circumstance that the mother of the c scien-
tific discoverer of America,' the Columbus of the nineteenth

1 ' Baptismal Eegister of the Cathedral at Berlin/ vol. yii. p. 252.

EARLY HOME. 11

century, bore the same name as the geographical discoverer of
the fifteenth century. She was descended from an ancient noble
family, Von Colomb, who fled from Burgundy on the revoca-
tion of the Edict of Nantes, and settled in the Margraviate.1
This lady, however, was able to confer upon her sons advantages
of a more substantial character than the high sound of her
distinguished name. Naturally gifted with remarkable admini-
strative talent, ' she had received an education befitting women
of her rank, and united to these advantages an extensive
knowledge of the world, and the possession of a considerable
fortune. Her endeavours were latterly directed towards the
reformation of her son by her first marriage, who had frequently
caused her great anxiety, while her desire for her two younger
sons was to see them distinguished by everything that was
attainable in intellectual and moral culture.' 2 Upon her,
therefore, in consequence of the premature death of her hus-
band, devolved the education of her sons, in the prosecution
of which she became involved in heavy expenses that had to
be met by mortgages on her property and real estate. It
may be remarked here, that the mortgage on one of these
estates was only cancelled officially in 1845, though this engage-
ment had long since been released, as it is termed in official
language, ' by act of notary.' Truly no act of notary has ever
become so notorious as in this private transaction.

To the biographer there is a peculiar charm in tracing the
earliest impressions received upon the mind, and showing that
of all the influences which help to form the character, none are
more direct or more powerful than those exercised by a mother.
The mother of the two Humboldts was not, however, one of
those gifted women capable of transmitting genius and force
of character to their children. It had been originally her inten-
tion to introduce her sons early into the great world, where their
connections and interest at court promised them a brilliant
career ; yet she yielded her own wish in compliance with the
judicious counsel offered by Kunth: indeed the liberal and

1 A. Ton Humboldt, 'Kritische Untersuchungen iiber die historische
Entwickelung der geographischen und nautischen Kenntnisse im 14. und 15.
Jahrhundert,' translated by Ideler, vol. ii. p. 277, note.

2 Kunth's ' Manuscript Autobiography.'

12 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

unprejudiced spirit that she manifested in the choice of tutors
for her sons is worthy of all commendation, for she herself be-
longed to a station in life where at that time riding, fencing,
and dancing were considered the chief requisites in the education
of youths of distinction. She spared no expense in securing
the services of the best masters, and in maintaining an inter-
course with the most gifted and intellectual men of the time.

Of all the possessions of Major von Humboldt none was
more closely associated with the earliest recollections of his two
sons, nor more intimately connected with the future history of
William and Alexander von Humboldt, than the country-house
at Tegel.

On the banks of the Havel, about eight miles from Berlin,
from which it is separated by extensive pine woods, is situated
the village and mansion of Tegel. The river at this point
expands into a beautiful lake, studded with numerous islands
and surrounded by a richly wooded shore. On the high bank
forming one side of the shore stands the house, looking towards
the south upon the town . and fortress of Spandau. The house
had been originally a hunting-box of the Great Elector, and
was afterwards incorporated into the district of Schonhausen.

The crown lands at Tegel, while under the rangership of
Biirgsdorf, had been employed as an extensive nursery of foreign
trees,1 whence in 1.786,500 varieties, mostly of North American
species, were supplied for the ornamental plantations of the
Eoyal Gardens at Potsdam, Charlottenberg, and Schonhausen :
previous to this arrangement the crown had devoted the estate
to the culture of silkworms, and had let the house and land
on the nominal rent of 138 thalers (28Z.), on condition of
this plan being carried out, and of 100,000 mulberry trees2
being planted. Since the year 1738, the various tenants,

1 Leonardi, ' Beschreibung der preussischen Monarchic/ vol. iii. part i. p.
746.

2 [The rearing of silkworms excited so much attention throughout Europe
at this time, that Government bounties were given in almost every country
for the encouragement of schemes for this purpose ; but in nearly every
instance the attempt failed. It may be interesting to English readers to be
reminded that many of the old mulberry trees in our own country were
planted in consequence of a circular letter issued by James I. to persons of
influence throughout the kingdom, recommending their cultivation.]

EAELY HOME. 13

Thielow, Moering, Imbert, Struwe, and Von Hollwede, "had made
many unsuccessful attempts to fulfil these conditions. Even in
the first year of his lease Major von Humboldt expended about
1,200 thalers (2501.) on mulberry trees, and laid out more than
any of his predecessors in improving the buildings necessary
for this enterprise. But the cultivation of mulberry trees and
the rearing of silkworms were alike unsuccessful, and at length,
in 1770, the tenants were released from this obligation. To
Major von Humboldt is especially due the credit of having
rendered the house at Tegel a delightful residence ; ' the beau-
tiful pleasure-grounds were partly laid out in the English taste
and partly left in the wild beauties of nature, interspersed with
numerous plantations of American shrubs.' l

Humboldt's house in town, as well as at Tegel, was constantly
open for the reception of distinguished visitors. Not unfre-
quently even the heir to the throne honoured Major von Hum-
boldt with a visit at his country seat.

In May 1778, Groethe was received as a welcome guest at Tegel
on the occasion of his only visit to Berlin. By his good genius
the poet was led away from his discomforts in the Margravian
Athens to Potsdam, whither he went on foot, passing through
Schonhausen and Tegel. There he took his mid-day rest, at-
tracted as it were by the intellectual charms of the spot where
the two youths, William and Alexander, of a genius akin to him-
self, played at his feet as boys of nine and eleven years of age.
He has honoured the place, as is well known, by an allusion in
the first part of ' Faust,' in the verses spoken by the proktophan-
tasmist Nikolai : —

Vanish, at once ! We've said the enlightening word.
The pack of devils by no rules is daunted :
We are so wise, and yet is Tegel haunted.2

The ghost alluded to, however, was not in the house at Tegel,
but in the forester's lodge in the village, where it had been
raised by a waggish gamekeeper.

1 Biiscliing1.

' Verschwindet doch ; wir haben ja aufgeklart !
Das Teufelspack, es fragt nach keiner Regel :
Wir sind so klug, und dennoch spukt's in Tegel ! '

14 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

It is unnecessary to give a description here of Tegel as it
afterwards became when converted by William von Humboldt
into his Tusculum, adorned with treasures of modern and an-
cientA art; and to him this residence was rendered doubly at-
tractive by the charm of early association.1 ' Here I passed
my childhood and a portion of my youth . . . the place is pre-
eminently adapted for the exhibition of the manifold charms
which fine and well-grown trees of every variety continuously
display through the changing seasons of the year.'

On his return to Berlin from Freiberg, Alexander von Hum-
boldt describes 2 this delightful residence to his friend Freies-
leben in the following melancholy strain : —

'Vine-clad hills which here we call mountains, extensive
plantations of foreign trees, the meadows surrounding the
house, and lovely views of the lake with its picturesque banks
awaiting the beholder at every turn, render this place undoubt-
edly one of the most attractive residences in the neighbour-
hood. If, in addition, you picture to yourself the high degree
of luxury and taste that reigns an our home, you will indeed be
surprised when I tell you that I never visit this place without
a certain feeling of melancholy. You remember, no doubt, the
conversation we held in returning to-Toplitz from Milischauer,
when you listened with so much interest to the description of
my youthful days. I passed most of that unhappy time here at
Tegel, among people who loved me and showed me kindness,
but with whom I had not the least sympathy, where I was sub-
jected to a thousand restraints and much self-imposed solitude,,
and where I was often placed in circumstances that obliged me
to maintain a close reserve and to make continual self-sacrifices.
Now that I am my own master, and living here without restraint,
I am unable to yield myself to the charms of which nature is
here so prodigal, because I am met at every turn by painful
recollections of my childhood which even the inanimate objects
around me are continually awakening. Sad as such recollec-
tions are, however, they are interesting from the thought that
it was just my residence here which exercised so powerful an
influence in the formation of my character and the direction of

1 * Briefe an erne Freundin/ pp. 123, 156.

2 This letter is dated June 5, 1792.

EAKLY HOME. 15

my tastes to the study of nature, &c. But enough of this. I
shall weary you with so much about myself.'

Complaints of this kind often escaped Alexander when in a
melancholy mood, and even William occasionally gave expres-
sion to similar feelings. They had their origin mainly in the
depressing illness of their mother, to whom the solitude and
retirement of Tegel were often indispensable. It would perhaps
be scarcely justifiable to withhold every allusion to these out-
bursts of discontent-; but in giving this one instance, we may
remark that even the rarest gifts of fortune are often accom-
panied by ,much that is sad and distressing, — a painful truth
early 'experienced by the youths, but which their magnanimous
natures taught them patiently to endure and almost to ignore.

Alexander von Humboldt passed his childhood and early youth
in inseparable companionship with his elder brother, William.
These years flew by, to all appearance, as pleasantly as the
favourable circumstances in which they were placed by the posi-
tion and wealth of their parents would indicate. The winter was
spent in their own house at Berlin, while in summer they lived
occasionally at Kingenwalde, but more frequently at Tegel, on
account of its vicinity to the capital. It may be remarked
here, that Campe, the writer of books for the young, was tutor
in the household of Major von Humboldt before he joined
Basedow in the Educational Institution at Dessau.

On this subject William von Humboldt writes as follows to
his friend and correspondent Charlotte, in a letter dated Tegel,
December, 1822: — 'Campe was private tutor in my father's
house, and there is still standing a row of great trees here
which he planted. From him I learned reading and writing,
and some amount of history and geography, according to the
fashion of those times, which consisted in a knowledge of the
capital cities, the seven wonders of the world, &.c. Even at
that time he had a very happy knack of stimulating the mind
of a child.'

On another occasion he writes : — ' I am not mistaken about
Campe. He was at one time tutor, or, as it was then termed,
governor to an elder step-brother of mine, Hollwede, a son of
my mother's by a former marriage. From him I learned, when
I was three years old, reading and writing. He must have

16 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

left our house somewhere about 1770 or 1771. On quitting us
lie entered the Church, but soon left his charge to engage with
Basedow in the Philanthropin at Dessau. His journey to Paris,
in which I accompanied him, did not take place till the year
1789.'

From these statements it is clear that Alexander von Hum-
~boldt was scarcely more than an infant at the time of Campe's
residence with the family. It is therefore more than doubtful
if he ever received any instruction from Campe, and quite cer-
tain, notwithstanding the frequent assertions to the contrary,
that Campe could not have exercised a 'lasting influence' upon
both brothers, nor have £ first aroused in Alexander the uncon-
querable passion for the exploration of foreign lands.'

Alexander von Humboldt would assuredly have become the
great traveller had he never even read Campe's 4 Eobinson,' the
first edition of which was published in the year 1780.

It may perhaps seem somewhat remarkable that the two
leading characteristics of Campe's mind — the love of language,
which led him, after Klopstock, to be one of the first in Germany
to engage in the study of philology, though principally in re-
gard to the German language, and the love of adventure which
made him delight in presenting before the minds of children
the histories of bold adventurers and great explorers — should
have been so strikingly manifested in William and Alexander
von Humboldt. It may nevertheless be worthy of notice that
in the journey to Paris in 1789 above alluded to, Campe
assumed the post of governor to the elder Humboldt. But it
is equally certain that the bent of mind relatively distinguish-
ing the two Humboldts was original in the truest and most
characteristic sense of the word, and was in both cases developed
quite independently at an early age. At a time when it was
the fashion to educate youths of distinction according to the
method described by Eousseau in ' Emile,' the educational powers
evinced by Campe were far too highly estimated, and conse-
quently the influence he exerted over the two Humboldts
exaggerated beyond measure. Alexander, who always mentions
his tutors with kindness and gratitude, never refers to Campe
in these terms, and did not scruple even to allude to him in a
tone of ridicule.1

1 'Campe has a project of going to America/ writes Humboldt to

EAELY HOME. 17

Should further evidence be needed to disprove the assertion
that Campe exercised a decided influence over the intellectual
development of the two Humboldts, surely the exclamation
uttered by Greorge Forster l upon receiving a visit from William
von Humboldt and Campe, on their return from Paris in 1789,
will be deemed conclusive: — '(rood heavens! Is it not astonish-
ing that there are any men left in Germany, when their tutors
are all like Campe ! '

Alexander von Humboldt's first tutor was Johann Heinrich
Sigismund Koblanck — a fact which has hitherto escaped the
notice of biographers ; he died as first preacher of the Louisen-
Idrche in Berlin. In his manuscript curriculum vitce, still
preserved by his grandson, Dr. Koblanck, Privy Councillor of
the Board of Health, there occurs the following passage: —
4 Within a month of quitting the University of Halle, in 1773,
Koblanck became a resident in the household of Major von
Humboldt, as successor to Campe, the noted pedagogue, in the
capacity of governor and tutor to the young Baron von Holl-
wede and the two sons of Herr von Humboldt, William and
Alexander, who have since earned for themselves so high a re-
putation, the one by his attainments in literature, the other by
his travels in every quarter of the globe. In the year 1775, he
was appointed military chaplain to the Von Arnim Eoyal Regi-
ment of Infantry, and was ordained at Potsdam on October 20,
in the same year.'

According to family tradition, Alexander von Humboldt

Summering from Hamburg, January 28, 1791 ; < whether he carries it out
or not is quite uncertain. Conceive, my dear friend, the motives that he
specifies j not that he may enchant the intelligent youth of that country by
the introduction of his children's books, his Robinsoniads, &c. ; not that he
may disseminate among the savages his new proof of the immortality of the
soul j not that he may regulate dancing in Philadelphia according to the
laws of chastity — nay, but that he may enter upon a close study of the
constitution of the United States, so as to be able in the course of a year
(for Europe must even be deprived of him for that length of time) to publish
the result of his observations to the Old World, in order that truth and
freedom may be extended to all- mankind. Can you fancy anything
more truly absurd ? I am daily expecting to hear from Campe, inviting
me to accompany him.'

1 George Forster's ' Sammtliche Schriften,' vol. viii. p. 89. See also K.
von Raumer, ' Geschichte der Padagogik,' vol. ii. p. 308 j Schlosser, ' Ge-
schichte des 19. Jahrhunderts/ vol. iii. Part ii. p. 163.

YOL. I. C

18 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

received from Koblanck his first instructions in reading and
writing.

The second tutor to whom the care of Alexander's education
was committed was Johann Cliisener, now mentioned for the
first time in this connection ; he afterwards became private
secretary to the Princess Ferdinand, and Counsellor in the local
Grovernment of Sonnenburg, and in the year 1828 was still
living at Berlin. An autograph letter written to him by
Major von Humboldt, dated Kingenwalde, November 25, 1776,
is still preserved, and bears the address : < A Monsieur, Monsieur
Cliisener, Gmwerneur des Messieurs de Humboldt a Schloss
Tegel.' Kunth in his ' Manuscript Autobiography ' expressly
mentions him as his predecessor in the household of Major von
Humboldt.

Though not possessed of any special powers of instruction,
Kunth, who in later years attained the dignity of Actual Privy
Councillor, was gifted with a character of remarkable excel-
lence, and is deserving of lasting fame for the care he bestowed
upon the education and culture of the two Humboldts. In
the year 1777, at the age of twenty, he entered the family of
Major von Humboldt in the capacity of tutor, when William
was ten and Alexander eight years of age.

Kunth, son of the Protestant pastor of Baruth, had received
a liberal education, and early acquired an excellent knowledge
of Latin, French, and Italian, with a considerable amount of
external culture ; by intercourse with the distinguished society
he was privileged to meet at the musical and dramatic enter-
tainments given at the manorial residence in his father's neigh-
bourhood, his manners acquired that polish and assurance for
which he was afterwards distinguished. During his university
career he had devoted more attention to modern languages and
elegant literature than to the study of theology, and was in
quest of an appointment as Secretary of Legation when he
accepted the engagement of tutor to the sons of Major von
Humboldt, as successor to Herr Cliisener. He made himself so
acceptable in his new position, that he was almost immediately
requested to undertake some important duties in connection
with the household, as well as to conduct much of the necessary
correspondence. In Major von Humboldt's absence it not un-

EAELY HOME. 19

frequently devolved upon him to entertain persons of distinc-
tion, and on one occasion he had the honour to receive the
Duke of Brunswick — a circumstance which furnishes sufficient
proof of the versatility of his powers and the confidence which
was reposed in him.1 ' It is rare,' remarks the celebrated
political economist, State-Councillor Hoffmann, in his obituary
of Kunth,2 ' to find such brilliant hopes receiving so happy a
fulfilment. The bond existing between Kunth and his pupils
was of a more indissoluble nature than that formed merely
through the solicitude of a faithful teacher to communicate to
highly gifted pupils the knowledge he himself possessed.'

It would seem that Kunth but rarely gave instruction person-
ally to his pupils, and his unassuming nature never allowed
him to claim more than a limited influence in producing the
intellectual distinction which they subsequently attained. It
is related by Henriette Herz,3 that on one occasion during the
winter of 1827-8, as Alexander von Humboldt was delivering
an admirable lecture, excellent both in purport and arrange-
ment, before a mixed audience at Berlin, when every eye was
beaming with excited admiration, Kunth whispered in her ear,
' He is not indebted to me for this ! ' and once, when allusion
was made in the presence of William von Humboldt to the ex-
tensive knowledge of history possessed by Kunth, accompanied
by a remark upon his almost painful amount of prolixity, he
observed : — ' That is true ; his lectures upon history make one
almost wish to have been Adam, when history had only just
begun.' 4 There can be no doubt, however, that the views held
by Kunth upon citizenship, political life, and philanthropy, and
the sympathy he invariably manifested with all endeavours
after freedom, must have exercised a very considerable influence
upon the minds of his pupils, and it is evident from the expres-
sions he subsequently made use of in controverting the views
of the minister Stein in the retrospect of his latter years, that
he formed, as it were, the prototype of their characters. Kunth

1 Kimtli's ' Manuscript .Autobiography.'

2 • Staatszeitung ' of November 3, 1829.

3 Fiirst, ' Henriette Herz/ p. 148.

4 ' Aus dem Nachlasse Varnhagen's. Briefe von Chamisso, Gneisenau,
Haugwitz, Willielm von Humboldt, &c.,' vol. i. p. 11.

c 2

20 ALEXANDEE VON HUMT30LDT.

*

was possessed of qualities which made him a diligent worker
and an excellent official ; and his views on the claims of in-
dustry and other branches of political economy were marked
by sense and clearness. He devoted himself with the most
indefatigable energy to the establishment of a free and en-
lightened legislation, to the elevation of the industrial classes,
and the furtherance of trade and commerce, and he deserves
especial credit for the unremitting industry with which he
laboured, not only towards the suppression of the corrupt prac-
tices of many of the trade corporations, but also towards the
introduction of a system of free trade, and the formation of the
Zollverein or tariff union throughout Germany.1

The chief service that Kunth rendered to his pupils in his
character of tutor consisted in the judicious efforts he con-
stantly displayed to procure the most valuable educational advan-
tages afforded by Berlin, such as private instruction, social
intercourse, and suitable companionship, in this way supplying
the advantages they missed from never having been at a public
school. These methods were peculiarly calculated to encourage
the development of the individual gifts and mental tastes which
so soon began to manifest themselves in the youths.

No record has been preserved of the progressive order of their
studies ; but Alexander very early evinced a taste for natural
history. Flowers and plants, butterflies and beetles, shells and
stones, were his favourite playthings ; and the collecting, ar-
ranging, and labelling of these treasures was carried on with so
much zeal, that as a child he acquired, in jest, the name of
6 Little Apothecary.'

The principal instruction they received in these early years
was derived from Ernst Gottfried Fischer, Professor in the
Gymnasium of the Grey Friars, whose mathematical school-
books continued to be in use long after his death. In his
manuscript journal, still preserved, he remarks : — ' In addition
to my arduous official duties, I was obliged, for the sake of
increasing my income, to engage in some extraneous occupa-
tion, consisting principally in private tuition. Such labours,
undertaken as a means of livelihood, are not generally favour-

1 Pertz, ' Lelben des Ministers Freiherra von Stein/ vol. vi. p. 789.

EAELY HOME. 21

able for private study, yet in the first few years I was fortunate
enough not to have to expend my strength on dull and stupid
pupils. The instruction of such youths as William and Alex-
ander von Humboldt, and Joseph Mendelssohn, cannot be
classed among those uninteresting labours to which duty and
necessity so often reduce a man of learning. I recall with
extreme pleasure the hours passed almost daily for several
successive years with the family of Major von Humboldt,
engaged in giving instruction in Latin, Greek, -and mathema-
tics, and cheered by the bright hopes which enchanted me at
that time as much by anticipation as now they do by their
happy fulfilment.' It may here be remarked that Alexander
could not have been included in these instructions in Greek,
since it was not till June 1788, therefore only after his first
academical term, that he began, 6 in his nineteenth year, under
the tuition of Bartholdi, to decline e^tSi/a.' l

Loflfler, who became afterwards Professor in the University
of Frankfort-on-the-Oder and later Councillor of the Upper
Consistory at Gotha, a free-thinker and author of a pamphlet
on the Neo-Platonism of the Fathers, gave instruction at one
time to the family of Major von Humboldt in Latin and
Greek.

Among the lectures attended by the youths may be men-
tioned those of Engel, Professor at the Joachimsthal Gymnasium
and ^Esthetic Director on the Board of Management of the
Royal Theatres — the author of 'Popular Philosophy,' who,
with a delivery almost rivalling that of Garve and Mendels-
sohn, familiarised the minds of his youthful hearers with that
modest, practical philosophy which he so ably advocated as
adapted equally to the guidance of the conscience and the
control of the reason. In his biography of William von Hum-
boldt, Haym remarks : ' The power of communicating know-
ledge in an attractive manner existed in Engel in an eminent
degree ; a transparent clearness of thought characterised his
understanding, a correct and elegant taste regulated his feel-
ings, while he gave expression to both thought and feeling in
chaste and appropriate language. In his ' Popular Philosophy,'

1 Letter from Alexander von Hmnboldt to Wegener, his fellow-student at
Frankfort, dated Berlin, June 9, 1788.

22 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

Knowledge appeared in her most engaging form. Engel was
himself most truly a philosopher for the world, and without
doubt he was an admirable instructor of youth.'

In the year 1785, as we learn from his biographer Gronau,1
Dohm, then officially engaged in the Department of Trade and
Commerce, gave a series of lectures upon political economy, at
the request of the minister Von Schulenburg, for the instruction
of a young Count von Arnim.

' At the wish of their excellent mother,' writes Gronau, ' the
two brothers William and Alexander von Humboldt attended
these lectures, which were in all points similar to an ordinary
university course, and were continued from the autumn of 1785
to June 1786.' — 'Dohm retained through life the happiest
recollections of this early connection with his youthful auditors ;
and it is evident that Alexander von Humboldt also maintained
a strong interest in his former tutor, since after an interval of
twenty years, in a beautiful spirit of grateful affection, he
sought him out towards the end of the year 1806, and, for the
sake of doing him a trifling pleasure, devoted several spare
hours of a morning and evening to " his good tutor," as he
always called Dohm, in giving him a narrative of his travels in
America, illustrating his descriptions by an exhibition of some
of the treasures he had brought back with him.'

It would appear that Alexander did not join his brother
William in attending the lectures on law and jurisprudence
delivered by Klein, Counsellor of the Supreme Court of Judi-
cature, and one of the compilers of the New Code of Law in
Prussia. Yet it is probable, from the interest that Moses
Mendelssohn is known to have taken 2 in the studies of William
von Humboldt, that there may be some truth in the tradition

1 Gronau, ( Chr. Wilh. v. Dohm, nach seinem Wollen und Handeln,'
p. 127.

2 In the private library of the King of Saxony there is still preserved a
very elaborate treatise of nearly 750 quarto pages, together with some
letters of Klein and remarks of Moses Mendelssohn upon ' extorted treaties '
(' iiber erzwungene Vertrage '). A letter of Alexander von Humboldt,
appended to the book, runs as follows :—

* The book, entirely in my brother's handwriting, contains the essays which
he wrote out after every private lesson on the laws of nature from Counsel-

EAELY HOME. 23

that he used to spend the ' morning hours ' in walking about
the garden in company with the two brothers, and, while en-
gaged in friendly intercourse, discoursing to them valuable
lessons in philanthropy and philosophy. Ample proof, how-
ever, exists that intercourse of a similarly instructive character
was maintained between the Humboldts and David Friedlander,
since several letters are still extant that were addressed to
him by the two brothers. Upon his death on December 25,
1834, his eldest son, Benoni Friedlander, received the following
expressions of condolence from Alexander and William von
Humboldt : —

' Berlin : December 27, 1834.

' . . . . The attractive image of your noble and intellectual
father is distinguishable among the earliest and most grateful
reminiscences of my youth. The marked kindness which he
invariably showed me enhances the pleasure of these recollec-
tions : for to your lamented father I am indebted for much
valuable influence In my education and in the direction of my
thoughts and feelings. He was, with Engel, the constant friend
of our house. He possessed an extensive knowledge of anti-
quity, a love of speculative philosophy, a delicate and correct
taste for the beauties of poetry, and considerable ability in
solving, by the wonderful flexibility of our language, the difficult
problem of translating from the sacred tongues ; to these in-
tellectual gifts of a high order were united the most liberal
opinions upon the political events of the day, and the most
sincere and devoted affection towards his oppressed people.
His long, happy, and successful life has closed within the
circle of his family, who could well appreciate the value of his
intellectual worth, since through him they have been fashioned
into a similar mould.

lor Klein. The marginal notes commenting upon the work, for the most
part in praise, but occasionally in refutation, are in Klein's handwriting.
I cannot but wish that this manuscript, not meant for publication, may fall
into the hands of those who will know how to appreciate the philosophical
jurisprudence contained in this youthful production of William vcn Hum-
boldt.

' Berlin : February 1854.'

24 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

c In the midst of your sorrow pray receive, with every good
wish, the assurance of the most ardent affection and grateful
friendship of

'Yours, &c.,

'ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.'

1 Tegel : January 2, 1835.

6 In my retirement here, I heard only recently of the death
of your revered father, and I was on the point of writing to
you, to express my sincere and heartfelt grief, when your letter
reached me. I was truly glad to receive the assurance that a
gentle and painless release had been granted to him. If his
life, as you remark, has been a happy one, it has also been one
of usefulness and honour, for by his worth and talents he had
won for himself a position in which he will never cease to be
remembered. It is a great gratification to me to learn that
during the illness of our deceased friend my brother and I had
often been in his thoughts, and it can never be forgotten by
either of us how diligently he laboured for our improvement.
From the kind interest which he manifested towards us from
the first, he kept us always in a pleased and eager mood, while
his quick intelligence, the almost uninterrupted cheerfulness
of his disposition, and his constant incitement to some useful
occupation, either mental or physical, rendered our studies
both interesting and attractive. He early directed our minds
to correct views on several important points connected with life
and society — views, however, which at that time were by no
means universally received. I cannot sufficiently thank you
for your kindness in sending me some particulars of his last
hours. I beg the favour of the continuance of your kind con-
sideration, which, I assure you, will ever be most sincerely and
affectionately reciprocated by me.

' I remain, with the highest esteem,
' Yours,

c WILLIAM HUMBOLDT.'

Another tutor to the two Humboldts is referred to by Kunth
under the name of Meyer ; probably this was the mathema-
tician Meyer Hirsch, whose books on algebra and geometry are

EAELY HOME. 25

still in use as educational works, and who at that time was
engaged in the tuition of some young princes of the court.

A hasty but not uninteresting glimpse of the youthful days
of Alexander von Humboldt is given in Heim's ' Life of Kessler.'
In the journal of this noted physician, the following entry
occurs under date of July 30, 1781 : — 'Kode over to Tegel, and
took an early dinner with Frau von Humboldt ; explained to
the young Humboldts the twenty-four classes of the Linnsean
system of botany, which the elder one readily comprehended,
retaining the names without difficulty.' Again, on May 19,
1783, he writes : — 'Rode over to Spandau to witness the review
with my friends from Tegel, Kunth and his distinguished
pupils.'

Since William von Humboldt at that time was scarcely
sixteen years of age, and Alexander not yet fourteen, we must
suppose that the term ' distinguished ' is a polite interpolation
of a later date.

In modern languages their instructor, according to Alex-
ander von Humboldt, was Professor Le Bauld de Nans, tutor to
the royal family ; he was editor of the 6 Gazette litteraire de
Berlin,' a publication started by the actor Francheville, in
which Humboldt's first literary effort appeared.

It would seem that the fine arts were also studied by
Alexander with some degree of success ; for in the catalogue of
the first exhibition of the Berlin Academy, in the year 1786,
the following entry occurs under the division 4 Amateurs : ' — c No.
290. Herr von Humboldt, junr. Friendship weeping over
the Ashes of the Dead. Drawn in black chalk after Angelica
Kauffmann.'

Those who are acquainted with the scientific labours of
Alexander von Humboldt are doubtless familiar with his later
drawings, in every variety of style, illustrative of his studies in
botany, zoology, anatomy, and natural science, besides maps
and configurations of country. It may not, however, be so
generally known that in later years he studied both drawing
and painting in Paris, under Gerard, when he made severe
studies from models as well as from life, and laboured with so
much success that he was able to produce some admirable por-
traits. A half-length portrait, life-size, drawn in black chalk,,

*26 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

and inscribed with his own hand : ' Alexander von Humboldt,
of myself in a looking-glass. Paris, 1814,' is one of the best
portraits of him existing. He also made an excellent por-
trait in pencil of Professor Kunth, his indefatigable assistant
in the preparation of his botanical works.

In the arts of etching and engraving on copper he received
instruction from the celebrated Chodowiecki, and several im-
pressions from plates engraved by Humboldt are still pre-
served, to which we shall have occasion again to allude.

Neither of the brothers had the smallest appreciation for
music : to William it was absolutely intolerable, while Alexander
regarded it as a ' calami te sociale.' l

This is all that is certainly known concerning the tutors en-
gaged in the tuition of Alexander von Humboldt ; Willdenow,
though often included among them, was certainly not one of
the number, and it was only in later years that his influence
operated so powerfully in the development of Humboldt's
botanical tastes. Humboldt writes of his early education to
Pictet in the following terms in the year 18062 : —

' Until I reached the age of sixteen, I showed little inclina-
tion for scientific pursuits. I was of a restless disposition, and
wished to be a soldier. (!) This choice was displeasing to my
family, who were desirous that I should devote myself to the
study of finance, so that I had no opportunity of attending a
course of botany or chemistry ; I am self-taught in almost all
the sciences with which I am now so much occupied, and I
acquired them comparatively late in life. Of the science of
botany I never so much as heard till I formed the acquaintance
in 1788 of Herr Willdenow, a youth of my own age, who had
just been publishing a Flora of Berlin. His gentle and amiable
character stimulated the interest I felt in his pursuits. I never
received from him any lessons professedly, but I used to bring
him the specimens I collected, and he gave me their classifica-

1 Anton Springer, 'Friedrich Christian Dahlmann' (Leipzig, 1870),
$. 237.

2 < Lettres d'Alexandre de Humboldt a Marc-Auguste Pictet, 1705-1824,'
in ' Le Globe, Journal geogr. de la Soc. de Geogr. de Geneve ' (1868), vol. viii.
p. 180. See also Brockhaus' ' Conversations-Lexikon,' art. ' Alexander von
Humboldt.'

EARLY HOME. 27

tions. I became passionately devoted to botany, and took
especial interest in the study of cryptogamia. The sight of
exotic plants, even when only as dried specimens in an herba-
rium, fired my imagination with the pleasure that would be
derived from the view of a tropical vegetation in southern
lands. Owing to his intimacy with Chevalier Thunberg, Herr
Willdenow was often in receipt of plants from Japan, and I
could never see them without indulging the hope that some
time or other I might visit foreign countries.'

These last words furnish a glimpse of those early days when
the desire for foreign travel was first awakened in the youth's
heart. Humboldt always recalled with interest the rise of these
early tastes which exercised so powerful an influence upon his
later life. Thus he writes l : —

' From my earliest youth I had an intense desire to travel inv
those distant lands which have been but rarely visited by
Europeans. This impulse is characteristic of a certain period
in our existence, when life appears as a boundless horizon,
when nothing so completely captivates the fancy as the repre-
sentations of physical danger and the excitement of sensational
emotion. Although educated in a country which held no direct
communication with the colonial settlements of either the East
or West Indies, and afterwards called to reside at a distance
from the coast among mountains famous for their extensive
mines, I yet felt the passion for the sea and for long voyages
growing within me with ever-increasing strength.'

And further : — ' The study of maps and the perusal of books
of travel exercised a secret fascination over me which was
at times almost irresistible, and seemed to bring me in close
relationship with places and things in regions far remote.
The thought that I might possibly have to renounce all hope
of seeing the splendid constellations that shine in the southern
hemisphere invariably sent a pang to my heart.'

In the ''Aspects of Nature'2 he states : — 'In the longing for a
sight of the Great Pacific from the high peaks of the Andes,
was mingled the interest with which, as a boy, I had listened to

1 ' Reise in die Aequinoctialgegenden des neuen Continents/ vol. i. p. 47.
HaufTs edition, vol. i. pp. 2, 3.

2 ' Ansichten der Natur,' 3rd ed. vol. ii. p. 303.

28 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

the narrative of the bold expedition of Vasco Nunez de Balboa.
The reedy shores of the Caspian Sea, as I viewed them from
the delta formed by the mouths of the Volga, are certainly not
picturesque ; yet the first sight of this vast inland sea of Asia
yielded me great delight from the fact that in my youthful days
I had drawn its outline in a map. The tastes first awakened
by the impressions of childhood, and moulded by the circum-
stances of after life, often become, when imbued with the deep
earnestness of later years, the incentive to scientific labour or
to undertakings of vast import.'

And in a passage in fi Cosmos ' l he remarks : — c The pleasure
I derived as a child from the contemplation of the form of
continents and seas as delineated in maps, the yearning to
behold those southern constellations which never appear above
our horizon, the representations of palms and cedars of Lebanon
occurring in the illustrations of a pictorial Bible, may all have
contributed to excite within me the desire to travel in foreign
lands. Were I to ask myself, while reviewing such early remi-
niscences, what first awoke in me the insatiable longing to view
the glories of a tropical region, I should reply : — The perusal
of George Forster's vivid descriptions of the islands in the
Pacific ; the sight of some paintings by Hodge, in the house
of Warren Hastings in London, representing scenes on the
Granges ; and the admiring wonder excited by the contempla-
tion of a gigantic dragon-tree in an old tower of the Botanic
Garden at Berlin.'

Some influence may also be due to the fact that the youthful
years of Alexander von Humboldt were passed during a time
of general excitement for geographical discovery, when the
passion for exploration had taken possession of the leading
nations of Europe, causing them to emulate each other in
acquiring a knowledge of distant lands and seas.

Even the disasters that befel the unfortunate enterprises of
La Perouse and D'Entrecasteau, of Bligh and Malaspina, were
powerless to damp the extraordinary zeal for travel and dis-
covery which had been excited by Byron, Wallis, Carteret,
Bougainville, and Cook. Owing to the persevering energy of

1 ' Kosmos/ vol. ii. p. 5.

EARLY HOME. 29

Cook, who between the years 1768 and 1779 had explored in
three successive voyages the whole extent of the Southern
Ocean, the veil that had concealed one half of our globe had
been rent asunder and the whole civilised world fired with enthu-
siasm. The noble example of Cook and his companion Banks,
of such men as Solander, Sparrmann, and the two Forsters,
inflamed the zeal of other navigators, and led to the expedi-
tions of Vancouver and Flinders to the coasts of Australia and
New Zealand.

The zeal thus manifested in maritime discovery was equally
displayed in the investigation of unknown continents. Through
the policy of Catherine of Eussia, various expeditions had been
despatched for the exploration of different parts of the continent
of Asia ; those to the northern districts were under the care of
Ginelin, Pallas, Georgi, and Giildenstadt, associates of the
Academy of St. Petersburg, while Thunberg, also a distinguished
academician, was entrusted with the exploration of the provinces
of Eastern Asia : and while the Asiatic Society of London
undertook the exploration of India, and the various embassies
of Great Britain furnished geographical information concerning
the countries of Thibet, China, and Java, Niebuhr, Volney,
Choiseul-Gouffier, and Le Chevalier contributed, under the
auspices of the French Government, most valuable data in
reference to Palestine, Syria, and Asia Minor, not only as
regarded geographical discovery, but also concerning the history
of those countries and their natural characteristics. Since the
formation of the African Association of London, in 1768, the
continent of Africa had in like manner been subjected to exten-
sive exploration, and the most important^ information obtained
of the northern and eastern districts by the travels of Sonnini,
Niebuhr, Forskal, Hoest, Poiret, Desfontaines, Volney, Bruce,
Houghton, and Hornemann ; of Western Africa by the expe-
ditions of Norris, Isert, Golberry, and Grandpre ; and of the
southern regions by the explorations of Thunberg, Sparrmann,
Paterson, and Le Vaillant. The spirit of the age led Hearne
and Mackenzie, the one as discoverer, the other as explorer, to
visit even the polar regions of North America. The time
indeed was rapidly approaching when almost the entire globe
should be thrown open to the spirit of exploration then

30 ALEXANDEB VON HUMBOLDT.

animating Europe, and already events which the boldest minds
scarcely ventured to anticipate were transpiring which should
crowd into one generation more discoveries than had been made
in the three preceding centuries.

This intense excitement for discovery in geography and
natural science was accompanied by an enthusiasm which made
itself felt even in the literature of the day, supplying language
with the most glowing images, the most gorgeous colouring,
and inspiring even the prose writings of that time with the
most daring flights of imagination. We have but to call to
mind Buffon's < Epoques de la Nature' (1778), Bernardin de
St.-Pierre's 'Etudes de la Nature' (1784), and 'Paul et Vir-
ginie' (1788), as well as the writings of Playfair or the descrip-
tions of Greorge Forster.

Can we wonder, then, if under such exciting circumstances
the youth's passion for travel, his thirst for knowledge and
the investigation of nature, should inflame with ever increasing
enthusiasm !

On January 6, 1779, occurred the unexpected death of Major
von Humboldt, the result of a merely casual illness ; this event
was the more unlocked for, since his usual good health had
given promise of a long life'i It is possible that his removal
may be regarded almost as a fortuitous circumstance, as, from
his high military position, he might probably have viewed with
impatience the tastes developed in his sons, and considered the
.gratification of such tastes derogatory to their position in
society. The loss of their father produced no change in their
mode of life. To their mother, as the natural guardian of her
sons, was committed the charge of their property and the
management of all their affairs, so that the youths continued
to remain under her watchful care, and under the intellectual
guidance of their tutor Kunth.

The physical constitution of Alexander was of such a nature
as to prevent so early a development of intellectual power as
occurred in the case of his brother William. In making a
retrospect of his early education, William remarks concerning
himself, c that from his earliest years he could scarcely repress
the desire to see and know as much as possible about every-
thing that surrounded him, and was not content until every

EAKLY HOME. 31

idea that presented itself before him had been worked out
in his own mind and thoroughly appropriated.' Alexander,
on the contrary, could only master his daily tasks by dint of
extraordinary effort. As a boy, he was much less robust than
William, and suffered from an amount of debility which not
unfrequently produced great prostration. He himself confesses
to Freiesleben, his fellow-student at Freiberg and subsequently
Director of Mines, ' that in the first years of his childhood his
tutors were doubtful whether even ordinary powers of intel-
ligence would ever be developed in him, and that it was only
in quite later boyhood that he began to show any evidence of
mental vigour.' l

In reference to this subject, the following passage, occurring
in a letter written by George Forster to Heyne, on July 14,
1790, is full of interest: — < Herr von Humboldt, who desires
to be specially remembered to you, is still with me, and has
been tolerably well throughout the journey, though not so well
as I could wish. He says, indeed, that he has been constantly
ailing for the last five years, and is never much better excepting
immediately after a severe illness ; then he gradually becomes-
worse again until the outbreak of another attack of indisposi-
tion, when the system is for a time freed from the accumulation
of unhealthy humours. I am, however, fully persuaded that in
his case the body suffers from a too great activity of mind, and
that his brain has been sadly overworked by the logical course
of education adopted by the Berlin professors.'

And again, in a letter of later date, Forster writes to Jacobi
on August 6, 1791, in a similar strain:— < Alexander von
Humboldt is at Freiberg, and I am afraid I shall lose sight of
him. William has been lost to me for long ; he is at Erfurt,

1 As if for consolation, history furnishes many examples of the late
development of some of the finest intellects, which then seemed only to
expand the mere suddenly and the more gloriously. Albertus Magnus, the
learned philosopher of the middle ages, was as a child so dull of understand-
ing that he appeared incapable of learning to read ; the genius of Newton
lay for a long time so entirely concealed that his mother took him away
from school and destined him to agricultural pursuits ; Linnaeus, for the
same reason, was intended by his father to be apprenticed to a shoemaker ;
Moliere learnt to read only in his fourteenth year. The case was scarcely
so desperate, however, with Alexander von Humboldt.

52 ALEXANDER VON HTJMBOLDT.

getting married to a Fraulein von Dacherb'den, and in his
present humour declines all public employment, which, with
his talents, is much to be regretted. Alexander, on the con-
trary, is most anxious to work, but he has not the physical
power.'

Even in 1795 Humboldt is obliged thus to allude to his
health in a letter to Willdenow : — ' You have a right to be
angry with me for writing so seldom. Yet if you knew the
circumstances in which I am placed — that I am constantly
travelling about, and that I was laid up for three months last
winter with a serious illness, which obliges me to devote the
little leisure I now have to study — you would at least accept
my excuses, even if you could not justify me.'

At a still later period even, Kunth expresses some anxiety
about his health in a letter to Von Moll of September 17,
1799: — 'If his health,' he writes, 'does not succumb to the
climate and the hardships of travel, how much valuable infor-
mation may not be expected in various departments of physical
science from the observations of one who, possessed of such
extensive knowledge, and burning with zeal for the investiga-
tion of nature, is intending to spend years together in the
midst of scenes of such sublimity.'

Fortunately, however, delicate constitutions often suffer less
from the change to a foreign climate and the hardships of
travel than those natures which appear to be more robust.
Thus Irwin survived all the privations of the desert surrounding-
Thebes, while Ledyard, though much more vigorous, fell a
victim to the climate before leaving Cairo ; and Seetzen, consti-
tutionally delicate, successfully combated the dangers of tra-
vel in Syria, Egypt, and Arabia, while his stronger and more
hardy companion, Jacobsen, was compelled, on account of the
climate, to leave the expedition at Smyrna. Humboldt de-
scribes himself as being equally in his element in the region
of the tropics as within the circle of the poles.

For some years prior to their departure for the University,
the brothers resided more frequently at Berlin than at Tegel ;
for only in the capital could they procure the assistance of
tutors capable of undertaking the various branches of their
education and enjoy the advantages necessary for their prepa-

EARLY HOME. 33

ration for college life. Concerning this period of his life,
William von Humboldt relates the following particulars to his
friend and correspondent Charlotte : l — 6 You ask where I was
residing in 1786 and the following years. I lived at Berlin.
My mother only resided there during the winter, but my
younger brother and I continued there through the summer
with a tutor, riding over to Tegel usually of a Sunday. I]his
was my mode of life till the autumn of 1788, when, accom-
panied by the same tutor, I entered with my brother upon
college life at the University then existing at Frankfort-on-
the-Oder, where I remained till the Easter of 1789. I went
soon after with my tutor to Grottingen, leaving my brother still
at Frankfort. Once established at Grottingen, I bade farewell
to my tutor, and from that moment, when twenty-two years
of age, I was thrown upon my own responsibility. It was at
this period that I made your acquaintance atPyrmont in 1789.
It was not till the Easter of 1790 that my brother joined me
at Grottingen.'

By this system Kunth succeeded in completing the education
of his pupils in the course of ten years, without the necessity
of their attendance at any gymnasium or other public school.
The friendship formed with his pupils remained unbroken
during the ensuing forty years, till his death in 1829, and
while they were winning for themselves positions of distinction,
the one as a man of science, the other as an enlightened states-
man, he continued to enjoy their familiar confidence and dis-
played towards them the same watchful care and devoted
attachment he had ever manifested.

As early as the year 1782, a yearly pension of 400 gold
florins was granted to Kunth by Frau von Humboldt, as the
expression of a mother's gratitude c for the faithful manner in
which he has conducted the entire education of my two younger
sons ' — a gift which was confirmed to him, as a legacy, among
the bequests of her will. As long as he lived, Kunth continued
to act as administrator of Alexander's property. Even after
entering the service of the State, he remained a member of
the household of Frau von Humboldt till her death nine years
afterwards, in 1796, and enjoyed a position of such friendship

1 'Briefe an erne Freundin,' p. 164.
TOL. I. D

34 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

and confidence, that on his death his remains were interred
near the family vault of the Humboldts at Tegel.

Thus passed the childhood and early youth of Alexander von
Humboldt. His lot was not that of many sons of genius, who
are called to spend their energies in a constant struggle against
poverty and adverse circumstances. His temptations were of
another order ; and it is due to his heaven-born nature, that
notwithstanding the high position of his family, his aristocratic
birth, and the manifold enticements to a life of luxury and
ease offered by the possession of wealth, he evinced from his
earliest years a thirst for knowledge and an aspiration towards
all that was good and beautiful, which impelled him amid
much bodily weakness to devote himself to study with unremit-
ting application.

It will be desirable, before accompanying the brothers to the
University, to take in review the general condition of Berlin at
that time, since it forms, as it were, an historical background
to the brilliant career of these distinguished men.

The august form of Frederick the Great was still the guiding
star at Berlin during the childhood and early youth of William
and Alexander von Humboldt. Alexander could lay claim to
belong, as he himself expressed it on the celebration of the
centenary of the great king's accession,1 c to the past generation,
as one of those who, amid the earliest recollections of their
boyhood, could still recall the image of the great monarch.'
Although, since the days of Lessing and Mendelssohn, an en-
lightened tone of thought on religion, science, art, social life,
and to some extent also on politics, had begun to evince itself
at Berlin, though both Biester and Nikolai had since 1759
commenced in the ' Literaturbriefe ' a severe criticism against
the courtly French muse, yet this pulsation of a higher life was
so weak and intermittent, it was as yet so partial and spas-
modic, that it cannot be justly regarded as a general elevation
in taste. And as the number of ' new lights ' was small, so
were also the social home circles, in which alone they could
be appreciated. In every circle there were few among the

1 Augsburg ' Allgemeine Zeitung ' of June 9, 1840, Supplement.

EAELY HOME. 35

rising generation who gave promise of exceeding the prevail-
ing mediocrity. It was not Berlin, but Konigsberg, where
Kant was inculcating his philosophy, that was destined to be the
cradle of the new intellectual life of Grermany.

At the court of Frederick the Great, the select circle imme-
diately surrounding the monarch consisted exclusively of
foreigners, for the most part French, who had grown old with
him and been his companions through life. They freely in-
dulged their taste for the high-flavoured dishes with which the
French regaled them, such as the flimsy philosophy of Voltaire,
the licentious paradoxes of La Metterie, while they took no
cognisance of the movement of thought taking place in Grer-
many. The circle that gathered round Prince Henry was dis-
tinguished for intellectual brilliancy and sarcastic wit, and was
more captivating to younger men, but failed to prove a perma-
nent attraction to superior minds.1

The higher officials, both civil and military, most of whom
were of noble birth, avoided all society that was intellectual
and elevating. Those of a lower grade, receiving small salaries,
and overwhelmed with official work, found the calls of busi-
ness and the necessities of their families too pressing to permit
the cultivation of any elevation of sentiment. The wealthier
commercial circles were noted only for the luxury in which
their families were nurtured, but of true cultivation the ap-
pearance even was unattempted. Men of science remained hid
in the restricted circles of their own families, and at most met
together in the ' Montags-Club,' like the priests of the Samo-
thracian mysteries, where the presence of ladies and strangers
would have been regarded as a profanation of their sublime
revelations.

It addition to this, the views held by the king on military,
political, and administrative subjects were estranging him
further and further from the living world around him, and even
his vaunted philanthropic principles now showed a new phase,
causing the severity of his government, which had not hitherto
been burdensome, to be regarded as tyrannical and oppressive.
There seemed, in short, to be a tone pervading every class of

1 Pertz, f Leben des Ministers Freiherrn von Stein/ vol. i. p. 21.

D 2

36 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

society, as if all the elements of an important epoch were on
the point of dissolution.

This state of things accounts for the disagreeable impres-
sion produced upon Greorge Forster by his visit to Berlin : — ' I
reached Berlin,' writes Forster * to Jacobi on April 23, 1779,
6 at the close of January. I found I had greatly erred in my
conceptions of this great city. The exterior is much more
beautiful, the life within much more dark than I had pictured
it. Berlin is certainly one of the handsomest cities in Europe.
But the inhabitants ! Hospitality and the pleasures of refined
taste degenerated into luxury, high living, I might almost say
gluttony ; a bold and enlightened habit of thought perverted
into licentious extravagance and unbridled scepticism. And
then the rationalistic clergy, who, in their wisdom and out of
the fulness of their virtue and moral perfection, would sweep
from religion all that is incomprehensible, and reduce it to the
ordinary level of the human understanding! I expected to
find men of quite a superior order, pure, noble, and illuminated
with light from Heaven, yet with the simplicity and modesty
of children. I met, instead, with men of the ordinary type,
and, still worse, with men filled with the pride and self-conceit
of philosophers and theologians ; . . . . more I need not say.
As to the French Academicians ! — let me shake off the dust
from my feet and pass on. ... In the five weeks that I was
there, I dined or supped in fifty or sixty different houses,
and each time I was obliged to listen to the same round of
dull stories, to hear and answer the same questions, to amuse,
in short, a thousand idle people, who, wishing to astound
their neighbours by the wonderful extent of their knowledge,
would put ten queries in a breath and recommence before
the first was answered, only that they might captivate the
weak and dull brains of the gaping listeners by the exu-
berance and rapid flow of their ideas, however foolish those
might be. This kind of thing has tormented me almost to
death, and Berlin swarms with people of this description.
.... Of the fair sex I dare not even think. Were women
ever entirely corrupt, they are so at Berlin, where self-love —
that is to say, coquetry — is as universal as in Paris, where th°

1 ' Sammtliche Schriften ' (Leipzig, 1843), vol. vii. p. 112.

EAELY HOME. 37

tone of good society is attuned to dull witticisms, insipid com-
pliments, and the unceasing fabrication of so-called "jolis riens?
where there is no thought, and, except in the greatest volup-
tuousness, no feeling. This is the state of society from court
circles down to the level of common life.' ....

There is no doubt, however, that during this visit to Berlin,
the private relationships of Forster had placed him in a most
uncomfortable and painful position. The applications he
had to make on his father's behalf compelled him, as he says
himself in the same letter, to mix in too many different circles,
and since ' the Berlinese exact from a stranger in everything
a pliability of character whereby he is rendered either a fool or
a knave,' he was frequently compelled to exercise a severe con-
straint upon himself, in order that no hindrance should arise
to the accomplishment of his father's plans.

Goethe also, who about the same time, in May 1778, was a
guest in the suite of his prince at the court of Berlin, complains
bitterly of the ' corrupt brood,' and of being forced ' to hear
the great king abused by his own miserable curs.'

Scarcely had King Frederick passed away (August 17, 1786),
when the fabric of the new enlightenment was completely broken
down, and all elements of corruption, all outgrowths of con-
tracted official politics, of the overbearing patriotism of the bar-
rack-room, of political and ecclesiastical surveillance, of pietistic
hypocrisy and the deceptive mysticisms of illuminati, alche-
mists, and women of no reputation, of the censorship of the
press and restriction of speech, burst forth with audacious
effrontery, blunting and extinguishing every nobler aspira-
tion.

King Frederick William II. was ambitious of being a Ger-
man prince ; he loved his native language, and was anxious that
it should be restored to universal use. Public buildings were
henceforth inscribed with German instead of Latin inscrip-
tions, and the lords and ladies of the court greeted one another
again with the simple ' (rood morning ' (c Guten Morgen '). In
striking contrast with the previous customs of the court, the
king and his suite attended divine service regularly ; sometimes
at the Cathedral, to hear Sack, the preacher of the Eeformed
Church ; sometimes at the Marienkirche, to listen to Zollner, a

38 ALEXANDER VON HUMEOLDT.

Lutheran clergyman ; occasionally even at the Roman Catholic
chapel, to hear the Bishop of Culm or the French preachers
Ancillon, Erman, Dupasquet, and E-eclam, but most frequently
at the small Hospital Church, attracted by the preaching of
Ambrosius, where the great world soon came in such crowds
that no room could be found for the sisterhood in attendance
at the institution. This pious church-going, however, was
accompanied, as is well known, by an extreme laxity of morals ;
from ' gallant Saxony,' from the corrupt court of King Au-
gustus, came many seductive syrens and abandoned women
to the court of Frederick William, bringing with them the
worst practices of heathen times.

A caustic description of the state of Berlin at this period is
given by George Forster in the following letter to Sommering,
bearing date March 16, 1788 : l — 'I could hold no converse
with the all-powerful people, as you call them, much less even
attempt to fathom them, without disclaiming the character of
an honest man. Had I found them to be a people who, like
Cicero's augurs, laughed over the mysteries of their own trade,
it might have been possible for me to have associated with
them. But to play the hypocrite, and call that high and
honourable which I could never regard as such, is to me an
impossibility.' After a severe critique of Wollner, Bischofs-
werder, Theden, and others, he says : — ' What can be expected
from such men ? '

And not only foreigners, but even residents describe the
state of Berlin at that time as being in the highest degree sad
and depressing. On October 27, 1788, Professor Fischer, who
has been already mentioned as one of the tutors of the two
Humboldts, writes on this subject to the most distinguished
mathematician of the day, Johann Friedrich Pfaff, at Helm-
stadt, as follows : — 6 Alas ! alas ! many and sad changes have
taken place at Berlin since you left it. I keep hoping, how-
ever, that the fermentation agitating the public mind will in
the end, notwithstanding all counter-pressure, tend to further
the progress of enlightenment ; for such a condition of things
obliges all the friends of truth actively to bestir themselves.

1 Wagner, < Leben und Wirken Sommering's,' vol. i. p. 260.

EABLY HOME. 39

The ecclesia triumphans or triumphare cupiens has, mean-
while, to contend with all her might against a powerful oppo-
sition, and is occasionally defeated in her most cherished plans,
as, for instance, in regard to a civil edict requiring that all
enactments on the subject of religion should, whenever prac-
ticable, be issued by the crown. It is confidently reported that
a new edict for the restriction of the liberty of the press has
been lately rejected almost unanimously by the Council of State,
two ministers only voting in its favour.1 It may be regarded
as an open question whether a victory of this kind is in reality
a triumph of truth. For it is maintained by some that many
of these liberal acts only originate from motives of financial
policy, as, for instance, if the peasantry are not allowed to dance
on a Sunday, the revenue from the music tax will be diminished,
and so on. ... Silberschlag2 has recently delivered some
lectures on the sun at the Academy of Sciences. The result
of his reasoning, supposed to be incontrovertible, is as follows :
—The sun is really a kitchen fire, and the spots are clouds of
smoke and great heaps of soot ; consequently, where there is
a kitchen fire, there must be meat to roast, such as godless
people, Deists, Universalists, and Atheists, and the devil is
the cook who turns the spit.'

Still greater absurdities had been committed at the Academy
during the previous year. In 1787, the same year in which
Humboldt matriculated at the University of Frankfort, Semler
communicated to the Academy his discovery that gold was
formed in a certain volatile salt when kept in a moist and
warm condition. Klaproth tested this salt by order of the
Academy, and actually found in it a small piece of gold-leaf-
placed there by Semler's servant in order to cheer his credulous
master in his labours.

Such was the intellectual and moral atmosphere of Berlin at the
time when the two Humboldts were entering man's estate, and
were therefore of an age to be most easily influenced by external

1 The edict on religion was dated July 9, 1788 ; the edict on the censor-
ship of the press December 19, 1788.

2 Johann Esaias Silberschlag was principal preacher at the Church of the
Trinity, Councillor of the Upper Consistory, and Privy Councillor of the
Itoyal Commission for Public Buildings.

40 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

circumstances. What attraction, wliat stimulus could sucli a
state of things offer to their gifted natures ? To minds already
fired by aspirations after a new world of thought, what conge-
niality could be found in society of this kind, where, notwith-
standing the boast of high cultivation, Lessing was stigmatised
as an- innovator and a free-thinker ?

There were but few, and those the disciples of Lessing and
Kant, by whom the oriflamme of a higher intellectual life was
unfurled ; among these were Engel, Biester, Sack, Teller,
Spalding, Meier-Otto, Mendelssohn, David Friedlander, Mar-
cus Herz, and Zollner, and a peculiar charm was lent to this
circle from the presence of those gifted women by whom the
tone of thought was powerfully influenced. Among these dis-
tinguished ladies may be mentioned the two daughters of
Mendelssohn, the romantic enthusiast Dorothea Schlegel, and
her sister Henrietta Mendelssohn, to whom in later years was
entrusted the education of the unfortunate Duchesse de Praslin
— Fraulein von Briest, afterwards Frau von Eochow, and subse-
quently Madame de Fouque — Henriette Herz, the friend of
Schleiermacher and the two Humboldts, her sister Brenna,,
and the Sibyl Eahel, who was distinguished for peculiar mental
acuteness and a subtilty of intellect worthy of Aristotle.

The brilliant circle that in after years gathered round Eahel,
and formed an historical element in the intellectual society of
Berlin, found its prototype in the select assemblage meeting at
the house of the Jewish physician Marcus Herz, first attracted
there by a course of lectures, on physics and philosophy,,
which he, an ardent disciple of Kant, had commenced at the
advanced age of eighty years. The lectures on physics were
exceedingly popular from the admirable experiments, re-
markably elaborate for that time, with which they were illus-
trated.

It was through these lectures that, in the year 1785, William
and Alexander von Humboldt first made the acquaintance of
Herz and his household, and this acquaintance was further
matured during several interviews that took place in reference
to the erection of a lightning-conductor at Tegel, an appli-
ance not yet in general use at Berlin.1

1 The first lightning-conductors used in Berlin were erected in 1777,
on the Royal Arsenal and on the barracks of the Pfuel Regiment at the

EAELY HOME. 41

This occasional intercourse soon ripened into friendship
of the closest intimacy, and the Humboldts were freely ad-
mitted to the small but interesting circle assembled at the
house of Herz. In subsequent letters Alexander addresses Herz
in terms of great affection, as his ' fatherly friend,' his * dear
teacher,' and, with feelings of gratitude and the modesty
becoming a pupil, recounts to him the progress of his studies,
while to the beautiful and gifted Frau Herz he not unfre-
quently wrote c dreadfully long letters ' in English, in order
to merit her commendation for his industry. At Herz's house?
the Humboldts made the acquaintance 'of Veit and Beer, a
young physician with whom they formed an intimate friend-
ship, and they here again encountered their friends Joseph and
Nathan Mendelssohn, formerly their fellow-pupils under Fischer.

Owing to the high culture in which they had ever been nur-
tured, the two brothers, at the respective ages of sixteen and
eighteen years, were, as described by Henriette Herz, ' vivacious
and intelligent, and of distinguished manners, possessed of ex-
tensive information, and in every way estimable.' In the inte-
rest they felt in their fair companion there mingled, no doubt?
some tinge of admiration for her great personal charms.
Henriette Herz was the most noted beauty in Berlin. The
universal homage she inspired is shown in the expression,
which passed into a proverb, 'Whoever has not seen the
Gendarmes Platz and Madame Herz, has not- seen Berlin.'
How far this feeling was experienced by William von Humboldt
is evinced in his letters written while he was at the Uni-
versity, which were published in Varnhagen's ' Eemains.' .

Amidst his numerous occupations, the claims of society were
not wholly forgotten, since we find that at this time Alexander
bore the reputation of being a graceful dancer, and that he even
instructed Frau Herz in the new ' Minuet a la Keine.' He also
manifested a spirit of gallantry, and showed much keensighted-
ness in reading the language of the affections, concerning which
he often held opinions at variance with those around him. In
the reminiscences of a lady who met him some years later 1 at

Kb'pniker Gate, according to the plans of Professor Sulzer and Privy-Coun-
cillor Gerhard.

1 Frau llgen, wife of the well-known director of the educational insti-
tute at Schulpforta. See Laube, ' Moderns Charaktere,' vol. i. p. 360.

42 ALEXANDEB VON HUMJBOLDT.

Jena, where he was often on a visit to his brother William, he
is described as ' a wit, a diplomat, a philosopher, always busy
with electrical machines and galvanic batteries,' and ' an. amia-
ble, good-looking man, undoubtedly the handsomer of the two
brothers.'

It will be desirable here to direct particular attention to the
fact that almost all the personages referred to in this review of
Berlin were Jews ; and it is worthy of notice that the Jewish
element early formed an important constituent in the intel-
lectual society at Berlin, and that, especially at the time now
spoken of, the new phase of thought originated by Lessing was
chiefly received among Jewish circles.

It is related by Henriette Herz in her biography, that, on ac-
count of the constraining influences prevailing in the Christian
circles of the middle classes, men of thought gathered by pre-
ference around the centres of Jewish society.

While the men became earnest disciples of a severe school of
philosophy, the women, with naive originality and the fiery
zeal of an eastern nature, threw themselves into the study of
poetic literature, by which their youthful hearts were set in
violent agitation and their souls inspired with hatred to all
that was pedantic and obsolete. They read with delight the
best works of French, English, and Italian writers, they ad-
mired the profound genius of Goethe, and indulged in senti-
mentality with Werther, they sympathised with the jubilant
strains of Schiller, but their enthusiastic feeling reached a
climax in their adoration of Lessing.

And as Lessing, the object of their highest admiration, had
burst the bonds that oppressed the world of literature, and freed
it from all conventionalities and the irksome restraints of esta-
blished rules, so did this younger generation, in emulation of
the spirit of their leader, seek to dissipate the depressing atmo-
sphere that enveloped the social world around them, and banish
from their social life the chilling influences which empty tradi-
tions and dead formalities had spread over them.

It appears that to Alexander von Humboldt, among others,
this kind of society proved very congenial and attractive ; for
Henriette Herz writes of him as follows : —

'In those days, whenever Alexander von Humboldt wrote to

EAELY HOME. 43

me or any other member of our intimate circle from the family
seat at Tegel, he usually dated his letter, "Castle of Boredom "
[Schloss Langweil]. This occurred chiefly in the letters he
wrote in the Hebrew character, in which I had given him and
his brother some instruction, and which, by the additional help
of other friends, they wrote very successfully. It was not to be
thought of, that a young nobleman should confess in letters
which could be read by everyone, that the society of Jewish
ladies was more entertaining to him than a visit to the mansion
of his ancestors.'

44 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

CHAPTEE II.
COLLEGE LIFE.

The University of Frankfort— Studies in Finance and Philology — The
Winter of 1788 at Berlin — The University of Gottingen — Short
Journeys — ' Observations on some Basalts of the Rhine ' — Journey -with
George Forster — School of Commerce at Hamburg — Application for
Official Employment — School of Mines at Freiberg.

ON the selfsame day, October 1, 1787, the two brothers,
William and Alexander von Humboldt, matriculated at the
Alma Viadrina, the University of Frankfort-on-the-Oder, at
that time under the rectorship of Johann Isaak Ludwig Causse,
Professor of Theology. In the college register the entry of
Alexander, who a fortnight before had completed his eighteenth
year, runs as follows : —

' Henricus Fridericus Alexander ab Humboldt, Berolinensis,
Cameralium Studiosus; pater meus jam mortuus est, mater
adhuc vivit ; domicilium BerolimV

Although the youths were to be accompanied by Kunth, their
judicious and conscientious guardian, the University of Frank-
fort had been selected from the consideration, that they would
there be within reach of their mother's watchful care, and
that a comfortable home could be provided for them in the
house of Professor Lofner, their former tutor. The University,
however, though much frequented by the young nobles of
Pomerania and the Margraviate, was sadly deficient in auxilia-
ries for scientific instruction, there being no museum, no hall
of anatomy, no observatory nor botanic garden, and no well-
furnished library ; there was but one bookseller's shop, which
was very ill supplied, and a printing establishment exceedingly
inefficient.

COLLEGE LIFE. 46

It was his mother's wish that Alexander von Humboldt
should devote himself to the study of finance, as a preparation
for entering the service of the State.

The science of finance, or political economy, was at that time
at its lowest ebb. The contempt in which it was held is evi-
denced by the expression ' He is studying finance ' having become
proverbial for any idler who was learning nothing. Beckmann,
the most noted lecturer on political economy at Grdttingen,
brought before the consideration of the young students of
finance in his principal course of lectures, a herbarium consisting
of peas, onions, radishes, turnips, and other common vegetables.
Nor were his lectures on mineralogy, technology, and manu-
factures much more instructive, for Leopold Krug,1 as late
as 1805, makes the following complaint: — 'They learn to draw*
plans for a brandy-distillery, a tar-kiln, or a flour-mill, they(
learn the requisite number of threads in the warp and woof
of linen and taffeta, they learn how to make cheese and to
smelt iron, and how to destroy caterpillars and noxious insects ;
but of the higher principles of political economy they have not
the faintest conception.' Even so late as the year 1813 it
was found desirable to issue an order in council, dated Septem-
ber 27, recommending that ''the students be disabused of the
erroneous notion that the study of finance requires less strained
application of the intellectual powers than that of theology,
medicine, or jurisprudence.'

Among the professors connected with the University of
Frankfort, there were none who exercised any permanent in-
fluence in the world of science. The names most worthy of
notice are Schneider, known by his Greek and German lexicon,
and Loffler, distinguished for his work on the Neo-Platonism
of the early Fathers. Otto, the translator and editor of Buffon's
works on natural history, was not till a later period professor
at Frankfort.

There is but little to be gathered concerning the course of
study followed by the two Humboldts : they attended few
public lectures, and received most of their instruction privately
— a plan which well suited their ability and zeal, and best corre-

1 l Betrachtungen iiber den Nationalreichthum des preussischen Staats '
(Berlin, 1805), vol. i. Preface, p. 5.

\-

46 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

sponded with their former method of study at Berlin. There
they had been accustomed to finish exhaustively, in from six to
eight weeks, a scientific course of study, which, according to the
usual custom of the University, would scarcely be accomplished
in a whole session. On this account William von Humboldt
writes as follows to Henriette Herz l : — ' It will be impossible
for me to come to Berlin for Christmas, my dear friend. Kunth,
as far as I can see, will not be going there, and I could hardly
accomplish the journey alone. Besides, as we rarely attend
the public lectures, our work goes on as usual during the
holidays.' Other expressions connected with this period may
here be given 2 : — ' I sometimes wish I had my brother's tem-
perament. It is true he complains of being dull, but on the
whole he seems to amuse himself pretty well. He is for ever
on the move, and continually joking ; he is certainly never in
the least sad, and says himself that he did not enjoy himself
more at Berlin. You must not, however, suppose that he wastes
all his time in this way : he is withal exceedingly industrious,
and excels in many things. Moreover, we continue to live
together as we used to do, and are always the best of friends,
though rarely of the same mind ; our characters differ too
widely.' When at Grottingen, William wrote to Henriette Herz,3
while Alexander remained in Berlin, as follows : — £ People alto-
gether misunderstand him, particularly when they suppose
me to be so greatly his superior in ability and general know-
ledge. He is far more talented than I am, and considering
that he is my junior, he possesses quite as much information,
only it lies in other branches. Though he very often jokes me
about you, this is partly to vex me, and partly because it is his
way to joke everyone. Before others, he defends you with most
energetic warmth. He has written me one of the most comical
letters you can imagine ; it is commenced in Greek, continued
in Latin, and concludes in Grerman, with some Hebrew writing
interspersed. What he has to say of you he writes in Greek,
that Kunth may not understand it.' Again he writes to her

1 ' Aus dem Nachlasse Varnhagen's. Briefe von CLamisso, Gneisenau,
Haugwitz, W. von Humboldt, &c.,' TO!, i. pp. 72, 79.

2 Ibid. vol. i. p. 57.
-3 Ibid. vol. i. p. 98.

COLLEGE LIFE. 47

on this subject under date uf February 14, 1789 : — 'The news
you give me of mon frere delights me. He is indeed a noble
fellow, and will some day prove himself a useful man. Mis-
chievous as lie appears to be at times, he is really most excellent
at heart. His chief failing is vanity, and a Idve of approbation,,
the cause of which lies in the fact that his nature has never
been stirred by any deep or overwhelming interest.'

These traits of Alexander as thus sketched by William von
Humboldt are clearly evinced in his own letters written about
this time to his friends at Berlin, among whom must be reckoned
David Friedlander, who has already been referred to in p. 23,
and Beer, a medical student, who was an inmate in the household
of Counsellor Herz, and who, in addition to his studies for the
medical profession, devoted a good deal of time to philosophical
subjects: eventually he practised as a physician at Grlogau, where
he died. After a fortnight's separation, Humboldt writes to
Beer : — c I should have rejoiced to have heard from you sooner,
and I would gladly have earlier fulfilled my promise .of writing
to you, if I had not been prevented by a thousand little hin-
drances. Now that we ' are somewhat settled, my dear friend,

nothing can prevent my enjoying once more the pleasure of i

holding converse with you. Yet a letter is but a poor substitute
for the enjoyment of personal intercourse, and the remembrance
of an absent friend is always associated with a certain pang.
But even in this pain of longing there lies concealed so sweet
a feeling, that, without being sentimental, one is constrained to
cherish it. Do not expect more from me to-day than these few
lines. I dread every moment to hear the clock strike three,
when we have to attend a lecture on jurisprudence ; so that I
have only time to tell you that we are well, and, quantum fieri
potest, leading a happy life. I shall write more another day*
Remember me to the dear counsellor and his excellent wife,
also to Veit, Levi, Herr Friedlander, and any others you may
meet with who still bear me in remembrance.'

The following letter, written in November 1787, is of greater
interest : —

' A thousand, thousand thanks, my dear friend, for the kind
letter with which you lately gladdened me. I feel indeed half
inclined to quarrel with you for believing so little in my

y

48 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

excuses, only I cannot allow such a theme to engross my letter.
Your kindness leads me to hope that you will have attributed
my long (unintentional) silence rather to thoughtlessness than
to any want of friendship. The Fair now going on here brings
many people from Berlin, and of all my old acquaintances I have
had most pleasure in meeting with Friedlander. We learnt
from him that you are all well, and have not yet forgotten
your absent friends. If you only knew how many unhappy
hours have been sweetened to us here by the remembrance of
you and the other kind friends whose society we enjoyed in
your company! Whether I like this place, and whether I
prefer my present position as a student to my former mode
of life at Berlin, are questions which daily come before me,
but to which as yet I can find no satisfactory answer. If
it were not for the friendly intercourse we enjoy here so
thoroughly, Frankfort would indeed be a dull place to both
of us. It requires, however, but a very small amount of
philosophy to be convinced that mankind is created for every
spot upon the earth, consequently for the ice-bound bank of
the Oder. What more exalted aim can the Groddess of
Science (who certainly has no temple here) propose to herself
than to make mankind contented I (I have been striving to
appear before you in the character of a fine writer, but have
, not succeeded.)

' The number of students here is very small ; there are only
between 220 and 230, eight only of whom are studying medicine,
while there is no university in Germany where so many Doc-
tor's degrees in medicine are conferred. During the first five
weeks of our residence here, no fewer than five candidates, of
whom one only was a foreigner, disputed " ad summos in medi-
cina honores legitime obtinendos." Such a manifestation of
eagerness among physicians proves that good wares must be
brought to market to attract so many customers. In Frankfort
everything conspires to facilitate the acquisition of a Doctor's
degree, since the disputation, if it can be so called, is nowhere
easier. The prseses must not merely write the disputation,
but defend it in its simple acceptation. The respondents, who
in most cases cannot put half-a-dozen words together in Latin,
behave as if the objections of their opponents were quite irre-

I

COLLEGE LIFE. 49

levant. They read out their compliments or addresses and
patiently listen while the prseses disputes with himself. As,
however, it is quite possible to be a good physician without
being able to speak Latin, I will not deny that among the new
doctors there may not have been here and there a clever man.
When we return to Berlin, I shall hope to bring you, my dear
friend, a large store of disputations of this kind, which will at
least possess some merit, since they are nearly all from the pen
of Professor Hartmann. He is properly the lecturer on pa-
thology, therapeutics, chemistry, and materige medicse, but
now that Meier is at Berlin, he constitutes the entire medical
faculty. He is, moreover, a profound philologist and an agree-
able Latin versifier. But enough and perhaps too much on
these subjects. Eemember me, as well as my brother and Herr
Kunth, to the dear counsellor and his wife ; pray assure the
latter that I shall not dare to write to her until I have received
complete absolution, that is to say, until she can assure me
that instead of feeling " a little vexed " with me, she is more
than " a little pleased." She shall then have a dreadful letter
in English from me. Remember me also to Yeit, and Levi,
and all my acquaintance.

* Ever yours,

< A. v. HUMBOLDT the younger.'

His correspondence with Beer seems to have been prosecuted
with great activity,' and was maintained at intervals even after
his return from America. The following letters, belonging to
this -period, may here be introduced : they furnish evidence of
the close friendship that existed between Kunth and his pupils,
and were addressed to David Friedlander, who had been called
suddenly away from Frankfort by a death in his family. The
three letters are written on one sheet of paper, quarto size, and
bear the same date, Frankfort, December 19, 1787.

The first letter is from William von Humboldt : —

' Sudden as was your departure from Frankfort, and much
as it distressed me on every account, yet the receipt of your
kind letter was almost as great a surprise to me, and, for more
reasons than one, made me very happy. I ought indeed to

VOL. I. E

50 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

have reckoned on this proof of your remembrance, but since
doubts are so natural in a certain stage of love, why should they
not also exist in a certain stage of friendship ? I will not
refer to the loss you have sustained, by which your heart has
been so deeply wounded ; but allow me to tell you how greatly
I shall rejoice to see you comforted and cheerful again ? That
I do not apologise for the tardiness of my reply, you must
consider to be more a token of bashfulness (for I have only
been two months at Frankfort) than a want of politeness*
Were excuses needed, I could find sufficient in the amount of
work I have to do. Do not, however, say this to Engel ; for by
his kindness I have been entrusted for some time past with the
task of reviewing for him the entire philosophic and scientific
literature of this country, and if he were to hear that my
increased labour did not permit me even to find a few minutes
during several weeks in which to answer so kind a letter, at
would perplex him to find me some other employment, and
he would think himself obliged to create some new post- for
my benefit. Eather tell him something that will give him
an idea of the contrary ; he will then see that he is necessary
to me, and on my return to Berlin will be all the more surely
my devoted old friend. For the sake of the excellence of the
motive, you must for once do violence to your love of truth.
Do not forget at the same time to assure him of my grateful
and unchangeable affection, and thus condone by a grand
truth the evil of a slight untruth. I have received the
" Mysterien " and " Gruibert," and have read the former ; many
thanks for them : you shall have my opinion, if you care for
it, when we meet. I have only left myself room to desire my
affectionate remembrances to yourself and all your household,
for the remainder of this sheet of paper has been appropriated
by my brother and Herr Kunth.

' Farewell, my dearest friend. Ever yours,

<W. HUMBOLDT.'

Alexander von Humboldt then continues : —

' To be the youngest of the family has one disadvantage, which
unfortunately intrudes itself even into this letter ; for had the
first page of this sheet fallen to my share, you would then have

COLLEGE LIFE. 51

"been able, my dear friend, according to the infinite progression
of things (in the actual world, or only in the heads of philoso-
phers ?), to rise from bad to better. But, as if my faults in style
were not glaring enough, to give me the unfortunate middle
place, and make use of me as a foil to bring out the light of
surrounding objects, is quite as unwarrantable as your con-
gratulating me upon my collection of satires. (I should be glad
to dispense with collections of this sort, were it not that I am
often asked on all sides for a contribution.) I do not tell you
how sorry I was at your sudden departure and at the sad
cause of your leaving, for I venture to trust from your friend-
ship that you will credit me with these feelings. I ardently
look forward to our next Fair, because one of' my warmest
wishes will then be gratified — the wish to express to you per-
sonally how I prize your affection above everything. Remem-
ber me to your family circle, and rest assured that my residence
here, from whatever point of view it may be regarded by you,
is only endurable to me from the thought that it is a necessary
evil.

' Ever yours,

' HUMBOLDT the younger.

' P.S. The lyrical disorder which prevails in this letter must
be ascribed in this instance not to me but to Herr Kunth, who
stands behind, admonishing me to use despatch. I would rather
be called stupid than a disorderly genius.'

Kunth concludes as follows : —

'Notwithstanding the modesty of which my predecessors,
each in his own way, has said so much, they have left me so
small a space on this sheet of paper that it stands in most
unfair proportion to the desire I have to write to you and the
time I have at my disposal. That you thereby may possibly
be the gainer concerns me but little. Meanwhile I must cut
my coat according to my cloth, and I shall be glad if you do
not mistake greatly in thinking that this art of cutting is not
wholly undeserving of merit, since one is after all at liberty to
take a second sheet. Herewith I send you an acquittal in
forma probatissima for Engel. If he should still entertain any
doubt, I shall be happy to pay back the principal at the next

E 2

52 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

Fair. As for the interest, you will have to reckon it in the
pleasure this merry contest has afforded you. I think that in
this view of the matter you will be no loser. The bearer of
this letter is Herr Albinus, with whom you probably made
acquaintance during some of your walks here. He is com-
panion to the young Count Dohna, and is a most worthy man.
He is taking advantage of the Christmas vacation to see Berlin.
If you can assist him in any way towards this object, or
render his stay more agreeable, pray do so — I will not say
because I ask this favour from you, but because he deserves it
so thoroughly. If you have anything further to tell me about
Engel, you may send me a few lines by him in return, for it
will be very long, unfortunately, before we meet again.

' Yours,

' KUNTH.'

Among the college friends of the Humboldts may be men-
tioned Count Alexander von Dohna-Schlobitten, who studied at
Frankfort between the years 1786 and 1788, and in 1808 was
appointed Minister of State in Prussia, at the same time as
William von Humboldt became Minister of Religion and Public
Instruction. They were also on friendly terms with Albinus,
the young count's companion, a well-informed, assiduous young
man. But of all his friends Alexander von Humboldt became
most strongly attached to Wegener, a young theologian, who
died in 1837 as superintendent of the Lutheran Church at
Ziillichau. The letters still extant, addressed to him by Hum-
boldt between the years 1788 and 1790, express the warmest
and most devoted friendship. They give evidence of the
nobleness and genuineness of the youth's nature, of his zeal for
science and love of knowledge, and throw a gleam of light upon
the events and persons of that time, the reflection of which
illuminates our own day. In these letters, which furnish
valuable details for portraying the history of the next two
years, are to be found the names of several other friends, Metz-
ner, Keverberg, Herzberg, Bertram, Sartorius, and Fickert,
concerning whom nothing further is known. ' Could I only
look forward to the future with as much pleasure as I can
reflect upon the past,' writes Humboldt to this friend from

COLLEGE LIFE. 53

Berlin. 'The happy days spent at Frankfort are over. I can
never think without emotion of that place ; we can never again
enjoy such intimate communion. Yet who knows what plea-
sures may not be awaiting us ? .... If God only spare us, no-
thing can break the bond between two friends who are to each
other more than brothers.' And again later : — ' How quickly
last winter passed away ; how long will this one seem ! How
happy we used to be, talking for hours together in your old
tattered chair by the stove. No day passed without our seeing
each other once or twice at least during its course. How com-
pletely has the past disappeared ; where are all our old friends !
— Albinus in Silesia, Metzner and you in the New Mark, Herz-
berg in Halle, I in Berlin, and soon to be still farther away ! '

Although the instruction furnished by the University of
Frankfort was of such a character as to fulfil the requirements
at that time needed for the service of the State, and could thus
accomplish the principal object contemplated by Frau von Hum-
boldt in the choice of this university for her sons, yet it offered
no facilities for satisfying their thirst for scientific knowledge.
The youths remained, therefore, scarcely more than six months
at Frankfort, and in Easter 1788, William went to the University
of Gottingen, while Alexander returned to Berlin.

In his short autobiographical sketch,1 Alexander von Hum-
boldt remarks that he passed the next summer and the follow-
ing winter at Berlin, 'in order to study the technology of
manufactures, and to apply himself, in emulation of his indus-
trious brother, more assiduously to Greek. At this time Hum-
boldt formed an intimate friendship with Willdenow, already
a distinguished botanist though young in years, and soon
became an ardent student of cryptogamia.' During this resi-
dence at Berlin Humboldt maintained his connection with
Frankfort, which he frequently visited, attracted apparently
by sympathy with Keitemeier, who had just completed his prize
essay on the ' History of the Mines and Smelting Works of the
Ancients,' and was then publishing his ' Analecta ad historian!
rei metall. veterum.' To his intimacy with Keitemeier may
probably be ascribed the interest manifested by Humboldt in

1 Brockhaus' ' Conversations-Lexikon' (10th ed.) j ' Gegenwart ' (1853),
vol. viii.

54 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

this branch of classic philology, for several of his early writings
are on kindred subjects, such as c On the Basalt of ancient and
modern Authors ; ' ; On the Syenite of the Ancients ; ' 4 On the
Basalt of Pliny and the Columnar Rocks of Strabo,' which were
incorporated into his work, ' Mineralogical Observations on
some Basalts of the Ehine.'

Concerning the course of his studies, even at this period,
nothing definite can be ascertained. The only information
on the subject is to be gathered from his letters to his friend
Wegener. In the beginning of May he tells him that he was re-
ceiving instructions in Greek from Bartholdi, and ' was still
struggling with prophets and otters 1 in the first declension.'
Yet within a month, in order to save his grammatical reputa-
tion from the charge of an error in declension, he writes
him a formal letter in Greek, without accents, but with this
preface : — ; I must freely confess that I fear you will not under-
stand a syllable of all that I have written, and then I shall
have to say with Sancho Panza : " Your worship does not
understand me? No matter. God who knows all things
understands me. "

The letter concludes in German : — ' Thus much, and possibly
already too much for to-day, my dear friend. From these
few lines, which I have put together without a master (there-
fore the faults must all rest upon my own shoulders), you will
be able to judge of my progress in Greek. I work hard, and
continue to study it with pleasure. If I could only have
followed my own inclination, and had not always to contend
against a disagreeable mental constraint — a something that was
impossible to define, although I was conscious of its powerful in-
fluence— I should long since have prosecuted this study with
greater energy. The more I know of the Greek language, the
more am I confirmed in my preconceived opinion that it is the
true foundation for all the higher branches of learning. It was
certainly very ill contrived of me to build my house on mere
sand ; yet the foundations of so temporary a structure as mine
may easily be relaid, and therefore it does not distress me
that I am only learning to decline estiva in my nineteenth
year.

COLLEGE LIFE. 55

' Engel was explaining to me the other day, in an admirable
manner, how we should have been several centuries farther
advanced in philosophy, enlightenment, taste, the arts, &c., if,
in the great struggle between the bishops of the Greek and
Latin Churches, the Western Church had not established its
supremacy and introduced, in consequence, Latin instead of
Greek literature, the copy instead of the original, an indifferent
language in place of the most perfect and complete of all
languages. What a vast amount of good must Rome accom-
plish before she can repair the mischief wrought by that Roman
bishop ! '

The theme on which Wegener was engaged in preparation
for his examination, c On the Grift of Tongues in Apostolic
Times,' gave Humboldt an opportunity of expressing his views
upon theological subjects. Whatever may be the value of these
sentiments, it is at all events of great interest to notice the
variety of his knowledge and the philosophical arrangement
of his thoughts — a consequence, no doubt, of ' the logical educa-
tion given by the Berlin professors.'

It was during this sojourn at Berlin that Humboldt com-
menced the study of botany ; his remarks to Pictet on this
subject have already been given in p. 26, but some additional
particulars are furnished by the following letter to Wegener

at Frankfort : —

1 February 25 (1789).

'I have just come in from a solitary walk in the Thiergarten,
where I have been seeking for mosses, lichens, and fungi, which
are just now in perfection. How sad to wander about alone!
And yet there is something attractive in this solitude when
occupied with nature. To be in the complete enjoyment of
the purest and most innocent pleasure, surrounded by thousands
of creatures rejoicing in the mere fact of existejo.ee (precious
thought of the philosophy of Leibnitz ! ), and with a heart lifted -
up to Him who, in the language of Petrarch, " muove le stelle
•e loro viaggio torto, e da vita alle erbe, ai musci, alle pietre "
(sic) .... are circumstances, my dear friend, which tinge
the reflections they inspire with a certain delicious melancholy !
My friend Willdenow is the only one here who sympathises
with me in these pursuits ; but we are both so -closely occupied

56 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

that it is only occasionally tliat we are able to wander together,
hand in hand, through the vast temple of nature. Will you
believe that out of the 145,000 people in Berlin, there are
scarcely four, besides ourselves, who cultivate this branch of
physical science even as a secondary study, or as a recreation ?
And yet, in the ordinary exercise of their professional duties,
ought not physicians, and especially all political economists,
to be incited to follow such pursuits ? — for the greater the
increase in population, the higher the consequent rise in
the price of provisions, and the heavier the burden which a
corrupt system of finance must impose upon the people, the
more important is it that fresh means of sustenance should
be sought out to meet the ever-increasing deficiency. How
many powers exist in nature of which no use is made, be-
cause they have hitherto been unrecognised, but which, could
they only be developed, might furnish food and employment
for thousands. Numbers of the very products which we bring
from the farthest quarters of the globe are trodden beneath the
foot in our own land ; in course of centuries some accide-nt
reveals them, when by another chance the discovery is either
lost, or, as much more rarely happens, is developed and widely
propagated. Botany is regarded by most people as a science
of very little use to any but members of the medical profession,
except as an amusement, or, possibly, as a means for the sub-
jective training of the mind — a use which is obvious only to a
few, while to me it appears to be one of those studies from
which the greatest benefit may be anticipated to the whole
human race. What a mistake to suppose that the half-dozen
plants which we cultivate (I say the half-dozen in opposition
to the 20,000 different specimens covering the globe) contain
all the powers with which the vegetable kingdom has been
endowed by a beneficent providence for the satisfaction of our
wants. It seems to me that similar misconceptions pervade
the human mind in every department of thought : men think
they have reached the truth in every direction, and they
imagine that -there is nothing left for them to improve, and
nothing for them to discover. They shun investigation from
the belief that everything is already investigated. The same
spirit is apparent in religion, in politics, and in all subjects

COLLEGE LIFE. 57

wherein the common herd are associated. My remarks upon
.botany are not, however, founded solely upon a priori conclu-
sions ; on the contrary, these thoughts have been awakened in me
by the great discoveries I have found buried in the writings of
the earliest botanists, and which have been confirmed in modern
times by expert chemists and technologists. Of what avail is
any discovery if there exist no means for its propagation ? But
I crave forgiveness, my dear friend, for wearying you with sub-
jects in which you can have but little interest. They are of
the highest importance to me, since I am collecting materials
for a work on the various properties of plants, medicinal pro-
perties excepted ; it is a work requiring such great research,
and such a profound knowledge of botany, as to be far beyond
my unassisted powers, and I am therefore endeavouring to enlist
the co-operation of several of my friends. Thus far I have
been working at it only for amusement, and in the course
of my researches I am constantly meeting with things which
(to speak familiarly) set me gaping with astonishment. I
will send you further particulars of all my plans in course of
time. Pray do not imagine that I am going to appear as an
author forthwith ; I do not intend that shall happen for the
next ten years, and by that time I trust I shall have discovered
something startlingly new and important.'

Soon afterwards he writes again as follows : — '• I am delighted ft S I ]
to hear that you are going to study botany in your hours of re-
creation. In your present loneliness you will find no more-
fascinating pursuit, nor one more capable of yielding you a
pure and inexpensive enjoyment. Without talking sentiment,
it may be said that plants become our friends, and among them
we naturally find some more worthy of notice than others.
Our walks are no longer solitary, since we are surrounded by
the acquaintances we have made. What a pleasure it is when
we occasionally meet several of our favourites together. The
most insignificant places become invested with a peculiar inte-
rest, because we here first discovered some plant which had
hitherto been unknown to us, because we there missed the
flowers which had but lately been in bloom. The study of
botany is a noble occupation for clergymen. An Englishman
of the name of Kay (Eaius), holding priest's orders in. the-

58 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

Church, was one of the greatest botanists of former times.
Jacquin, the distinguished botanist of Vienna, who is celebrated
for his travels in Jamaica and South America, published when
in his seventieth year a compendium of botany which is a com-
plete and magnificent work. I venture to ask your acceptance
of a copy of this book, as' a remembrance ; pray do not attempt
its perusal till the trees are in leaf, for the investigation of the
elements of botany indoors, without the opportunity of institu-
ting a direct comparison with nature, is a dry and most weari-
some undertaking.'

To this strong love of botany, his favourite pursuit at this
time, is due the publication of his first almost unknown literary
work, an anonymous treatise in French entitled, ' Sur le Bohun
Upas, par un jeune Gentilhomme de Berlin.' l It afterwards
escaped the memory of Humboldt, and only when his atten-
tion was drawn to the quotations he had made from it in
various publications (Crell's ' Chem. Ann.' (1795), vol. ii. p.
106, note ; his ' Subterranean Gases,' p. 376, note ; his ' Experi-
ments in Galvanism,' vol. ii. p. 141, note), in which he expressly
refers to this treatise as his own, did he remember it and make
the remark that it was a translation of Thunberg's treatise,
* De Arbore Macassariensi,' 2 undertaken as a French exercise
for his tutor M. Le Bauld de Nans. The numerous notes added
to the work prove him to have been already possessed of
valuable stores of knowledge, and give evidence of that keen
observation by which his later works are so pre-eminently dis-
tinguished.3

It may well occasion some surprise to find the young finan-
cier attending lectures on technology from the lips of an
ecclesiastical dignitary, Zollner, Provost and Counsellor of
the Consistory. After describing to Wegener Zollner's versa-
tility of talent and extensive theological acquirements, he
continues : — ' It is a gross falsehood (and this you may boldly
maintain before everyone) that Zollner possesses only a super-

1 ' Gazette litter, de Berlin,' Nos. 1270 and 1271, for January 5 and 12,
1789.

2 [The Upas-tree, or poison-tree of Macassar, in the island of Celebes.]

3 This Upas-tree \y&s again called to remembrance by the description of
ihe Manzanilla-tree in Meyerbeer's i Afrikanerin.'

COLLEGE LIFE. 59

iicial acquaintance with, the multifarious subjects he treats
of. I have had a good opportunity of judging of his scien-
tific attainments during a course of lectures on technology,
which, as delivered by Zdllner, are well worth the cost of
100 ducats, for they are replete with information on a great
variety of subjects, such as mechanics, hydraulics, botany,
physics, chemistry, medicine, mineralogy, &c. Biester re-
marked very truly of him the other day : " What does Zollner
not know ? " His knowledge of medicine is so extensive that
some time ago he was desirous of undertaking a course of lec-
tures on anatomy. I heard this from some of the physicians
here.'

Humboldt continued to cultivate the art of drawing in all its
branches. Besides free-hand drawing, he practised plan-draw-
ing, designing, and engineer-drawing, as well as the art of
•etching. Among other specimens in our possession are two
heads ten inches by seven : the one inscribed ' Eaphael pinx.'
'A. v. Humboldt fee. aqua forti, 1788,' is a study from the
' School of. Athens,' and is the head of a figure in the right-
hand lower group at the extreme left of the picture ; the
other represents the half-length figure of a man with a beard,
clothed in rich drapery and wearing a turban, and bears the
inscription ,' Kembrant pinx.' ' A. v. Humboldt fee. aqua
forti, 1788.' The work of another hand is visible in many
places in this etching, and though neither of the heads possess
any especial merit as works of art, they are nevertheless of
undoubted interest as being the work of Humboldt when a
youth.

Under the tuition of Fischer, Humboldt had made consider^-
able progress in applied mathematics, and he now devoted him-
self with marked success to the study of the practical sciences.
After remarking of his brother, then at Gottingen, ' he is
killing himself with study, has already read the whole of
Kant's works, and lives and moves in his system,' he continues :
4 1 expect to learn a great deal from him, for I have no time at
present to think of such subjects. I am so busily occupied
with practical matters, that speculation must needs be laid on
the shelf.'

60 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

These multifarious occupations prevented him attending-
the lectures delivered by Moritz on the ^Esthetic in Art —
lectures which at that time were setting the whole of Berlin
in a furore for aesthetics — and he relates to Wegener in March
1789 : — 'Moritz commenced his course of lectures about three
weeks ago, in the hall of the Academy of Arts, and they excite
universal applause. Among his audience may be counted from
fifteen to twenty of the most distinguished ladies of Berlin,
and the minister Heinitz, Count Neale, and numbers of the
court officials attend with the greatest regularity, never missing
a lecture. They are certainly the most brilliant lectures that
have ever been delivered in Grermany. I attended one of
them. His delivery is dignified and fluent, but somewhat too
declamatory. As for the matter of the discourse, it was a
strange mixture of brilliant errors, ... for example: "One being-
passes into another; an inferior organisation, by becoming ab-
sorbed into a superior one, is raised to perfection. Animals live
upon grass, mankind live upon animals ; therefore vegetable
life must rise gradually through animal life till it attain the
highest form in human life." On hearing these words, one of
the marshals of the court exclaimed, " II est sublime! " What
a mixture of materialism and monadology ! l An actual feast of
monads ! Again : " Nature created man in order to see her
own perfections in him." But, notwithstanding all, he mani-
fests much acuteness of intellect and some real flashes of
genius. Little as I felt disposed to approve his propositions
on the beautiful, I listened to Moritz with pleasure. His elo-
quence is fascinating, and is the secret of his popularity.'

In the active correspondence that ensued between Hum-
boldt and Wegener, reference could not fail to be made occa-
sionally to the events occurring in the capital, especially when
those events were of a nature to mark the history of the
advancement of civilisation. On one of these occasions he
thus writes : —

1 [The science of monads : an important part of the philosophy of Leibnitz,
who taught that all bodies are compounded of certain primary consti-
tuents, to which, as simple substances without parts, he gave the name of
monads.]

COLLEGE LIFE. 61

'Monday, September 29 (1789).

' The day before yesterday all Berlin was astir. To see
Blanchard make his ascent was well worth the entrance-fee of
two thalers. The sight of the enormous machine — twenty-six
feet in width — the sight of the man who, with superhuman
boldness, dared in such a contrivance to cross the ocean, the
majestic movement of the balloon as it soared aloft, but chiefly
the thought of the rapid march of human civilisation, whereby
the third element had thus been brought into subjugation — all
conspired to produce upon my mind a most powerful impres-
sion that stirred me to the heart. The balloon could be
watched in its course for more than half an hour. It fell be-
yond Franzosisch-Buchholz. The parachute with the grappling-
irons was a wonderful success ; it was sixteen minutes in coming
to the ground. But all this will be published in the news-
papers. Blanchard is by no means the mean character he
has been represented. I have met him at dinner at Herz's.
He boasts but little of his achievements, and Herz assures me
that he has a very fair acquaintance with physical science. He
is certainly conceited, but in his position who would not be so?
The stories told of him, that he gambles and has three wives,
are complete fabrications ; they are nevertheless believed by
everyone in Berlin. This is the result of our intercourse with
the philosophic Mirabeau ! Madame Blanchard is a woman of
refinement and of exemplary conduct, with whom I am well
acquainted. Her husband has received most lavish presents,
not only from the king, who gave him a snuff-box set with
brilliants and 400 gold Fredericks, but also from many persons
of the highest rank.' 1 . . .

It is certain that no discovery of a purely scientific nature
had in the memory of man so completely aroused public atten-
tion as the invention of balloons. Great results were expected
to ensue, not only in the interests of science, but in the
furtherance of commerce and the useful arts, and all ranks in

1 A munificence equally extraordinary was shown to the Ecglish phy-
sician Dr. Brown on the occasion of the inoculation of the prince. He
received an autograph letter of thanks from the king, the title of Privy-
Counsellor, a gift of 10,000 thalers, and a yearly pension of GOO thalers.
(See the ' Berlin Almanac ' for the year 1847.)

62 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

Berlin shared the enthusiasm which the new discovery had
awakened. Blanchard was the most feted hero of the day.
The ascent was made an imposing spectacle, and the parade
ground, at that time in front of the Brandenburg gate, was
selected as the place of exhibition, where 2,000 troops of the
garrison were stationed to keep the ground. The whole court
was present. The queen and the princesses wore bonnets a la
Blanchard, which were in the form of a balloon, with a parachute
hung on the right side and a car with banners on the left. A
royal carriage drawn by six horses conveyed the aeronaut back
from the place where he alighted, the troops saluted him with
the highest military honours, the public greeted him at the
theatre with shouts of applause, and the king distinguished
him by marks of personal favour. Besides the munificent gifts
showered upon him by royal personages, he realised the sum
of 12,000 thalers as the proceeds of his exhibitions.

The last leaf of the foregoing letter appears to have been
purposely torn off, but from a small piece still remaining we
gather that it contained some reference to Wollner and his
edict. Fortunately the following passage in another letter has
been preserved : — c Now that Zollner has a seat in the Con-
sistory, I learn something of what is going on. You have no
doubt heard the result of the debates upon the examination of
candidates. With your extensive learning you have no cause
for anxiety in the matter, but I confess I am alarmed for such
men as Albanus, Kohler, Schiiz, Israel, &c. . . . Wollner's
first proposition was that the examinations should be conducted
throughout in Latin, and this is the principal alteration.
Whoever, therefore, cannot speak Latin must be rejected.
Wollner insists further on being present at each examination,
which so far (his zeal will soon wear itself out !) he has
actually accomplished. Both of these regulations appear to-
me to be very injudicious. Many men may possess a good
knowledge of Latin and yet be totally unable to speak it, and
vice versa. Of what use will it be to a country parson to be
able to speak Latin ? Would not the aim the examiners have
in view be more successfully accomplished by deciding as to
the usefulness of the intellectual gifts of the future preacher
than by catechising him on the whole range of Christian ter-

COLLEGE LIFE. 63-

minology, which is only another name for the trash of a dog-
matic theology ? All the candidates are filled with apprehen-
sion, for but few are competent to conduct a disputation
in Latin ! And they have to be interrogated as to defini-
tions, arrangement of subjects. . . . Another proposition of
Wollner's was that every candidate should be rejected who was
not acquainted with Hebrew. This, I am thankful to say, has
been modified by the regulation that ignorance of Hebrew shall
only be made a ground of rejection in the case of those
candidates who are but ill prepared in other subjects, and
in this state it has passed. Lastly, a new form to serve as
a model for all examiners is to be drawn up, which is unfor-
tunately to be made of universal application in the various sub-
consistories. The subject and the method of examination are
both to be prescribed. If this regulation should pass, it will
be drawn up by Zollner, who will certainly see that it is not
too strict. What a mercy that it will not fall into the hands
of Silberschlag ! '

On the restrictions that were imposed through the censor-
ship of the press Humboldt remarks : — e linger was fined ten
thalers the other day for printing a short poem — a wedding-
ode — without licence. And lately, on the occasion of the
marriage of the Countess Lottum, I could not get the most
innocent of couplets printed on a pair of garters,1 without
having the garters laid before the Court of Censorship. This
is my own experience!!!!! All that you have heard about
Wollner's disgrace is a gross falsehood. The gossips here make
out that he is in and out of favour twice a day. He has really
nothing to fear.'

The last letter he wrote during this visit to Berlin is a fare-
well letter to Wegener, and is dated March 1789 : —

'My dearest Friend, — How can I find words to express the-
pleasure your last letter gave me ! The more I know of you,
the dearer you are to my heart ; the farther I am separated
from you, the more intensely do I long for your presence.
Those happy Frankfort days are gone for ever, for such
happiness can never be again. Nevertheless my fervent

1 In those days a customary wedding present.

64 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

and sincere friendship for you are as imperishable as the soul
ivhich gives them birth ! I am now returning to my former
career. My college life begins afresh. But my whole position
is changed. I am now to take my first step in the world
alone, and as a free agent ; and critical as the circumstances
may appear to be, I rejoice in the condition. After being-
kept as a child in leading-strings, man longs to set his pent-up
powers in action according to the movement of his own will, and
become as a free agent the architect of his personal happiness
or misery. I contemplate my new position, however, with
modest confidence. Limited as the sphere of my previous life
appears to have been, I have yet found many opportunities for
the study of human nature in observing the men by whom I
have been surrounded. I am persuaded that no strong passion
will ever sway me with an overwhelming power. Serious occu-
pation and the calm induced by an absorbing study of nature
will preserve me from the temptations of life. Of all my
friends, my dear Wegener, you know me the best ; therefore
you can yourself pronounce a judgment as to whether I am
strong enough to walk alone in this world's slippery path.
How happy, how inexpressibly happy should I be, if I had a
friend like you by my side ! Grottingen is a perfect desert to
me. I know I shall find there plenty of acquaintances; but my
brother, Dohna, Stieglitz, Mecklenburg, Bing, and — oh ! mise-
rable me ! — Keverberg — quod Dii avertant malum ! — are all
people with whom I have no sympathy. I doubt not that
among 800 men there must be some with whom I could form
a friendship, but how long is it often before we find each
other out ! Were not you and I acquainted for three months
before we discovered how completely we were made one for the
other ? To be without a friend — what an existence ! And
where can I hope to find a friend whom I could place by your
side in my affections !

c My departure is fixed for the 8th of April, and I have
planned my journey through Magdeburg, Helmstadt, Bruns-
wick, and Nordheim. Although I shall stop at each of these
places, and remain for some days at Brunswick, where I must
appear at court, I doubt if I shall be able to write to you on
the journey. In any case, it will be my first business on
reaching Grottingen to give you news of my arrival.'

COLLEGE LIFE. 65

In those days it was customary for travellers to expend
much more time and pains than is usual now in seeking the
acquaintance of distinguished men, and this was one of the
motives that influenced Humboldt in the selection of this route
to Gottingen. It will not, therefore, be out of place to insert
here the letter of introduction from Professor Fischer, which
Humboldt, on his way to the University of Gottingen, delivered
to Johann Friedrich Pfaff, professor at the University of Helm-
sta'dt, and the most distinguished mathematician at that time
in Germany : l —

6 The bearer of this letter,' writes Fischer on April 5,
1789, 'is Herr von Humboldt, the younger of two brothers,
in whose education, both as regards mathematics and the
study of the ancient languages, I have for many years taken
a not unimportant part. You may possibly recall hearing
me mention the name when you were at Berlin. The elder
brother is already at Gottingen, and the younger one is on his
way to join him. He wishes to make your acquaintance, and I
venture to think that the acquaintance will prove an agreeable
one also to yourself. The two brothers are highly gifted both
in head and heart, and have received an excellent education ;
therefore not one according to the present fashion of these times.
The younger one is a student of political economy, in the
various branches of which he has attained considerable pro-
ficiency. Had he been able to devote his attention exclu-
sively or even partially to mathematics, I am convinced he
would have become a distinguished mathematician ; but I tru^t
he will find the knowledge he already possesses of the sub-
ject sufficient for all practical purposes. I lose in him not
only a good pupil, but also a friend whose society I shall
miss.' ....

How highly this acquaintance was appreciated on both sides
is apparent from the friendly and confidential letter which
Humboldt, during the first few weeks of his residence at Got-
tingen, addressed to Pfaff.2 The letter, which bears date May 1 1,
1789, contains interesting comments upon some of his studies,

1 ' Sammlung von Briefen gewechselt zwischen Johann Friedrich Pfaff,
u. s. w., herausgegeben von Dr. Karl Pfaff' (Leipzig, 1853), p. 170.
3 Ibid. p. 231.
VOL. I. F

66 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

and may with propriety be inserted here, although somewhat
interrupting the chronological order of events :—

' I am greatly indebted to you for your letter to Kastner.
Your kindness makes me fear that you may have excited in
him higher expectations than I with my limited attainments
and slender abilities can possibly fulfil. Kastner has invariably
received me with the greatest kindness. I have visited him
repeatedly, and I find his society most instructive. Who could
take offence at externals in a man so truly great ?

' As I am destined to serve my country in various branches
of political economy, I can only follow mathematics as an
auxiliary science. Unfortunately, the career I have adopted,
otherwise very attractive, requires an acquaintance with so
great a variety of subjects — botany, mineralogy, chemistry, and
statistics among others — that one is obliged to exert all one's
powers to attain even to something very mediocre. Yet the
study of mathematics, as well as that of mechanics, will ever
remain the true basis of political economy. How little, how-
ever, can mechanics accomplish without the aid of a higher
mode of analysis ! Whoever is but slightly acquainted with
the machinery used in various manufactures or in mines will
not fail to discover, as well from the want of certain contri-
vances as from the mode of their application, the value of
mathematics, and the mischief , that might be occasioned
through ignorance. Boulton's steam-engine and Holl's hy-
draulic press appear to me to be the best vindication of theo-
retical mechanics, if any were needed. From even the slight
acquaintance I have with mathematics, I can well believe how
important the study of this science must be to those engaged in
the consideration of political economy : all the time, therefore,
that I can spare from my numerous occupations I devote to
the study of mathematics, and particularly to the differential
calculus, in the use of which I feel myself very deficient. I
am now going diligently through Tempelhof, a work I had
commenced at Berlin. I continue also to prosecute machine
drawing and the invention of new constructions, and though I
am far from being vain enough to think that I shall ever arrive
at any new combination, yet I have found these exercises of
essential service in the close reasoning necessary to find the

COLLEGE LIFE. 67

means for accomplishing a certain end. I have often laughed
heartily with Fischer at the astonishment he evinced at the
first sight of my designs, and his subsequent dismay on finding
that, by the multiplicity of the combinations, power and weight
had been brought to bear on one and the same point, and had
thus become locked.

6 But though I am compelled to renounce all claim to me-
chanical invention, I yet feel bound to acknowledge that I have
made a discovery in another branch of mathematics, which
(when is a young man ever dissatisfied with himself?) has
afforded me some amount of pleasure. But however pre-
sumptuous it may seem to commence a correspondence with
you, my esteemed friend, by a letter of such unusual length, I
am yet going to trespass so far upon your time as will suffice
for a preliminary explanation. The subject interests me so
deeply. In my limited labours in algebra I keenly felt on
one occasion the inconvenience in equations, where various
sums and factors occur, of not being able to arrive at the
precise value by means of logarithms. I thought over the
possibility of remedying this evil, and discovered two ways for
the accomplishment of my object — either to reduce all the sums
and differences of two quantities into products, or to find a
new kind of logarithm, which might be made available either
for addition or subtraction.'

Humboldt adds some additional particulars in regard to the
two methods, and begs his friend's permission to lay before
him, at some future time, a more complete statement of his
system of logarithms. Although neither method was com-
pletely successful in solving this problem, the solution of
which was accomplished by Grauss twenty years later, yet it is
evident from this communication that Alexander von Hum-
boldt had already gained a great insight into the principles of
mathematics, and had proposed to himself severer problems
than were to be expected from a student in political economy >
who was upon the point of entering only his second collegiate
term.

The following letter to Wegener describes his journey to
Gottingen : —

' We left Berlin, I think, on the 10th of April. I spent five

F 2

68 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

days at Magdeburg most agreeably, for I met there my friend
La Koche, a man in whom nature has for once condescended
to unite a noble intellect with a handsome and attractive ex-
terior. What happy hours we spent together in our walks
along the secluded banks of the Elbe ! l . . . From Magdeburg
I visited the salt works of Schonebeck, Grossensalza, and
Frosec, as well as the new colony of the Moravians at Grnadau
in Saxony. High as my expectations had been raised concern-
Ing this institution, they were far surpassed by the reality.
The architecture of the houses, their cleanliness, their excellent
state of repair, the industry of the inhabitants, their considera-
tion for the poor — the entire management of the colony in fact,
forms a complete ideal of a small, well-ordered state. Grottin-
gen, a University, that is to say, an emporium of wisdom (where
wisdom is to be had for the fetching, there ought to be no lack
of it), where probably half a dozen lectures on physics are
going on at a time, yet leaves the college library without a
lightning conductor ; while at Grnadau, a colony of superstitious
enthusiasts, there are no fewer than five conductors, though the
whole town consists only of some twenty houses ! ! ! And there
is besides a lightning conductor to the church.'

At Helmstadt he was much interested in the celebrated
museum, formed by Professor' Beireis, who, on account of his
extraordinary acquirements and peculiar habits, was called
the Alchemist of Helmstadt : — c Beireis does not himself know
the full extent of his treasures. At home he is always engaged
in prosecuting discoveries, and just now, as Crell assures me,
he spends sixteen hours a day in reading, on various subjects.
Besides the European languages, he speaks Egyptian, Chinese,
Japanese, as well as some of the dialects of Northern India,
and he read out to me, with facility, in Grerman, some passages
from a Japanese book, yet many people venture to doubt
whether he knows Hebrew! He is in short a most extraor-
dinary man, who with the most profound knowledge of chemistry
and numismatics, combines the charlatanry of the most cun-

1 Humboldt here alludes in very favourable terms to Gurlitt in Kloster
Bergen, to Fimke in Brunswick, and to other men of learning in Helm-
stadt, and then proceeds to matters of a personal nature which are irrelevant
to the present subject.

COLLEGE LIFE. 69

ning juggler. A number of little traits which I have collected
of him can better be related by word of mouth. He tells one
that he can make corn to grow, that he knows of a tree that
bears truffles, that he lives without sleep, and in conversation
says every minute that " he has thought upon that subject
for six weeks together without eating or drinking."

6 While I was at Helmstadt, I made an excursion to Harbke,
where there is the , oldest and most extensive plantation of
American trees in Europe. The trees appear to grow as if
they were wild, and the cedars, six feet in diameter, flourish
as well on the Harz Mountains as upon Lebanon, where now
they are becoming so scarce. At Brunswick I led a most
unsettled life, for I went a great deal into society, and my
attendance at the court, which, in comparison with other
courts, I found very amusing, took up a great deal of my
time. ... I was delighted at the freedom with which certain
changes at Berlin were discussed among court circles here,
especially at the receptions of the Dowager Duchess. I met
with all the learned men of Brunswick, and indeed it would
be scarcely possible, except at Gottingen or Berlin, to find
such a congeries of the patriarchs of German literature, the
friends of Gellert, the venerable Gartner, Schmidt, Ebert,
Jerusalem, Eschenburg, and Campe — semper idem. . . .

' William, who sends you an affectionate greeting, came to
meet me at Brunswick on his way from Hanover. Gottingen
was empty when we first arrived, but the lectures commenced
to-day. Last Sunday was the thanksgiving-day for the king's
recovery, when there were great preparations for rejoicing, but
no real joy. The proceedings consisted of — 1. A sermon from
Less. Heavens, what a sermon ! Heyne says, Less gave thanks
like a beggar-boy ! 2. A levee at the English princes' — very
crowded. 3. A ball. There were several songs in honour of
the princes, which were sung with much bellowing. The
princes shouted famously too. All the students, the princes
included, wore favours inscribed with " Long live the king ! "
Oh, what folly ! '

On April 25, 1789, Alexander von Humboldt was enrolled
in the college register of the University of Gottingen, sub.
No. 48, as follows: —

70 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

c Fridericus Alexander ab Humboldt, Berolinensis juris stu-
diosus, ex academia Viadrina.'

It was in this year that the startling events of the French
Revolution burst upon Europe, and without doubt the lightning-
flash of this terrific storm blazed above the horizon of the
two Humboldts. William went immediately to Paris with
Campe, ' to assist at the obsequies of French despotism,'
while Alexander only paid a flying visit there a year later,
when travelling with George Forster. During his stay at
Gottingen, Humboldt took up his residence at No. 82, Ween-
derstrasse, and lived in the same house as the young Count,
afterwards Prince Metternich.

The number of students at that time in the University was
812, of whom 210 were registered as students of theology, 405
of jurisprudence, 104 of medicine, and 93 of philosophy, under
which were included mathematics, philology, agriculture,
history, and aesthetics. Among the fellow-students of Hum-
boldt were two of the English royal princes, Ernest Augustus,
afterwards King of Hanover, and Adolphus Frederick, Duke of
Sussex ; l also fourteen nobles of the rank of Count, of whom
those who most distinguished themselves in after life were the
Counts de Broglie and St.-Simon from Paris, Count von Ein-
siedel from Saxony, Count von Meerfeldt from Westphalia, and
Count Metternich. Among other contemporaries of Humboldt
the following names are also worthy of notice : — Yon Vincke from
Osnabriick, Von Nagler from Onolzbach, and Von Kamptz from
Mecklenburg — all of whom afterwards rose to distinction and
held some of the highest offices in the Prussian Government.
In addition may be mentioned Oltmanns, a native of Friedland,
who subsequently rendered much valuable assistance to Hum-
boldt in the astronomical department of his work on America,
and Van Geuns of Groningen, a geologist, who accompanied
Humboldt in his journey to England and the Lower Ehine.

The University of Gottingen was just then at the height of

1 ' While there I received many distinguishing marks of favour from the
English princes, whose governor, General Malortie, was strongly attached
to our family, and would gladly have taken the surveillance of my brother
and myself.' — Alexander von Humloldt to Pictet, in ' Le Globe,' vol. vii.
p. 181.

COLLEGE LIFE. 71

its glory as a school of science. Next to science it was noted
for the culture of classic philology, to which was united the study
of political economy, here first launched into its vital element
—publicity. To this is due the important influence exerted by
Gottingen in the development of German thought.

For although Ernest Brandes, who in 1791 was appointed
referee on the affairs of the University, thought he was entitled
to boast that ' no disciple of Wolf or wild reformer in theology,
no follower of Brown or other sectary in the school of medicine,
no metaphysical prophet in any department of natural science,
had ever occupied a professor's chair at Gottingen;' although
his influence was always exerted in favour of the accomplish-
ment of his own pious ejaculation, 'Heaven preserve us from
the philosophy of the day ever being prevalent at Gottingen ! '
— yet notwithstanding all, the University of Gottingen at the
time that Alexander von Humboldt entered as a student was
reputed to be the first in Germany. For the men who had
invested Leipzig and Halle with the glory of their celebrity
had already passed away, and the splendour of Jena had scarcely
as yet dawned.

The science of philology, hitherto, restricted to the mere study
of language, was developed at Gottingen by the genius of
Heyne into a history of antiquity, and was brought to bear upon
the ordinary concerns of life. The science of history had
been entirely remodelled by Schlozer, in conjunction with
Gatterer and Spittler, and the range of its subjects extended
so as to include the study of politics, together with the history
of inventions, the advancement of civilisation, and the consti-
tution and legislative powers of a state in regard to the succes-
sion to the throne, a change of dynasty, or the events of war.
Schlozer's ' Correspondence,' ' Gottinger Journal,' and < Staats-
anzeiger,' contained not only most valuable records of historical
events, but constituted the highest political tribunal in the
country, powerful enough at one time to induce Maria Theresa
herself to pause in her projects with the thought, 'But what
will Schlozer say ? ' In the faculty of jurisprudence, there
gathered round Eunde and Martens the ' clique of literati '
('gelehrte Eleganz') who had been enticed from Leipzig by
Gebauer; and while Putter attained a position of distinction as

72 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

an expounder of German law, the youthful Hugo, appointed
professor in 1789, excited universal attention as the founder of
a new system in the study of jurisprudence.

But the pre-eminence of the University of Gottingen was un-
doubtedly due to the facilities it afforded to the study of mathe-
matics, physical science, and medicine. The pursuit of these
sciences had nothing in common with the philosophies of a
revolutionary freedom, nor with the idle speculations of meta-
physics; their object was the discovery and investigation of that
only which was available and useful for human life. Kastner
and Lichtenberg were not less distinguished for the pure science
of their lectures on mathematics and physics, than for the
classical wit and humour with which they were enlivened.
Lichtenberg illustrated his lectures upon applied mathematics^
the theory of the earth, meteorology, electricity, and physics,
by means of a philosophical apparatus that was one of the most
complete of the time. Among the professors of chemistry,
Gmelin and Osiander are to this day mentioned with honour ;
the former distinguished for his work on ' The History of
Chemistry,' the latter known as a successful accoucheur, and
the founder of a museum of natural curiosities. Of all the
professors at Gottingen, the most renowned was Blumenbach,
6 who by his writings as well as by his animating lectures every-
where kindled a love for comparative anatomy, physiology, and
natural philosophy — a love which he has carefully nurtured as
a sacred flame for more than half a century.' -l He was the first
in Germany to raise natural history, hitherto regarded merely
as a subject for the instruction of children, to the dignity of a
science, and successfully demonstrated it to be in intimate con-
nection with the history of the world and of mankind. His
works have been translated into nearly all the European lan-
guages. He formed comparative anatomy into a distinct
branch of study, and in 1785, long before Cuvier's time, he ex-
pounded in a complete course of lectures the system he had
established.

Upon his arrival at Gottingen, Alexander von Humboldt
found his brother already on terms of friendly intercourse with

1 Alexander von Humboldt's 'Rede bei Eroffnung der Versammlung-
deutscher Naturforscher nnd Aerzte in Berlin ana 18. Sept. 1828, J p. 6.

COLLEGE LIFE. 73

the distinguished men taking the lead in the circles of science
and literature, by all of whom he was welcomed with the most
gratifying cordiality. With Heyne and the other men of note
he at once entered upon terms of intimacy : nevertheless, he
found at first, as he complains to PfafF in the letter above
quoted, that the stiff, unsocial society at Gottingen gave little-
opportunity for free and unreserved intercourse — a formality,,
however, which soon began to dissipate. He joined his brother
William in the study of philology at the seminary, and attended
a course of lectures by Heyne on archaeology delivered in the
large hall of the University library, which was hung round with
engravings and casts from the antique; under Spittler he
studied the history of trade and commerce, and obtained;
private instruction from Lichtenberg in certain branches of'
physical science, such as light, heat, and electricity ; he
studied agriculture under Beckmann, and attended Heyne's lec-
tures on the Iliad, to hear which an audience numbering about
fifty assembled. The most popular lectures were attended
by from 200 to 300 students. ' Heyne,' writes Humboldt in
a letter to Wegener, ' is undoubtedly the most clear-headed
man, and in certain branches of knowledge the most learned
professor, in Gottingen. His delivery is laboured and hesi-
tating, but he is in the highest degree philosophical in his turn
of mind, and logical in the sequence of his ideas.'

His sketch of the professors, c although amid this posse of
great men, he could not know all equally well,' is marked by a
vein of humour and a tone of seriousness truly surprising in a
youth of scarcely twenty years of age, and seems to prove that
the maturity of mind which could thus early manifest so exten-
sive an acquaintance with men and things had been acquired
more from association with -refined society and men of superior
abilities than from any merely formal course of instruction.
We must, however, restrict ourselves to one or two of his-
descriptions.

' . . . . Heyne is undoubtedly the man to whom this century
is the most deeply indebted; to him we owe the spread of re-
ligious enlightenment by means of the education and training
he has instituted for young village schoolmasters, to him is due
the introduction of a more liberal tone of thought, the esta-

74 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

blishment of a literary archseology, and the first association of
the principles of aesthetics with the study of philology. Yet
Heyne has never published a compendium upon any of the
twelve subjects upon which lie lectures : these comprise the
classics, archaeology, the antiquities of Greece and Rome, and
the ancient tragic poets, together with Aristophanes, Homer,
Virgil, Horace, Plautus, and Cicero. These lectures are always
delivered in a certain order, because they are in the first in-
stance intended for the seminary, and therefore for the use of
those who, like my brother, are prosecuting their studies there.
Heyne's published lectures are so comprehensive and elaborate
that they are sold here at the price of from three to five Louis
d'or. Koppen's commentary upon Homer is in fact only a
dissertation of Heyne's surreptitiously reproduced. Heyne suc-
ceeded the renowned Gesner in the presidency of the seminary,
but where, in all Germany, can he find a fit successor ? Schiitz,
whom Heyne was so anxious to have near him during his
declining years, is much too inactive, and is besides fettered
with the literary journal.

6 The seminary is in the most flourishing condition. Among
the students there are three, Mathia, Kreis, and Woltmann,
who in a few years will be almost unrivalled in Germany for
the extent of their learning. People are astonished here in
Gottingen to find such extraordinary proficiency attained in so
•short a time. Mathia is the best Greek scholar, with the ex-
ception of Wolf, whom Heyne has ever had for a pupil ; he is
familiar with all the most recent literature of England, Spain,
and Italy, and is intimately acquainted with Kant's philosophy.
The most agreeable and intellectual companions I find here
are among the collegians of the seminary. With Woltmann,
who has a wonderful talent for versification in German, and
indeed also in Greek, I have almost daily intercourse. He is
an excellent man, to whom I have been drawn by the striking-
resemblance he bears in character to yourself. He has been
-educated under the younger Stollberg, by whose influence he
has become imbued with a most extraordinary enthusiasm for
the writings of the ancients, and will certainly one .day highly
distinguish himself. I usually spend from nine till eleven
.o'clock every evening with him, when we read together Plautus

COLLEGE LIFE. 75

and Petronius. It is the methockts vivendi of Grottingen not
to go out earlier in the day, for there is a great affectation of
industry here.

' Spittler. — I attend his lectures on modern history ; he
possesses a fine understanding, with a stately delivery which
passes with most people as the beau ideal of eloquence. It is
too bombastic for me. Nations are " rapid torrents," the royal
house of Prussia is " an ancient oak, under whose shadow a free
O-erman people delight to cast themselves." His mode of deli-
neating history and his grouping of events is most masterly. It
is much to be regretted that he does not take up the subject of
church history, for such a course of lectures from him would
be far more attractive than the disquisitions of Plank, who
has nevertheless won great esteem ^by the impartiality of his
views.

' Kastner has unfortunately a very indistinct delivery, owing
to the loss of his teeth. He is very humorous, and is always say-
ing something witty ; but as he invariably laughs at his own
wit before he has well finished, the humour of it is not always
appreciated by his audience. He makes amends, however, to
those who laugh with him by being polite enough sometimes
to join in a laugh when nothing really witty has been said.
The great drawback to this academy is the small attention paid
to mathematics. Kastner is nevertheless the kindest and
most agreeable of men ; I see a great deal of him. He cannot
help being very sarcastic, for which he is afterwards so remorse-
ful that he invariably asks forgiveness.

6 1 have also attended the lectures on moral philosophy given
by Less, and certainly never heard anything so miserable. In
character, speech, and mode of thought, Less reminds me
strongly of Fromm of Frankfort, though Fromm would be
thought in comparison really eloquent. On one occasion Less
enquired whether it was lawful for a Christian to put into the
" Lotto di Grenova," as he calls our lottery. Is not this lec-
turing on morals as a casuist ? It might as well be asked,
ought a Christian to play cards or chess ? . . .

' The English princes are condemned to listen to this sort of
trash for a couple of hours every day, and the unfortunate
youths are obliged to write out eacli lecture — an exercise which

76 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

is afterwards corrected by Less. Such is the folly actually
demanded by that detestable English orthodoxy.'

Humboldt then proceeds to give some particulars regarding;
his brother and himself: —

' I am living here in an atmosphere of philology. Were my
stay to be prolonged for a couple of years, I really believe, dis-
tasteful as it would be to me, I should end by devoting myself
to Greek literature. My brother has been making an excellent
use of his time. You cannot think how much general interest
he is beginning to excite. By his confidential correspondence
with Forster and Jacobi he has made quite a sensation both here
and on the Rhine, and it is probable some of his letters will be
published by Jacobi. I must confess that I am really beginning-
to wonder myself at my brother's extensive learning and high
culture. Heyne says that he has not for long dismissed from his.
tuition so gifted a philologist. If to this be added his exten-
sive knowledge of jurisprudence, history, and politics, his deep
insight into Kant's philosophy (which Eehberg told me quite
astonished him), and his acquaintance with English, French,
and Italian, it must be acknowledged that, ex professo, there
are few to equal him.

4 Should you in course of time chance to meet with a small
philological pamphlet, shortly to be published at Grdttingen,.
and bearing on the title-page the words, " Edited with notes by
Heyne," you may conclude it to be a production of mine. It
is a dissertation upon the weaving-loom in use among the
Greeks and Eomans. The work is quite a prodigy of learning*
and its compilation has been therefore most distasteful to me.
I have discovered that the loom of the ancients was just the
high-warp loom introduced by the Saracens into France — a fact
capable of abundant proof from the bronzes of Herculaneum,.
the Onomasticon of Pollux, the writings of Isidorus, the
Vatican MSS. of Virgil, the descriptions of Homer, &c. The
proof is somewhat elaborate, from the number of authorities to-
be consulted. Heyne is delighted with the work. It is now
easy from my interpretation to understand the meaning of the
terms used by the ancient writers, scapus, pecten, radius,
insubulum, &c.' . . .

In a postscript to this letter Humboldt mentions having made

COLLEGE LIFE. 77

several excursions into Hesse, and through Lower Saxony, and
describes a visit to Pyrmoiit, where he spent a week in daily
companionship with Jacobi, Eehberg, Moser, Markard, Esch en-
burg, Mauvillon, &c., c with whom, unfortunately, were included
seven or eight princes.'

On the subject of this antiquarian treatise upon weaving,
Humboldt writes to Sommering, at the close of the year 1793,
that it was a sort of commentary upon the Onomasticon. of
Pollux, and that the work had proved a great interruption to
his ordinary occupations. The treatise was sent by William
von Humboldt on March 8, 1794, to Friedrich August Wolf,
for his revision, and Alexander availed himself of the oppor-
tunity to enclose to him the following letter : l —

c It is certainly very presumptuous in us to expect you to
revise so youthful a production. What I ventured only to
desire has been made by William into a request. For this he
alone is responsible. I believe I am in a position not only to
explain satisfactorily the meaning of the radius (/csp/cis)
[staff], but also of the pecten (gdviov) [comb], which hitherto
has been confused with plectrum [rod], and which by modern
commentators has frequently been confounded with radius,
and sometimes even translated Lade [lay or batten]. ... It
would seem that in the ancient mode of manufacture the Zeros
[loom] stood upright, and that the weavers, especially when
engaged upon the ^TODV appafyos [seamless garment], as they
walked round the frame interwove the radius (a mere staff
wound round with thread) into the warp arranged in a cylin-
drical form, making use of the pecten to drive together the
threads of the weft. As it can be proved historically that
the high-warp loom, which was introduced into Spain by the
Saracens in the reign of Charles Martel, is originally from the
same source as that in use among the ancient Greeks, as the
pecten still employed in the East is of this form, and as by this
hypothesis everything stated by Pollux on the subject of
weaving may be easily explained, the theory I have propounded
becomes at least a probable one.'

At the conclusion of the letter William adds the following

1 Wilhelm von Humboldt, < Gesammelte Werke/ vol. v. pp. 103, 106.

78 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

lines : — c My brother has also been occupied in some investi-
gations regarding* the inen cloth employed in the envelopment
of mummies, and he intends at some future time to publish the
result of his researches.'

Humboldt alludes to this treatise upon the method of weaving
among the ancient Greeks as his first literary effort,1 but this
statement, in view of the pamphlet ' Sur le Bohun Upas,'
mentioned in p. 58, stands in need of some modification.
Unfortunately, the work has been lost.

The zeal with which Humboldt prosecuted these studies of a
philological and antiquarian nature in no way lessened his
interest in natural science, which was stimulated by the instruc-
tion and heightened by the social intercourse of such men as
Blumenbach, Beckmann, Lichtenberg, &c. We may easily sup-
pose that he was strongly attracted to Blumenbach, and in-
fluenced by him in a considerable degree, without the proof
that Blumenbach was one of the first to whom he communicated
the results of his experiments with galvanism upon the action
of the muscles and nerves — results which were forthwith pub-
lished in Grrens' ' Neues Journal der Physik.'

In addition to the encouragement thus offered to the pur-
suit of science, Grottingen was the centre of all efforts which
had for their object the development of the new principles of
physical geography, and the establishment of a better system of
map delineation. While Heyne devoted his attention to the
ancient geography of the world, and Michaelis confined himself
to that of the Holy Land, Blumenbach was occupied in illus-
trating and classifying the most recent discoveries in natural
science, and at the time of Humboldt's residence at the
University was elucidating Brace's travels in search of the
source of the Nile. Nor were the students of the university
less active in their devotion to science than the professors. In
the year 1789 Humboldt was the means of founding a society
in conjunction with several of his friends, Seetzen, Link, Meyer,
Van Greuns, Deimann, Kries, Kels, Schrader, Hofmann, and
others, called the Philosophical Society,2 which, by the valuable

1 Brockhaus' ' Conversations-Lexikon/ 10th edv art. ' Alexander YOU
Humboldt.'

3 Seetzen's ' Eeisen/ edited by Kruse, vol. i. p. 5.

COLLEGE LIFE. 79

assistance afforded by the well-stored library, the ethnological
museum, and the museum of natural curiosities, rapidly attained
a state of useful activity.

After a long silence, Humboldt writes to Wegener from
Grdttingen, on January 10, 1790 : —

' I was away from Grottingen for two months from September
24, spending the vacation in making a scientific tour with a
Herr van Greuns, a Dutchman with whom I became acquainted
through his writings on botanical subjects. Our route lay
through Cassel, Marburg, Giessen, Frankfort-on-the-Maine,
Darmstadt, along the Bergstrasse to Heidelberg, through
Speier, Bruchsal, and Philippsburg, to Mannheim, thence by
Alzei and Morsfeld among the quicksilver mines of the Vosges
to Mayence, where we spent a week with Forster. From
Mayence we sailed down the Rhine to Bonn, whence we took
the road to Cologne and Diisseldorf, or rather Pempelfort, and
stayed a week with Jacobi ; thence we returned to Grottingen
by Duisburg, Miinster, Warendorf, Rittberg, Paderborn, and
Cassel. Of this interesting tour I can tell you nothing, because
in the first place this route has been described some hundreds
of times, and in the second place, amid this multitude of subjects'
I should not know where to begin.1 Your letter followed me
to Mannheim, where I spent three delightful days in the mag-
nificent botanic garden of Counsellor Medicus.

f Amid the numberless distractions of the journey, which was
made sometimes on foot and sometimes by carriage, and with
the incessant occupation of packing up minerals and plants, I
was not very well able to write to you. I require to be in a

1 Among the effects of Kunth, the botanist, was found Humboldt's copy
of Linnseus' manual on botany, f Systema Plantarum sec. class, ordd. genn.
et sp. Edit. nova. cur. J. Reichard ' (4 volumes in 1, 8vo., Frank. 1779-80).
The book is exceedingly interesting from the details of his early journeys
and studies, to be gathered from memoranda of conversations with Forster,,
Banks, Willdenow, Sieveking, &c., and the frequent annotations (between 400
and 500) having reference to the time and place where the plants were
found. For example: 'Banks horto suo mihi monstravit 1790; vidi in
monte Mam-Tor versus Ax-edge, Jun. 1790 ; legi prope Helgoland 1790 ;
vidi in Hamburg, 1791 ; prope Cuxhaven, Dover, 1790 ; am Harz 1789 ;
prope Colberg, 1793 ; apud Calais 1790; prope Wittenberg 1790; praest.
spec, vidi in Harbke 1789 et in horto Kewensi 1790 ; legi prope Ostende et
Calais ] 790 ; praest. spec, e Virginia v. in herb. Sieveking,' &c.

$0 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

certain frame of mind to write to my friends : it is not a condition
that will be enticed, therefore I must wait till it comes, however
long that may be. I returned here at the beginning of No-
vember, and have since been occupied in a tissue of contrarieties.
A host of lectures (T attend six) occupy the greatest part of the
day, so that I can only visit the library, which I still need for
my philological researches on weaving, on a Sunday, when I
have express permission from Heyne to go there and lock
myself in. Extra work, too, of a pressing character runs away
with a good deal of my time ; as, for instance, in occasional
contributions to the " Zurich Botanical Magazine," for the last
number of which I have written a Latin treatise.1 I have
also to write out the journal of my tour, and Forster expects
me to furnish him with a mineralogical description of the
basalts at Unkel, for the next number of his magazine, in which
there is to appear an excellent paper by my brother, on the
influence exerted on the morals of a nation by theism, atheism,
and scepticism. My paper, however, grows so fast under my
pen that I think it will probably have to be printed in a
separate form. Do not think, my dear friend, that I wish to
boast of my numerous occupations : the load is certainly not
greater than I can bear, but in point of fact, I have but very
little time left for my correspondence, seeing that I have always
to write at least once and sometimes twice a week to my mother
•or Kunth.

c William, who , has oeen in Paris with Campe, returned by
way of Mayence, where he spent three weeks with young
Forster, and thence made a tour through Switzerland, visiting-
Zurich, ScharThausen, Kostnitz, Bern, the Grindelwald glacier,
the pass of St. Grothard and Lausanne, down to G-eneva, whence
he returned to Mayence by Neufchatel and Basle, and after
a further sojourn there of a fortnight proceeded through Saxony
to Berlin. This same William, who has caused me to construct
this ungraceful period, asked me to meet him at Grotha. Thither
I went alone in the beginning of December, riding through
Eichsfeld in the most detestable weather and along still more

1 ' Observatio critica de Elymi Hystric. charaetere, in Usteri,' ' Magazin
fur Botanik/ 1790, Part VII. p. 36 ; Part IX. p. 32.

COLLEGE LIFE. 81

detestable roads. The difficulties of the journey were willingly
encountered for the sake of seeing a brother who had been an
eye-witness of so many extraordinary events. We spent two
days with Loffler, and it was delightful to me to renew the
relationships of the old Frankfort days. What are all the
sensations that inanimate nature can inspire, in comparison
with those heart-stirring emotions elicited by the sympathy
of friendship and the gratification of being loved by good
men!' ....

The anonymous pamphlet, ' Mineralogical Observations on
some Basalts of the Rhine ' l was the result of this tour, under-
taken by Humboldt when a youth of twenty-one years of age,
and not, as is usually represented, of the journey he subsequently
took to the Lower Rhine in company with George Forster : and
it is necessary here to state distinctly that Humboldt was at
this time self-taught both in mineralogy and geology.2 His
next works were two small treatises published in Crell's ' Che-
mische Annalen,' on ' The Aqueous Origin of Basalt,' and c The
Metallic Seams in the Basalts at Unkel.' In the chapter on
* Incidental Remarks on Basalt in ancient and modern Writers,'
which precedes his ' Observations,' he proves with a great ex-
penditure of philological learning, and in that lucid manner
which subsequently developed into the full flower of his later
genius, that the classic writers give no ground for supposing
that the basalt of Pliny is identical with syenite, basanite, lapis
lydius, or lapis sethiopicus ; that it is erroneous to maintain,
as hitherto has been the practice, that the basalt of our time
is the same as that referred to by Pliny ; that it is impossible
now to ascertain what was the particular mineral rock that
was termed by Pliny basalt ; that the supposed basalt of Strabo
is granite ; and lastly, that it is quite uncertain whether the
passage in Pliny has any connection with that in Strabo. The

1 ' Mineralogische Beobachtungen iiber einige Basalte am Rhein.' Bruns-
wick, 1790.

2 Humboldt writes somewhat later to Freiesleben, (I take the liberty
of sending you my small pamphlet on the basalts, which (with many
typographical errors) has appeared during my absence in England. I wrote
it before I had received the benefit of any instructions in mineralogy, and I
should never have ventured to have allowed it to be printed had I not been
urged to do so by many considerations.?

YOL. I. G

82 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

chapter concludes with a dissertation on the lapis heraclius
of the ancients.

In this work on basalt Humboldt displays rare powers of
observation, a clear mode of description, and an extensive ac-
quaintance with literature. He is here discovered to be not
merely a mineralogist and a geologist, but also a botanist.
The plants which he found growing on the basaltic rocks of
the Rhine are compared with those he had previously gathered
from the basalt of the Meissner, and he enters into a searching*
criticism of the observations of Collini and De Luc. ' Every-
thing,' writes Forster, 6 upon which I had touched in few
words concerning the supposed volcanoes on the Rhine, finds
full confirmation in the two quartos of Dr. Nose, as well as in
the condensed observations of our acute friend Alexander von
Humboldt.' His ingenuity was mainly directed to the support
of the erroneous theory of the aqueous origin of basalt, at that
time prevalent among geologists ; and the influence of the work
was so considerable, that the book was often appealed to in sup-
port of those views long after the author himself had renounced
them in favour of the volcanic theory.

The extravagant length to which the science of geology
had been carried by these fantastic speculations on the nature
of basalt is strikingly seen in a polemical treatise by the
learned Professor Witte,1 of Rostock, Counsellor of the Duchy
of Mecklenburg. He explained the Pyramids of Egypt to be
the remains of a volcanic eruption, c which had forced its way
upwards with a slow and stately motion,' the hieroglyphics
upon them as crystalline formations, the lake of Moeris as the
sunken crater of an extinct volcano, the well or shaft of the
great Pyramid as the air-hole of a volcano, the sarcophagus
of Cheops as two pieces of lava, which, lying one over the
other ' like a couple of biscuits,' before completely cooling,
had taken the form of a coffin, &c. Even the ruins of Perse-
polis, Balbec, Palmyra, the temple of Jupiter at Grirgenti in
Sicily, the two palaces of the Incas of Peru, at Lacatagua and
Alkunkanjar, were supposed to be natural formations of basalt
and lava.

1 ' Ueber den Ursprung der Pyramiden in Aegypten und die Ruinen von
Persepolis.' Leipzig, 1789.

COLLEGE LIFE. 83

Not less fantastic were the theories of the Abbe Giraud-
Soulavie,1 who thought he was able to prove that the geolo-
gical formation of a country exercised an influence upon the
physical condition and manners of the inhabitants. ' The
inhabitants of basaltic regions,' he maintains, ; are difficult to
govern, prone to insurrection, and irreligious. Basalt appears
to have been an agent, though hitherto unacknowledged, in the
rapid spread of the Reformation.' Humboldt, who in later life
formed so just an estimate of the kind of influence exerted
upon the inhabitants of a country by the natural conformation
of the land, wrote even at this time : — ' I need scarcely fear to
be misunderstood, and be supposed to deny that the physical
constitution of a country exerts an important influence upon
the manners of a people. There can be no question that the
inhabitants of a mountainous region differ very decidedly from
the people dwelling in a plain ; but to attempt to determine
what particular influence upon the character is exerted by
granite, porphyry, clay- slate, or basalt, must be regarded as a ,
wanton trespass beyond the boundaries of our knowledge '— a
proof of the caution he early displayed in the formation of his
opinions and of the modesty which led him to avoid startling
modes of expression.

The last few months of his stay at Gottingen, which he
quitted after a year's sojourn in March 1790, passed without
any remarkable event. Humboldt always preserved a grateful
remembrance of the intellectual advantages that were here
afforded him, and nearly half a century afterwards, on the oc-
casion of the centenary of the Georgia Augusta (University of
Gottingen), in September 1837, he expressed in grateful terms
his acknowledgment that it was to this University that he was
indebted for the most valuable part of his education.

It was at Gottingen, at the house of Heyne, that Humboldt
first made the acquaintance of George Forster, Heyne's son-in-
law, that remarkable genius who shone upon his youth like
a guiding star, and was not only the friend with whom he en-
joyed the deepest sympathy in ail his tastes and pursuit s,
But was also the one who exercised the most powerful influence

1 ' Histoire nat. de la France merid.' vol. ii. p. 455.
G 2

84 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

upon his studies, his mode of thought, and the formation of
his extensive scheme of life-long activity. In George Forster
we have, in a certain sense, the prototype of Alexander von
Humboldt.

George Forster, thirty-six years of age at the time of his in-
troduction to Humboldt, and therefore his senior by only fifteen
years, had already circumnavigated the globe as one of the ex-
pedition that accompanied Cook in his second voyage, and the
masterly narrative he soon after published had justly raised him
to fame. He had studied various branches of natural science,
including physics and chemistry, he excelled as a draughtsman
of plants and animals, he possessed an extensive acquaintance
with philosophy, literature, and the fine arts, and had devoted
himself enthusiastically to the study of geography, history, and
politics ; he wrote Latin and understood Greek, and he spoke
and wrote with facility both French and English, he could read
Dutch and Italian, and was to some extent acquainted with the
Swedish, Spanish, Portuguese, Eussian, and. Polish languages.
To these acquirements he united a disposition at once amiable
and modest, which rendered him an agreeable as well as intel-
lectual companion. Forster was a master in the art of por-
traying nature, his descriptions are such as to charm the artist
no less than to instruct the enquirer, and while elevating by
their poetic flights, enchanting by their picturesque adornment,
they yet bring before the mind of the reader only the simple
truth. But the delight with which his unrivalled books of
travel can even now be read arises not so much from the extent
of the information he displays upon the subjects he treats of,
nor from the charm of the artistic colouring in which he por-
trays them, as from the intense human sympathy manifested
throughout — a sympathy which led him always to select man,
his condition, manners, and circumstances of life, as the chief
object of his attention, which taught him to look with tender
and loving interest beyond the feathers and the tattooing to
the man himself, and enabled him under every form and in
every position to acknowledge the right of reason.

At the close of an age characterised by a spirit of piracy and
self-seeking which had even left its impress upon the grandest
geographical discoveries of the century, Forster was the first to

.«
-

COLLEGE LIFE. 85

place the importance of peaceful aims and pure intellectual
interests in their true light. In place of a mere love of adven-
ture, he was led by a spirit of thoughtful investigation ; instead
of a search after worldly gain, he was moved by a desire to
gratify the love of knowledge. The study of nature and political
economy, the study of history and moral philosophy, as well as
an acquaintance with the exact sciences, were all collectively
regarded by him as the sole agents in moral elevation. From
Forster, the world has learnt, in the fullest sense of the terms,
both how to travel and how to describe travel.

Humboldt often mentions Forster's name with grateful
remembrance and esteem. He speaks of him as a ' philosophe
aimable,' and when at the height of his fame alludes to him
in fi Cosmos ' l as his ' distinguished teacher and friend, whose
name I can never mention without a feeling of the most heart-
felt gratitude,' and as one who powerfully influenced the lite-
rature of Germany by the introduction of the modern book of
travel which affords a delightful contrast to the dramatic
fashion of the middle ages. ' Through his influence there
dawned a new era of scientific travel, having for its aim the
comparison of various countries and peoples. Endowed with
a keen susceptibility for the beautiful, and an imagination
enriched by the lovely scenes presented to him by Tahiti and
other peaceful islands of the Southern Seas, Ofeorge Forster
describes with a peculiar charm the varied glories of vegetation,
the conditions of climate, the varieties of food in connection
with the different habits of men, with reference to the races
from whom they sprang, and the country whence they originated.
In his works we see the reflection of a mind characterised by
originality, a love of truth, and an observant thoughtfulness, a
mind replete with images derived from a view of Nature in her
exotic loveliness. Not only in his excellent account of Captain
Cook's second voyage, but still more in his smaller works, is to
be traced the germ of that greatness which he subsequently
attained.'

Free from the obligation of earning his livelihood, unat-
tracted by the honours of high station, and urged by no false

1 < Kosmos/ vol. ii. pp. <35, 72.

86 ALEXANDEB VON HUMBOLDT.

ambition, Alexander von Humboldt was possessed, through the
independence of his position, of sufficient means and leisure to
follow out his favourite pursuits, to gratify his love of travel,
to stimulate his mind with the contemplation of nature, and
prepare it by the habit of close observation for the most search-
ing investigations.

During his stay with Forster at Mayence plans had been
laid for a journey to be taken in concert, the following spring,
to the Lower Ehine, Holland, Belgium, England, and France ;
for the old love of travel had been again aroused in Forster.
A visit to England promised to be of use in his father's affairs,
and he was anxious to gain some information on various
points connected with geography, natural history, and art.
How much of interest centred, too, in France, where the new
political regime had now been a year established !

Thus Humboldt, as if moved by an inspiration of his latent
genius, was led in the spring of 1790 to join with Greorge Forster
and Van Greuns, his young Grottingen friend, in this projected
tour. It was as if the exciting guidance of this circumnavigator
of our globe was to become the preparatory training for those
vast expeditions which for extent and diversity of discovery
were to surpass all that had hitherto been accomplished.

His stay with Forster at Mayence was not long. On March
20, Forster wrote to Heyne that he was expecting Humboldt
to join him in the course of a day or two, and the first commu-
nication from the travellers was dated Boppart, March 24.

Forster has given an account of the journey in his classical
work, c Sketches of the Lower Ehine,' but unfortunately the
reference to Humboldt is too occasional to afford evidence of
the impression the journey produced upon him, or the influence it
may have exerted upon his mind. That Humboldt kept, how-
ever, a copious record in his journal is evident from a portion
of the book still preserved bearing the inscription : ' Journey of
1790— England.'

The journey down the Rhine was happily accomplished ; and
when a cloudy sky robbed the well-known scenery of any of its
accustomed charm, a book of travels placed them among the
wonders of Borneo, where the imagination was excited by the
glowing colours and gigantic growth of vegetation of that

COLLEGE LIFE. 87

\

tropical region, with which the wintry aspect of the Rhine
district had nothing in common.

With Forster for a guide nothing could escape the closest
scrutiny; nature and art, manufactures and churches, the past
and the present, and all political matters, were alike viewed
with interest; there was no literary celebrity, no park nor
private pleasure-ground, no public institution, manufactory,
nor piece of curious mechanism, there were no docks, mines,
botanic gardens, nor observatories, that were left unvisited and
uninvestigated.

One reflection made by Forster, referring to the Cathedral
of Cologne, is of extreme interest. After describing the won-
derful sublimity of the building he continues : — 4 My attention
was arrested by a yet more engrossing object ; before me stood
a man of lively imagination and refined taste, who for the first
time was experiencing beneath these majestic arches the im-
pression of grandeur inspired by Gothic architecture, and who
at the sight of this choir, rising more than a hundred feet
above him, was riveted with admiration to the spot. Oh ! it
was glorious to see in this wrapt contemplation the grandeur
of the temple repeated as it were by reflection. Ere we left
the church, the shades of evening falling on the silent and de-
serted aisles, disturbed by no sound save the echo of our own
footsteps as we walked among the graves of electors, bishops,
and knights, whose effigies lay sculptured in stone, awoke in
his imagination many sad images of bygone days. In real
earnest, with his sensitive disposition and restless activity of
imagination, I should have been sorry to have watched there
alone with him through the night. ... I hurried with him
out of the Cathedral into the open air, and by the time we had
reached our hotel he had once more regained that enviable
state of mind through which, while displaying a keen appre-
ciation of the charms of nature, he had so agreeably shortened
the monotonous hours during our journey from Coblentz.'

The person here referred to was Alexander von Humboldt.

Forster further remarks: — 'I have never yet been able to
determine, whether it is most satisfactory to derive our ideas of
real things direct from the world around us, or to receive them
through the medium of an intelligent mind, which by selecting

88 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

and arranging an infinite variety of impressions has arrived
at an idealised conception more in harmony with our nature.
Each mode possesses its own peculiar advantage, and we have
fully enjoyed both during this journey. Immediate contact
with animated nature produces undoubtedly the most powerful
impression upon the mind ; the object, whatever it may be,
that exists without the co-operation of man, that is, and was,
and ever will be independent of him, impresses itself deeply
upon the mind with a clear and sharply defined image, in
which no detail is omitted. The most diverse ideas, on the
contrary, though gathered from all quarters of the globe, from
the past, and — may I add ? — from the future also, become,
when received through the apprehension of another mind, at
once associated with the present, with which they weave them-
selves* into a drama that mocks reality.'

Thus, in the consecrated precincts of the Cathedral, Forster
saw with prophetic eye the greatness in store for Humboldt, as
if willing to read therein the fulfilment in a far wider sense of
his own destiny.

Two letters written by Humboldt during this journey to
Wegener have been preserved. The first, dated Castleton, High
Peak, Derbyshire, June 15, 1790, is as follows : —

' I must really ask your forgiveness for having allowed these
three or four months to slip by without sending you a line,
and for having even left the Continent without acquainting
you with my plans, my dearest, my best friend, to whom I am
indebted for the happiest hours of my life. But forgiveness is
easily obtained from one who is so uncomplaining, so rarely
vexed as yourself. Your last letter reached me when I was
laid up with a severe attack of influenza (febris Gottingensis\
which seized me before I had well recovered from the measles,
and which left me for some time in a state of great nervous
prostration. I was in no condition to reply to your letter then,
delighted as I was to hear from you. ... I am much gratified,
my dear friend, to find that you are still so completely what
you used to be, so frank, so honest, so noble, so entirely unspoilt
that reason has enabled you to triumph over all the assaults of
dogmatic theology. Do not fear that I shall insult a position
which, though it may have been a torment to all mankind, has

COLLEGE LIFE. 89*

yet been intended to further the highest human happiness. . . ^
We ought to be less disposed to grumble at the evils in the
world, when we remember that their very existence furnishes
opportunity for combating them and thereby securing a greater
amount of good. The more you hear your confraternity
preaching superstition, humbug, cant, as the spiritual virtues-
may be termed, so much the greater will be your delight in
withstanding them. Your last letter contains a fine passage
on this subject, so entirely the expression of a mind imbued
with noble sentiments. Yes, my dear friend, I rejoice to see
that you, with your zeal for investigation, your love of truth,,
your caution, your acquaintance with national and religious
myths, are placed in this position, although it may cause
you many sacrifices that may be painful to your heart. . . »
Dogmatic theism is in my eyes far more dangerous than all the
absurdities of the more positive system of faith, for even when
it keeps the sword in the scabbard it commits spiritual slaughter
upon reason. Nothing is so intolerable as those discerning-
princes who are determined to direct the thoughts of the rest
of the world. The Berlin sophists appear to me in this light.
What was more natural than that such a declension should re-
sult from an imposed form of religious faith ? The substitution.
of Leibnitz for Luther is expected to cure the evil. And this
is called freedom of thought ! We are all groping in the dark.
.... I am quite unstrung, and very tired, for I have spent
most of the day below ground in the Peak Cavern, Eldon Hole,.
Poole's Hole, and among the mines. That it is quite possible
to be fatigued among these hills you may learn from Moritz's
travels.'

A few days later he writes again a further account of his-
journey : —

'Oxford: June 20, 1790. *

6 Do not expect from me, my dear friend, anything new
about England. It is hard to say anything fresh of a country
that has been so extensively visited ; but I should like to give
you my individual impressions if I had only time and quiet to
write something reasonable. We shall therefore have all the
more to say when we meet. Forster, my travelling companion,,
intends publishing an account of our journey, and I have read

DO ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

his descriptions piecemeal ; they are well written, and I fanc'y
the book will make a sensation. You must not, however, accept
his opinions as mine, for we look at everything from a very
different point of view. We could not have undertaken this
journey at a more fortunate time. We travelled through all
the provinces of Belgium, and. were in the country during the
late stirring events, the taking prisoner of General van der
Mersch, the flight of the Due d'Aremberg, the commencement
•of hostilities between Brabant and Flanders, and were actually
present at the insurrection at Lille. Forster's name, which
excites universal interest, his letters of introduction, &c., every-
where procured us access to the highest authorities. At the
Hague, in Amsterdam, and in Leyden, the attentions forced
upon him were almost burdensome. And now at length we are
here in England, finding, among other things to interest us, the
trial of Hastings, the war with Spain, the music at Westmin-
.ster Abbey, elections for a new Parliament,1 various exhibitions
of paintings, and innumerable collections in natural history and
physical science. For the last fortnight we have been making
an interesting tour through the country, visiting Eeading, Bath,
Bristol, Gloucester, Birmingham, and Buxton, thence among
the hills to Castleton and Matlock, and by Derby, Stratford
(Shakespeare's birthplace), and Blenheim to Oxford, where we
have been the last three days. But the mere list of places
that we visited can afford you little entertainment ; you will
doubtless be most interested in my individual impressions and
feelings, and I can assure you that I have not only had a very
agreeable journey, but one from which I shall derive much
benefit and instruction. We shall start on our homeward
journey in the course of a few weeks, and shall travel rapidly
by way of Paris, where we shall make only a short stay, as
by that time Forster will have exceeded his leave of absence
of three months and a half. I do not intend returning to the
University from Mayence, but shall probably go at once to
Hamburg, to enter Biisching's School of Commerce, after which
I shall perhaps study at the Gymnasium. I shall hope to

1 He also attended some of the debates in Parliament. In conversation
•with Taylor, when quite an old man, he mentioned having heard l Edmund
33urke; Pitt, and Sheridan all speak the same night.'

COLLEGE LIFE. 91

remain at Hamburg till next spring, and then return to Berlin.
You will forgive my not having sent you my book, (" Mine-
ralogical Observations on some Basalts, &c."), when I tell you
that I have not yet seen it myself. My physical health is
not so good as it was in the winter : you may easily imagine
how distressing this is to me just now, when it is impossible to
avoid fatigue. The journey has certainly done me good, but
the change has not benefited me as much as I expected. As
my stay in France and on the Ehine is uncertain, do not write
till you hear from me again. But I beseech you, dearest
Wegener, by all the affection which you know I bear you,
never to forget our brotherly love and friendship. You are
infinitely more to me than I can ever be to you. I have
now seen the most celebrated places in Germany, Holland, and
England — but, believe me, I have in seeing them never been
so happy as while sitting in Steinbart's arm-chair.

'ALEXANDER.'

The fragment of journal alluded to above, inscribed c Journey
of 1790---England,' gives abundant evidence of the astonish-
ing range of information possessed by the young traveller. It
•contains observations upon mineralogy, botany, agriculture,
trade,' technicalities, and the history of civilisation, together
with remarks of such various character that an abstract of them
can only find a suitable place in the Appendix.

The events transpiring at that time in France induced the
travellers to take the return journey through Paris, where
•everything was still giving promise of great success. The uni-
versal enthusiasm for all that was pure and noble animating all
classes of the people in the preparations for the great national
festival, to be held in the Champ de Mars, was a gratifying
spectacle to all friends of humanity and lovers of freedom. The
sojourn of the travellers, however, was not prolonged beyond a
few days, and by July 11, Forster and Humboldt had again
reached Mayence.

Humboldt always referred to this journey as a time of
peculiar enjoyment. There can in truth be no greater happi-
ness to a pupil in the school of knowledge than the oppor-
tunity of listening to the conceptions of the grand creative

92 ALEXAKDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

faculties of a master mind. The reception of thoughts so
suggestive, the outflow of a well-stored mind, warms and
inflames the coldest, inspires the most indifferent, and imparts
to the most retiring a sense of elevation. 6 The companionship
I enjoyed on this journey,' writes Humboldt, c the kind interest
shown me by Sir Joseph Banks, and the sudden passion which
seized me for everything connected with the sea, and for visiting
tropical lands, all exerted a most powerful influence in the
formation of projects which, however, could not be carried
out during the lifetime of my mother.'

Forsfcer, 6 whose noble, sympathetic, and sanguine tempera-
ment made him one of the happiest of men,' was always held
by Humboldt, not only in respectful but in grateful remem-
brance. It is not generally known that the translation into
German of Humboldt's ' Voyage aux Eegions equinoxiales,' the
'Eeise in die Aequinoctialgegenden des neuen Continents,'
published in six volumes by Cotta, 1815-32, was executed by
Frau Therese Forster, afterwards the wife of Huber; the
work was entrusted to her as a means of pecuniary assistance,
but unfortunately the translation was in many places so in-
accurate that the undertaking proved a complete failure.

Even in the last year of his life l Humboldt thus expressed
himself to Heinrich Konig, who had sent him a copy of his
work ' George Forster at Home and Abroad ' : — ' How can I
adequately express to you my gratitude, for having followed
the suggestion given you at Wilhelmsthal, in such a friendly
spirit, by that noble and liberal-minded prince, the Grand-
Duke ! You have furnished a biography of my departed
friend which is characterised as much by the accuracy, fidelity,
and impartiality of its representations as by the ability of
its compilation. The perusal of your admirable work, in
which so much penetration and good feeling are displayed^
has kept me agreeably occupied for two long evenings. It
has produced upon my mind many pleasing impressions, and
many sad ones also. For the space of thirty years I have
never known leisure but of an evening, and the half-century
that I have spent in this ceaseless activity has been occupied
in telling myself and others how much I owe my teacher

1 On July 28, 1858.

COLLEGE LIFE. 93

and friend George Forster in the generalisation of my views
on nature and in the strengthening and development of that
which had already dawned in me before those happy days of
intimate friendship. On these two evenings, as the current
of my thoughts flowed back to the past, and I reflected with
sadness on the rapid deterioration of my powers, I was
more than ever reminded of the remarkable resemblances and
contrasts existing between Forster and myself; we held in-
deed the same political opinions, and mine, though in no
way derived from Forster, since they were formed long be-
fore my acquaintance with him, were yet strengthened and
matured under his influence ; it was in company with him,
the circumnavigator of the globe, that I first beheld the sea
at a time when I had not the remotest expectation that
I should myself only twelve years later be sailing in the
Southern Ocean ; my visit to London in company with him
during the lifetime of Cook's widow, when on the same occa-
sion I, a mere youth of twenty-one, received so much kindness
at the hands of Sir Joseph Banks ; in my expedition to Siberia
I trod the same shore of Samara, whence the elder Forster
had sent to Linnaeus at Upsala the rare specimen of wheat
growing wild, I visiting the country in 1829, while Rein-
hold Forster, accompanied by his son George, then a boy,
was there in 1765, four years previous to my birth; I was in-
vited by the Emperor Alexander through Count RumanzorT, in
1812, to undertake an extensive scientific expedition through
the interior of Asia, in the same way as George Forster had
"been requested by the Empress Catherine to undertake a
voyage round the world with Admiral Mulowski for purposes
of scientific investigation ; similar disappointments awaited
our most cherished hopes, for both expeditions were abandoned
owing to the breaking out of war, in the one case with the
French, in the other with the Turks ! How greatly have I
t>een excited by the awakening of these early reminiscences
through your valued gift ! The whole of the sixth book is
masterly but very sad; the saddest of all to me are those
lines at the bottom of page 251, Part II.,1 and yet such

1 This passage refers to the part taken by Forster in the deliberations
against the citizens and officials of Mayence who would not take the new

94 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

words were necessary ! With renewed expressions of heart-
felt thanks and friendly esteem, I remain yours with the high-
est respect,

' A. YON HUMBOLDT.'

Humboldt remained a guest with Forster till the end of July.
It was at this time that he made the acquaintance of Sommering,
with whom he at once entered into a lively correspondence ; his
celebrated work, c Experiments upon the Excitability of the
Muscles and Nerves,' is dedicated ' with grateful respect and
affection to the distinguished anatomist Sommering.' While
staying with Forster he wrote the following letter to Werner at
Freiberg, a noted professor of the science of mining and the
most distinguished geologist of the day : —

' Mayence : July 25, 1790.

' Sir, — I venture to send you a small pamphlet in which I
have propounded certain views upon the columnar basalts of
the Rhine. Although I can scarcely flatter myself that this
youthful production will gain your approval, I gladly avail
myself of this opportunity to express to you my profound
respect for your successful efforts in remodelling the science of
mineralogy. Unfortunately, I am not one of those who enjoy
the advantage of your personal instruction, and who can there-
fore observe under your own guidance the position of minerals
and fossils in their natural bed. Various circumstances have
prevented me hitherto from visiting the admirable institution
at Freiberg ; but perhaps I may yet be fortunate enough at
some future time to enroll myself as one of your pupils. I
have in the meanwhile, as far as my powers will allow me,
endeavoured so to familiarise myself with your system as to
adopt your ideas and your expressions as my own. How far I
have succeeded I must respectfully leave it to you to decide.

6 In my journey to England, whence I have just returned, I
traversed for a second time the mountains of the Rhine. I found
nothing to necessitate the supposition of previous volcanic
agency, but on the contrary abundant evidence to prove the
aqueous formation of basalt. Your theory that a stratum of

oath of citizenship before March 30 ; -while he himself had already set out on
his fatal journey to Paris on March 25.

COLLEGE LIEE. 9£

basalt had once covered the whole earth, never seemed to me
more reasonable or more obvious than at Linz and Unkel,
where I noticed horizontal layers of basalt upon the highest
summits. I shall be severely censured for this confession by
many of our geologists, and my pamphlet (if it be not alto-
gether overlooked) will be subjected to no tender criticism.
But such considerations shall never prevent me from saying
what I feel to be true, and I trust that I shall always maintain
this resolution. I have resided for a considerable time in
a region that has been called volcanic, and I have industriously
traversed on foot the mountains of Hanover, Hesse, and the
Rhine, as well as those in the neighbourhood of Zweibriicken ;
but I cannot accept the hypothesis so charmingly set forth by
De Luc in his geological work, " Lettres physiques et morales."

6 You have rendered to the science of mineralogy as great
and important a service as that rendered to botany by Lin-
naeus. In your work upon the external characteristics of
minerals and your various other treatises, you have given us a
philosophy of mineralogy. Through your investigations law
has been discovered, confusion has been banished from the terms,
and the rules for determining species and families laid down.
Would that you could soon complete the work, and construct for
us an entire system !

c I know how little my voice can do against the utterances of
so many greater and more distinguished men ; yet I hope you
will kindly pardon this rash expression of sentiment.

6 1 cannot flatter myself that I am known to you. My small
botanical essays are too insignificant to have come under your
notice, and though I was among the foremost of those who
crowded round you on your last visit to Gottingen, I cannot
suppose that you retain any remembrance of my name. I
crave your kind indulgence both for this letter and the accom-
panying pamphlet. I am still very young, and though back-
ward in many branches of knowledge, I am at least sensible of
my deficiencies and anxious to repair them. With the assurance
of the most profound respect and esteem, I remain, &c.

' I leave here to-morrow for Hamburg. Should you be dis-
posed to favour me with a reply, my address will be : Herr von
Humboldt, care of Professor Biisch, Hamburg.'

J

96 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

On Humboldt's departure from Mayence at the close of
July 1790, Forster 1 furnished him with the following letter
of introduction to Johannes von Miiller, whose acquaintance
Humboldt was anxious to make as he passed through Cassel : —
6 1 write to introduce to your notice Herr von Humboldt the
younger, my travelling companion, a young man full of in-
formation and of a rare maturity of mind. He is well read
in most branches of literature, but his particular province is
finance and political economy. Should you have time to enter
upon the subject with him, you will find him possessed of sound
principles supported by a rich store of observations and a great
amount of practical experience. His education has also in-
cluded the study of fabrics and manufactures, in which he has
made considerable progress. These varied acquirements of a
practical nature, which are fitted to make him useful in an
official career, are founded upon an excellent knowledge of
philosophy and the classics, studies of which he has gathered
the flowers without neglecting the less attractive portions. In
a word, I think I shall be able to justify myself in introducing
to you one worthy of being known, and one above all who
merits your acquaintance. He is now on his way to Hamburg,
_ whence he will return to Berlin. . . .' A singular letter of
introduction certainly for a youth of one and twenty !

Humboldt's motive in going to Hamburg was to enter the
School of Commerce, conducted by Messrs. Biisch and Ebeling,
where he wished to attend a course of lectures upon the currency,
to learn book-keeping, and to acquire some knowledge of the
business routine of a merchant's office. With a mind deeply
imbued with Forster's descriptions, and full of vivid impressions
of England and her emporiums of commerce, the sight of
Hamburg as the first sea-port in Germany must have excited
his interest in a peculiar degree.

The School of Commerce at Hamburg had already attained
a high reputation for sound instruction upon political economy,
and it is an indisputable fact that the students in this science
were enabled there to obtain instruction upon subjects, for the
study of which the Universities at that time offered no facilities.
The celebrity, too, acquired by Biisch as a jurist and a mathe-

1 G. Forster's ' Sammtliche Schrifteiy vol. viii. p. 122.

COLLEGE LIFE. 97

matician attracted to the Academy the attendance of young"
men destined for a political career.

That a number of foreigners availed themselves of the ad-
vantages afforded by this institution at Hamburg is apparent
from the fact, that of the 159 students who received instruction
at the Academy between the years 1767 and 1778, nearly half
that number were from foreign parts, and included 25 English-
men, 6 Frenchmen, 3 Danes, 4 Dutchmen, 2 Italians, 8
Eussians, 6 Swedes, 14 Scotchmen, 2 Poles, 2 Portuguese, 3
Spaniards, 1 Norwegian, and 1 American — a proportion which
has since increased year by year.

The concourse of so many youths from all parts of Europe
furnished, in the words of Humboldt. a most favourable oppor-
tunity for learning in the best possible way the various living-
languages. With the object apparently of acquiring greater
fluency in English, Humboldt shared his lodgings with a
young Englishman, John Grill, whom he afterwards met at
Barcelona in 1798, at that time a wealthy partner in- the still
prosperous mercantile house of that name. After the lapse
of more than half a century, he still remembered this friend
of his youth, and testified his gratitude for the hospitable
reception he had received from him at Barcelona by the noble
sympathy he tendered to one of the family who met his death at
Berlin in 1848. Among other fellow-students of Humboldt
were Speckter, the father of Otto Speckter, well known by his
illustrations of Key's fables ; Wattenbach, the father of the
distinguished historian of Heidelberg ; Maclean, whose name
became of the highest repute among the merchants of Dantzic ;
Bothling, a wealthy Russian from St. Petersburg, possessing a
yearly income of 40,000 rubles, who at one time shared the same
room with Humboldt, and who subsequently was desirous of
accompanying him on his projected extensive journey.

A passage in a letter to Sommering of January 28, 1791,
furnishes the best insight into his studies and mode of life at
Hamburg : — ' ... I am contented with my mode of life at
Hamburg, but not happy, less happy even than at Grottingen,
where the monotony of my existence was relieved by the
society of one or two friends and the vicinity of some moss-
grown mountains. I am, however, always contented, when I feel

VOL. I. H

98 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

that I am accomplishing the purpose I have in view. I am
learning a good deal here from the School of Commerce as well
as from personal intercourse with Busch. Everything in the way
of mercantile knowledge was new to me, and I like the study
because I think it will be useful. I attend but few regular
lectures, therefore I work all the more industriously by myself.
Ebeling's extensive library is of great value to me; I find there
works on philology and history, and books of travel, while
Busch furnishes me with various authorities on mathematics
and physics, and Eeimarus with a very complete collection of
works on natural science. If to the unlimited use of these
means you further add the undisturbed use of a small room in
a secluded garden, with no interruption save the bell that rings
for dinner and supper, you will be compelled to admit, my
dear friend, that it is no less practicable to study at Hamburg
than at Grottingen. My leisure hours are occupied with geo-
logy and botany, both of which I am studying from books ! !
In addition, I have begun to learn Danish and Swedish, be-
cause I have a convenient opportunity for so doing. A life of
this kind may be supportable for seven or eight months, but
after that I shall begin to sigh for a more extended sphere of
action. As for society, which here means meeting at meal-
times, I am very well off. I visit in all circles, with citizens
as well as nobles, for the people here, after the praiseworthy
fashion of the Indian system of caste, have separated them-
selves into distinct classes. As card-playing is universal, I never
go into society before supper — a time when the pleasures of the
table are certainly very conspicuous. Much as the pride of birth
may be complained of on the Ehine, I am convinced that it
is far surpassed by the hauteur of the purse-proud circles here,
such as the Bentincks — not the Schimmelmanns. The common
sense of our western neighbours will triumph in this century,
while Germany will yet for long look on with astonishment, try,
prepare — and still postpone the decisive moment.'

In conformity with the practice he commenced at Grottingen,
Humboldt read Pliny's work upon the art of painting with some
of his fellow-students, and by this means excited in Hamburg
an unwonted interest in the study of philology. As a charac-
teristic trait, we may notice the zeal with which he prosecuted

COLLEGE LIFE. 99

his natural taste for scientific investigation by going out on
the Elbe in stormy weather, in order to observe and measure the
motion of the waves.

Even in advanced old age he cherished the brightest recol-
lections of the time he spent in Hamburg, especially of the
intercourse he enjoyed with the circle of friends assembling at
the house of Sieveking. This wealthy merchant was one of the
most distinguished men of the place ; he had filled some of the
highest offices in the renate, and stood in an important relation-
ship with various political and learned men of note ; his wife,
a woman of great excellence and superior education, was a
granddaughter of Eeimarus, celebrated in his day as the au-
thor of a work entitled ' Wolfenbiittler Fragmente,' edited
by Lessing ; her father was well known for his writings upon
lightning conductors, the instinct of animals, and various
branches of natural science. The most distinguished society
resorted to her house. It was there that Humboldt met with
Claudius Voss, the Stolbergs from the neighbouring province
of Holstein, and Voght, whose acquaintance must have afforded
him peculiar pleasure from being owner of the gardens at Flott-
beck, noted for the extensive collection of rare plants.

Humboldt kept up an active correspondence with Forster
for a considerable time. On September 26, 1790, Forster
writes to Jacobi : — c The Humboldts are both prospering, but
in widely different ways. The elder is Counsellor of Legation,
and Assessor to the Supreme Court of Judicature at Berlin,
in which capacity he is serving his probation. When his time
has expired he will receive an appointment at Halberstadt, and
will then probably marry. His younger brother is with Biisch
in Hamburg, gaining a practical acquaintance with commercial
office routine ; he goes about a great deal among the various
eminent men of Hamburg, and has visited Christian Stolberg,
of whose praises he is quite full ; he makers expeditions too from
time to time to gather mosses, which flower during the winter,
and writes amusing letters full of lively wit, good nature, and
delicacy of feeling.'

These letters were afterwards returned to Humboldt by
Forster s executors between the years 1830 and 1840, and were
by him destroyed.

H 2

100 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

Greatly as this loss is to be regretted, there yet remain many
other letters of this period which serve to throw some light
upon Humboldt's studies and upon the circumstances by which
he was then surrounded. They may here be given in chrono-
logical order, as they need no comment.

To His Excellency the Minister Von Heinitz at Berlin.

1 Hamburg : September 10, 1790.

e Sir, — I. venture to flatter myself that your Excellency will
pardon the liberty I am taking in presenting you with the first-
fruits of my studies (" Observations upon some Basalts, &c.").
I do not aspire to the glory of ranking myself among the
learned geologists of my country ; for though I have had grand
models before me, it yet requires a bold hand to catch the style
of these masters. Men of noble and distinguished qualities
have ever been characterised by a spirit of forbearance. I ven-
ture, therefore, to throw myself upon your kind indulgence.
I am still very young, yet what little I do know, I know
thoroughly, and I hope through greater industry to render
myself eventually useful to my country, and to merit at some
future period the favourable notice of your Excellency.

c With sentiments of the deepest respect and esteem, I have
the honour to remain, &c.'

To Wegener.

1 Hamburg : September 23, 1790.

' At length a few lines once more to you, my dear friend !
You are not angry with me, dear William ? — nay, anger is im-
possible between you and me ! It is indeed very long since I
-wrote to you, but you well know that the frequency with which
ive exchange letters is no thermometer of our friendship. You
know the warmth and sincerity of my attachment to yourself,
you are aware, my dear friend, how greatly I am indebted to
you — nothing can possibly estrange us.

6 I trust you safely received my letter from London. You
probably expected me to write oftener while I was in England,
but I must tell you that with the exception of my own family
and Willdenow, you were the only person to whom I wrote

COLLEGE LIFE. J01

during my absence. Only think how constantly I have been
on the move for the last nine or ten months ! On my return
from France I stayed a month at Mayence, and thence made a
tour to Aschaffenburg among the Vogelsgebirge, and through
the district of the Ehone.1 On my way here I visited Grottin-
gen and Hanover. I am now a pupil at the School of Com-
merce under Professor Biisch, and see nothing all day but
ledgers and account-books, so that I find it best to forget
my plants and stones. I had scarcely been a week in Ham-
burg when I met with some natural curiosities from the island
of Heligoland. I was immediately seized with the desire of
collecting some, so I put myself on board a vessel and in
eight days accomplished a stormy voyage of two hundred
miles. In future I must content myself with the sight of the
ships in the harbour, for the next time that I trust myself to the
mercies of the elements .... If I can carry out my wishes,
I shall visit England again in the course of a couple of years.
I should now find a residence there very agreeable.

' I am surprised when I think how much I have seen since
I left Berlin, of the variety of experiences I have passed
through, and the number of interesting men with whom I have
made acquaintance. I am disposed to be contented here, but
I cannot say I feel very happy. I have made considerable
progress in general information, and I am beginning to be
somewhat more satisfied with my attainments. I worked very
hard at Ofottingen, but all I have learned makes me feel only
the more keenly how much remains still to know. My health

1 Further particulars of this part of the journey are given in the following
passage from the letter to Sommermg of January 28, 1791, part of which
has been already quoted at p. 98 : — * I left Aschaffenburg (which became
endeared to me by the intellectual conversation of Miiller and the unaffected
good humour of Gallizin) with the determination of unburdening myself to
you, of all that was in my heart, immediately on my arrival at Hamburg.
I fancied I had seen so much out of which to forecast a glowing future
for myself, and I believed I should enjoy it all the more intensely by
discussing it with a sympathising friend. An unfortunate tour which I
soon afterwards made among the Vogelsgebirge and through the district of
the Rhone, partly on foot and partly by carriage, in most unfavourable
weather, introduced an entire change in the current of my thoughts. The
minerals I had collected had to be arranged and several remarks appended,
and you know how imperative these small matters appear at my age !'....

102 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

suffered severely, but improved somewhat during my journey
with Forster, yet even here I continue so closely occupied that
I find it difficult to spare myself. There is an eager impulse
within me which often carries me, I fear, over the bounds of
reason ; and yet such impetuosity is always necessary to ensure
success.

' I send you herewith my book on the basalts. I shall esteem
it a favour if you will read the first half, which is entirely philo-
logical ; the remainder will be of small interest to you, though
it has already created some sensation on account of certain
paradoxes which it contains. An article in fulsome praise of
the book has appeared in the " Hamburger Correspondent." You
may easily imagine how little I am flattered by such vulgar
trumpeting. I have no doubt it originated through Biisch,
whose institution is rather declining, and who would therefore
gladly proclaim to the world that men of such learning resort
to his academy. Par interet ! ! I was much gratified by the
criticism in the " Gottinger Anzeigen." If you feel disap-
pointed in any way with my book, pray remember that while
engaged upon it I daily attended five lectures, and was twice
laid aside by serious illness, and that I wrote it entirely without
philological assistance, for though Heyne encouraged me to
undertake the work, he never saw the MS.

' This desultory letter must suffice for to-day. I will write
more at length another time. Let me hear from you soon.
My heart rejoices at the mere thought of you. With brotherly
affection and grateful esteem, I am, &c.,

6 HUMBOLDT.'

To Werner at Freiberg.

1 Hamburg : School of Commerce, December 13, 1790.

c Sir, — I trust you will pardon the liberty I am taking in
venturing to address you without having the pleasure of your
personal acquaintance, and in being so bold as to trouble you
with an enquiry. The motive by which I am actuated, namely,
the strong desire to complete my education under your auspices,
will, I hope, appear to you a sufficient justification.

6 It is now nearly two years since I commenced the study of
geology. My enthusiasm for the science has been recently

COLLEGE LIFE. 103

increased by my residence at Grottingen, my botanical wander-
ings among the mountains of Germany, and my delightful but
sadly too hurried journey through the Peak district in Derby-
shire, which I made in company with your friend George
Forster. I have read as many books on the subject as my time
would allow, and have always been a close student of nature ;
but I am conscious that though up to the present time I have
acquired a great variety of information on mineralogy, my
knowledge is very disconnected and is of a somewhat superficial
character. I have long felt an ardent desire to go to Freiberg,
and enrol myself among the number of your pupils, but cir-
cumstances have hitherto rendered it impracticable. At length
these obstacles have been overcome. I have already attended
a course of jurisprudence and political economy at two univer-
sities, and I am now at the School of Commerce here, for the
sake of acquiring a knowledge of business routine ; but on
leaving this institution I shall still have six months at my
disposal — the summer of 1791 — before entering on official
employment. I am, unfortunately, only too well aware of the
insufficiency of six months for passing through a complete
course of instruction in mining. I shall endeavour, however, to
content myself with the privilege of your valuable instructions,
for a limited period, rather than be deprived entirely of so
great an advantage. I hope, as the will is not wanting, to apply
myself to the subject with so much energy and zeal as to learn
a great deal even in six months.

4 1 leave this Institution at Easter, and a few weeks after shall
be at liberty to enter upon a course of study at Freiberg. I
therefore make so bold as to enquire if you could receive me
for so short a term as six months, and whether I and my servant
could be accommodated in the School of Mines, or whether I
should have to seek for lodgings in the town. I should be
greatly obliged if you would send me a few lines at once in
reply. I should have requested Herr Eosenstiel, Chief Coun-
sellor of Mines, or the Assessor, Herr Karsten, to write to you
on my behalf, had I not ventured to think that I might address
you in this more direct way.

6 Pray accept the assurance of my highest esteem, &c,

104 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

The following is from the letter to Sommering of January
28, 1791, from which extracts have been already given: —

' I had written thus far about three weeks ago, and have since
been prevented by illness from finishing my letter.

6 To-day I am going to add to this already lengthy epistle a,
drawing of what has been called a petrified child's hand, which
was found in the slate beds at Riegelsdorf. The phalanges
show clearly enough that it is the paw of an animal, and could
never have formed part of any human being. Perhaps you
may be better able to determine its classification ; is it likely to-
be a species of otter ? Such a thing is not altogether impro-
bable, for thirty fathoms below the surface at Riegelsdorf there
is an extensive bed of limestone, considerably contorted, contain-
ing fossil fish. Pray assure Forster of my heartfelt esteem, and
tell him that I have frequently repeated his experiment of the
phosphorescence of potatoes with great success. If, in connec-
tion with Fourcroy's discovery of the existence of albumen in
many plants, we call to mind the fact that animal lime is con-
tained in the cereals, and volatile alkali l in the tetradynamia
— the luminosity seen in potatoes is also to be observed in beef
and salmon — we shall begin to see something of the affinity
between animal and vegetable life. Yet another question, my
dear friend. Where could I meet with some comprehensive
treatise on the formation of animal bone? — which, though really
composed of limestone, is impregnated with phosphoric acid,
and constitutes that which Werner has designated uncrystallised
phosphate of lime. I am at a loss to know how the calcareous
earth can be evolved from the slight nourishment taken by
,an infant.'

There are still extant some letters written about this date to
Dr. Grirtaner, whose acquaintance Humboldt made in London.
The subject of one of these letters is an unpleasant misunder-
standing with Usteri, the editor of the ' Magazin fur Botanik ;'
while in another letter Humboldt mentions that he was to leave
Hamburg at the end of April, and proposed to spend a fort-
night at Berlin with his mother and ' excellent ' brother, on
his way to Freiberg, where it had been arranged that he should
pass the summer.

1 [An old name of ammonia.]

COLLEGE LIFE. 105

To the historian Wattenbach at Heidelberg we owe the pub-
lication l of some letters received by his father from Hum-
boldt about this time. This gentleman was related to Biisch,
acted as his secretary, and, together with Humboldt, was an
inmate of his house. These letters contain the names of
several of his friend^ at that period, and they evince
the warm and lively recollection which Humboldt long pre-
served of the friendly relationships he maintained with his
companions at Hamburg. They are full of the ' lively wit ' to
which Forster refers, while the unpretending good nature
which is manifested throughout keeps in the background that
overwhelming superiority of which Humboldt must even then
have been conscious when in the society of his youthful com-
panions.

The few weeks spent in Berlin, from the end of April tijj Of r ^ T|
June 11, were occupied by Humboldt in the pursuit of his,
favourite study, botany, and in experimenting with Hermh- <^
stadt in his chemical laboratory, but his attention was chiefly
given to acquiring a more intimate acquaintance with minera-
logy in preparation for his visit to the School of Mines at
Freiberg.

As a matter of courtesy more than of necessity, Humboldt
sought the permission of the minister Von Heinitz, Head of the
Department for the Regulation of the Mining and Smelting
Works, in the following terms : — 2

'Berlin: May 14, 1791.

' Sir, — The unbounded confidence inspired in me by the esti-
mation in which the character of your Excellency is universally
held, combined with the remarkable kindness with which you.
received my small work upon the nature of the basalts of the
ancients and the basalts of the Rhine, leads me to hope that
your Excellency will forgive my boldness in venturing to lay
before you a sketch of my future public life.

' I have now attained an age when I cannot but wish to
enter upon some fixed sphere of labour, and devote to the
service of my country such limited powers as I possess. The-

1 f Preussische Jahrbiicher/ vol. xvi. pp. 139-148.

2 The original is preserved among the papers of the Royal Mining;-
Department at Berlin. x

106 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

wish to complete my education by securing an express com-
mission from your Excellency to labour in the various depart-
ments under your charge, arises not only from the decided
taste I possess for geological investigations, and the strong-
interest I feel in all the operations connected with mines and
salt works, but still more from the flattering hope of some time
being able to associate myself with you in the accomplishment
of those grand and beneficent plans, by which your Excellency
has for a long series of years not only succeeded in opening up
to the State new sources of national wealth, but has shown how
ivealth could be best employed, in accordance with the un-
alterable principles of philosophy and sound political economy.

' My studies have hitherto been principally directed to finance
and the science of political economy, the pursuit of which has
been the main object of my residence at Frankfort-on-the-Oder
and at Grottingen, and of my travels through Germany, the
Netherlands, Holland, and England, as well as of my sojourn at
Hamburg. In order to complete my scientific education, and
acquire a practical acquaintance with mining and the machinery
employed in its various operations, I am anxious to spend six
months at the School of Mines at Freiberg. It would, how-
ever, be a great relief to my mind could I arrange • something
definite about my future career in life before taking further
steps towards the accomplishment of this design ; I venture,
therefore, humbly to request of your Excellency to dispose of
me as you may see fit, to grant me access on my return to the
reports in your .department, and to permit me at once to hold
some appointment in the administration of the mines and
smelting works.

6 1 remain, with the profoundest respect,

c Your Excellency's most obedient servant,

' A. YON HUMBOLDT.'

In little more than a fortnight after this date, Alexander von
Humboldt received a reply on the thirty-first of the same month
couched in the following flattering terms: — 'That his Excel-
lency, out of consideration of the attainments already possessed
by Herr von Humboldt, and on account of the additional know-
ledge he proposes to acquire during his stay at Freiberg, as

COLLEGE LIFE. 107

well as in consideration of the zeal evinced by his offer of
service to the State, is willing to grant him employment in the
various departments presided over by his Excellency, and there-
fore makes him the preliminary promise that immediately upon
his return from Freiberg next winter he shall not only be
commissioned to draw up reports on the salt works and mines
in the province of Westphalia, but that, in order that he may
become practically acquainted with the management of the
general correspondence, book-keeping, &c., he shall also be
appointed assessor cum voto of the mines, smelting works, and
turf-fields. At the same time he is informed that after having
visited the salt works at Schonebeck and Halle next spring,
and become familiar with their mode of management, he will
then be deputed to inspect the salt works of neighbouring
countries.'

In the journey to Freiberg Humboldt passed through Dres-
den, where he spent several cheerful, happy days in the family
of Herr Neumann, Secretary of War to the Elector of Saxony,
to whom he thus writes on his arrival at Freiberg: — ' During the
last year or eighteen months that I have been wandering about
at my own disposal, I can scarcely recall any time in which I
have experienced more intellectual and aesthetic enjoyment
than during the few days I spent with you and your family.
If thanks could be given in return for love and proffered
friendship, you should have mine, but the best and purest
thanks I can render to one of your nature must be the deep
appreciation of your affection.' Farther on he continues : — ' If
it be a gratifying spectacle to observe the harmony that reigns
among the greatest diversities of inanimate nature, it is still
more delightful to see good men, closely united by the ties of
affection, striving towards one common object of the highest
intellectual development, and to see this object near its attain-
ment. Such an enjoyment was granted to me in the intercourse
I had with you and your family.'

The School of Mines, established by Heinitz at Freiberg in
Saxony in 1766, enjoyed at this time the highest repute in con-
sequence of Werner's celebrity. Werner was regarded as the
first geologist of the day and the founder of that science.
No one could approach him in his knowledge of minerals,

108 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

and the authority of Linngeus in the science of botany was
never higher than was that of Werner in the science of geo-
logy. Under his banner the upholders of the aqueous theory
had gained a decisive victory over those contending for volcanic
agency in the incessant strife concerning the history of the forma-
tion of the earth's crust. The weight of his authority, supported
by personal examination of the Erzgebirge, completely set aside
the theory of the upheaval of mountains, although the strongest
evidence of its truth could be adduced in other districts. The
strength of his influence may be inferred from the theories he
introduced into the science Geology was at this time passing
through a phase by no means unusual in a new science, a phase
in which it seems necessary to follow to their ultimate conse-
quences the principles of a theory before its weakness is revealed
and truth discovered. Thus the native genius of his gifted
pupil was insufficient to break the ban under which the teach-
ings of the master liad laid him, till through his extensive
travels he had contemplated Nature in her widest aspects.

6 Werner,' writes Alexander von Humboldt,1 thirty years
later, 'the father of the science of geology, recognised with
surprising acuteness the salient points to which attention must
be directed in observing the separate formations occurring in the
several classes of primitive, transition, and secondary rocks. He
pointed out not only what was to be observed, but also what
was essential to know ; in regions he had never himself examined
he anticipated some of the later discoveries — it might almost be
said that in some instances he had a presage of the facts which
geology was hereafter to reveal. As geological formations are
independent of latitude and the vicissitudes of climate, a com-
paratively small extent of the earth's crust in any quarter of
the globe, a region even of a few square miles in which several
distinct formations are exhibited, may suffice, like the true
microcosm of the ancient philosophers, to awaken in the mind
of an experienced observer many just conceptions concerning
the fundamental truths of geology. Thus most of the early
conclusions of Werner, even those to which he had arrived

1 'Essai geognostique sur le gisement des roches dans les deux hemi-
spheres,' translated into German by Leonhard : ' Geognostischer Versueh
iiber die Lagerung der Gebirgsarten in beiden Erdhalften ' (1823). p. 67.

COLLEGE LIFE. 109

previous to the year 1790, are characterised by an accuracy
which still calls for admiration.'

Freiberg became the resort of mineralogists, geologists, and
miners from all quarters of the globe — from Sweden, Denmark,
Eussia, Poland, Transylvania, Italy, England, France, Spain,
India, and America. On July 14, 1791, Alexander von Hum-
boldt entered the Academy as the 357th pupil. His reputa-
tion as c an interesting young student of science ' had already
preceded him, and his ' Observations upon the Basalts of the
Ehine ' secured him a warm reception from Werner.

On June 15, the day after his arrival, he took his first
lesson in practical mining by a descent into the ' Elector ' with
Karl Freiesleben, a fellow-student, who had been appointed
"by Werner to be his guide during a tour of inspection through
the mines — an expedition which interested him so much, that
in the following week the two young men undertook a journey
through the central chain of the Bohemian mountains, the
results of which appeared in the ' Bergmannisches Journal.' l

Humboldt was disappointed in obtaining accommodation in
the buildings of the Institution, under the same roof with
Werner, but apartments were prepared for him in the first
floor of a private house,2 at the corner of the Burggasse and
Weingasse, since distinguished by a tablet commemorating
the circumstance. From many of his expressions it may be
gathered that personally he was not strongly attracted to Werner,
whereas in the house of Freiesleben he felt as a beloved member
of the family, everyone being at pains to further the object
of his stay. It was, however, to Karl Freiesleben, his junior
only by two years, that he was pre-eminently attracted, and
to him he became devotedly attached. It was one of Hum-
boldt's characteristics, evinced early in life, to select, wherever
he might be, one particular friend upon whom to lavish the
full force of his affections : thus in Berlin it was Beer, later
Willdenow, at Frankfort Wegener, and at Hamburg Watten-
bach, with whom by turns he was accustomed, like his dis-
tinguished brother, to revel in sentimental friendship and

1 1729, vol. i.

2 Severer, ' Theorie und Praxis (Freiberg, 1867), p. 143.

110 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

indulge in a correspondence which, from its enthusiastic cha-
racter, recalls the extravagant devotion of the Hainbund,1 a
passionate sentimentality of which wecpld Epigoni have now
no comprehension. Of all these friends, however, none ex-
ercised so decided and permanent an influence over him as
young Freiesleben, who became his inseparable companion,
ever ready with advice and enthusiastic sympathy in the
various branches of his mining studies. It may be confidently
asserted that in the moulding of his thoughts in this direc-
tion, Humboldt felt more indebted to young Freiesleben
than to any of the instructors under whom he studied at
Freiberg — a statement that receives ample confirmation in the
long and connected series of letters addressed to him by Hum-
boldt between the years 1792 and 1799, as well as by various
occasional letters written up to the latest years of his life.

The subjects at this time embraced in the college training
may be thus sketched. Werner gave lectures on the art of
mining, the classification of minerals, geology, and the smelting
of iron, besides conducting classes for the working out of
problems in mining. Charpentier, who in the first instance had
lectured on particular branches of mining operations, especially
on the machinery employed, had in 1784 been succeeded by his
pupil Lempe, who, in addition to these subjects, gave instruc-
tion on pure and applied mathematics. Kohler lectured on
the existing laws of the country relating to mining, Klotzsch
on the art of essaying, while Freiesleben, the father of Hum-
boldt's youthful friend, gave instruction in practical survey-
ing as applied to mines. A lectureship in chemistry was first
added in 1794 under the tuition of Lampadius.

With so many opportunities for acquiring an intimate ac-
quaintance with the various branches of this science, Humboldt
was able to write as follows to his friend at Dresden : — 'I am
living very happily here in Freiberg, although alone. I shall
be able to accomplish the various scientific purposes I wished to
attain by a residence here. I entered upon my labours, which
are certainly of a multifarious character, immediately upon my
arrival. I spend nearly every morning from seven till twelve in
the mines, in 'the afternoon I attend lectures, and of an evening

1 [A society formed among the students at Gottingen.]

COLLEGE LIFE. Ill

I go moss hunting, as Forster calls it. Werner shows me much
kindness, and for the cordial reception I have met with at the
house of Charpentier I am indebted to you, my dear friend.'

Under Werner and Charpentier, with both of whom he was
admitted to familiar intercourse, Humboldt devoted himself
with true enthusiasm to the study of the art of mining, not
only as a science but also in its practical details. His 6 Flora
subterranea Fribergensis ' testifies to the wide circuit of his
wanderings in the extensive labyrinths of the mines around
Freiberg — expeditions which he took according to the plan laid
down by Werner, in company with Freiesleben, impelled by
the excitement so often kindled in young and ardent natures
by the dangers of subterranean explorations.

Various other studies of a different nature also strongly ex-
cited his interest at this time, and were carried on during his
leisure hours. As no official instruction was then given in
chemistry, he devoted himself to the study of the works of
the French chemists, Gruyton de Moreau, Fourcroy, Lavoisier,
and Berthollet — a pursuit in which he enjoyed the sympathetic
companionship of Franz Baader of Munich, who had already been
three years in Freiberg, and had made himself a name by his
treatise on the nature of heat, and reviews of scientific works.
It was while engaged in the study of fossils, during these
wanderings in the vast subterranean passages, that he conceived
the happy idea of turning his attention to the vegetation of
that lower world from which the light of day is ever excluded.
His ' Experiments and Observations on the Green Colour of
Subterraneous Vegetation,' the result of his researches in his
4 small subterraneous garden/ which could not be visited by a
single ray of sunshine, and could at most be illuminated by
the meagre, unproductive light of a miner's lantern, is closely
allied to the investigations of Bonnet, Priestley, Ingenhouss,
and Sennebier upon the influence of sunlight on vegetable
organisms, and was a preparation for his comprehensive work
on the physiology of plants, c Flora subterranea Fribergensis/
The phenomenon that vegetation, even when wholly excluded
from light, was yet tinged with various shades of green, re-
garded at that time as a very extraordinary fact, was explained
by Humboldt to arise from the disengagement of oxygen, in

112 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

which the luminous matter constituting the basis of noxious
gases exerts a powerful influence. He requests, however, with
the unassuming love of truth by which he was even then so
honourably characterised, that the facts educed might not be
confounded with the explanation he had offered concerning
them, and quotes the too often neglected words of Spinoza :
' Videmus enim omnes rationes, quibus natura explicari solet,
modos esse tantummodo imaginandi, nee nullius rei naturam,
sed tantum imaginationis constitutionem indicare.'

Humboldt thus alludes to his literary occupations in a letter
to Wattenbach, written shortly before he left Freiberg, and
dated February 18, 1792 : —

6 If the few letters which I find time to write now did not all
begin with excuses, I should willingly find some for you, my
dear Wattenbach. But I am heartily tired of making the
everlasting excuse of want of time. I am indeed quite dis-
tressed not to have sooner answered your kind and affectionate
letter of November 14, but if you only knew how I am situated
here, I am sure you and Hiilsenbeck and all my other friends
would excuse me. If you will bear in mind that during the
nine months that I have been here, I have travelled nearly
700 miles on foot and by carriage through Bohemia, Thuringia,
Mansfeld, &c. — that I am daily in the mines from six till twelve
o'clock (nearly two hours are occupied in the transit, which in
the snow is very fatiguing) — that as many as six lectures are
crowded into an afternoon — you will then be in a condition
yourself to pronounce my sentence. I have never been so
much occupied in all my life. My health has suffered in
consequence, although I have not been laid up with any serious
illness. Nevertheless I am on the whole very happy. I follow
a profession which to be enjoyed must be followed passionately;
I have acquired an immense amount of information, and I never
worked with so much facility as I do now.

' Everlastingly about myself ! You have been ill, poor fellow !
I heard of it from Maclean. I was heartily sorry for you.
Illness in itself is no misfortune, but the monotony of the life
and the commiseration of others is insupportable. The death
of Pepin and Metzer of Embden will be a loss to the Academy.
Pray take occasion to mention wherever you go that Von

COLLEGE LIFE. 113

Heinitz, Chief Director of Mines, may possibly send his son to
Biisch. I hear a whisper of it occasionally, but I doubt if it
ever comes to pass ; however, pray speak of it whenever you can.
Madame will be delighted at the mere thought of such a thing.
I was intensely amused by what you told me of Griseke and
Flottbeck. Please ask Grill for his address in Amsterdam. I
think I must still owe you some money, but I have not the
slightest idea how much. I have also to send some money to
Arendt, and I will remit it to you both from Berlin, where I
expect to be in a week, as the postage from here is so heavy.
I was delighted with Bothlingk's letter. I love that man
intensely, for he is by no means so cold-hearted as he forces
himself to appear ; I consider him in every way worthy of
esteem. What has become of Losh ? You must send me a com-
plete list of all the academicians with their separate histories.
Tell me something of yourself, the studies at present engaging
your attention, and the prospects you have for the future ; you
know how deeply all this will interest me. By my own fault,
I am so completely cut off from all correspondence that I have
not had a line from Forster for six months. In what part of
Switzerland is Speckter now ? As for Hiilsenbeck, I cannot
for shame write to him. I don't know what he must think of
me, for he wrote me an exceedingly warm-hearted and affec-
tionate letter, asking me to do him a trifling service ; and I am
ashamed to say I never answered him by a word. Steps, how-
ever, have been taken on behalf of Herr Christ. Mund, partly by
my own exertions and partly through my brother's influence 5
but owing to the dilatoriness of Counsellor Klein in the Court
of Judicature, nothing further has been heard of his affairs.
Please explain all this to Hiilsenbeck and make my peace with
liim. I am sure that neither of you think I would be really
disobliging to anyone, least of all to such friends as you both
are to me — friends to whom I am indebted for so many agree-
able hours. I shall write to Hiilsenbeck at once on my arrival
at Berlin.

c I have now a small favour to ask. Will you kindly give
the enclosed pamphlet to Brodhagen, and by help of a little
flattery persuade him to review it in one of the papers ? You
will know how to do this without in the least compromising me

YOL. I. I

114 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

or my dignity. To blow one's own trumpet is part of an au-
thor's trade, therefore I hold reviews to be of some importance.
Brodhagen might avail himself of the opportunity afforded by
the new impulse lately given to the journal by the advent of
Herr Hoffmann, who since January has joined Herr Kohler in
the management of the magazine.

' I have been living lately very much among the printers.
Only think of the following articles being all either actually
printed or else going to press : —

4 For the " Annalen der Botanik"

6 1. On the Motion of the Filaments of the ParnassiaPalustris.
c 2. On the Double Prolification of the Cardamine Pratensis.
6 3. Diss. de plantis subterraneis Fribergensibus.

6 For Grerts " Journal der Physilc"

4 Experiments upon the Green Colour of Subterraneous Vege-
tation.

6 For CreWs "Annalen."

6 Table of the Conducting Powers of Heat in various Bodies,
calculated according to Maier's Formulae.

' Do not in any case omit to read my essays on the " Theory
of Evaporation," and on some " Experiments on the Decom-
position of Common Salt." Both are new.

' So much discovered and observed ! Nos poma natamus !

6 HUMBOLDT.'

Among Humboldt's fellow-students may be mentioned Leo-
pold von Buch, who subsequently attained so high a position in
science; Esmark, a Dane, who died in 1840 as Professor of
Mineralogy in Christiania ; Andrada, a Portuguese ; and Del
Eio, a Spaniard, whom he afterwards met twelve years later
in Mexico as a teacher in the Colegio de Mineria.

Humboldt's departure from the School of Mines was signal-
ised by a formal celebration given him by his friends on
February 26, on which occasion he was addressed in two
poetical effusions, one in the German and the other in the
Latin tongue.

COLLEGE LIFE. 115

In a spirit of grateful remembrance Humboldt alludes to this
period of his life in a letter he addressed to his friend Fischer,
on Februarys, 1847, when congratulating him on attaining the
jubilee of his degree of Doctor : l — ' Allow me to offer you my
heartiest and most fervent congratulations, for I was privileged,
together with our departed friend Freiesleben, to be among
the first to recognise the greatness of your talents and the
amiability of your character. Can you still recall to mind
the garden behind the church at Freiberg, the sojourn at Dres-
den with Eeinhard von Haften, the residence at Paris, where
Caroline von Humboldt was your pupil, and where you received
so many gratifying marks of esteem, both from my brother
and from Cuvier ? These are reminiscences from the world of
shadows which are to me most precious and affecting ! '

In his address at the festival in commemoration of the
centenary of Werner's birth, on September 25, 1850, Hum-
boldt expresses his deep sense of the obligations he was under
to the institution at Freiberg and the powerful influence which
his sojourn there exercised upon the whole course of his life.
He therein states that he was indebted to the comprehensive
grasp and methodising power of "Werner's genius for an im-
portant part of his mental culture and for the direction which
had been given to his efforts ; that it was his constant endea-
vour to honour the name of Werner and to elevate his works, in
modern times so often misunderstood, to their right position ;
that he had devoted his energies for several years exclusively
to the practical art of mining ; that he felt proud of having
held the office of Superintendent of the Franconian Mines in the
Fichtelgebirge ; that the happiest recollections of his youth were
associated with all those advantages, for which he felt indebted
to that excellent institution, the School of Mines at Freiberg,
which had, especially during the brilliant period of Werner's
administration, exercised so powerful an influence not only upon
the rest of Europe, but even upon Spanish and Portuguese
America ; and finally, how much he owed to the encouraging
kindness of the various officials in the mines in Saxony, and to

1 ' Stance extraord. de la Soci6t6 imper. des Naturalistes de Moscou du 22
fevr. 1847, a 1'occasion du jubile semi-seculaire de S. Exc. M. Fischer de
Waldheim,' p. 7.

i 2

116 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

v

the instructive companionship of his fellow-pupil and co-worker
Karl Freiesleben.

The completion of his studies at Freiberg brought the
college life of Humboldt to a close. But neither to mineralogy
nor to mining, neither to botany nor to physics, nor yet to
chemistry, had he exclusively devoted his attention ; his in-
terest had been excited much more to ascertain the conditions
of organic life which he had already sought to discover even in
the darkest and deepest recesses of the mines. The laws re-
gulating the growth of plants, the rapid germination of seeds
in diluted oxy dated muriatic acid,1 the movement of the
delicate filaments of the Parnassia Palustris, the cause of the
production of green in the most intense darkness, were all only
preparatory studies for his later, more comprehensive re-
searches.

The nobility of Humboldt's frank and ingenuous character
is strikingly portrayed in the following extracts.

In a letter addressed to his , friend Neumann at Dresden, a
week after his arrival at Freiberg, on June 23, he thus speaks
of himself : —

' You have seen me, my dear Neumann, as I wish to appear
before my friends. Warmth of heart and frankness of dispo-
sition are the only excellencies to which I venture to lay claim.
It is these qualities which have gained for me the friendship of
Jacobi and the confidence of our mutual friend Forster, and
since they have now procured for me an affectionate interest
in your heart, their value in my eyes has been trebled. I
know I am hasty and inconsiderate in my judgments, an im-
patience you must forgive on account of my youth and the
peculiar circumstances of my early education. Though power-
fully influenced by the dictates of reason, I am only bewildered
by the suggestions of the imagination — in a word, it cannot
have escaped your own observation, nor that of your wife, how
completely unfinished my character yet is, and how much there
is in me still needing to be developed.'

The following sketch of Humboldt's character at the time of
Ms departure from Freiberg is given by Freiesleben, afterwards

1 [In the language of modern chemistry, a weak solution of chlorine.]

COLLEGE LIFE. 117

Counsellor of Mines, who at this period was his intimate friend
and the companion of his studies : l —

6 The salient points of his attractive character lay in his
imperturbable good nature, his benevolence and charity, his
remarkable and unselfish amiability, his susceptibility of friend-
ship, and appreciation of nature ; simplicity, candour, and the
absence of all pretension characterised his whole being ; he
possessed conversational powers that made him always lively
and entertaining, together with a degree of wit and humour
that led him sometimes to waggishness. It was these admi-
rable qualities, which in later years enabled him to soften and
attach to himself the untutored savages among whom he dwelt
for months at a time, which obtained for him in the civilised
world admiration and sympathy wherever he went, and which
gained for him while a mere student the esteem and devotion of
all classes at Freiberg. He was kindly disposed towards every-
one, and knew how tg make himself useful and entertaining in
every circle of society ; and it was only against every species of
inhumanity and coarseness, against every kind of insolence,
injustice, or cruelty, that he ever manifested either scorn or
indignation, while to pedantry and sentimentality, or, as he
called it, " the sloppiness of feeling " [Breiikeit des Gremuths],
he invariably showed the greatest indignation.'

1 From an earlier biography of Alexander von Humboldt, published in
the ' Zeitgenossen ' (Leipzig, F. A. Brockhaus), 3rd Series, vol. ii. Part I.
p. 67.

118 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

CHAPTEE III.
OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT.

Assessor of Mines — Animus of Official Administration — Official Employ-
ment only a Stepping-stone to more important Scientific Schemes —
Commission in Franconia — Appointment as Superintendent of Mines —
Extension of Commission to January 1793 — Visit to Berlin — ' Flora
Fribergensis ' — Experiments on Sensitive Organisms — Commencement
of Official Employment in Franconia, May 1793 — Condition of Fran-
conia— Free Schools for Miners — Practical Undertakings — Scientific
Labours — Appointment as Counsellor of Mines, 1794 — Commission
in Southern Prussia — Diplomatic Service under Mollendorf — Repeated
Offers to become Director of the Silesian or Westphalian Mines
and Salt Works— Refusal— Tour in Switzerland, 1795— Return and
well-directed Industry — Dangerous Experiments — Visit to Berlin —
Diplomatic Mission to Moreau, 1796 — Proposals for further Official
Service — Death of his Mother.

THOUGH the residence of Alexander von Humboldt at the School
of Mines at Freiberg scarcely extended beyond eight months,
from June 14, 1791, to February 26, 17 92, yet even this limited
period sufficed to enable him to acquire every qualification then
necessary for official employment in the Mining Department of
the State. A farewell fete was given him by his fellow-students
at Freiberg on February 26, and three days afterwards, on the
29th of the same month, a ministerial rescript, in fulfilment of
the promise made by Heinitz, was issued from Berlin, appointing
6 Alexander von Humboldt Assessor cum voto in the Administra-
tive Department of Mines and Smelting Works,' an appointment
conferred upon him, in the words of the official document, c on
account of the valuable knowledge, both theoretical and prac-
tical, possessed by him in mathematics, physics, natural history,
chemistry, technology, the arts of mining and smelting, and
the general routine of business.' It was further enacted that

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 119

before being attached to any special department, the Assessor
von Humboldt should devote himself to the internal regulation
of the service, such as the mode of conducting the correspon-
dence, the drawing up of reports, &c., in furtherance of which
he received a commission to inspect the various processes em-
ployed in the smelting establishments, in the lime quarries
and kilns, and in the peat works.

We will now take a glance at the official practices and mode
of administration prevalent in those days.

In the various boards of administration, the inseparable evils
arising from bureaucracy, red-tapeism, and idleness prevailed to
a very large extent. The subalterns by sheer drudgery accu-
mulated a vast amount of so-called valuable information,
according to the caprice or perverted notions of their superiors.
Scientific education among the officials was quite the exception,
and any participation in literary work was as good as forbid-
den. Von Hippel, subsequently holding the position of Presi-
dent, dared not write under his own signature. A candidate for
office who had given a conditional affirmative to the question,
whether scientific pursuits comported with an official position ?
had his papers, which were in themselves excellent, returned to
him by the presiding examiner, with the significant remark,
that opinions of that nature were inadmissible. Stein was
accustomed to relate of the minister Count von Hagen, that on
one occasion, when his subalterns came to congratulate him on
his birthday, he received them with the greatest cordiality ;
but when they were about to present him with a printed
copy of their congratulations, the minister stopped them some-
what harshly with the remark: 6You know I read nothing
in print ; give it me in manuscript ! ' The most able officials
and statesmen had alike fallen into a state of literary and
scientific stagnation. According to a communication from the
President von Schon l to the Burgrave von Briinneck, even Stein
himself up to the year 1808 had not read a line of Groethe.

These and a number of other evils, equally great, had not
escaped the observation of Kunth.2 He knew the sacrifices
that were required, in comfort, in expense, and in health, before

1 From a private .letter. MS.

3 Stein's ' Leben von Pertz,' vol. vi. p. 75.

120 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

a conscientious official occupying a position on a provincial
board, whether administrative or judicial, could rise, after a
service of more than twenty years, to a salary of 600 thalers,
or could obtain after thirty or forty years spent in constant
exertion, in a dependent position, even a salary of 1,500 or
1,800 thalers. ' How many tradesmen and artisans do I not
know,' said he, 'who, as regards their position of affluence
and independence, would ridicule the offer of exchanging their
occupation for the most lucrative post in the ministerial coun-
cil ! ' Since the publication of Wollner's edicts, and since the
maladministration of such men as Gorne, Struensee, &c., the
whole system of official life had sunk into a state of unheard-of
corruption and depravity. In acknowledging with sadness such
a condition of things, Von Vincke, afterwards President, thus
expresses himself about that time (1 793), when still a youth: —
'If I, with the requisite qualifications for serving my country,
could not obtain official employment without first becoming a
Rosicrucian, a visionary, an alchemist, a hypocrite, or an in-
triguer, I would rather be a merchant than be thus obliged
to submit to the unreasonableness of prejudice and self-interest.'

When it is remembered that William von Humboldt volun-
tarily resigned his office in the service of the State after
practical experience during a year and a half of this deplorable
condition of official life, it may well be conceived that the
eagerness displayed by Alexander von Humboldt to devote
himself to public life must not be interpreted as a wish to enter
upon an ordinary official career. The service of the State was
from the first regarded by him merely as a stepping-stone to
the service of science. To this position of independence may
be ascribed his exceptional preferment over the highest of his
superiors, to this may be traced his fearless judgments of persons
and things, and his indifference, not to say ironical disregard, of
all public recognitions and preferments, as well as of the most
flattering proposals for continued employment, j/

The department of the public service in which Humboldt
entered formed an honourable and happy exception to the
corruption so rife in the administration of all other official
boards. Heinitz, the minister of this department, was one of
the most excellent men of his time. The principal traits of

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 121

his estimable character were genuine religious feeling, an ear-
nest, persevering endeavour to cultivate the purest affections,
an absence of all self-seeking, a susceptibility to everything
noble and beautiful, and inexhaustible kindness and gentleness.
He was distinguished for the lively interest he took in the sub-
ject of education, for the readiness witn which he acknowledged
merit in his subordinates, and the care with which he ever
selected only worthy and capable men for the appointments he
had to bestow. While in the service of the Brunswick-Hanoverian
Government he had brought the mining works in the Harz
Mountains to a flourishing condition, later in 1766, when in
the employ of the Elector of Saxony, he founded the School of
Mines at Freiberg, and since 1777 he had devoted himself to
the task of improving the condition of the Prussian mines and
smelting works, which were at that time at a very low ebb.

Such was the state of the public service when Alexander von.
Humboldt, at the age of twenty-two, entered upon official
employment. The path to honour and dignity in the State lay
open before him, and, without waiting for any proof of his
ability, he was received with the highest expectations and in the
most flattering manner.

The enjoyment experienced by Humboldt in the execution of
the commissions entrusted to him whereby his interest in science
and love of travel found constant gratification, may best be ga-
thered from his letters to his friends and recent fellow-students,
especially from his correspondence with Freiesleben ; and these
letters, together with some legal documents still preserved in
the Prussian and Bavarian archives, furnish the best means of
tracing the course of events in his official life. As early as
March 2, 1792, he wrote to Freiesleben from Berlin : —

' It was impossible for me to write sooner, as the mails for
Saxony only leave here on Tuesdays and Saturdays, and I arrived
so late on Monday evening that the post-office was already
closed. ... It is still quite uncertain how long I remain
here ; it must be decided now in the course of a few days. My
memoir on the salt works and their mode of management, and
my other literary efforts, have produced a sensation. The
minister has loaded me with encomiums. It seems as if every-
thing were conspiring to meet my wishes, and yet I regard the

122 ALEXANDEB VON HUMBOLDT.

whole thing as I should the issue of a game at chess — that is
to say, almost with indifference. The olfactory nerves are ren-
dered at length insensitive, from the incessant offering of in-
cense so unmerited ! '

Only a few days later, on March 7, he writes to the same
friend : — 6 1 received yesterday my commission as Mining
Assessor cum voto in the mining and smelting departments. I
felt quite ashamed of myself for being elated by such a trifle.
I have, however, taken no steps to gain this post. It seems
unfair to make me at once assessor over the heads of a whole
troop of cadets and former pupils, &c., since my literary merits
can yield neither ore nor water-power, certainly not the latter.
I have openly expressed this opinion here, but I have been told
that in this department no one had a better claim than myself,
and this is very likely true. I shall be sworn into office next
week, and introduced to the board. I shall certainly not remain
long in Berlin, for I have expressly begged to be relieved from
a residence there, since to my mind Berlin is no more suitable
for an administrative board of mines than for a board of ad-
miralty. I shall have first to go to Halle, Rothenburg, &c., and
thence ? — the minister will have to decide. Count Rheden gave
me to understand, in our first interview, that he thought I had
studied the practical details too closely, that technicalities
should be left to the old hands, and that a man in my position
was certainly not born to be a" common foreman. This did not
in the least disconcert me ; I told him that I considered that
everything depended upon an accurate knowledge of techni-
calities, for establishments that deal only in generalities accom-
plish little. I mention these trifles merely as an instructive
comment on' the philosophy of life. The very man who hates
all scientific study is the one to reproach me for having educated
myself to be a practical miner. How consistent ! Eheden is
particularly kind and pleasant to me now. He suffers much in
health, and great allowance must be made for him on this
score. I observe a great change in Karsten, much to his
advantage. I believe him to be truly kind-hearted, and his
manner towards me is wholly free from assumption. His style
when speaking is quite different from his letters or books.
He has a great respect for you. I do not see much of him, nor

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 123

indeed of anyone but Willdenow, since I am still engrossed
with, botany. He is the first to make me rightly appreciate
the value of my " Flora Fribergensis." He thinks it all new,
and exceedingly remarkable, and strongly urges me to prepare
a more complete edition.'

About six weeks later, he writes to the same friend on May,
19 : — ; I keep well and work a great deal at night. As yet my
official post has given me but little to do. My course is still
undecided ; it is certain, however, that I do not remain here — I
shall probably first go to Thuringia, and then to Westphalia.
For with practical mining I will have to do.'

He thus again writes to his friend on June 4, 1792 : — cln
five or six days I am to leave for Linum, where the extensive
peat-cutting works are, then to Zehdenick, to see the smelting
furnaces, and afterwards to Kheinsberg, where I have received
a commission to inspect the porcelain manufactory. Suitable
occupations for a miner ! ! There will, however, soon be an
improvement. I am delighted at the prospect, which I must
communicate to you in half-a-dozen lines, of going to Bayreuth
and the Fichtelgebirge, in about three weeks. I have been
honoured by a commission to investigate the geological structure
and mineralogical constitution of the two Margraviates. Eight
weeks only have been granted me at first, that I may merely
travel through the country and furnish a general report to the
minister. What I shall do then, whether I shall remain there
altogether (and become Overseer of Mines ! !) or go to Silesia, is
quite uncertain at present. I am quite delighted at the thought
of seeing a new mountain range, and so many different kinds of
mines, and to be once more in your neighbourhood. It will be
impossible for me to pass through Freiberg, for I am obliged to
go by way of Erfurt and Saalfeld. My route is rigidly prescribed
me — irreparabile fatum ! ' *

1 Humboldt's official commission included a visit of inspection to the Royal
Porcelain manufactory, where he greatly interested himself in the erection
of the first steam-engine, or ' fire-engine/ as it was then termed. He often
Teferred to this ' pre-ogygian ' activity. So lately as October 12, 1857, he
wrote to the proprietor of the extensive porcelain factory at Herend, near
Veszprim, in Hungary : — * I recall with pleasure that when I was twenty-
two years of age I was appointed with Klaproth, the celebrated chemist,
on some technical business connected with the Royal Porcelain Manufactory

124 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

The next letter is dated < Grrafenthal, July 11, 1792.'

' I am so tired, dear Freiesleben, with going about and de-
scending mines and writing reports, that I can scarcely keep
up. Yet I must write you a few lines to tell you I am well. I
must solace myself in these late hours of the night by the
affectionate remembrance of yourself, and alas ! of those happy
hours we have spent together. ..." Where have I been ? "

6 Ask rather where I have not been. My last expedition was to
Saalfeld, Kuhnsdorf, &c. I have enjoyed myself immensely,
amid this constant bustle. Only think what I did in one
day ; I walked to Saalfeld and back, and in the most frightful
heat spent from four o'clock in the morning till six o'clock in
the evening in visiting the several mines — the Pelican, the
New Joy, the Unexpected Pleasure, the Iron John, and the
Twilight. I am quite foot-sore with so much running about,,
but that will soon be better. How many things crowd upon
me that I should like to talk over with you ! At present I
shall only throw out hints of the subjects about which we
shall have to correspond Thus much for to-day. To-
morrow I leave for Naila.'

The Commission to the Franconian Principalities, to which
Humboldt refers in the letter to Freiesleben above quoted, was
undertaken at the instigation of the minister Von Heinitz, who
was anxious to institute some important improvements in the
management of the various mines and smelting works in those
provinces, as well as in the porcelain manufactories and salt
works of Grerabronn. While undergoing a course of mineral
waters at Carlsbad, Heinitz resolved, as a preliminary step, to
send Humboldt, armed with a commission, to inspect the chief
establishments in the principalities, and on his return to meet
him at Bayreuth with a full report of their condition. For
this purpose he addressed a communication bearing date July
23, 1792, to the Government at Berlin, and the minister,
Hardenberg, with whom he had often conversed of Humboldt's
extensive information and solid acquirements, furnished all
necessary official assistance for the prosecution of this tour of
inspection.

at Berlin, and that I have even made experiments in the process of rolling^
the clay.'

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 125

Towards the end of August, the minister Von Heinitz arrived
at Bayreuth, and Humboldt there reported to him that in the
execution of the commission, he had not only made an inspec-
tion of the mines, and investigated the general formation of
the mountains, examining particularly the beds of ore, but
had collected statistical and general information concerning
the former mode of working the mines and smelting works.
He then enlarged upon the general character of the Fran-
conian mountains and the condition of the three mining
stations, Wunsiedel, Groldkronach, and Naila, their development
and decay, and upon the means of working the mines in such a
manner as to ensure their being self-supporting, and to allow
funds for repairs and improvements — in short, he dwelt upon
ail that had reference to the administration and technical
arrangement of these mines and smelting works. Entering
upon his favourite subject, he discussed in a supplementary
report the nature of iron, and the formation of sulphuric acid
in the manufacture of alum and vitriol, besides reporting on
the salt works at Grerabronn and Schwabisch-Hall, on the
porcelain manufactory at Bruckberg, on the vitriol works at
Schwefelloch near Grrafenthal, &c.

By this preliminary verbal report Humboldt at once gained
the warmest approbation of both ministers, and when he after-
wards presented it in the form of nearly 150 sheets of manu-
script, the acknowledgment was expressly made ' that . . . von
Humboldt had not only displayed therein a further proof of his
praiseworthy and indefatigable activity, but had with sound
judgment and penetration pointed out how by good manage-
ment, and a judicious application of scientific principles, the
mines, smelting furnaces, and salt works of the Franconian
Principalities might be raised to a condition of prosperity, and
even considerably extended, concluding with the recommen-
dation that the Report ' should be circulated among all the
officials of the department, in order that they might become
accurately acquainted with its details.'

Such an acknowledgment, so honourable to all the parties
concerned, was not likely to remain long without results.

Accordingly, on August 27, Humboldt writes to his friend : —

' Just two glad words, my dear friend, to tell you, on con-

126 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

dition of profoundest secrecy, that I was yesterday appointed
Superintendent of Mines in the two Franconian Duchies. I
have won so - much renown by my report upon mines, that
the sole direction of the practical working of the mines in
the three districts of Naila, Wunsiedel, and Groldkronach has
been committed to me. All my wishes, my dear Freiesleben,
are now fulfilled. I shall henceforth devote myself entirely
to practical mining and mineralogy. I shall live among the
high mountains, at Steben and Arzberg, two villages in the Fich-
telgebirge, where the geological formations are peculiarly in-
teresting, and I shall be near you and able to see you at least

once, and perhaps many times in the course of the year

I am quite intoxicated with joy. I shall probably not be able
to see you this autumn, but I hope we may meet some time
during the winter, or in the spring at Leipzig. Do not feel
anxious about my health ; I shall take care not to overexert
myself, and after the first the work will not be heavy. I can-
not conclude without acknowledging that it is again to you
that I am indebted for this happiness ; indeed I feel it only
too keenly. What knowledge have I, dear Freiesleben, that
has not been taught me by you ! It is only a year ago since I
was asking you what a winze [Gresenk] meant, and now I am
Superintendent of Mines. What wonderful progress I have
made ! It is very impudent of me to undertake such a post.
However, I did not seek it, I even remonstrated against it; but
it was pressed upon me, and the thought of living in your
neighbourhood made me yield. Think how much I shall learn
in such a position ! None of OUT plans will be disturbed by
this arrangement. Heinitz told Hardenberg that he could only
spare me for a year or two, and assured me personally that the
journeys already planned should suffer no interruption. I think,
therefore, dear Freiesleben, that you will rejoice with me.'

It was while Heinitz was still at . Bayreuth that Humboldt
received the appointment of Superintendent of Mines in the
Franconian Principalities — an appointment bestowed upon him
only six months after his entrance on official life. But remark-
able as was the mere fact of this rapid promotion, the manner
of its accomplishment, as shown in the transactions between
the two ministers, is still more remarkable.

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 127

On September 6 an official communication was addressed by
Hardenberg, Governor of the Principalities, to Heinitz, request-
ing that Assessor von Humboldt might be appointed for a few
years to the office of Superintendent of Mines in the district
round Bayreuth, since no more suitable person could be found
at Berlin for a position involving so much responsibility. The
reply of Heinitz, granting his entire concurrence to Hardenberg'&
request, is dated even the same day. He accompanies his con-
sent with the proviso, highly flattering to Humboldt, that he
should report periodically to the head of the department at
Berlin — with whom he would retain his connection throughout
this temporary appointment — on the progress of his work, the
improvements he introduced, and the discoveries he might
make of any geological phenomena. He then proceeds to sug-
gest to Hardenberg the propriety of committing to Humboldt
a search for salt-springs throughout the provinces, as well as
the inspection of the vitriol and alum works at Crailsheim and
the porcelain manufactory of Bruchberg. He concludes his
letter by informing Hardenberg that Humboldt would not be
able to enter upon the duties of his new position before March
in the approaching year, since he would be occupied till then,
in completing a commission in Bavaria and Silesia on salt
works and methods of evaporation.

The official notification of his appointment as Superintendent
of Mines was at once communicated to Humboldt, and it is-
worthy of remark that in the rough draft of this document, pre-
served among the official papers, there appear some words in
Humboldt's own handwriting. There is no allusion in the docu-
ments to the amount of salary attached to this office, but from
other sources it is certain that it could not have been mor&
than 400 thalers.

On the selfsame day, September 6, 1792, he writes very fully
to Freiesleben in a most joyous strain, and 'pours out his whole
heart to his friend.' The events of the last two months pass
before him as in a magic mirror, his imagination is filled with
most pleasing impressions of the present, and with most delight-
ful plans for the future ; to work side by side with this friend,
to travel in company with him, is all his desire. Before all-
other considerations come the assurances of tenderest friend-

128 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

ship, and expressions of deepest thankfulness for the variety of
instruction so happily conveyed. ' How sweet is the thought
to me, dear Freiesleben, that it is to you that I owe all this ;
it seems as if it bound me closer to you, as if I carried some-
thing about me that had been planted within me and culti-
vated by yourself. Do not write a syllable in reply to this. I
can easily imagine what your modesty would dictate, but leave
me in the enjoyment of my feelings, for I rejoice in them
inexpressibly.'

In the midst of the daily routine of his new duties, Hum-
boldt's bent for historical research was soon apparent. 'In
addition to all this,' 'he writes, 6 1 am busily engaged in exa-
mining the ancient records of the mines. You know how much
I am set upon this. I have had three chests of mining docu-
ments belonging to the sixteenth century sent to me from the
fortress of Plassenburg, which I must read ex officio, since they
contain records of official inspections. They will make glorious
reading in the damp autumn weather of that wild region. As
I have already devised a plan for reworking the prince's mine
at Groldkronach, where we have come upon some gold in a seam
of antimony, I am anxious to make myself acquainted with the
past history of this mine, which has been abandoned since 1421.
I have already been, fortunate enough to come upon traces of
an old gallery which had not hitherto been suspected. Do not
feel anxious about my health, dear Freiesleben. I have kept
extremely well throughout the summer, and my delicacy seems
to be leaving me. I consider, as I used often to tell you at
Freiberg, that the improvement in my health is entirely due
to my mining occupations ; and though you were apprehensive
that my daily descents into the mines might prove injurious, I
am convinced that they were in fact highly beneficial.'

Humboldt had in reality good grounds for satisfaction.
His services had met with the warmest recognition from
both ministers. In his official employment he encountered
no opposition to his plans or wishes, but was, on the con-
trary, solicited to undertake commissions of a most flattering
nature, in which his love of travel found gratification. Even
while the minister Von Heinitz was still at Bayreuth, the
•commission originally planned to Franconia was, as he inti-

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 129

mated in his letter to Hardenberg, so far extended as to
include expeditions through Upper Bavaria, Salzburg, the
Government salt works in Austria, Gralizia and Upper Silesia,
for the purpose of investigating the rock-salt mines and the
processes of evaporation.

For details of these official journeys, which extended from
June 1792 to the end of January 1793, we are again indebted
to the letters to Freiesleben. Humboldt thus writes from
Traunstein, in the district of Salzburg, on October 4, 1792 : —
' . . . I am moreover very well, but more dull than I ought
to be in this exceedingly interesting region. The weather is
detestable, everything is covered with snow and hidden from
investigation. Hence I go to Eeichenhall, to visit the salt
springs, and on to Hallein, Berchtesgaden, -and Passau, whence
somewhere about the 16th of October I go to Vienna. The
country about here is sublime. I feel as if I had never seen a
mountain before, everything here wears a new aspect. Eeal
Alpine mountains rise one above another, pile upon pile. The
Appenzeller (?) Alps lie before me as if I could lay my hand
upon them. We must see them together some day, dear
Freiesleben. You might easily accomplish it during a vacation
tour. In three or four days you could join me at Bayreuth,
and we should be able to reach here in the course of five or six
days. The whole expedition from Leipzig and back would only
require four or five weeks at the furthest.'

From Vienna, Humboldt writes on November 2: — CI arrived
at Vienna on the 21st of October. Notwithstanding the heavy
snow and considerable fatigue, I have accomplished an exceed-
ingly interesting tour through the mountains of Salzburg and
Berchtesgaden and the Austrian Alps. I visited Kessenberg (?),
Hallein, Berchtesgaden, &c., districts where rock-salt abounds,
and I paid a most instructive visit to Reichenhall, where I
spent twelve days investigating the salt springs with Von Claiss,
the director of the works. I regard him as undoubtedly the
first authority on all subjects connected with the management
of salt works, whether practical or theoretic. He possesses an
extensive acquaintance with physics and mathematics, and has
spent seven years in England, where he worked much with
Franklin, he has also been for a long time in France ; he is the

VOL. I. K

130 ALEXANDER VOX HUMBOLDT.

owner of some salt works in Savoy and of. some sulphuric acid
works in Winterthur, and has besides the direction of all the
salt works in Bavaria. I plied him with questions from morning
till night, and I sc arcely know anyone whose conversation I have
found so instructive. He wrote of his own accord to tell me
that he considered my treatise the best that has been written
upon the manufacture of salt. I now see the subject in a
clearer light, and I mean to postpone the publication till the
autumn. I have gained a great deal of information from Claiss,
and have got possession of some of Franklin's manuscripts upon
methods of heating ; I also wish to complete my chart, showing
the connection between all the salt springs of Grermany. I don't
think I have mentioned to you anything about this map. It ori-
ginated from an essay appended to my report from Bayreuth,
" On the Method of Boring for Brine." The leading ideas
are that the mountains of Franconia, Suabia, and Thuringia
have one main position of strata, that they are connected by a
valley extending from twenty to thirty miles between Eisenach
in the mountains of the Thuringian Forest and Osterode among
the isolated Hartz Mountains, that all the brine in Franconia
and Suabia flows in the upper gypsum, that all the salt springs
in Grermany lie in one given direction, that it is possible to
draw lines upon the map, by following which salt springs may
be found mile after mile, that these salt streams follow the
general slope of the land, which throughout Grermany is from
the south-west to the north-east, and flow round the primi-
tive rocks wherever these project above the surface.'

Even in later years Freiesleben frequently expressed regret
that this map, showing the course of the salt-streams of Grer-
many, and the treatise on the method of boring for brine, had
never been printed and were unfortunately lost.

The last of the few letters still preserved of this journey is
dated Buchwald, January 14, 1793: —

' I was three weeks,' writes Humboldt, ' in Breslau, and the
rest of the time at Waldenburg and Kupferberg among the
Eiesengebirge. Never longer than two days in a place, travel-
ling in the midst of extreme cold and far into the night, that I
might at least visit the principal mines, I found no possible
opportunity of writing to you. At Breslau I stayed three weeks

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 131

with Count Kheden. If ever I was industrious, I was so there.
I wrote out my report on the salt works of Traunstein and
Eeichenhall, which occupied twenty sheets, and which I illus-
trated by drawings on twenty-one large sheets of royal paper.
I have been more engaged than usual with drawing this year.
I practise it unremittingly, especially plan drawing, which in
my present position I find of great importance. I am just now
engaged in some researches among the mountains with Count
Eheden. - I came here yesterday from his estate at the foot of
the Schneekoppe in a sleigh, and to-morrow I go with him
recta via to Berlin.'

During his stay at Breslau, Humboldt was elected associate
of the Leopold-Charles Imperial Academy of Natural Science,
in a manner that was peculiarly flattering to him. By the
laws of the Academy, it is required that no one shall be
eligible for membership who has not previously received the
degree of Doctor from one of the Universities. The president,
however, is empowered to summon at any time a sitting of the
faculty in any of the Universities throughout the German
Empire, for the examination of any candidate he may present
to them, and for conferring upon him, ' examine vili superato,'
a Doctor's degree by imperial authority; Von Schreber, therefore,
the president at that time, who seems to have prophetically
beheld, even at this early period (1793), the future achievements
of the proposed member, proceeded without delay to arrange
for Humboldt's reception on June 20. The following address
was presented at his election : —

6 Esto igitur, ex merito, nunc quoque noster ! Esto Academise
Csesarese Naturoo Curiosorum decus et augmentum, macte
virtute Tua et industria, et accipe, in signum nostri Ordinis,
cui Te nunc adscribo, ex antiqua nostra consuetudine cognomen
Timceus Locrensis, quo collegam amicissimum Te hodie primum
salutamus.' l

1 The surname Timaus bears a flattering reference to the Pythagorean
philosopher of that name, described by Plato in one of his dialogues, who
by birth and fortune ranked among the first citizens of Locri, was invested
with the highest offices of the town, and was the author of a work still
extant on the nature and the soul of the world (TT* pi i//«x«c xoafiov KOI qvvwt-).
Sixty-two years later, in the year 1855, the President of the Academy,
Nees von Esenbeck, renewed the homage of this honorary memorial. The

K 2

132 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

He remained at Berlin till the end of April, and, besides his
official labours connected with the salt-works, was much occu-
pied in the publication of the 'Flora Fribergensis,' and in
various chemical and galvanic experiments upon plants and
animals. He also entered upon some investigations in Hermb-
stadt's laboratory on the absorptive properties of sponge.1

Humboldt writes from Berlin to Wattenbach, on February 9,
1793, as follows: — 'Since June I have travelled nearly 3,000
miles, and remained at no one place for any length of time. . . .
For the last fortnight I have been at Berlin, where I intend
remaining quietly till April, while I see my long-announced
work " Flora Fribergensis " through the press. In April I leave
for the Fichtelgebirge, as I have been appointed Superin-
tendent of the Mines in the Franconian Principalities. During
the summer I visited Suabia, Bavaria, the Tyrol, Vienna, Moravia,
and Silesia, returning through Poland to visit the rock-salt
works. Man is indeed a wandering being, yet ever glad to find
himself once more among old familiar friends, for he does not
easily forget the pleasures of social intercourse.' . . .

Three days later, on February 12, he writes to Girtaner:—
' My course of life is so far removed from your political career,
that it has been scarcely possible for me to follow your successes,
notwithstanding the sensation they have created throughout
the whole of Southern Germany ; but I have been profoundly
interested in the discoveries you have made in chemical phy-
siology. Your paper, " Sur le Principe de 1'Irritabilite," which
has been zealously supported by men of such ability as Som-
mering, Scherer, Planck, and Herz, afforded me an opportunity
of becoming acquainted with the antiphlogistic system, or
rather, with the antiphlogistic truths. I at once commenced
making experiments, and for the last two years have exerted
myself to the utmost to study everything that bore the

value placed by Humboldt upon such tokens of respect is shown "by some
expressions addressed to Bonpland in a letter from Rome, June 10, 1805 : —
' If you wish it, I can procure your admission into the Arcadian Academy.
It will cost you forty francs, and they will assign you a Greek name and a
cottage in Greece or Asia Minor. They have given me the name of
Megasthenes of Ephesus, and a piece of land close to the Temple of Diana/
(De la Roquette, f Humboldt, Correspondance, etc.' vol. i. p. 179.)

1 ' Aphorism, ex doctr. physiol. chem. plant.' Fischer's German transla-
tion, p. 109.

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 133

slightest relation to the subject. As a result, I am now as
firmly convinced of the fact of oxygen being the principle of
vital power (notwithstanding the mysterious galvanic fluid,
which is certainly neither magnetic nor electric), as you were
when you first told me about it in Grreen Park. Since then,
nothing that you have written has appeared to me of greater
value than the admirable section on vegetation in your
" First Principles of Antiphlogistic Chemistry," for which
I hope soon to have an opportunity of publicly expressing
my deep obligations. . . . All my leisure now is devoted to j
chemistry, especially to the chemistry of the physiology of
plants, for the study of which I am provided with efficient
apparatus. I intend some day to devote more time to this
subject. I have instituted a series of experiments on the ger-
mination and growth of plants in various substances supposed
to be unfavourable to vegetable life.' An account of these
experiments appeared in various periodicals.

In April Humboldt went to Schonebeck, to plan the con-
struction of some salt works, and shortly after his return to
Berlin, upon the completion of the publication of the ' Flora
Fribergensis,' started in May for Franconia. On his way he
paid a visit to his brother and his family at Erfurt, whence
he wrote to his friend Freiesleben on May 26, 1793 : —

''I leave to-night for Bayreuth. I am now officially en-
gaged in practical mining, of which I was so ignorant only two
years ago as to be learning from you what a lode [Spatgang]

was I possess a certain amount of vanity, and am

willing to confess it ; but I know the power of my own will,
and I feel that whatever I set myself to do, I shall do well.'
Then a feeling of diffidence passes over him. ' But little,' he
remarks, ' is expected from a Counsellor or Overseer of Mines,
one is too much accustomed to incompetency ; but a Superin-
tendent ! However, there is no help for it.'

In order to follow him intelligently in the prosecution of
this commission in Franconia, it will be well to take a glance
at the political condition of the principalities, and to pass in
review the men who were associated with him in his official
labours.

Upon the annexation by Prussia of the margraviate of

134 ALEXANDEK VON IIUMBOLDT.

Anspach-Bayreuth, in the year 1791, Hardenberg, who had in
the previous year relinquished the service of Brunswick to
enter that of the margraviate, was, on the occupation of the
country by the Prussians, appointed on December 2, 1791,
Governor of the Principalities. About the same time Count
von Hoym was nominated Governor of Silesia, to which was
soon after added the provinces acquired by the partition of
Poland. While Hoym distributed the places he had to bestow
among personal favourites, and, instead of order and justice,
introduced into the country only confusion, dishonesty, and
self-interest, by which he aroused the bitterest feelings of the in-
habitants, Hardenberg, in the appointments he made, admitted
at first only two Prussians to any official post, his private secre-
tary Koch, and his librarian Albrecht, and always observed the
strictest forbearance, and the most judicious circumspection, in
the introduction of the new form of government. Subsequently,
when he had occasion to introduce Prussian officials from the
older provinces, the selections were always made exclusively
upon grounds of personal merit. As coadjutors with Alexander
von Humboldt stand the names of Langermann, Hanlein,
Schuckmann, Nagler, and Altenstein ; the last two were at this
period assessors, and, with Schuckmann, afterwards attained
the position of Ministers of State. Up to this time the
Mining Department had been presided over by Tornesi, Coun-
sellor of the Upper Court of Mines, who was a good-natured man,
but quite unfit for his position, and who, according to a letter
of Ludwig Tieck, a student of Wiirzburg, then travelling
through the district, was at the same time Master of the Hotel
and Governor of the Lunatic Asylum.1

On June 10, 1793, Humboldt writes to Freiesleben: — 'I have
just come from the mines. I have ridden nine miles, and
spent three hours in the prince's mine ; therefore do not be
surprised if my letter should show signs of confusion. I get
on faster than I expected with my operations. The preliminary
organisation is nearly complete ; the office of administration is
open, every arrangement made for the miners' relief fund, and
now there only remains the filling up of the various appoint-

1 ' Au£ Varnhagen's Nachlass. Briefe von Chaniisso, Gneisenau, &c/
vol. i. p. 204.

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 135

ments. I have been here some days, for the purpose of erect-
ing new works at the prince's mine, at Sibald's mine, near
Langendorf (for coal), &c. The universal confidence shown
me by the miners makes me enjoy my occupation, otherwise
my position is strange enough ; I am really doing the work
of a foreman, not of a Superintendent of Mines. I will not
attempt to give you any details of my mode of procedure.
The heat is unbearable, and the atmosphere of the mines ener-
vating.'

On July 19 he continues: — 'I have ridden quite alone in this
great heat, 146 miles in five days. My object was to inspect
a new vein of ore, and apparently it will prove only useless
rubbish. I am afraid you will gather from this, dear Freies-
leben, that I am in a bad humour ; but I can assure you I am
not. The last four days I have been spending quietly at
Steben, in the district of Naila ; I am daily in the mines
from half-past four till ten o'clock, and everything is making
satisfactory progress. I possess the confidence of the men, who
think I must at least have four arms and eight legs, which is
pretty well in my position among so many lazy officials.'

In the midst of these various employments, his benevolent
spirit was actively directed towards the improvement of all
classes among the miners, not only in providing means for the
education of the young, but also for the instruction of adults.
The valuable efforts of the present day for diffusing a better \
education among the lower classes, especially workmen and I
artisans, were in fact originated by Humboldt at this period ; I
for while closely occupied with official duties, and in the midst
of various scientific researches, he yet found time to labour,
even at the sacrifice of his own means, for the improvement
of the miners. When he first came to Naila, he complained
that the most appalling ignorance prevailed among the lower
orders of the miners, that they were full of prejudice in re-
gard to choke-damp and the search for ore, and were quite
unable to recognise the commonest minerals. He therefore
established, without appealing for official authority, a free
school for miners in the village of Steben, during the winter
of 1793, and committed it to the charge of a young foreman
named Sporl, whose salary he paid out of his own purse. This

136 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

was the act of a true philanthropist, and of one who had
a keen perception of the value of education. The hours of
instruction were at first restricted to the afternoon and evening
of every Wednesday and Saturday ; but the interest excited both
in teacher and pupils soon became so great, that the lessons
were continued up to eleven o'clock at night.

It may easily be understood that Steben should have be-
come so endeared to Humboldt that in after life he thus ex-
pressed himself: — 'Steben has exercised so powerful an influ-
ence upon my mode of thought, I there projected so many of
my greatest plans, I there abandoned myself so completely to
feeling, that I almost dread the impression it would make
upon me were I to see it again. During my stay there,
especially in the autumn and winter of 1793, I was kept in a
constant state of such nervous tension, that I could never see
the lights of the cottages at Spitzberg shining through the
evening mist without emotion. On this side the ocean no
place would ever seem to me its equal ! '

It was not till March 13, 1794, that Humboldt transmitted
a report to the minister Von Heinitz upon the free mining
schools which he had established ; almost immediately after-
wards a similar school was set on foot at Wunsiedel, and both
were maintained for many years with good results.

While expending so much care upon the intellectual wants
of the miners, he was by no means unmindful of their material
interests. A proof of his unselfish consideration for the subor-
dinate officials is given in the following passage from a subse-
quent letter to the minister Von Heinitz, dated May 21, 1795.
The minister had sent him a present of a sum of money in re-
cognition of his services, but Humboldt declined the gift and
continued: — 'So far I have done nothing to deserve it. It would
be laying myself open to the charge of pecuniary motives, from

which I am quite free I would beg very humbly of

your Excellency to distribute this sum during the winter.
Such men as Birnbaum and Barrisch have a greater claim
upon your consideration than I have. Another request which
I also venture to make interests me much more. I have sum-
moned young Sievert from Wettin to Arzberg as foreman. To
him alone is due the impulse which the mines have received;

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 137

he has done much more than I have. He has (....(?) ille-
gible) ; no one could do more. I know no one so efficient in
mineralogical research, and at the same time so thoroughly ac-
quainted with practical detail. He has a good knowledge of
geometry, is a good draughtsman, and has had considerable
experience in smelting and in the carpentry of the mines.
.... Your Excellency is aware how badly off we are here for
pensions. I had written to Herr Veltheim to beg him not to
abandon the idea altogether .... he promised he would
do what he could, but alas ! he has left, and I am obliged to
trouble your Excellency with my very humble petition.' ....
In a similar manner he frequently presented the warmest ap-
peals on behalf of others.

Meanwhile the ' Flora Fribergensis ' had met with a bril-
liant and flattering reception ; princes and learned men vied
with each other in acknowledging its worth. The Elector
of Saxony honoured the author by sending him ' an enormous
gold medal,' accompanied by a letter, ' to serve as a public
testimony of the pleasure your work has afforded me.' The
Swedish botanist Vahl distinguished the youthful author by
naming in his honour a magnificent species of an East
Indian laurel, the laurifolia Humboldtia, ' in honorem bota-
nici eximii F. A. Humboldt, auctoris praestantissimae Floras
Fribergensis ' — tokens of homage which, as is well known, were
subsequently endlessly repeated.1

Thus passed the year 1793, occupied in multifarious under-
takings, and on January 20, 1794, Humboldt writes to his
friend at Freiberg, after some complaints as to the state in
which he found the mines, in the following strain : —

6 Upon the whole the mining works are now progressing
rapidly. At Groldkronach I have been more successful than I

1 Critical notices of Humboldt's works are out of place here, but it is a
mere matter of history to state that Herr Mayer on two occasions read a
paper upon the l Flora Fribergensis ' before the Berlin Academy of Sciences.
At the commencement of his discourse, he thus speaks of the author of the
work : — f Well versed in the necessary studies, both preliminary and acces-
sary, and furnished with a large amount of erudition, he has far outstripped,
even by his first steps in a literary career, the achievements of all our men
of science.' (' Histoire de 1'Acad. roy. des Sciences, etc., 1794 et 1795/ pp.
11-26.)

138 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

had ever dared to hope. The documents of the sixteenth
century, recently discovered, which I have been studying with
the greatest assiduity, have given me the right clue. My various
predecessors in the superintendence of these mines have all
failed for want of this source of information. An expenditure of
14,000 florins in eight years has scarcely produced 150 tons of
gold ore, while I have procured from this mine alone in one
year, and with the labour of only nine men, 125 tons of gold
ore at a cost of barely 700 florins. Some experiments that
have been made show that it will readily amalgamate. The
mining commission of Berlin assured Hardenberg last year
that a hundredweight of gold ore is scarcely worth three
kreutzers, while this year I have reported the value of it to
be twenty-four kreutzers. You see, my dear friend, that I am
becoming quite a boaster. But I speak in this strain only to
you. The district of Naila is progressing as rapidly as that
of Hammsdorf is declining. The mines of the latter furnish
from 100 to 112 tons of iron-stone, while ours produce 188.
They employ five or six men only in the workings, whereas we
have twenty men, and, in the case of one mine, as many as
forty men at work. Our results this year are in iron to the
value of 163,000 florins, in vitriol to 28,000 florins, and in
cobalt, tin, antimony, copper, grey copper ore, and alum con-
jointly, to the amount of 300,000 florins. This is certainly an
ample return with only 350 miners. At Steben I have at
length commenced the working of the Frederick- William
gallery, the preparations for which kept me busy the whole
summer. I made out a very elaborate estimate of the cost,
amounting to 20,000 florins, in ( which everything is included,
down to the plank-nails ; it is an opus opemtum which I must
send you some day, together with a history of the most recent
copper-mine at Steben. The new copper workings are ever)7-
where improving, and I am sure that with the Frederick-
William gallery, which can also be made navigable, they will
in time again yield from 100 to 150 tons of pure copper. But
enough of this boasting.' l

An attack of intermittent fever, caught by exposure to the

1 As a means of comparison, it will be well here to give a passage from a
treatise "by Heinitz on the mineral products of the Prussian States, ' Ab-

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 139

damp of the mines, and in frequent journeys in the wild
country of the Fichtelgebirge, was not allowed during its
three weeks' duration to interfere with his zealous activity.
6 You will doubtless scold me, my dear friend,' he writes
further, ' yet how can I fulfil my duty here without exposing
myself to such risks? You ask if I am engaged on any
literary work at present. Yes, I am, and, as usual, on many
subjects at once ; but that which interests me most deeply,
" Experiments on the Excitability of the Nerves and Muscles,"
is too elaborate for me to give it you in detail. I am also
engaged upon an important work on geology, for which,
however, I have as yet no title. I may perhaps call it " Eesults
of my Observations," or " Results of my Travels in Germany
and Elsewhere." My idea of the subject is this : — Geolo-
gical descriptions of entire districts, accompanied with well-
arranged flora, are merely vehicles for bringing before the
world personal observations ; such works always contain much
unimportant information, which is not sufficiently accurate
for the purposes of a mineralogical geography. The hurried
nature of my journeys renders it quite as impossible for
me to give a complete flora as a good geological descrip-
tion: I therefore remark only what is new, and state it in
short aphorisms of half-a-dozen lines, after the manner of the
following notes: — Granite Boulders. — I found some recently six
feet in diameter ; stratified granite is everywhere the oldest
form of granite ; compass-observations as to the dip of the
strata ; relative age of Franconian and Bohemian syenite ;
beds of alum in almond stone. . . . You shall certainly see
the manuscript before it is published. However rhapsodical
it may appear, I take the trouble to work out every entry
with the accuracy I should if it were a monograph.

< You are aware that I am quite mad enough to be engaged

handlung iiber die Producte des Mineralreichs in den konigl. preussischen
Staaten ' (Berlin, 1786), where in p. 110 be thus speaks of the margraviates
of Anspach and Bayreuth : — ( Formerly mines were worked here successfully,
both for gold and copper. The mines, however, were deserted, because it
was thought a greater profit could be obtained from the direct sale of the
timber. In those days there existed in the two margraviates thirteen
smelting furnaces, where in one campaign of thirty-nine weeks 3,042 tons
of excellent pig-iron were produced.'

140 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

upon three books at once, therefore I may as well tell you that I
am going to bring out, at Schreber's suggestion, a magnificent
" Flora Subterranea," in folio, illustrated by steel engravings.
I have besides discovered several new lichens. I have also
been occupied upon the history of the weaving of the ancients.
I am carrying on these works simultaneously, just as I have
leisure or inclination, so that I hope they will all be published
about the same time, probably during the winter.' Neither of
the last-named works, however, ever saw the light.

Notwithstanding these labours in various branches of science,
Humboldt never for a moment neglected his official duties. c I
have been extremely busy,' he writes to Freiesleben on April 2,
1794, 'in arranging for everything to go on without me, as
I am leaving the works for three months. I was at Grold-
kronach from the 17th to the 26th of February, at Kaulsdorf
and Jena from the 26th of February to the 13th of March,
at Naila; from the 15th to the 26th of March, and at Wunsiedel
from the 26th to the 31st of March. Is not this being in a
whirl ? . . * . My head is quite distracted with all I have to
attend to — mining, banking, manufacturing, and organising;
.... the mines, however, are prospering. . . .

' I am promoted to be Counsellor of Mines at Berlin, with a
salary probably of 1,500 thalers (here I have 400), and after
remaining there a few months I shall most likely be appointed
Director of Mines, either in Westphalia or Rothenburg, and
receive from 2,000 to 3,000 thalers. I tell you everything,
my dear Karl, and open my heart to you. I am just setting off
on a commission to the shores of the Baltic and the Polish
mountains, but I return here again as Superintendent. My
former plans remain undisturbed ; I shall resign my post in
two years, and go to Russia, Siberia, and I know not whither.'

The object of this new commission was the investigation of
salt works, and for this purpose he travelled through Colberg,
Thorn, in the province recently annexed to Southern Prussia,
and along the left bank of the Vistula, to the districts of Slonsk,
Nieszawa, Racionzek, Woliszewo, and Ciechoczinek, which had
lately come into notice from its salt springs, thence westwards
back to Bayreuth, through Lenczic, Inowraclaw, Strzelno, where
numerous saltpetre works existed, Grnesen, Posen, Grlogau,

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 141

Prague, and Eger. Elaborate reports upon Colberg, and upon
some boring experiments at Ciechoczinek, dated from Gold-
kronach towards the end of June, 1794, are still extant.

Soon after his return, he was summoned, by the unexpected
course of political events, to take part in some diplomatic
negotiations connected with the army on the Khine, occupying
Munzernheim, Mayence, and Wesel — a service which detained
him about four months, until October 1794.

In the hope of rendering essential service in the settlement
of the dispute with France, the minister Von Hardenberg
arrived in June, 1794, at Frankfort-on-the-Maine, where the
king, who took a personal part in the war, was holding his
head-quarters. The deeper the significance attached to Har-
denberg's arrival at the royal camp, inasmuch as he came upon
his own responsibility, and the more unpromising the position
of affairs at that time appeared to be, so much the more nat-
tering to Humboldt was the distinction shown him by the
minister, by whom had been effected the breach of the contract
of subsidy with the Hague, in selecting him as his most inti-
mate and confidential companion. As early as October 21 the
army' recrossed the Khine, and a separate peace was concluded
at Basle.

In what manner Humboldt was employed in these negotia-
tions is not known, for all that remains to us of this .period is
the following fragment of a letter, dated September 10, 1794,
from the head-quarters at Ueden, in Brabant : —

' My life was never so changeful as it is now. I have for
some time been removed from my own department to under-
take some work connected with the diplomatic mission of the
minister Von Hardenberg, and though I am nominally attached
to the suite of Field-Marshal von Mollendorf, I am just now
under orders here in camp. I leave Ueden on the 14th for
Altenkirchen, to make a general inspection of the mines of
that district, and thence I return to camp by Kreuznach and
Frankfort. Something of this kind is always going on : it does
not afford me any particular pleasure, and yet it amuses me
sometimes, for the constant travelling through interesting
mineralogical districts has greatly helped me in my work
upon strata and stratifications. I have now ascertained with

142 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

accuracy the geological distribution of the whole of Western
Germany, I have descended several mines and described the
veins in detail, so that I intend next winter to employ myself
systematically on an extensive mineralogical work, a kind of
geological aspect of Germany.'

In the midst of labours so arduous and so greatly diversified,
he received on February 3, 1795, a communication from Hei-
nitz, soliciting him, with many flattering inducements, to accept
the appointment of Director of Mines, smelting works, and
salt works in Silesia — a post likely soon to become vacant by
the removal of Count von Eheden to Berlin. However grati-
fying such a proposal might be, it was nevertheless declined by
Humboldt. In his" reply, dated from Steindorf, Fichtelgebirge,
on February 27, 1795, he writes: —

' I am contemplating a complete change in my mode of life,
and I intend to withdraw from any official connection with the
State. A few years ago I had the honour of respectfully
submitting to your Excellency the plan I had formed of
preparing myself for a scientific expedition by a practical
employment among the mines. As I have a deep conviction
that such an expedition is highly important for increasing our
knowledge of geology and physical science, I am exceedingly
anxious to devote my energies at once to the execution of this
design ; the more so as the sad conviction has been gradually
forcing itself upon me that my physical frame, in consequence
of premature exertions, will feel the effects of age at an earlier
period than I used to think possible. Grateful as it would
therefore be to me, on account of my small annual income, to
improve my pecuniary position, it would yet be indefensible in
me to accept an appointment which I should have to resign
almost immediately. Under such circumstances, I must beg
most respectfully to decline the post of Director of Mines in
Silesia, which your Excellency has done me the honour to offer
me.' . . .

Notwithstanding this refusal, the proposal was renewed in
almost pressing terms on April 7, 1795, by Heinitz, who em-
ployed every means in his power to induce him to change his
determination, but with no better result.

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 143,

At the solicitation of Hardenberg, who was most anxious to
retain his valuable services, Humboldt was appointed on May
1, 1795, to the office of Actual Counsellor of the Upper Court
of Mines, with the offer of retaining his salary, and with per-
mission to prosecute his various foreign travels as opportunity
occurred. But flattering and alluring as such proposals would
have been to most men, they yet possessed no charm for
Humboldt, and his resolution remained unalterable of leaving
the service of the State, in order that he might accomplish his
long-cherished plans of undertaking extensive foreign travel in
the furtherance of science. A letter about this time to Freies-
leben gives additional particulars of his plans : —

' I think that I now possess a more than ordinary acquaint-
ance with practical mining. Whether after travelling for five
or six years I shall again enter the public service, in either
Saxony, Austria, Eussia, or Spain, (you see I expect my fame as
a miner to have greatly increased by that time,) I cannot now
determine.

6 At present, my plans are to spend from July (1795) till
October or November in Switzerland, to pass the winter
in Germany, and in the spring of 1796 to start for Sweden
and Norway. I wish particularly to go to Sweden for the
sake of visiting Lapland, botanices causa — an expedition in
which there would be no danger. One of my heartfelt wishes,
my dear Karl, is to take you with me, not only to Switzer-
land but to Sweden. I shall relieve you from all expense
in either journey, as I have 1,000 thalers at my disposal ;
I depend absolutely upon you to accompany me. Your wishes
shall be to me as commands, and you shall not repent going.
.... In the tour through Switzerland, which is to include
Salzburg and the Tyrol, I wish to introduce an element
which will, I trust, not prove an insurmountable obstacle to
you. You must, if you please, consent to make one in a trio
with me and a friend of mine to whom you are a stranger.
I will try to give you an accurate description of him.' . . .

The companion referred to was Lieutenant Eeinhard von
Haften, of Westphalia, an officer in the Gfrevenitz Infantry
Kegiment, at that time garrisoned at Bayreuth : he was a

144 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

young man of winning manners and finished education, gifted
with a noble character, and devoted to the pursuit of science.
Humboldt accorded him his most intimate friendship, often
residing with him under the same roof, and writing whole
pages full of enthusiastic expressions in his praise.

In conclusion, he says of him : — c I learnt to appreciate
him from his conduct in taking my part, . . . circumstances
of great moment in social life, — my gratitude therefore,
my ' . . . .

The following lines, torn away by some discreet hand, pro-
bably contained the confession of an attachment, which, ac-
cording to a distinct and circumstantial statement of Kunth
the botanist, existed between Humboldt and the sister of
his friend Von Haften, and which, though faithfully cherished
for upwards of ten years, was never consummated by the union
so ardently desired.

This glimpse into a part of the inner subjective life of Hum-
boldt is no reckless exposure of one of the deepest secrets of his
heart ; it is here referred to merely as a means of shedding a
fresh gleam of light upon the true humanity of the character
of this remarkable man. Humboldt was not placed by nature
beyond the reach of ordinary human sensibilities, but the un-
conquerable desire for a course of many years' adventurous
travel, the necessity for being in a state of continual readiness
for a change of residence, and his unreserved devotion to
science, all exacted from him the ruthless sacrifice of the
comforts of a stationary home, and the sweet happiness of
domestic ties. Such was the sacrifice of the affections made
by Humboldt to the shrine of science.

On one occasion, when Humboldt's affectionate disposition
had evinced itself in an enthusiastic apostrophe to his friend
Freiesleben, he suddenly broke off with the expression: 'Haften,
who is looking over my shoulder, asks in astonishment how it
is possible we can still go on addressing each other as Sie
[you]. I could give him no satisfactory reason, so I laid the
blame on you. Let us therefore at once renounce this piece of
formality, though we cannot thereby become more like bro-
thers ; ' . . . and so the confidential Du [thou] ever after took
the place of Sie.

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 145

Von Haften succeeded in obtaining leave of absence, and
Humboldt wrote to Freiesleben repeating the invitation to join
the party : the route was finally arranged through Munich,
Innsbruck, Halle, and Treviso to Venice, where on Haften's
account they were to spend a fortnight, thence through Vicenza
and Verona to Milan, and by way of the Lago Maggiore and the
Pass of St. Grothard into Switzerland and on to Schaffhausen,
the main object of the journey being to observe the connection
between the various mountain ranges of the Tyrolese, Italian,
and Swiss Alps. ' This tour is planned more for Haften than
for myself ; I am, as you are aware, under some obligation to
him, therefore I would rather neglect some of my scientific aims
than not be entirely at his disposal during the first part of the
journey. The only question now remaining is, where and when
shall I meet you ? '

In a long letter to the minister Von Heinitz, dated Schwarz-
enbach-am-Walde, May 29, 1795, he furnishes a detailed report
of the results of his official and scientific labours ; and while
reminding him of the necessity of appointing a successor, com-
municates his plans for extensive travel — all expressed in terms
of the most respectful devotion, but yet with unmistakable
evidence of the full consciousness of his independent position,
and the unalterable nature of his determination.

The fame which Humboldt had earned for himself by his
official labours, and the rumour of the comprehensive plans he
had laid for extensive foreign travel, had spread far and wide
among all circles of his acquaintance. With reference to this
period, /David Veit wrote as follows to Eahel on June 15,
17 95 i1 — 'Alexander has been appointed Counsellor of the
Upper Court of Mines ; he has erected works at Bayreuth at an
extremely small cost, and has carried them on with such an ex-
traordinary amount of ability and honesty of purpose that the
mines now yield as much in one year as they formerly did in
fourteen years, while he has put the whole under such ad-
mirable management that the works may be conducted by any
ordinary mining engineer. He receives no salary, and therefore
can leave at any time ; next summer he spends in Switzerland,

1 Varnhagen, ' Galerie von Charakteren aus Rafael's Um°-ang,' vol. i.

VOL. I.

146 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

and in the following summer he intends to travel, in either
Lapland or Hungary, in prosecution of scientific discovery.'

They started at length upon their tour on July 17, 1795,
and Humboldt thus writes to Willdenow, his ' dear friend and
companion,' who had written to announce the birth of a son,
and to ask him to stand godfather at the baptism : — ' I leave
to-day for Venice, by way of the Tyrol, thence by Vicenza and
the Venetian Alps to Milan and Switzerland.' The letter is
mainly of a congratulatory character, and it reveals Humboldt's
feelings with reference to 'human interests' of this description.
' I cannot tell you,' he writes, ' with what intense sympathy I
read both your letters. There is no one in the world to whom
I am so strongly attached as yourself, no one who lies so near
my heart. I rejoice with you most truly in the fulfilment of
your ardent wishes. How completely I can realise the joy that
you and your dear wife must experience — you in becoming
a father, she in being a noble-hearted devoted mother; and how
can I sufficiently thank you for allowing your poor friend,
buried in the subterranean regions of the wild Fichtelgebirge,
to participate in your joy. A boy withal ! a strong and healthy
child ! . . . Next winter I shall hope to embrace you all, and
hold your son in my arms.'

On July 28 Humboldt writes to Freiesleben from Trieste : —
4 You are aware, my dear Karl, that the main object of my
journey is to investigate the connection between the several
ranges of the Tyrolese, Venetian (monies euganei), Lombardian,
and Swiss Alps. Every arrangement is made with reference to
this object. I am also making a collection of plants, therefore
I am busy enough. I have met with such a great variety of
new specimens, both in the Tyrol and here among these Vene-
tian mountains, that I must refer you to my journal — I write it
up most conscientiously — and to my published work on strata.'
. . . . After reference to a projected tour through Hungary and
Greece, he continues : — ' How striking the contrast between the
wild districts of the Tyrol, where two days ago I was knee deep
in snow, and the sunny plains of Italy around Bolzano and
Solmino, where, fanned by Italian breezes, fig-trees flourish
in the open air ! ' With yet greater delight he describes a long-
stay at Venice, whence he proceeded on August 9, through

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 147

Padua and the plains of Lombardy to Vicenza, Verona, Parma,
and Milan, so as to reach Switzerland on September 1, and join
his friend Freiesleben on the 20th of that month at the Hotel
Krone, at Schaifhausen.

From Schaffhausen, whence Herr von Haften, on the expira-
tion of his leave of absence, returned to Bayreuth, Humboldt
continued his journey, in company with Freiesleben, through
the Jura and the Alps of Savoy and Switzerland ; in the course
of their travels, which lasted from September 20 to the begin-
ning of November, they visited De Luc, Pictet, Saussure, and
other notable men of science, and the intercourse thus com-
menced proved a source of mutual gratification and benefit.

'Throughout all these journeys,' relates Freiesleben,1 che
was chiefly occupied in observing the connection between the
flora and the stratification of the mountains. At the same
time no other subject having any reference to the physical
constitution of the earth, the atmosphere, or any point of
natural history, was allowed to escape his attention. And
when I remember that within the short space of seven or eight
weeks we visited, chiefly on foot, the mountains surround-
ing Schaffhausen, Zurich, and Bern, descending as far as the
Valley of Chamouni, passing afterwards from Altdorf over the
St. Grothard to Airolo, I am inclined to congratulate myself
even now on the good use we made of our time — an art in
which Humboldt is certainly a master. His zeal for science
and his unexampled industry have led him from boyhood to
employ every moment in some useful or instructive occupation.
Even his night's repose was never allowed to extend over more
than a limited number of hours.'

On the homeward journey, Humboldt visited Rastatt, where
the Congress, which was exciting universal attention, was then
sitting, his motive being not so much to see the diplomatists as
to meet with Faujas, the French mineralogist. c Certainly,'
narrates Herr von Lang, the satirical diplomatist of that assem-
bly by which the world was to be reorganised, 'certainly Hum-
boldt was never so panic-stricken by any storm at sea as was
Count Groerz, the Prussian Plenipotentiary at the Peace Con-

1 From an earlier life of Alexander yon Humboldt in ' Zeitgenossen/
3rd Ser. vol. i. p. 71 (Leipzig, 1828).

L 2

148 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

gress (ReichsfriedenspacifLcationsverhandlungstractate^while
standing at the table, by the entrance among the diplomatic
dignitaries of Herr von Humboldt — the invited guest, a whole
hour behind his time, heated with haste, in boots and travelling
dress, fresh from, a tour among the mountains of Baden. The
Count however put the assembly completely au fait by a shrug
of the shoulders and the whispered apology, "A philosopher."'1

On his return home in November, 1795, Humboldt resumed
his occupations among the mountains at Steben, Lauenstein,
Groldkronach, and Arzberg near Wunsiedel, till the spring of
1796, and amid the various distractions that beset him, some
of an annoying, some of a pleasing character, (among the latter
was a grand ball given by him at the old castle on the marriage
of his friend Von Haften), 'there poured in upon him from the
minister a flood of work of all kinds,' which took him for a
fortnight to Anspach in company with Herr von Schuckmann.
It was about this time that he received the distressing news of
the painful and incurable illness of his mother,

In the midst of these multifarious occupations, he laboured
unremittingly on two elaborate works widely different in cha-
1 racte*, the one on geology, the other on physiology.

Some particulars on the subject of the first-named work may
be gathered lorn his unpublished letters; in one of these
Humboldt writes to Werner at Freiberg as follows : — ' I am
working uninterruptedly at a great geological work which is to
appear under the title " On the Formation of the Crust of the
Earth in Central Europe, especially with regard to the Disposi-
tion of Strata in Mountain Masses." I intend to furnish a
general description of the stratifications from the Light-house
at\renoa to Warsaw and Segeberg (?) in one direction, and from
the Forest of Ardennes and Chalons to Ojcow in anotlSr. I
wish to show that the bearing and dip of the strata have no
reference to the direction or declivity of a mountain range, nor
to the waste of its material, but are connected with something
of much wider significance, and that in all the mountains com-
prising the great European chain from Savoy to the Tyrol
which I have traversed on foot, although the direction 3 — 4
and declivity are from north to west, the bearing and dip
1 Bitter von Lang, ' Memoiren/ vol. i. p. 329.

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 149

of the stratifications run from south to east. I have been
for three years collecting observations for this work, and it
is not from laziness, but from a wish to produce something
really valuable, that it has been kept so long from the public.'

In a similar strain he writes to the minister Von Heinitz on
February 3, 1796 : — ' I have succeeded in arranging a general
system for the inclination of the strata with respect to the
horizon, as well as for the order in which the strata are super-
posed. It is a very remarkable phenomenon, which has hitherto
escaped the observation of our physicists. My work will be
published in the course of the summer, and I shall consider
myself well repaid for the many journeys I have undertaken on
foot, and the fatigue I have undergone, if this endeavour to
establish the laws of geology should be deemed worthy of the
support of your Excellency.' . . .

This work, however, was never published ; the information
collected for it was incorporated into a later work, entitled,
c Essai geognostique sur le Gisement des Eoches dans les deux
Hemispheres.'

The second work on which he was engaged was 'Experi-
ments on the Excitability of the Fibres of the Muscles and
Nerves, with Conjectures on the Chemical Process of Life in the
Animal and Vegetable Kingdoms.' As early as 1792, during
his first visit to Vienna, Humboldt became acquainted with the
discoveries of Gralvani and Volta ; l from that time he watched
the discussions of physicists as to the nature and cause of
animal electricity, and undertook repeated experiments and
counter-experiments, not confining himself merely to the frog —
hitherto the favourite subject of all such investigations — but ex-
perimenting upon his own person, with an amount of self-sacri-
fice so^extreme as to produce a permanent derangement of the
nervous system. Detailed accounts of the experiments he in-
stitutedyand records of the progress of his work, are contained in
numerous letters, both published and unpublished, to Blumen- ]
bach,2 Sommering, Herz, Eeil, Grirtaner, Willdenow, Marc- Aug.

1 t Versuche liber die gereizte Muskel- und Nervenfaser, nebst Vermu-
thungen iiber den Chemischen Process des Lebens in der Thier- und
Pflanzemvelt.' Preface, p. 3.

2 ' Blumenbach,' writes Humboldt to Freiesleben, f may possibly add

150 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

Pictet, Van Mons, Fourcroy, Loder, &c., as well as in various
treatises in Grren's, Crell's, Millin's, and other periodicals.

In June, 1795, Humboldt writes to Blumenbach: — <I can only
describe to you here one experiment. I applied two blisters to
my back, each of the size of a crown-piece, and covering respec-
tively the trapezius and deltoid muscles : I lay meanwhile flat
upon my stomach. When the blisters were cut, and contact
made with zinc and silver, I experienced a sharp pain, which
was so severe that the trapezius muscle swelled considerably,
and the quivering was communicated upwards to the base of
the skull and the spinous processes of the vertebra?. Contact
with silver produced three or four single throbbings which I
could clearly separate. Frogs placed upon my back were ob-
served to hop ; when the nerve was not in immediate con-
tact with the zinc, but separated from it by half an inch, and
the silver only in contact, my wound served as a conductor,
and I then felt nothing. Hitherto my right shoulder was the
one principally affected. It gave me considerable pain, and
the lymphatic serous humour produced in some quantity by the
irritation was of a red colour, and, as in the case of bad sores,
was so acrid as to produce excoriation in places where it ran down
the back. The phenomenon was of too striking a nature not
to be repeated. The wound on my left shoulder was still filled
with a colourless watery discharge, and I caused the nerves to
be strongly excited in that wound also by the action of the
metals. Four minutes sufficed to produce a similar amount of
pain and inflammation with the same redness and excoriation
of the parts. After being washed, the back looked for many
hours like that of a man who had been running the gauntlet.'

On his return from Italy and Switzerland, Humboldt insti-
tuted in December, 1795, a repetition of his former experiments,
and supplemented them by an additional series, in consequence
of his interviews with Volta and Scarpa, both of whom he had
visited when at Pavia and on Lake Como.

He thus describes them : — ' Dr. Schallern experimented upon
my back for fully three-quarters of an hour. The painful pro-
some notes to my book. He is so eager about it, that he has already sent
translations of certain portions to Banks in London.'

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 151

cess of galvanizing the wound by means of zinc and silver had
scarcely commenced, when the serous humour poured out
copiously ; it rapidly deepened in colour, and in a few seconds
inflamed my back in blood-red streamers as it ran down. I
incautiously applied cold water to cleanse the excoriated places,
when they instantly increased so manifestly in size and inten-
sity of colour, that both the doctor and I became alarmed, and
we bathed the wounds with luke-warm milk, without however
producing much effect. The experiment was thus incontrover-
tibly confirmed to my own mind.'

Many experiments were in a similar way repeated upon
various wounds in the hands, and also in the cavity left in the
jaw by an extracted tooth ; the attempt to carry on the process
so far as to benumb the irritated nerve was unsuccessful, since
the pain became too violent.

It is not in accordance with the systematic arrangement of
this work to enter in this chapter on the details of Humboldt^s
scientific labours ; it will be well, however, to mention here some
facts which may serve to illustrate his personal heroism and his
self-sacrificing devotion in the pursuit of science. With this
intention, therefore, the following proof may be adduced of the
zeal with which he engaged in scientific investigation.

It is well known that the existence of fire-damp and noxious
gases, besides a variety of other injurious influences, render
working in the mines an employment fraught with extreme
danger. It is found, however, that the sudden and murderous
explosions are, on the whole, less destructive to human life than
the insidious diseases^to which the miners in their underground
labours become a prey, such as asthma, disease of the bone,
jaundice, induration of the glands, palsy, and skin diseases.
Delighted as was Humboldt to enlarge the boundaries of scien-
tific knowledge by means of his discoveries, 4 he experienced a
still deeper gratification in devising methods for the preserva-
tion of life and health among an industrious class of men.'

' Equipped with all the apparatus then at the command of
science, Humboldt made, ' at the cost of months of exertion and
self-sacrifice,' chemical analyses of the various gases to be found
in mines, and investigated the causes of their peculiar localisa-
tion, thus originating a new system of subterranean meteorology.

152 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

These labours led to the invention of a kind of respirator, and
of four lamps of different construction suitable for employment
in various circumstances.

The respirator was to prevent the inhaling of injurious gases,,
and to supply the miner with good air ; the lamps were con-
structed to burn in the most inflammable kind of fire-damp
without igniting the gas. They were the forerunners of Davy's
later invention, and were frequently made use of by the miners,
who availed themselves also to some extent of the respirator*
The experiments, however, for testing these inventions were
not unfrequently connected with considerable personal risk,
and an instance of one such experiment, which occurred at the
alum works at Berneck, on October 13, 1796, will be found in
the following extract: — 'The air in the cross-cut was so im-
pure,' relates Humboldt, ' as to extinguish every light as com-
pletely as if immersed in water. The arm-lamp, though usually
one of the most effectual, burned only with difficulty, while
the ring-lamp remained as bright as in the purest upper air.
In order to ascertain whether it would be possible to extinguish
the flame, I crept through an opening in the screen shutting
off the passage which had been left for the purpose of allowing
access without removing the screen. I went in alone. The
air was so loaded with carbonic acid gas that I could not
obtain a light, nor ignite paper even for an instant at my
lantern. I penetrated to the distance of six or eight fathoms,
over ground strewed with the traces of burnt sulphur,.
and as I stood surrounded with rotten wood, my ring-lamp
continued to burn as brightly as at first. I placed it upon
the ground, in order to observe its behaviour in the lowest
stratum of air, when the quantity of carburetted hydrogen gas
suddenly deprived me of consciousness. I became exhausted,
and at last sank down insensible near the lamp. Fortunately
I had just before summoned the attendance of Bauer, the fore-
man of the mine, and he and Herr Killinger hastened to my
assistance and pulled me quickly back by the feet : I soon re-
vived in the fresher air of the mine. I had the gratification, on
regaining my senses, of seeing the lamp still burning.'

Humboldt thus learned, from his own experience, how
brightly his lamp would continue to burn in gases which
were too noxious for human life.

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 153

The illness of Frau von Humboldt summoned both her sons
to Berlin in the middle of February, 1796. Alexander von
Humboldt passed there six weeks in a state of great mental
depression, as we may gather from his journal of this date, where
an entry occurs that on March 26, his will was deposited in the
Municipal Court of Justice.1 'The condition of my poor
mother is beyond measure distressing,' he writes to Freiesleben ;
' she suffers fearfully from a cancer in the breast, and her case
is not only hopeless, but beyond the reach of any alleviation.
I do not think it possible she can survive till the autumn, and
I shall therefore remain at Bayreuth through the summer.'

On his return to Bayreuth, which he reached on April 16, he
was laid aside for several weeks with a severe attack of in-
fluenza and nettle-rash ; scarcely had his recovery permitted
him to resume his labours on the subterranean gases, respira-
tors, and experiments in galvanism (for the results of which he
received from Decker, a publisher in Berlin, the sum of three
gold Fredericks per sheet 2), when his appointment in July on a
diplomatic commission connected with the war which had re-
cently broken out, caused a long interruption to his scientific
undertakings.

The unexpected invasion of the Duchy of Wurtemberg by the
French under Moreau, and the flight of the Duke, caused some
alarm in Prussia from the fear that the territory of the Prince
of Hohenlohe, where Mirabeau, brother of the distinguished
statesman, had raised an emigrant legion in 1791, might in

1 This notification is to be found in vol. v. of the 'Tagebiicher.'

2 The l Versuche iiber die gereizte Muskel- und Nervenfaser ' was pub-
lished by Rottmann, son-in-law of Decker, who was at that time the
proprietor of the business carried on by Rottmann. It may be interesting
to give here some particulars of the sums paid to authors at this period.
Gellert received thirty florins for his Fables, and Lessing absolutely nothing
for his ' Minna von Barnhelm.' Goethe and Merck shared in common the
cost of printing ' Gb'tz von Berlichingen,' and had not even paid for the
paper at a time when Goethe's name had attained celebrity; Mylius of
Berlin offered twenty thalers for ' Stella/ and Goethe received a tea and
coffee service of Berlin china from Himburg for permission to reprint in
Berlin an edition of his works in four vols. Schiller, too, was "obliged to
pay fifty florins for the publication of the •' Robbers,' since no publisher
would undertake the work, and he had to start it at his own cost. (Dr.
Aug. Potthast, Geschichte der Familie von Decker und ihrer Koniyl. Geli*
Oler-Hofbuchdruckerei, p. 293, note 222.)

154 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

revenge suffer plunder and injustice at the hands of the invading
army. It was hoped, however, that in consideration of the
friendly relationships which\had existed since the peace of Basle,
it would be possible to protect the threatened territory as an
enclosure within Prussian domain, and to make its neutrality,
as well as that of the Franconian principalities, respected by
the invaders, and Humboldt received unexpectedly the commis-
sion to make the necessary diplomatic arrangements. Gruided by
his accustomed simplicity of purpose, he greatly distinguished
himself in the execution of his task, and the few letters still
preserved of this date contain valuable sketches of persons an€l
events. He thus writes from Ingelfinden, July 17, to Baron
von Schuckmann, his coadjutor in Franconia : —

6 1 am become a person of great importance, and if I
should end by being appointed major domo to the Prince
d'Oeringen, who is expected every moment, I shall soon be in a
position of complete independence. Alas! I have been fear-
fully deceived. I expected to have been one of the wise
counsellors of Ansbac ; but no ! my talk is to oppose the arms
of the French. Never have I seen so many false moves, so
much stupidity, so many orders and counter-orders given at the
same time. This adds to my annoyance, and I see no remedy
but in a complete turn of affairs. Being a person of so much
consequence, it is not to be wondered at that I have very little
leisure. Therefore I must tell you everything in three words.
A buon intenditore poche parole. We have been negotiating
with the noble city of Nuremberg, which was a troublesome
business. Then we wished to negotiate with the Ordre teu-
tonique ; PhomTne de bois was not at Mergentheim. Next we
wanted to negotiate with the pope of Eichstadt : popes will not
hear reason. But it is absolutely necessary that we should
negotiate with somebody. Very well ! the holy father brings
the French. These are the very people. Our happiness is com-
plete. We will negotiate with them. The proceeding is per-
fectly natural. By all means follow the game until we find it,
and if there should not be any we can but make some. The
thing now to be done is to send some tres-habile person to
General Moreau to insist upon the neutrality of the Franconian
provinces and the territory of Hohenlohe being respected. This

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 155

ires-habile person may have the brain of a hundred, but I fancy
it would be more to the point if he had the arms of 25,000.
But this is a foolish notion I have brought with me from Bay-
reuth ! Herr von Hardenberg wished at first to send Sieur W.,
because he is a man of energy and of high character. As the
French are fond of pictures, he'might perhaps have presented
them with some of his or (if you will) with the portrait of
Madame de H. But, sic Dii non voluere. Prince Hohenlohe
conceived the unfortunate notion of objecting to Sieur W., and
of proposing me. Thus I was caught. Without consulting me,
they placed the matter before the king ; and how on earth was
I to refuse ? ' . . .

A fortnight later, while still at Ingelflnden, he writes to
Freiesleben on August 2 : —

6 1 have returned from the French army to the head-quarters
of the Prince of Hohenlohe. I have been engaged in so much
that is in direct opposition to both my nature and habit of
thought, that it is quite as much a necessity as a pleasure to
write to you, dear Karl. I have been for twelve days marching
about with a detachment of hussars, transacting some negotia-
tions in Suabia. The successful conclusion of this business, and
its importance for the welfare of so many who will not have any
occasion now to leave their homes, has often excited within me
a feeling of self-gratulation. On the other hand it is a melan-
choly sight to watch the Germans creeping away from the
French into the interior of the country, and to hear all Ger-
many discussing what they call a treaty of peace ; it is enough to
make one's heart ache.

6 1 hope in a few weeks to be set at. liberty, so that I may
return to Berlin. The troops of Saxony are greatly respected
by the French. General Moreau frequently said to me at his
head-quarters at Schorndorf : " The Saxons are very brave
soldiers ; they are no enemies of ours, their only crime is that
of adopting the Imperial policy. Had I ever taken any of them
prisoners, we should certainly have set them at liberty. I hope
the Elector will soon make peace." The Saxons are much
pleased with Hardenbergfs behaviour, since he has provided
them with bread, forage, and money. The march through, and
the little that we were able to do, gratified me exceedingly.

156 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

You know how dearly I love your country, to which I owe so
much. I will however not weary your patience, dear Karl,
with poli tics, yet there are two observations which I am anxious
to make.

' I have recently had an opportunity of admiring the high
cultivation of feeling and mode of expression exhibited by the
French, to which no other European nation has ever attained.
I was speaking to one of the common sentries allotted to us as
a guard of honour upon the cruelty of the Imperialists, who
often killed their prisoners. I remarked, "But you will grant,
citizen, that, nevertheless, they are good soldiers ? " " Soldiers ! "
replied the youth, who was scarcely twenty years of age and
insufferably dirty, — " No, citizen ; to be a soldier one must be
a man. Those people have no notion of humanity ! " Might
not this be a quotation from Racine, and where would you
hear such an expression from a German soldier ? l The other
remark I wished to make was that these men really seem
to possess the spirit of the old republicans. They despise
the present constitution en detail, but the general idea of
a republic is never alluded to without calling forth visible
enthusiasm. The army on the Rhine rejoices at the progress
of Bonaparte in Italy, " because a republic ought to adopt a
comprehensive plan." These people are of the same mind
with Wilhelm Meister, who never saw a puppet show without
reflecting upon the elevation of mind in the human race.

4 General Desaix is one of the most remarkable and, I may
add, one of the most amiable men I ever met. He has a head
like Cromwell, but possesses a larger share of good nature.
His exploits testify to his military talent. There is a touch of
gentleness and melancholy about him which renders him
attractive notwithstanding his rough exterior. He is well
acquainted with the antiphlogistic chemistry, and had a vague
notion of my safety-lamp, " as a German invention communi-
cated to the National Institute," probably by Dolomieu, who
lately read before the Institute a paper of mine on "Experience
sur Tinfluence du gaz acide mur oxygene sur la fibre animale."

1 Since Humboldt wrote these words, what a change has been effected in
the relative state of culture of the French and German soldiers, especially
in regard to the feelings of humanity displayed by both nations !

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 157

I exhibited the drawing of my new lamp to the general officers,
and explained its use in military service. This and Desaix's
taste for chemistry drew us much together, and I found my
intimacy with him of essential advantage in the execution of
my mission.

' At Stuttgard I witnessed some balloon practice. General
Eeynier made the ascent, and invited me to accompany him,
but unfortunately I had not long enough notice, and I could not
keep the hussars I had with me waiting. The sight of the
ascent is quite enough to remove all trace of fear, and I shall
regret as long as I live that I missed this opportunity.' l

After his return to Bayreuth in the autumn of 1796, he was
again occupied in various scientific labours, while he at the
same time prosecuted his investigations on subterranean meteor-
ology. In connection with this subject he endeavoured to
enlist national co-operation in the erection of a series of eudo-
metric stations — a plan he was unable to accomplish, from the
unsettled state of Europe at that time. After his discovery of
the magnetic serpentine rocks at Grefrees, he devoted himself
with great zeal to the study of terrestrial magnetism, and pub-
lished several small treatises on the subject in various perio-
dicals. He was anxious by this means to incite others to make
investigations of a more extended character, and thought ' it
would be well to throw such a shell into the world of science as
should arouse to action.'

In the meantime his resolution of leaving all official employ-
ment in order to gratify his increasing desire for extensive
travel continued to gain strength. He had already determined
to go to Italy the following May, 'even if my mother be still
living.' The minister had indulged the hope of being able to
bind him to engage in the service at some future time, by
offering him the continuance of his salary, but Humboldt
addressed Baron von Schuckmann on the subject in the fol-
lowing terms : —

' I cannot consent to the minister's proposal that I should
retain my salary. I would willingly follow the counsel of my

1 General St.-Cyr had reconnoitred the enemy for the space of a month
with & Conte Balloon (Ballon captif), while Moreau was accustomed to say :
* Moi, je prefere le chemin des anes.'

158 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

friends, for I feel that I am not rich enough to forego readily
even a small additional income, and I have besides the vanity
to think that princes might do something for men of my stamp ;
but I prefer to occupy the independent position in which I am
placed. The more we seek to influence the moral conduct of
others, the more strictly must we ourselves obey the laws of
morality. The merit of not having abused the friendship of a
minister is the only merit I shall leave behind me in this
country. The funds, too, at the disposal of the Government
here are quite inadequate to such an expense, for I think that
country must be called poor in which the head-master of an
important school — one of the most valuable institutions in a
State — is allowed to starve with five or six children upon a
miserable salary of from seventy to ninety florins. Kr. and H.
will divide the money between them. If others show want of
principle, that is no reason why I should too. But why
should I urge this upon you, my dear friend, who out of love
to me have alone been induced to deviate from those principles
in which we both agree ? '

In the midst of these engrossing occupations and extensive
projects, Humboldt received the intelligence of the death of
his mother, which took place at Berlin on November 19, 1796.
'I had long been prepared for this event. It has not taken me
by surprise ; rather have I felt comforted that at the last she
suffered so little. She was only one day worse than usual, only
for one day were her sufferings more than ordinarily severe.
She expired without a struggle. You know, my dear friend,
that this is not an event by which my heart will be very deeply
wounded, for we have always been strangers more or less to one
another ; but who could have remained unmoved at the sight
of her unremitting sufferings!'1 Humboldt also wrote to
Willdenow : — c A happy release has at length been granted to
my poor mother. On the mere ground of humanity, her de-
cease was to be desired.'

The intelligence could not have been unexpected either at
Jena, where William von Humboldt at that time resided, for
Schiller as early as June wrote to Groethe that Humboldt's

1 Alexander von Humboldt to Freiesleben, under dtite, Bayreuth, Nov.
25, 1793.

OFFICIAL EMPLOYMENT. 159

mother was dying, and that was probably the cause of his
continued detention at Berlin.

As a noble trait in the character of Frau von Humboldt, it
may be mentioned that by her will she set apart 500 thalers to
be unredeemably secured upon the estate of Falkenberg, the
interest of which at four per cent, was to be applied in perpe-
tuity for the preservation of the church tower and family grave
at Falkenberg, with the provision that the excess of interest
was to be applied to raise this capital to 1,000 thalers, the
interest from which, after deducting the necessary amount for
repairs, was again to accumulate to the formation of an addi-
tional^ capital of 500 thalers. The interest of this third capital
of 500 thalers was to be applied to increasing the salary of the
school-master at Falkenberg, while the accumulated savings of
the 1,000 thalers above mentioned were to be expended on the
improvement of the school, in suitable alterations in the
building, and in the purchase of necessary books, for all of
which an exact account was to be rendered. The administra-
tion of this endowment, which is still in existence, was vested
in the consistory of the province.

The death of his mother was a turning-point in the life of
Humboldt. The obligations of filial duty which had hitherto
formed a barrier to the accomplishment of many of his extensive
plans were cancelled by this event, the ties that bound him to
home were severed, and ample means were placed within his
reach for gratifying his long-cherished wish for visiting the
tropics. Like Bacon, he renounced the service of the State that
he might devote himself exclusively to science.

One of the last letters written by Humboldt from Bayreuth
was addressed to Willdenow on December 20, 1796. It sives a

' o

valuable review of the labours he had accomplished during that
year:—

' Notwithstanding the serious interruption caused by my
diplomatic mission to the French general, and my detention
with the army during the months of July and August, I have
yet been able to accomplish some good work this summer. My
great work in physical science, on muscular excitability and the
chemical process of life, is nearly completed. It contains the
results of some 4,000 experiments, besides much relating to the

160 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

physiology of plants. ... In the winter I intend publishing
some of the chemical treatises which I have by me ready for
the press: experiments upon light1 and nitrogen; transfor-
mation of morils 2 into animal fat by the application of nitric
acid ; a new description of barometer based upon a recently
discovered principle, an instrument with which some highly
satisfactory measurements have been obtained here ; experiments
with phosphorus as a eudiometer ; on two new kinds of gas,
oxygenised carbonic acid and azoture de phosphore oxydee. . . .
A work of mine in French is to be printed at Greneva, "Lettres
physiques a M. Pictet;"3 it is a collection of papers contri-
buted by me from time to time to the National Institute, and
published in the Memoirs of that society. I have made several
experiments this summer on the respiration of plants. . . .

' This may convince you, my dear Willdenow, that though I
have been less of a scribe than other people, I have certainly
not been less industrious. Pray see that my little godson
grows up quickly, that I may take him to India with me. My
journey is absolutely fixed. I shall continue my preparations
for another year or so, and provide myself with various instru-
ments; my plan is to spend a year or more in Italy, for the
purpose of studying volcanoes, then to visit Paris and England,
where I should like to remain another year, for above all
things I mean to avoid being in a hurry, and finally, when
all is complete, to sail in an English ship for the West Indies.

f Should I not live to accomplish this plan., I shall at least
have commenced it ivith energy and made good use of the
position in which fortunate circumstances have placed me.'

1 ' I consider this to be the most delicate chemical experiment I have ever
made.' — Alexander von Humboldt to Freiesleben.

2 \_Morc7iella esculenta, a kind of edible mushroom.]

3 It was never published.

WEIMAK AND JENA. 161

CHAPTER IV.
WEIMAR AND JENA.

State of Society in "Weimar and Jena — Goethe as a Natural Philosopher —
Early Recognition of Humboldt's Genius — Opposition to his Views and
subsequent Recantation — Humboldt's Opinion of Goethe — Contrasts
and Harmonies afforded by the two Characters — Schiller's Medical
Studies — Humboldt a Contributor to the * Horen ' — The Genius of
Rhodes — Schiller's Harsh Judgment — Korner's Mediation — Schiller's
Idealism — Humboldt's Empiricism and Love of Formula — Friendly
Counsel and Avowal — Reconciliation — Humboldt and the New Philo-
sophy— Humboldt and Karl August — The Duke's Love of Nature —
Frequent Visits to Weimar and Jena — Inscription in an Album.

OUR narrative has already anticipated the time when Alexander
von Humboldt was first introduced to the men of genius,
forming the distinguished circle of literati at Weimar and
Jena. If we deem his relationships with these eminent men to
be of sufficient importance to devote a chapter to the subject,
we shall scarcely feel that an apology is due to our readers — at
least not to those who claim him as a fellow-countryman.

A new phase had passed over the court of Weimar since the
arrival of Wieland ; he had been summoned to the court in
1772, by the Duchess Anna Amelia, who, early left a widow, was
anxious to commit the education of her two sons, Karl August
and Constantine, to the care of one who by his recently
published work, the ' Groldener Spiegel,' l had shown himself
well fitted for such a task. With Wieland rose the first star of
that brilliant constellation which rendered Weimar so illus-
trious.

The young princes grew up to man's estate, distinguished as
much for their physical as for their mental endowments, and

1 [( The Golden Mirror, or the Kings of Scheschian.' A series of impor-
tant lessons which the rulers of mankind should derive from history.]
VOL. I. M

162 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

Karl August soon fulfilled the prophetic words of Wieland to
Jacob! : ' If Heaven only grant life to our young prince and to
the excellent friends by whom he is surrounded, we shall in
a few years have a little court here worthy of being visited from
all parts of the world.' With Goethe's arrival at the court
of Karl August in November 1775, began the halcyon days of
Weimar's celebrity. Votaries of every branch of the arts and
sciences were welcome guests at the court, and every friend
of the Muses was certain of a cordial reception. 6 Bethlehem of
Judah is not deserted, the wise men visit it,' writes Herder to
Knebel, on September 11, 1784.

While classical poetry was being cultivated at Weimar to its
highest stage of development, a fresh interest in scientific
inquiry was simultaneously awakened in the neighbouring
town of Jena. It is undoubtedly to the genius of Schiller,
who, since 1789, had occupied the chair of history at the
University, that the revolution of thought in Germany, ema-
nating from Jena, is mainly to be ascribed.

In this position of influence Weimar and Jena stood alone
during the last decade of the past century. Even Berlin, when
exercising so wide and important an influence in later years,
never possessed the charm, nor attained the height of intellec-
tual power and activity, which at that time animated all hearts
and minds in Weimar and Jena. The eminent men of Berlin
had in almost all periods of her history stood in intellectual isola-
tion ; no social intercourse had ever existed whereby to bridge
the chilling separation. A striking contrast was afforded by
the mode of life at Weimar. The prince and the scholar, the
poet and the statesman, lived there one common existence,
mutually stimulating to intellectual activity. And the result
of this activity was no tender hot-house plant, fostered only in
princely circles ; it flourished equally in the study of the
scholar, the garret of the thoughtful poet, and in the boudoir
of gifted and cultivated women. Weimar and Jena consti-
tuted one intellectual family. When poetry, with weary wing,
could no longer soar at Weimar to her accustomed heights,
science at Jena would be fired by a fresh impulse ; and when
the formalities of university life exercised too contracting an

WEIMAR AND JENA. 163

influence at Jena, the spirit found full freedom at Weimar
under the genial auspices of poetry and the arts.

It was during the winter of 1789 that William von Hum-
boldt made the acquaintance of Schiller at Weimar, where the
two sisters Charlotte and Caroline von Lengefeld then re-
sided, and where the poet was almost a weekly visitor. This
acquaintance soon ripened into friendship, which was further
cemented by Schiller's marriage with Charlotte von Lengefeld,
on February 20, 1790, and the union of William von Humboldt
with Caroline von Dacheroden, the intimate friend of the two
sisters, in July of the following year, upon which commenced,
to use the words of Frau von Wolzogen, £ those happy days of
close intimacy that existed between the two newly-married
couples at Jena.'

Those bright days were succeeded by years of equal hap-
piness, when William von Humboldt, in the spring of 1794,
took up his residence at Jena, having resigned his position in the
service of the State, on which he had but recently entered, in
order that he might devote himself to scientific pursuits. With
his aesthetic criticism, he occupied a middle place between
Schiller and Groethe. Mind stimulates mind, 'the souls of
poets enkindle one the other.' Speculations of the deepest
nature were clothed in language of the most elevated and grace-
ful character, and daily some fresh flight was reached in the
highest problems of life and art.

In consequence of the position held by his brother at Jena,
Alexander von Humboldt, already Superintendent of Mines,
was at once admitted into the intimate circle of his brother's
friends. As Schiller had been attracted to William, so Goethe
felt drawn to Alexander von Humboldt.

We shall doubtless be excused if we here revert to certain
well-known phases in the development of Groethe's genius,
which must have operated largely in the creation of this bond
of union.

In Groethe there had been early developed an intense love of
Nature, accompanied by a strong bent towards the investigation
of her phenomena and the study of her laws. This character-
istic had manifested itself in early youth, and often found
expression in his poems in such lines as the following : —

M 2

164 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

Boyhood's pleasures e'en were tinted

With the longing felt within,
To enquire of Nature's secrets,

And her confidence to win.1

Even in his earliest poetic effusions there are to be found
traces of his love for the contemplation of nature, and during
his residence at Strasburg, in 1770, he evinced a marked pre-
ference for the study of the natural sciences. He attended
lectures on chemistry and anatomy, was present at Loben stein's
clinical instruction given at the bedsides of his patients, and
he even attended a course upon midwifery. Soon after his
settlement at Weimar he was led by his official employment, in
the cultivation of land and the management of forests, to de-
vote himself to the science of botany, while almost at the same
time his attention was directed, by the influence of Merck, to
osteology and comparative anatomy. And, since the project
had been started for reworking the mines at Ilmenau, the
science of mineralogy had become the favourite and fashionable
study at Weimar. c Everyone,' says Bottiger,2 ' was absorbed in
mineralogy, even the court ladies found a deep meaning in
stones, and arranged them in cabinets.' Groethe himself always
set a very high value on his scientific studies. ' I have,' he
relates in later years, ' devoted a great portion of my life to
the study of science, for which I early conceived a strong
passion. The results of my investigations were not attained by
a mere inspiration, but through quiet, persevering, and inde-
fatigable labour.' In his zeal for mineralogy c no mountain
was too high, no mine too deep, no passage too contracted, no
labyrinth too intricate.' . . . Bohemia and Carlsbad were
pre-eminent in the influence they exerted over his inquiring

mind.

To say what rapture through me thrilled,
To paint what joy my heart then filled,

1 t Freudig war vor vielen Jahren

Eifrig so der Geist bestrebt,
Zu erforschen, zu erfahren,
Wie Natur im Schaffen lebt/

2 ' Literarische Zustande und Zeitgenossen,' vol. i. p. 22.

WEIMAK AND JENA. 165

"What thoughts within me sought expression
Would need too long to make confession.1

Not merely was his interest excited by the study of plants,
animals, and minerals, but investigations into the nature of the
atmosphere and clouds, of light and colour, possessed for him a
powerful charm.

Of this prince of poets, therefore, it may well be remarked,
in the language of Alexander von Humboldt,2 that ' the great
creations of poetic fancy did not withhold his penetrating
glance from investigating the depths of Nature's secrets.'

As early as 1786 Groethe wrote his paper on the inter-
maxillary bone, which was followed in 1790 by his 'Metamor-
phoses of Plants,' and in 1791 and 1792 by his first treatises
on optics, the precursors of his subsequent work on colour,
' Farbenlehre.'

It was about this time that Alexander von Humboldt first
crossed his path. Steffens 3 relates that Groethe, who usually
kept all younger poets ungraciously at a distance, eagerly
welcomed to his side those youths who were engaged in any
branch of natural philosophy. It was therefore his love for
the natural sciences that constituted the mental elective affinity,
the strong power of attraction which drew him irresistibly to
Alexander von Humboldt, in whose experiments on the galvanic
action of the filaments of the nerves and muscles he had taken
the liveliest interest.4 According to Eckermann, he has ac-
knowledged in express terms how much he was indebted to the
circumstance that, just as he was beginning to get tired of the
world, he had been brought under the inspiring influence of the
two brothers Von Humboldt, then in the height of their fresh
youthful energy. ' The debt I owe to Fichte, Schelling, Hegel,
the brothers Humboldt, and Schlegel,' he writes, 'may some day

1 Was ich dort gelebt, genossen,
Was mir all dorther entsprossen,
"Welche Freude, welche Kenntniss,
War' ein allzu lang Gestandniss.*

2 ' Rede bei der Eroffnung der Versammlung der Naturforscher und Aerzte
in Berlin/ 1828.

3 Steffens, ' Was ich erlebte/ vol. iv. p. 101.

4 A. von Humboldt, ' Versuche iiber die gereizte Muskel- und Nervenfaser,'
vol. i. pp. 76, 77.

166 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

be gratefully acknowledged if I should ever be able to ac-
complish my wish of furnishing from my own point of view a
sketch, if not a history, of that epoch which proved so memorable
to me — the last decade of the past century.'

In the various remarks relating to the two Humboldts to be
met with in Goethe's writings, he alludes more to their scien-
tific labours than to any of their other studies, and particularly
mentions their investigations in anatomy and galvanism, in
which he actively participated. The following entry occurs in
the < Jahres- und Tageshefte ' for the year 1794 :—

4 The long-expected arrival of Alexander von Humboldt from
Eayreuth was the signal for turning our thoughts exclusively
to science. His elder brother, also at Jena, who manifested a
keen interest in almost every branch of knowledge, lent to
these investigations his advice and practical assistance. It is
worthy of remark that the Court Counsellor Loder was then
lecturing upon the ligaments of the animal frame — a highly
important branch of anatomy, for do not these constitute the
necessary connection between the bones and the muscles ? And
yet from a strange infatuation this branch is quite neglected
by the medical students. We three, in company with our friend
Meyer, used to wade of a morning through the deepest snow to
hear, in an almost empty lecture-room, this portion of physical
structure lucidly explained and exemplified by the most accu-
rate anatomical preparations.'

In 1795 he further adds: —

' By the advent of the two brothers Von Humboldt at Jena,
towards the end of the year, I was entirely diverted from the
creative art of poetry, and brought back to the study of nature.
Just at this time they both took great interest in the pursuit
of science, and in the course of conversation I could not refrain
from communicating my ideas upon comparative anatomy and
its systematic arrangement. As my views appeared to display
consistency and some measure of completeness, I was urgently
requested to record them on paper, and at once acceding to
this proposition, I proceeded to dictate to Max Jacobi the
ground-plan of a system of comparative osteology. In thus gra-
tifying the wishes of my friends, I gained for myself a platform
upon which to erect new theories. The influence exerted by

WEIMAR AND JENA. 167

Alexander von Humboldt requires to be dealt with separately.
His presence at Jena promoted the study of comparative ana-
tomy ; I was incited by him and his elder brother to record the
outline of my scheme of anatomy. During his residence at
Bayreuth my correspondence with him was of great interest.'
Unfortunately, none of these letters have as yet been found.

In the appendix to the 6 Osteology,' Groethe alludes almost in
the same words to the stimulus he at that time derived from
the two brothers : — ' My time in this way was closely occupied,
till in the year 1795 the brothers Humboldt, who, as Dioscuri,
had often illuminated my path, came to reside for a consider-
able time at Jena. I brought the subject of my anatomical
scheme so perseveringly and pressingly forward, that at last it
produced some amount of impatience, and occasioned the re-
quest that I should set down in writing the thoughts with
which my whole being — heart, .soul, and mind — was imbued.'

The Humboldts are again alluded to by Groethe, when de-
scribing in 1797 the prodigality of intellectual life then at
Jena : — ' The Humboldt brothers were there, and almost every
aspect of nature was discussed in a philosophic and scientific
spirit. My osteological type of 1795 afforded a motive for a
more systematic use of the Museum, as well as of my own
private collection. I drew out a system upon the metamor-
phoses of insects which I had had in view for many years.
The drawings of the Hartz Mountains by Krause gave rise to
geological disquisitions. Experiments in galvanism were in-
stituted by Humboldt.'

In a letter to Schiller of April 26, 1797, Goethe writes,
after a visit from Alexander von Humboldt at Weimar: —
' During Humboldt's visit my time has been usefully and agree-
ably spent ; his presence has had the effect of arousing from
its winter sleep my taste for natural science.'

It is thus evident that the important significance of Alex-
ander von Humboldt's character and attainments was early
appreciated by Groethe, who continued to regard him with an
ever increasing admiration till the close of life.

When, however, Humboldt avowed himself a convert to
the theory of volcanic agency in the formation of the crust of
the earth, Groethe, who still remained an adherent of the .

168 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

aqueous theory, could not restrain a manifestation of anger. As
if to prove that even a genius of the highest order is not always
permitted to comprehend Nature in all her aspects, Groethe could
never be induced to abandon these views, which the researches
of modern science had rendered obsolete through the trium-
phant establishment of the theory of volcanic agency. His
indignation found vent in some expressions of Mephistopheles.
It cannot, however, be admitted for an instant, as Boas and
Saupe have both assumed, in conformity with earlier writers,
that the following epigrams bear any reference to Alexander
von Humboldt : —

161. Creation ~by Fire.

Poor columns of basalt ! "Tis said, ye were by fire thus moulded,
And yet none saw thee ever by the flames enfolded.1

163. Short-lived Pleasures.

At length beneath the floods primeval is their fate fast sealed,
And thus the strife so long enkindled is for ever healed.2

At that time Humboldt was an avowed advocate of the aqueous
theory, as may be seen from his ' Mineralogical Observations
on some Basalts of the Khine.' It was only when travelling in
the New World that he became a convert to the volcanic theory.

Groethe's whole nature was so organised that he could
scarcely fail to hold Werner's views with regard to the aqueous
theory, which taught that in the long intervals separating the
primeval catastrophes everything was slowly formed by the
' moisture of life.' He says : — c I have spent several years of
my life in studying the mutual connection of the stratified
formations. The views I formed coincided with Werner's
doctrine, and I continued to hold them even after I had good
reason to believe that they left many. problems unsolved.'

1 161. Schdpfung durch Feuer.

( Arme basaltische Saulen ! Ihr solltet dem Feuer gehoren,
Und doch sah euch kein Mensch je aus dem Feuer eutstehn.'

2 163. Kurze Freude.

1 Endlich zog man sie wieder ins alte Wasser herunter,
Und es loscht sich nua bald dieser entziindete Streit.'

WEIMAR AND JENA. 169

In the controversy between Thales and Anaxagoras in the
second part of ' Faust,' Goethe brings forward the old con-
troversy between the Neptunists and Vulcanists, symbolising
thereby the scientific movement of his own time, and gives un-
mistakable evidence, especially in the discourse between Faust
and Mephistopheles, in the beginning of the fourth act, of the
theory which the bent of his own mind was disposed to favour.
Thus, speaking of Nature, Thales says in the second act : —

She makes each form by rules that never fail,
And 'tis not Force, even on a mighty scale.1

And Faust continues the strain in the fourth act : —

When Nature in herself her being founded,
Complete and perfect then the globe she rounded,
Glad of the summits and the gorges deep,
Set rock to rock, and mountain steep to steep,
The hills with easy outlines downward moulded,
Till gently from their feet the vales unfolded !
They green and grow ; with joy therein she ranges,
Requiring no insane, convulsive changes.2

Goethe was no friend of wild commotions, and even in his
own daily existence kept at a distance from him everything that
could disturb his habitual equilibrium. He shrank from the
idea of the mighty plutonic forces having risen from the lowest
depths with demoniac power, whereby the mountains seem but
the awful charnel-houses of former creations : —

Basalt, that ebon devil's moor,
Bursts forth from hell's remotest floor,
And earth is riven, rocks are rent,
Till all is topsy-turvy sent :

Sie bildet regelnd jegliche Gestalt

Und selbst im Grossen ist es nicht Gewalt.'

Als die Natur sich in sich selbst gegriindet,
Da hat sie rein den Erdball abgeriindet,
Der Gipfel sich, der Schluchten sich erfreut
Und Fels an Fels und Berg an Berg gereiht,
Die Hiigel dann bequem hinabgebildet,
Mit sanftem Zug sie in das Thai gemildet :
Da grunt's und wachst's, und urn sich zu erfreuen
Bedarf sie nicht der tollen Strudeleien.'

170 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

Thus would geologists assert,

The rocks were formed now so inert. l

In a still more diabolic manner Mephistopheles thus ridi-
cules the volcanic theory of upheaval : —

When God the Lord — wherefore, I also know —
Banned us from air to darkness deep and central,
Where round and round, in fierce, intensest glow,
Eternal fires were whirled in Earth's hot entrail,
We found ourselves too much illuminated,
Yet crowded and uneasily situated.
The Devils all set up a coughing, sneezing,
At every vent without cessation wheezing :
With sulphur- stench and acids Hell dilated,
And such enormous gas was thence created,
That very soon Earth's level, far extended,
Thick as it was, was heaved, and split, and rended !
The thing is plain, no theories o'ercome it :
What formerly was bottom, now is summit.
Hereon they base the law there's no disputing,
To give the undermost the topmost footing.2

ttumboldt was fully aware of the reference these verses bore

1 < Basalt, der schwarze Teufelsmoor,

Aus tiefster Holle bricht hervor,

Zerspaltet Fels, Gestein und Erden,

Omega muss zum Alpha werden :

Und so war' denn die liebe Welt

Geognostisch auf den Kopf gestellt ! '

3 ' Als Gott der Herr — ich weiss auch wohl warum —

Uns aus der Luft in tiefste Tiefen bannte,
Da wo centralisch gliihend, um und um,
Ein ewig Feuer flammend sich durchbrannte,
Wir fanden uns bei allzu grosser Hellung
In sehr gedrangter, unbequemer Stellung.
Die Teufel fingen sammtlich an zu husten,
Von oben und von unten auszupusten j
Die Holle schwoll von Schwefelstank und Saure :
Das gab ein Gas ! das ging ins Ungeheure,
Sodass gar bald der Lander flache Kruste,
So dick sie war, zerkrachend bersten musste.
Nun haben wir's an einem andern Zipfel :
Was elimals Grund war, ist nun Gipfel.
Sie griinden auch hierauf die rechten Lehren,
Das Unterete ins Oberste zu kehren.'

WEIMAR AND JENA. 171

to himself, and in a letter of January 24, 1857, to Herr von
Kobell, author of the poem 6 Die Urzeit,' he especially thanks
him for his avowed adherence to the eruptive theory, since ' in
the jubilant conclusion of the second canto of his poem, " Die
Urzeit," he had ventured to avenge him (Humboldt) for the
bad treatment he had received in the second part of " Faust." '
Groethe's aversion to the modern theory of upheaval almost
turned him into a volcano, vomiting fire and flame. 'The
case may be as it pleases, but it must be written that I curse
this execrable racket and lumber-room of the new order of
creation I ' ' Able, clever, and bold thinkers dress up for them-
selves such a theory out of mere probabilities ; they manage to
gather around them followers and adherents, and these from
sheer numbers gain a literary power ; the theory gets pushed
to an extreme, and is carried forwards with a reckless impetu-
osity. ... It is then spoken of as the unanimous belief of
scientific investigators.' Undoubtedly Alexander von Humboldt
was included among these ' able, clever, and bold thinkers.'

And when, on the death of Werner in 1817, not only a
younger generation but also the older adherents of the Neptunic
theory of the school of Freiberg began to view with favour the
modern volcanic theories, his 4 abhorrence was increased of the
forced explanations such as extensive upheavals, volcanic fires,
floods, and other titanic occurrences, to which they were obliged
to have recourse.' He was painfully affected by the modern
revolutions in science.

As kings are now from thrones subverted,

So granite must be disconcerted,

Arid gneiss, the child, is father held

Till it in turn is downward felled ;

For Pluto's trident threatens soon

To upturn all beneath the moon.1

And so at last, in a spirit of proud resignation, he gave vent
to the discontented feelings of an old man who sees the well-

' Wie man die Konige verletzt,
Wird der Granit auch abgesetzt ;
Und Gneis, der Sohn, ist nun Papa !
Auch dessen Untergang ist nah ;
Derm Pluto's Gabel drohet schon
Dem Urgrund Revolution.'

172 ALEXANDEE VON HUMBOLDT.

arranged classification of ideas to which he had been all his life
accustomed ruthlessly upset by the younger generation :—

The noble Werner scarce his back had turned,
When Neptune's kingdom rudely is o'erthrown.
Though all to Hephasstos obedience have learned,
I cannot yield him homage :
My faith can only on conclusions rest ;
Before me many diverse views have passed,
Each one by me more hated than the last,
New Deities and Idols.1

Doubtless Alexander von Humboldt is to be reckoned among
these new deities, for he and Leopold von Buch were the titanic
destroyers of the realm of Neptune. The chancellor Von
Miiller 2 relates that Goethe criticised with some bitterness
Humboldt's lecture upon volcanoes in 1824. ' Our friend,' said
he, ' has no true genius, he is possessed only of much sound
sense and a considerable amount of zeal and perseverance. In
aesthetics everyone may think and feel as he pleases, but in
science what is untrue and absurd is quite insupportable.'
He expressed himself subsequently, in 1828, with an equal
amount of pique : 3 — ' If Alexander von Humboldt and the other
Plutonists incense me too much, I shall not hesitate to expose
them to obloquy. I am already secretly preparing several
epigrams against them ; posterity shall know that there lived
in this century at least one sensible man who could see through
these absurdities.'

Time, however, somewhat modified this angry vehemence.
He wrote to Varnhagen on July 8, 1829, in the following
strain : 4 — ' The sciences (geology, geography, and mineralogy)

1 ' Kaum wendet der edle Werner den Riicken,

Zerstort man das poseidaonische Reich.
Wenn alle sich von Hephastos biicken,
Ich kann es nicht sogleich,
Ich weiss nur in der Folge zu schatzen :
Schon haV ich manches Credo verpasst,
Mir sind sie alle gleich verhasst,
Neue Gotter und Gotzen.'

2 Burckhardt, ' Goethe's Unterhaltungen mit dem Kanzler von Miiller '
(Stuttgart, 1870), p. 56.

3 Ibid. p. 124.

4 Paulus, l Geisterrevue/ p. 390.

WEIMAK AND JENA. 173

now engaging our attention are advancing with dispropor-
tionate strides, in most cases on a sure foundation, but occa-
sionally too hastily, and sometimes even under the influence
of fashion. We must not therefore follow too precipitately,
since we cannot afford time to wander thoughtlessly in
error.' In a still milder tone he writes to Carus : } — ' When
I observe the advance that science has lately made, I feel like
a traveller who at early dawn is journeying eastward, gladly
watching the increasing light in earnest longing for the
appearance of the great luminary, but who, upon the first
sight of the King of Day, is obliged to turn away his eyes,
because he cannot bear to look upon the splendour that he has
so ardently desired.'

At length, notwithstanding his proud words, the poet hero
bowed before the man of science. Late in the evening of life
he writes to Zelter on October 5, 1831 : 2 —

' I have received the two volumes of " Fragmens de Greologie
et de Climatologie asiatiques, par Alexandre de Humboldt ; "
in looking them over, a rather curious observation occurred to
me, which I will communicate to you. The extraordinary
talent of this extraordinary man is shown in his forcible mode
of expressing himself, and it is clearly evident that every
discourse will persuade the hearer and make him believe that
he is convinced. Few men are capable of being convinced ;
most men allow themselves to be persuaded, and thus the
treatises here brought before us are real speeches, delivered
with great facility, so that people are at last brought to
imagine that they comprehend the impossible. That the
mountains of Himalaya can have been upheaved to the height
of 25,000 feet and yet point so proudly and inflexibly towards
heaven as if nothing had happened, is quite beyond the powers
of my comprehension, and lies in the misty regions haunted by
transubstantiation ; my cerebral system would have to be en-
tirely reorganised — which would be rather a pity — were any
space to be found for the reception of such a wonder.

' There are people, however, /whose minds are so constituted
as to be able to receive such articles of faith side by side with

1 Carus, ' Goethe zu dessen naherm Verstandnisse ' (1843), p. 34.

2 < Briefwechsel zwisclien Goethe und Zelter,' vol. vi. p. 308.

174 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

propositions of the highest reason; I cannot understand it,
though I see it take place every day. But is it necessary to
understand everything ? I repeat : our mighty conqueror of
the world of science is perhaps the greatest orator. Not only
are all facts present to his mind in consequence of his prodigious
memory, but he knows how to use them with the greatest skill
and boldness. The initiated see clearly enough where weakness
has entwined itself round strength, while strength is not averse
to be decked in the garb of fragile beauty.

' And so the effect of such a paradox, when skilfully and
energetically propounded, is powerful ; many of our boldest
scientific investigators are brought thereby to imagine that
they can grasp the incomprehensible. To them, on the con-
trary, I appear as an obstinate arch-heretic, wherein may God
graciously maintain and confirm us. Selah ! '

With a yet fuller appreciation of Alexander's views, Groethe
thus wrote to William von Humboldt, on December 1, 1831 : 1—

' I have been greatly indebted to your brother, for whom I
can find no suitable epithet, for several hours of unreserved
and friendly intercourse. For although his method of viewing
the facts of geology and his mode of reasoning upon them is
altogether opposed to my cerebral system, yet I have observed
with warm interest, not unmixed with astonishment, that what
.1 could not myself receive is logically apprehended by him,
and incorporated among his vast stores of knowledge, to the
value of which it will owe its preservation.'

Of an earlier date there are also many expressions testifying
to his appreciation of Humboldt's surprising gifts. In the
' Elective Affinities ' 2 Ottilie writes in her Journal : — ' That
investigator of nature alone is worthy of homage who is able
graphically to reproduce with all the force of local colouring,
and faithful delineation of surrounding accessories, everything
that to our minds is most foreign and unfamiliar. How
glad I should be, if only for once, to hear Humboldt recount
his travels ! ' In the ' Maximen und Reflexionen ' occurs the
passage : — ' The most remarkable men of the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries were in themselves schools of learning,

1 Schlesier, ' Leben Wilhelrn von Humboldt's.'

2 ' Die Wahlverwandtsehaften/ vol. ii, chap. vii.

WEIMAR AND JENA. 175

just as Humboldt is in our own time.' In the ' Correspon-
dence with Knebel ' l Humboldt is described as ' a rich cornu-
copia, distributing his gifts with prodigality.'

Eckermann relates 2 having on one occasion found Goethe in
a state of joyous excitement, exclaiming as he advanced to meet
him : 'Alexander von Humboldt has been with me for some hours
this morning ; what an extraordinary man he is ! Though I
have known him for so long, I am always struck with fresh
amazement in his company. He may be said to be without a
rival in extent of information and acquaintance with existing
sciences. He possesses, too, a versatility of genius which I have
never seen equalled. Whatever may be the subject broached,
he seems quite at home in it, and showers upon us treasures in
profusion from his stores of knowledge. He resembles a living
fountain, whence flow many streams, yielding to all comers a -
quickening and refreshing draught. He will remain here a few
days, and I already feel that I shall have lived through years
in the time.' H

It is very remarkable and altogether inexplicable — unless
some clue may be discovered hereafter among the poet's papers
preserved at Weimar — that Goethe never discussed with Hum-
boldt any of his own researches in botany or optics, although,
as before stated, he had been eagerly engaged upon these
studies since the year 1790.

That Humboldt on his part estimated Groethe very highly as
a botanist, is evident from his dedicating to him his work,
' Thoughts upon the Geographical Distribution of Plants, illus-
trated with a View of Nature in Tropical Kegions,' 3 forming
the first part of his Travels in America ; the dedication page was
illustrated after a design by Thorwaldsen, and represents the
Genius of Poetry as Apollo crowned with laurel unveiling Isis,
at whose feet lies a book inscribed ' The Metamorphoses of
Plants,' thus indicating that to poetry we are also indebted

1 < Briefwecbsel mit Knebel,' vol. i. p. 243.

2 ' Gesprache mit Goethe in den letzten Jahren seines Lebens.' Monday,
December 26, 1826.

3 ' Ideen zu einer Geographie der Pflanzen, nebst einem Naturgemalde
der Tropenlander.'

176 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

for the unveiling of nature. Goethe1 felt highly honoured
' by the dedication in a manner so gratifying of this important
work,' and remarks that ' out of early and ever increasing
friendship for the noble author, and incited by this fresh token
of a sympathy so flattering,' he threw himself eagerly into
the study of the work, and as the illustration belonging to
it was not yet completed, he himself drew, in illustration of
the text, a ' conventional picture,' and dedicated this ' symbolic
landscape' to the friend to whom, as he said, its existence
was to be ascribed.2

When Humboldt sent to Groethe, on June 6, 1816, a copy of
his work, 'Thoughts on the Physiognomy of Growth,'3 the
poet was in affliction from the death of his wife, and acknow-
ledged the gift on June 12 by the following verses :—

In sorrow's darkest hour

Your book arrived to cheer me in my grief,

It urged with power

That I should seek in labour for relief;

The world still wreathes itself in blossoms fair

By Nature's laws, eternal in their force :

These were to thee of joy the constant source,

Then let such pleasures banish thy despair.4

Humboldt recognised in Groethe not only a distinguished
botanist, but also a successful student of optics and osteology.
He classed his descriptions of nature with those of Forster,
Buffon, and Bernardin de St.-Pierre, as characterised by inimi-
table truth, and he frequently quoted his 'Aphorisms on the

1 ' Jahres- und Tageshefte.'

2 This print first appeared in 1813, with some pages of letterpress, in
vol. xli. of ' Geographische Ephemeriden ; ' it was subsequently published
in a separate form in folio, and has also been reproduced in Paris. Thor-
waldsen's print has become very scarce.

3 ' Ideen zu einer Physiognomik der Gewachse.'

4 ' An Trauertagen

Gelangte zu mir Dein herrlich Heft,

Es schien zu sagen :

Ermanne dich zu frohlichem Geschaft ;

Die Welt in alien Zonen grunt und bliiht

Nach ewigen beweglichen Gesetzen :

Das wusstest du ja sonst zu schatzen,

Erheitre. so durch mich dein schwer bedrangt Gemiith ! '

WEIMAE AND JENA. 177

Physical Sciences.' His genuine admiration of the great poet
culminates in the fine passage with which he concludes the
chapter in e Cosmos ' * on the poetic description of nature.
'Where is the nation of the imaginative South who might not
envy us our great master of poetic art, whose works are deeply
imbued with an intense love of nature displayed with equal
fervour in the " Sorrows of Werther," the " Reminiscences of
Italy," the "Metamorphoses of Plants," and the "Miscellaneous
Poems " ? Who has so eloquently incited kindred minds " to
unravel the profound mysteries of the universe," and renew the
bond by which, in the primitive ages of the world, philosophy,
physical science, and poetry, were united ? Who has so attrac-
tively portrayed that land in which his imagination found a
home, where

Soft blows the air beneath that southern sky,
Where myrtles bloom and laurels tower high " ? ' 2

And yet the remarkable love of nature distinguishing these
two men, who held each other in such high esteem, was inspired
by feelings of a very opposite character. Goethe was pre-
eminently characterised by an inborn love of nature and all
natural phenomena, a subjective comprehension and a keen
susceptibility for the impression produced by the forces of
nature, while, as the enemy of all objective exact investigation,
he viewed with the utmost abhorrence the ' physico-mathe-
matical guild.' It was only in later life that he felt any
impulse towards scientific investigation, and then he accom-
plished important results, not merely by means of isolated
discoveries, but by developing a comprehensive view of nature
and method of observation. He attained that insight into
naturje which led to the perception of the reciprocal action of
cause and effect, by which he was enabled to rise from the
individual to the type, from the special to the universal, from
the small to the great, from the part to the whole.

The characteristic of Humboldt's mode of thought, on the
contrary, was an early and overpowering impulse towards

1 f Kosmos,' vol. ii. p. 75.

' Ein sanfter Wind vom blauen Himmel weht,
Die Myrte still und hoch der Lorbeer steht? '
VOL. I. N

178 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

objective scientific knowledge. He was one of those scrupulous
empirics who observe and collate nothing but facts, and who,
rejecting all bold hypotheses, confine themselves exclusively to
the realm of experience. He was, according to Schiller's severe
criticism, the impersonation of ' keen cold reason, which would
have all nature shamelessly exposed to scrutiny,' 'with no
power of imagination, no tender sympathy, no sentimental
interest.' That, however, he could rise from the bare facts of
observation to a highly poetic representation of nature, is
evident from the ' Aspects of Nature,' from many descriptions
in his ' Travels in America,' and from isolated passages in
e Cosmos.'

Both he and Groethe were familiar with all branches of
natural philosophy ; they held in common the intimate con-
nection of the sciences, and, above all, the unity of nature
displayed in the constitution of the universe.

In reviewing Humboldt's intercourse with Schiller, man
points of mutual interest might be looked for from the atten-
tion early bestowed by the poet to the study of medicine.
There is, however, but little known of Schiller's achievements in
the medical art, and the little that is known is not much to his
credit, for his practice seems to have been distinguished more
by boldness than by success. Although in the pursuit of
medicine Schiller met with no encouragement and but little
gratification of his natural tastes, yet during his early profes-
sional studies he had devoted himself by preference to the con-
sideration of the severest problems in physiology. When only
eighteen years of age, he selected as a subject for a theme
'The Philosophy of Physiology,' and in contending for his
degree in 1780 he wrote and defended a thesis 'On the Con-
nection between the Animal and Intellectual Nature of Man.'
He ever retained a sympathetic interest in the study of natural
philosophy and physics, and upon taking up his residence at
Jena, was gratified at the prospect of living under the same
roof with Gottling, professor of chemistry, and of assisting him
in his experiments.

This taste for medical science must have been revived and
strengthened by his personal intercourse with Alexander von
Humboldt, who was often his guest for days together. In the

WEIMAR AND JENA. 179

preface to the c Aspects of Nature,' Humboldt remarks : —
' During my long sojourn at Jena, Schiller frequently conversed
with me upon physiological subjects while recalling the medical
studies of his youth, and the experiments upon which I was
then engaged on the effect produced on the muscles and
nerves by contact with chemically different substances often
gave a specific turn to our discourse.'

Freiesleben also refers to many delightful evenings spent
amid the intellectual circle at Schiller's house, when Groethe
and the two Humboldts engaged in interesting converse on
anatomy while discussing their zoological preparations.

Alexander von Humboldt was one of the first to be invited
by Schiller to contribute to his new periodical 'Die Horen,' -\/
and was, indeed, the only natural philosopher whose assistance
was sought by the poet. By a fortunate chance, Humboldt's
answer to Schiller's request has been preserved ; it is dated
from the head-quarters of General von Mollendorf, and is as
follows : —

' Cantonment Quarters, Florsheim : August 6, 1794.

' How can I excuse myself, my honoured friend, for my delay
in replying to your letter ! Never has my vanity, and that of a
noble kind, been so highly flattered as by your invitation to
assist you in the dissemination of philosophical ideas. I have
hitherto pursued my literary course in a manner so isolated
and unobtrusive that I could hardly suppose I had attracted
any attention. How can I then sufficiently value the distinction
of your notice ?

' The rapidity of my movements while travelling with the
minister Von Hardenberg, to whom I am at present bound both
by duty and inclination, prevented me from gratifying my wish
of visiting you at Jena. Just now, my ill-fortune has led me
hither, where I ana engaged in diplomacy — to me an untried
career — and I am obliged for the most part to follow the army

I under the command of the field-marshal. Pray ascribe my
ong silence, as well as the want of connection in this letter, to
ny present unsettled state. I hope soon to regain my freedom,
tfhen I shall devote my energies to the great task I have set
nyself, to the accomplishment of which all my efforts are
jven now directed.
"'

180 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

'Never have my expectations been raised so high by any
literary undertaking as they are by yours, in which, from the
intellectual powers employed, great results may be anticipated.
I am delighted to find that scientific investigation is not to be
excluded from your plan. Res ardua vetustis novitatem dare,
omnibus naturam et naturce suce omnia.1 So long as the
present method of studying botany and natural history con-
tinues to be followed, in which attention is directed only to
the varieties of form, the physiognomy of plants and animals,
whereby the study of characteristic distinctions and the law
of classification is confounded with the true objects of science,
so long must botany, for example, fail to furnish a worthy
subject of speculation to thoughtful men. But you feel with
me that there is something higher yet to be attained, that
there is something even to be regained ; for Aristotle and Pliny,
whose descriptions of nature were addressed to the aesthetic
feelings, and were aimed at the cultivation of a love of ar^,
undoubtedly possessed a wider range of view than the modern
naturalist who contents himself with the mere registration of
nature. The universal harmony of form, the problem as to the
existence of a primeval form of plant which is now developed
in a thousand forms of different gradations, the distribution of
these forms over the surface of the globe ; the causes of the
various emotions of joy and sorrow produced upon the mind by
the varied aspects of the vegetable kingdom ; the contrast to
be observed between the dead immovable mass of rock or the
apparently inorganic stem of a tree and the living garment of
vegetable life by which it is clothed in beauty, just as the
flesh imparts a soft outline to the skeleton ; the history and
geography of plants, or the historical representation of the
general distribution of vegetation over the face of the earth,
a portion of the general history of the world hitherto unin-
vestigated ; the search for the oldest forms of vegetation as
imprinted on their stony sepulchres (fossils, coal, peat, &c.) ;
transformations in the earth's condition gradually fitting it for
the habitation of higher grades of life ; the characteristics of
plants and their migrations, both in groups and individual

1 Plinii Hist. Nat., prssf. sect. 15.

WEIMAR AND JENA. 181

species ; maps showing the plants that have closely followed in the
wake of certain nations ; the general history of agriculture, com-
parisons instituted between cultivated plants and domesticated
animals, and the probable origin of both ; causes of degeneracy,
a catalogue of the plants which adhere most closely to the law
of uniformity, and those which deviate from it most readily, the
degeneracy of cultivated plants, such as the American and
Persian plants, which are wild from the Tagus to the Obi ; the
general confusion produced in the geography of plants by
colonisation — these appear to me to be subjects worthy of
thought, though hitherto for the most part neglected. I am
incessantly engaged on these subjects, but I am too much
distracted by the noise just now about me to explain myself
very systematically. I see that in some instances I have ex-
pressed myself awkwardly, but I trust that on the whole you
will be able to grasp my meaning.1

6 Should I be in a position at any future time to send you,
my much-esteemed friend, some essays on these subjects as
specimens, your approval of them would make me inexpressibly
happy ; but anything I can do will, I fear, contrast unfavourably
with the contributions you will receive from your other coad-
j utors.

' In the mean time farewell, and may you be as happy as the
elevation and purity of your nature is fitted to render you.
Kemember me to your amiable wife, and give my love to my
brother William, to whom I have not written for an age.

' Yours, &c.,

' HUMBOLDT.'

Schiller, delighted at this consent, writes to Korner on
September 12, 1794: — c Jacobi of Diisseldorf has at length
promised to contribute to the " Horen." From Humboldt's
brother (Alexander von Humboldt), Superintendent of Mines
in Prussia, we may expect some excellent treatises on Nature
in her philosophic aspect. He is certainly the most gifted

1 It is very interesting to compare these remarks with the prospectus of
the ' Geographie der Pfianzen ' in Berghaus' ' Hertha/ vol. vii., in ' Geogr.
Zeitung/ pp. 52-60, and in the ' Humholdt-Berghaus Briefwechsel,' vol. i.
p. 63.

182 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

man in Germany in this department of science, and perhaps
even excels his brother in intellectual power — gifted as he un-
doubtedly is.'

From a letter from Humboldt to Pfaff at Helmstadt a few
months later, dated from Goldkronach, in the Fichtelgebirge,
November 12, 1794, we learn that at that time he was very
busily engaged on this branch of botanical science. ' I am at
work,' he writes, ' upon a portion of the world's history that
has been hitherto entirely neglected. The results will be pub-
lished in about twenty years, under the title of " Suggestions
for a future History and Geography of Plants, or an Historical
Account of the gradual Spread of Vegetation over the Earth's
Surface in its connection with Geology." ' From some letters
that passed between Theodore Korner 1 and his father at a subse-
quent date (Dresden, November 22, 1811, and Vienna, January 15,
1812), it appears that Humboldt left at Dresden under the care
of Korner, in the year 1797, a small box containing various
manuscripts and preparations for this work, labelled c Catalecta
Phytologica,' and c Physik der Welt.' Humboldt's contribution
to the ' Horen ' was not, however, on any botanical subject, but
consisted of a physiological treatise upon the chemistry of
life in the form of an allegory.

What is Life— the Principle of Life ?

This perplexing question has resounded as a mysterious
enigma through every succeeding century of the world's history.
Scientific investigators and philosophers, materialists and spi-
ritualists, have in all ages sought by the most varied means to
explain the fact of life. From the restless desire of mankind
to discover the secret conditions of life and contemplate them
in imagination originated the symbolic poetry of the ancients,
the dream of the alchemists in the middle ages, and the theories
and philosophic problems of modern times. The youthful god
of the Greeks, pointing mysteriously with his finger to his lips
closed in silence, the Enormon,2 the Archeus of Van Helmont,
were similar poetic symbols, similar philosophic impersonations
of a power existing independently of matter, to which it is

1 Ad. Wolff, ' Th. Korner's Gesammelte Werke ' (Berlin, G. Mertens),
vol. iv. pp. 206, 220.

2 [The ancient name in physiology for the aura vitalis, or vital principle.]

WEIMAK AND JENA. 183

extraneous, but yet by which it is supposed to be governed.
These phantoms succeeded each other Proteus-like, till the
newer chemistry developed by the discoveries of Gralvani and
Volta gave a fresh direction to the enquiry and seemed to point
to a solution.

In the early vigour of his genius, Humboldt was the first
to take up this question from a chemist's point of view.1 He
had as early as 1793, in his 'Aphorisms from the Chemical
Physiology of Plants,' 2 defined the principle of life as that
' inner ' power which dissolves the bond of chemical affinity
and prevents free combination taking place in organic bodies.
But the mind of Humboldt in these early years was deeply
imbued with the poetic imaginative power of the spirit of Plato,
and stimulated by the charm of the poetic circles of Weimar
and Jena, ' who delighted to adorn the truths of science in the
elegant garb of poetry,' he was incited to symbolise and per-
sonify the problems which science had still left unsolved. He
was thus led to contribute to the 'Horen,' a paper entitled
6 The Principle of Life, or the Grenius of Ehodes.' 3

Two pictures by unknown artists, to give an outline of the
story, are supposed to form the subject of a variety of criticism
in the Hall of Arts at Syracuse. In one of them a group of
youths and maidens are seeking with passionate gestures to
embrace, while above appears an allegorical figure, called the
Grenius of Rhodes — from the pictures coming originally, as it
was thought, from that island — a butterfly on the shoulder,
and holding on high a flaming torch, seeming by a gesture of
command to warn them from a nearer approach. The other
picture represents the same Genius without the butterfly, with
torch extinguished and head hung down, while the youths and
maidens fling themselves below into each other's arms with
every expression of rapturous gratification.

While some of the critics regard the Grenius as the expression
of spiritual love forbidding the indulgence of sensual pleasure,

1 Du Bois-Keymond, ( Untersuchungen liber die thierisclie Elektricitat/
vol. i. p. 75.

2 l Aphorismen aus der chemischen Physiologie der Pflanzen.'

3 l Die Lebenskraft, oder der rhodische Genius.' See Ule, < Die Natur,'
1856 No. 45.

184 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

others recognise it as the symbol of Keason governing Desire.
The hoary-headed philosopher Epicharmus alone sees in the
pictures the image of Life and the image of Death, according
to the teaching of the Pythagorean school of philosophy, and is
represented by Humboldt as instructing his pupils in the
following strain : — ' Here, in the Grenius of Rhodes, in the ex-
pression of his youthful strength, the butterfly upon his shoulder,
the commanding glance of his eye, we recognise the symbol of
the principle of Life as it animates every germ of organic
being. The terrestrial elements at his feet strive eagerly to
follow their own instincts, and mingle with each other. With
authority the Grenius threatens them with his uplifted blazing-
torch, and, unmindful of Nature's rights, constrains them to
'obey his law. There, in the second picture, the butterfly has
disappeared, the torch is extinguished, and the heao^of the
youth is bowed down. The principle of Life is annihilated.
This is the image of Death. The youths and maidens joyfully
clasp each other, the terrestrial elements in their chemical
affinities assert their ancient rule. Loosed from their fetters,
they follow wildly their impulse for assimilation. The day of
death is to them a bridal day, they are united in chemical
affinity.'

Through the philosopher Epicharmus, Humboldt gave ex-
pression to his own thoughts. The narrative was a homage from
the natural philosopher to the poet in accordance with the
scientific views of the time. The origin of this Orphean poem
and its explanation is not to be found in the halls of art at
Ehodes, but in the class-books of physiology and the lecture-
rooms of the medical schools of Humboldt's own time.

But the essay with its deep symbolism was compelled to
yield to the searching investigations of pure science. The
germ of its own destruction was contained within itself, since
it attempted the solution of a problem in science. Such
problems, however, are not solved by the poet, but by the na-
tural philosopher. Would Humboldt succeed, the mere poet
must give place to the investigator of science.

This poetical effusion appeared in the 'Horen' in June 1795,
and on December 14 of the same year Humboldt wrote to
Freiesleben: — ><I have discovered a new definition of the

WEIMAR AND JENA. 185

principle of life which is wholly irrefutable ; I set great store by
it, and think I shall now be able to upset the old definitions.'
These new views rapidly gained in strength. On February 9,
1796, he wrote again to the same friend : — 6 1 expect very soon
to be able to cut the gordian knot of the processes of life. . . .
These are the principles of my new physiology.' In December
of that year he sent to Van Mons a treatise entitled ' Sur le
Procede chimique de la Vitalite,' and in 1797 he made the
following statement in his celebrated work, 'Experiments upon
the Excitability of the Nerves and Muscles ' : — 4 After much
thought and continued study of the laws of physiology and
chemistry, my former belief in any actual principle of life, as it
is called, has been completely shaken. I no longer view that as
an independent power which is perhaps only the joint action
of individual well-known substances and their material forces.
The difficulty of tracing back the phenomena of organic life to
the laws of physics and chemistry lies mainly, as in the case of
predicting the meteorological changes in the atmosphere, in
the fact that the complication of phenomena and the multitude
of forces simultaneously at work are necessary conditions of

activity-' S

Subsequently, however, he also renounced this view: — 'I call
those bodies inorganic in which the particles are commingle^ *\,j
according to the laws of chemical affinity, and those bodies
organic the particles of which, upon forcible separation, change
their form of combination without any alteration in their
external conditions. There is some hidden law, therefore,
controlling all the particles of an organism ; the law is only in
force so long as all the particles are in mutual operation as a
means and an end to the whole. Whether tnis definition may
ever be made available is another question.'1

Thus the dream of symbolic myths and poetic allegories
vanished before the efforts of science to solve the problems of
nature. The province ascribed to the principle of life — to that
' common jade,' as Du Bois-Eeymond terms it — became increas-
ingly circumscribed, till in the present state of science the very
expression has -become distasteful.

1 ' Briefwechsel und Gesprache Alexander von Humboldt's mit einem
juugen Freunde ' (Berlin, 1861), p. 35.

186 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

In the mean time ' the Genius of Ehodes' remains as an
eloquent memorial of the affection which Humboldt bore to
Schiller. It was this feeling that induced him, when at the
zenith of his fame, to republish this youthful production, 'which
Schiller had regarded with favour ' in the latest edition of the
' Aspects of Nature.'

On the whole, however, the allegory could not be considered
as a successful contribution to the ' Horen ; ' the meaning
remained as mystical and as susceptible of a variety of conjec-
tures as the Syracusan pictures themselves were represented to
have been. We have not met with any good critique upon the
work — at least none written at the time ofats appearance. In
the ' Jenaische Allgeineine Literaturzeitung^ for 1796, No. 6,
A. W. Schlegel writes : — ' The narrative contains a striking
allegory upon a subject in natural science which is rarely
expressed in so ingenious a manner, for instruction in morals is
usually loaded with platitudes. The little essay is gracefully
and pleasantly written, and its perusal is calculated to awaken
tender emotions.' William von Humboldt1 was himself even
unable, or else had not sufficient interest in the subject, to
satisfy the enquiries of his correspondent Charlotte by any more
precise explanation of the mystery than to say : — ' The object
of the entire essay is the development of a physiological idea.
It was much more the custom of the time in which it was
written than it now is to clothe serious truths in such a semi-
poetic garb.' Words of warmer praise were written by Grustav
von Brinckmann on June 27, 1795, to Eahel,2 who was then at
Carlsbad : — < Should any numbers of the " Horen " cross your
path in Bohemia, do not omit to read a paper in the last number
entitled " The Principle of Life, or the Grenius of Ehodes." It
is full of deep meaning, and, as it appears to me, is very well
written. And now I may tell you it is by Humboldt ; but by
the first ! — that is to say the second ; for such another man
certainly does not exist. He has written a letter to Herz full
of fixed air, vital force, and nervous fluid, which is quite enough

1 e Briefe an eine Freundin/ vol. ii. p. 39.

2 This letter has never been printed ; a transcript of it communicated by
Varnhagen was found among Humboldt's papers.

WEIMAK AND JENA. 187

to take away one's breath, extinguish the vital force altogether,
and shatter all one's nerves — such learning ! '

Schiller's judgment of the ' Genius of Khodes' was somewhat
unfavourable, and was only incidentally expressed in a few
words in a letter to Goethe1 on the subject of the ' Epigrams,'
in which he says he has been reading a review of the ' Horen '
by Eeichardt in his journal, 'Deutschland,' 'where he had in-
dulged in a frightful amount of license. The essays of Fichte
amd Woltmann are represented as models of composition, and
copious extracts from them are given. The fifth paper, the
worst of all, is described as being the most interesting; Vossen's
poems and the " Genius of Ehodes " by Humboldfc are greatly
extolled along with some other such rubbish.'2 This expression
is all the more remarkable, since Reichardt's criticism was
contained in these few words : — ' Humboldt's essay is a mas-
terpiece of composition.' It may be said that Schiller only
expressed himself in the same excited epigrammatic tone with
which he hurled 'lances into the flesh of his colleague,' and
which caused him to remark concerning this just criticism that
it ' thoroughly exasperated him, since a stupidity was less to be
censured.' But this humour had long passed away when he
gave his opinion of Alexander von Humboldt in a tone of much
greater severity.

During the visit paid by the two Humboldts to Dresden in
the summer of 1797, Korner wrote to Schiller, on July 17, in
the following terms: — 'Alexander von Humboldt excites my
admiration by the zeal with which he devotes himself to his
scientific studies. As a companion William is the more agree-
able, from his good nature and the greater repose of his
temperament ; for there is some degree of irritability and
bitterness about Alexander such as is often to be noticed in
men of great activity. I have become greatly attached to
William, with whom I have many points of sympathy.'

To this Schiller replied on August 6, 1797 : — ' I was glad to
hear that you enjoyed so much your intercourse with (William)
Humboldt. He is pre-eminently formed for conversation. He

1 ' Briefwechsel zwischen Schiller und Goethe/ vol. ii. p. 4.
3 Reichardt, < Deutschland ' (Berlin, 1796), vol. i. pp. 8, 9.

188 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

takes a keen, intelligent interest in the subject under discussion,
r ases every dormant idea, exacts from everyone a careful
precision of expression, guards against one-sidedness of view,
and shows his appreciation of every effort to render the meaning
clear by the remarkable aptitude with which he seizes and
weighs the thoughts expressed. Agreeable as this quality is
to those who have a rich store of thought to communicate,
to him it is almost indispensable to be set in action by some-
-thing from without which shall yield him material upon which
to exercise his intellectual powers ; for he has no originality,
he can only analyse and combine. He is too often deficient in
a passive and unpretending surrender of himself to the subject
under consideration ; he is at once too active and too restlessly
intent on certain conclusions. You know him well, however,
and no doubt sympathise with me in this opinion. ... As to
Alexander, I have not been able to form any satisfactory judg-
ment of him ; I fear, however, notwithstanding his great talents
and restless activity, he will never accomplish anything truly
great in science. A trivial, restless vanity is the 'main-spring
of all his actions. } I have not been able to discover in him a
spark of pure objective interest in outward things ; and, however
strange it may appear, with all the wealth of material that he
possesses, he seems to me to show a poverty of intellect very
disastrous to the subject he handles. His is that keen, cold
reason which would have all nature, which is always incompre-
hensible, and should be in every point reverenced as unfathom-
able, shamelessly exposed to scrutiny ; and with an effrontery I
cannot comprehend he employs his formulae, which are frequently
only mere words and always narrow in conception, as a universal
standard. He seems to me, in short, to possess an organism far
too dense for the object he has in view, and is besides much too
circumscribed in understanding. He has no imagination, and
is therefore deficient, in my opinion, in the very faculty most
necessary for his scientific labours, for the same susceptibility
of temperament is needed for the contemplation of Nature in
her smallest phenomena as in the grandest of her laws. Alex-

1 These words, as well as those in italics in the following page, are
omitted in the published correspondence of Schiller and Korner, and are
here given for the first time as they stand in the original manuscript.

WEIMAR AND JENA. 189

ander imposes upon many people and gains much in comparison
with his brother William ; he has the gift of the gab, and [er
ein Maul hat] can assert his own value. As to absolute worth,
I cannot compare the two, for I consider William so much
the more deserving of esteem.' l

In his next letter, dated August 25, Korner, with characteristic
delicacy of feeling endeavours to justify his friend and mode-
rate Schiller's unfavourable estimate of his character : — ' Your
opinion of Alexander von Humboldt appears to me to be almost
too severe. I have not, indeed, read his work upon the nerves,
and know it only by report ; but granted that he be deficient in
imagination, and so deprived of entering into the fullest sym-
pathy with nature, yet it seems to me he may be able to do
much for science. His endeavour to measure and analyse
everything arises from his acute powers of observation, and no
useful material can be accumulated by the investigator of
nature without this faculty. As a mathematician he is not to
be blamed for applying number and proportion to everything
that comes within the sphere of his operations. By so doing
he seeks to form the various materials scattered through nature
into a harmonious whole, he values the hypotheses which enlarge
his range of view, and is led by them to seek the solution of
fresh problems in nature. That the susceptibility of his cha-
racter is not equal to his energy, I am ready to admit. Men
of this stamp are always too busily occupied in their own
sphere of action to take much notice of what goes on in the
outer world around them. This gives them the appearance of
harshness and heartlessness.' 2

It may appear superfluous after such a justification for us to

1 Seldom has such an erroneous and harsh judgment been pronounced by
one distinguished man upon another equally distinguished, though in a
different sphere. Fichte alone may have experienced something similar
from Goethe when obliged to resign his professorship at Jena in 1799, on
account of his supposed atheistic principles. At that time Goethe wrote
to Schlosser : — ' Fichte's foolish presumption has thrown him out of a mode
of life which he will not be able to find again all the world over. I fear
he ia lost to himself and the world.' And yet the most important and
valuable portion of Fichte's life proved to be the years he subsequently
spent at Berlin !

2 In later years Humboldt thought it necessary to defend himself from

190 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

enter upon any defence of Humboldt, more particularly as
nearly every word of censure from the poet is in fact an ac-
knowledgment of merit in the scientific investigator. But one
is involuntarily led to seek a better grounded explanation of
this severity, and it seems to us to be found in the dissimilarity
of their mental constitution and mode of intellectual develop-
ment. The qualities regarded by Schiller as essential to the
scientific investigator — the faculty of imagination and a sym-
pathetic feeling for nature — were in fact the principles upon
which the new natural philosophy was founded, which shortly
after took its rise in Jena, and was zealously advocated by
Sehelling, Hegel, and Steffens. These ^philosophers were cha-
racterised by intellectual power, depth of feeling, susceptibility
of temperament, and power of imagination. And by this very
school of natural philosophy has it been convincingly demon-
strated that imagination is out of place in the investigation of
nature, that nowhere is intuitive perception, and the indulgence
of fancy more dangerous and mischievous than in the province
of natural science, where the laws of nature in all their precision
and purity must be comprehended and interpreted without a
taint of subjective feeling.

In Schiller's criticism we see the reflection of his own pecu-

accusations of a similar nature. He thus wrote to Pictet on January 3,
1806 :—

' I have been reproached in a matter in which I think you will be able to
justify me. I am often accused of engaging in too many studies at once —
botany, astronomy, comparative anatomy, &c. My reply is, how can a man
be prohibited from desiring to know and comprehend everything that
surrounds him ? It is impossible to be writing at the same time on
chemistry and astronomy, but it is quite possible to carry on at the same
time accurate observations of lunar distances and experiments on the ab-
sorption of gas. To a traveller, a variety of knowledge is indispensable.
Let the small treatises which I have written on various subjects be appealed
to in proof whether I have not shown myself well acquainted with those
subjects, and whether (as for instance in my memoir with Gay-Lussac, and
my work upon the nerves — the result of four years' experiments) I have not
had perseverance in following the same object. And, in order to obtain
comprehensive views and recognise the bond uniting the various phenomena
— a bond to which we give the name of Nature — it is first necessary to
become acquainted with the individual parts before we can unite them
organically under the same point of view. My constant travels have greatly
contributed to expand my interest in a variety of subjects.' (' Le Globe,
Journ. geogr. de la Soc. de Geneve,' 1868, vol. vii. pp. 8, 177.)

WEIMAR AND JENA. 191

liar feelings and of the mode of thought characteristic of a
poet, concerning whom he sings in dithyrambic inspiration : —

His soul by the gods was so gifted with light,

That the world in its clearness lies imaged ;

He beholds in this mirror whate'er has transpired,

And what in the future lies buried ;

He sat with the gods when in council convened,

And witnessed the secrets of Nature unscreened.1

But easy as it may be to the poet to fathom the mysteries of
nature, it is not by any means so easy to the scientific investi-
gator. These are by no means the only verses in Schiller's
poems in which the characteristic tone of his mind found
expression whence we may found an explanation of his judg-
ment of Humboldt. His poetic idealism is more readily
affected by the imaginative contemplation of nature than by the
study of severe science. By the former process, nature seems
to be animated by creative beings, full of grace and beauty,
while science on the contrary scares away these heavenly crea-
tions, disenchants the world, and reduces everything to number
and law, establishes restrictions, and removes all superfluities.
The most pointed expression to this feeling is given in the
poem entitled ' Gotter Griechenlands.'

And yet he failed himself to realise complete satisfaction in
the idealistic views of nature held by the Greeks. At the
close of his treatise « Ueber naive und sentimentale Dichtung,'
he remarks : — ' It cannot fail to excite our wonder that so little
trace is to be found among the Greeks of the sentimental
interest with which we moderns are accustomed to invest
natural scenes and the features of nature. The ancient Greek is
certainly in the highest degree accurate, truthful, and circum-
stantial in his description of nature, but evinces no more heart-
felt emotion than would be called forth by the description of
a garment, a shield, or a piece of armour. Nature seems more

1 Ihm gaben die Gb'tter das reine Gemiith,
Wo die Welt sich, die ewige, spiegelt ;
Er hat alles gesehn, was auf Erden geschieht,
Und was uns die Zulmnft versiegelt ;
Er sass in der G otter uraltestem Rath
Und behorchte der Binge geheimste Saat.'

192 ALEXANDEE VON HUMBOLDT.

to interest his understanding than his moral sense ; she fails to
awaken in him the same fervour and sweet sadness with which
we moderns are inspired.'

It is thus apparent that even when adopting the abstract
form of thought, characteristic of philosophy, in questions re-
lating to the rudiments of beauty, or the laws of morality,
everything beautiful or great still remains to the poet an object
principally for the affections. He is not satisfied merely to see
with the eyes, to hear with the ears, and to think with the
mind ; his heart must overflow with feelings of the purest and
noblest character.

The enthusiastic character of Schiller's love of nature is
apparent in the following lines : —

As with a lover's fervency
Pygmalion once a statue clasped,
Till o'er the marble's icy coldness
The warmth of feeling spread a glow ;
So in the heat of youthful ardour
Nature was held in my embrace,
Till a responsive look of feeling
Was seen reflected in her face.1

This feeling dictated also his exhortation : — c If thou wilt step
out of thine artificial circle to enjoy the contemplation of
Nature, she will appear before thee in her profound peacefulness,
her childlike beauty, innocence, and simplicity ; linger, then,
before that image, cherish the feelings she inspires, for they
are worthy of the most exalted humanity. Eeceive them with-
in thyself, and strive to combine her infinite perfections with
thine own prerogative of immortality, that from the union of
the two divinity may spring.' This passage shows that pro-
portion and number must appear to the poetic mind as the
uninviting skeleton of every creature and every work of art.

* Wie einst mit flehendem Verlangen
Pygmalion den Stein umschloss,
Bis in des Marmors kalte Wangen
Empfindung gliihend sich ergoss ;
So schlang ich mich mit Liebesarmen
Um die Natur, mit Jugendlust,
Bis sie zu athmen, zu erwarmen
Begann an meiner Dichterbrust.'

WEIMAR AND JENA. 193

Mathematics are uncongenial to a poetic mind. As the bee
constructs its cell without knowledge of number or propor-
tion, and leaves it to the mathematician, to demonstrate that
the form it has selected is that most consonant with reason,
and best adapted to the purpose it has in view, so the poet
dictates in lofty inspiration the smoothly-flowing verse, and
leaves it to the philologist to discover the laws of measure and
to form by rule and number the theory of the metre which has
often flowed from him unconsciously.

Even Goethe, who, according to his own admission, valued
mathematics more highly than any other branch of study,
because it could accomplish that which came not within the
province of his art, inveighed against ' the whole physico-
mathematical guild ' in these terms : —

Your sin is not a modern one, forsooth,
To deem that theory may pass for truth ;
And since exactness is the soul of science,
To all who differ you present defiance.1

And in another place in ' Faust ' : —

By that, I know the learned lord you are !
What you don'fc touch is lying leagues afar;
What you don't grasp is wholly lost to you ;
What you don't reckon, think you, can't be true ;
What you don't weigh, it has no weight, alas !
What you don't coin, you're sure it will not pass.2

In Schiller there existed a boundless subjectivity, an ideal
world, in which the facts of experience were thrown aside as
ballast in order that he might, with the wings of a cherub, fly

1 Das ist eine von den alten Siinden,
Sie meinen, Rechnen, das sei Erfinden,
Und weil ihre Wissenschaft exact,
So sei keiner von ihnen vertrackt.'

' Daran erkenn' ich den gelehrten Herrn !
Was ihr nicht tastet, steht euch meilenfern ;
Was ihr nicht fasst, das fehlt euch ganz und gar ;
Was ihr nicht rechnet, glaubt ihr, sei nicht wahr ;
Was ihr nicht wagt, hat fur euch kein Gewicht ;
Was ihr nicht miinzt, das meint ihr, gelte nicht.'
VOL. I. O

194 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

towards that light in which the actual was merged in the
ideal. Thus it was that, amid the realities by which he was
surrounded, he never met with anything that accorded com-
pletely with his ideal.

Imperious truth impedes free thought,

Deprives the mind of liberty,
Destroys whate'er's by fancy wrought,

And rends the veil of poetry.1

This subjective disposition of mind, greatly intensified by
the influence of Kant's philosophy, regarded everything — nature,
history, and physical enjoyment — only as mental impressions.
' Nature only charms and delights us by that with which we have
ourselves invested her. The grace in which she clothes her-
self is but the reflection of the inner grace in the soul of the
beholder, and in our magnanimity we kiss the mirror in which
we have been surprised by the sight of our own image.'

If in the constitution of Schiller's mind we have found the
clue to his censure of Humboldt's method of scientific investi-
gation, there appears to have been also a special and immediate
cause for this strange severity. This lay in the fact that a
few weeks previously Humboldt had been working at Jena
on his 'Experiments upon the Excitability of the Fibres of
the Nerves and Muscles,' in which he completely set aside
the explanation of vital force given in the ' Grenius of Ehodes,'
thus considerably weakening the confidence hitherto reposed
in his scientific investigations (see above pp. 184, 185).

About this time, on April 18, 1797, Humboldt thus wrote
to Freiesleben during a flying visit to Groethe at Weimar : — c I
have been living since the 1st of March at Jena, entirely among
my books, and occupied with chemical experiments and ana-
tomy. I have actually returned to my old student-life, for
my sphere is limited and exclusively restricted to my own
pursuits. As I am industriously preparing myself for a voyage
to the West Indies, and intend to devote myself there prin-

1 * Die Wirklichkeit mit ihren Schranken

Umlagert den gebundenen Geist,
Sie stiirzt die Schopfung der Gedanken,
Der Dichtung schoner Flor zerreisst.'

WEIMAR AND JENA. 195

cipally to living organisms, I am now mainly directing my
attention to anatomy. I am receiving a course of private in-
struction from Loder, and devote two hours a day to making
anatomical preparations, so that I spend daily from six to seven
hours upon this subject. The remainder of my leisure I
employ on a great physiological work on the ' Excitability of
the Muscles,' of which the first volume, consisting of thirty-
two sheets, is to appear at Easter, while the second volume is
already in the press. I am gratified by finding many at Jena
engaged in successfully prosecuting my experiments upon ex-
citing vital energy by chemical means, and on increasing or
diminishing the powers of susceptibility. The conviction is
spreading that these experiments may some time lay the foun-
dation of a practical art of healing, and that I may thus be-
come the originator of a new science — that of vital chemistry.'
In the new work above alluded to, Humboldt, by the em-
ployment of letters after the manner of algebraic formulae,
expressed the various combinations produced by different me-
tallic conductors and the interposition of liquids. He laid
great stress upon this use of signs or formulae, and remarks : 1— -
' It would be impossible, either by the most careful perusal of
my work or the attentive examination of the tables, to gain a
comprehensive view of so complete an array of facts. It
seemed to me, therefore, important to devise a method by
which this want might be remedied. The convenience afforded
in mathematics of being able to represent a variety of propo-
sitions by a few analytical signs, led me to try by similar means
to express the changes in the galvanic apparatus where the
substances usually fall in a chainlike arrangement.' He ac-
cordingly denoted all metallic and carbonaceous substances
possessing power to set up a phlogistic process by the letter P,
and homogeneous metals — two bars of gold, for instance — by
PP, heterogeneous metals, such as gold and zinc, by Pp, and
moist conductors by Hh (humida). The formula

PpP

denotes, therefore, that a heterogeneous metal or piece of
carbon is in combination with two homogeneous metals ;

1 l Versuche iiber die gereizte Muskel- und Nervenfaser/ vol. i. p. 99.

o 2

196 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

PpPp

shows that four metallic or carbonaceous substances form the
alternate links of an endless chain ;

Nerv. PH Pp HP

indicates that two points of a nerve" are placed in connection
by a chain in which moist substances alternate with various
metals, only one of which is heterogeneous.

To these formulae he adds the signs + and — , by which to
express the commencement or discontinuance of the muscular
action, and, further, the signs — >- and -<— , to distinguish between
the positive and negative phenomena.

It is exceedingly probable that it was these very c formulae '
which proved so offensive to the 'sentimental interest,' the
4 heartfelt emotion,' the ' moral sense,' the ' fervour,' the ' sweet
sadness,' characterising the mind of Schiller, and which came
before him just at the time when he had been confessing con-
cerning himself: 'I am willing to admit that I judge too
hastily,' while on the other hand Humboldt might well have
been impatient of such ' sloppiness of feeling.' 1

There could hardly have been devised a more fortunate
method for arranging facts and impressing them upon the
memory than such a system of formulas, and in geology Hum-
boldt also employed the symbolic language of algebra side by
side with the pictorial configurations that were of universal
comprehension. And, need any further remark be made in
favour of their practical utility, an additional instance may
be adduced in the boundary lines of Flora and Fauna, and
the graphic representation of the thermometric, barometric,
and magnetic conditions now of universal use even in school-
books.

Upon the value and necessity of studying science in a
severely empiric manner, especially from the stand-point he
then occupied, Humboldt often expressed himself in the most

1 ' Schiller's judgment of Humboldt,' remarks Palleske, in his 'Life of
Schiller,' 'was mainly grounded upon his work on the muscles' — adding
the startling conclusion : ' in which I have been assured by competent
judges not a spark of the great mind is visible which has rendered immortal
the compiler of " Cosmos." J

WEIMAK AND JENA. 197

decided manner. He followed Bacon's precept, which he often
called to mind during the undertakings he was at that time
engaged upon — that nature should first be observed, and as
many of her phenomena as possible collated. His method
consisted in ' assembling mere facts, and never admitting any-
thing which lay beyond the boundary of actual experience.'

6 Facts,' he writes to Blumenbach, in the year 1795, 'facts
remain ever the same, when the hastily-erected edifice of
theory has long since fallen in ruins. I have always kept my
facts distinct from my conjectures. This method of dealing
with the phenomena of nature appears to me to be the one
best grounded, and the most likely to succeed.' He gives ex-
pression to the same sentiments in a letter to Pictet of Geneva,
dated from Bayreuth, January 24, 1796 : — ' I have been drawing
up a scheme for a universal science ; but the more I feel its
need, the more I perceive how slight the foundations yet are

for so vast an edifice I shall confine myself, however,

to giving you the facts that have hitherto escaped the notice
of men of science. For in every branch of physical knowledge
there is nothing stable and certain but facts. Theories are
as variable as the opinions that give them birth. They are
the meteors of the moral world, rarely productive of good,
and more often hurtful to the intellectual progress of man-
kind.' l

It is remarkable that, at the very time that Schiller was
pronouncing his severe judgment upon Humboldt, Fourcroy,
the physicist of Paris, was giving expression to a not less severe
criticism upon opposite grounds, namely, that he experimented
too little and built too much upon the experiments he made.
Almost at the same time that Schiller wrote his criticism,
Fourcroy, in alluding to the epistolary treatise ' Sur le Precede
chimique de la Vitalite,' which Humboldt had addressed to
Van Mons at Brussels in December 1796, remarked : — c I think
Herr Humboldt is a little rash in his conclusions ; it seems to
me he will be obliged to abandon some of his views. I fear that
he admits too many hypotheses, and does not repeat an experi-
ment sufficiently often before basing a theory upon it.'

1 Millin, 'Magaz. encyclop./ vol. vi. p. 462 5 reprinted in De la Bo-
quette, f Humboldt, Correspondance, etc./ vol. i. p, 4,

198 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

If we turn now from Schiller's judgment of Humboldt's
scientific investigations to his remarks upon his personal cha-
racter, we shall find that on this subject his views are more in
accordance with general testimony.

We have already seen in p. 47 that ' vanity and a love of
approbation ' had been early pointed out by William von
Humboldt as the chief failings in his brother's character.
Freiesleben expressed himself in a still more pointed manner
in a letter to Humboldt from Marienburg on December 23,
1796 : — ' Now, my dear friend, I venture in the strictest confi-
dence, and in dependence on your generosity of feeling, to write
a few words which you must destroy as soon as you have read
them, and which I shall forget that I have ever penned as soon
as I have committed them to paper ; — in speaking of your dis-
coveries, let it be with that cautious reserve and quiet modest
seriousness for which you used to be distinguished. I know I
shall appear to be wanting in delicacy in presuming to make
you this request, yet I feel it to be a duty ; since it has come to
my knowledge that in some of your letters, as well as in con-
versation in certain scientific circles, upon the subject of your
physiological discoveries — in which you may perhaps have
expressed yourself with some vivacity while entering enthusi-
astically into the defence of acute but paradoxical hypotheses —
you have given occasion to some erroneous judgments, to which
you are the more exposed from the envy you have excited among
the learned — a feeling that is increasing from day to day.
Pray do not seek any further particulars as to the facts which
ha\e prompted me to make this communication, which may
perhaps seem to you rather abrupt, but which is dictated by
true-hearted interest in yourself; the knowledge could do no
good, and might lead to bitterness of feeling. In you these
remarks can produce no irritation ; for blame of this character,
which is directed only against the acuteness of your penetration,
would be to others a subject of envy.'

Humboldt's reply is dated from Bayreuth, February 26, 1797 :
— c For your beautiful and accurate experiments I thank you
much, but for your brotherly counsel concerning myself and
the impression I produce upon others, I would repay you, my
dear Karl, with the tenderest regard of my thankful heart. You
are quite right, and your counsel shall not be lost.'

WEIMAR AND JENA. 199

Humboldt, in fact, was quite aware himself that he was not
free from vanity. He begins his letter to Schiller with the
expression that his ' vanity was highly flattered.' He repeatedly
acknowledges his ' vanity as an author ' to Von Schuckmann,
afterwards minister, his coadjutor in Franconia, and in a letter
dated Jena, May 14, 1797, he speaks of his industry in a
manner interesting to notice from its accordance with Schiller's
criticism written about the same time.

' You know,' he writes to this friend, ' my busy idleness, this
perpetual activity which leads me to begin so much without
bringing anything to a conclusion. I have never been so
pressed with work, so industrious, so variously occupied, as I
am here. ... I am really quite busy with acquiring informa-
tion, and with arranging what I have already acquired. I must
work with immense assiduity in order to carry out the scheme
that I have planned for myself ; therefore do not be surprised,
if you are always hearing of my commencing some new work.
The fact is I cannot exist without making experiments, but
this is not the sole object of my labours.'

There is also abundant evidence that Humboldt, when occa-
sion served, ' could assert his own value.' To Fourcroy's censure,
already alluded to, he replied : — ' My early youth was devoted
to the study of botany and geology. I have always been
occupied with the direct contemplation of nature. Everyone
about me knows that I am unceasingly occupied with che-
mical experiments. I have lately been experimenting on
mephitic exhalations, in which my health has been subjected to
some risk. Surely this is not the mode of life of a man whose
only object is to increase the number of brilliant hypotheses.'

He always took pleasure, however, in giving an account of
his labours, for, as he wrote to Wattenbach (see p. 114), cto blow
one's own trumpet is part of an author's trade.' But in all such
expressions there lies the most graceful irony. <Nos poma
natamus ! ' was often his concluding word when informing
friends of the importance of his labours. He called the
prospectus of his American travels a ' carte de restaurateur,'
and jokingly remarked to Pictet: — ;I think, therefore, the char-
latanry of literature will thus be combined with utility.' l Even

1 < Le Globe/ voL vii. p. 162.

\ 200 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

in his youth Humboldt was too really great to be vain in the
ordinary sense of the word. Where he appears vain, and where
he himself confesses to vanity, he employs the word only as a
means to indicate the importance of the subject upon which he
is engaged.

In later years Schiller referred to many of his early expres-
sions of opinion with almost a feeling of horror. Among them
must, without doubt, be classed his censure of Alexander von
Humboldt. He lived to see the universal homage paid to
Humboldt on his return from America, on August 3, 1804.
The friendship existing between them to the death of Schiller,
the high esteem which Humboldt during his long life ever
cherished for the man of genius so early separated from him, the
friendly interest he manifested towards Schiller's family, were
never interrupted by the slightest veil of misunderstanding, not
even when Schiller's severe judgment was brought under his
notice at the time that the correspondence between Schiller
and Korner was preparing for the press. He used to term hasty
judgments of this nature, into which he was himself frequently
betrayed through the excitement of feeling, ' momentary ebul-
litions.' The same feeling that led Korner, upon the rumour of
Humboldt's appointment as President of the Berlin Academy in
September 1804, to at once anticipate that such a step would
be productive of advantage to Schiller, likewise instigated
Schiller's sister-in-law, Caroline von Wolzogen, to cherish till
her latest hour the valued letters of Alexander von Humboldt
as one of her greatest treasures.

Let us now consider the attitude assumed by Humboldt, the
scientific investigator, towards the modern school of philosophy
emanating from Jena.

Humboldt had been educated in the liberal school of philo-
sophy rendered so popular by Mendelssohn and Engel, side
by side with the severe rules of thought and perception
inculcated by Kant. The fundamental separation now recog-
nised between philosophy and science was not then acknow-
ledged. The object of Kant's philosophy was not to increase
knowledge by the exercise of pure reason, for its chief propo-
sition was that all knowledge of truth must be learnt by
experience; its aim was only to test the accuracy of our

WEIMAR AND JENA. 201

knowledge, and investigate the sources whence it was ob-
tained.

Fichte, who occupied a professor's chair at Jena from 1794
until the controversy concerning his atheistical views compelled
his retirement in 1798, much as he was opposed to the intuitive
method of contemplating nature, stood in no direct opposi-
tion to science; on the contrary, his representation of the
process of thought has been found to agree precisely with the
conclusions since arrived at by physiology through the study of
the brain and the facts of experience.

It was in 1798 that Schelling became professor at the Uni-
versity of Jena.1 In his ' System of Transcendental Idealism '
he gave an outline of the principles of his new scheme of
natural philosophy : — ' The necessary tendency of science is to
rise from the study of Nature to that of Mind. To this alone
is to be ascribed the endeavour to bring theory to bear upon
the phenomena of nature. The most complete theory of nature
would be that which had power to resolve all nature into one
intelligence. The inanimate and unconscious products of
nature are only her unsuccessful efforts to reflect herself,
but nature, though called inanimate, is in reality an im-
mature intelligence, therefore, yet unconscious in her phe-
nomena, through which there nevertheless shines a character
of intelligence. Nature has only fulfilled her highest aim of
reproducing herself in her last and most perfect reflection —
Man, or in other terms Eeason, in which Nature for the first
time reverts to her primeval form, and thus reveals herself to
have been originally identical with that which is within us —
intelligence or consciousness. If the aim of all philosophy
must either be to show that an intelligence is derived from
nature, or that nature is derived from an intelligence, then
transcendental philosophy, which undertakes the latter task,
must necessarily assume the first proposition as the ground of
its philosophy.'

.,

1 His ' Ideen zu einer Philosophic der Natur ' was published in 1797.
was succeeded in 1798 by t Die Weltseele, eine Hypothese der hohern
ysik ; ' in 1799 there followed the ' Erster Entwurf eines Systems der

Naturphilosophie,' and in 1800 the 'System des transcendentalen Ideal-

ismus.'

202 ALEXANDER VON HUMEOLDT.

The transcendental idealism of this new natural philosophy
did much towards restricting the rough empiricism of that age,
and training the scientific investigator to close thought. The
dissensions between theory and experiment seemed even advan-
tageous to progress, and called forth Schiller's invocation to the

Scientific Investigators and Transcendental Philosophers.

Union is premature. For if truth you would secure,
Every searcher must divide, seeking truth on every side.1

Even after Humboldt's return from America, philosophy and
science were still in a position to expect mutual assistance ; thus,
too, Schelling wrote to Humboldt from Wiirzburg in January
1805:2—

.... 'I venture to address you on the subject of natural
philosophy, since I have been assured that this new school of
philosophy, which has again laid hold upon her ancient posses-
sion, nature, has already excited your attention. Great excep-
tion has been taken to it in Grermany, where there is always so
much opposition to everything that is new. It has first been
misunderstood, then misrepresented, and the strongest preju-
dice against it entertained. Natural philosophy has been
represented as despising experiment, and rejecting its employ-
ment at the very time when individual investigators were
conducting their experiments under the guidance of philo-
sophical ideas. None of the scientific investigators of Grermany
have as yet fully grasped this philosophy before giving forth
their judgment upon it. At most have they raised doubts
against certain points, perhaps on just grounds; but this could
not affect the theory as a whole, since it lies upon a deeper
foundation.

6 If a man of your genius, early imbued with the spirit of
the ancients, and possessed of a depth and variety of infor-

' Naturforscher und Transcendentalphilosophen.

' Feindschaft sei zwischen euch ! Noch kommt das Biindniss zu friihe.
Wenn ihr im Suchen euch trennt, wird erst die Wahrheit erkannt.'

2 * Aus Schelling's Leben. In Briefen ' (Leipzig, 1870), vol. ii. pp. 47-50.

WEIMAR AND JENA. 203

mation including, were such a thing possible, the whole
range of modern science, whose knowledge is not confined
merely to the present generation and its immediate predecessor,
but extends also to the past century, so important in the
world's history — if a genius of such universality would put this
new theory to the proof, how soon might its fate be de-
cided, and how greatly would this further the development of
thought I

6 Reason and experience can never be more than apparently
opposed, and I have therefore a firm conviction that you
will not fail to notice the most surprising agreement between
theory and experiment in many points of the new philosophy.
Your mind has in an empirical age so daringly overstepped
the boundaries prescribed to physics, that you must be already
acquainted with the bold views of the present theory. If,
true to your character of an empirical scientific investi-
gator, you have, with the exercise of a prudential reserve,
admitted only such ideas into your works as are confirmed by
experience, you will not on this account deem them of less
value because they have received through philosophy the sanc-
tion of reason.' . . .

To this Humboldt replied in a letter dated Paris, February
1, 1805:—

. . . . ' You will doubtless have heard from Herr W. how
desirous I am to adopt all that is great and beautiful in the
new system of philosophy which you have been propounding
during the last few years. What, in truth, could have more
completely roused my attention than such a revolution occur-
ring in the study of those sciences to the pursuit of which my
whole life is devoted ? After being absent from Europe for six
years, without books, and closely occupied with nature, my
mind has been kept more free from prejudice than was possible
to most physicists, who, through the deleterious effects produced
by literary disputes, have become more attached to their former
interpretations of nature than to the object of their study —
nature herself. No ! I regard the revolution which you have
produced in science as one of the happiest events of these
impetuous times.

204 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

6 Wavering between the theory of chemical action and that
of violent eruption, I have always suspected that something
higher and better was to be attained, to which the origin of
everything could be traced, and for this higher primeval cause
we are indebted to your discoveries.

' Do not however let it distress you that these discoveries, like
everything else meant for the well-being of the world, should
act with some people like a poison. Philosophy can never
prove a hindrance to the advance of empirical science. On the
contrary, she traces every new discovery back to fundamental
principles, and thus lays the foundation for fresh discoveries.
Should there arise a class of men who regard it as more
convenient to work out chemistry in their heads, rather than
soil their hands in "its pursuit, this cannot be considered as
your fault, and certainly not that of the scheme of your
philosophy. Ought we to decry mathematical analysis, because
our millers are able to construct more efficient machinery than
any that a mathematician could devise ? For this mathematics
are not to blame, but rather their hasty unphilosophical ap-
plication where the necessary link is wanting. I have thus
given you, my excellent friend, a candid explanation. Though
habitually contemplating nature in her external aspect, there
is no one possessed of greater admiration than myself for
.the creations educed from the depth and fulness of human
thought.' . . .

In the year 1807 Humboldt thus gave public expression to
his sentiments : l — ' Not wholly unacquainted with Schelling's
system, I am far from believing that the pure study of natural
philosophy can be injurious to empirical investigation, or that
the investigator and the philosopher should necessarily be
opposed. Few physicists have more loudly complained than I
have against the unsatisfactory nature of the theories hitherto
advanced and against the terms employed ; few have so
distinctly expressed their disbelief in the specific differences
of the so-called elements.2 Who has more reason, therefore, to
advocate a system which, while undermining the atomic theory
on the one hand, and on the other far removed from the one-

1 Preface to the * Ideen eiuer Geographic der Pflanzen,' p. 5.

2 ' Versuche iiber die gereizte Muskel- und Nervenfaser/ vol. i. pp. 367,
422 , vol. ii. pp. 34, 40.

WEIMAR AND JENA. 205

sided system formerly adopted, by me, in which all differences
in matter were ascribed merely to the different arrange-
ment of particles, endeavours to throw light upon the inex-
plicable phenomena of organic life, heat, magnetism, and
electricity ? '

When on the death of Fichte, in 1814, Schelling in Southern
Grermany and Hegel in Northern Grermany assumed the lead in
the world of science, it was expected that philosophy would be
able by means of pure reason and abstract ideas to attain those
results which formerly had only been reached by aid of experi-
ment. She gave to abstract thought a position she^denied
to the sober empirical labours of the scientific investigator.
According to her rules, nothing was to be left unexplained,
ignorance was never to be acknowledged ; and often a complete
want of comprehension was veiled by a superfluity of words,
though these might be entirely irrelevant to the subject. In
this way there arose a system of chemistry in which no hands
need be soiled, and a system of astronomy in which neither
measurements nor calculations were required. Even men of
distinguished merit and acute powers of observation, such as
Nees of Esenbeck, Oken, Dollinger, Walther, Schubert, Carus,
&c., were carried away by this delusion ; while the men of true
science, Blumenbach, Sommering, Meckel, Treviranus, Pfaff, and
Erman, were left to pursue their investigations in solitude. It
was not within the power of Humboldt to stem this desolating
torrent. This deplorable epoch was termed by him a 'mad
saturnalia,' the ' bed en masque of natural philosophy run
mad.' l

Humboldt was on terms of intimate friendship with the
Grand Duke Karl August. The prince had been an industrious
student of the various sciences of chemistry, botany, mineralogy,
zoology, and meteorology, while of anatomy, according to the
somewhat too flattering testimony of Walther the anatomist, 6 he
had attained a deeper insight than his instructor, Professor
Loder.' 2 ' Science,' writes Karl August to Knebel, 3 ' is so
human, so true, that I feel inclined to congratulate anyone who
has become even partially engaged in its pursuit. It has been

1 A. von Humboldt, ' Briefe an Varnbagen/ p. 90.

2 Wagner, ' Leben Sommering's,' vol. ii. p. 46.

3 Knebel'a * Literariscber Nacblass/ vol. i. p. 143.

206 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

rendered so accessible, that even indolent persons may now find
inducement to become its votaries. By its means truth may be
so easily attained that the love of the unreal is subdued. The
teachings and demonstrations of science are so conclusive that
by their light the most mysterious and incomprehensible
phenomena of nature are seen to take place in the most regular
order, and entirely without the influence of the supernatural ;
this must at length effect a cure in those poor ignorant mortals
who thirst after the mystery of extraordinary manifestations,
by showing them that the extraordinary is after all so ordinary,
the inexplicable so easy of explanation. I pray daily to my
good genius to be preserved from every other form of doctrine
or method of observation, and to be always kept in that un-
obtrusive path that leads to truth.'

The love of scientific investigation animating alike Karl
August and Humboldt originated in a similar temperament and
constitution of mind. One instance of their sympathy on these
subjects will suffice.

In the momentous year of 1808 Humboldt dedicated, as is
well known, his ' Aspects of Nature ' to ' those oppressed spirits
who, glad to escape from the stormy waves of life,' are willing
to follow him through the dense glades of primeval forests,
across immeasurable plains and over the rugged heights of the
Andes.

In equal need of such a refuge, Karl August sought and
found this peace of mind in the study of botany. When Eohr, the
court chaplain, once expressed to the prince his astonishment at
the extensive knowledge he displayed on the subject, the prince
replied : — ' I can easily give you the explanation, my dear Rohr.
When in the year 1806 our country was overwhelmed with mis-
fortune, and I saw around me so much falsehood, treason, and
deception, my faith in man was destroyed. In my despair the
only thing that sustained me was my inextinguishable love of
nature. Disgusted with mankind, I turned to the study of
plants, and made flowers my companions, and the flowers have
never deceived me ! '

Humboldt was, in fact, early honoured by the prince's confi-
dence, and indeed to such a degree that upon his recommenda-
tion in 1797, Scherer was summoned to Weimar as Counsellor

WEIMAE AND JENA. 207

of Mines, and afterwards sent to England to acquire a more
extensive knowledge of technical chemistry.

At Weimar Humboldt was always the welcome guest of the
prince, and his chosen companion during the prince's visits to
the court of Berlin. It was therefore a source of mutual gra-
tification that Karl August passed his last days at the court of
Berlin in almost constant companionship with Humboldt. ' Even
here in Berlin,' writes Humboldt to the chancellor Miiller,1 c he
wishes to have me constantly with him. I never saw this great
and benevolent prince more animated, with a clearer intellect
or occupied more tenderly and earnestly on the improvement of
his people, than during the last few days of his life that he
spent here. I often remarked to my friends with anxiety and
foreboding that this activity of mind, this mysterious clear-
ness of perception, accompanied with such complete physical
prostration, was to my mind a very alarming symptom. As for
himself, he seemed to vibrate between the hope of recovery and
the anticipation of his end. The day before his death, I sat
with him on the sofa for several hours alone at Potsdam. He
drank and slept alternately, got up to write to his consort,
and then fell again into a doze. He was cheerful, but very
exhausted. In the intervals he plied me with questions on many
of the unsolved problems in physics, astronomy, meteorology,
and geology — upon the transparency of a comet's nucleus, the
existence of a lunar atmosphere, the colours of the double stars,
the influence of the solar spots upon the temperature, the
evidence of organic life having existed in the primeval world,
and the internal heat of the earth. He then touched in a
desultory manner on religious subjects. He bemoaned the
spread of pietism, and the connection between this fanaticism
and the political tendency to absolutism and the suppres-
sion of all free thought. "Then arise false fellows," he ex-
claimed, " who fancy that they will thereby gain the favour of
princes, and so win for themselves decorations and places of
honour. They have insinuated themselves into favour by a
professed predilection for the poetry of the middle ages." He
dozed repeatedly during our conversation, and was often very

1 Eckermann, ( Gesprache,' vol. iii. p. 258.

208 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

restless, apologising for his apparent inattention by remarking,
in a kind and friendly tone : " You see, Humboldt, it is nearly
over with me." '

On the following day the near approach of death was manifest.
The prince died on his journey home at Graditz, near Torgau,
in the buildings connected with the establishment for rearing
horses, on June 14, 1828, in the seventy-first year of his age.

Jena and Weimar were ever associated by Humboldt, during
the whole of his long life, with the most grateful and elevating
reminiscences. In 1836 he read before the scientific society of
Jena one of the early chapters of ' Cosmos,' ' On the Variety of
Enjoyment afforded by the Contemplation of Nature and the
Study of her Laws,' and c On two Ascents of Chiraborazo.' Even
in his eighty-ninth year he thus expresses himself : — ' Jena, which
I visited at the height of her intellectual glory, for the purpose
of preparing myself by the study of practical anatomy for my
proposed expedition to America, and which under the rule of
beneficent princes continues to play an important part in the free
thought of Germany, has ever remained as a bright spot in my
memory amid the crowded recollections of a life extended beyond
the ordinary limits.' He regretted that, owing to the rapid in-
crease of bodily weakness, he was prevented from attending the
celebration, in 1858, of the Jubilee of the University c to which
he felt attracted by the most agreeable and soul-stirring re-
membrances and the most heartfelt feelings of gratitude.'

The autograph letter of the Grand Duke Karl Alexander to
Humboldt1 on August 7, 1857, inviting him to the ceremony
of laying the foundation stone of the monument to his grand-
father, Karl August, and the unveiling of the statues of Goethe,
Schiller, and Wieland, contains the following passage : — c You
are so inseparably connected with all that is great and noble
in our country, so intimately associated with the period of
which these names speak so proudly, that I cannot think of
engaging in this festival without you?

This will suffice to show the living ties that bound Alexander
von Humboldt to the circle of intellectual heroes by whom the
classic literature of Germany was founded.

1 Among the papers left by Alexander von Humboldt.

„

WEIMAR AND JENA. 209

In one of the apartments of the palace at Weimar, called
the Poet's Chamber, is preserved a magnificent album, conse-
crated in 1849 by the Princess Augusta, now Empress of
Grermany and Queen of Prussia, to the memory of that brilliant
epoch. Alexander von Humboldt there recorded his impres-
sions in the following words : —

4 As in nature life passes by turns through the phases of
luxuriant growth and restricted development, so the intellec-
tual life of man passes through similar alternations. At times
the intellectual giants upon whom will be directed the admira-
tion of posterity stand as it were in isolation, at other times
they appear grouped together, mutually heightening the bene-
ficent effect of their influence.

' The cause of this unequal distribution of intellectual power
and of this simultaneous outgrowth of intelligence, appears to
lie almost beyond the reach of investigation. By the careless
multitude it is viewed as a matter of chance, but may it not
rather be regarded as closely allied to that phenomenon visible
in the vault of heaven, where the stars of brightest lustre
are seen to shine either in isolated glory scattered like the
isles of Sporades in an immeasurable sea, or else in beautiful
constellations, whence the thoughtful mind is led in contem-
plation to deduce the eternal plan on which the universe is
framed, though as yet the laws by which it is controlled lie
undiscovered ?

'Though the simultaneous appearance of master minds
cannot be ascribed to any earthly power, its cause may yet be
found in the union and combined action of hidden forces. A
noble spectacle is afforded when a race of princes illustrious for
generations have been imbued with the elevating thought of
securing by such an assemblage of men of genius, not merely
the glory of their court or the pleasures of social life, but,
through the inspiring influence of mutual association, of stimu-
lating to higher flights of genius each of the distinguished
minds thus gathered in concert.

' To the memory of such an influence directed towards the
evation and extension of the free range of thought, the ex-
pression of tender sentiment, and the enlargement of the
powers of language (one of the products of intelligence upon

VOL. i. p

210 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

which is imprinted the character of a people, the wants of an
age, and the colouring of individual feeling), these pages are
thoughtfully dedicated. They commemorate, in conformity
with the artistic decorations of the surrounding walls, a brilliant
epoch in the intellectual life of the Grerman people.'

And in this brilliant epoch the name of Humboldt also
shines in double glory.

THWAETED PLANS. 211

CHAPTER V.

THWAETED PLANS, AND THEIR ULTIMATE
ACCOMPLISHMENT.

State of Prussia in 1797 — Visit to Jena — Dresden — Vienna — Salzburg —
Paris— Journey to Marseilles— Marseilles and Toulon — Wanderings in
Spain — Madrid — Corunna.

FOR some years prior to the death of Frau von Humboldt, the
evils resulting from the misgovernment of the Prussian , States
had been gradually approaching a climax. In the political
coalition against France, the country had been sold for the
sake of the subsidy alternately to England and Austria, and with-
out keeping faith with either, the money thus acquired had
been lavishly spent. By the treaty of Basle the limits of
France had been extended as far as the Ehine, while the parti-
tion of Poland had brought the boundaries of Eussia to the
banks of the Vistula. Hedged in between the two, Prussia
rushed on without restraint towards the catastrophe of Jena.

While the perpetual need of money produced severity, in-
justice, and selfishness in the home government, the rich
possessions acquired by the secularisation of church property
in Westphalia, the annexation of Franconia, and the confisca-
tions in the recently annexed Polish provinces, were wasted on
the most unworthy creatures of the Government. Notwith-
standing the severity of discipline, the State officials had become
contaminated by the evils of foreign administration, while a
succession of inglorious wars had completely demoralised the
army. Under theological despotism, the poisonous weeds of
official piety and hypocrisy grew rampant, and the heads of
orthodoxy, by means of lawsuits and the censorship of the press,
checked the expression of opinion and hunted down every

p 2

212 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

appearance of heresy. The compilers of the great legislative work
— the common law of Prussia — Klein, Carmer, Cocceji, stood iso-
lated beside the administration of such men as Groerne, Hoym,
Struensee ; the theory of law and justice was powerless against
the corrupt practices of the officers of the crown. Notwith-
standing the principles of justice recognised by the State, the
burdens of feudalism, the privileges of the nobility, and the
distinctions of rank remained undisturbed.

Such a condition of things produced in manners and in
literature a frivolous scepticism, which reached its climax in
Schlegel's ' Lucinde,' a mere glorification of passion, in which
love and marriage are regarded as synonymous.

The better part of the community viewed these proceedings
with grief and horror. To Humboldt the society in Berlin of
every grade had long been in the highest degree distasteful.
As early as 1795 he — the young mining official, the court-bred
son of a royal chamberlain — gave open expression to the senti-
ment,1 ' that court life robs even the most intellectual of their
genius and their freedom.' Even at that time the Berlin
Eoyal Academy of Science well deserved the appellation he
gave it somewhat later of ' a lazar-house,' ' a hospital in which
the sick sleep more soundly than those in health.' 2 At the
time when he was investigating the processes of life and the
principles of a practical art of healing with untiring energy
and self-sacrifice, quacks, charlatans, adepts, and magnetisers
were carrying on their deceptive quackeries in the royal sick-
chamber in the marble palace at Potsdam by the aid of mag-
netic passes from the hands of women, by kittens, and the
entrails of unborn calves.

What was there, then, in Berlin to detain Humboldt in such
a home after the death of his mother ?

After a short stay at Berlin, whither he had been summoned
by family affairs, Humboldt returned to Bayreuth to wind up
his official engagements in Franconia, and by March 1 we find
him at Jena with his brother, who had likewise been seized
with so strong a propensity for roving, that he had confided

1 In the < Genius of Khodes.'

2 De la Koquette, < Humboldt, Correspondance, etc./ vol. i. p. 184.
(< Le Globe, Journ. geogr. etc.' p. 179.)

THWAKTED PLANS. 213

his intention to Schiller of ' never having a fixed residence,
but only residing at Jena in the intervals of travel.' By the
arrival of Haften at Jena the circle of intimate friends was
rendered complete.

Of the unceasing occupation of Humboldt at this time,
ample details have been given in the foregoing pages. It was
during this period that the brothers were thrown in close
personal intercourse with Groethe, who joined the friendly circle
at Jena towards the end of February, and remained there till
the beginning of April, occupied in the completion of his epic
poem ' Hermann und Dorothea.' On his return home Goethe
was accompanied by William von Humboldt, who delivered
at Weimar ' an exhaustive criticism on the prosody ' of the new
poem, and availed himself of the opportunity afforded him by
this visit to select suitable works in preparation for his journey
to Italy.

It was during this visit to Jena, on May 14, 1797, that
Alexander von Humboldt wrote the letter to Schuckmann from
which copious extracts have already been given ; the letter is of
extraordinary length — ' a letter like a newspaper ' — in which
he narrates his discoveries and discusses his plans for the
future. He then proceeds : — ' After the 1 st of June I intend
to pass some weeks at Dresden, where I am anxious, under the
superintendence of Kohler, to acquire some proficiency in the
vise of my large sextant of fourteen inches ; thence I hope
to visit Freiberg, to gain some information from Werner
" about the origin of volcanoes." I expect to be in Venice
early in September, and shall probably pass the winter at
Naples.' . . .

He writes further, that at Jena there is great intellectual j
languor among the professors, but much activity of mindY
among the students, with whom, therefore, he lived almost]
entirely. Though Loder was not possessed of much mental
power, he yet taught the principles of mechanics well. The
day previously a labouring man and his wife had been killed
by a flash of lightning. He had himself dissected the body
of the man, and learnt from this experiment what power-
ful conductors of electricity the bones are. The back of the
skull was perforated by the lightning as by shot, and in less

214 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

than twelve hours after death decomposition had set in. At
the close of his letter he remarks : —

6 Groethe is almost always here ; he has just completed his
grand epic poem " Hermann und Dorothea." It is one of
the most beautiful poems he has written, and proves him to
be still in the freshness of youth. The entire composition of
this masterpiece occupied only six weeks. He is already en-
gaged upon another work. You will be surprised to see in
" Hermann " how a simple story of common life may be succes-
fully treated in a truly Homeric spirit. Schiller is still busily
occupied on his tragedy " Wallenstein." My brother William
has finished several of the choruses from the tragic poets,
besides the whole of the " Agamemnon " of ^Eschylus : the
latter will soon be published. Thus, my dear friend, you see
that everything here is prospering. I shall leave Jena with
regret: where shall I again meet with such a circle of friends?'

Humboldt's next plan was to accompany the whole family
and Haften to Italy, travelling by way of Dresden and
Vienna. Alexander von Humboldt was exceedingly anxious
to study while in Italy the phenomena of volcanoes, and he
intended after a sojourn there to proceed alone through Egypt
to Asia. Probably the travellers would already have left Jena
but for the protracted illness of the wife of William von Hum-
boldt, whose health had never been quite re-established since
the birth of her second son, Theodore, in January, added to
which, William von Humboldt and the children were also
prostrated by an attack of ague, so that almost the entire
household were laid aside. ' And yet,' writes Schiller to Groethe
on April 14, ' they are still always talking of the approaching
great journey.'

In concluding the history of this period we may again allude
to Humboldt's epistolary treatise ' Sur le Procede chimique de
la Vitalite,' addressed to Van Mons, which, as previously stated
in p. 197, called forth from the physicist Fourcroy a severe
criticism, though of an entirely opposite character to the one
expressed by Schiller — a criticism however which, after a long
correspondence not entirely free from asperity, was considerably
softened by the following explanation offered by Fourcroy : —

6 Your discoveries in galvanism are the result of researches

THWAKTED PLANS. 215

instituted with too much accuracy, and give promise of exerting
too great an influence upon animal physics for me to have given
expression to such an opinion. It could not therefore have been
your labours, which I hold in the highest esteem, and which I
contemplate with renewed pleasure every day, to which I
alluded in my letter to citizen Van Mons. Pray rest assured
that I value the indefatigable investigators of nature too
highly as the true interpreters of her mysteries, as, in a word,
the true physicists, among whom your name is already so
distinguished, ever to have thought of calumniating your
efforts, damping your ardour, or confounding you with the
dangerous inventors of hypotheses.'

In the beginning of June we find the entire Humboldt
family established at Dresden, in company with Von Haften
and Fischer ; the latter of whom had, in the meanwhile, taken
his degree as Doctor of Medicine. Here William von Hum-
boldt, through his intercourse with Korner, the friend of
Schiller, was introduced into the congenial society of Count
von Kessler, the Prussian ambassador, and of Adelung, the
librarian and distinguished philologist, while Alexander, who
had recently become possessed of a sextant by Hadley, was
familiarising himself, with the assistance of Ko'hler, curator of
the Philosophical Museum, in the use of astronomical and
meteorological instruments, and those employed in geodesy and
hypsometry. The fifth volume of his ' Journal ' contains whole
pages of figures, the results of the observations which he
carried on in and around Dresden, Pillnitz, Konigstein, Toplitz,
and Prague, and in letters from Salzburg he mentions Ko'hler
in grateful terms as his teacher and friend.1

This sojourn at Dresden proved of the highest value to
Humboldt in preparation for his subsequent travels, since
here was preserved the extensive collection of Spanish and
American minerals in the possession of Baron von Rackwitz,
which he studied with much interest. It was probably through
the acquaintances he made while at Dresden that he was after-
wards able to secure the interest of Baron von Forell, ambas-
sador from Saxony at the Spanish court, in furtherance of his
expedition to America.

1 ( Allgemeine geographische Epheraeriden,' vol. ii. p. 267.

216 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

In a fragment of a letter written by Humboldt from Dresden
to his friend Freiesleben, announcing an intended visit to
Freiberg, we see the complete reflection of his tone of mind at
this period, which is all the more interesting from the picture
it affords of his inner life, in the disclosure of the various plans,
thoughts, and hopes, with which his mind was then occupied.
6 All the inanimate objects surrounding Freiberg,' he writes to
his friend, ' without excepting even the stage over the " Ascen-
sion," possess a deep interest for me ; yet in the thought of
seeing them all again I have a painful feeling that I shall look
upon them from another point of view, and thus be deprived
of those bright images that now stand associated with those
happy days spent among the mines. Five years ago I was met
at every turn by joyous, friendly faces, and it was a pleasant
feeling to be everywhere so greeted ; but now it will be alto-
gether a new world, while to the old one I have become so
changed, so absorbed by other thoughts and habits, that I am
now quite a stranger.' In commenting upon this letter Freies-
leben remarks that notwithstanding these gloomy anticipations
the emotion experienced by Humboldt on the occasion of his
visit was characterised by a tone of joyous excitement.

Humboldt greatly enjoyed the refreshment of the social
intercourse afforded him at the house of Korner, the friend of
Schiller, and amid the family circle of Neumann, Secretary at
War ; in both houses he was a constant and ever welcome guest.
At the court, too, both William and Alexander von Humboldt
were received with marks of distinguished favour.

An important business occupying their attention during
this residence at Dresden was the division of the property
they inherited from their mother — a transaction conducted
for them with characteristic care by their faithful friend
Kunth. It may be well, perhaps, to take this opportunity
of correcting the misapprehension hitherto prevalent with
regard to the estate of Ringenwalde, which has been re-
presented as one of the possessions of the family of Colomb,
sold by Alexander von Humboldt, while in America in 1802, to
defray the expenses of his travels. It has been proved, however,
by documentary evidence, that in the sixteenth century, Ein-
genwalde was in the possession of the family of Schonebeck,

THWABTED PLANS. 217

and was sold by the last representative of that family, in 1763,
to Captain von Hollwede, through whose widow, Elizabeth von
Colomb, it passed into the hands of her second husband, Alex-
ander George von Humboldt, the father of the two brothers.
Major von Humboldt died in 1779, and was interred atRmgen-
walde, but his remains were afterwards removed to Falkenberg ;
the estate was sold by his heirs as early as 1793, for 72,000
thalers, of which sum 45,000 thalers remained as a secret
mortgage upon the estate until 1803. On the division of the
property after the death of their mother in 1796, all claim upon
this mortgage was relinquished by his brother William and his
step-brother 'Captain von Hollwede in favour of Alexander von
Humboldt, who shortly after endeavoured, without success, to
realise this property in preparation for his extensive travels.

In addition to the 45,000 thalers from the estate at Eingen-
walde, Alexander von Humboldt inherited a mortgage upon the
property at Tegel of 8,000 thalers, besides various investments
and ready money, which brought up his inheritance to the sum
of 91,475 thalers 4 groschen. After deducting the sum of
6,100 thalers in payment of some debts, he remarks in his
journal, while still at Dresden : — c The whole of my property
this June 16, 1797, amounts to the sum of 85,375 thalers 4
groschen, from which the yearly income will average 3,476
thalers.'1

This sojourn in Dresden, prolonged on account of the in-
creased illness of his sister-in-law through a relapse of fever,
occasioned a postponement of all their plans. ' It is likely to
prove an agreeable journey,' writes Schiller to Goethe on June
30, ' when before starting they must have already exceeded their
time I '

At length they were able to leave Dresden towards the end
of July, 1797. ' The Humboldts are gone,' Schiller writes to
Goethe on July 30, 'and have left you their heartiest greeting.'
It was at this period that the correspondence between Korner
and Schiller, quoted in pp. 187-189, took place relative to
the characters of William and Alexander von Humboldt.

The sympathy of their friends followed the travellers in their

1 [In English money, reckoning the thaler at 2s. lid., this amounted to
12;450/., and his income to 506/.]

218 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLBT.

journey through Prague and Vienna. In the capital of Austria
they found much to amuse and interest them during the first
part of their stay, for while William spent his days with Bast, a
young philologist, in poring over the manuscript treasures of
the Imperial Library, Alexander became engrossed in the study
of botany, availing himself of the valuable herbarium and
collection of rare plants in the Imperial Gardens at Schon-
brunn, placed at his disposal through the kindness of Jacquin
and Van der Schott.

Some letters written by Alexander at this time contain
some humorous descriptions of the intellectual society of
Vienna.

To Freiesleben he writes, in a letter which bears no date, but
is evidently the first addressed from the Austrian capital : —
'Though in the midst of Vienna, I am living in complete
solitude, for I am working very hard and not wholly without
success. The second part of my book (" Experiments in Gal-
vanism ") is now nearly completed, and my other works will soon
be ready. The journey here from Prague was somewhat weari-
some. The southern part of Bohemia is just as flat and unin-
teresting as those northern districts which I visited with you
are beautiful and romantic. Or did the journey here seem only
dull to me because you were not by my side ? Buch writes me
word that he " is going to Italy to cast off his outer garments,
and clothe himself in ether." (He may manage thus to look
quite handsome.) He neither says when he goes, nor where I
should be likely to meet him.

4 Not only is my new book much read here, but also my
former works. At Schonbrunn they make use with advantage
of oxygenised muriatic acid. I have seen trees grown from
seed twenty-four years old. Otherwise everything here is. ...
They know nothing about the magnet, and young Jacquin, to
whom I was speaking of it, had not even the curiosity to wish
to see a specimen.

' My " Subterranean Gases " reached me here at Vienna, my
dear Karl, at my present address — first floor of No. 1224,
Karntnerstrasse.1 I shall certainly remain here till October 4.

1 Reference is here made to the manuscript of his work ' On Subterranean
Gases/ which had been sent to Freiesleben to revise. Upon receiving the

THWAKTED PLANS. 219

Whether I go hence to Italy is still uncertain, partly because
there is now a prohibition against anyone leaving Vienna,
partly because Italy itself is in a state of commotion. The
winter, Haften's children — all create some amount of anxiety.
It is most probable that my brother will not visit Eome either,
but will go direct to Paris. He intends to remain eighteen
months in France before visiting Italy. I shall most likely
pass the autumn and winter in Switzerland, either at Zurich or
Geneva, and proceed to Italy in April by way of the Tyrol. I
shall thus gain sufficient leisure to complete several of my new
undertakings, and I shall hope during the autumn and winter
(when I must, without fail, revisit the St. Grothard) to gain
valuable material for my book upon the atmosphere.

6 Young Bothlingk has arrived here and is quite determined
now to go with me to the West Indies. We think of com-
mencing our journey by Spain, and thence to Teneriffe. He
has an income of 40,000 roubles.'

To Professor Loder,1 at Jena, Humboldt writes more in
detail : — 4 1 spent a glorious time at Vienna. I passed several
weeks at Schonbrunn, and though tl^e claims of social life and
the friendship accorded me by Count Sauzau(?) (a sort of

work again into his possession, Humboldt writes : — ' I could scarcely recog-
nise my work. You have taken more trouble with it than the thing- is
worth, not only in arranging the old materials, but in adding new matter.
It will now be an easy task for me to make a book out of it, and I should
certainly dedicate it to you if your assistance in its preparation were not so
widely known, and if I had not determined to dedicate to you my " Geology,"
a much more important work.'

1 Loder had sent Humboldt a pecuniary acknowledgment for an article
' On the Employment of Galvanism in Medical Practice,' which he had
contributed to the 'Journal fur Chirurgie, Geburtshiilfe und gerichtliche
Arzneikunde/ vol. i. pp. 441-71, and this was apparently the occasion of
Humboldt's letter. The letter begins : — * You send me a pecuniary acknow-
ledgment for a few pages, to which you have accorded an honourable place
in your journal. Your liberality is equal to that of Herr Gotta when one
dances with one of his Hours j only your Hours can carry on the dance
much longer than his, for they frequently show signs of fatigue. Fifteen
thalers fifteen groschen for those few pages ! Well, this is the first money I
have ever received from a periodical; and you, my dear friend, have with
this unprecedented generosity raised for yourself an imperishable memorial
in my gratitude which enables me to esteem it a great pleasure to receive
this gift from you.'

220 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

prime minister, and only thirty-four years of age !) drew me
into the wide circle of ordinary society, I have yet had leisure
to enjoy familiar intercourse with Franck and Jacquin, and to
avail myself of the public institutions. For many weeks I have
visited the clinical hospital, merely for the purpose of becoming
better acquainted with the elder Franck (Johann Peter), and I
freely confess that I have seldom been more deeply impressed
by anyone. What clearness of thought, what powers of per-
ception, what solidity side by side with the most vivid
flashes of genius ! Of the unlimited use of sthenical 1 treat-
ment at this hospital, which is raising such an outcry in
Vienna, I have seen nothing. Franck has been attending my
sister-in-law, and has treated her case, even though there is
unmistakeable evidence of debility (from too great a flow of
milk), according to the old system — a course which would
certainly have been approved by you, my dear friend, and by
Hufeland. What has particularly charmed me in Franck is
that with all the peculiarities of a man of eminence he is yet
so simple in his domestic habits. Up till eleven o'clock he is
engaged at the hospital, from eleven till two he drives about to
his patients, from three till five, while reclining on his couch,
(after the manner of Tissot), he receives visits from patients,
princes as well as ladies, and in the evening from five till ten he
again visits professionally. He conducts his correspondence at
night and of a morning before seven o'clock. There is certainly
no need for me to vaunt such activity to you, who already set
such an example of indefatigable industry. It is therefore only
possible to enjoy social intercourse with Franck during the
intervals between his numerous engagements ; but in these
leisure moments he is always collected in mind and ready for
conversation on physiology or natural science. But this will
suffice for a description of one with whom perhaps you are
personally acquainted.

' There is still another name I must mention to you, that of
Professor Porth, who is without exception the most genial man
in Vienna. As he resides near the Botanic Gardens, I was able
to visit him very frequently, in his one room, in which he lives

1 [Sthenic, a term employed in the Brunonian system of medicine, which
was then exciting much attention in Germany.]

THWARTED PLANS. 221

surrounded by a heterogeneous collection of foreign plants and
animals, statues, dried specimens, and coins. Indolence and
wealth have alone prevented him from attaining great cele-
brity, for no one has ever so nearly approached Lieberkiihn in
his successful method of making anatomical preparations by
injections. What a collection he has of them ! — all hidden away
in dusty cases, so protected in order that the delicate prepara-
tions intended for the microscope, and the drawings, which are
executed in a masterly style, should be kept free from injury.
" Je ne pense plus a ces balourdises," remarked the old hospi-
taller ; " ne les louez pas, cela n'en vaut pas la peine." It is a
great misfortune that the old man is so rich (he possesses
between 200,000 and 300,000 florins, for with all my efforts
I could not induce him to part with even a shred of prepared
cuticle. There is no one in Vienna so well acquainted
as he is with modern chemistry and the latest discoveries
in physiology. Everything around him bears the impress of
his peculiarities. Thus he wears a waistcoat provided with
sleeves and terminating in breeches and stockings, and looks as
if in a sentry-box. He eats only once a day, and that at ten
o'clock at night, in order, as he says, not to carry food about in
the body, which is very fatiguing and burdensome. Almost the
only society he has now is that of my young friend Van der
Schott, Director of the Botanic Gardens of Vienna. One of his
treasures is an antique statue of one of the sons of Niobe,
for which he paid 15,000 florins. It stands in the same
corner of the room in which he carries on his chemical experi-
ments, and where chickens are being hatched. He is now
contriving a hat for his own wear, which upon pulling a string
will expand into an umbrella three feet in diameter. In short,
it is impossible to find united in one person more genius,
learning, and practical ingenuity than he exhibits, combined
with which is an amount of eccentricity bordering upon mad-
ness. He has been compared with Beireis, but unjustly so,
since he is wholly devoid of charlatanry, is a great lover of
truth, and is very modest. Among the poor he often operates
for cataract, and that without assistance.'

William von Humboldt and his family, accompanied by
Burgsdorf and the sculptor Dyk, left Vienna on October 11, and,

222 ALEXANDEE VON HUMBOLDT.

passing through Munich, Schaffhausen, Zurich, and Basle,
were to reach Paris by November 26. The project enter-
tained by Alexander of going to Switzerland with Haften to
await the restoration of tranquillity in Italy was somewhat
interfered with by the arrival of Leopold von Buch at Vienna.

The description given by Humboldt in a letter to Freiesleben
of the appearance and manners of this distinguished geologist
is quite a gem in its way, and remained a true picture of his
peculiarities even in later years. ' I was heartily glad to see
him,' he writes ; 6 he is an excellent man and most genial, and
has observed a great deal and with extreme care : in appearance,
however, he looks as if he had come from the moon. It seems
to me as if his having been alone on the journey had been still
further prejudicial to him. I took him round with me to see
some friends, but the visits were not generally successful. After
the first visit he would, as a rule, put on his spectacles and
become entirely absorbed in the examination of some cracks in
the glazed stove at the farthest corner of the room, or else he
would glide round the room like a hedgehog, examining the
shelves against the walls. He is notwithstanding extremely
interesting and amiable, a perfect treasury of knowledge, from
whom I shall gain much that is valuable. He stays here a
fortnight before proceeding to Ischl and Salzburg, where he
intends to spend a few weeks with me, and is to start for Italy
in the winter by way of the Tyrol.'

In the same letter Humboldt makes the following communi-
cation : — * I have great hopes (but this is a secret), indeed
almost amounting to certainty, of being able to secure a most
advantageous travelling companion in the person of Van der
Schott, a truly excellent young man, of most estimable cha-
racter, and possessing great botanical knowledge. He is director
of the Botanic Gardens here, and has received permission from
the emperor to travel : I intend to attach myself to the expe-
dition, so pray congratulate me on my good fortune. We must,
however, first catch our hare.'

Since Bonaparte's campaign in Italy had, for the time, com-
pletely closed every prospect of accomplishing a scientific
journey through that country, Humboldt made arrangements
with Buch to pass the winter at Salzburg, in order to institute

THWAETED PLANS. 223

with him some meteorological observations both there and at
Berchtesgaden. They set out by way of Steiermark early in
October 1797.

These remarkable men were alike distinguished for their
talent and zeal for science ; they equally enjoyed a position of
independence, and were free to follow the bent of their genius ;
and both had devoted themselves to the same studies in which
even their earliest efforts had produced works of intrinsic
value.

Buch published the results of his own labours during this
expedition in a complete form in his ' Greognostische Beobach-
tungen auf Reisen,' but Humboldt, pressed with preparations
for more important enterprises, merely recorded his results in the
course of his widely extended correspondence. Some results of
Humboldt's labours are also to be found in Buch's work, which
could hardly fail to be the case in an undertaking carried on
conjointly ; a great number of measurements for determining
the height of various places between Salzburg aud Aussee
constituted a part of these labours, besides some general
meteorological observations, and various experiments with the
eudiometer for testing the purity of the air. The value of
these labours was enhanced by the circumstance ' that it would
not again be easy to combine a place so favourable for observa-
tion with observers so eminently accurate and so great a
variety of experiments.'

Some letters written by Humboldt during his stay at Salz-
burg to Von Zach, director of the Observatory at Seeberg, near
Gotha, were published in the c Greographische Ephemeriden.' In
January, 1798, he writes i1 —

'You wish that I should pay some attention to the geo-
graphical determination of certain places, and you urge it
upon me with so much warmth and energy that I am com-
pelled to yield to the force of your eloquence. ... I have
started on my journey and have reached Salzburg, where I am
awaiting a change in the affairs of Italy. In the meantime I
am occupying myself in determining the latitude of this town.
I employ a 12-inch sextant by Wright, which is unfortunately

Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden/ vol. i. p. 357.

224 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

extremely heavy for use ; it does good work, but observing
with it is exceedingly laborious.

' I remain here till the beginning of April. The proximity
of the Alps, among which I frequently make excursions not-
withstanding the winter, the complete solitude I can command
for the prosecution of my studies, and the free use of the ex-
cellent library of Baron von Moll, all contribute to render my
stay here very enjoyable. I intend shortly to publish my " In-
vestigations on the Atmosphere during the Winter of 1798,"
which I think have been carried on with a chemical accuracy
only to be attained by one who has, like myself, been living
out of doors both day and night, and could test the air at all
hours.'

He relates, further, that he and Buch had determined the
height of the Greisberg to be 2,972 feet 6 inches above the
level of their apartments, and expressed an intention of insti-
tuting upon that mountain some observations upon refraction.
Unfavourable weather had prevented the observation of an
eclipse of the moon on December 4, as well as the occultation
of a star on February 28 ; he had however succeeded in deter-
mining the latitude and the variation of the magnetic needle,
and had instituted some trigonometrical observations for the
construction of maps of greater accuracy ; he was also engaged
in investigating the delicate chemical changes occurring in the
atmosphere for the purpose of noting the phenomena of refrac-
tion, and to this end undertook a daily register of the density,
temperature, and humidity of the air, as well as of the amount
of electricity, oxygen, and carbonic acid present in the atmo-
sphere. In a letter dated Berchtesgaden, April 17,1 he thus
refers among other subjects to these labours : — ' When you
reflect how far removed this work is from the ordinary range
of my chemical and physiological observations, I shall hope to
find in you a lenient judge. Do not suppose, however, that,
trusting to this forbearance on your part, I shall send you any
hasty or uncertain observations. No ; I am seeking to deter-
mine only a few points, but these I am anxious to ascertain
with all the accuracy of which I with my heavy 12-inch sextant
am capable. There is no one spot in the whole of the southern

1 ' Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden/ vol. ii. p. 165.

THWARTED PLANS. 225

part of Bavaria, the place of which has been determined by
astronomical observation ; therefore the maps are in error in
every direction to the amount of from 5' to 6'. By sextant
observations of polar stars, I have satisfactorily obtained the
latitude of Salzburg, Berchtesgaden, and Eeichenhall.' . . .

In November 1797, Humboldt had received a proposal from
an English nobleman to accompany him in an expedition to
Upper Egypt. This was no other than Lord Bristol, Bishop of
Derry, who, notwithstanding his high position in the Church, was
a bold free-thinker and a votary of pleasure; in the enjoyment
of an income of 60,000£. a year, he held a conspicuous place in
the fashionable world, and was an enthusiastic patron of the fine
arts.1 He had visited Greece and the coast of Illyria, and had
spent manv years in Italy, where at Rome he had made the
acquaintance of the archaeologist Hirt, subsequently court
counsellor at Berlin. Strange to say, in the party selected for
this expedition to Egypt, which was equipped with every ap-
pliance for securing an amount of comfort truly princelike,
besides Humboldt, Hirt, and Savary, the well-known traveller
who had spent eight years in Egypt, two ladies were to be
included, the Countess Dennis and the Countess Lichtenau.2

1 This eccentric bishop called forth some severe criticisms from Goethe.
See ' Sammtliche Werke ' (8vo.), vol. xxi. p. 367.

2 In the letter of invitation addressed to Hirt, under date Triest, there
occurs the following passage : — l We shall have two large spronari with both
oars and sails. La Dennis and M. le Professeur Hirt are to accompany
the dear Countess in her boat. M. Savary, the author of the charming
letters upon Egypt, will be with me in mine. I intend to take with me two
or three artists, not only for the ruins and the grand points of view, but also
for the costumes, so that nothing shall be wanting to render the journey
agreeable.

' Dear Hirt ! will not this be an expedition worthy of your profound know-
ledge and your indefatigable industry ? What splendid drawings may we
not expect from our artists ! — what a magnificent work will not our united
efforts furnish for publication ! '

In a similar strain Lord Bristol raved in the letters he addressed to his
cheve amie et adorable Comtesse de Lichtenau : — ' Jamais un voyage ne sera
plus complet tant pour I'ame que pour le corps.' Indeed his gallantry
carried him so far as to lead him to remark with a play upon the words :
( Quant aux femmes, il faut que vous passiez pour la mienne, et que pour
n'etre pas violee, vous soyez voilee, et alors votre personne est plus sacre'e que
la mienne.'

YOL. I. Q

ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

It must however be expressly stated here, that the invitations
to Hirt and to the Countess Lichtenau to join the expedition
had been given as early as March 1797, and that in the mean
time, in consequence of the death of King Frederick William
II., on November 16, 1797, the circumstances of the countess
had become so altered that it was no longer possible for her to
join the party. Humboldt seems to have been fully aware of
the peculiarities of Lord Bristol's character. He often spoke of
him as c the mad old lord,' and wrote of him to Pictet in the
following terms : — c You might possibly think the society of the
noble lord objectionable ; he is eccentric in the highest degree.
I have only once seen him, and that was during one of the
expeditions he used to make on horseback between Pyrmont
and Naples. I was aware that it is not easy to live at peace
with him. But as I travel at my own expense I preserve my
independence, and do not risk anything ; I can leave him at any
time if he should oppose me too much. Besides, he is a man
of genius, and it would have been a pity to have lost so excel-
lent an opportunity. I might do something in meteorology.
However, I must beg of you not to mention the expedition to
anyone.' 1

Although Humboldt's most cherished hopes had ever been
directed towards a scientific exploration of regions within the
tropics, he was yet willing, since Vesuvius and Etna were no
longer to be reached, to embrace the opportunity now afforded
him of visiting a country which had played so leading a part
in the history of the world's civilisation. He accepted the
proposal under the express condition that he should be at
liberty on returning to Alexandria to pursue the journey alone
through Syria and Palestine.

In prospect of this expedition, he devoted himself with
diligence to those studies which would best prepare him for
the full appreciation of such a tour — studies which afterwards
proved of great value to him in the comparisons he was led to
institute between the monuments of antiquity of the Old World
in Egypt and those of the New World to be found in Peru
and Mexico.

1 Le Globe, Journ. geogr.' vol. vii. pp. 153; 185.

THWARTED PLANS. 227

The preparations for the journey were soon so far completed
that on April 22, 1798, Humboldt left Berchtesgaden by way of
Strasburg for Paris, in order that he might provide himself
with good instruments and take leave of his brother and his
family.

A few days before leaving Salzburg, he thus writes to
Freiesleben : —

6 . . . . Lord Bristol, an old English nobleman, with an
income of 60,000£. a year, (half mad and half a genius), who
travelled in Greece with Fortis, sent me an invitation to meet
him at Naples and join him in an expedition up the Nile. He
was to start in August and sail in his own yacht with an armed
crew, with artists, sculptors, &c., and with a kitchen and well-
provided cellar. He was to go as far as Syene in Upper Egypt.
I was to be free of expense throughout. In the spring of 1799,
we were to return by way of Constantinople and Vienna. Such
a proposition was not to be declined. I promised to go with
him, and had arranged to leave Paris by the end of June, in
order to meet him at Naples by the 1st of August. It is
now, however, rumoured everywhere that the French are going
to take possession of Egypt. If so, Bristol as an Englishman
will not be allowed to enter the country, and whether it will be
safe for me to go or not I can only learn in Paris, whither I set
out to-morrow. Thus our most cherished plans are scattered
to the winds ! I am nevertheless not without hope of accom-
plishing somehow this visit to Egypt. If peace be maintained
between France and Turkey, I shall go alone, setting out from
Marseilles. I count much upon the trip, as I have cherished
the hope for so long, and it will be such an excellent way of
employing the time I now have at my disposal.'

Of the various labours he was then engaged upon he gives
the following account : — c Here, where I intended to remain
scarcely two months, I have now spent five in the deep re-
tirement of a hermit's solitude, engaged upon various experi-
ments with more devoted industry and with more successful
results than ever. In Zach's " Ephemeriden " you will see
some notice of my astronomical work, such as the determination
of latitudes, trigonometrical measures of the Alpine ranges, &c.
The second part of my labours was completed in February, and

Q 2

228 ALEXANDEE VON HUMBOLDT.

comprised a geological treatise for Moll's " Jahrbiicher," on the
hardening of rocks, which I am having printed off separately, an
introduction to Ingenhous's treatise on manures, besides various
papers on chemical experiments. The paper on subterranean
gases will be finished while I am at Paris ; I have been able to
make several additions to it during my sojourn here. I have
remained in this neighbourhood longer than I intended, for
the purpose of completing a series of eudiometric observa-
tions at Berchtesgaden, Aussee, and Salzburg. The chemical part
of these investigations is beginning to assume an entirely new
aspect. I have collected a great mass of new facts, and I am
now working uninterruptedly in arranging them ; for in visiting
the mines in this district my love for practical mining has been
quite reawakened.'

The last letter from Salzburg is dated April 19, 1798, and is
addressed to Eichstadt, court counsellor at Jena, the editor of
the ' Jenaer allgemeine Literaturzeitung.' It runs as follows:—

6 On the eve of starting for Paris to join my brother, allow
me to recall myself once more to your remembrance. I have
spent nearly five months here in a most busy solitude, though
my plans have been so unsettled that sometimes twice in a
week I have been on the point of starting for Italy. Political
affairs, however, have now assumed such an aspect that it has
become impossible to cross the Alps. I am therefore thinking
of spending part of the summer in Paris ; and since this un-
fortunate war has rendered the seas too unsafe for me to
prosecute my intended voyage to the West Indies, I propose to
pass the winter in the East. No sooner are my preparations
for this eastern expedition completed, than rumours reach me on
all sides of a campaign in Egypt, which will have the effect
either of greatly facilitating or of entirely defeating my object.
I am willing, however, to believe that the events now transpir-
ing will ultimately be of service to science, but for myself, I
am so hampered in all my projects that I daily feel inclined to
wish I had lived either forty years earlier or forty years later. A
dull uniformity, so detrimental to moral improvement, will, I
fear, spread itself over the whole earth, and nations whose physical
and moral position call for very different forms of government
will all be compelled to submit to the one model- — a Directory

THWABTED PLANS. 229

and two Councils ; but insurrection will be just as rife under a
republican despotism as under ecclesiastical rule. There is only i
one advantage to be gathered from the present state of things, )
and that is the extermination of the feudal system and of all the
aristocratic privileges which have so long pressed upon the
poorer and more intellectual classes of mankind — an advantage
which T am happy to think will still remain, should monarchical
institutions again return to be as prevalent as republicanism
seems likely to be now. Amid the various emotions, mostly of
a melancholy character, which have been excited within me by
the events of the closing century, I have, I believe, continued
faithfully to prosecute the aims I have had in view. I have
never laboured with such persistent industry, nor been more
successful in my experiments. For the space of five months I
have daily observed the state of the atmosphere, and I hope to
work out the results of these very troublesome investigations in
Paris before I start on my voyage. You may perhaps have
seen in Zach's journal that I have been able to determine
astronomically the position of several places in this neighbour-
hood, which I accomplished by means of the sextant with
which in former days you used to observe in your gay and
beautiful garden.

6 Pray do me the favour to insert the enclosed notice in the
" Intelligenzblatt." l I hope it may prove the means of re-
lieving me from much troublesome correspondence. I cannot
possibly travel all over Germany to teach every unskilful pair of
hands how to perform my experiments.' . . .

William von Humboldt, who, as we have seen, had preceded
his brother to Paris, had soon learned to regard it as a home,
and was on terms of friendly intercourse with various dis-
tinguished votaries of science and art. A new social existence l
had sprung up with the new phase in political life, and scientific)
circles had gradually resumed that position in society which/

1 Several physicists had complained to him that they could not succeed
with his experiments. ' It seems a strange requirement to expect to be able
to produce in a few days, or it may be hours, all the phenomena which
another has only succeeded in accomplishing after five years' hard work and
the observation of several hundred cases.' The ' Notice ' is printed in the
'.Jen. allg. Literaturztg., Intelligenzblatt/ 1798, No. 79, col. 670.

230 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

tas their due. Humboldt's house, presided over by his amiable
ad talented wife, became, as she described it, *a point de
ralliement for all the Germans of any note then in Paris,
among whom may be enumerated that eccentric nobleman
Count Schlabrendorf, Grustav von Brinckmann and William von
Burgsdorf, friends they had known at Jena and Berlin, the
youthful poet Ludwig Tieck, and Schick. To this circle were
also gathered the following distinguished Frenchmen : — Vil-
loisin, Corai, St.-Croix, Du Theil, Chardon de la Kochette, and
the artists David and Forestier.1 In addition to this brilliant
home circle Humboldt enjoyed the entree of the most dis-
tinguished houses in Paris, where he was ever received as a
welcome guest. The society he frequented with most pleasure
was that assembling at the house of Millin, editor of the
' Magazin encyclopedique,' at whose receptions,2 held every
septidi, he met a circle of eminent and distinguished men,
among whom the arrival of Alexander von Humboldt had been
eagerly anticipated.

Before, however, Alexander could reach Paris, Bonaparte's
expedition to Egypt, the preparations for which had been con-
ducted with unusual secresy, had been publicly announced. In
a letter to Yon Zach,3 Lalande writes, towards the end of April,
1798 : — < igo persons have been appointed to this great scientific
. expedition. I have myself selected three astronomers, Nouet,
Quenet, and Mechain, notwithstanding his youth, and if needful
I can find yet other three. Burckhardt has also received a
proposal to join the expedition, but he remains with us, as he
cannot well be spared.'

With greater detail, but in equal uncertainty as to the object
and destination of the undertaking, Burckhardt 4 writes from
Paris on April 30, 1798 : — ' The expedition about which I lately
wrote is still a profound secret. It is known that the following
appointments have been made : — Berthollet, Dolomieu, Saix,
Conti, Samuel Eenard, Eeignaud, Costas, Greoffroy, Le Blond,

1 Varnhagen, ' Galerie von Bildnissen aus Rahel's Umgang/ vol. i.
p. 143.

2 Bertuch, ' Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden,' vol. i. p. 686.

3 Ibid. vol. i. p. 680.

4 Ibid. vol. i. p. 637.

THWAETED PLANS. 231

Quenet, Desgenettes, Thouin, together with Dubois as surgeon,
Delille as botanist, and Nouet as astronomer, with whom
Mechain goes as assistant. Prony has furnished twelve survey-
ing engineers and six cadets from the Ecole polytechnique.
Berthollet, Bonaparte's physician, is director in chief of the
scientific department of the expedition, in which are included
the following antiquarians : — Denon, Jomard, Pouqueville, and
Eozier. Prony has surrendered all his instruments, and any
others that were required have been procured either by purchase
without limit as to price, or by official demand.' On the 30th
Floreal (May 19, 1798) the fleet weighed anchor from Toulon,
and Bonaparte's campaign in Egypt was openly declared.

Soon after Humboldt's arrival in Paris, news reached him of
the arrest of Lord Bristol in Milan, on suspicion that his pro-
posed expedition up the Nile was for the purpose of creating an
agitation in favour of England against the French. Humboldt
was compelled therefore, keenly as he felt the disappointment,
to renounce his journey to Egypt. This was the commencement
of a long series of disappointed hopes and frustrated plans.

By a fortunate coincidence, Humboldt had arrived at Paris
just as Delambre was completing the measurements between
Melun and Lieursaint for determining the base for the meridian
line. Delambre was on the point of concluding the northern
portion of the world-famous French meridian line — a line which
extended from Dunkirk on the coast of the North Sea to
Barcelona on the shores of the Mediterranean, a distance of 250
leagues as measured on the earth's surface, but including a
celestial meridian arc of 9° 3'. Humboldt was present at the
concluding operations, and described them with great delight
to Von Zach : l — ' At about twelve o'clock this morning, the
15th Prairial (June 3, 1798), the measurements were com-
pleted between Melun and Lieursaint for the base of the great
line, and I hasten to communicate to you this event, so im-
portant in the history of astronomical geography. In company
with Lalande and our excellent friend Burckhardt, I spent two
memorable days with Delambre. The weather, which during
three decades had been uninterruptedly favourable for the

1 ' Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden,' vol. ii. p. 174.

232 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

measurement of the base line has not been less beautiful during
the last few days. At Lieursaint we met with Prony and
Bougainville, the celebrated traveller, who at the age of sixty is
still eagerly contemplating a second voyage, in which his son, a
youth of fifteen, is to accompany him. ... In the course of a
fortnight, Delambre will leave with his assistants for Perpignan,
where Mechain will by that time have completed the last five
or six triangles, and where the southern base will be measured
twice in succession before the winter. As I am intending to
embark from Marseilles in the autumn, I shall gladly avail
myself of Delambre's invitation to stop at Perpignan on my
way and assist in some of the observations. I intend to provide
myself for this purpose with a repeating circle by Lenoir.'

Even a hasty glance at the state of science in Paris at this
time will show how many events were transpiring which were
calculated to excite the interest and stimulate the zeal of
Humboldt.

Notwithstanding the violent overthrow of every moral prin-
ciple and the bloody scenes of the reign of terror, when even the
Academy was powerless to protect the lives of some of its most
noted members, and Bochart von Saron, Lavoisier, La Roche-
foucauld, Malesherbes, Bailly, and Condorcet fell victims to the
popular fury, notwithstanding the sardonic expression of the
frantic judge, 'Nous n'avons pas besoin de savans,' Paris
was yet at the close of the century the metropolis of the exact
sciences. Lalande, in writing to Von Zach 1 on January 26,
1798, remarks: — 'The love of mathematics is daily on the
increase, not only with us but in the army. The result of this
was unmistakably apparent in our last campaigns. Bonaparte
himself has a mathematical head, and though all who study
this science may not become geometricians like Laplace and
Lagrange, or heroes like Bonaparte, there is yet left an
influence upon the mind which enables them to accomplish
more than they could possibly have achieved without this
training. Our mathematical schools are good, and successfully
accomplish their main object in the diffusion of mathematical
knowledge. Bonaparte attends with great regularity the sit-

1 ' Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden/ vol. i. p. 346.

THWARTED PLANS. 233

tings of the National Institute, of which he is a member.'
'Bonaparte,' he writes further, on April 20, 1798,1 'always calls
me his grandpapa, because he is a pupil of D'Agelet, who again
was a pupil of mine. I have begged him to use his influence
with the Directory to obtain the removal of the Opera House,
which in case of fire is dangerously near the Library. I also
suggested the purchase of Paulmy's admirable library, con-
sisting of 100,000 volumes, and recommended that some new
instruments and an increase of salary be granted to Thulis at
Marseilles — all of which has been accomplished.' Burckhardt
also writes about this time : 2 — ' There is something very inte-
resting in witnessing the modest and unaffected demeanour
preserved by Bonaparte in the midst of the universal applause
with which he is greeted. I often enjoy this pleasure at the
National Institute.'

At this period there was gathered in Paris a remarkable
assemblage of distinguished men ; among mathematicians the
great Lagrange, the amiable and powerful writer of the ' Ana-
lytical Mechanics ' and the ' Theory of Analytical Functions ; '
Montucla, author of the ' History of Mathematics ; ' and
Delambre, compiler of the ' History of Astronomy ; ' while in
other fields of science laboured Borda, Monge, Fourier, Ber-
thollet, Greoffroy de St.-Hilaire, Larrey, Lalande, the mineralo-
gists Hau'y and Brongniard, and Cuvier, who, born at Mont-
beliard, at that time belonging to Wurtemberg, in the same
year as Humboldt, was fellow-student with Schiller at the Aca-
demia Carolina in Stuttgart.

The mere record of these names is of itself a testimony to the
advancement of science ; but should further proof be needed, we
have but to pass in review the giant strides made at this epoch in
its various branches. In theoretic astronomy, the theory of the
moon's motion and of the perturbations of the planets had been
established by D'Alembert and Clairaut ; the cause of the
precession of the equinoxes had been ascertained ; the figure of
the earth had been more accurately determined through the
measurement of the meridian line ; nutation and the aberration
of light had been discovered and elucidated by Bradley ;

1 ' Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden,' vol. i. p. 679.

2 Ibid. vol. i. p. 852; also p. 227.

234 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

Dollond had brought to perfection the astronomical tele-
scope, while Laplace had given to the world his admirable
6 Mecanique celeste.' Mechanics and the laws of motion had
kept pace with the advance of astronomy, while physical science
had received a surprising impetus from the application of
mathematics and from the invention and improvement of every
kind of apparatus. The various phenomena of magnetism, elec-
tricity, and galvanism underwent the searching scrutiny of the
most careful observers, and became the object of manifold inves-
tigations. In botany and zoology Jussieu and Cuvier had proved
worthy successors to Linnaeus and Buffon. With Lavoisier
a brilliant career had been opened to the science of chemistry.
In short, a more exact process of investigation, a more scien-
tific method of treatment, had been introduced into every de-
partment of natural science.

Full of joyous excitement, Humboldt wrote to Pictet1 on
June 22 as follows : — ' I do not tell you about Paris, nor of my
mode of life here ; you know my tastes and my love of occupa-
tion. I live in the midst of science, I work with Vauquelin in
his laboratory, and I have given some lectures at the National
Institute ; I feel I have just claim to the reception that has
been accorded me.'2

Not less eager was he to give help to others in their labours.
6 Halle,' writes Lalande,3 ' has laid before the National Institute
an important paper upon galvanism ; Von Humboldt has ren-
dered essential service to our commissioners, who have been
instituting a variety of experiments, and have done much
valuable work.'

* < Le Globe,' vol. vii. p. 155.

2 In a letter to Delambre, dated Lima, November 25, 1802, Humboldt
writes : — ' In the desert plains of the Apure, in the dense forests of the
Cassiquiari and of the Orinoco, everywhere has your name and the names of
your associates been present before me ; and in reviewing the various
passages of my wandering life, I often linger with pleasure at the recollec-
tion of years VI. and VII., which I spent in the midst of you all, when 1
was loaded with so much kindness by Laplace, Fourcroy, Vauquelin,
Guy ton, Chaptal, Jussieu, Desfontaines, Halle", Lalande, Prony, and espe-
cially by you, my kind and generous friend, in the plains of Lieursaint.'
(' Annales du Mus. d'Hist. nat., an XII.' vol. ii. p. 170.)

3 ' Allgemeine geographische Ephenieriden,' vol. ii. p. 172.

THWARTED PLANS. 235

The lectures l delivered by Humboldt were on the nature of
nitrous gas and the possibility of a more exact analysis of the
atmosphere : they were works founded upon the observations
he had made at Salzburg, and they were subsequently adduced
to disprove the statements of Lavoisier concerning the satu-
ration of nitrous gas with oxygen — statements which at that
time were everywhere received with confidence. It was these
lectures also which afterwards gave occasion to some severe
criticism on the part of Gray-Lussac, then just entering on his
career. Ehrenberg is in error2 when he asserts that it was in
these labours that Humboldt was assisted by 'his intimate
friend Gay-Lussac.' It was only upon his return from America
that Humboldt made acquaintance with the young chemist,
and from that time first dated their joint labours.3 These
treatises, with sundry others on kindred subjects, were published
in a separate volume in 1799.4

In one of his latest letters to Willdenow, Humboldt thus
speaks of his reception at Paris and the alternate hopes and
disappointments to which he had been subject: — 4I was received
at Paris in a manner I could never have ventured to anticipate.
The venerable Bougainville was projecting another voyage
round the world, with the hope of reaching the South Pole. He
urged me to accompany him, and as I was just then occupied
with magnetic investigations, it occurred to me that an expe-
dition to the South Pole might prove more useful than a
journey to Egypt. I became absorbed in plans for this exten-
sive project, when all at once the Directory arrived at the heroic

1 ' Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden/ vol. ii. p. 176.
a * Gedachtnissrede auf Alexander von Humboldt,' p. 18.

3 Arago's ( Sanimtliche Werke,' vol. iii. p. 16 $ ' Gedachtnissrede auf Gay-
Lussac.'

4 'Versuche iiber die chemische Zerlegung des Luftkreises und liber
einige andere Gegenstande der Naturlehre.' Brunswick, 1799. The treatises
* On the Disengagement of Heat regarded as a Geognostic Phenomenon,'
and ' On the Influence of Chlorine and Oxygenated Muriatic Acid on the
Germination of Plants, together with a Description of the Phenomena/
excited at that time considerable attention. During his absence from
Europe, a collection of his treatises, some purely scientific, some on prac-
tical mining, was published under the title, * Ueber die unterirdischen Gas-
arten und die Mittel ihren Nachtheil zu vermindern, &c.' (Brunswick, 1799),
to which a preface was affixed by William von Humboldt.

236 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

determination of superseding the septuagenarian Bougainville
by appointing Captain Baudin to the command of the expedi-
tion. I had scarcely heard of this decision before I received an
invitation from the Government to embark on board the
" Vulcain," one of the three corvettes forming the expedition.
I was empowered to equip myself with the necessary instruments
from the national collections, which were all placed at my dis-
posal. My advice was asked in the selection of scientific men
and in all matters connected with the preparations for the
expedition. Many of my friends were opposed to the idea of
my undertaking a voyage of five years' duration ; but my deter-
mination remained unshaken, and I should have despised
myself had I declined such an opportunity for accomplishing
useful work. l The ships were ready for sea, and I had already
acceded to the request of Bougainville that I would take charge
of his son, a youth of fifteen, whom he was anxious should
become early accustomed to the dangers of the sea. Our
companions were well chosen, men of considerable attainments,
in the prime of life, and capable of great physical exertion.
How earnestly we looked at each other on our first meeting !
Strangers till that moment, and then to live for several years in
close intercourse ! We were to spend the first year in Paraguay
and Patagonia, the second year in Peru, Chili, Mexico, and
California, the third year in navigating the Southern Ocean,
the fourth in Madagascar, and the fifth on the coast of Africa,

What an intolerable grief that in one fortnight all

these hopes have been shattered ! A paltry 300,000 francs and
the apprehension of a speedy declaration of war are said to be
the reasons. My personal influence with Fra^ois de Neuf-
chateau, who is well disposed towards me, and every other
spring of action that could be set in motion, were all in vain. In
.Paris, where the expedition had excited so much interest, we

1 Humboldt had indeed little confidence in the personal character of
Captain Baudin, who had given great dissatisfaction at the court of
Vienna on the occasion of his being commissioned to convey the young
botanist Van der Schott to Brazil. As, however, he could never hope to
undertake with his own means so extensive a voyage, and see so large a
portion of the globe, he resolved to risk his fortunes with him, and hoped to
meet with success.

THWARTED PLANS. 237

were supposed to have actually set sail. By a second decree
the Directory postponed the voyage for a year. . . .

' It was impossible not to feel my position and the severity
of this disappointment ; but it is the part of a man to work, and
not to yield to unavailing regrets. I immediately formed the
determination of joining the army in Egypt by the land route,
accompanying the caravan that travels from Tripoli to Cairo
through the desert of Selimar. I selected as my companion
one of the young men who had been appointed to the former
expedition, Bonpland, a very good botanist and the favourite
pupil of Jussieu and Desfontaines. He has served in the navy,
is very robust, courageous, and good humoured, and is well
versed in comparative anatomy. We hastened to Marseilles,
there to embark for Algiers with the Swedish consul, Skjolde-
brand, in the frigate " Jaramas," which was conveying presents
to the Dey of Algiers. I wished to spend the winter in Algiers
and on the Atlas, where, in the province of Constantine, there
are to be found, according to Desfontaines, above 400 new
species of plants. Thence I hoped, by joining a caravan bound
for Mecca, to reach Bonaparte by way of Sufetula, Tunis, and
Tripoli.'

The departure from Paris was delayed till October 20, 1798.1
On the 1 2th of that month Humboldt read before the National
Institute a paper upon Agriculture, on the conclusion of which
Jussieu addressed him, in few words, a graceful farewell. The
most affecting parting was that with Baudin, who termed the
separation a dissolution of marriage. In other respects Hum-
boldt retained his courage, and continued during the journey
in such good spirits as to write humorous descriptions in his
note-book of the profane company in which he was thrown,
both in the diligence and at the table-d'hote. Lyons was

1 William von Humboldt wrote from Paris to F. A. Wolf, on October 22,
1798 :— < My brother, I grieve to say, left here on the 20th — the day before
yesterday. I have felt his departure exceedingly. For the last few months
we have been living under the same roof, have dined together daily, have
usually associated with the same society, have, in short, lived together in
the most perfect sympathy ; and now, after having so fully enjoyed the
pleasure of our unbroken intercourse, there must needs be this separation,
which, however, in all probability, will not be of long duration.' (Wil-
helm von Humboldt's ' Gesammelte Werke,' vol. v. p. 206.)

238 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

reached on October 24, whence, proceeding down the Eh one, the
travellers arrived at Marseilles on the evening of the 27th.
The whole of the following morning was occupied in the
examination of passports,1 a troublesome business, in which
it was evident that the only knowledge of official routine
possessed by the Prussian consul, Herr Sauvages of Prenzlau,
was restricted to the names of such persons as were entitled to
6 Your Excellency ' — a list he had most faithfully committed to
memory from the calendar. The Swedish frigate had not yet
arrived, but was hourly expected. The intervening time was
spent by the travellers, notwithstanding the extreme heat of the
weather, in making an extensive collection of the plants to be
found along the coast, especially of several varieties of sea-weed,
as well as in the collection of specimens of crabs and mussels,
of which they made drawings ; they also, undertook various
magnetic, meteorological, and astronomical observations, not-
withstanding the serious injury some of the instruments had
received, and in this labour were assisted by the director of the
Observatory, M. Thulis, formerly a merchant at Cairo, who not-
withstanding many unpleasing peculiarities was very affable
and obliging.

On November 10, an excursion to Toulon was undertaken,
which lasted three days. The town, thronged with its 5,000
prisoners, did not impress them agreeably ; they visited all
the objects of interest, the magnificent Botanic Garden, the
Arsenal, the collection of models, the great harbour, the inner
and the outer roadsteads, where, next to the ship of the line
6 La Hardie ' of 74 guns, the interest of the travellers was most
keenly excited by the frigate ' La Boudeuse,' as the vessel in
which Bougainville had made his celebrated expedition round
the world. ' She is now preparing to set sail,' he remarks in his
note-book, ' to convoy a fleet of merchant-men to Marseilles,
which they hope to reach in five hours. The whole ship was
astir, and all hands were on deck working the sails. My heart
swelled with joyous emotion as I witnessed the preparations
around me, but when I descended to the cabin, a spacious
apartment, the thought of Baudin's voyage completely over-

1 See Appendix.

THWARTED PLANS. 239

came me. I lay for full ten minutes in the window, contem-
plating the bright vision. At length they came to seek me ; I
could almost have shed tears as I thought of my shattered
prospects.' After a short visit to the islands of the Hyeres,
'where the golden apples were hanging by hundreds on the
dwarf trees,' Humboldt and Bonpland returned to Marseilles
on November 13.

Here they were detained for two whole months, from October
27 till the end of December, watching in vain for an oppor-
tunity of sailing to Africa. Everything was kept ready packed,
and the horizon was daily searched in quest of the long-expected
' Jaramus.' At length the news arrived that the ' Jaramus '
had been wrecked off the coast of Portugal, with the loss of
everyone on board. 'Nothing daunted,' writes Humboldt,
' by all these disappointments, I hired a vessel from Ragusa to
take us direct to Tunis. The municipal authorities of Mar-
seilles, however, apparently warned of the troubles which were
soon to beset the French in Barbary, refused to grant us pass-
ports ; and scarcely had the Ragusan bark quitted the harbour
when there arose a fearful tempest, which, lasting nearly a
week, strewed the shore between Cette and Agele with the frag-
ments of many shipwrecked vessels. Almost at the same time
the news arrived that the Dey of Algiers had interdicted the
departure of the caravan for Mecca, as Egypt, through which
it had to pass, was polluted by the presence of the Christians.
Thus all hope vanished of either reaching Egypt by the Levant
or of joining the French expedition by the land route to Cairo.'

Were, then, the best months of the spring, January, Fe-
bruary, and March, to be spent in weary waiting at Marseilles,
among a society the leading members of which, whether consuls,
diplomatists, officials, or even men of science, had thrown aside
the mask, and revealed a tone both immoral in feeling and
politically dangerous ? Corsica and Sardinia, rich as they
might be in botanical treasures, offered no facilities for any
comprehensive plan. The only feasible arrangement seemed
to be to proceed to Spain, and thence to embark in the
spring for Smyrna. In pursuance of this plan, Humboldt, on
December 15, gave a commission for the purchase of some
Spanish bills of exchange to Ellenberg, a merchant with whom

240 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

Fould of Paris had placed 40,000 francs to his credit. In the
afternoon of the same day he was informed that instructions
had been received from Fould ten days previously not to
advance him the smallest sum, and that it had only been from
a feeling of delicacy that he had not been earlier made
acquainted with this unpleasant information. (See p. 245.)

This, however, was not allowed to interfere with the pro-
jected journey to Spain, and towards the end of December, 1798,
Humboldt and Bonpland left Marseilles. During the six weeks
spent in reaching Madrid, where they arrived in the beginning
of February, they found abundant occupation in collecting
plants, determining the latitude and longitude of places, and
their height above the sea, besides making various observations
connected with meteorology, geology, and magnetism. Hum-
boldt makes but slight allusion to this journey in his works ;
and this gives an increased value to his letters, full of detail,
whence the following extracts of biographical interest are taken.

4 My journey hither was chiefly made on foot,' he writes to
Willdenow from Aranjuez, on April 20, 1799, 'and I tra-
velled by way of the coast of the Mediterranean through Cette,
Montpellier, Narbonne, Perpignan, over the Pyrenees, and
across Catalonia to Valencia and Murcia ; thence I proceeded
across the high table-land of La Mancha. In Montpellier
I passed some most agreeable days with Chaptal, and in
Barcelona with John Grill, an Englishman with whom I had
lived at Hamburg, and who is now a partner in an extensive
mercantile house in Spain. In the valleys of the Pyrenees
the pea was in blossom, while the snow-capped summit of
the Canigou reared itself just above us. In Catalonia and
Valencia the country is like a succession of gardens enclosed by
cacti (torch thistles) and aloes ; date-palms forty and fifty
feet high, laden with fruit, tower over every monastery. The
fields present the appearance of a forest of locust or carob trees
(Ceratonia siliqucL), olives, and orange trees, the tops of which
separate into several heads in the manner of some of our pear
trees. In Valencia eight oranges may be bought for a peseta.
At the mouth of the Ebro, near Balaguer, is a plain forty miles
in extent covered with dwarf palms ((7/iamcm>£>s),pistachios, and
numerous varieties of the Erica, rose cistus, and holly rose. The
heaths were in blossom, and even in the wildest regions we

THWAKTED PLANS. 241

gathered the jonquil and the narcissus. The common palm
(Phoenix dactylifera) grows so luxuriantly in the neighbour-
hood of Cambrils, that twenty or thirty stems are frequently
grouped so thickly together as to present an impenetrable
barrier. As white palm-leaves are much in request for the
decoration of the churches, it is common in Valencia to encase
the young shoots of the date-palm in a sort of conical cap,
made of the Spanish feather-grass (Stipa tenacissima\ so
that the young leaves, being excluded from the light, should
come out blanched. The basin in which the town of Valencia
lies is not surpassed in any part ef Europe for luxuriance of
vegetation. The sight of these palms, pomegranates, carobs,
and mallows makes one feel as if one had never before seen trees,
or foliage. In the middle of January the thermometer stood
in the shade at 72°. The flowers were almost all over.

' I shall attempt no description of the ruins at Tarragona,
the mountain near Murviedro, nor the remains of ancient
Sagentum with its temple of Diana, enormous amphithea-
tre, and tower of Hercules, commanding an extensive view
over the sea, Cape Cullera, and Valencia, the towers of
which are seen to rise from a forest of date-palms. While
you poor creatures can scarcely keep yourselves warm, I
am walking with heated brow among fragrant orange groves
and over fields which, irrigated by a thousand canals, yield five
crops in the course of a year — namely, rice, wheat, hemp, peas,
and cotton. Amid such luxuriance of vegetation, and sur-
rounded by a race of such remarkable beauty, one willingly
forgets the fatigues of travel and the discomforts of the inns,
where we have never once met with bread. Even close to
the coast the country is everywhere highly cultivated. In
Catalonia the industry of the people is as remarkable as in
Holland. In every village some occupation is going on,
weaving or ship-building, no one seems to be idle. Nowhere
in Europe, perhaps, has the culture of land been brought to
greater perfection than in the district between Valencia
and Castellon de la Plana ; yet sixty miles inland the country
is a perfect desert. The interior is in reality the summit
of a chain of mountains which remained standing from
2,000 to 3,000 feet above the sea when all else was engulphed

VOL. i. K

242 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

in the Mediterranean. To this elevated land Spain owes her
existence, but to this also is due the severity of the climate
and the sterility of the soil everywhere excepting along the
coast line. Near Madrid the olive trees are often injured by
the cold, and oranges are rarely to be seen growing in the open
air. . . . But I am beginning to write descriptions, which I
never intend to do, as I should then be sending you a book
instead of a letter.

4 If, dearest friend, I have not sent you a line since I left
Marseilles, I have not the less been occupied on your behalf
and for your gratification. I am just now despatching you a
box containing 400 plants, and when you look them through,
you will be convinced that in all my wanderings, whether amid
woods, over plains, or along the sea-shore, scarcely a day has
passed in which you have not been vividly before me. Wher-
ever I have been I have made collections for you, and only
for you ; for I do not intend to begin collecting for my own
herbarium till I have reached the other side of the ocean.'

A letter to Von Zach, from Madrid, dated the 23rd Floreal,
year VII. (May 12, 1799), is not less full of detail, though
embracing a very different class of subjects.1

In this letter Humboldt mentions that the Paris Board of
Longitude had lent him a compass constructed by Lenoir on
Borda's plan for registering the dip of the needle, and that a
similar instrument was in the possession of Nouet, who, it
will be remembered, had been attached to Bonaparte's expedi-
tion. Humboldt goes on to remark, that but for the un-
fortunate circumstances which had prevented his journey to
Africa, it would have been possible, by comparing the results of
the two instruments, to have ascertained within the space of
eight months the magnetic constants for the whole length of
the Mediterranean, from the Straits of Gibraltar to the
Isthmus of Suez. He then proceeds to give details of various
methods of observation, and magnetic results obtained at Paris,
Nismes, Montpellier, Marseilles, Perpignan, Grironne, Barce-
lona, Cambrils, Valencia, Madrid, and other places ; he further
appends a series of meteorological observations with determina-

1 ' Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden,' vol. iv. p. 14(3.

THWARTED PLANS. 243

tions of latitude and longitude, height above the sea level, &c.,
of various localities, both in France and Spain.

The letter then continues : — ' Although the country through
which I am travelling offers nothing very favourable for as-
tronomical geography, yet I avail myself of every opportunity
that presents itself for taking observations of the sun and stars
of the first magnitude. In the kingdom of Valencia I suffered
greatly from the hooting of the rabble, as at that time I
had not obtained permission from Government to prosecute
such labours. I have often grieved to see the sun pass the
meridian while not daring to unpack my instruments. I have
sometimes been obliged to wait till the middle of the night, and
content myself with a star of the second magnitude, which
made but a sorry figure in my artificial horizon. On the
19th Nivose (January 8, 1799) I took some observations at
Barcelona l from the same terrace of the Golden Well from
which Mechain had observed. From the 29th Nivose (January
18) to the 6th Pluviose (January 25) I was occupied in an

1 We may here allude to a circumstance which, though it proved of
material assistance to Humboldt in the prosecution of his journey, has yet
not been generally known. Humboldt had commissioned Kunth from
Barcelona to send him as early as possible a letter of credit upon a sub-
stantial house in Madrid, to be transmitted direct, and not through a third
house, especially not through any Paris banker, because the credit of the
Paris houses had been shaken by the state of the public funds — a position
of affairs which, as before mentioned, had caused him considerable inconve-
nience at Marseilles. Kunth attempted to get the business transacted by a
Berlin house upon the production of certain Prussian official documents and
every satisfactory security. But instead of the letter of credit, came the
announcement that the'transaction could not be completed till the validity of
the security had been proved. On this becoming known, the house of
Mendelssohn and Friedla'nder immediately undertook, without any pledge
or security whatever, to remit any sum required by Herr von Humboldt to
the Marquis d'Iranda, of the firm of Simon d'Arragora, one of the first
Louses in Madrid. The marquis, who was past seventy, had personally
jtired from the business, but he loaded Humboldt with proofs of kindness
id goodwill, ordered the financial arrangements of his journey in the kind-
st and most disinterested manner, without demanding the slightest security,
md afterwards honoured his bills of exchange. Humboldt wrote from
tadrid on April 4, 1799: — 'The Marquis d'Iranda is one of the most
distinguished men in Europe. He treats me as his sou, and does and will
do everything for me.' (Biester, 'Neue Berliner Monatsschvift,' vol. vi.
P. 193.)

B 2

244 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

excursion to Monserrat l where I was able to make some
observations of the sun, the moon, and Sirius, not only from
the convent but also from Mattorel and Colbaton. At
Mattorel I observed in the open streets, surrounded by about
thirty spectators, who kept shouting to each other that I was
worshipping the moon.'

The astronomical observations made during the journey from
Barcelona to Valencia at isolated ventas and cabins in the wild
and uninhabited district, extending over a space of from 120
to 1 60 square miles, proved of great value in completing the
geography of Spain. These places became established points
in the vast plains over which the traveller journeyed as upon
the ocean ; as an example, we may mention that even the
position of such a town as Valencia, containing 80,000 inhabi-
tants, varied in the best maps of that day to the amount of two
minutes. This series of observations was commenced at Madrid,
from the palace of the Duke of Infantado, on the 14th Ventose
(March 4).

The conclusion of this very long letter to Von Zach is in the
following words : — ' This is all that I can send you at present.
Pray receive this little with indulgence, and bear in mind that
there is other work besides astronomy demanding my attention.'

A part of this work consisted in obtaining, by barometric
.measurements, the sectional elevation in the direction from
south-east to north-west of the whole Spanish Peninsula, that
is to say, from the coast of the Mediterranean at Valencia to
the shores of the Atlantic in Galicia. Through these obser-
vations was first revealed the existence of an extended plateau
at a considerable elevation in central Spain. ' The height of
Madrid,' says Humboldt, i had indeed been estimated as early
as 1776 by Lalande, from calculations based upon the baro-
metric observations of the celebrated traveller and mathema-
tician Don Jorge Juan, to be 1,903 feet above the sea, but
geographers had at that time no knowledge of the connection

1 An incident that occurred on Monserrat, of a hermit who, by dint of
his rosary, courageously rescued the mule of a poor muleteer, is described
by Humboldt in a letter to his brother, by whom it has been inserted in
his description of Monserrat. (Wilhelm von Humboldt's ' Gesammelte
Werke/ vol. iii. p. 209.)

THWARTED PLANS. 245

existing between all the high table-lands of the Spanish Penin-
sula by which they were united into one vast plateau.' The
leading feature of this new investigation has since become of
great importance, not only in acquiring a knowledge of the
varying configuration of the earth's surface, but in determining
the zones of elevation characterised by certain forms of vege-
table and animal life. It would, however, be inappropriate to
enter here on a discussion of these labours.1

While at Madrid, Humboldt unexpectedly met with the
fulfilment of his long-cherished plans. Herr von Forell, a
distinguished patron of science, already mentioned in p. 215,
as the ambassador from Saxony to the court of Madrid, offered
with the greatest readiness to obtain permission from the king,
through the minister Don Mariano Luis de Urquijo, a man of
liberal views, for Humboldt, at his own expense, to visit the
Spanish colonies in America.

In consequence of this application he was accorded an inter-
view with the king, and the promise of the desired permit. His
reception by the sovereign is thus described by Humboldt : — ' I
was presented at the court of Aranjuez in March 1799. The
king honoured me with a very gracious reception. I laid
before him my reasons for wishing to visit the islands of the
Philippines and to travel in the New World, and presented to
the Secretary of State a treatise in which I had expressed my
views fully on the subject.2 My petition was supported by the
Chevalier d'Urquijo, who was successful in removing every
difficult}7. The kind and courteous treatment shown me by

1 The first publication of the results obtained from these hypsometric
measures and the sectional elevation deduced from them appeared in
Gavanilles' f Annales de Ilistor. natural/ vol. i. p. 86 ; they were afterwards
published in Laborde's 'Itine"raire descriptif de 1'Espagne, 1808,' vol. i. p.
cxiv., and incorporated into Bonnet and Male's large map of the Spanish
Peninsula, and in Ilumboldt's ' Atlas ge"ogr. et phys. du Nouv. Cont.' PI.
III. ; finally enlarged in Humboldt's treatise ' Ueber die Gestalt und das
Klima des Hochlandes in der Iberischen Halbinsel, ein Sendschreiben an
Prof. Berghaus ' (Hertha, 1825, vol. iv. ; and reprinted in the i Briefwechsel
Alexander von Humboldt's mit Heinrich Berghaus,' vol. i. pp. 18-48).

2 Unfortunately, this memoir has not since been recovered ; Bergenroth
had entertained hopes of finding it among the archives of Simanca?, but
his early death, while investigating the records of Spain, put an end to his
labours.

246 ALEXANDEK VCN HUMBOLDT.

this minister was all the more magnanimous since my relation-
ships with him were by no means of a personal character.1
Never before has a permission so unlimited been granted to
any traveller, and never before has a foreigner been honoured
by such marks of confidence from the Spanish Government.'

Madrid itself afforded many opportunities for the acquire-
ment of useful information. Cavanilles, Director of the Botanic
Gardens, a correspondent of Willdenow ; Nee, who had with
Hanke accompanied the expedition of Malaspina in the capacity
of botanist, and had returned with the most extensive herbarium
that had at that time been brought to Europe ; Don Casimir
Ortega, Proust, Hergen, the Abbe Pourret, the learned editor
of the ' Flora of Peru,' Euiz and Pavon — all threw open to the
travellers, in the most obliging manner, their valuable collec-
tions. Humboldt and Bonpland inspected with the greatest
interest the products from America, including some of the
Mexican plants discovered by Sesse, Mocifio, and Cervantes,
drawings of which had been preserved in the Museum of Natural
History at Madrid. But however instructive a longer sojourn
might have been, 'we felt,' writes Humboldt, 'too impatient
to avail ourselves of the permission granted by the court to
delay our journey any longer. During the past year I had
encountered so many difficulties that I could scarcely even
now believe in the final realisation of all my wishes.'

The travellers left Madrid in the middle of May. Still con-
tinuing their hypsometric measurements, they took their
journey through Old Castile, Leon, and Galicia, by way of
Villalpando, Astorga, and Lugo, to the harbour of Corunna,
where they were to take passage in a mail boat for Cuba. The
captain of the port, Don Eaphael Clavijo, recommended them
to embark in the corvette <• Pizarro,' the next ship that was to
sail, which though not a fast sailer had the reputation of being
a fortunate vessel. He enjoined the captain to stay sufficiently
long at Teneriffe for the travellers to visit Orotava and ascend
the Peak, and preparations were at once commenced for their
reception on board, and for the- safe conveyance of their

1 No trace can be discovered of any expression of interest in Humboldt
and his undertakings on the part of the chamberlain, Count von Rhode,
Prussian Envoy Extraordinary at the Court of Madrid.

THWARTED PLANS. 247

numerous instruments. Ten days afterwards, on June 4, the
horizon was covered by a thick mist, a presage of favourable
winds and the signal for departure.

The following letters were penned by Humboldt as farewell
greetings to his friends Von Moll and Willdenow :—

To Von Moll.

' Corunna : June 5, 1790.

c In a few hours we shall be sailing round Cape Finisterre.
.... I shall make collections of plants and fossils, and I shall
hope to make some astronomical observations with the excellent
instruments I have with me. I intend to institute a chemical
analysis of the atmosphere. . . . But all this does not form the
main object of my journey. My attention will ever be directed
to observing the harmony among the forces of nature, to re-
marking the influence exerted by inanimate creation upon the
animal and vegetable kingdoms. . . .

c A. HUMBOLDT.'

To Wittdenow.

1 Corunna : June 5, 1799.

' On the eve of my departure in the frigate ' Pizarro,' allow
me once more, my dear friend, to recall myself to your re-
membrance. In five days we shall be at the Canaries, whence
we sail with letters to the coast of Caracas, and thence to La
Trinidad in Cuba. Give my affectionate regards to your wife
;md children and Hermes, and my kind greetings to Zollner,
the two Klaproths, Hermbstedt, and whoever else may re-
member me. I hope we may meet again in health and peace.
I shall bear you ever in remembrance.

6 Man must ever strive after all that is good and great ! '

248 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLBT.

RETROSPECT.

The most marked features in the characters of eminent men
may always be traced to two predominant elements — their
native genius and the outward circumstances by which that
genius has either been fostered or repressed. From the com-
bined action of these two elements is determined the kind and
force of impress which a great man will produce upon his
century.

Alexander von Humboldt, even in the first thirty years of his
life, affords an instance in which the highest natural endowments
were united to outward circumstances that comprised all that
could render life attractive. But of yet higher value than any
of these gifts appears the moral force, the indefatigable industry,
and the persevering, enthusiastic energy by which he was led
to devote these gifts to the benefit of mankind and ennoble
them by their consecration to the service of all that could
further the extension of knowledge and the spread of philan-
thropy.

Humboldt's endeavours were neither directed to the attain-
ment of office, nor the acquisition of honours, still less were
they aimed at either riches or pleasure. The motive by which
he was influenced in the pursuit of his studies was not so much
a preference for any particular branch of scientific investigation,
as a powerful impulse early experienced and dominant through-
out life towards the investigation of the laws regulating
organic and inorganic nature, and the discovery of ' the bond
by which the unity of nature is maintained, the parts woven
into a whole, and a mutual dependence observed throughout.'

The brilliant results he early achieved are not mainly to be
ascribed to the completeness of his labours and the accuracy of
his observations, nor to the method of their prosecution, whether
mathematical, analytic, or systematic, but rather to the grasp of
thought by which he was able to combine all these methods
and assimilate all former theories with those of his own time.

It was these noble endowments that inspired that sense of
superiority which developed in him so early a maturity, and

RETROSPECT. 249

enabled him when still a student to associate as an equal
with the most distinguished men in science or art, in politics
or social life.

At the close of life, Humboldt has been likened to a fountain
giving forth streams of universal knowledge : he may still
more be said in the days of his early manhood to have resembled
a luminous centre, diffusing in every direction a flood of in-
tellectual light, and exciting everywhere a reciprocal activity.
It was impossible for him to pursue any new method of obser-
vation, or investigate any newly-discovered truth, without at
once calling upon his friends and fellow-labourers to accompany
him along the untrodden path.

Highly as he was gifted with mental power, he was not less
endowed with moral excellence. He possessed a capacity for
friendship amounting even to enthusiasm, in the exercise of
which he shrank from no sacrifice, and drew around him the
noblest and the best of his time ; he was distinguished by no-
bility of mind, a genuine devotion to all that is good and true,
a willingness to acknowledge every service rendered to him, an
unalienable kindness of heart, universal affability, a courteous
manner, and a freedom from all unworthy motives.

With a restless industry and an inexhaustible capacity for
work, Alexander von Humboldt united an ideal, an almost
poetic enthusiasm. Hence his motto : —

' Man must ever strive after all that is good and great ! '

'I7ERSIT

II.
ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT

TRAVELS IN AMERICA AND ASIA.

BY

JULIUS LOWENBERG.

•

TEAVELS IN AMBEICA.

'Es war, als ware eine neue Sonne voll Lieht und Warme im Westen iiber de
Xeucn Welt emporgestiegen, um auf die Alte "Welt wohlthatig zuriickzustrahlen.'

CA<RL EITTEB (Speech at the Humboldt Festival, August 5, 1844).

CHAPTER I.
PRELIMINARY REMARKS.

Extent of the Spanish Colonies in America — Principles of Government —
Results of previous Explorations — New Direction given to Physical
Science — The Objective Character of Humholdt'e Descriptions of Nature
— Their Biographical Value.

BEFORE we can fully enter into the significance of Alexander
von Humboldt's travels in America, we must revert in imagi-
nation from these days of easy communication — of steamers,
railways, and telegraphs — to those days of tedious, insecure, and
infrequent transport, when nations held themselves in distrust-
ful isolation.

The Spanish colonies in America, at the close of the last
century, extended without interruption from 38° North latitude
to 42° South latitude — from the most northern point of Cali-
fornia to beyond even the most southern part of Chili — an
immense territory, measuring from North to South above
5,500 miles. These possessions included a large district of
North America, now forming the States of Florida, Louisiana,
Texas, Mexico, and California, the whole of Central America,
most of the West India Islands, and the whole of South
America, with the exception of Brazil, Patagonia, and Tierni
del Fuego. This vast extent of country, larger than had ever
before been united under one rule, was merely a colony or
dependency.

254 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

Spain, however, had not a conception of the true advantages
to be derived from colonial possessions, or how, by securing
their prosperity, they might be made a source of wealth to the
mother country, and through her to the rest of the world.
The government consisted of the most absolute military rule,
for the support of which, strange to say, an army of 2,000
men sufficed. Commerce was carried on by a system of mono-
polies of a most oppressive character. The whole export and
import trade was restricted to a limited number of markets,
and conducted by a half-yearly convoy of vessels homeward and
outward bound, plying between Cadiz and Seville, and two or
three ports in the New World. A Spaniard discovered in any
commercial relationship with foreigners was condemned by law
to a confiscation of his property, if not to a forfeiture of his
life ; while he who was detected collecting statistical data, or
publishing any information concerning the government, was
subjected to perpetual imprisonment. To all foreigners the
colonies were absolutely closed. During three centuries it-
would be scarcely possible to name more than six expeditions
undertaken in the interests of science to any part of the
Spanish colonies — either by the Spaniards themselves, or by
foreigners under permission of the Spanish Grovernment. These
expeditions had been undertaken mainly for the purpose of
determining by astronomical observation the position of cer-
tain places, as a means for the better construction of charts
of the coast; at most the travellers returned with some
dried specimens of new plants for the botanist, and some
prepared skins of birds and animals as a contribution to the
museums. Of this nature were the travels of Francisco
Dominguez in 1577, of Feuillee in 1705, and of Frezier
in 1712. Even the valuable trigonometric labours of the
French academicians La Condamine, Bouguer, and Grodin, the
former of whom explored the valley of the Amazon, the re-
sults obtained in Quito and Peru by the Spanish geome-
tricians Jorge Juan and Antonio Ulloa, and the more recent
labours of Azara in the territory of La Plata, contributed but
little towards a more extended knowledge of South America.
If to this list be added the unfortunate expedition of Solano in
1754 to the Upper Orinoco and the Rio Meta, from which only

PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 255

13 individuals out of 325 returned alive, the unproductive
wanderings of Eequena to the Eio Napo and the Amazon,
and Loffling's botanical expedition to the coast of Cumana in
1751, we shall have enumerated nearly every effort that had
been made before Humboldt's time towards the scientific ex-
ploration of South America, while the published results were
represented by such works as Pater Grili's fabulous narrative
6 Orenoco illustrate,' Graulin's ' Historia corographica de la
Nueva Andalusia,' and Dobritzhofer's 'Greschichte der Abi-
pomer.'

If further proof were needed of this distrust and suspicion,
we have only to call to mind that in the year in which Hum-
boldt was born, the English astronomers, desirous of observing
the transit of Venus, were refused a landing on the coast of
California, and that Malaspina was condemned to perpetual
imprisonment in return for the services he had rendered to
his Government.

In contemplating Humboldt in the light of a traveller, it is
important to notice the comprehensive view of nature that
furnished in him the motive for travel, and led him to become
the originator of a new epoch in scientific exploration. While
earlier travellers seem merely to have been actuated by simple
curiosity, and to have regarded with equal interest everything
that came before them — accumulating in a desultory manner a
large amount of heterogeneous information with which they
interwove minute details of personal adventure — Humboldt
carefully avoided all reference to matters of personal detail,
and directed his attention mainly to the fundamental struc-
ture of the earth's surface, to the intimate relationship be-
tween all natural phenomena, and to the existence of a con-
nection between regions the most widely separated, thereby
proving the unity of nature. He was never satisfied describing
merely in a conventional manner the countries he visited ; he
preferred to collect data for the more complete development of
a science which before his time had been variously termed
Physics, the Theory of the Earth, or Physical Geography, but
of which till then the outlines had been but slightly sketched.
In 1796, he wrote to Pictet : — ' I have been drawing up a scheme
for a universal science' (p. 197). The connection between

256 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

facts already observed possessed a higher interest for him than
the search after isolated new facts; the discovery of a new
species interested him far less than the observation of the
geographical connection between animal and vegetable life,
whence a comprehensive view might be obtained not merely
as to the distribution of these forms of life over the surface
of the globe, but also as to the various plains of elevation
within which their existence is limited.

For this purpose it was essential that no detail should be
neglected, and no circumstance thought too trivial to be re-
corded. For ' little service can be rendered to the advancement
of science when the observer is too deeply engrossed with the
grandeur of general ideas to stoop to the consideration of
individual facts.' By the collection of a variety of forms and
the observation of different phenomena, to discover the laws
governing their mutual relationship, and to combine the whole
into one grand unity — this was the task in physical science
which Humboldt set himself to accomplish. In view of this
object, it seemed to him that he would best attain his purpose
by undertaking a journey on land, whereby he could penetrate
into the interior of the continent, than by prosecuting his
researches merely in a lengthened voyage by sea, when little
more than the coast of various countries could be within his
reach.

In the expedition undertaken by Humboldt everything com-
bined to render his investigations of the highest value ; for not
only was he led by his good genius into those portions of our
globe where Nature offers to the student of comparative science
her grandest productions and most impressive phenomena in
almost prodigal profusion, but by a long course of preparation
he himself had been equipped for such a journey as no previous
traveller had been. By the most diligent application to various
studies he had made himself master of all the scientific know-
ledge of his time, and at his own cost had furnished himself
with the best nautical, astronomical, and scientific instruments,
in the use of which he was well versed.

The published results of his travels in America surpassed, as
is well known, the boldest anticipations ; they filled seventeen
folio, nine quarto, and seven octavo volumes. It is to be

PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 257

regretted, however, that the chronological order of the journey
has not been preserved, and that in some places his own
observations have not been recorded in a manner sufficiently
distinctive as to enable the reader at once to recognise the
investigations that are to be ascribed to Humboldt and to him
alone. ' It was one of the essential qualities of his being,
which his vast learning and extensive reading greatly con-
tributed to strengthen, that there was no subject engaging his
attention in which he did not seek to make himself master of
all the information that could be obtained concerning it ; and
as everything remained present to his astounding memory, he
readily discovered links of connection between kindred subjects,
points of comparison between the labours of others and the
results he had himself obtained, proofs and evidences in favour
of his new theories, and supplementary data upon those points
which he had either been unable as yet to explain, or which,
from the mass of observations needing to be recorded, had been
hitherto set aside as of least value, and were now found worthy
of greater prominence. His love of completeness often led him
to introduce the results obtained by the labours of others into
his own observations, from which they were not separated with
sufficient clearness for the reader always to discover for which
he was alone indebted to Humboldt.'1

The statement here made by Encke in reference to Humboldt's
astronomical determination of places is equally applicable to
other branches of science ; it must not, however, be deduced
from these remarks that Humboldt laid claim to the labours of
others. No one was in this respect more considerate and just,
or more forgetful of self, no one was more emphatic in declining
the honour of scientific achievements falsely attributed to him.
The results of his own scientific labours would have stood in
a still clearer light had they not been mixed up with the
labours of others. It is true that science suffers no loss by this,
but the compilation of his biography is rendered more difficult.
This peculiarity of incorporating the labours of others is very
conspicuous in the ' Personal Narrative,' a work which supplies

1 Encke, ( Alexander von Humboldt's astronomische Ortbestimmungen in
den Monatsberichten der Berliner Akadeinie der Wissenschaften,' October
1859, p. 639.

VOL. I. S

258 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

the best and most original source of information concerning
his travels in America ; but a subject of greater regret is the
incomplete nature of the narrative, as the work includes but a
third of his wanderings in the New Continent. The omissions,
unfortunately, can be but sparingly supplied from his journals;
for, as he expresses himself on one occasion in his diary, c when
surrounded by the grand beauties of nature, and intently occu-
pied with the natural phenomena displayed at every step, one
is little disposed to note down in a journal merely personal
adventures or the trivial occurrences of every-day life.' Though
Humboldt kept a brief journal when actually travelling, either
by land or water, in which to keep a record of the impressions
of the moment when visiting an interesting locality, such as
the summit of a volcano or other remarkable mountain, yet
this journal, he remarks, was continually interrupted whenever
he entered a town, or engaged in any absorbing scientific
work, which rendered the keeping of a diary a matter of sub-
ordinate interest.1

The remark attributed to Humboldt that, c the biography of
a man of learning is to be found in his works,'2 was no doubt
an expression he made use of for the purpose of allaying the
importunity with which he was frequently assailed for bio-
graphical material by industrious bookmakers.

We are fortunately able in this section, as in the preceding-
one, to avail ourselves of Humboldt's letters and portions of his
journals, in which not only the details of his personal history
and the scenes around him are portrayed with the vividness of
life pictures, but the impressions of the moment are given with
all the warmth and freshness of a first sensation.

It does not enter into the plan of this work to give an ab-
stract of the ' Travels in Equatorial Eegions,' or discuss the
value of the scientific work accomplished during that journey ;
our aim is rather to bring into greater prominence than has
ever yet been done — the personal history of Humboldt.

1 l Reise in die Aequinoctialgegenden des Neuen Continents/ vol. i. p.
33 (Tubingen, 1815).

2 Klencke, f Alexander von Humboldt, ein biographisches Denkmal/
Introduction, p. 4.

FEOM CORUNNA TO PUERTO CABELLO. 259

CHAPTEE II.
FROM CORUNNA TO PUERTO CABELLO.

Landing at Teneriffe — The Peak— The Dragon-tree— Multiplicity of Phe-
nomena— Landing and first Sojourn at Cumana — First Impressions
and preliminary Arrangements — Scientific Labours — Visit to Caripe
and Caripana, to the Mission Stations, and to the Caves of Guacharo
— First Earthquake and Meteor Shower — Visit to Caracas and Puerto
Cabello.

ON the morning of June 5, 1799, the ' Pizarro ' weighed
anchor in the harbour of Corunna, and at two in the afternoon
she was under sail. ' Our gaze was fixed,' relates Humboldt,
6 upon the castle of St. Antonio, where the unfortunate Malaspina
was then languishing as a prisoner of state.1 At the moment
of leaving Europe to visit lands which had been explored with
so much devotion by this distinguished traveller, I could have
wished for a theme less sad on which to occupy my thoughts.'

The ship's course soon brought her to that expanse of ocean
which, according to the poetic conceptions of the ancients,
bathed the shores of the Islands of the Blessed, where the
voyager, canopied under the blue vault of heaven, glided
peacefully through the 'Sea of the Ladies'2 along those equa-
torial currents glowing as if on fire with countless medusse.

1 Don Alexander Marchese de Malaspina, Commodore in the Spanish
navy, was appointed in 1789 to the command of a fleet fitted out expressly
for purposes of discovery. After a very careful survey of the west coast of
North America, he sailed in search of the North-west Passage, an ex-
pedition which proved unsuccessful. On his return in 1795, he was seized on
suspicion of political intrigue, and thrown into prison, where he is supposed
to have died. (Von Zach, l Monatl. Corresp.' vol. ii. pp. 390, 564.)

3 [El Golfo de las Damas, a name given by the Spaniards to the part of
the Atlantic Ocean between the Canaries and America — under the idea that
even ladies could muster courage to navigate it, since the passage could
safely be effected in an open boat.]

s 2

260 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

Truly a region as deeply interesting as any explorer could desire
to visit.

Humboldt's first letter, addressed to his brother, gives evi-
dence of the agreeable impressions he had received : —

1 Puerto Orotava, at the foot of the Peak of Teneriffe :
' June 20, 1799.

' I am quite in a state of ecstacy at finding myself at
length on African soil, surrounded by cocoa-nut palms and
bananas. By aid of a strong breeze from the north-west, and
meeting fortunately with but few vessels to detain us, we reached
the coast of Morocco in ten days ; on the 17th of June we
landed at Grraciosa, and by the 19th we were in the harbour of
Santa Cruz at Teneriffe.

4 The company on board was very agreeable ; I felt particu-
larly attracted to a young man from the Canary Islands, Don
Francesco Salcedo, who possessed the confiding manner and
lively intelligence peculiar to the inhabitants of these favoured
islands. I have made a great many observations, especially
in astronomy and chemistry — on the purity of the air, the
temperature of the ocean, &c. The nights were magnificent ; in
this clear, tranquil atmosphere it was quite possible to read the
sextant in the brilliant moonlight, and then the southern
constellations, Lupus and the Centaur ! What splendid nights !
We caught a specimen of that very rare animal the dagyza,
near the spot where it was first discovered by Banks ; we also
fished up from a depth of 50 fathoms a new kind of plant, green
and with vine-shaped leaves, but not a fucus. The sea was
phosphorescent every evening. As we neared Madeira some
birds made their appearance, and accompanied us throughout
the day.

' At Grraciosa we landed to ascertain if there were any English
frigates cruising off Teneriffe, and on being assured there were
none, we continued our voyage, fortunately arriving without even
sighting a man of war. How we contrived to do so is quite
incomprehensible, for an hour after our arrival no fewer than
six English frigates appeared off the harbour. We have no
occasion to apprehend anything further from them until we
reach the West Indies. My health is excellent, and I get

FROM CORUNNA TO PUERTO CABELLO. 261

on capitally with Bonpland. We have already experienced at
Teneriffe something of the hospitable feeling that reigns in
colonial settlements. We are invited everywhere, with or with-
out introduction, merely for the sake of hearing the latest news
from Europe ; and the royal passport works wonders. At Santa
Cruz we stayed with General Armiaga ; and here at Puerto
Orotava we are the guests of an English merchant, John Colle-
gan, at whose house Cook, Banks, and Lord Macartney had
formerly received hospitable entertainment. I was greatly
surprised by the cultivated tastes and ease of manner dis-
played by the ladies of these households.'
He further proceeds : —

' June 23 : Evening.

4 1 returned last night from an excursion up the Peak. What
an amazing scene ! what a gratification ! We descended some
way into the crater, perhaps farther than any previous scientific
traveller. No one except Borda and Mason has been even
beyond the last cone. There is little danger in the ascent, only
fatigue from the trying effects of heat and cold ; for the sul-
phurous vapour in the crater burnt holes in our clothes while
our hands were numb in a temperature of 36°.

' What a remarkable spectacle was presented to us at this
height of 11,500 feet! The dark blue vault of heaven over-
head ; former streams of lava at our feet ; on either side this
scene of devastation ; three square miles of pumice-stone,
bordered by groves of laurel, beyond which vineyards inter-
spersed with bananas stretched down to the sea ; pretty villages
dotted along the coast, the ocean with all the seven islands,
among which Palma and Grand Canary are distinguished by
lofty volcanoes spread out beTore us like a map.

6 The crater into which we descended emits only sulphurous
vapour ; the temperature of the ground is 190°. The lava
streams break out at the sides of the mountain, where small
craters are formed similar to those by which two years ago the
whole island was illuminated. On that occasion, a subterra-
neous noise was heard for two months like the firing of cannon,
and stones of the size of a house were hurled into the air to
the height of 4,000 feet. I have made some important mine-
ralogical observations here. The Peak is composed of basalta

262 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

upon which lie beds of porphyry and obsidian porphyry. Fire
and water rage below the surface ; I noticed steam escaping from
every point. Almost all the lava streams appeared to be melted
basalt. The pumice-stone is evidently produced from obsidian
porphyry ; I have specimens where the two conditions are united
in one piece.

c At the foot of a lava stream in front of the crater we spent
the night in the open air, among the group of stones known by
the name of " La Estancia de los Ingleses," at a height of 7,875
feet above the sea. At two in the morning we were already on
our way towards the last cone. The heavens were bright with
stars, and the moon shone with a gentle radiance ; but this calm
was soon to be disturbed. The storm raged violently round
the summit, we were obliged to cling fast to the edge of the
crater. The wind rushed through the rifts with a noise like
thunder, while a veil of cloud separated us from the world
below. We climbed up the cone as it stood out above the
mist, isolated as a ship upon the sea. The sudden change
from the beauty of a bright moonlight night to the darkness
and desolation of the storm and cloud produced a very im-
pressive effect.

'Postscript. — In the district of Orotava there is a dragon
tree (Draccena draco) measuring forty-five feet in circumfe-
rence. Four centuries ago, in the days of the Gruanches,1 the
girth was as great as it is now.2 I could almost weep at the
prospect of leaving this place ; I should be quite happy to
settle here, and yet I am scarcely out of Europe. Could you
but see these luxuriant fields, these forests of laurel, the growth
of a thousand years, these vines and these roses ! They actually
fatten the pigs here upon apricots. The roads are lined with
camelias.

c We are to sail on the 25th (June).'

1 [The name of the aboriginal inhabitants of the Canary Islands.]

2 This dragon-tree, which is fully described by Humboldt in the ' Aspects
of Nature,' lost half the crown during a hurricane in the year 1819. The
lower part of the hollow stem was then supported by masonry, over which
bignonias and other creeping plants were trained, but the upper portion
became by degrees so rotten that it was finally broken off in the storm of
January 2, 1868.

FROM CORUNNA TO PUERTO CABELLO. 263

Much additional detail is contained in a letter to Delame-
therie dated 30th Messidor, VII. (July 18, 1799), three days
after landing at Cumana, from which we find that Humboldt
had already commenced his researches upon the currents, tem-
perature, and phosphorescence of the ocean, together with other
kindred investigations, which he prosecuted with the view of
aiding in the solution of some of the grand problems in science.
After a voyage of nineteen days Humboldt came in sight, on
July 13, of the lofty coasts of Tobago and Trinidad, and on the
16th inst. the ship was safely anchored in the harbour of
Cumana. The voyage throughout had indeed been, a pros-
perous one to him, for not only had he entirely escaped sea-
sickness, but he had been preserved from a contagious fever
of a typhoid character which had broken out on board. In
consequence of this sickness among the crew, it was thought
advisable to change the original direction of the ship's course,
and instead of making for Cuba or the coast of Mexico, the
vessel was run into the nearest harbour on the north coast of
South America and anchored at Cumana.

Humboldt thus wrote to his brother the day he landed : ' —

1 Cumana,2 South America t July 16, 1799,

6 The same good fortune, my dear brother, which enabled us
to run into Teneriffe in the face of the English, has continued
with us to the end of our voyage. I have worked hard all the
way, especially with astronomical observations. We intend
remaining some months in the Caracas, where we are truly in a
wonder-land of fertility and luxuriance ; we have on all sides of
us extraordinary plants, electric eels, tigers, armadillos, apes,
and parrots, besides numbers of genuine Indians — half wild —
a very handsome and interesting race.

' Cumana, on account of its proximity to the Snowy Moun-
tains, is one of the coolest and most healthy places in South

1 Humboldt's letters are mostly written in the style of a journal : the date
merely denotes when the letter was begun or finished.

2 Cumana, first colonised in 1521, was very early an important place
of trade. The name, however, is not down in the large chart of the Gulf
of Mexico by Martin Suares ; it is also wanting in Arrowsmith's Atlas,
published in 1804, in which La Guayra and Caracas are also omitted.

264 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

America, with a climate like that of Mexico ; and although it has
been visited by Jacquin, the interior of the country is still one
of the least known portions of the globe. Besides the charm of
being surrounded by nature in a new aspect (for since yesterday
we have not met with a single specimen of a plant or animal
common to Europe), we have been mainly influenced in our
determination to remain at Cumana, two days' sail from Caracas,
by the news that just now English ships of war are cruising
in the neighbourhood. It is a voyage of eight or ten days
to Havana, and as all European convoys touch here, to say
nothing. of private merchantmen, we shall not lack opportu-
nities of visiting Cuba. We hear too, that the heat there is
at its worst just in September and October. We shall spend
these months, therefore, in the cooler and healthier atmo-
sphere of this place ; it is quite possible, even at this tempera-
ture, to sleep out at nights in the open air.

6 An old commissary of the navy, who has lived many years
in Paris, St. Domingo, and the Philippines, is keeping house
here, with help of two negroes and a negress. We have hired
a very nice new house for twenty piastres a month, and obtained
the services of two negresses, one as a cook. There is no lack
of food here, but unfortunately there is nothing to be had in
the shape of flour, bread, or biscuit. The town is still half
buried in ruins; for the great earthquake of 1797, by which
Quito was destroyed, overthrew a considerable part of Cumana.
This town lies in a bay as beautiful as that of Toulon, and is
situated at the foot of a range of thickly wooded mountains,
that rise in the form of an amphitheatre to a height of from
5,000 to 8,000 feet. All the houses are built of white cinchona
and 'satin-wood. Along the banks of the small river (Bio de
Cumana), reminding one of the Saale at Jena, stand seven
monasteries surrounded by plantations which have all the
appearance of English gardens. Outside the town live the
copper-coloured Indians, of whom the men nearly all go naked ;
their huts are made of bamboo cane covered with the leaves of
the cocoa-nut palm. On entering one of them, I found the
mother and children employing as seats the stems of coral that
had been washed up on the shore ; they had each a cocoa-nut
shell before them, to serve the purpose of a plate, from which

FROM CORUNNA TO PUERTO CABELLO. 265

they were eating fish. The plantations are all open for every-
one to go in and out as they please ; the inhabitants here are
so well disposed that in most of the houses the doors are left
open through the night. There are more Indians here than
negroes.

' What magnificent vegetation ! Cocoa-nut palms from fifty
to sixty feet in height ; Poinciana pulcherrima, with pyramidal
bunches of flowers a foot high, and of a splendid bright red
colour ; bananas, and a host of trees with enormous leaves and
sweet-smelling flowers as large as one's hand, all of which are
entirely new. You may irnagine how completely unexplored
this country is, when I tell you that a new genus, first
described by Mutis (see "Cavanilles Icones," vol. iv.) only two
years ago, is growing here as a wide-spreading tree, sixty feet
high. We had the good fortune to meet with a specimen of
this magnificent plant yesterday ; the stamens are an inch long.
What a vast number of smaller plants, therefore, must have as
yet escaped observation! How brilliant the plumage of the
birds and the colours of the fishes ! — even the crabs are sky-blue
and gold!

' Hitherto we have been running about like a couple of fools ;
for the first three days we could settle to nothing, as we were
always leaving one object to lay hold of another. Bonpland
declares he should lose his senses if this state of ecstacy were to
continue. But far more thrilling than the contemplation of
these marvellous objects individually is the overpowering sight
of the whole mass of such magnificent vegetation, the elegant
luxuriance of which is so exhilarating and, at the same time, so
soothing. I feel sure that I shall be very happy here, and that
the agreeable impressions I am now receiving will often cheer
me by their inspiring influence.

6 1 do not yet know how long I shall remain here, but I think
that I shall probably spend three months between here and
Caracas — possibly, however, a still longer time. We must
make the best use we can of what lies nearest to us. Next
month, when the winter here ceases, and the hottest and laziest
part of the year sets in, I shall probably undertake a journey to
the mouth of the Orinoco, known as the Bocca del Drago
(Dragon's Mouth) : there is a good and safe road all the way.

266 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

We sailed past the mouth of this river, and were amazed at the
spectacle presented by these mighty waters. On the night of
the 4th of July I saw the Southern Cross for the first time in
all its splendour.

; Postscript. — You need not feel alarmed for me on account
of the heat of these regions. I have nearly been a month now
within the tropics, and I feel no inconvenience from the
temperature. The thermometer usually stands at about 78° or
82° — not higher ; it was as low as 66° of an evening off the
coast of Cayenne, when I felt quite frozen. Thus, you see, the
heat is by no means extreme in this neighbourhood.

c I hope you will follow my voyage upon the map. On the
5th of June we sailed from Corunna, on the 17th we touched at
frraciosa, from the 19th to the 25th we spent at Teneriffe : on
leaving there we experienced strong gales from the east, with
rain, and on the 5th and 6th of July were sailing off the
coast of Brazil ; on the 14th we passed between Tobago and
Grenada; on the 15th we sailed through the channel sepa-
rating Margarita from the mainland of South America, and
on the morning of the 16th we anchored- in the harbour of
Cumana.'

Humboldt's first visit to Cumana lasted from July 16 to
November 28, 1799. His letters written during this period
are full of detail on a variety of subjects, and we have therefore
thought it desirable to introduce here short extracts from
some of them, commencing with the following letter to Von
Zach :—

1 Cumana : September 1, 1799.

c A Spanish brigantine from Cadiz, which has anchored here
this morning, gives me the welcome opportunity of sending
you a token of my existence, as well as some account of my
scientific labours. I am compelled to write in some haste, as I
am on the eve of setting off on an expedition to the interior,
and intend starting to-morrow for the mountains of Caripe and
Carapana, where only four days ago there were eleven very
severe shocks of earthquake. Thence I shall proceed to the
interior of Paria, among the mission stations of the Capuchins,
a district abounding with objects of the highest possible

FROM CORUNNA TO PUERTO CABELLO. 267

interest to the scientific investigator — plants, mountains, rocks,
and above all a new order of human kind, the friendly Indians
and the tribes of the Caribs.

' I have now been for a couple of months in this new quarter
of the globe — the Terra Firma of South America, and together
with my travelling companion, Bonpland, who has proved him-
self an indefatigable worker, I am in the enjoyment of the best
possible health. We have already collected a great number of
plants, insects, and shell-fish : I have made several drawings, and
been much occupied with experiments for ascertaining the
composition of the atmosphere.

' Just now I am trying to investigate the problem why the
refraction of light should be less in this zone of high
temperature than with us. This effect cannot be ascribed
solely to the heat. Much, no doubt, is due to hygrometric
conditions, for I am of opinion that the greater damp of this
region of the globe diminishes refraction.

6 During the voyage I was much occupied in registering the
temperature of the ocean and in ascertaining its specific
gravity by means of one of Dollond's excellent balances. The
idea suggested by Franklin and Jonathan Williams of taking
soundings with a thermometer attached to the lead is as
ingenious as it is happy in conception, and will eventually
become of great importance to navigation. I undertook
several experiments on board ship with Hadley's mirror
sextant. I haVe an eight-inch one by Eamsden with a silvered
arc divided to 20 seconds. I have besides a two-inch sextant
by Troughton, which I call my snuff-box sextant : it is really
incredible what may be accomplished with this little instrument.
A single set of observations taken by it of the altitude of the
sun when passing the prime vertical will give the correct time
within two or three seconds. If this accuracy be purely
accidental, it must at least be admitted that the chance happens
very frequently.

' I systematically kept an astronomical journal, and when-
ever the weather and the calmness of the ocean permitted I
made observations of the latitude and longitude of the ship or
of the places where we landed ; I also observed the inclination

268 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

of the magnetic needle, which, by means of Borda's new
instrument, may be found to within 20 minutes. I enclose you
the results I obtained with it during the voyage. . . .

' The chronometer I have with me is one of Louis Berthoud's,
No. 27 ; it has been frequently made use of by travellers, and
its excellence is well known to Borda ; it has preserved with
me its usual uniform rate.

' I must confess it needs a remarkable stock of patience to
make astronomical observations with sufficient accuracy in
this extreme heat, and to do one's work con amore ! You will
however notice that this heat, however oppressive it may be,
does not seem to diminish my activity. . . .

' I wish I could convey to you an idea of the exquisite beauty
of the nights here, or give you any notion of the transparency
of the air ; by the light of Venus I have frequently been able
with a lens to read the vernier of my small sextant ! Venus
really plays the part of a moon here. She presents a large and
luminous surface two degrees in diameter, and displays the
most beautiful colours of the rainbow, even when the air is
quite clear and the sky is perfectly blue. I am persuaded that
the splendour of the heavens is nowhere so remarkable as in
these latitudes, for south of the equator the magnificent
northern constellations soon cease to be visible. Not but what
the constellations of the southern hemisphere have their own
peculiar charm. Sagittarius, the Southern Crown, the South-
ern Cross, the Southern Triangle, the Altar, are all conspi-
cuous for the brilliancy of their stars, while Centaurus almost
rivals in splendour our own Orion, which I have here seen
at such an altitude as to wring from me an expression of deep
emotion and throw me into a glow of excitement.

' Another very remarkable and surprising phenomenon which
I noticed even the second day of my arrival here is the ebb
and flow in the atmosphere.

' Eemember me affectionately to our friend Blumenbach.
Oh how often I think of him as I see around me these marvellous
treasures of nature ! Tell him that the geological formation
here is of a most interesting character. Mountains of mica-
schist, basalt, gypsum, and gneiss. Sulphur and petroleum,
rising with considerable force from very small openings, throw

FROM CORUNNA TO PUERTO CABELLO. 269

up, even when under water, streams of air, and are probably the
occasion of the frequent earthquakes. The whole of this
town is lying in ruins. The great earthquake of Cumana was
the signal for the one at Quito in the year 1797, in which
16,000 persons lost their lives, upon which occasion the volcano
Tunguragua threw up more hot water and mud (terre pdteuse)
than lava — a volcano, therefore, by which nature would seem
desirous of reconciling the opposing systems of the Neptunists
and Vulcanists !

' We are surrounded by tigers and crocodiles (alligators),
ever ready to indulge in a meal, and by no means fastidious — a
white or a black man being equally regarded by them as a
dainty morsel. In size they are not inferior to the African
beasts of prey. And what glorious vegetation ! — truly colossal
organisms. A ceiba,1 out of which four canoes can be made !

' I am particularly anxious you should tell Counsellor
Blumenbach that there is a man living in this province of
New Andalusia who has so much milk, that since his wife was
unable to suckle her child, he has himself nursed it for the
last five months. The milk does not in the slightest degree
differ from woman's milk. The he-goats belonging to this old
man even give milk.

'Pray receive my letter with indulgence, and regard with
lenity my astronomical observations. Eemember that astro-
nomy is only a secondary object of my journey, and that I am
but a beginner in the science, having only during the last two
years accustomed myself to the use of astronomical instruments.
It must also be borne in mind that this journey has been
undertaken at my own cost, and that an expedition fitted out
by a single individual, even though he be wealthy — for his
own gratification and instruction — cannot for a moment
compete with those extensive expeditions organised by royal
command and at Grovernment expense, which are able to secure
the services of several scientific men for carrying out investiga-
tions in every branch of science. I could have wished, for the
sake of accomplishing something really great in astronomy and
geography, that our friend Burckhardt had joined our expedition,

1 [Bombax cetba, a large tree of the tropics, called the cotton-tree.]

270 ALEXANDER VON HUMEOLDT.

only he would have been obliged to provide himself with larger
and better instruments than any I possess.

' Do not be surprised if my letters are full of repetitions,
for it is calculated that in this out-of-the-way region, of every
four letters despatched to Europe, three will be lost ; therefore
if one wishes to apprise one's friends of any particular fact it is
necessary to repeat it frequently.'

1 Cumana : November 17, 1799.

c I have re-opened my letter, for I did not venture to trust it
to the brigantine from Cadiz when I found that a Spanish
mail was expected. We have been looking for it in vain for
the last two months, but it has at length arrived, and I hasten
to give you some additional intelligence. I have just returned
from an expedition into the interior of Paria ; it was a very
arduous undertaking, but one in every point of view fraught
with the highest interest. We visited the high Cordilleras of
Tumiriquiri, Cocollar, and Gruanaguana, which are inhabited by
the Chaymas and Gruaraunos Indians. We spent some glorious
days very happily at the Capuchin monastery at Caripe, the
central mission station. We also visited the celebrated cave of
Guacharo, which is the resort of thousands of nocturnal birds
— a new species of Caprimulgus, goat-sucker. Nothing can
equal the majestic entrance to this cave, shadowed by palms,
pothos, ipomcea, &c.

6 During our stay in this province we have dried more than
1,600 plants and described about 600 new varieties, including
some unknown cryptogamia ; we have also collected the most
beautiful shell-fish and insects. I have made more than 60
drawings of plants, besides illustrating the comparative anatomy
of various shell-fish. We took Berthoud's chronometer and
Eamsden's and Troughton's sextants with us, across the
Gruarapichi. I determined the latitude and longitude of more
than fifteen places — observations which may be of use at some
future time in affording fixed points for the construction of a
map of the interior. By means of the barometer, I measured
the height of the Cordilleras. The loftiest peak is limestone,
and does not exceed in elevation 6,405 feet. Farther west,
towards Avila, there are mountains nearly 10,500 feet in

FEOM CORUNNA TO PUERTO CABELLO. 271

height, which connect these Cordilleras with those of Santa
Martha and Quito.

6 The oppressive and almost unbearable heat did not prevent
me from observing the solar eclipse of the 28th of October. On
the same day I took altitudes of the sun with Bird's quadrant ;
I give the results below, and I should be glad if you will kindly
look them through and correct them. . . .

6 In making these observations, my face was so severely
burnt that I was obliged to keep my bed for two days and apply
medicinal remedies. The reflection from the white limestone
is distressing to the eyes and liable to injure the sight. The
metal of an instrument exposed to the power of the sun's rays
is heated to a temperature of 124°.

' If you have looked into my last work on " Subterranean
Meteorology," you will have seen that the temperature of the
interior of the earth is a problem of the highest interest. Here,
under 10° of latitude, the temperature at the depth of 371
fathoms is 66°. My meteorological instruments have been
compared with those of the National Observatory at Paris, and
corrected according to that standard. At the sea level the
thermometer in the shade, even during the hottest part of
the year, does not rise above 91° ; the temperature keeps very
regular, rarely varying more than from 75° to 82°. Early in
the afternoon, when the heat is at its maximum, a thunderstorm
comes on, and is succeeded by a display of lightning, which lasts
for nine hours. Truly a volcanic climate !

* On the 4th of November we experienced a severe shock of
earthquake ; no serious damage, fortunately, occurred. I was
surprised to notice that during the earthquake the dip of the
magnetic needle was reduced by the amount of 1*1°. The
earthquake was followed by a succession of slighter shocks, and
on the 12th of November we had a regular display of fireworks*
From two o'clock till five in the morning large fire-balls passed
without intermission across the sky, and kept discharging
sprays of fire two degrees in diameter. The eastern portion of
the province of New Andalusia is covered with numerous small
volcanoes, emitting warm water, sulphur, sulphuretted hydrogen,
and petroleum.

6 1 am to sail to-morrow for La Gruayra, and intend remaining

272 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

at Caracas till January. Thence I shall penetrate into the
interior of the country, to investigate the Apure, Rio Negro,
and Orinoco, as far as Angostura, whence I shall return here to
embark for Havana.' . . .

During the earthquake above mentioned Humboldt expe-
rienced for the first time those exciting sensations invariably
produced by this appalling natural phenomenon ; he remarks,
concerning it, that by habit ' man becomes as much accustomed
to the trembling of the ground as the sailor to the staggering
of a ship amid the waves.' The phenomenon witnessed by
Humboldt on the night of November 11 and 12 was the great
shower of meteors since become so noted in the annals of
science.

On November 18, the travellers set sail from Cumana in a
coasting vessel ; they separated at New Barcelona, whence
Bonpland proceeded by land, for the sake of enriching his
botanical collections, while Humboldt remained with the ship,
to keep guard over the instruments, and after a voyage of four
days he landed, on November 21, at La Gruayra, the port of the
inland city of Caracas, the capital of the province and the
residence of the Governor General — a city which has since
attained a melancholy notoriety from the destructive earthquake
by which it was overwhelmed in 1812.

As the rainy season had commenced, the stay at Caracas was
prolonged for two months and a half — from November 21, 1799,
till February 7, 1800. Humboldt's journal is full of bitter com-
plaints of the persistent bad weather. ' For twenty-seven nights
we have kept watch in hopes of being able to observe the
eclipses of Jupiter's satellites, but our labour has been all in
vain.' These watches were prosecuted even through the night
of January 1, spent at the foot of the Sina, 'notwithstanding
the prospect on the morrow of undertaking a fatiguing journey
on foot of nineteen hours ; ' but their self-sacrifice on this oc-
casion met with no better reward. This pedestrian expedition
was commenced on January 2. They climbed the Silla de
Caracas, the summit of which, rising to the height of 8,100
feet, had never before been ascended, and examined the structure
of the mountain. After passing through the fruitful valleys of
Aragua and Tui, rich with cocoa plantations, they visited the

FROM CORUNNA TO PUERTO CABELLO. 273

mountains of Los Tequos, the hot springs of Mariare and
Trinchera, and the northern shore of the romantic lake of
Valencia, where they made the discovery of the cow-tree, so
called from its yielding milk : thence they journeyed through
New Valencia and over the mountain range of Higuerote, in
the midst of a picturesque country abounding with glorious
vegetation, to Puerto Cabello, ' a wonderful and magnificent
harbour,' the most western point of their wanderings.

Shortly before leaving Caracas, Humboldt wrote, on Fe-
bruary 3, 1800, in the following grateful strain to Baron von
Forell : l-

' I need scarcely assure you how often I am reminded to
whom I am indebted for the privilege of being here, nor to
whom the thanks of the public will be due for the results,
whatever may be their value, which may accrue from my ex-
pedition to the West Indies. While traversing the vast ocean
separating Europe from the continents washed by the Pacific,
while exploring the wild banks of the Gruarapichi, or penetrating
the primeval forests of the valleys of the Tumiriquiri, the
thought of my kind friend has been ever before me. Gratitude
is the first law of our being, and the natural philosopher,
while studying the laws of Nature, should yield them unhesi-
tating obedience.' . . .

He then continues : — ' The farther we pressed into the
interior, in visiting the mission stations among the Chaymas,
the more heartily we congratulated ourselves that we had not .
gone on to Havana. It would have been very tantalising to have
been so near the coast of Paria, the wonders of the Orinoco,
the immense chain of Cordilleras stretching from Quito east-
ward to Carupana, to say nothing of the majestic vegetation
which Jacquin has so graphically portrayed in his works, and
yet not to have been able to devote to the examination of these
wonders of Nature more than the three days during which the
mail stopped at Cumana. . . . Had we first landed at Havana or
Caracas, we should have found ourselves surrounded by evidences
of European civilisation ; but in the Grulf of Cariaco, where the
wild Indians of the lagunes (Gruaraunos del arco) are within

1 De la Roquette, ' Humboldt, Correspond, scientif. et litter.' vol. i. p. SO.
VOL. I. T

274 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLBT.

fifty miles, Nature reigns with undisputed sway. Neither
the tigers, nor the crocodiles, nor even the monkeys, show any
fear of man ; the most valuable trees, such as the guaiacam,
the caoutchouc, and the logwoods of Brazil and Campechy,
besides a vast number of other varieties, grow down even to
the coast, and by the interlacement of their branches often
present an impenetrable barrier. The air is peopled by rare
birds of brilliant plumage. Every object declares the grandeur,
the power, the tenderness of Nature — from the boa con-
strictor, which can swallow a horse, down to the tiny hum-
ming-bird balancing itself on the chalice of a flower. . . . We
are already sufficiently familiar with Spanish to take part in a
conversation, and my admiration has been excited by the
loyalty and probity (liombria de bien) evinced by the in-
habitants of these distant countries — qualities for which the
Spanish nation has in all ages been distinguished. It is true
that as a people they have not kept pace with the development
of enlightened views, but on the other hand the purity of
their moral character has been perhaps more perfectly main-
tained. A hundred miles from the coast, among the mountains
of Gruanaguana, the inhabitants were in such a state of
ignorance that they had never even heard of Prussia ; yet I
should find it difficult to convey to you an adequate notion of
the very cordial hospitality we received from them. After
only spending four days in their society, they took leave of
us as if we had been living with them for a lifetime. The
longer I am here, the more am I delighted with the Spanish
colonies ; and if I have the good fortune to live to return to
Europe I shall always recall with pleasure and interest the
days I have spent here.' . . .

After a short stay at Puerto Cabello, the travellers took
their departure towards the beginning of March, to pursue
their important expedition to the Orinoco and the investigation
of the interior of the continent.

EXPEDITION TO THE ORINOCO.

CHAPTER III.
EXPEDITION TO THE ORINOCO.

Outline of the Expedition — Letter to William von Humboldt — Prosperity,
Leisure, and Objects of Study — Bonpland's Ability and Faithfulness —
Nocturnal Scene — Letter to Willdenow — Herbariums — Arrangements
in case of Death — Eraser's Shipwreck — Profusion of Plants ; their
Preservation difficult — Hardships — ' The Tropics are my Element '-
Courteous Reception and Position of Independence — Bonpland's Share
in the Work— Recollections of Berlin.

THE next subject of investigation which Humboldt had laid
down for himself was the task of tracing out the water system
of the Orinoco, in order to settle the vexed question as to the
existence of any communication between this river and the
Amazon.

To give an outline of this important expedition, the travellers
started on foot from Puerto Cabello at the close of the month
of February, 1 800, and crossed New Valencia to the lake of the
same name, whence, after passing along its southern shore, they
turned southward through the Llanos de Caracas and by way of
Calabozo (from March 14 to March 24) to San Fernando de
Apure, which they reached about March 27. After a stay of
a couple of days they proceeded in an easterly direction down
the river Apure, in one of the slight native boats called pirogues,
so constructed as to be easily carried over land. They followed
the Apure till its junction with the Orinoco at Cabruta, whence
they ascended the Orinoco past the rapids of Atures and May-
pures as far as San Fernando, the confluence of the Atabapo,
where they arrived on April 23. At this point they left the
Orinoco and followed the course of its tributary, the Atabapo,
southward, as far as the junction of the small rivers Temi and
Tuamini, arriving on May 1 at the town of San Antonio de

T 2

276 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

Javita. Before them lay Monte Pimichin, which forms the
watershed between the Orinoco and the Amazon, and is noto-
rious for the serpents with which it is infested. A land journey
of three days across this portage, over which the pirogue was
carried by the Indians, brought the travellers to the Rio Negro,
the course of which they followed still farther south to San
Carlos, on the frontier of Brazil. This, the most southern point
of their travels, in 2° North latitude, was reached on May 7.
Leaving the Rio Negro, a little above San Carlos, at the con-
fluence of the Casiquiare, they followed the course of this river
in a north-easterly direction until it joined the Orinoco, thus
proving incontestably that a communication existed between
the Orinoco and the Amazon. The furthest point to which
they followed the Orinoco was Esmeralda, which they reached
on May 21, a town situated opposite the mountain of Duida.

On May 23, 1800, the travellers commenced their return
journey. From Esmeralda they descended the Orinoco as far
as Angostura, the capital of Gruiana, visiting on May 31 the
Cavern of Atoruipe, the burial-place of the extinct race of the
Aturs. At Angostura they remained from June 15 till July 10,
when they proceeded on foot northward through the Llanos of
Barcelona. Their arrival at Barcelona on July 23 brought to
a close this highly interesting journey, during which they had
travelled 1725 miles through a wild and uninhabited region,
and, among other important results, had obtained the solution
of the problem of the bifurcation of the Orinoco, the position
of which was accurately determined by astronomical observa-
tion.

At Barcelona the travellers again rested for some weeks, and
not till September 1 was Humboldt able to reach Cumana and
find himself once more under the hospitable roof of Don Vincente
Emperan, the governor of that province.

The letters written by Humboldt during this journey are
naturally very inferior in matters of detail, as well as in general
scientific interest, to the succinct account of his travels published
in his works, but they possess the inestimable advantage of
reflecting the warmth and freshness of individual feeling excited
by the impressions of the moment, and vividly portray the mind
of the writer. Of the many letters belonging to this period our

EXPEDITION TO THE OKINOCO. 277

limited space will only allow of our selecting two, from which
we insert the following extracts : —

To William von Humboldt.

'Cumana, South America: October 17, 1800.

' I cannot repeat to you often enough how happy I feel in
this quarter of the globe, where I have already become so
completely acclimatised as almost to feel as if I had never
lived in Europe.

' Throughout the world, there is perhaps no land where one
could live with more enjoyment and in greater peace and
security than in the Spanish colonies where I have now been
travelling for the last fifteen months. The climate is very
healthy ; the heat sets in about nine in the morning, and does not
last beyond seven in the evening. The nights and early mornings
are cooler than in Europe. The aspect of nature is extremely
rich and varied, while everything is on so grand a scale as to
convey an impression of majesty. The inhabitants are mild,
good-natured, and conversible, and though certainly very care-
less and ignorant, they are simple-hearted and without pre-
tension.

' I could not possibly have been placed in circumstances more
highly favourable for study and for purposes of investigation
than those which I now enjoy. I am free from the mani-
fold distractions constantly arising in civilised life from the
claims of society, while nature unceasingly offers to my con-
templation the newest and most interesting objects of study.
The only drawback to this solitude is the want of information
as to the progress that scientific discovery is making in Europe,
and the loss of all the advantages arising from the interchange
of thought.

4 The study of the various races of mankind would alone
form ample occupation for any observer, for not only are the
mixed races a subject of considerable interest, but also the

i Indian tribes, especially such as are as yet uninfluenced by
civilisation. Of the various inhabitants of European descent I
im most attracted to the colonists settled in country districts,
a class of people who still preserve the simplicity of Spanish

278 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

manners characteristic of the fifteenth century, and who fre-
quently exhibit traits of humanity and principles of true philo-
sophy which are sometimes sought for in vain among nations
regarded as highly civilised.

6 It is therefore with great regret that I look forward to
leaving these peaceful regions for the richer and more populous
districts of other colonies. I shall certainly meet with greater
facilities for collecting information, but I shall oftener encounter
men who, while the language of the most beautiful philosophy
is upon their lips, deny its first principles in their hearts, who
while lash in hand they are subjecting their slaves to cruel abuse,
yet speak with enthusiasm of the glories of freedom, and at the
same moment offer the children of their negroes, when scarcely
more than infants, for sale like so many calves. Would not the
solitude of a desert be preferable to the company of such
philosophers ? '

After a detailed account of the expedition to the Orinoco, he
continues : —

6 My friend Bonpland suffered much more severely from this
excursion than I did. On our arrival at Gruiana he was attacked
by vomiting and fever, which caused me the greatest anxiety.
Probably this was the effect of the food, to which we were
both unaccustomed. Seeing he made no progress towards re-
covery in the town (Angostura1), I had him conveyed to the
country-house of my friend Dr. Felix Farreras, eighteen miles
from the Orinoco, in a cooler valley at a somewhat greater
elevation. There is no more efficient cure in this tropical
climate than change of air.

' I cannot describe to you the anxiety I endured during his
illness. I could never have hoped to meet again with a

1 Among the Kadowitz collection of autographs in the Royal Library at
Berlin is a chart of the Orinoco, sketched by Humboldt, which, though very
rough, is executed with great clearness, and is accompanied by the
remark : — i My first attempt to employ graphically the astronomical ob-
servations I made on the Orinoco and the Casiquiare. I made the sketch
at Santo Thome del Angostura in June 1800, while Bonpland was lying
dangerously ill of a nervous fever. I give you the chart, as a proof that I
can occasionally write with legibility.

1 Berlin: 1842. AL. HUMBOLDT.'

EXPEDITION TO THE ORINOCO. 279

friend, so faithful, courageous, and active. Throughout the
journey he evinced many astonishing proofs of courage and
resolution, for we were necessarily surrounded during the
whole time by a variety of dangers, not only from the Indians
among whom we travelled, but from the nature of the country,
which swarmed with tigers, crocodiles, and serpents. I shall
never forget the generous attachment he showed me during a
storm which overtook us on the Orinoco on April (j, 1800.
Our pirogue was two-thirds full of water, and the Indians
already overboard fast swimming to shore, when my noble-
hearted friend, who alone stood by me in this emergency,
entreated me to follow their example, and offered to swim to
shore with me upon his back.

4 We were not destined, however, to perish in this wild re-
gion, where, within a circle of forty miles, there was no hu-
man being to learn our fate or trace the manner of our
disappearance. Our position was truly appalling : the shore
was distant from us more than a mile, where a number of
crocodiles could be discerned lying half ou,t of the water. Even
if we had gained the shore against the fury of the waves and
the voracity of the crocodiles, we should infallibly have either
perished from hunger or been torn in pieces by the tigers,
for the woods upon these shores are so dense and so intertwined
with lianas as to be absolutely impenetrable. The strongest
man, axe in hand, could hardly make his way in twenty days
for the distance of a league. The river too is so little frequented
that even an Indian canoe scarcely passes oftener than once in
two months. At this most momentous and perilous crisis a
<mst of wind filled the sails of our little vessel and effected

<)

in a marvellous manner our deliverance. We only lost a few
books and a portion of our food.

' You may imagine our feelings of grateful happiness when,
as night approached, we went on shore, and, assembling for our
evening meal, found that none of our party were missing. The
night was dark and the moon only shone at intervals through
the gaps in the clouds as they were driven by the wind across
the sky. The monk who formed one of the party addressed
himself in prayer to St. Francis and the Holy Virgin. The

280 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

rest were all lost in thought, filled with emotion, and in gloomy
apprehension for the future.

' We were still two days distant to the north (?) from the
great cataracts we had to pass, and we had yet nearly 700 miles
to accomplish in our pirogue, which, as we had just experienced,
was but a frail bark. What an overwhelming anxiety ! This
state of depression, however, lasted only through the night.
The following day was very beautiful, and our spirits partook of
the peace and cheerfulness reigning throughout nature. During
the morning we met a family of Caribs who had come from the
mouth of the Orinoco in quest of turtle eggs, and who had
undertaken a journey fraught with so much danger more for
pleasure and from a love of the chase than from any necessity.
In our intercourse with them we entirely forgot our misadven-
tures.'

To Willdenow.

'Havana: February 21, 1801.

6 My dearest friend, — As I am uncertain whether these lines
may not suffer the fate of so many others that I have addressed
to you from these tropical regions, and never reach their desti-
nation, I will confine myself merely to the request I have to
make. In contemplating the results of this extensive journey,
during which I hope to circumnavigate the globe, I naturally
feel exceedingly anxious as to the preservation of my manu-
scripts and herbariums, especially as my expedition happens at
a time when a neutral passport is as little respected as a neutral
ship is by the pirates with whom the ocean just now is infested.
It is very unlikely, indeed quite improbable, that we should
both of us— Bonpland and I — be spared to return alive from
our lengthened voyage to the Philippines and round the Cape
of Grood Hope. In case of such a catastrophe, how grievous
would it be to lose the entire results of the expedition !

' To avoid this, we have taken the precaution of making
copies of our descriptions of plants ; up to the present time they
consist of two volumes, and contain 1,400 specimens, many of
which are either new or rare species. The original manu-
script we retain with us, and we are forwarding a transcript
piecemeal, through the French vice-consul, to Bonpland's

EXPEDITION TO THE ORINOCO. 281

brother at La Rochelle. The plants have been sorted into
three divisions, as we have two or three specimens of each variety.
One of these reduced herbariums we shall carry about with us
for purposes of comparison ; a second one, belonging to Bonpland
(for I naturally share everything with him), has been already
despatched to France, while the third I am sending off to-day
to London through Mr. John Fraser, by way of Charleston.
This last herbarium is in two cases, and contains, with grasses
and cryptogamia, 1,600 different species, most of which are from
the unexplored parts of Parime and Gruiana, from the district
between the Eio Negro and Brazil which we visited last spring.
By thus dividing our treasures we shall considerably diminish
the risk of loss.

6 The idea has occurred to me that as a greater variety of
subjects lias come under my investigation during this journey
than could possibly be expected to interest any one reader, it
might be desirable to publish my observations in separate parts.
I would propose that the first part, for instance, should contain
only an account of the expedition from a physico-moral point
of view, touching only upon those topics of general interest
which would be sure to command the attention of every well-
educated man : — such as the characteristics of the Indian races,
their language and customs, the trade of the colonies, descriptions
of the towns, the aspect of the country, the system of agricul-
ture, data relative to the heights of mountains, meteorological
results. Then, in separate volumes : — 1. Geology and the Con-
st ruction of the Earth. 2. Astronomical Observations, Determi-
nations of Latitude and Longitude, Observations of Jupiter,
Experiments in Refraction. ... 3. Physics and Chemistry ;
Experiments upon the Chemical Constitution of the Atmo-
sphere; Hygrometric and Barometric Eesults ; Observations
on Electricity, Pathology, Excitability. ... 4. Description of
new species of Apes, Crocodiles, Birds, Insects . . . ; Anatomy
of marine animals. ... 5. The Botanical Researches in con-
junction with Bonpland, to include not merely the enumera-
tion of new genera and species, but descriptions after the sys-
tem of Linnseus of all those species already known, of which we
have seen more specimens than other observers — a department of
our work which will, I hope, contain between 5,000 and 6,000

282 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

varieties, for vast treasures are no doubt awaiting us at Manilla
and Ceylon. Such is the outline of my plan.1

; In the event of my death, I trust that Delambre will edit
my astronomical observations, and that Freiesleben or Buch
will kindly prepare my geological notes for the press ; my
observations in Physics and Chemistry I intend to commit to
Schcerer, while my zoological manuscripts will be consigned to
the editorship of Blumenbach. And now I have to request that
you, my dear friend, will undertake my botanical papers, and
edit them under my name coupled with that of Bonpland.
My brother has been empowered to entrust the requisite manu-
scripts for this purpose.

c I remain true to my promise of devoting to you the whole
of my share of the plants collected in this expedition. I do
not intend to retain a single specimen. I have only to request
that as I am postponing the publication of the work till my
return, you will not incorporate my herbarium with your own
collection until this publication has appeared, or until after
my death, should I not live to see it completed.

'I was unwilling to address the two cases (1,600 specimens),
which I have to-day entrusted to Mr. Eraser's care, direct to
Hamburg, not only because no Spanish ship can enter a neutral
port, but also because I am not sure that you may not deem it
safer for the cases to remain with Fraser until peace be con-
cluded. ... I have reason to think that the plants will be
safe under his charge, for I have been able to render him some
important services.

'You may perhaps remember that Mr. Fraser's name occurs
in Walter's " Flora Carolinensis," where he is mentioned as
having made four botanical journeys through Labrador and
Canada, partly as botanist and partly as an agent for the col-
lection of plants and seeds for cultivation. In 1799 he set
out upon a fifth expedition of a similar nature to the Ohio and
through Kentucky and Tennessee — a region now very accessible,
for goods can be sent in a month from Philadelphia to New
Orleans by land as far as Pittsburg and thence by water clown
the Ohio and Mississippi. Unaware of the difficulty of enter-

1 This plan was not adhered to.

EXPEDITION TO THE OKINOCO. 283

ing the Spanish colonies without the royal permission, Fraser
embarked for Havana intending to make a collection of plants.
He suffered shipwreck, and, after enduring three days of misery
upon a sandbank forty miles from the coast, he was picked up
by some fishermen of Matanzns, and arrived here in a state of
complete destitution. His name and occupation enlisted at
once my sympathy on his behalf. I received him into my
house, supplied him with money and all else he could require,
and, through the influence of my friends, obtained permission,
for him to travel through the island of Cuba, which, but for
his shipwreck, he would have found great difficulty ill accom-
plishing. I sincerely believe that both he and his son — a
worthy and amiable young man — would be exceedingly pleased
to do me a service. I proposed to his father that the youth
should accompany me in my expedition to Mexico; but the
young man is afraid to trust himself among the Spaniards,
being unacquainted with their language, and is hastening back
to London, to publish a description of the plants l^e has col-
lected in Kentucky.

' After visiting Mexico and California, I purpose going to
Acapulco, where I hope to join Captain Baudin and complete
with him my proposed expedition round the world.1

4 1 think I have already mentioned to you (pray excuse my
bad German, for during the last two years I have spoken
nothing but French and Spanish), that on my return I intend
to undertake the publication of my plants. In looking over
the two cases which I have committed to Fraser, should you
find any new species that seem to you particularly worthy of
attention, you are, of course, at liberty to introduce specimens
of them — providing you do so sparingly, so as not to include
the whole of the unknown varieties— into your admirable
treatise. Bonpland and I shall esteem it an honour to have
our names mentioned by you in so remarkable a work. My
leason for asking you not to publish all, or even many, of the
new varieties, is because they cannot be so well described
from dried specimens as from the drawings we have made
from nature. . . .

1 This plan, as is .well known, was never accomplished.

284 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

' I think that, with the help of Bonpland, I have been able
to make very complete diagnoses, but we do not venture to
decide as yet as to how many new genera we possess. We
have an immense collection of palms and grasses, of Melastomsc,
Pipers, Malpighise and Cortex Angosturas (bark), which is a
new genus, differing from Cinchona, as well as of the Cipura
Csesalpina of Auble. . . .

'I am quite resolved to withstand every temptation to
publish any of our researches during the five or six years that
my journey may occupy. I feel convinced that on our return
to Europe we shall find that two-thirds of our supposed new
genera and species have been already described. Should this
be the case, a fresh representation and description of these
plants as they grow in such remote regions will not be without
value in a scientific point of view.

6 What an infinite store of plants are treasured up in that
wonderful tract of country lying between the Orinoco and
the Amazon, through which I have travelled 6,443 (sic) miles
in a district abounding with impenetrable forests, and peopled
with apes of species hitherto unknown ! We were scarcely
able to collect specimens of a tenth of the plants we met with.
I am new perfectly convinced of a fact concerning which I
was exceedingly incredulous when I was in England — although
I saw reason to suspect it from the herbariums of Ruiz, Pavon,
Xees, and Henken — that we are not as yet acquainted with
three-fifths of the whole of the existing species of plants !
The fruits are truly wonderful ; on our return journey we sent
off specimens to France and Madrid. What a spectacle is
presented by the various orders of palms as they rear their
heads among the impenetrable forests of the Rio Negro ! . . .

' But alas ! we grieve almost to tears when we open our cases
of plants ! Our herbariums meet with the same sad fate which
called forth the lamentations of Sparmann, Banks, Swartz, and
Jacquin. ' The extreme humidity of the South American
climate, together with the great luxuriance of the vegetation,
which renders it almost impossible to procure leaves which are
wholly matured, has occasioned the destruction of more than a
third of our collection. We are daily discovering new insects,
destructive to paper and plants. Camphor, turpentine, tar,

EXPEDITION TO THE OEINOCO. 285

pitched boards, and other preservatives successful in a European
climate, prove quite unavailing here ; nor have we found any
benefit from hanging the cases up in the open air, so that our
patience has been almost exhausted. After an interval of
barely four months our herbariums were scarcely to be recog-
nised; out of eight specimens five had to be thrown away,
especially of those collected in Guiana, El Dorado, and the
regions near the Amazon, where we were daily exposed to
torrents of rain.

6 During four months of this journey we passed the night in
forests, surrounded by crocodiles, boa constrictors, and tigers,
which are here bold enough to attack a canoe, while for food
we had nothing better than rice, ants, maniocs, bananas, and
occasionally the flesh of monkeys, with only the waters of the
Orinoco whereby to quench our thirst. Thus have we with
difficulty toiled, our hands and faces swollen with mosquito
bites, from Mondavaca to the volcano of Duida, from the limits
of Quito to the frontier of Surinam — through tracts of country
extending over 20,000 square miles, in which no Indian is to
be met with, and where the traveller encounters only apes or
serpents.

' In Guiana the mosquitoes abound in such clouds as to
darken the air, and as it is absolutely necessary to keep head
and hands constantly covered, no writing can be done by day-
light ; the intolerable pain produced by the attacks of these
insects renders it impossible to hold the pen steadily. All our
work had therefore to be carried on by the light of a fire, in
an Indian hut, where no ray of sunlight could penetrate, and
into which we had to creep on our hands and knees. Here,
if we escaped the torment of the mosquitoes, we were almost
choked by the smoke. At Maypures we and the Indians took
refuge in the midst of the cascade, where the spray from the
foaming stream kept off the insects. At Higuerote the people
are accustomed at night to lie buried three or four inches deep
in -sand, with only the head exposed. If we had not seen it, we
should have considered the account fabulous. It is remarkable
that where the rivers assume a darker colour, that is to say, in
the coffee-brown streams of the Atabapo, Guainia, &c., neither
mosquitoes nor crocodiles are to be found.

286 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

' Abundant compensation for these annoyances is afforded by
the sight of the majestic forests of palms, and by the study of
so many independent races of Indians who still bear about
them the evidences of ancient Peruvian civilisation. And yet
these nations, while possessing considerable knowledge of agri-
culture and exercising the rights of hospitality, combine, like
the inhabitants of Otaheite, a mild and gentle aspect with the
savage custom of cannibalism. Wherever we went throughout
the wild districts of South America — I refer to those parts south
of the cataracts of the Orinoco, where, with the exception of
some five or six Franciscan monks, no Christian had previously
penetrated — we scarcely ever entered a hut without encounter-
ing the horrible remains of repasts on human flesh ! !

6 My health and spirits have decidedly improved since I left
Spain, notwithstanding the perpetual changes of heat, cold, and
damp to which I am exposed. The tropics are my element, and
I have never enjoyed such uninterrupted good health as
during the last two years.

4 1 work very hard, and give myself but little time for sleep ;
while making astronomical observations I am often exposed
to the sun for four or five hours, with no covering on my
head, and in places where the yellow fever was raging, as, for
instance, at La Gruayra and Puerto Cabello, my health was
never even interrupted by a headache. I was only twice laid
up, with slight attacks of fever lasting three days ; on the first
occasion at Angostura, the capital of Gruiana, upon my return
from the Kio Negro, when, after a long fast, I ate immode-
rately of bread, which we had not before met with in those
regions ; in the second instance at Nueva Barcelona, from
being wet through in sunshine, which has here always the
effect of producing fever. On the Atabapo, in a climate where
even the Indians are continually suffering from a kind of
putrid fever, my health kept surprisingly good.

6 My reception in the Spanish colonies is as flattering as the
vainest and most aristocratic of men could desire. In countries
where public opinion exercises no influence, and where every-
thing is governed by despotic rule, the favour of the court is a
powerful talisman. The report that I had been personally
distinguished by the King and Queen of Spain, and had received

EXPEDITION TO THE ORINOCO. 287

recommendations from Don Urquijo, the new and all-powerful
minister, softened all hearts ' in my favour. Never has a
natural philosopher been permitted to travel about with so
much freedom. For these reasons the expedition has been far
less expensive than might have been supposed, seeing that on
the rivers I had twenty-four Indians for months together in
my employ, while in the interior I often required fourteen
mules for the transport of instruments and plants. . . .

' I value my independence more and more every day, and for
this reason I have scrupulously avoided accepting the smallest
pecuniary assistance from any Government : if the German news-
papers should happen to translate an article which has appeared
in an English paper concerning me — in which, amid much
of a nattering nature, it is stated " that I am travelling by
commission of the Spanish Grovernment, and am destined to a
high position in the Council for India " — you will be as greatly
amused by it as I was. Should I be permitted a safe return to
Europe, I shall be occupied with plans widely different from
anything connected with the Consejo de Indias. Under the
auspices in which I started life, I seem to be intended for
activity, and should I succumb to these exertions, those who
know me as well as you do are aware that it is for no mean
object for which I sacrifice myself.

4 We Northern Europeans have, it seems to me, a strange and,
I might almost say, an extravagant prejudice against the
Spanish people. I have now for two years been living on
intimate terms with all classes of society, from the Capuchins
with whom I spent some time at their mission stations among
the Chaymas Indians, to the Viceroy, and I have become
almost as familiar with the Spanish language as I am with my
mother tongue : this intimacy has given me opportunity for
observing that this nation, notwithstanding the tyranny of the
Government and the influence of the priests, is making great
strides in intellectual culture, and possesses the elements of a
grand character. . . .

' I have every reason to congratulate myself upon my
travelling companion, Bonpland. He is a worthy disciple of
Jussieu, Desfontaines, and Richard, and is extremely active and
industrious ; he possesses much tact, easily accommodating

288 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

himself to men and manners, speaks very good Spanish, and
is very courageous and intrepid — in a word, he is admirably
fitted for a scientific explorer. He has without assistance under-
taken the arrangement of the plants, which, including dupli-
cates, amount to above 1 2,000 specimens ; but the descriptions
are joint productions, in which I have taken an equal part.
We have often each given a description of the same plant, in
order to arrive at a more trustworthy result. . . .

' And you, my dear friend, how is your busy life passing
amidst the peaceful happiness of domestic ties ? How fortunate
for you that you have not seen the impenetrable forests of the
Bio Negro, nor the glories of these tropical palms ! — life in a
pine wood would seem intolerable to you ever after. What a
spectacle is presented by the various orders of palms as they
rear their heads among the impenetrable forests of the Rio
Negro ! It is certainly only in the country of Guiana — in the
tropical regions of South America — that the world may truly
be called green. . . .

'When I look back to the time when I brought you
'Hordeum murinum, that you might determine the species
for me, when I remember that the study of botany inspired
me with a keener desire to visit the tropics than was ever
excited by my travels with Forster, when in imagination I
contrast the Rehberge and the Panke with the cataracts of
Atures and my house of China (Cinchona alba) in which I
lived for so long — it all seems like a dream. How many diffi-
culties have been overcome ! First disappointed in accom-
plishing a voyage round the world with Baudin ; then almost
on the point of visiting Egypt and Algiers ; at length in South
America ! and again indulging the hope of joining Baudin and
Michaux in the Pacific Ocean. How wonderful sometimes is
the concatenation of events ! I have now the prospect, after
visiting Mexico and California, of proceeding to Acapulco,
there to fall in with Captain Baudin and complete with him
my journey round the world.

6 Sometimes, when I give my imagination the reins, and
allow myself to fancy that all these wanderings have been
brought to a safe and happy termination, and that I am
once more at your side, in the old familiar room at the corner

EXPEDITION TO THE ORINOCO. 289

of Friedrichstrasse, enjoying the happiness of our mutual
affection, the picture assumes so startling a reality that I feel
almost tempted to hasten the conclusion of my journey, and to
forget that in great undertakings the force of reason, and not
that of inclination, should be allowed to rule. I cannot help
entertaining a strong conviction that we shall see each other
again.

4 1 have not yet received any communication either from
Jacquin or Van der Schott, in whom I feel so strong an interest.
When will this fearful war cease, by which so many bonds are
severed ? Pray remember me affectionately to your dear wife
and to your mother-in-law, and kiss the children for me, and
please give a special greeting to Hermes. Remember me also
to our circle of valued friends, Klaproth, Karsten, Zollner,
Hermbstedt, Bode, Herz, &c. Best remembrances to Herr
Kunth, whom you will doubtless seek out on the receipt of this
letter. Tell my dear old friend that, consistently with my
determination never to entrust more than one letter to each
vessel sailing for Europe, I have written to him to-day by
another opportunity. With a brother's affection,

6 Your devoted old pupil,

'ALEXANDER HuMBOLDT.'

YOL. I.

290 ALEXANDER VON HUMEOLDT.

CHAPTER IV.
VISIT TO CUBA.

Departure from Barcelona — Landing at Havana — New Plans for tlie
Journey — News of Baudin — Voyage from Batabano to Ce»rtagena —
Double Danger — Turbaco — Fidalgo's Commission.

ON November 24, 1800, Humboldt set sail for Cuba from the
Bay of New Barcelona in a small vessel laden with meat. The
voyage was by no means a favourable one, the ship being alter-
nately distressed by stormy weather and hindered by calms. On
November 30, a sudden squall from the north-east brought the
little craft into considerable danger, which was still further in-
creased by the breaking out of a fire on board the same evening
— an alarming accident, for had not the flames speedily been
got under, they would, amidst such a cargo of meat and fat,
have soon wrought the destruction of the vessel.

Although the Caribbean Sea was even at that time almost as
familiar to navigators as the Mediterranean, yet the travellers
were able to do good service in ascertaining with greater
accuracy the position of certain cliffs, islands, and promontories.
After a protracted voyage of twenty-five days in constant bad
weather, they at length reached the harbour of Havana on
December 19.

The dangers and discomforts experienced on the sea made the
sojourn at Havana seem all the more delightful : in the town they
were the guests of Count Orelly, while in the country they were
entertained at the houses of Count Jaruca and the Marques del
Eeal Socorro. Humboldt's first efforts were directed to making
a more accurate survey of the harbour, in which he was zealously
assisted by the astronomer Robredo, Commodore Montes, and

VISIT TO CUBA. 291

Graliano, the faithful companion of the unfortunate Malaspina.
On the completion of this undertaking, he travelled in the early
part of the year 1801 through a portion of the island, and ob-
tained the latitude and longitude of Eio Blanco, El Almirante,
and several other places in the interior of the country. He
returned in February to Havana,1 and occupied himself in
collecting materials for the work he subsequently published
under the title of Essai politique sur 1'Ile de Cuba.'

Humboldt had originally intended to proceed from Cuba
through North America to the Canadian Lakes, and return
southward by way of the Ohio and Mississippi to Louisiana,
whence he was to strike across the intervening unfrequented
district to New Biscay and Mexico.2 On learning, however,
through the American newspapers, that Captain Baudin was on
the point of starting upon his long-projected expedition, and
purposed to sail by Cape Horn to the coasts of Chili and Peru,
he at once determined to carry out the original agreement of
joining the expedition whenever an opportunity offered, for
he had every reason to hope that a union with so many other
scientific men would considerably promote the objects of his
journey. He therefore resolved to cross the isthmus of Panama
and proceed to Guayaquil, and wrote word to Baudin that he
proposed to meet him on the shores of the Pacific. This
letter never reached its destination, and was returned to
Humboldt at Lima, for Baudin, instead of sailing round Cape
Horn, had started by way of the Cape of Good Hope ; it is as
follows : 3 —

' Cartagena, West Indies : April 12, 1801.

6 Citizen, — When I bade you farewell in the Eue Helvetius at
Paris, with the prospect of sailing shortly for Africa and the East
Indies, I had but faint hopes of meeting you again and forming
one of the expedition under your command. You have heard, no
doubt, through our mutual friends, Citizens Jussieu and Des-
fontaines, how completely my plans have been changed. . . .

1 Oltmann's 'Untersuchungeniiber die Geographic des Neuen Continents,
&c.' vol. i. p. 226 ; vol. ii. p. 1.

2 From a letter to William von Humboldt, dated Contreras, near Ibague,
September 21, 1801.

3 t Briefe von Alexander von Humboldt, &c., an Varnhagen/ p. 228.

u 2

292 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

In a position of independence and at my own cost, my friend
Bonpland and I have spent the last two years in travelling
through the districts of South America watered by the Orinoco,
the Casiquiare, the Rio Negro, and the Amazon. Our health
lias been preserved amid the pestilential atmosphere pervading
these rivers. While buried in these forests we have often
spoken of you, of our futile interviews with Citizen Francois de
Neufchateau, and of the disappointment experienced through
the shipwreck of our hopes. As we were on the point of
leaving Havana for Mexico and the Philippines, the news
reached us that your perseverance had at length been rewarded
by success, and that you had started on your voyage. On con-
sidering your probable route, we felt convinced that you would
touch the coast at Valparaiso, Lima, or Guayaquil, and there-
fore at once changed our plans. Undismayed by the impetuous
gales off this coast, we embarked in a small pilot-boat to seek
you in the Southern Ocean, in the hope of being able to recur
to our former projects of uniting our labours with yours, and
navigating in .concert the great Pacific. . . .

' A disastrous voyage of twenty-one days from Havana to
Cartagena intimidated us from prosecuting the route to Panama
and Gruayaquil, since we feared the gales would blow with still
greater vehemence in the Pacific Ocean ; we therefore intend'
proceeding by land up the Eio Magdalena, and by way of Santa
Fe, Popayan, and Quito.

; We hope to arrive at Quito in June, or at the beginning of
July, where we shall await the news of your arrival at Lima.
Pray send me a few lines to the following address in Spanish :—
Al Sr. Baron de Humboldt, Quito, Casa del Sr. Grobernador Bn.
de Caroudelet. If I should hear nothing from you, I shall
probably pass the time till November in visiting Chimborazo,
Loxa, &c., and proceed to Lima with my various instruments
in December or January.

4 You will perceive from these projects, that this tropical
elimate has not had the effect of rendering me phlegmatic, and
that I regard nothing as a sacrifice that is needed for carrying
out plans of usefulness or of scientific enterprise. I have ad-
dressed you with frankness ; I am aware that I am asking of

VISIT TO CUBA. 293

you more than I can offer in return — indeed I can well ima-
gine that you may be so situated as not to be able to re-
ceive us on board. . . . Should this be the case, this letter
may cause you embarrassment, in proportion to the feeling of
friendship that you entertain towards us. I venture to plead
that you will deal frankly with me. I shall in any case be glad
to have had the opportunity of seeing you again, and I shall
never murmur at events which lie beyond our control. Such
frankness will be to me the most valuable proof of your good-
will. I shall then continue my present journey from Lima
to Acapulco and Mexico, thence to the Philippines, Surat, Bus-
sorah, Palestine, and Marseilles. I prefer, however, to con-
template the possibility of forming one of your party. Citizen
Bonpland desires me to convey to you his respects.

' With much esteem, believe me faithfully yours,

' ALEXANDER HUMBOLDT.' 1

Of the events of this journey and the visits he paid to the Rio-
Zenu and Cartagena, Humboldt wrote the following account t©<
his brother : —

1 Cartagena, West Indies: April 1, 1801.

' If you have received my last letter from Havana, 2 my dear
brother, you will be already aware that I have changed my plans,
and that instead of travelling through 'North America, we
have returned to the southern shore of the Grulf of Mexico,
whence we intend to make our way overland to Quito and Lima-
It would occupy too much space were I to enumerate the
motives which have led me to this decision ; the considerations
by which I have been mainly influenced have been the tedious
and somewhat hazardous nature of the voyage between Aca-
pulco and Guayaquil, together with the necessity of returning
to Acapulco to meet with an opportunity of sailing to the
Philippines.

1 The following remark has been appended by Humboldt : — ' This letter,
written to Captain Baudin on my arrival at Cartagena from Ha.vana, waa>
returned to me, as Captain Baudin did not call at Lima.

1 Berlin : November, 1846. A. HTJMBOLDT/

2 This letter never reached its destination.

294 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

6 1 sailed from Batabano, on the southern coast of the island
of Cuba, on the 8th of March, in a very small vessel, of scarcely
40 tons' burden, and did not reach land till the 30th of March,
after a voyage of twenty-five days, the time usually occupied
being hardly more than a week. We were almost constantly
becalmed or had only very light winds, and were carried so far
west by the Gulf Stream, that, owing to the captain's incredulity
as to the correctness of my chronometer, we found ourselves
in the Gulf of Darien. We lost a week in working our way
back along the coast, which, on account of the tempestuous
east wind prevalent at this time of year, was, with so small a
vessel, as difficult as it was dangerous. We cast anchor in the
Kio Zenu, and spent two days in botanising along its banks,
which had not been previously visited by any scientific explorer.,
6 The country exhibited the most wild luxuriance, and was
exceedingly rich in palms, so that we were able to collect a
considerable number of new plants. The mouth of the river
is more than two miles wide, and is much infested with croco-
diles. We met there with some of the Darien Indians ; they
are short, broad-shouldered, and flat in figure — in every way
a contrast to the Caribs ; in complexion they are tolerably fair,
with more flesh on their bones, and better developed muscles,
than any Indians we have hitherto met with. They lead a life
of great independence, and are not hampered with any of the
constraints of government. You will thus see that though our
voyage was tedious and somewhat dangerous, it yet brought
before our notice many objects of interest. Our greatest
danger, however, was yet to come, and befell us just as we were
entering the port of Cartagena.

4 We were trying to force our way against the wind into the
harbour. The sea was fearfully rough. Our tiny craft could
not withstand the force of the waves, and was thrown suddenly
upon her beam-ends. A tremendous wave broke over us and
threatened to engulph the ship. The man at the helm remained
undismayed at his post ; all at once he called out : " No go-
bierna el timon!" (The rudder will not act!) We all now gave
ourselves up for lost. In this, as it seemed to us, our last
extremity, we cut away a sail which was flapping loosely, when

VISIT TO CUBA. 295

the ship suddenly righted herself upon the top of another wave,
and we sought refuge behind the promontory of Grigante.

'But here a new and almost a greater danger awaited inc.
For the better observation of an eclipse of the inoon,1 I put oft'
to shore in a boat. I had scarcely landed with my assistants
when we were startled by the clanking of chains, and a party
of powerful negroes (cimarr<mes), escaped from the prisons of
Cartagena, rushed out upon us from the thicket, brandishing
their daggers, intent apparently on seizing our boat, as they
saw we were unarmed. We fled at once to the water, and had
barely time to embark and put off from shore.

' On the following day, during a calm, we quietly entered the
harbour of Cartagena. It is a remarkable coincidence, that
the day on which I was thus twice exposed to imminent peril
was Palm Sunday (Domingo de ramos), and that it was on
Palm Sunday in the previous year that I was placed in almost
equal danger, when off the turtle banks of the Uruana, in the
Orinoco, a description of which I sent you at the time.'2

After giving detailed instructions concerning the disposition
of his collections and manuscripts, he proceeds : —

6 My health continues very good, and you will now have less
reason to be anxious about me, since for the future my voyages
will be prosecuted in the peaceful waters of the Pacific. My
plan is to go over land by Santa Fe and Popayan to Quito,
where I expect to arrive in July ; from Quito I hope to reach
Lima, and sail thence in February, 1802, for Acapulco and
Mexico ; from Acapulco I expect to take ship, some time in the
year 1803, for the Philippines, and in 1804 I trust we may
have the pleasure of meeting each other again.

' I have been now for a long time without news from Europe.
I have received only one letter from you since I left Spain ; and
yet I know you must have written to me frequently. No one
here has received letters from Europe since March 1800.' . . .

During a sojourn of three weeks at Cartagena the travellers
visited the environs of Turbaco, noted for a volcano which
emits mud and water, and for trees of enormous girth. While

1 In the nisrht of March 29 and 30.
3 See p. 279.

296 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

here they had the good fortune to fall in with Fidalgo, at the
head of a commission for the survey of the coast, with whom
tjiey were enabled to compare observations, and effect the regu-
lation of their instruments. ' We found a remarkable and con-
stant agreement in the observations for longitude, and noticed
that since 1798 the deviation of the magnetic needle upon
these coasts has been as great to the west as it has been in
Europe to the east/

JOURNEY TO QUITO. 297

CHAPTER V.
JOURNEY TO QUITO.

Change of Koute— Up the Rio Magdalena to Honda— Santa F6 de Bogota
and its Environs — Ibague — The Pass of Quindiu — Caucathale and
Popayan — The Paramos of Pasto— Arrival at Quito.

HUMBOLDT had originally intended sailing from the Rio Zenu
to Porto Bello, thence up the Rio Chagre to Panama, in order
that he might investigate the geological conformation of the
isthmus, and await at Panama an opportunity of embarking
for Guayaquil and Quito. At a favourable season of the year,
this route is incomparably shorter than the journey from Carta-
gena to Quito by way of Santa Fe de Bogota, Popayan, and
Pasto, which necessitates the tedious sail up the Magdalena. At
Cartagena, however, he learnt that the trade winds of the Pacific
were over for the season, and that consequently the voyage
from Panama to Guayaquil might occupy from two to three
months : this decided him to choose the inland route up the
Magdalena. He was further influenced toward this decision by
his great desire to cross the chain of the Andes, as well as by
his wish to visit in Santa P"e de Bogota the noted botanist Don
Jose Celestino Mutis, with whose collection of plants he was
anxious to compare his own. He therefore sent his heaviest
instruments, with the books and collections he could best spare,
by sea to Quito, and after a stay of three weeks at Carta-
gena, he left Turbaco on the night of April 19, 1801, and,
joining the Magdalena at Barancas Nuevas, embarked with
Bonpland on April 21.

6 Owing to the force of the swollen stream,' he writes to his
brother from Contreras, near Ibague, September 21, 1801, 'we
were fifty-five days in making our way up the Magdalena, pass-

298 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

ing the whole time amid forest scenery, through districts with
scarcely an inhabitant. For a distance of forty leagues there is
neither a house nor any other human habitation. I need not
again allude to the mosquitoes, the dangers of the cataracts, or
the thunder-storms, which were almost incessant, and set the
heavens nightly on a blaze. Of all this I have given a circum-
stantial account in a number of other letters. Thus we sailed
as far as Honda, situated in 5° North latitude. I have made
a chart of the river in four sheets, a copy of which is re-
tained by the viceroy; I have also taken a series of baro-
metric levels between Cartagena and Santa Fe, and have tested
the condition of the atmosphere in several localities with my
eudiometer, which is still in excellent order — indeed, I am for-
tunately able to say that none of my valuable instruments have
received any injury. The Magdalena route was also that taken
by Bouguer on his return to France, only he followed the river
in its downward course, and was unprovided with instruments.

' From Honda I visited the mines of Mariquita and Santa
Anna, where the unfortunate D'Elhuyar met with his death.
The cinnamon-plant cultivated here is a species similar to that
grown at Ceylon, specimens of which I had already met with
on the Gruaviare and Orinoco. The well-known almond tree
(Caryocus amygdaliferus) is also found here, and whole forests
of the cinchona, as well as the otoba, which is a true myristica
(nutmeg), to the cultivation of which the attention of Govern-
ment is now being directed. M. Desieux, a Frenchman, who
has been appointed overseer to these plantations, with a salary
of 2,000 piastres (500 gold Fredericks of our money), was
one of our travelling companions up the Magdalena.

* Santa Fe de Bogota is situated 8,990 feet above the level of
Honda. The road is indescribably bad ; in some places it con-
sists only of narrow steps cut between walls of rock, and being
only from 18 to 20 inches wide, scarcely admits the passage of
a mule.1 On emerging from this mountain pass (la boca del

1 Up to 1816 the road was scarcely more than a watercourse, a cleft in
the rock, in many parts of which two mules could not pass, and yet this was
one of the roads leading to the capital of a country containing a population
of from 28,000 to 30,000 inhabitants. When the Spanish Government
regained for a time possession of New Granada, the prisoners taken from the

JOURNEY TO QUITO. 299

monte) in 4° 35' North latitude, we found ourselves suddenly
upon an extensive plain embracing more than thirty-two square
leagues, which, though entirely devoid of trees, was covered with
crops of various kinds of European grain, and thickly dotted
with Indian villages. This plain (Llanura de Bogota) has been
formed by the drying up of the Lake of Funzhe, which plays
so important a part in the mythology of the Muyscas Indians.
The evil spirit, or the Moon — a woman — cast forth a deluge
which formed the lake. But the good spirit, Bochika, or the
Sun, shattered the rocks of Tequendama, where there is now the
celebrated waterfall, and the waters of the Lake of Funzhe
flowed away. The inhabitants, who had during the flood fled
to the neighbouring mountains, now returned to the plain, and
Bochika, after having given to the Indians a political constitu-
tion and laws similar to those of the Incas, retired to the Temple
of Sagamun, where he resided for 25.000 years, and thence
finally returned to his home in the Sun.

4 Our arrival at Santa Fe resembled a triumphal procession.
The archbishop sent his carriage to meet us, and with it came
the persons of greatest distinction in the capital. A dinner
was provided for us at some distance from the city, and we
proceeded with a retinue of more than sixty persons on horse-
back. As the object of our coming was known to be a visit to
Mutis, who, on account of his great age, high position at court,
and personal character, is held in the greatest estimation by
all classes here, a certain degree of ceremony was accorded to
our reception, that through us the inhabitants might do him
honour. As the viceroy is forbidden by etiquette to entertain
any guest at his own table in the capital, he invited us to dine •
with him at his country house at Fucha. Mutis had prepared
a house for us in his own neighbourhood, and received us with
the utmost cordiality and friendship. He is an excellent old
man, nearly seventy-two years of age ; he has been in holy

Republican party were employed in widening and improving the road from
Honda to Bogota — an undertaking rendered necessary by the requirements
of military communication, and to which the Government was urged by a
powerful political reaction. The road speedily assumed a new aspect ; and
thus was easily and rapidly accomplished, during a time of bloody civil war,
a work which had never even been attempted by the Spaniards during their
peaceful occupation of the country for nearly 300 years.

300 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

orders, and is possessed of considerable wealth. The king pays
annually 10,000 piastres towards the expenses of botanical
research. Thirty artists have been engaged during the last
fifteen years in painting under the superintendence of Mutis ;
he has from 2,000 to 3,000 drawings in large portfolios, which
are executed like miniature paintings. He possesses the largest
botanical library I have ever seen, excepting that of Banks in
London. Notwithstanding its proximity to the equator, the
climate is decidedly cool, on account of the great elevation ;
the thermometer usually stands at 46° or 48°, frequently at 32°,
and never above 72°.

' 1 have kept perfectly well amid the river miasma and the
inflammation caused by the mosquito bites, but poor Bonpland
was again attacked by intermittent fever on the road from Honda
to Santa Fe, and by this illness we were detained in the capital
full two months, till the 8th of September, 1801. I employed my
time in visiting the curiosities of the neighbourhood, and in
measuring the height of some of the surrounding mountains,
several of which rise to 13,000 and 16,000 feet.' . . . 'Among
the sights of the neighbourhood ' (as we learn from Humboldt's
treatise ' On the Elevated Plain of Bogota'1) 'were included
the following objects of interest : — the magnificent waterfall of
Tequendama,2 where, through a cleft in the rock shadowed
by evergreen oaks, the water rushes down a ravine, bordered
on either side by palms and ferns of most luxuriant ' growth ;
the wide plain, Campo de Grigantes, filled with bones of the
mastodon ; an extensive field of coal, and an immense bed of
rock -salt. The existence of these formations excites surprise
-from the great elevation at which they occur — a height almost
as great as if the Brocken were piled upon the summit of the
Schneekoppe.'

On the recovery of Bonpland, the travellers set out upon their
journey in September, 1801, from Santa Fe to Quito. The road
lay westward across the Rio Magdalena and through Contreras to

1 Read before the Berlin Academy on March 19, 1838, printed in an
abridged form in their monthly reports of March 1838, and published
entire in the f Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift,' v?l. v. p. 97, &c., in Poggen-
dorffs 'Annalen,' 1838, vol. xlii. p. 570, &c., as well as in Alexander YOU
Humboldt's ' Kleinere Schriften ' (1853), vol. i. p. 100.

3 l Atlas pittoresque, ou Vues des Cordilleres/ PI. VI.

JOUENEY TO QUITO. 301

Ibague, one of the oldest towns in the kingdom of New Granada,
situated in the valley of Combairna, 2,305 feet above the sea,
where the temperature in the day ranges between 84° and 88°,
and at night between 73° and 76°. The travellers, on Sep-
tember 23, accurately determined by repeated astronomical
observation the latitude and longitude of Ibague. They then
crossed over the eastern spur of the Cordilleras by the pass of
Quindiu — a route almost completely amid the snow.

' This pass presents one of the most difficult roads in the
Cordilleras of the Andes. l It lies through a dense wood, wholly
uninhabited, which cannot be traversed even at the most favour-
able season of the year under ten or twelve days. Neither
shelter nor food can be procured, and therefore it is absolutely
necessary that at all times of the year travellers should carry
with them a month's provisions, since it frequently happens that,
owing to the rapid swelling of the torrents through the melting
of the snow, all progress is interrupted for days together. The
highest point of the road is 11,494 feet2 above the sea. The
path is so narrow that it rarely exceeds 12 or 16 inches in width,
and for the most part resembles an open gallery cut in the rock.
The torrents, in their violent descent, have worn away ravines to
the depth of from 18 to 20 feet, along which the pathway passes
often through ground in a state of morass, and overhung by such
thick vegetation as to be almost excluded from the light. This
road is impassable to mules, and the oxen which are used instead
— twelve of which were required for our luggage3 — can with
difficulty traverse these galleries, extending in some instances
the distance of a mile. In the event of unfortunately meeting
a string of oxen, one is obliged either to retreat along the path
already trodden, or to climb up the steep side of the ravine, and
hold on by the projecting roots of the trees above. In addi-
tion to other inconveniences, we suffered very much during the

1 < Vues des Cordilleres/ PI. V.

* The highest point at which they encamped was 10,800 feet.

3 The statement therefore occurring in the Autobiography in Brockhaus's
' Conversations-Lexikon,' so often cited, is erroneous, that ' The journey over
the Cordilleras from Bogota to Quito was performed entirely upon muks
.... and lasted four months.' In a letter to his brother, dated Lima,
November 25, 1802, Humboldt remarks : — ' Oxen constituted the only means
of transport for our luggage on this route.'

302 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

last few days of our descent on the western slope from incessant
heavy rain. Our road lay through a swampy district covered
with reeds of bamboo. The pricks on the roots of this gigantic
kind of grass so completely destroyed our boots, that, as we
would not allow ourselves to be carried on the backs of men
(cargueros), we reached Cartago with bare and bleeding feet.'
Humboldt describes these cargueros with some minuteness : —
' In these climates Europeans become so completely enervated,
that it is customary for every director of mines to have one
or two Indians in his service who are termed his horses
(cdballitoa), because every morning they allow themselves
to be saddled, and with their body inclined forward, and lean-
ing on a short stick, they carry their masters on their backs.
Among the caballitos and cargueros some of them are re-
commended to travellers as being sure-footed and possessing
an easy and even pace ; it really makes one's blood boil,' adds
Humboldt in a burst of generous feeling, ' to hear the qualities
of a human being described in the same terms as wrould be
employed in speaking of a horse or a mule.'

At Ibague, during a day's heavy rain, the travellers pro-
vided themselves with an impervious shelter by means of tents
constructed out of the leaves of the heliconia. At length they
reached Cartago c with feet bare and bleeding, but enriched
with a valuable addition to their collection of plants.'

' From Cartago,' writes Humboldt to his brother, in a letter
dated Lima, November 25, 1802, 4we went to Popayan by way
of Buga, and the magnificent valley of the Cauca, to the right
of which rise the mountains of Choka, celebrated for their
platinum mines.

' We passed the month of November, 1801, at Popayan visit-
ing the basaltic mountain of Julusuito, the crater of the volcano
of Purace, which emits with a terrific noise jets of steam
impregnated with sulphuretted hydrogen, and the rocks of
porphyritic granite, exhibiting the form of columns, shaped
as pentagons and heptagons, similar to those described by
Strange, which I remember to have seen when in Venetian
Lombardy.

4 The greatest difficulties of our journey lay yet before us,

JOURNEY TO QUITO.

between Popayan and Quito. We had to cross the Paramos of
Pasto, and this in the rainy season, which had already set in.
Paramo is the name given in the Andes to those desert regions
where, at a height of about 12,000 feet above the sea, all
vegetation ceases and the cold is so intense as to penetrate to
the very bones. To avoid the heat of the valley of the Patia,
where malaria exists to such an extent that one night spent
within its precincts may engender a fever known among the
Spaniards as the " calentura de Patia," lasting from three
to four months, we crossed over the peak of the Cordilleras,
through a pass abounding with frightful precipices, to Almager,
whence we proceeded to Pasto, situated at the foot of a terrific
volcano.

6 It would hardly be possible to picture a more horrible road
than that by which access is obtained to this little town, where
we spent Christmas (1801), and where we were welcomed by the
inhabitants with a touching hospitality. Thick woods inter-
spersed with morasses, in which the mules sank up to the girths,
and narrow paths winding through such clefts in the rocks that
^ne could almost fancy one was entering the gallery of a mine,
while the road was paved with the bones of mules which had
perished through cold or fatigue. The whole province of Pasto,
Including the environs of Gruachucal and Tuqueres, consists
of a frozen mountain plateau, almost above the limit of vegeta-
tion and surrounded by volcanoes and solfataras, from which
wreaths of smoke continually issue. The unfortunate inhabi-
tants of these regions live almost entirely upon potatoes, and
when this crop fails, as it did last year, they are obliged to re-
treat to the mountains, where they live upon the achupalla
(Pourretia Pitcarnia), a small tree of which they eat the stem.
As this tree serves also for food to the bears of the Andes, it
is often only by contending with these animals that they 'can
possess themselves of this the only sustenance afforded by
nature to man at this elevated region.

' In the Indian village of Voisaco, 8,990 feet above the level
of the sea, situated to the north of the volcano of Pasto, I dis-
covered some red clay and hornstone porphyry mingled with
vitreous felspar, possessing all the properties of the serpentine

304 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

rock in the Fichtelgebirge. This porphyry exhibits some de-
gree of polarity, but has no force of attraction. At length,
after being wet through by torrents of rain night and day for
two months, ancj nearly drowned in the town of Ibarra by the
sudden rise of the water during an earthquake, we reached Quito
on the 6th of January, 1802.'

QUITO. 305

CHAPTER VI.
QUITO.

The Town and its Inhabitants — Interest in the Ascent of Mountains —
Three Ascents of Pichincha — Ascent of Chimborazo — Letters from
Paris — Despatch of Letters to Europe — News of Baudin — -Noble Self-
reliance — Friends at Lima — Humboldt's Portrait at Chillo.

THROUGH the forethought of the Marques de Selvalegre, the
travellers found on their arrival at Quito an excellent house
prepared for their reception, where they were able to repose,
after the hardships of their journey, amid all the comforts
' that could be expected either in London or Paris.'

' The town of Quito is handsome,' writes Humboldt to his
brother in the letter above cited of November 25, 1 802, ' but
the sky is frequently overcast ; the mountains in the neigh-
bourhood show no appearance of vegetation, and the cold is
considerable. The great earthquake of the 4th of February,
1797, by which the whole province was convulsed and some
40,000 persons instantaneously killed, has in every way proved
a most disastrous event. It has so completely altered the
climate, that whereas Bouguer found the thermometer usually
stood at about 67°, it now ranges from 41° to 54°, rarely rising
to 70°. Since that calamity, earthquakes are of frequent
occurrence, and occasionally the shocks are of great violence.
It seems probable that the whole of the more elevated portion
of the province is one vast volcano, and that the so-called
mountains of Cotopaxi and Pichincha are but small peaks,
the craters of which constitute the emission tubes (chimneys)
of the vast subterranean fires. The truth of this hypothesis
has unfortunately been only too clearly demonstrated by the
earthquake of 1797, for the earth then opened in all direc-
tions, casting forth sulphur, water, &c. Notwithstanding the

TOL. I. X

305 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

dangers by which the inhabitants of Quito are surrounded,
and the apprehensions to which they must frequently be ex-
posed, they are a gay, lively, and amiable people. The town
breathes only an atmosphere of luxury and voluptuousness, and
perhaps nowhere is there a population so entirely given up to
the pursuit of pleasure. Thus can man accustom himself to
sleep in peace on the brink of a precipice.

'We remained in the province of Quito for nearly eight
months — from the beginning of January till August — and
spent the time in visiting the principal volcanoes. We exa-
mined in succession Pichincha, Cotopaxi, Antisana, and Ilinica,
devoting about a fortnight or three weeks to each, and return-
ing between whiles to the capital ; finally, on the 9th of June,
1802, we started for the ascent of Chimborazo.'

The results of the observations made by Humboldt during
this sojourn upon the elevated table-land of Quito were early
given to the world in his great work, where they appear
according to their several classifications, whether botanical,
geological, meteorological, hypsometric, or astronomical : it was
not until a much later date that he published separate topo-
graphical descriptions or monographs of the ascents of some
of the volcanoes. He gives as a reason for this delay, that he
thought it necessary to wait until he could show ' the relative
worthlessness ' of his labours, by distinguishing between those
geological observations, which had been made on principles
since proved obsolete, and those of a character which could
not be affected by time.

There is, in fact, little of purely scientific interest, and still
less of scientific value, to be gained by the arduous and
dangerous ascent of high mountains which rise far above the
line of perpetual snow, especially when it is impossible to
make a prolonged stay at the summit. The barometer, indeed,
affords a ready means for ascertaining the height of mountains,
but the results obtained are subject to error from the rise and
fall of atmospheric currents, and the irregular decrease of
temperature. The structure of the earth's surface is hidden
from the scrutiny of the geologist by the covering of perpetual
snow ; and organic life is wholly absent, except perhaps in the
soaring condor or the few insects carried up by currents of air.

QUITO. 307

Still the arduous and perilous ascent of lofty mountains has
excited universal interest in all ages of the world. The inac-
cessible ever exerts a secret fascination. Man is most power-
fully attracted by that which is least attainable, and almost
defies investigation.

For all such undertakings Humboldt was pre-eminently
qualified by his indomitable courage and unconquerable en-
durance. Though failing from an attack of giddiness and
insensibility to reach the summit of Pichincha on his first
ascent on April 14, he determined to repeat the attempt on
May 26, since, as he remarked, ' it seemed a disgrace to leave
the high plain of Quito without personally examining the
crater of Pichincha.'

. . . . ' The attendants and the large instruments were, as
on the previous occasion, left below, and I commenced tie
1 ascent accompanied only by a very intelligent Creole, M. Ur-
quinaona, and an Indian, Felipe Aldas. We sat down, dis-
heartened, at the foot of the peak. The crater we were in
search of lay, no doubt, behind the wall of rock to the west of
us, but how were we to reach it and ascend this precipice ?
The towering masses seemed too steep, and indeed, in some
places, were almost perpendicular.

4 In ascending the Peak of Teneriffe, I had greatly facilitated
the climb up the cone of ashes, by following the edge of a
projecting ridge of rock, and holding on by my hands, though
in so doing I was a good deal lacerated ; I therefore resolved
to attempt the ascent here, by similar means, following the
slope of pumice which lay against the edge of the southern
precipice. We made two fatiguing ascents, reaching, in one
case, to a height of about 300 feet, and in another to more than
700 feet. The covering of snow seemed to bear us safely, and
our hopes of reaching the edge of the crater were all the
stronger from the probability that Bouguer and La Condamine
had taken the same route, when ascending the snow-covered
slopes of the cone of ashes, some sixty years previously. The
snow was so hard that our chief peril seemed to be lest by a
fall we should roll down the sloping surface with accelerating
speed, and come in contact with some of the sharp rocks that
projected out of the pumice. Suddenly, with a loud cry of

x 2

308 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

terror, the Indian, Aldas, who was close in front of me, fell
through the frozen crust of snow. He sank up to the waist,
and as he declared that he could find no support for his feet, we
feared he had sunk into an open cleft. Happily, the danger
was less imminent. Falling with his legs apart, he had in
sinking pressed together by his weight a considerable mass of
snow, upon which he was supported as on a saddle. He rode
as it were upon this mass ; and as we perceived that he did not
continue to sink, we were able to labour with all the more
calmness for his extrication. This we effected by throwing
him upon his back, and pulling him out by the shoulders.
We were somewhat disconcerted by the accident. The Indian,
under the influence of superstitious fear, on account of the
near vicinity of the crater, protested against all further progress
upon the treacherous snow.

' We retraced our steps, to deliberate upon our future plans.
The most easterly of the pinnacles surrounding the crater
appeared, upon nearer inspection, to be steepest at the base,
and to become much less abrupt towards the summit, the
upper parts of the rock being broken up so as to form rugged
steps. I requested M. Urquinaona to remain below in the
Sienega, resting upon a block of stone, while I attempted the
ascent of the lower and steeper portion, and only to follow
when he saw me reappear in course of time upon the turret-
shaped rock bare of snow. The good-natured Indian was easily

persuaded once more to accompany me On reaching

the pinnacle we continued the laborious ascent, by means of
the narrow shelves and isolated projections of rock, in ignorance
of our way, but with ever-brightening hopes, and soon found
ourselves surrounded by a cloud of vapour, which gradually
thickened, but remained inodorous. The ledges of rock be-
came gradually wider, and the ascent less steep. To our great
joy, the snow lay only in patches, from ten to twelve feet
in length, and scarcely eight inches deep. After our recent ad-
venture, we feared nothing so much as the half-frozen snow.
The mist hid everything from us. beyond the ground on which
we trod : every more distant object was concealed. We wandered
in a cloud. A stifling smell of sulphur announced to us the
close proximity of the crater ; but we little suspected that we

QUITO. 309

were actually, so to speak, standing over it. We proceeded
slowly along a small bank of snow, in a north-westerly direc-
tion ; Aldas the Indian in front, and I a little behind him
somewhat to the left. Not a word was spoken, we fell into the
silence common to all mountain-climbers, when, taught by long
experience, they become aware that the path they are treading
is dangerous.

4 Great was my excitement when suddenly, as I was looking
at a block of stone immediately in front of us, which seemed
to hang suspended in a cleft, I saw between it and the extreme
edge of the sheet of snow upon which we were walking, a light
at a great depth beneath us, like that of a flickering flame. I
pulled the Indian violently back by his poncho (the name of
a garment, of lama's wool), and forced him to throw himself
with me flat down on a shelf of rock, to the left. The ledge
was free from snow, and had a horizontal surface, scarcely twelve
feet long and between seven and eight feet wide.

6 We thus lay stretched upon a platform of rock that over-
hung the crater like a balcony, and we gazed in fearful proxi-
mity into the appalling depths of the terrific gulf. A portion
of the perpendicular abyss was filled with eddying wreaths of
steam. Assured as to the safety of our position, we commenced
investigating our whereabouts. We discovered that the plat-
form of rock, upon which we had thrown ourselves, was separated
from the snow-covered mass along which we had come by a cleft
scarcely two feet in width. The frozen snow, which formed a
sort of bridge, did not extend the whole length of the ravine,
and on this bridge we had proceeded several steps while walking
in the direction of the fissure. The light we had seen through
a portion of the cleft, between the snow-ledge and the block of
stone wedged in the fissure, was no deception ; we again saw it,
on our third ascent, at the same spot, and through the same
aperture. It occurred at a part of the crater where the dark
abyss was frequently illuminated by small flames, probably of
sulphurous gas. . . . The point we here attained was, accord-
ing to the barometric measurements I subsequently took, no
less than 14,940 feet above the sea.' l

1 It was not till the close of a sojourn of seven years in the neighbour-
hood that La Condarnine and Bouguer, in the year 1742, made the ascent

310 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

c While the Indian descended to the Sienega to fetch my com-
panion, M. Urquinaona, I sat alone at the edge of the crater, and
remarked that my boots, which had been completely saturated
with snow-water during our first attempt at the ascent, were
becoming quickly dried in the stream of warm air that ascended
out of the crater. The thermometer, which in the Sienega
stood at 41°, rose as I held it over the abyss to 66°. . . .

' After a tedious delay, M. Urquinaona at length made his
appearance, when almost immediately we became enveloped in
a dense mist — a cloud of steam — produced probably by the mix-
ing of streams of air of unequal temperature. It was now within
an hour of sunset, and with feelings of pleasure at having at-
tained our object, we hurriedly left the volcano, and descended
into the valley of Sienega — a district filled with pumice. We
crossed, fortunately, before night came on, the steep ridge which
separates the Sienega from the valley of Yuyucha. Through this
valley we proceeded in total darkness (for not a star was to
be seen), encountering numerous falls in consequence of the
roughness of the path, and arrived at Quito at half-past twelve
o'clock at night. Our arduous expedition had occupied us
eighteen hours, fourteen of which we had spent on foot.'

Notwithstanding the dangers and fatigue to which Humboldt
had thus been exposed, we find him on May 28, after an interval
of only twenty-four hours, again upon the frail balcony of rock
overhanging the flaming crater, intent upon making a series of
observations and experiments. 'My third ascent was to me
the most interesting, from the proof I then received of the
continuous or renewed activity of the volcano, for about half-
past one in the afternoon we experienced several smart shocks of
earthquake while standing on the shelf of rock. I counted fifteen
shocks in thirty-six minutes.'

The news that the volcano had shown signs of fresh activity
gave rise in Quito to the report that the heretic foreigners had
thrown gunpowder into the crater, by means of which the recent
shocks had been produced.

As previously mentioned, Humboldt also made the ascent of

of this celebrated mountain : they were unprovided with instruments, and
remained only a quarter of an hour at the crater.

QUITO. 311

the several peaks of Antisana, Cotopaxi, Tunguragua and Ilinica:
but of all his mountain expeditions none has excited more
attention than the ascent of Chimborazo.

On June 9, the travellers left Quito for Chimborazo ; and
on June 23, 1802 — the Eve of the Festival of St. John, within
a day of the anniversary of his visit to the crater of the Peak
of TenerifTe, three years before, June 22, 1799— Humboldt
climbed almost to the summit of the giant mountain, at that
time regarded as the highest in the world, and attained the
height never before reached by any human being of 18,096
feet.

We give the following extracts from the detailed account of
this expedition.1

Upon reaching an elevation of 15,600 feet, 'The path,' re-
lates Humboldt, ' became every moment narrower and steeper.
The natives, with one exception, refused to accompany us
farther, and were deaf to entreaties and threatenings, main-
taining they suffered more than we did from the rarity of the
air. We were left alone — Bonpland, our estimable friend
Carlos Montufar, a younger son of the Marques de Selvalegre,
a half-caste Indian from the neighbouring village of San Juan,
and myself.

' By dint of great exertion and considerable patience, we
reached a greater height than we had dared to hope for, seeing
we had been almost constantly enveloped in mist. In many
places the ridge was not wider than from eight to ten inches !
To our left was a precipice covered with snow, the surface of
which shone like glass from the effects of frost. This thin
sheet of ice was at ,an inclination of about 30°. On the right
was a fearful abyss, from 800 to 1,000 feet deep, from the sides
of which projected huge masses of naked rock. We leant over
rather more to this side than the other, for it seemed less to be
dreaded than the precipice on our left, where the smooth sides
afforded no opportunity of checking a fall by catching hold
of projecting pieces of rock, and where the thin crust of ice

1 A. von Humboldt, ' Ueber zwei Versuche, den Chimborazo zu bestei-
gen,' in Schumacher's ' Astronomisches Jahrbuch,' 1837, pp. 176-206.
Berghaus's ' Annalen/ 3rd series, vol. iii. pp. 199-216. A. von Humboldt's
< Kleinere Schriften,' vol. i. p. 133.

312 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

furnished no security against being precipitated into the loose
snow beneath.

' The sloping surface of snow extended to such a distance
that light pieces of dolerite (the only substance at hand),
when rolled down the incline, were lost sight of before reach-
ing any resting-place. . . .

4 The rock became more friable, and the ascent increasingly
difficult and dangerous. At certain places where it was very
steep, we were obliged to use both hands and feet, and the
edges of the rock were so sharp that we were painfully cut,
especially on our hands. In addition to this, I had for some
weeks been suffering from a wound in my foot, caused by the
repeated attacks of the Niguas l (Pulex penetrans), which had
been greatly aggravated by the fine pumice dust to which I had
been exposed while taking measurements in the Llano de Tapia.
The loose position of the stones upon the . narrow ridge neces-
sitated extreme caution, since many masses that appeared to be
firmly attached proved to be only imbedded in sand.

' We advanced all the more slowly, as every place that seemed
insecure had first to be tested. Fortunately, the attempt to
reach the summit of Chimborazo had been reserved for our
last enterprise among the mountains of South America, so
that we had gained some experience, and knew how far we
could rely on our own powers. It is a peculiar characteristic of
all excursions on the Andes, that beyond the line of perpetual
snow Europeans are always left without guides just at the point
where, from their complete ignorance of the locality, help is
most needed. In everything Europeans are left to take the
lead.

' We could no longer see the summit, even by glimpses, and
were therefore doubly anxious to ascertain how much of the
ascent had still to be accomplished. We opened the tube
barometer at a spot where the ridge was wide enough to allow
two persons to stand side by side in safety. We were only
at an elevation of 17,300 feet, therefore scarcely 200 feet
higher than we had attained three months previously upon
the Antisana.

1 The Sand-flea [Chigoe], an insect which, by burrowing beneath the skin
and depositing its eggs, produces swelling and inflammation.

QUITO. 313

4 After an hour's cautious climbing, the ridge of rock became
less steep, but the mist unfortunately remained as thick as ever.
One after another we all began to feel indisposed, and ex-
perienced a feeling of nausea accompanied by giddiness, which
was far more distressing than the difficulty of breathing. . . .
Blood exuded from the lips and gums, and the eyes became
bloodshot. There was nothing particularly alarming to us in
these symptoms, with which we had grown familiar by experience.
Once when upon the Pichincha, though bleeding did not occur,
I was seized with such violent pain in the stomach and over-
powering giddiness, that I sank upon the ground in a state of
insensibility,1 in which condition I was found by my com-
panions, from whom I had withdrawn for the sake of making
some experiments in electricity. The elevation then was not
BO great, being less than 13,800 feet. On the Antisana,
however, at a height of 17,022 feet, our young travelling
companion, Don Carlos Montufar, had suffered severely from
bleeding of the lips. All these phenomena vary greatly in dif-
ferent individuals according to age, constitution, tenderness of
the skin, and previous exertion of muscular power ; yet in the
same individual they constitute a kind of gauge for the amount
of rarefaction of the atmosphere and for the absolute height
that has been attained.

c The stratum of mist which had hidden every distant object
from our view began, notwithstanding the perfect calm,
suddenly to dissipate — an effect probably due to the action of
electricity. We recognised once more the dome-shaped summit
of Chimborazo, now in close proximity. It was a grand and
solemn spectacle, and the hope of attaining the object of all our
efforts animated us with renewed strength. The ridge of rock,
only here and there covered with a thin sprinkling of snow,
became somewhat wider ; and we were hurrying forward with
assured footsteps, when our further progress was suddenly stopped
by a ravine, some 400 feet deep and sixty feet wide, which
presented an insurmountable barrier to our undertaking. We
could see clearly that the ridge on which we stood continued in
the same direction on the other side of the ravine ; but I was

1 Schumacher's ( Astronomisches Jahrbuch/ 1837, p. 192.

314 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

doubtful whether, after all, it really led to the summit. There
was no means of getting round the cleft. On Antisana, after a
night of severe frost, Bonpland had been able to travel a con-
siderable distance upon the frozen surface of snow ; but here the
softness of the snowy mass prohibited such an attempt, and the
nature of the declivity rendered it equally impossible to scale
the sides.

' It was now one o'clock in the day. We fixed up the baro-
meter with great care, and found it stood at thirteen inches
11 T2o lines. The temperature of the air was only three degrees
below the freezing point ; but from our long residence in the
tropics even this amount of cold seemed quite benumbing. Our
boots were wet through with snow-water, for the sand, which
here and there lay on the mountain ridge, was mixed with the
remains of former snow-drifts. According to the barometric
formula given by Laplace, we had now reached an elevation of
18,096 Paris feet1 [19,286 English].

' We remained but a short time in this dreary waste, for
we were soon again enveloped in mist ; which hung about
us motionless. We saw nothing more of the summit of Chim-
borazo, nor of the neighbouring Snow Mountains, far less of
the elevated plain of Quito. We were isolated as in a balloon ;
a few rock lichens were to be observed above the line of per-
petual snow, at a height of 16,920 feet; the last green moss
we noticed was growing about 2,600 feet lower. A butterfly
was captured by M. Bonpland, at a height of 15,000 feet, and a
fly was observed 1,600 feet higher ; both had been carried up
into the higher regions of the atmosphere by the currents of
air originating in the warmer plains beneath. We did not,
however, see any condors, which are so numerous upon the
Antisana and Pichincha, where, in those vast solitudes, from
being unaccustomed to the sight of man, they are wholly
devoid of fear.

'As the weather became increasingly threatening, we hurried
down along the ridge of rock, and from the insecurity of our
footing found that greater caution even was necessary than

1 ' If La Condamine's estimation of the height of Chimborazo be correct,
we were only 1,224 feet in a direct line short of the summit, or a distance
equal to three times the height of St. Peter's at Rome.'

QUITO. 315

during the ascent. We delayed no longer than sufficed for
collecting fragments of rock as specimens of the mountain
structure. We foresaw that in Europe we should frequently
be asked for " a fragment from Chimborazo"

4 When we were at a height of about 17,400 feet, we en-
countered a violent hailstorm, which gave place to snow twenty
minutes before passing the limit of perpetual snow, and the
flakes were so thick that the ridge was soon covered several
inches deep. The danger would indeed have been great had
the snow overtaken us, at a height of 18,000 feet. At a
few minutes past two we reached the spot where we had left the
mules.' l

When the measurements of the height of the Himalayas, which
created so much interest a quarter of a century afterwards, were
undertaken by some English travellers, Humboldt wrote ; in a
humorous strain' to Berghaus2 in November, 1828 : — 'I have
all my life imagined that of all mortals I was the one who
had risen highest in the world — I mean on the slopes of
Chimborazo! .... and have felt some pride in this eleva-
tion ! It was therefore with a certain feeling of — envy that I
saw the announcement of the results obtained by Webb and
his companions with regard to the mountains of India. I have
consoled myself over the achievements on the Himalayas —
by supposing that it was through my labours in America that
the English received the first impulse to direct more attention
to the snowy mountains than had been given for the last century
and a half.'

We will complete Humboldt's description of the journey
by the following extracts from a letter to Delambre, dated
Lima, November 25, 1802 : 3—

4 Your letter has been two years in trying to find me among
the Cordilleras of the Andes. I received it the day after
making my second expedition to the crater of Pichincha. This

1 Chimborazo has since been ascended by Boussingault and Hall, on
December 16, 1831, who reached the height of 19,692 feet; by Jules
Bourrier, in the years 1849 and 1850 j and by Jules RSmy and Brenckley,
to the height of 21,457 feet, on November 3, 1856. The height of the
mountain is, according to Humboldt, 21,460 feet.

2 ' Briefwechsel A. von Humboldt's mit Heinrich Berghaus/ vol. i. p. 208.

3 'Annales du Mus. d'Hist.jmtur.' An XI. (1803) vol. ii. p. 170,

316 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

reminds me that it was at the summit of Guaguapichincha,
which I frequently visited, and which I regard as classic ground,
that La Condamine and Bouguer received their first letter from
the Academy ; therefore, it seems to me that Pichincha, si
magna licet comparare parvis, is a mountain of good omen to
men of science. . . .

' Long before receiving the letter you addressed to me in
your official capacity of Secretary of the Institute, I had writ-
ten three letters in succession to the Section for Physics and
Mathematics, two of which were from Santa Fe de Bogota,
forwarding specimens of bark of seven varieties of the Cin-
chona, together with some carefully dried skeletons and. coloured
drawings representing the plants and the anatomy of the flowers,
which differ considerably in the length of the stamens.

c Dr. Mutis, from whom I have received every kindness, and
for whose sake I undertook a wearisome voyage up the Magda-
lena of six weeks' duration, has made me a present of a port-
folio of 100 magnificent drawings, representing some new
genera and species from his " Flora of Bogota." It has appeared
to me that this collection, equally remarkable for its botanical
value as for the beauty of the colouring, could not be in better
hands than in those of Jussieu, Lamark, and Desfontaines, and
I have therefore offered them to the National Institute as a
slender token of my attachment. ... I despatched a third
letter to the Institute, from Quito, with a collection of geo-
logical specimens from Pichincha, Cotopaxi, and Chimborazo.
It is very distressing to have to remain so long uncertain as
to the safe arrival of these treasures ; for instance, we have
heard nothing of the rare seeds we sent to the Jardin des
Plantes three years ago ! . . .

.... 6 At the close of a journey occupying eight months
we arrived at Quito, only to learn that Captain Baudin had
taken t»he eastern route, and sailed by the Cape of (rood Hope.
Accustomed to disappointments, we consoled ourselves by the
thought that we had been actuated by a noble purpose in all
the sacrifices we had made ; and in reviewing our herbariums,
our barometric and trigonometric observations, our drawings,
and our experiments upon the atmosphere of the Cordilleras,
we have no reason to regret visiting countries which, to a great

QUITO. 317

extent, have never before been explored by men of science. We
have been made to feel that man ought not to count upon any-
thing but that which he can procure by his own energy. . . .

4 1 spent a very pleasant time at Quito. The president of the
audience, Baron de Corondeles, loaded us with kindness : indeed,
for the last three years, I have never had cause on any occasion
to complain of the agents of the Spanish Grovernment ; they
have uniformly treated me with a deference and delicacy of
attention which calls for my perpetual gratitude. How times
have changed ! '

It is scarcely necessary to mention that eagerly as Humboldt
was devoted to the study of volcanoes, he was hardly less inte-
rested in work of other kinds, and an important part of his
labours included the determination of the latitude and longi-
tude of places. The letters of recommendation with which he
was furnished by the Court and Grovernment of Spain, supported
as they were by his energy in the pursuit of his scientific
undertakings, and by the kindness and amiability he displayed
in social life, gained for him at Lima, as in other places, the
friendship of the most distinguished men of the locality, many
of whom felt incited to share with him the fatigues of his
mountain ascents.1 Among these friends, none evinced so
marked an attachment to Humboldt as Carlos Montufar, a
younger son of the Marques de Selvalegre, an estimable youth,
who accompanied him to Europe, and on his return met with
the melancholy fate of being shot by order of General Morillo,
during the insurrectionary war.

The following particulars of Humboldt are related by the
well-known traveller, Professor Moritz Wagner, in his treatise
' On some Hypsometric Labours among the Andes of Ecuador.'2

'Of those who were personally acquainted with Alexander
von Humboldt during his residence at Quito, there survived, in
1859, only two very old ladies, members of the wealthy and

1 'Of the Europeans who accompanied me on my second ascent of the
Pichincha, Don Pedro Urquinaona, Don Vincente Aguirre, and the Marques
de Maenza, then a mere youth, the latter was still alive in 1853, residing
in Europe as a grandee of the highest rank, with the hereditary title of
Count of Punonrostro.' — Humboldt, Kleiners Schriften, vol. i. p. 55.

2 l Zeitschrift fur allgemeine Erdkunde ' (Berlin, 1864), new series, vol.
xvi. p. 235.

318 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

muck respected family of Aguirre y Montufar, from whom
Humboldt had received great hospitality in 1802. They had
both a lively recollection of that time, and could distinctly
recall the distinguished man of science, then comparatively
young, of whose sojourn in Quito they gave me many interest-
ing particulars. Senora Rosa Montufar — in 1802 a noted
beauty of Quito, but much changed when I saw her in 1859, a
sister of Carlos Montufar, who accompanied Humboldt in his
ascent of Chimborazo — related to me, among other things, the
following interesting details, which I inscribed in my journal :
— " The baron was always amiable and polite. At table he never
remained longer than was necessary to satisfy the claims of
hunger and pay courteous attention to the ladies. He seemed
always glad to be out of doors again, examining every stone
and collecting plants. At night, long after we were all asleep,
he would be gazing at the stars. To us young ladies, this mode
of life was even more incomprehensible than to my father the
marquis."

6 The house occupied by Humboldt and Bonpland in Quito,
near the grand square, was only slightly injured by the earth-
quake of the 22nd of March, 1859, which laid so many build-
ings in ruins. The family of Aguirre have still in their pos-
session a half-length portrait, life-size, of their distinguished
guest, painted by a native . artist, which is preserved in their
country house of Chillo, half a day's journey from Quito,
whence Humboldt used to make excursions in the pursuit of
geology and botany. The young German baron, at that time
(in 1802) thirty-three years of age, is represented in a court
uniform of dark blue with yellow facings, a white waistcoat,
and white breeches of the fashion of the last century. His
right hand rests upon a book, entitled " Aphorism, ex Phys.
Chim. Plant." His thoughtful brow is covered by long dark
brown hair. The features in the youthful face are strongly
marked, especially the nose, mouth, and chin. The peculiar
expression of the eyes is the point of resemblance most readily
traceable in this picture to Humboldt as I saw him fifty years
later, then a venerable old man. The artist has evidently
given a faithful representation of the features of Humboldt's
countenance. But of the genius of that master mind,

QUITO. 319

as in the glory of his manhood his eye threw a penetrating-
glance over the magnificent valley of Chillo, where Nature
in her grandest forms lay before him — a genius which no
doubt shone mightily through every feature of that expressive
countenance — the painter has failed to give more than a very
inadequate rendering.'

Humboldt left the province of Quito in July, 1802.

320 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

CHAPTER VII.
FROM QUITO TO MEXICO.

Acquisition of Manuscripts — The Carib and Inca Languages — Former
Civilisation — The Road of the Incas — Expedition to the Amazon, and
Return over the Andes — Caxamarca — First View of the Pacific Ocean
— Truxillo, Lima, Guayaquil — Guano as Manure — Acapulco — The
Humboldt Current — Letter to the National Institute.

As all hope of joining the expedition under Baudin was now
finally extinguished, Humboldt came to the determination of
relying, for the future, entirely on his own resources ; he at once
made arrangements for leaving Quito, and undertook an expe-
dition to the River Amazon, on his way to Lima, where he
hoped to observe the transit of Mercury.

The route by which he travelled led him by the ruins of
Lacatunga, Hambato, and Riobamba.

'At Riobamba,' he writes to his brother, 'we spent some
weeks with a brother of our travelling companion, Carlos Mon-
tufar, who resides there officially as corregidor — a magistrate
by royal appointment. Here we made by chance a most re-
markable discovery. The condition of the province of Quito
prior to its conquest by the Inca Tupayupangi is still involved
in obscurity. We ascertained that the Indian king, Leandro
Zapla, who resides at Likan, and who, for an Indian, is a man of
considerable culture, is in possession of manuscripts written in
the sixteenth century, by one of his ancestors, in the Puru-
guayail tongue. This was, at that time, the universal language
of Quito, though, owing to the introduction of the Inca or
Quichua language, it has since been lost. It is, therefore,
a fortunate circumstance that Zapla is also in possession of a
translation of these papers in the Spanish tongue, the work of
another of his ancestors.

' From this valuable source, we have gathered much interest-

FROM QUITO TO MEXICO. 321

ing information concerning the history of those times, especially
with regard to the remarkable eruption of the Nevado del
Altar, which must at that time have been the highest mountain
in the world, higher even than Chimborazo, and known to the
Indians by the name of Capa-urku (Chief of the Mountains).
This event occurred in the reign of Uainia Abomatha, the last
independent kochokanao (king) of the country, who held his
court at Likan. The priests gave the following ill-omened in-
terpretation of this portentous catastrophe : — " The "earth," said
they, " is changing its form ; a new order of deities are coming,
by whom the gods we now serve will be driven away. Let us
not withstand the decrees of fate ! " The worship of the sun
was in fact introduced by the Peruvians, in place of the old-
established religion. The eruption of the volcano lasted seven
years, and, according to Zapla's manuscript, there fell so dense
and perpetual a shower of ashes, that at the town of Likan
there was no daylight for seven years. Exaggerated as this
statement may- appear, it would seem not to be wholly without
foundation, for Quito has frequently been veiled in darkness by
the ashes from Cotopaxi for fifteen and eighteen hours at a
time ; moreover, the mass of volcanic material strewed over
the plain of Tapia testifies to some enormous eruption, while
the two lofty peaks warrant the supposition that the gigantic
mountain, asserted at that time to have fallen in, must some
time or other have been violently torn asunder.

'The discovery of this manuscript has revived my wish to
investigate the early history of the aborigines of these coun-
tries, a desire first aroused in me by the traditions I collected
at Parime, and by the hieroglyphics I met with in the wilds
of the Casiquiare, where there is now no trace of inhabitant.
A recent perusal of Clavigero's account of the wanderings of the
Mexicans in South America has again directed my thoughts to
the subject, which I intend to follow up as soon as I can devote
time to the purpose.

< The study of the American languages has also occupied
much of my attention, and I have discovered no evidence of
the poverty remarked by La Condamine. The Carib language,
for instance, combines richness, grace, power, and tenderness.
It affords means of expression for abstract ideas — futurity,

VOL. I. T

322 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

eternity, existence, &c. — and is able to express in words every
numerical combination which can be denoted by figures. I am
devoting myself particularly to the Inca language, which is in
ordinary use in this part of the country — Quito, Lima, &c.—
and is so rich in variety and delicacy of expression, that the
young gentlemen, when making themselves agreeable to the
ladies, usually adopt it after they have completely exhausted
the vocabulary of the Castilian tongue.

'These two languages, together with some others of equal
richness, afford sufficient evidence that there once reigned in
America a higher state of civilisation than existed at the time
of the Spanish conquest in 1492 ; but I am in possession of
proofs of a much more positive nature in regard to this fact.
Not only in Mexico and Peru, but at the court of the King of
Bogota, the priests of those ages possessed sufficient knowledge
of astronomy to draw a meridian line and to observe the actual
nrbment of the solstice ; they changed the lunar into the solar
year by the intercalation of days, and I have in my possession a
stone in the form of a heptagon which was found at Santa Fe,
and was employed by them in the calculation of these inter-
calary days. Nor is this all. At Erivaro, in the interior of the
district of Parime, the natives believe that the moon is in-
habited, and know, by the traditions of their ancestors, that its
light is derived from the sun.

c From Eiobamba, the route to Cuenpa led me over the famous
Paramo of Assuay. Before setting out I visited the extensive
sulphur mines at Tiscan. The rebel Indians conceived the idea
of setting fire to these sulphur works, after the earthquake of
1797 ; certainly the most horrible plan ever devised even by a
people driven to despair. They hoped by this means to pro-
duce an eruption by which the whole province of Alausi should
be destroyed. On the Paramo of Assuay, at a height of 15,090
feet, the magnificent road of the Incas may still be traced.
This causeway reaches almost to Cuzco, and is constructed
entirely of hewn stone ; it is perfectly straight, and resembles
the finest roads of the ancient Eomans. In the same neigh-
bourhood are the ruins of the palace of the Inca Tupayupangi,
which was described by La Condamine in the Memoirs of the
Academy of Berlin. I do not know whether he mentions the

FROM QUITO TO MEXICO. 323

so-called summer-house of the Inca. It is a couch cut in the
rock, ornamented with arabesque devices. Our English gardens
contain nothing more elegant. The good taste of the Inca is
everywhere visible ; the seat is so placed as to command a most
enchanting prospect. In the sandstone rock of a neighbouring
wood is to be seen a circular spot of yellow ironstone, which
the Peruvians have ornamented with figures, supposing it to
represent the sun. Of this I made a drawing.

' We remained only ten days at Cuenca, whence we set out for
Lima, passing through the province of Jaen, where we spent a
month in the vicinity of the Amazon. We arrived at Lima
on the 23rd of October, 1802.

6 1 think of setting out in December for Acapulco, en route
for Mexico, in the hope of reaching Havana in May 1803. I
shall then embark without delay for Spain. You will perceive
that I have given up the idea of returning by way of the Phi-
lippines. I should have to encounter a sea voyage of prodigious
length, to see scarcely more than Manilla and the Cape ; and
had I made up my mind to visit the East Indies I should have
been very inefficiently provided, as the necessary equipments
could not have been procured here.'

Additional details may be gathered from the letter to De-
lambre, already referred to at page 315, dated Lima, Novem-
ber 25, 1802, wherein Humboldt remarks : —

. . . . ' After crossing Assuay and passing through Cuenca,
where bull-fights were given in our honour, we took the road
.to Loxa, in order to complete our investigations upon the Cin-
chona. We spent a month in the province of Jaen de Braca-
moros, and visited the Pongo of the Amazon, where the banks
of the river are ornamented with the Andira and the Bougain-
villea of Jussieu. It was to me a matter of considerable inte-
rest to determine the longitude of Tomependa and Chuchungat,
which, from being included in La Condamine's map, gives me
a line of connection with the coast. La Condamine was only
able to obtain the longitude of. the mouth of the Napo, and as
chronometers were unknown in those days, the longitudes then
taken have great need of revision. My chronometer by Louis
Berthoud performs admirably. ...

' On leaving the Amazon we crossed the Andes, near the

Y 2

324 ALEXANDEK VON HUMJBOLDT.

mines of Grualgayoc, yielding sulphuret of silver and copper, at
an elevation of 13,550 feet : their yearly produce is valued at a
million piastres. We descended to Truxillo, by Caxamarca,
where I made drawings of the Peruvian arches in the Palace of
Atahualpa, and thence crossed the desert plains on the coast of
the Pacific Ocean to Lima — a place which for six months in
the year is overhung with dense vapours.' . . .

At the conclusion of this very long letter he writes : — ' I am
full of anxiety about my manuscripts, considering how to pre-
serve them in safety and secure their publication. I trust I
shall greet you in Paris some time during the months of Sep-
tember or October of 1803. How I long to be once more in
Paris ! '

The latter part of this journey — that is to say, his route from
the Amazon to the coast across the Andes, has been described
by Humboldt in a short treatise, entitled : ' The Plateau of
Caxamarca, the Ancient Capital of the Inca Atahualpa ; first
View of the Pacific Ocean from the Crest of the Andes.'1 In
ancient Caxamarca were enacted the bloodiest scenes of the
Spanish Conquest. Beneath the ruins of the citadel and the
ancient palace of Atahualpa the room is still to be seen, upon
the wall of which is shown the mark indicating the height to
which the Inca engaged to fill his prison with gold, on condi-
tion of being set free.

In agreeable contrast with the gloomy associations of this
place was the grand prospect Humboldt first obtained here of
the Pacific Ocean — a moment for which he had so ardently
longed. To one who was so deeply indebted to a fellow-voyager
of Captain Cook, both for the development of his mind and the
formation of his tastes, there was something in this sight pecu-
liarly impressive. ' To George Forster I had early communi-
cated, in general outline, my schemes for travel, when privi-
leged under his auspices to visit England for the first time.
The charming description of Otaheite given by Forster had
awakened, especially in the North of Europe, a universal, I
might almost say a romantic interest in the islands of the
Pacific Ocean. These islands, fortunately for them, were at

1 l Ansichten der Natur/ vol. ii. p. 315.

FROM QUITO TO MEXICO. 325

that time but seldom visited by Europeans. This rare privilege
promised shortly to be mine ; for the object of my present
journey was not so much to observe the transit of Mercury as
to fulfil an engagement made with Captain Baudin, on my de-
parture from Paris, to join his expedition round the world,
upon which he was to start as soon as the French Eepublic was
in a position to furnish the sum of money already destined for
that object.'1

After visiting the mines of Grualgayoc, Humboldt crossed for
the fourth time the chain of the Andes, and passing through
Quercotillo and Cascas, reached the shore of the Pacific Ocean
at Truxillo. Here he remained a few days in order to obtain
the latitude and longitude of the town, and to test the going of
his chronometer, and then set out for Lima, travelling along the
coast, over a portion of the great plain of Peru, which stretches
to the south as far as Pisco and Yea.

The geographical position of Lima had up to that time been
very imperfectly ascertained. For its more accurate determina-
tion Humboldt compared the longitude given by his chrono-
meter with the results obtained by a series of lunar altitudes.
The transit of Mercury was successfully observed at Callao, the
port of Lima, on November 9, 1802.

While at Callao, Humboldt's attention was first directed to
the valuable properties of guano as manure. Through him its
efficacy was first tested in Europe, where its introduction for
agricultural purposes may be ascribed to his writings, in which
he discusses its formation, and describes its profusion and suc-
cessful employment upon the sterile coasts of Peru.2

On December 5, 1802, Humboldt embarked for Guayaquil,
and landed at that port on January 9, 1803. During the
voyage he rendered valuable service to navigation by deter-
mining the exact position of several places along the coast —
the island of Pelado, Points Aguya, Pariria, Mala, &c. His
stay at Guayaquil lasted six weeks, during which he made an
excursion to the almost impenetrable forests of Babajos, and

1 < Ansichten der Natur,' vol. ii. p. 365.

2 Wilhelm Cohn-Martiniquefelde, ' Alexander von Humboldt und die
Landwirthschatt/ in Fruhling's * Neue landwirthschaftliche Zeitung,' 19th
annual issue, Part III.

326 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

was very nearly being an eye-witness of the frightful eruption
of Cotopaxi.

On February 15, 1803, he sailed from Guayaquil for Mexico,
and landed in the harbour of Acapulco towards the end of
March.

It has often been erroneously maintained — among others by
Carl Eitter — that the cold current upon the coast of Peru,
known as the Humboldt current, was discovered by him during
this voyage. The truth is, that Humboldt merely instituted a
series of very careful observations, especially with regarjd to
the temperature of the current, and far from having any wish
to appropriate to himself or allow others to ascribe to him a
merit to which he was not fully entitled, he distinctly re-
pudiated the discovery attributed to him by the remark : ' The
existence of this current has been known since the sixteenth
century to every sailor-boy accustomed to navigate from Chili
to Payta.' l

Humboldt had no wish to remain long in the kingdom of
Mexico. The motives by which he was induced to curtail the
journey as originally planned, and to postpone, at least for the
present, his projected tour through a part of Asia and Africa,
are specified in the following letter, addressed to the National
Institute of France, dated 'Mexico, 2 Messidor IX. (21st June,
1803)':— 2

' Our voyage through the Pacific to Acapulco was happily
accomplished, notwithstanding a violent tempest which we en-
countered when more than 300 leagues to the we'st of the
volcanoes of Guatemala — a part of the ocean to which the
name of Pacific is scarcely applicable. The damaged state of
our instruments occasioned by land transport, in journeys ex-
tending over 2,000 leagues, the futility of our efforts to replace
them by new ones, the impossibility of meeting with Captain
Baudin, for whom we had waited in vain upon the shores of
the Pacific, the reluctance we felt to traverse a boundless ocean
in a merchant ship which could furnish no facilities for touch-
ing at any of those lovely islands so interesting to the natu-

1 * Briefwechsel mit Berghaus/ vol. ii. p. 284. (See also pp. 160 and
275.)

2 'Annales du Museum d'Hist. natur.' An XII. (1804) vol. iii. p. 396.

FEOM QUITO TO MEXICO. 327

ralist, but, above all, the rapid advancement of science aiid the
necessity of gaining acquaintance with the new discoveries
which must unquestionably have taken place during an interval
of four or five years, . . . these are the motives which have
led ns to abandon the projected plan of returning by the Phi-
lippines and through the Red Sea to Egypt. Although enjoy-
ing everywhere the distinguished protection of the King of
Spain, I could not fail, as a private individual travelling at my
own cost, to encounter a thousand difficulties, unknown to those
engaged in expeditions undertaken by Grovernment. The task
to which we shall henceforth devote ourselves will be the re-
duction of the observations we have made while in the tropics,
and their arrangement for publication. With life still before
us, and inured to danger and privations of all kinds, we yet
linger over the hope of visiting Asia and her adjacent islands
at some future time. With an increased store of knowledge,,
and possessed of instruments of greater accuracy, we may per-
haps some day undertake another expedition, the plans for
which already allure us as in a seductive dream.'

328 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

CHAPTER VIII.
MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES.— RETURN HOME.

From Acapulco to the Capital — Acquisition of Historical Information
concerning New Spain— The Mines of Moran and Guanaxuato — The
Jorullo — Correspondence with Willdenow — Reminiscences of a Fair
Mexican — Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl — The Pyramid of Cholula —
Jalapa, Cofre, Orizaba — Second Visit to Havana — Visit to the United
States — Sojourn with Jefferson at Washington — Return Home — At
Bordeaux — Humboldt an Apparition — Greetings to his Friends.

THE exact determination of the latitude and longitude of the
harbour of Acapuleo was of the highest importance to the
geography of America, since this port served as a starting-point
for determining, by means of the chronometer, the position of
all the harbours in use along the north-west coast of America
up to the 60° of latitude. Setting aside former errors which
. placed this harbour full fo«r degrees too much to the west, even
Arrowsmith, in his 'Chart of the West Indies and Spanish
Dominions' (in four sheets), bearing date 1803, is in error as to
its position to the amount of half a degree of longitude, and
seven minutes of latitude.1 The correction of this error is due .
to Humboldt.

Before visiting the interior, he remained some time at the
coast for the purpose of completing his collections and insti-
tuting a series of observations. On his way to the capital he
traversed the scorching valleys of Mescala and Papagayo, where
the thermometer stood at 104° in the shade, and thence as-

1 In a skeleton map, entitled ' Carte des Fausses Positions/ forming No.
10 of the * Atlas g£ogr. de la Nouv.-Espagne,' the large errors hitherto
existing in the maps of New Spain are very strikingly shown in the erro-
neous positions of the three most important places in Mexico, the capital and
the harbours of Acapulco and Vera Cruz.

MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 329

cended to the high plains of Chilpanzingo, Tehuilotepec, and
Tasco — plains which, at an elevation of between 4,000 and
5,000 feet, enjoyed a temperate climate favourable to the
cultivation of most of the European cereals and the growth of
the oak, the cypress, and the fir. At Tasco, he inspected the
silver mines, which are some of the oldest and probably the
richest in the country, and thence continued his journey through
Cuernaraca and the foggy district of Cuchilague to the capital,
where he arrived towards the end of April.

The city of Mexico numbered at that time more than
150,000 inhabitants, and was selected by Humboldt as his
head-quarters, as from its central position it afforded facilities
for making excursions of varying extent in all directions. The
time occupied by his sojourn in the kingdom of ]\Je^tco was
little short of a year; that is to say, from March 23, 1803, till
March 7, 1804.

4 1 endeavoured to employ the time spent in Mexico not
merely in scientific investigation, but in acquiring an acctr* • j
rate knowledge of the political condition of this extensive
remarkable country. The civilisation of New Spain presented
a striking contrast to the limited amount of culture, both
physical and moral, visible in those countries I had recently
visited. I carefully compared all that I had seen upon the
banks of the Orinoco, and the Rio Negro, in the province of
Caracas, in New Granada, on the slopes of the Andes around
Quito, as well as on the coasts of Peru, with the condition of
things I found in the kingdom of Mexico. The result of this
comparison was to incite me to investigate the causes, as yet
but partially developed, which have proved so favourable for
the increase of population and of national industry in this
country.

6 The circumstances in which I was placed were highly ad-
vantageous for the prosecution of this object, since in the col-
lection of materials, in which no published book could be of
any avail, various manuscripts were placed at my disposal, and
I was allowed free access to the public archives.' l

1 A. von Humboldt, ' Ueber den politischen Zustand des Konigreiclis
Neuspanien ' (Tubingen, 1809). Preface.

330 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

Thus originated his celebrated work entitled ' Essai politique
sur le Eoyaume de la Nouvelle-Espagne.'

The courteous and friendly reception which had been ac-
corded to Humboldt at Lima and other capital cities in the
Spanish colonies l awaited him also at Mexico, where he was
graciously received by the viceroy Iturrigary.

After a sojourn of some months in^the capital, Humboldt
visited the famous mines of Moran and Real del Monte. The
whole of this district is of the highest geological interest,
affording specimens of basalts, amygdaloid and calcareous rocks
of the secondary formation, besides the remarkable columnar
porphyry of Actopan.

In the month of July, Humboldt started on a second expedi-
tion, to visit the provinces in the north of the kingdom. His
route lay first to Huehuetoca, where, at a cost of six million
piastres [1,291,770^.], a canal has been cut through the moun-
tain Sinoq, for the purpose of draining the valley of Mexico
into the river Moctezuma ; thence he visited Queretaro, which
in our days has become invested with a melancholy interest,
as the scene of the tragic fate of the unfortunate Emperor
Maximilian, and after passing through Salamanca, and across
the fertile plain of Irapuato, he readied Gruanaxuato, a town of
50,000 inhabitants, situated in a narrow ravine, and possessing
in its vicinity mines even more prolific than were formerly
those of Potosi.

Humboldt spent two months at Gruanaxuato occupied with
observations of various kinds, and researches as to the geolo-
gical structure of the district, and on the completion of his
labours, he continued his journey to Comagillas, noted for its
hot mineral springs, of which he made a chemical analysis.
He thence travelled through the valley of the Santiago, which
in primeval times had probably been enclosed by basaltic moun-
tains of volcanic origin, to Valladolid, the capital of the ancient
kingdom of Michoacan, situated in one of the most beautiful
and fertile districts of the New World. Thence he descended
amid the ceaseless rain of the autumnal season to Patzcuaro
and over the plains of the Jorullo, to the shores of the Pacific.
On September 19, he ascended the peak of Jorullo, a volcano
1 See pp. 293, 299, 305.

MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 331

rising to the height of more than 1,500 feet, formed in the
course of a night, during the year 1759.

Humboldt and his companions descended to a depth of 250
feet into the crater, whence smoke was issuing from more than
2,000 small orifices. With considerable danger, on account of
the brittle nature of the blocks of lava, they reached almost to
the bottom of the crater, and there made an analysis of the air,
which was heavily laden with carbonic acid. The inhabitants
of that locality maintained that the heat of the crater had
formerly been much greater, and Humboldt gave it as his
opinion that the whole of the surrounding district is under-
mined by volcanic action.

Humboldt returned to Mexico, across the Plateau of Toluca,
and ascended the volcano of that name on September 29. At
the capital he again made a sojourn of several months, for the
purpose of arranging his botanical and geological collections,
and of reducing his barometric and trigonometric observations,
while, at the same time, he laboured for the completion of his
tables of statistics, and carefully prepared materials for a map
of the country.

During his first visit to the capital, Humboldt wrote to
Willdenow the following letter, dated April 29, 1803: —

6 1 received your welcome letter of the 1st October, 1802, a
few days after my arrival in, this great and imposing capital of
New Spain. My joy in reading it was all the greater from its
being the first and only letter I have received from you since
I left Europe, although I am convinced you must have written
to me frequently. Even from my brother I have received only
some five or six letters at most, during the four years that have
elapsed since I left Corunna. It seems as if an unfriendly
star had presided over our letters, if not over the ships that
carried them. But I will not complain, since I have now the
prospect of so soon embracing you all again.

c We have already despatched to Europe some ten or twelve
consignments of newly gathered seeds ; one parcel went to the
Botanic Gardens at Madrid, among which, as I learn from the
" Annales de Historia Natural," Cavanilles has already dis-
covered some new species; a second parcel was enclosed to
the Jardin des Plantes at Paris ; and a third went by way of

332 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

Trinidad to Sir Joseph Banks in London. Do not suppose,
however, that my stores are thereby exhausted, or that I have
altogether forgotten Berlin. I have still by me an excellent
collection, the result of my botanical explorations in the dis-
tricts of Quito, Loxa and Jaen, on the banks of the Amazon,
on the slopes of the Andes in Peru, and during my travels from
Acapulco to Chilpensingo and Mexico. I shall not venture to
trust this invaluable treasure to the care of the postal authori-
ties here, for they are incredibly careless in their arrange-
ments ; but as I am about to start for Havana, on my return
to Europe, I shall convey this collection to you in person. I
have taken the greatest precautions to have the specimens
carefully dried. . . .

6 My friends in America, moreover, have been kind enough
to say that they will always be glad to forward parcels of fresh
seeds, as you may require them. During my travels I have
met with several assiduous botanists ; among whom I may men-
tion Tofalla at Guayaquil, Oliveda at Loxa, Mutis at Santa
Fe, and his pupil Caldas, at Popayan.

6 1 am delighted to find that the botanical specimens which
I sent you through Mr. Fraser reached their destination at
length in safety.' (See p. 281.)

After giving a summary of his movements since leaving
Quito, Humboldt continues : — c I was very anxious to have re-
turned to Europe before the end of the year, but the news that
the yellow fever is raging at Vera Cruz and Havana, and the
fear of encountering a bad passage across the Atlantic, so late
in the year as October, have decided me to postpone my
journey. I should not like my travels to end with a tragedy.
By adopting what seems to me to be the safest course, my
arrival in Europe will be delayed till April or May in 1 804.'

In two other letters written by Humboldt during his resi-
dence at Mexico, — the one addressed to Cavanilles on April 22,
and the other to Delambre on July 29, — he recapitulates the
events of the last eighteen months, and describes in detail the
incidents of his journey, the difficulties he encountered, and
the scientific results of the expedition. At the close of his
letter to Delambre, he again announces the abandonment of
his original plan of returning by the Philippines, but adds : —

MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 333

8 1 have only given it up temporarily, for I have many pro-
jects in view with regard to the East Indies, but I am anxious
first to publish the results of this expedition. I hope to be
with you early next year ; the reduction of our observations
will occupy us for two or three years at least. In speaking
only of two or three years, pray do not laugh at my inconstancy,
this maladie centrifuge of which Madame .... used to ac-
cuse me and my brother. It is a duty incumbent upon every-
one to seek that position in life in which he thinks he can be
of most service to his generation, and I believe that to fulfil
my destiny, I ought to perish at the edge of a crater, or be
engulphed by the treacherous deep. This at least is my present
opinion, after experiencing hardships and privations of all
kinds for five years ; but I can easily believe that with advan-
cing age, and the renewed enjoyments of European life, I may
yet live to change my views. Nemo adeo ferus est., ut non
mitescere possit?

In Mexico, as well as at Lima, we are indebted to a lady for a
sketch of Humboldt as he appeared in social life amid the
highest circles in the capital.

Madame Calderon de la Barca, wife of the Spanish ambas-
sador at Mexico, in her journal for the years 1839 and 1840,
mentions among her acquaintance a lady formerly well known
and greatly esteemed in Mexico, under the name of ' the fair
Rodriguez,' who had been regarded by Alexander von Hum-
boldt as the handsomest woman he had met with during his
travels. In conversation with this lady Madame de la Barca
gathered the following particulars, which she thus narrates : —

' We talked of Humboldt, and while speaking of herself
quite as an indifferent person, she recounted to me the details
of his first introduction to her and of his admiration of her
beauty : she was very young at the time, though married, and
the mother of two children, and happened to be in the room,
seated at the window, sewing, when the baron paid a visit to
her mother. Her presence was unobserved until, on his ex-
pressing a wish while conversing eagerly on cochineal to visit a
certain plantation, she remarked from her place at the window :
" Oh ! we can easily drive Herr von Humboldt there," — when
he looked up and stood transfixed before her, exclaiming at

334 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

length, " Valgame Dios ! who is that young lady ? " From that
time forth he was always at her side, more captivated, it is
said, by the graces of her mind than by the beauty of her
person. She was regarded by him as an American Madame de
Stael. One is led to suspect from these little incidents that
the grave man of science was fascinated by a witchery, from
which all his mines and mountains, his geography and geology,
his fossil shells and Alpine limestone, were alike powerless to
protect him.'

In concluding these reminiscences of the Mexican beauty,
Madame Calderon de la Barca adds, with evident satisfaction :
6 It is quite refreshing to see that even the great Humboldt was
not wholly removed from susceptibilities of this nature ! ' ]

In January, 1804, our travellers left the capital to explore
the eastern slope of the Mexican Cordilleras. They measured,
by geometrical observations, the height of Popocatepetl, and
Iztaccihuatl, known as the volcanoes of Puebla : the crater of
the former is inaccessible, though a tradition exists that Diego
Ordaz was lowered down into it by means of ropes, for the
purpose of collecting sulphur, apparently an unnecessary
proceeding, since sulphur abounds on the plain.

The summit of Popocatepetl, which has been ascended to a
height of 16,779 feet by the zealous mineralogist Herr Son-
nenschmidt, was discovered by Humboldt to be considerably
higher than the Peak of Orizaba, hitherto regarded as the
highest mountain of the plateau of Anahuac. He also took
measurements of the great Pyramid of Cholula, a mysterious
erection of unburnt bricks, the work of the Totteken, from the
summit of which there is a magnificent prospect of snowclad
peaks, and the fertile plains of Tlascala.

Continuing their descent to the coast, the travellers passed
through Perote, on their way to Jalapa, which from its
position, 4,423 feet above the sea, enjoys a mild and genial

1 As a matter of curiosity, it may be mentioned that during his sojourn
in Mexico Humboldt wrote in May, 1803, to assert his claim to the inven-
tion of an instrument for measuring carbonic acid, in the 'Allgerneine
Literaturzeitung,' 1800, No. 93, unjustly appropriated by Voigt, instrument
maker to the Duke of Saxony. (' Intelligenzblatt zur Allgeineinen Litera-
turzeitung,' 1803, p. 1487.)

MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 335

climate. Barometric measurements of height were taken by
Humboldt at frequent intervals along this ill-constructed road,
cut through almost impenetrable forests of oak and fir, and the
results of these labours were afterwards employed as a basis for
laying down the line for a new high road. On February 7,
1804, the travellers made the ascent of Cofre, a mountain in
the neighbourhood of Perote, the height of which exceeds that
of the Peak of Tenerifle by 1,063 feet. Trigonometric mea-
surements were also taken by Humboldt of the volcano of
Orizaba.

Thus employed in scientific investigations of various kinds,
the travellers prosecuted their journey, until they at length
reached the goal of their wanderings, and entered the town of
Vera Cruz, the harbour of which is the centre of European
commerce, in the West Indies. The town is situated in an arid
plain, with neither river nor running stream in its vicinity.
From this port they embarked on board a royal frigate on
March 7, 1804, for Havana, to take possession of the collec-
tions left for safe keeping in the year 1 800, and to complete
the data they had gathered in Mexico, for the treatise upon
which Humboldt was engaged, entitled, ' Essai politique sur
1'Ile de Cuba.'

After a sojourn of nearly two months at Havana, Humboldt
set sail for the United States, on April 29, accompanied by
Bonpland and Carlos Montufar. In the Channel of Bahamas,
they encountered a severe storm, which lasted seven days ; but
Humboldt and his companions were mercifully preserved
through every danger, and after a voyage of twenty days they
arrived safely in the harbour of Philadelphia.

A welcome, as courteous as that which had been accorded
to Humboldt by the viceroy at Mexico, awaited him from
Jefferson, the President of the United States, from whom he
received the following invitation to visit Washington : —

< Washington : May 28, 1804.

6 Sir, — I received last night your favour of the 24th, and
offer you my congratulations on your arrival here in good
health after a tour in the course of which you have been
exposed to so many hardships and hazards. The countries you

336 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

have visited are of those least known and most interesting, and
a lively desire will be felt generally to receive the information
you will be able to give. No one will feel it more strongly
than myself, because no one perhaps views this New World with
more partial hopes of its exhibiting an ameliorated state of the
human condition. In the new position in which the seat of
our government is fixed, we have nothing curious to attract
the observation of a traveller, and can only substitute in its
place the welcome \vith which we should receive your visit,
should you find it convenient to add so much to your journey.
Accept, I pray you, my respectful salutations and assurances of
great respect and consideration, &c.

' JEFFERSON.
1 A M. le Baron de Humboldt.'

Short as was Humboldt's stay in the United States, his visit
was productive of important results in the opportunity it
afforded him of becoming acquainted with that wonderful
political organisation which was then exciting universal interest.
He studied the system in its minor details, as well as in the
broad principles of its administrative economy, and instituted
a comparison between the condition of the United States and
that of the Spanish colonies, through which he had just been
travelling. He made acquaintance with the most influential
men in the country, and obtained from intercourse with them
some insight into their views as to the future policy of the re-
public. Engaged with considerations of this nature, Humboldt
found ample occupation during the three weeks he spent with
Jefferson at Monticello ; during his visit the president com-
municated to him an extraordinary project of his imaginative
but somewhat fantastic genius, a project for the future division
of the continent of America into three great republics, in
which were to be incorporated the Spanish possessions in
Mexico, and the States of South America.1

Throughout the remainder of his life, Humboldt always
retained a pleasing remembrance of this sojourn in the United
States, and frequently alluded to it in grateful terms to the
various Americans who visited him : the shameful institution of

1 Silliman, ' A Visit to Alexander von Humboldt.'

MEXICO AND THE TINTED STATES. 337

•slavery was the only cloud which cast a shadow upon these
bright recollections, and saddened his noble spirit.

On July 9, 1804, Humboldt bade farewell to the continent
of America, and set sail from the mouth of the Delaware,
landing*, after a prosperous voyage, at Bordeaux on August 3.

The news of his return spread great and universal joy
throughout Europe, for notwithstanding the numerous letters
received from him, reports of his death had frequently appeared
in the newspapers.1 Even so late as July 17, 1804, Korner
wrote to Schiller : ' Pray let me know if you hear anything
certain of Alexander von Humboldt. I shall be exceedingly
glad if the report of his death proves to be groundless.' 2

The welcome announcement of the safe arrival of the dis-
tinguished traveller was first received at the French capital
through his letter to the National Institute, by whom the intel-
ligence was at once communicated to his sister-in-law, the wife
of William von Humboldt, at that time in Paris.

The pleasurable emotions experienced by Humboldt upon his
safe return find expression in the following letters : —

To Freiesleben.

1 Off Bordeaux : August 1, 1804.
' In haste.

c My dearest Karl, — After an absence of five years I am once
more upon European soil. We made the entrance of the
Graronne two hours ago. We have been most highly favoured
in our voyage, accomplishing the passage from Philadelphia

1 In the summer of 1803 it was reported in Paris that Humboldt had
perished among the savages in North America. (' Allg. geogr. Ephemeriden,'
vol. xii. p. 239.) The 'Hamburger Correspondent' of June 12, 1804,
contained the announcement: — 'We regret to learn that the celebrated
traveller, Herr von Humboldt, has been attacked with yellow fever, and has
died at Acapulco.' (Ibid, vol. xiv. p. 510.)

2 ' Briefwechsel zwischen Korner und Schiller,' vol. iv. p. 366. Hum-
boldt himself wrote in later years when consoling the father of the unfortu-
nate African traveller, Eduard Vogel, for the sad fate of his son : — ....
* Consolation can only come from above ! I fulfil a tender duty in reminding
you of this, and in assuring you that I am not without hope of his safety. I
have myself read the announcement of my own death in the South Seas,
which had been promulgated in Paris ; and one evening, when visiting the

YOL. I. Z

338 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

in twentyrseven clays. I left Mexico in February,1 and sailed
by way of Havana to North America, where I was loaded with
marks of honour by Jefferson, the President of the States. My
expedition in both hemispheres, extending over a distance of
40,000 miles, has been favoured by fortune to an almost unpre-
cedented degree. I was never once ill, and I am now in better
health, stronger in body, more industrious, and gayer in spirits
than ever. I return laden with thirty cases of treasures of all
kinds, botanical, geological and astronomical, and it will take
me years to bring out my great work. My sectional drawings
of the Andes, based upon no less than 1,500 of my own measure-
ments, a botanical atlas, and a geological pasigraphy, consisting
of new symbols for expressing the various formations, will all
interest you exceedingly. I confess it was with a heavy heart
that I bade farewell to the bright glories of a tropical clime, yet
the thought of being within reach of you, of embracing you
once more, and of gathering the gold out of the quartz with you
by my side, possessed for me a still higher attraction. As soon
as I can get out of quarantine, I shall leave for Paris, that I may
begin my work immediately. I am particularly anxious to
commence the reduction of my astronomical observations. When
I shall see you, my dear Karl, and how soon, I cannot say. My
friends are all dispersed in Spain, Italy, and elsewhere. I quite
dread the first winter, everything will be so strange, and I shall
be some time in settling down again. But I shall be consoled
through everything by the thought of my safety. Pray re-
member me to your parents, to Fritzchen, Fischer, and Werner,,
for whom my veneration increases year by year, for I saw much
to substantiate his system during my travels in the southern
hemisphere. How shall I ever find time to write to them all !'
Remember me to Bohme, and to all our old friends.

' Ever yours,

6 HUMBOLDT.

Duu cle Crillon, as my name, according to Paris custom, was announced at
the door, a scream was heard, and a lady fainted away. This lady was
Madame La Perouse, in whom grief at the loss of her husband had been
painfully reawakened by the announcement of my name, as of an apparition
from the world of shadows.'
1 More correctly, on March 7.

MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 339

c I used often to speak of you with Del Rio, who is living at
Mexico, and is now married. I have with me a piece of native
platinum, two ounces in weight, and about this size (a sketch).
The platina sand occurs in hyacinth, basalt, and clinkstone.

c Write to me at Paris, under care of M. Chaptal, Ministre de
1'Interieur, and tell me of any geological books I ought to read,
and of any new ideas that Werner may have lately promulgated.
I do not know the address of our excellent friend Buch, but
please send him from me an affectionate greeting.'

To Kunth.

1 On board " La Favorite," off Bordeaux :
1 In quarantine, August 3, 1804.

* My dear Friend, — Mercifully preserved from all the dangers
incident to foreign travel, I have the happiness of finding
myself, after an absence of six years, once more on European
soil, and I seize an early opportunity of informing you of my
return, and of giving you the renewed assurance of my affec-
tionate regard. I am too well acquainted with the kind feelings
you generously entertain towards me, not to flatter myself with
the thought that these lines will be joyfully welcomed by you,
and will be received also with pleasure by the small circle of
friends who after my long absence may still be left to me at
Berlin. Fortune has never once deserted me during the great
expedition successfully brought to a close with my companions
Messrs. Bonpland and Montufar. After passing two months
very pleasantly in the United States, visiting Philadelphia,
Baltimore, and Washington, where we enjoyed the most marked
courtesy from Mr. Jefferson and the highest officers of the
Republic, we embarked for Europe, and a voyage of twenty-nine
days brought us from the mouth of the Delaware to the Graronne.
We anchored on the 1st of August, and are now in quarantine,
which I have reason to hope, from the respectful manner in which
we are treated, will not be greatly prolonged, especially as the
yellow fever had not yet reached North America when we set
sail. My collections fill thirty-five cases, which I am anxious to
despatch to Paris, that I may bring them before the attention of

z 2

340 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

scientific men, and compare them with previous collections. I
liave a great longing to see my brother, who is, I suppose, at
Kome, and therefore I shall most likely pass the winter there.
It is five years since I heard from you : surely, my good friend,
you have not altogether forgotten me? That is impossible.
Write to me as soon as you can, and direct your letter to Paris,
under care of M. de Luchesini. Tell me of your health, your
means, your mode of life — you know how keenly I am interested
in everything connected with yourself. Nearly a year ago I drew
upon you to the amount of 10,000 piastres, in favour of Mr.
Murphy, of Cadiz. Please let me know if this money has been
paid, as in that case Mr. Murphy owes me 6,000 piastres. I
should be much obliged if you would kindly send me, by return
of post, a brief abstract of the state of my affairs and of my pre-
sent income, made out, if possible, in French, on a separate piece
of paper (without comment), and bearing your signature, for I
may probably be in want of such a statement in transacting
some affairs in which I am at present engaged. The state of my
finances absorbs a good deal of my attention just now. I am not
only free from debt, but, if Mr. Murphy has been paid, I have
6,000 piastres in his hands at Cadiz. I am sure you will not
misinterpret the expression "without comment," for you well
know that any comment or counsel from you is always most
highly appreciated by me ; but the statement that I venture
to ask for must be of a character that I can show to anyone.

' I am much more robust and stouter than I used to be, and
more active than ever. Nevertheless, you and I, my dear
friend, are beginning to grow old. Write me a long letter.
You know the strength of my attachment, and how vast the debt
of gratitude I owe you, for you must be aware that the little
celebrity I have attained is to a great extent the result of your
labours, and I believe you are not so completely insensitive to
Tenown as to be wholly indifferent to this thought. I embrace
you with my heartiest affection.

c A. HUMBOLDT.

' I shall leave for Paris as soon as possible, where please address
me, under care of M. Luchesini. Tell me about Minette,1 the

1 The sister of liis friend Haften, see p. 144.

MEXICO AND THE UNITED STATES. 341

Haftens and the Captain, to whom I send my kindest remem-
brances.'

Humboldt also addressed a letter to his sovereign, Frederick
William III., dated September 3, 1804, informing him that,
after an absence of five years, during which he had travelled
40,000 miles in South America, he had, a few weeks since,
safely arrived in Paris, bringing with him several interesting
contributions to the various scientific museums at Berlin.1

1 From the royal private archives.

342 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

CHAPTEE IX.
HOME LIFE.

New Circumstances, but old Friends — Co-operation with Pictet — Plan for
the Publication of his Works — English Translation — Labours with
Gay-Lussac and Biot — Letters to Friends at Berlin — Visit to Italy —
Visit to Germany — Berlin — Honours and Occupation — Letters to old
Friends — The Fall of Prussia — Humboldt as a Mediator — Consolation
in the Study of Nature.

^

WHAT changes had transpired in France during Humboldt's
absence! The hopes of freedom had been cruelly blasted.
The Eevolution had assumed a new phase, and was proceeding
in quite a new direction ; a sultry atmosphere everywhere gave
painful warning of the outbreak of another political convulsion.
On his departure for America, Humboldt left France a republic ;
he returned to find an imperial throne occupied by an ambitious
conqueror; and, on his arrival at Paris, on August 18, he beheld
the people intoxicated with glory and conquest, still tumul-
tuous with the celebration of Napoleon's birthday, which had
been kept publicly, for the first time, on the 15th of the
month.

Meanwhile the interests of science, especially in the branches
of mathematics, physics, and natural science, far from suffering
from the events of war, had been very largely promoted. Eich
endowments were granted to scientific institutions of every
kind, and men of science were not only cheered by tokens of
honourable distinction, but received liberal support in all their
undertakings. Paris had undoubtedly become the high school
for the exact and natural sciences.

There seems some necessity for recalling these circumstances
to mind, since it is only by so doing that a just estimate can be

HOME LIFE. 343

formed of the importance that was attached to Humboldt's
return — an event which, in the midst of scenes of such ex-
citement, could yet arouse the keenest interest. On his re-
turn, he was not only met by his old friends with expressions
of undiminished affection, but he found himself surrounded by
many new acquaintances, among whom Gay-Lussac,1 already
known to fame through his researches in chemistry, and Fran-
cois Arago, whom he met with somewhat later, deserve especial
mention. The admiring wonder excited by the display of
his treasures, and the interest aroused by the narrative of his
journey, were enhanced by the conviction of the personal
heroism which had enabled him successfully to encounter
so many dangers, and undergo such long-continued exertion.
With unexampled success had this important undertaking been
carried out by the ability, intelligence, learning, and perse-
verance, of a private individual, actuated by no motive of
personal advantage, but solely by the pure love of science.
It was not so much the fulness and depth of knowledge
evinced, nor the charm and truth of the narrative, nor yet the
generosity and unreservedness of the speaker ; but, far more,
the unpretending love of truth, the spirit of benevolence,
and the wonderful power of organisation displayed in the con-
ception of new theories which, when expressed in a grand
flow of eloquence, captivated all hearts and enchained all
minds. Humboldt was feted wherever he went, not only in

1 The commencement of the friendship between these distinguished men
is thus related by Arago, in his Eloge on Gay-Lussac (' Franz Arago 's
Siininitliche Werke, herausgegeben von Hankel,' vol. iii. p. 14) : — ' Among
the persons assembled in the drawing-room of the country-house at Arcueil,
Humboldt one day remarked a young man of tall figure and of a modest but
self-possessed demeanour. In answer to his inquiries, he was informed
that it was Gay-Lussac, the physicist, who, in the hope of solving some
important problems in physical science, had made some of the most daring
balloon ascents at that time on record. " It is he, then," replied Humboldt,
" who wrote the severe criticism upon my work on Eudiometry '' (see p.
235). Soon repressing the feelings of animosity which such a remin-
iscence could hardly fail to arouse, Humboldt approached Gay-Lussac,
and, after a few complimentary words upon his aeronautic expeditions,
offered him his hand, and begged to be allowed the honour of his friend-
ship. It was the unreserved expression of, " Let us be friends, Cinna ! "
The friendship thus commenced continued unbroken, and was productive
of the happiest results.'

344 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

the public assemblies of scientific institutions, but in the
drawing-rooms of private circles.

In all sincerity, therefore, could his sister-in-law, Frau von
Humboldt, express herself in the following terms, in writing"
to Kunth, on September 10, 1804 : — ' The crowning pleasure of
my visit here has been the happy return of our dear Alexander,
and the gratification of witnessing the reception that has been
accorded him. It has rarely fallen to the lot of any private
individual to create so much excitement by his presence or
infuse an interest so universal.'

There was but one exception to this wide-spread homage;
the Emperor Napoleon, alone, received Humboldt with inci-
vility and a feeling of animosity he scarcely strove to conceal.
6 You are interested in botany ? My wife also studies it/ were
the almost insulting words with which the emperor greeted
him upon his presentation at court.1 In writing to the author,
Humboldt on one occasion remarked : ' The Emperor Napoleon
behaved with icy coldness to Bonpland, and seemed full of
hatred to myself.'

Of Humboldt's manner and personal appearance at this time,
we learn the following particulars from the letter of his sister-
in-law above cited : — ' Alexander has not in the least aged
during his six years' absence. His face is decidedly fatter, and
his vivacity, both in speech and manner, is if possible increased.
He seems much pleased at finding me here, and you may well
believe what a gratification it is to me to see him once again.
He talks of spending the winter with us in Borne ; which I
think will be very desirable on account of his health, for
after so long a sojourn in tropical regions it is well that he
should pass at least the first winter in a moderate climate.
We shall not, however, take the journey in company, for he
will not be able to leave before January, while I am anxious
to return as soon as possible, so as not to be away longer than
is necessary.'

Humboldt found abundant occupation in the arrangement
of his extensive collections, and in drawing out the plans for

1 Burckhardt, * Goethe's Unterhaltungen mit Kanzler Friedr. von Miiller/
p. 101.

HOME LIFE. 3-i5

the publication of bis works. In Paris be met witb every
facility for the prosecution of this undertaking, and bad the offer
of zealous co-operation from numerous scientific friends. He
had, however, in the first instance applied to Pictet at Geneva,,
with whom be had entered into correspondence about the ar-
rangement of his works, and their translation into English : for
indeed at one time he appears to have been more attracted to
Geneva as a residence than to Paris. 'It is quite possible,' he
once wrote to Pictet, ' that I shall some day come and settle
myself near you. Such a peaceful retirement forms one of my
brightest visions, for I love to indulge the hope that after having
explored the tropics, and contemplated the wonders of the uni-
verse, I may eventually seek repose upon the borders of your
lake.' . . . ' May fortune ever preserve the enviable peace of
your happy shores, where I hope one day to find a home — a peace
so necessary to the active exercise of genius, and the develop-
ment of the social virtues.' l

Geneva was, in fact, at that time the centre of much useful
effort in the cause of science. It is true that Horace Benedict
de Saussure (1740-1769) had passed away; but there were
still many distinguished men actively engaged in various
branches of scientific labour : the two brothers De Luc, the phy-
sicist Marc-Aug. Pictet (1752-1825), Pierre Prevost (1721-
1839), Jean Trembley (1749-1811), and tlie botanist Jean
Senebier (1742-1809), who was afterwards succeeded by the
elder Decandolle.2

Humboldt further wrote to Pictet on February 3, 1805 :3 —
c I hasten to give you the list of the works we have in progress,,
which are all so far complete, that even in the event of my
death they could be published in a more or less perfect state.
For the convenience of the public, and for the sake of reducing
the labour of editorship, I propose publishing the results of
my travels in eleven distinct works.'

Of these eleven works, the titles were to be as follows : —

1. Plantes equinoxiales.

1 ' Le Globe, journ. geogr. de la Soc. de Geogr. de Geneve/ 1868, vol. viL
pp. L52, ]57.

3 Peschel, ' Geschiclite der Geographic/ p. 501.
3 < Le Globe/ 1868, vol. vii. p. 158.

-346 ALEXANDER VOX HUMBOLDT.

2. Nova genera et species plantarum sequinoctialium.

3. Essai sur la Greographie des Plantes.

4. Eelation abregee de 1'Expedition.

5. Observations astronomiques et Mesures geodesiques.

6. Observations magnetiques.

7. Pasigrapliie geologique.

8. Atlas geologique.

9. Cartes fondees sur des Observations astronomiques.

10. Voyage aux Tropiques.

11. Statistique du Mexique.

All these works were to be published under the joint names of
Humboldt and Bonpland ; but Nos. 1 and 2 were to appear as
* edited by Bonpland,' and Nos. 3 and 1 1 ' edited by Alexander
von Humboldt.' The letter then proceeds : —

6 I am anxious that the narrative of the expedition should
be written in a manner to interest people of taste. It will
naturally contain, besides statistical information, descriptions
of the physical aspect of the country and its antiquities, of the
manners and intellectual culture of the inhabitants, with data
upon commerce and finance, together with a narrative of the
personal adventures of the travellers. Considering the remark-
able energy of my disposition, I expect to see the whole out of
my hands in the course of a couple of years, or at most in two
years and a half, for I am now impatient to discharge my cargo,
that I may embark on something new. I hope while I am at
Eome to be able to draw out a general prospectus of these works,
which will be sold separately, though published in a uniform
edition ; I shall have the prospectus printed in French, German,
English, Dutch, Spanish, and Danish, for I am informed that
preparations are being made for publishing an edition of my
works in these six languages.

6 But before this prospectus can appear, do you not think
that a bill of fare, like the enclosed, might serve to excite
an interest among English booksellers ? Though we might
engage that all the works should ultimately appear, we must
be careful to make a separate contract for each work, as Nos.
3, 4, 8, 10, and 11 ought to be sold at a higher price than
the others. I think that No. 3 will be a very important
volume, all the more from its being the first to appear. The

HOME LIFE. 347

entire work ought to bring in several thousand pounds, so that
there will be something for everybody.

* HUMBOLDT.'

To these plans, which, with characteristic enthusiasm, he had
laid out on possibly too extensive a scale, he adds the post-
script : —

' Meanwhile, to amuse the public, we must publish some-
thing of a comprehensive character. In selecting between
Nos. 3 and 4, my philosophy leads me to prefer a compre-
hensive view of Nature to a narrative of personal adventure.
Moreover, No. 3 indicates what I have accomplished ; it
shows that my attention was directed to phenomena of every
description, and above all it appeals to the imagination. The
world likes to see, and I there exhibit a microcosm in a leaf.
I think, therefore, that the charlatanry of literature will thus
be combined with utility.'

He then proceeds to furnish Pictet with instructions in
reference to the English translation, and the attitude he should
assume towards the booksellers and literary men in England.

' You might also drop a hint, that I have some idea of
bringing out an edition in America, where I do not hesitate
to say that among the anti-federal party the success of my
expedition has produced quite an enthusiasm, apparent even
in the newspapers that find their way here. The sale in the
United States will be very large, and should it be requisite to
find subscribers, (a method which always seems to me wanting
in delicacy), I am sure that my friends Messrs. Jefferson,
Madison, Gralatin, Whister, Berton, and others, will be able to
procure me a large number. An English edition, therefore, ought
at least to consist of 4,000 copies.'

It would thus appear that Humboldt's keen insight into
matters of business did not save him from forming somewhat
too high an estimate of the sale of his works.

At a subsequent conference, held at Paris on March 7, 1805,
to which Pictet had been summoned from Geneva, it was de-
cided that the conduct of the translation into English of certain
portions of the work should be entrusted to him, and that he
should supply any notes that might be necessary, and superin-

348 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

tend the publication in London. The proceeds were to be
shared equally by Pictet, Bonpland, and Humboldt. The issue
of the work was to commence with the 6 Essai sur la Geographic
physique cles Plantes,' and for this pamphlet, which was to
consist of seven or eight sheets, the sum of 2001. was to be
asked. Many of these arrangements, especially those relating to
the classification of the work, afterwards underwent consider-
able modification.

Closely as Humboldt's attention was engaged by the publica-
tion of his travels, he yet found time to spend months together
in the laboratory of the Ecole Polytechnique ; where, in con-
junction with Gray-Lussac, he carried on a series of investiga-
tions on the chemical constitution of the atmosphere, and on
various methods of testing the purity of the air — a subject
which had earnestly engaged his attention before he set out
upon his travels. He communicated the most important re-
sults of these labours, in a paper he read before the National
Institute, on the 1st Pluviose, XIII., entitled 'Memoire sur
les Moyens eudiornetriques et la Constitution chimique de
1' Atmosphere.' l Berthollet drew up a report of this work, for
the Section for Physics and Mathematics, and pronounced it
worthy of admittance into the 'Kecueildes Savants etrangers.'' 2

Humboldt also entered into scientific investigations with
Biot, and communicated the results of their joint labours in a
Memoir ' Upon the Variations in the Earth's Magnetism in
different Latitudes,' which he read before the Physical and
Mathematical Section of the National Institute, on December
7, 1804.3 In a letter from Eome to Vaughan in Philadelphia,
dated June 10, 1805, he mentions: 'I have read before the
Institute nine Memoirs, all of which are being printed.'4

Thus burdened with press of work, Humboldt could yet write
as follows to Willdenow, who had asked him. for some ferns \
the letter is dated, February 1, 1805 :—

. . . . < Busy as I am with the whirl of my own occupations,

1 < Journ. de Phys.' vol. Ix. pp. 129-158; Gilbert's 'Annalen,' vol. xx.
pp. 38-93.

2 « Annal. de Chim.' vol. liii. p. 239 ; Gilbert's ' Annalen,' vol. xx. p. 99.

3 ' Journ. de Phys.' vol. lix. pp. 429-450 ; Gilbert's ' Annalen,' vol. xx.
pp. 257-299.

4 De la Roquette, ' Humboldt, Correspond ance, etc.' vol. i. p. 183.

HOME LIFE. 349

I will yet find time to attend to your request. This very
evening I am going to Dupetit-Thouard, who may in truth be
said to be a very wooden l sort of man. It is a thousand pities
that your good genius did not lead you this year to Paris, instead
of Trieste. You might then have had at your disposal the ex-
tensive herbarium formed by Bonpland and myself, besides the
collections of Jussieu and La Marque, and from these you could
have selected whatever would have been of use to you. Vahl
adopted this plan, for nothing can be got out of the people
here, merely by correspondence.

' With this letter I am sending you a small box of seeds
we collected in South America and Mexico. Many of them
have germinated at Malmaison, and I hope they will succeed
equally well at Berlin.

4 1 am now bringing through the press the following works :
1 . " Tableau physique des Eegions equinoxiales ; " 2. The first
part of the " Plantse Eequinoctiales," with magnificent plates ;
3. " Observations de Zoologie et d' Anatomic comparee ; " 4.
" Observations astronomiques et Mesures executees dans tm
voyage aux Tropiques." They will all appear simultaneously
in German.'

On February 1 6, Humboldt writes to Friedlander : —
. . . . c Since my return to Europe I have been so inces-
santly occupied, that I have had no time for enjoyment ; I
have indeed begun more than I can well carry out. Three of
my works are now being published, of course both in French
and German. I say of course, because I have heard with
.astonishment that it has been reported in Germany that I am
having my works translated into German. Such a report can
have arisen in no favourable quarter. I must confess that I
believe I write the Spanish language with greater correctness
than any other, but I am yet sufficiently proud of my country
to write in German, however inelegantly I may do so.'

To Karsten he wrote, on March 10, 1805, dated Paris, from
the ficole Polytechnique : —

. . . . ' I have destined to you all the minerals I have

1 [Dupetit-Thouard had raised himself to fame by his painstaking inves-
tigations on the nature of wood, but his ingenious theories on the growth of
trees failed to secure the notice they deserved, from the obstinacy with which
he clung to notorious errors.]

350 ALEXANDEB VON HUMBOLDT.

collected. The sorting and packing have occupied a good
deal of time, but I trust you will on the whole be pleased with
the specimens.

4 1 have entrusted seven large cases to the care of M. Luche-
sini. You, who know the difficulty and expense of land trans-
port among the Cordilleras, and are aware that, owing to the
war, my boxes have been widely dispersed — you who know that
I share my collections with my valued friend and fellow-
traveller Bonpland, that several of my cases have been dragged
about for two years unopened, and that though for five years I
enjoyed considerable celebrity, I was furnished with no pecu-
niary assistance — you who are aware that we brought back with
us 60,000 specimens of plants, of which 6,300 are new species,
and have experienced how difficult it is, at the same time to
observe, draw, and collect, especially when, in a fit of ill-
humour, treasures that have been laboriously carried about for
months are thrown away in order to lighten the packages —
you, my dear friend, will think it no marvel that the collection
I send you is so limited.

' Insignificant, however, as this collection may be as to the
number of the specimens, I believe it will be found of great
importance as regards the interests of science. With each
specimen I am able to give the height above the sea at
which it was found, together with a description of the strati-
fication and the position in which it lay. No former col-
lection of minerals has ever contained specimens from Chim-
borazo, Cotopaxi, or Pichincha ; and if, while you are unpacking
the case, you meet with much that seems to you uninteresting
at first sight, it will perhaps cease to be so when you come to
read the inscription. The cases also contain some gold medals,
some old Mexican statues, and a picture made in feathers. I
have tried to write on the labels as much of what was interest-
ing as possible. May I request you to share the duplicates
with Herr Klaproth, and to convey to that distinguished man
the assurance of my highest esteem. Perhaps you would also
be kind enough to allow these specimens to remain separate
for a while before incorporating them with your collection of
European minerals. This would be of essential service to me
in bringing out my works, as I have not retained a single

HOME LIFE. 351

specimen for my own use. I leave here to-morrow with Gray-
Lussac, to institute some chemical experiments at Mont Cenis ;
thence we proceed to Rome.' . . .

Eound the margin of this letter Humboldt has added : — 6 My
health is better than ever. I am working with more studied
application than formerly, so that I hope that my present
productions will be free from the immaturity characterising-
many of my earlier works. I am making preparations for an
expedition to northern Asia, which will doubtless be of great
importance for the theory of magnetism, and for the investi-
gation of the chemical composition of the atmosphere, for
which the long polar nights will be peculiarly favourable.
I cannot hope, however, to carry out this plan for two or
three years to come. The emperor has settled a pension of
3,000 francs on my travelling companion, Bonpland, as a
remuneration for the journey. To obtain this for him has
been the main object of my long sojourn here. I trust you
have, ere this, safely received the large piece of platinum I
gave in charge to Count Hake.' . . .

On March 12, 1805, Humboldt left Paris to join his brother
at Rome. He was accompanied by Gray-Lussac, who, through
Berthollet, had obtained leave of absence. The two friends
were provided with the best meteorological instruments, with
which they conducted a series of experiments at Lyons, Cham-
bery, St. Jean de Maurienne, St. Michel, Lanslebourg, on the
summit of Mont Cenis, &c., and after a short stay at Genoa,,
arrived at Rome on June 5.

William von Humboldt had, since the close of the year 1 802?
been resident at Rome, as Prussian Minister to the Papal Court..
The position was one for which both by taste and inclination
he was pre-eminently adapted, for he enjoyed almost equal
distinction as a diplomatist, a man of letters, and a discrimi-
nating patron of the arts. Whether at Rome, Ariccia, or
Albano, his house was ever the centre of the most distinguished
society ; his acquaintance was sought out and prized alike by
princes and statesmen, by poets and literati. His house was-
especially the resort of artists, to whom Frau von Humboldt
always proved a zealous friend and patroness, particularly to-
those who could claim her as a fellow-countrywoman. Among

352 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

these were Grmelin, Grass, Tieck, the two Eippenhausen, Carsten,
Schick, Thorwaldsen, EauchJ and Schinkel, men who by their
labours in painting and sculpture were inaugurating a new era
in the history of art.

To Alexander Humboldt the society assembling at the house
of his brother afforded the keenest enjoyment, and most agree-
.able stimulus. While enchanting a circle of eager listeners by
his descriptions of the grandeur of nature in the New World,
the new life aroused within him by the contemplation of the
impressive monuments of Roman antiquity inspired him with
fresh impetus and new images for instructive comparison.
While contributing to his brother's philological studies the
valuable data he had gathered among the dialects of America,
he found among the treasures of the libraries and museums at
Eome both manuscripts and ancient memorials, which afforded
valuable elucidation of the antiquities he had met with in
America. In these researches he met with a willing guide and
assistant in the celebrated archaeologist Zoega. Humboldt
was also indebted to this visit to Eome for much valuable as-
sistance in other branches of his undertaking ; and many of the
maps and illustrations in his geographical and pictorial atlases
bear the name of the artists with whom he made acquaintance
at the villa of William von Humboldt.1

Even Nature herself seemed intent on favouring Humboldt
during this visit to Italy : Vesuvius gave warning of an ap-
proaching eruption, and afforded an inducement so irresistible
for visiting Naples, that, on July 15, Humboldt and Gray-Lussac
set out thither, accompanied by Leopold von Buch, who had
just then arrived in Eome. It may well be imagined the
interest this expedition must have had for Humboldt, in being
able to discuss with such companions his experiences in America,
and compare the phenomena he had witnessed there with the
volcanic disturbances of Vesuvius.

All the time that could be spared during their stay at Naples

1 (I have had a great many drawings executed here ; I have met with
artists who have been able to make pictures from even rny slightest sketches,
and the}7 have drawn for me the Rio Vinagre, the bridge of Icononco, and
theCayambe. . . . Dergia is in possession of a valuable collection of Mexican
manuscripts, from which I intend to publish several plates, and am having
them engraved here.' — Humboldt to JBonpland, ' Rome, June 10, 1S05/
(De la Roquette, ' Humboldt, Correspondance, etc.' vol. i. p. 177.)

i

HOME LIFE. 353

from the contemplation of the burning mountain, was spent in
visiting the various museums, where they were treated with
•extreme courtesy by the curators, and honoured with marks of
•especial attention from the Duca della Torre and Colonel Poli.
In striking contrast to this behaviour was the reception they
met with from Dr. Thompson, who, when applied to by the
travellers, accompanied by a Neapolitan gentleman of distin-
guished learning, for permission to see through his museum,
acceded to their request with the exceedingly discourteous re-
mark : — 'You must please divide your party, gentlemen ; I can
keep my eyes upon two, but four are too many to watch.'1

On their return to Eome the travellers made but a short
sojourn in the Eternal City, and on September 17 started on
their homeward route to Germany. They took their journey
by way of the mountains, for the sake of instituting a chemical
analysis of the celebrated springs at the baths of Nocera, and
on September 22 they entered Florence. They visited the
splendid galleries of the city of the Arno, under the guidance
of Fabbroni, a distinguished connoisseur, who gave them the
astounding intelligence in answer to their inquiry as to the
amount of variation in the magnetic needle at Florence, that
the fine instruments in the Grand Duke's Museum of Natural
Science had never been brought into use, for fear of injuring
the polish of the metal.

Passing hastily through Bologna and Milan, where they
were at some pains to find out Volta, the three friends crossed
the pass of St. Grothard on October 14 and 15. A short
summary of the remainder of the journey is contained in the
following letter, addressed probably to Spener or Sander, a
bookseller in Berlin : —

'Heilbronn: October 28, 1805.

' Dear Sir, — I have been prevented by the war from carrying-
out my original intention of visiting Vienna and Freiberg. I
should have very much liked to have compared my manuscript
with the Vienna Codex, since I have had engraved portions
of the Mexican Codex in the Vatican, and of the one in the

1 Franz Arago's l Sammtliche Werke, deutsche Uebersetzung,' vol. iii.
p. 20.

YOL. I. A A

354 ALEXANDEE VON HUMBOLDT.

Borgia collection ; but as I am accompanied by my friend M.
Gay-Lussac, I have been obliged to avoid the Austrian do-
minions. The sciences are no longer a Palladium in these
frightful Mahratta wars in which Europe is now perpetually
engaged. We found, however, some compensation in a' visit
to my old friend Volta at Como. But the pass of St. Gothard I
With what storms of rain, snow, and hail were we greeted by
the Alps ! On the road from Lugano to Lucerne we really
encountered a good deal of annoyance, and we hear that in
the beginning of October the whole of Swabia lay deep in
snow. Yet this is called, apparently in jest, the temperate
zone ! We go hence to Heidelberg and Cassel ; and as I do
not intend to stay long at Gottingen, supposing the Russians
allow us to go there at all, I hope soon to find myself at
Berlin, where I shall devote myself exclusively to my American
works. The second part of the " Planta? ^Equinoctiales " has-
appeared.' . . .

On November 4 they reached Gottingen, where they spent
some days among their friends, both professors and former
fellow-students ; and on November 1 6 they arrived at Berlin.

During his stay in Paris, Humboldt had received the most
gratifying proofs of the lively interest which his friends at Ber-
lin had taken in his return to Europe, and of the high appre-
ciation they entertained of his valuable services to science^
From all quarters came letters of greeting and congratulation,
numbering sometimes as many as forty in a week, to only a
few of which had he been able to reply. On the proposition
of the Royal Academy of Sciences, he had been nominated an
honorary member, by a royal order in council bearing date Au-
gust 4, 18001 — an honour he was not likely to appreciate too
highly (see p. 212). He was distinguished with especial marks
of favour by the king. 'The king showers favours upon me,' he
writes to Pictet;2 'his attentions are almost oppressive, for
they take up too much of my time. He has granted me a

1 Humboldt was introduced to the Academy as an ordinary member upon
his arrival at Berlin. By a royal order in council of November 19, 1805,
he was, ' as Member of the Academy of Sciences/ awardedfa pension out of
the funds of the Institution. — Humboldt's letter to the Academy, conveying
his thanks for his election, is dated ' Paris, September 4, 1804,' and was
written on receiving the notification through Kunth.

2 < Le Globe/ &c. p. 179.

HOME LIFE. 355

pension of 2,500 thalers, equal to 10,000 francs, with no con-
dition of service.' The appointment of Royal Chamberlain was
also conferred upon Huniboldt ; but in writing to Pictet he
requests : l ' Pray do not mention ' (in the introduction to the
English edition of his American Travels) 4 that on my return
to my country I was made a — a Chamberlain ! Say something,
however, at the close complimentary to the king, for he has
really treated me with great distinction.' 2

Though Humboldt might view distinctions of this kind with
tolerable indifference, he could not but be filled with abhorrence
and grief at the condition of things prevalent in official life
and society of every grade in Berlin, where it was evident
no improvement had taken place since his departure for
America. The inducements therefore that could have led
Humboldt to quit Paris for a visit to Berlin, at a time when
he had just commenced the publication of his travels in
America, must have been the yearning to meet with the early
friends of his youth, and the hope of inducing Willdenow to
undertake the editorship of a portion of the botanical depart-
ment of his work, in which case he hoped to procure for him
by personal influence the necessary leave of absence. Once
at Berlin he met with much to detain him, not only in ar-
ranging with Oltmanns for the reduction and publication of
his astronomical observations, to be completed in three years,
but in preparing many of the maps for his ' Atlas geographique
et physique de la Nouvelle-Espagne,' 3 executed under his super-
vision by Friessen, a talented young architect.

The industry he displayed during this sojourn at Berlin
eclipsed anything he had before evinced. In addition to the
labour inseparablv Connected with the publication of his great

1 < Le Globe/ &c. p. 189.

2 Humboldt relates on this occasion an amusing conversation which took
place between a chamberlain and the celebrated traveller, Eeinhold Forster,
•who, as is well known, was exceedingly bluff in manner. — The Great
King himself was accustomed to say : ' Chambellan, ce n'est qu'im titre
chimerique,' and that ' Chamberlain, in plain German, meant nothing more
than court lackey.' (Preuss, ' Urkundenbuch zur Lebensgeschichte Fried-
richs des Grossen,' vol. iv. p. 302.)

3 See Humboldt, ' Essai polit. s. 1. r. de la Nouv.-Espagne/ L, LXII. and
LXIV. ed. 1811, in 4to. j « Deutsche Turnzeitung,' 1859, No. 2.

356 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

work (see p. 349). and the pressure of a voluminous corre-
spondence which consumed a considerable amount of time, he
read the following papers before the Academy :* — c On the Laws
regulating the Decrease of Temperature in the Higher Be-
gions of the Atmosphere and the Limit of Perpetual Snow ; '
' On Steppes and Deserts ; ' ' On the Cataracts of the Orinoco ; '
4 Thoughts on the Physiognomy of Plants.' Several smaller
treatises, of which he made presentations to the editors, ap-
peared in various periodicals. Among these may be cited :—
' On the Aboriginal Inhabitants of America ; ' ' Experiments
upon Electrical Fish ; ' ' Upon the Various Species of Cinchona ; '
6 Capture of Electric Eels by means of Horses ; ' c Observations
on the Influence of the Aurora Borealis upon the Magnetic
Needle, instituted at Berlin on the 20th of December, 1806 ;'
6 On the Scientific and Mathematical Instruments devised by
Nathan Mendelssohn,' 1 &c.

Labours of a purely experimental character also occupied
the attention of Humboldt ; at this time he commenced a
series of observations upon the earth's magnetism, at first, in
conjunction with Gray-Lussac, which were carried on in a small
building constructed for the purpose entirely without iron in
the garden of Herr George, a wealthy brandy distiller, a site
now occupied by Renz's Circus. Varnhagen remarks in his
journal, on July 4, 1857: — 'Humboldt was relating to me
yesterday that when he was carrying on magnetic observations
in an out-building in Greorge's garden, he was at one time so
intently occupied in his labours that he spent seven days and
nights in succession with only snatches of sleep, as every half-
hour he had to take the readings of the instrument ; subse-
quently he was relieved in this duty by his assistants. This was
in 1807, just fifty years ago : I have often seen this building
when visiting Johannes von Muller, at the time he too was
conducting observations in a garden-house. Humboldt further
related, that when Greorge, as an old man, used to show strangers
over his garden, he never failed to boast of "his scientific
friends." u Here I used to have the famous Muller, here Hum-

1 Nathan Mendelssohn, the youngest son of Moses Mendelssohn, was an
admirable mechanician, and one of the most zealous founders of the
Polytechnic Society of Berlin ; he died in January 1852.

HOME LIFE. 357

boldt, and here Fichte, who, however, was only a philoso-
pher."'1

In addition to these various labours he was also engaged in
preparing for the press his ' Aspects of Nature,' which made its
appearance shortly after his return to Paris. The work con-
sists in part of fragments from the lectures delivered before the
Academy, and is in truth a master-piece, from the sesthetic
treatment of the subjects brought under notice. Humboldt
himself called it his 'favourite work,'2 and described it as
4 a book written from a purely German point of view.'3 In
alluding to a review that appeared in Paris, Humboldt wrote
on June 24 ,1808, to Malte-Brun :4— c Good Heavens ! How
you have loaded my book with praises. One journal accuses it
of being too full of Grerman metaphysics. A singular charge,
which seems to savour of the Convent de Munich? which in
the ' Briefwechsel mit Berghaus,' i. 121, he terms ' the spdunca
maxima of the German Ultramontanism.'

In view of an industry so versatile and comprehensive, we
need not wonder that Karsten, in writing to Von Moll on
January 7, 1807, should state :5 — 'Humboldt is so universally
sought after, that he is seriously thinking of withdrawing from

1 The building used by Humboldt was not the one in Mendelssohn's gar-
den, where the manor-house now stands, as stated by Dove in his ' Eloge of
Alexander von Humboldt/ p. 22 ; the one referred to by Dove was not erected
till 1827. — The following note to Henriette Herz, in Hebrew characters,
belongs to the period referred to in the text : —

( I am quite grieved, my dear friend, at having unintentionally deceived
you. I forgot when I accepted your invitation that Schleiermacher's visit
will take place at the equinox, therefore just at the time when, on ac-
count of my nocturnal magnetic observations, I am not my own master.
I am somewhat exhausted by my watchings for the past seven nights,
and dare not undertake even this short excursion, as 1 cannot leave my
magnetic instruments for that length of time. My reason is thus fighting
against niy inclination. Were I only to consult the latter, you and your
worthy friend, from whose society when I last met him here I derived so
much enjoyment, would prove a magnet too powerful for me to resist.
Pray do not scold me, nor be angry with your sincere friend,

'Berlin: September 23, 1806. HUMBOLDT.'

2 < Briefe an Varnhagen,' p. 244.

3 l Briefe voii A. von Humboldt an Bunsen/ p. 115.

4 De la lloquette, ' Humboldt, Correspondance, etc/ vol. ii. p. 36.
0 Von Moll, ' Mittheilungen aus Briefen, &c.' p. 358.

358 ALEXAJSDEE VON HUMBOLDT.

social life, in order that he may devote his time exclusively
to the interests of science. With unprecedented industry,
and a perseverance which never falters, he applies himself
incessantly to the completion of his works.'

From Humboldt's letters to several of his friends at this
time we may gather something of his own state of feeling : —

To Dr. Beer, at Glogau.

< Berlin : April 22, 1806.

. . . . c Although it is fifteen years since I last wrote, my
affection for you has remained unchanged. ... I rejoice with
you in your happiness. I am living, my dear Beer, isolated
and as a stranger, in a country which has become to me like a
foreign land. Even before I left Europe the ground was burn-
ing under my feet. ... I have renewed with Fran Herz all
the old sympathy and friendship. She is, indeed, an admirable
woman and loves you as much as I do, and that is a good deal.
Nathan Mendelssohn is also here, and has grown up to be an
interesting man.1 Only come and see me, and you will find
me as simple as formerly, only somewhat less sprightly.

' Your affectionate friend,

£ HUMBOLDT.'
•

To Frau Caroline von Wolzogen.

< Berlin : May 14, 1806.

4 An attack of rheumatic fever with severe toothache — an
illness from which I have frequently suffered since my arrival
in this uninhabited desert — prevented me from sending you a
few lines with William's magnificent poem, to thank you, my
dear friend, for the kind note I received from you. Whatever
you may say in joke (for malicious it is not in your nature to
be) on the score of my universality, you will at least give me
credit for enough of German feeling to think daily with
affectionate regard of you and of Goethe, and of our deceased
friend, and to be ever conscious that it was something great
over which to glory that I once occupied a position not wholly
insignificant near such a trio.

1 See p. 356.

HOME LIFE. 359

c Though vast mountain ranges and an immeasurable ocean,
and other aspects of Nature if possible more impressive and
sublime, have intervened between those days and the present
—though a thousand wondrous forms have since passed before
my mind, yet " the new has always been interwoven with the
old," the unfamiliar has been assimilated with the associations
of bygone days, and I have been constrained to admit, while
ranging the forests of the Amazon, or scaling the heights of
the Andes, that there is but One Spirit animating the whole of
Nature from pole to pole — but One Life infused into stones,
plants, and animals, and even into man himself. In all my
wanderings I was impressed with the conviction of the powerful
influence that had been exerted upon me by the society I en-
joyed at Jena, of how, through association with Groethe, my
views of Nature had been elevated, and I had, as it were, be-
come endowed with new perceptive faculties.

6 The kind way in which you also speak of my little work
on the " Physiognomy of Plants " has made me very happy.
My whole being seems fuller of life and energy, but I dare not
always give expression to my feelings. Just now I brood
much over myself, for I lead a sad and isolated life. There is
nobody with whom I can sympathise, and this is a very melan-
choly and depressing sensation. Will not you and Groethe be
coming to Lauchstadt ? for I might hope to see you there,
dear friend. Remember me to dear Schiller, kiss the little ones
for me, and convey to Goethe the assurance of my filial regard.

c Ever yours,

' HUMBOLDT.'

To Von Zach.

1 Berlin : September 19, 1806.

.... c I shall be occupied for two years in arranging the
materials for the publication of the results of this journey.
.... I only hope the astronomical portion may please you
and prove worthy of you, for to you it owes its existence. But
for you the starry heavens in their tropical splendour would
liave had no charm for me ; to you am I indebted for the
calm and peaceful happiness afforded by the contemplation of
Nature in one of her grandest aspects — certainly one of the

360 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

purest of all enjoyments. These feelings of deep gratitude have
inspired me with the wish to dedicate to you in conjunction
with M. Delambre the astronomical portion of my work, and I
earnestly solicit your permission in the name of Herr Oltmanns
and myself. . . . It is an inexpressible happiness to me to have
met here with Herr Oltmanns ; he is a wonderful young man,
entirely self-educated, and full of talent, modesty, and astonish-
ing perseverance. He seems to live solely for astronomy, and
for a fortnight together he scarcely leaves his work ; he pos-
sesses great facility in the higher branches of calculation, and
is exceedingly well read. Men who love science for its own
sake are rare. . . . Although I give but little time to sleep,
and am by no means idle, I cannot get on as fast with the pub-
lishing of my great work as the world seems to expect. I am
anxious to prepare something of undoubted value, and I am
therefore indifferent at finding myself somewhat unjustly cen-
sured by the unfriendly portion of the public.' . . .

To Wattenbach.

1 Berlin : April 10, 1807.

' Dearest Wattenbach, — In days gone by, when you were
destined for the Church, and I was studying book-keeping in
preparation for a business career, we used to be very intimate.
Since then you have fulfilled my part in life though I have
not entered upon yours ; yet notwithstanding this change of
plan, and my long absence, I am sure you have not forgotten
me. I at least can recall with pleasure the happy intercourse
we had together as youths, and the pleasant home circle, en-
livened by the amiable cheerfulness of your noble disposition.
With the confidence inspired by these bright reminiscences, I
venture to recommend to your notice the bearer of these lines,
Herr Moritz Eobert .... a young man for whom I have great
regard, brother of a lady of remarkable intellectual endowments.1

' Poor Dohna has to act host to a number of emperors and
kings who have invited themselves into his domain. I saw Grill
at Barcelona, very interesting, but rather melancholy, and in
shattered health. I should be very glad to hear something of
Dashwood, for I have lost sight of him for the last fifteen

1 Rahel.

HOME LIFE. 361

years. I met his brother in the West Indies. Maclean is in
Danzig still ; wealthy, industrious, and as noble-hearted as ever-
I live in hopes of meeting you once more.

6 Ever yours,

6 HUMBOLDT.'

As the insertion of these letters has somewhat disturbed the
chronological order of events, it will be well to give a glance
at the occurrences which had transpired. Gray-Lussac had
returned to Paris in the spring of 1806,1 and Bonpland had
paid a short visit to Berlin ; the printing of Humboldt's great
work was meanwhile progressing satisfactorily, both in Paris
and Stuttgart. Then burst forth the frightful political cata-
strophe, which scattered even the circles of the learned. The
disastrous battle of Jena had been fought. Prussia was an-
nihilated ; the king put to flight ; Napoleon, as conqueror,,
was seated at Berlin. — — —

Humboldt found himself, on all sides, called upon to act as-
mediator between the Prussians and their inexorable foes ; it
was an office for which he was peculiarly fitted by his know-
ledge of languages, his courtly manners, his personal acquaint-
ance with the parties with whom he had to treat, his influential
position, and his sincere patriotism. Yet the circumstances-
of the time were too strong, even for him.

The following letter to Frederick Augustus Wolf 2 gives some
account of his fruitless efforts to save the University of Halle
from impending dissolution : —

< Berlin : November 18, 1800.

6 1 hasten, my dear friend, to reply to your welcome letter of
the 14th, which reached me safely. I hope you will receive
my answer, which is to be committed to the post unsealed, soon
enough to relieve me from the reproach of having remained
inactive at a crisis so important for the happiness of mankind
and the cause of intellectual culture. No, my dear friend, at.
the time your letter reached me I had been engaged upon

1 At least it is so stated by Arago in his eloge of Gay-Lussac ; but
Humboldt, in his Autobiography in Brockhaus' ' Conversations-Lexikon/
mentions his return as having taken place in the winter of 1805-G.

2 Korte, * Leben und Studien Friedrich August Wolf's,' vol. i. p. 359.

362 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

these affairs for a week past, and, during one forenoon alone,
had been occupied upon them from six to eight hours. The
most influential French statesmen, such as Maret, the Secretary
•of State, and Daru, the Comptroller of the Household, both
•certainly very superior men, are so incessantly occupied with
business, that one may wait about for hours, or even half a day,
without being able to speak to them for a single moment. I
have, however, made repeated intercession with them both,
as well as with Grovernor-Greneral Clarke, but hitherto without
success, notwithstanding the good-will they have to the cause,
and the interest they take in the University. To attempt to
influence the emperor is not to be thought of, for he is one
of those monarchs with whom everything must originate, and
from whom everything must emanate. I have, besides, never
had a personal interview with the emperor (except, for a
few moments, when presented to him at Paris), l and of course
no private individual can be admitted to his presence except
by his express orders. From what I hear, the emperor seems
to be always irritated afresh whenever any mention is made
of Halle. M. Daru made another attempt, the day before
yesterday, on presenting to him an application from the
University, but without success. The ill-will of the emperor
.seems to be grounded upon his belief in certain facts which
are unknown to me. I do not attempt to express how deeply
I feel all this, and how much it grieves me. I expect time
will produce much alleviation, and, in anticipation of this
•change of sentiment, I shall continue my indefatigable exer-
tions. I cannot believe that the various scientific institutions
of which Halle can boast will all be dissolved. Halle is near
Leipzig, on the further side of the Elbe. I fear the emperor
has designs connected with political events which the peace
only will reveal.

'I am grieved to write you such a letter.

CI need not repeat how completely I share in my brother's
feeling of attachment, veneration, and love to yourself.

'A. HUMBOLDT.

'Postscript. — I have just been fortunate enough to find an
old Hamburg newspaper containing the protest made by the

1 See p. 344.

HOME LIFE. 363

University against the warlike temper of the students. I
immediately sent it on to M. Daru, with another very earnest
appeal.'

It was under the influence of circumstances of this depress-
ing character that in May 1807 the 'Aspects of Nature' was
dedicated to those - oppressed spirits ' who, glad to escape from
the stormy waves of life, accompany me with sympathising
interest through the dense glades of primeval forests, across
immeasurable plains, and over the rugged heights of the
Andes. To such the following lines of the chorus speak with
sympathetic voice : —

Auf den Bergen ist Freiheit ! Der Hauch der Griifte

Steigt nicht hinauf in die reinen Liifte ;

Die Welt ist vollkommen iiberall,

Wo der Mensch nicht hinkommt mit seiner Qual.'1

»

The same tone of sadness pervades also the following pas-
sages : 2 —

o

'Let those who, wearied with the tumult of discordant
nations, are striving to obtain the enjoyment of intellectual
calm, turn their attention to the silent life of vegetation, and
therein contemplate the mysterious processes of Nature, or,
yielding to those impulses implanted in man from the earliest
ages, let them gaze with wondering awe upon those celestial
orbs, which are ever pursuing, in undisturbed harmony, their
ancient and unchanging course.' . . .

' Thus, when the charms of intellectual life wither, when,
under the relentless hand of time, the productions of creative
art are gradually perishing, the earth with indestructible
vitality is ever putting forth new life. With wondrous pro-
digality, Nature continues to unfold her countless buds uncon-
cerned, though man, with whom she ever stands at variance,
should, in his presumption, trample on her ripening fruit.'

In the hope that by means of negotiation with the Emperor
Napoleon the burdens imposed by the shameful peace of Tilsit
might be somewhat diminished, the Government, in the spring

1 ' Ansicliten der Natur/ 3rd. ed., Preface, p. 10.

2 Ibid. vol. i. pp. 38, 286.

364 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

of 1808, decided to send to Paris Prince William of Prussia, a
younger brother of the king, who was distinguished alike for
personal bravery and graceful manners ; greatly to his surprise,
Humboldt was selected by the king to accompany the prince
upon this difficult political mission, on the ground of his great
experience and intimate acquaintance with persons of influ-
ence. The prince, in whose suite as adjutant was General von
Hedemann, the future son-in-law of William von Humboldt,
remained in Paris till the autumn of 1809, when he returned
to Berlin. Humboldt, however, in his character as one of
the eight foreign members of the Paris Academy of Sciences,
sought and obtained the permission of the king to remain in
France, foreseeing the impossibility in the actual state of
Germany of bringing out his great work in that country,
unsupported as he was by Government.

The poem addressed to him by his brother from Albano, in
September 1808, as a grateful acknowledgment of the dedi-
cation prefixed to the 'Aspects of Nature,' reached him almost as
a parting greeting on his quitting Berlin. In this poem to
' Alexander von Humboldt,'1 William von Humboldt follows
in a strain of lofty thought the course of the world's history,
then passes to his brother's personal achievements, and, in con-
clusion, refers to his projects of further travel in the following^
lines : —

Gliicklich bist Du gekehrt zur Heimaterde
Vom fernen Land und Orenoco's Wogen.
O ! wenn — die Liebe spricht es zitternd aus —
Dich andern Welttheils Kiiste reizt, so werde
Dir gleiche Huld gewahrt, mid gleich gewogen
Fiihre das Schicksal Dich zum Vaterherde,
Die Stirn von neuerrungnem Kranz nmzogen !

1 Wilhelin von Humboldt's « Gesammelte Werke/ vol. i. p. 361.

PROJECTED SCHEMES. 365

TEAVELS IN ASIA.

Je me ferai Eusse, comme je me suis fait Espagnol.'

A. VON HUMBOLDT to VON RENNENKAMPFF.

Paris: January 7, 1812.

CHAPTEE I.
PROJECTED SCHEMES.

Proposals from Russia in 1811 — Negotiations with Yon Rennenkampff —
Preparatory Studies — Projected Arrangements with Prussia, 1818 —
Munificence of Frederick William III. — Acquisition of Asiatic Lan-
guages.

A JOURNEY through Asia and Northern India to the Himalayas
and Thibet had. ever formed, as we have repeatedly observed,
one of Humboldt's most cherished projects. With this object
in view, he had commenced the study of the Persian language,
under the guidance of Sylvestre de Sacy and Andre de Nerciat.
But zealously as he carried on his preparations for the journey,
carefully as he weighed and organised his plans,1 and near as
he often believed the fulfilment of them to be, some hindrance
always presented itself to the accomplishment of his wishes,
in the events of war, financial difficulties, or the delay in the
publication of his works.

It was not till the close of the year 1811, when Russia was
preparing an expedition to Kashgar and Thibet, that these

1 ' Herr von Humboldt is still busy in Paris with preparations for his
scientific expedition to Tartary and Thibet. He has recently completed an
excellent treatise on the Mexican Calendar, and, by the comparisons he has
instituted between it and the calendars of Peru, Japan, China, Mongolia,
Thibet, and Hindostan, new light has been thrown upon the earliest history
of the world and its primeval inhabitants.' — Allg. geogr. Ephemeriden, 1811,
vol. xxxvi. p. 37G.

366 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

long-cherished hopes received any promise of fulfilment. Count
Romanzow, Chancellor of the Empire, was personally acquainted
with Humboldt, for whose zeal and scientific knowledge he
had a high appreciation, and through his influence Yon
Rennenkampff, at that time in the service of Russia, but sub-
sequently High Chamberlain of Oldenburg, was commissioned
to invite Humboldt to take part in this mission to Central
Asia. The proposal was received by Humboldt with the liveliest
satisfaction : we extract the following passages from his reply,
dated ' Paris, The Observatory, Eue St. Jacques, January 7th,,
1812:—

. . . . < Besides the publication of my works upon America,.
I am now engaged in studies preparatory to an expedition into
Asia. I had conceived a project to this effect before my return
to Europe, and I fully intend to carry it out, but I cannot
leave Paris until I have completed my work, of which more
than two-thirds is now finished. . . .

6 The object of chief interest to me in a journey to Asia would
be the high mountain range extending from the sources of the
Indus to those of the Granges. I should of course wish to
see Thibet, but a visit to that country would constitute an
object of but secondary interest. Most probably I should go
by way of the Cape of Grood Hope, for I have long con-
templated a work upon the declination of equatorial stars. I
should like to remain a year at Benares ; and should I not be
able thence to visit Bokhara or Thibet, I should at least be
within reach of the coasts of Malacca, the islands of Ceylon,
Java, or the Philippines. I should prefer reaching India by this
route, as once landed I should be sure of an interesting
journey, replete with discoveries of every kind. ,

' The political situation of Europe, at the time of my depar-
ture, will determine the course of my route, whether by way of
Constantinople, Bussorah, or Bombay. As India and the moun-
tains of Central Asia, situated between 35° and 38° of latitude,
form the principal objects of my expedition, I am quite in-
different as to the line of route.

c Such are some of the plans at present engaging my atten-
tion. I am extremely flattered by the interest shown me by the
Court of St. Petersburg. . . . Count Romanzow, Minister of

PKOJECTED SCHEMES. 367

Trade, did me the honour to make me some proposals during
his stay in Paris. ... I shall be delighted to accept any pro-
positions that may be made to me by Government through an
official channel, provided I am furnished with, geographical
details concerning the districts to be explored. It will cost
me a great deal to give up all hope of visiting the banks
of the Granges, the home of the banana and the palm. I am
now forty-two years of age, and I should be glad to undertake
an expedition that would occupy about seven or eight years,,
but I should be loth to renounce visiting the tropical regions
of Asia, unless I had the prospect of a very extensive and com-
prehensive journey. I should be less attracted by the Caucasus
than by Lake Baikal and the volcanoes in the peninsula of
Kamtschatka. Will it not be possible to get as far as Samar-
cand, Cabul, and Cashmere ? Must I lose all chance of ascer-
taining the height of Mustag or the plateau of Shamo ? Is
there a person in the Russian Empire who has visited Lhassa
or Thibet by any other than the ordinary route of Teheran,,
Casween, and Herat, or else via Calcutta ? Is Russia at war with
all the nations along her southern frontier, and can nothing be
done except amid the tumult of arms ? An expedition of this
character, on account of the extent of country traversed, would
doubtless yield a vast accession of data in various branches of
science ; in geography with regard to the superposition of rocks,
the identity of formations, and the distribution of vegetation ;
in meteorology, the theory of magnetism (inclination of the
needle, declination, intensity of force, hourly variations), and
in experiments with the pendulum. The study of the various
races of men, their language — one of the most enduring
monuments of ancient civilisation — the possibility of opening
up a road to commerce from the south , together with a thousand
other kindred subjects, will engage our earnest attention. In
order to grasp at once the field of operation, I should like
to traverse first the whole of Asia, under latitudes from 58^
to 60°, passing through lekaterinbourg, Tobolsk, leniseisk,
and lakoutsk, to the volcanoes in Kamtschatka and the shores
of the Pacific. As these districts are all inclined towards the
north, the most recent formations will be exposed to view ; in
returning, it would be desirable to select the route under the

368 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

48° of latitude, by way of Lake Baikal, in order to carry out the
investigations to be made south of this parallel, which would
occupy four or five years.

' Expeditions of this nature would not be very costly, for
though the instruments required must necessarily be of the
most perfect construction, they are but of small dimensions.
It would be well that the scientific men selected for the expe-
dition should be Kussians, for they are more hardy and possess
much greater powers of endurance, and will be less impatient
to return. I do not know a single word of the Eussian lan-
guage, but I shall make myself a Eussian, as formerly I
made myself a Spaniard. Whatever I undertake, I execute with
•enthusiasm.' . . .

After pointing out the advantages that would accrue from
such an expedition into the interior of the continent, not only
to science, but also to the Eussian Empire, Humboldt con-
tinues : —

'You will naturally infer from the hopes I thus indulge
that I have made up my mind to accept any proposals that I
may have the honour of receiving, provided the plans for the
expedition be conceived on a scale sufficiently extensive to
be worthy of the monarch by whom half the old world is
governed. The apprehension that exists of a war breaking out
in the North may perhaps delay the execution of these grand
projects ; I cannot but hope that peace may be preserved, but
should I be disappointed, it may at least be expected that at
the close of a war, Government will be all the more disposed
to entertain those projects which, calling for only a small outlay
of the public funds, tend to increase the internal prosperity of
the country. It will be impossible for me to visit St. Peters-
burg before the winter of 1814; but this delay will not prove
detrimental to the expedition. More than a year will be
required for the preparation of various scientific instruments ;
and it will be desirable to have them constructed by the best
opticians in Europe — Fortin, Breguet, and Lenoir, of Paris ;
Troughton, Mudge, and Eamsden & Son, of London ; and
Eeichenbach, of Munich. It will take some time to make the
necessary arrangements with artists and men of science, and to
acquire all the information needed in regard to the southern

PKOJECTED SCHEMES. 369

frontiers of the Empire, and the possibility of penetrating be-
yond them. ... I have written to you with the same frankness
which I made use of when addressing the Court of Aranjuez, in
1799. . . .

c I am too well acquainted with your delicate consideration
to deem it needful to request that the contents of this letter
should be communicated only to those persons directly in-
terested in the execution of a plan likely to be of service to
the advancement of science. I should think it no humiliation
to offer my services to a Prince, under whose government the
arts and sciences have flourished throughout the length and
breadth of his vast dominions, did not my position entirely
prohibit such a step. I would refuse nothing which claimed
for its object a glorious or useful end ; I would unhesitatingly
undertake a journey from Tobolsk to Cape Comorin, even were
I assured that out of nine persons one only would accomplish
it in safety ; but simple in my tastes, and preserving a moral
independence, in which I am sustained by a strong will, I
prefer to follow my scientific career, relying merely upon my
own resources. I should do violence to my character if, instead
of replying to the questions you proposed to me, I were to
make any propositions. . . .

c ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.' l

It cannot now be ascertained how far these negotiations with
the plenipotentiary commissioner of the Russian Government
proceeded ; it is certain, however, that, through the war which
soon after broke out between France and Eussia, Humboldt
was obliged to relinquish all hope of comparing the geological
conditions of the Himalayas and Kuen-liin with -those of
the Andes. Neither did the years of peace which succeeded,
bring the project any nearer to a successful issue. New pro-
blems, on the contrary, were being presented to his consider-

1 When the permission of Humboldt was sought for the publication of*
this letter, he replied : ' I do not disavow any of the motives by which I
was actuated in writing to Baron von Rennenkampff ; seventeen years later,
in 1829, I undertook, by command of the Emperor Nicholas, the expedition
described in my " Asie centrale." This letter may be printed either before
or after my death. It is the expression of a strong will !

' Berlin : October 18, 1853. A. vox HFMBOLDT.'

VOL. I. B B

370 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

ation, to the solution of which his active mind was earnestly
directed.

Upon his return from America, in the year 1804, he was
unable to institute comparisons between the limits of perpetual
snow on the Cordilleras, and the snow line on the Himalaya,
Hindu-Khu, Ararat, or the Caucasus. It was not till 1812, that
Moorcroffc visited the elevated plain of Daba, in Thibet, while
the important series of geodetic and hypsometric observations
undertaken by Webb, Hodgson, the Brothers Grerard and
"William Lloyd, were not carried out till some years later,
between 1819-1821. In Asia, as in every other quarter of the
globe, adventurous explorers had preceded any expedition of a
scientific character, and many discussions had been raised as to
the accuracy of the measurements made by such travellers, of
the height of the mountains in India, and especially as to the
extreme height of the limit of perpetual snow upon the northern
slopes of the Himalayas — a height which had been received
with incredulous surprise.1 These circumstances gave rise to
a Memoir, ' Sur les Montagues de 1'Inde,' written by Humboldt
in the year 1816, which aroused considerable attention, espe-
cially in England.

At the congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1818, where, by desire
of the king, Humboldt was in close attendance upon him, the
long-cherished project of an expedition into Asia was again
revived ; and from being supported by the favour of his sove-
reign and the long-established friendship of Prince Hardenberg,.
Chancellor of State, there seemed at length to be abundant
warrant for the hope of its final accomplishment.

To meet the expenses of the journey the king granted a
yearly stipend of 12,000 thalers. For the purchase of astro-
nomical and other scientific instruments, as well as of maps
and books, requisite for such a journey, the sum of 12,000
thalers was in May of the following year remitted to Hum-
boldt, in Paris, with the accompanying injunction, that, upon
the completion of the journey, the instruments should be de-
posited in the Eoyal collection ; 'it is not, however, at all the
intention of his majesty to render this condition in the least
of an oppressive character. As in the course of such an expe-
dition, instruments are liable to be broken, or by frequent use
1 ' Annal. de Chim. et de Phys.' vol. iii. p. 103.

PKOJECTED SCHEMES. 371

to become no longer available, or from other causes to receive
injury, it would not be just to require the redeli very of these
instruments intact. The instruments which the king- has
graciously accorded to Baron von Humboldt may, therefore,
be used by him without restriction, and, upon his return, be
delivered to the Eoyal collection in whatever condition they
may be.'

His preparations were completed, and Humboldt had selected
his travelling companions and scientific fellow labourers,1
when he was again compelled to relinquish his journey ; this
time probably through the illiberal policy of the East India
Company.

In contemplation of this second scheme for penetrating
into the interior of Asia, which seemed to promise fulfilment,
Humboldt devoted himself to the study of the Asiatic lan-
guages, and the diligent search for all documents yielding
information as to the climate of Asia and its mountain structure.
As the immediate fruit of this work, appeared his second treatise,
entitled, ' Memoire sur les Montagnes de 1'Inde,' with consider-
able additions, and bearing the distinctive title, ' Sur la Limite
inferieure des Neiges perpetuelies dans les Montagnes de 1'Hima-
laya et les Regions equatoriales.' 2 By frequent intercourse with
the great linguists Abbe Grregoire, Abel Remusat, Letronne,
Hase, Freytag, Klaproth,3 Villoisin, Champollion, the Persian

1 Among these was Dr. Baeyer, then Captain and now Lieutenant-General
of Dragoons, and President of the Royal Geodetic Institution of Prussia.
To him, as an excellent geodetic observer, were to be committed all matters
relating to the topographical surveys of the countries they visited, such as
observations for latitude and longitude, determinations of the heights of
mountains, &c. ; under the direction of Professor Weiss he had also qualified
himself as assistant-observer in mineralogy and geology. — Dorow (' Erlebtes,'
vol. iii. p. Go fg.) relates : ' Goerres expressed himself in the most enthusiastic
manner concerning Alexander von Humboldt's projected journey to Persia
and Thibet, and wished to induce Dorow to exert himself to join the
expedition. . . . Goethe and Reinhardt, on the contrary, doubted much
whether Humboldt would accept Dorow as one of the party, seeing he was
scarcely likely to prove a very energetic assistant.'

2 < Annales de Chim. et de Phys.' vol. xiv. (Paris, 1820).

3 Klaproth, the most renowned Sinologist of that time and the greatest
authority on the geography of Asia and the various nations peopling that
country, and author of the ' Tableau historique de 1'Asie,' was then engaged
upon a work in which Humboldt took a lively interest, ' Carte de 1'Asie

372 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

traveller Andrea de Nerciat, and the celebrated Sylvestre de
Sacy, the most distinguished Oriental scholar of this century,
he was gradually acquiring an extensive acquaintance with the
Asiatic tongues, when, early in the year 1827, his studies were
interrupted by a change of residence from Paris to Berlin.

centrale, dressee d'apres les Cc'irtes levees par ordre de 1'empereur Khian-
loung, par les missionnaires de Pekin et d'apres im grand nombre de notions
«xtraites et traduites de livres chinois.' (See Himiboldt's ' Briefwechsel
mit Bergliaus/ vol. ii. p. 1.)

TRAVELS IN ASIATIC EUSSIA. 373

CHAPTER II.
TRAVELS IN ASIATIC RUSSIA.

Proposal and Negotiations — Journey from Berlin to St. Petersburg — Visits
to St. Petersburg and Moscow — Line of Route — Distance travelled —
Personal Adventures — Diamonds in the Ural Mountains — Return and
Reception of Honours.

COUNT CANCRIN, the Minister of Finance in the Russian
cabinet, addressed a letter to Humboldt on August 15, 1827,
consulting him as to the employment of platinum — of which
a considerable quantity had recently been discovered in the
Ural Mountains — for purposes of coinage, and requesting in-
formation as to the proportionate value of that metal with
respect to gold and silver. In the communication it was
casually mentioned ' that the Ural mounlains would well repay
a visit from a man of scientific eminence.' Humboldt, in his
reply, dated November 19, 1827, treated the subject from a
truly scientific point of view ; he discountenanced the project
of instituting a platinum coinage, on account of the impossi-
bility of its maintaining an unalterable value with respect to
gold and silver, and concluded his letter with the courteous
assurance, that he hoped some day to have the pleasure of
paying his respects in person to the Minister at St. Petersburg.
6 The Ural Mountains, Ararat now soon to be included within
the Russian dominions ; yea, even the Lake of Baikal, present
images before my mind, which awake my keenest interest.'
These expressions were hints that fell not unheeded. On De-
cember 17, 1827, Cancrin wrote to express the wish of the
Emperor Nicholas, that Humboldt should undertake a scien-
tific expedition to the east of Russia, the cost of which was to
be borne by the emperor. This flattering proposal was eagerly
accepted by Humboldt, with the proviso, that he was not to

374 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

start before the completion of the works upon which he was
engaged, a task which was likely to occupy him till the
spring of 1829. With regard to the offer of means, he should
have no hesitation in availing himself of the emperor's muni-
ficence if his sojourn in Russia could be of service to the
interests of science. On this subject he expresses himself
more fully in a letter, dated January 10, 1829:1 'I have
expended the whole of my inheritance (100,000 thalers) ; and as
I have sacrificed my fortune in the cause of science, I make
the confession without fear of blame. The king, with whom
I stand in a purely personal relationship, grants me a yearly
pension of 5,000 thalers, with a munificence greater than I, as
a scientific man, consulted only occasionally in the affairs of
administration, can in anywise deserve. So far, as I am but a
bad manager in household affairs, and am always too ready to
help young students, I have been spending yearly somewhat
over my income. It is therefore to be hoped that should I
be granted a safe return, and take up my residence again, either
in Berlin or Paris, I may not find that the expedition to the
waters of the Irtysch has placed me in a worse position or en-
cumbered me with heavier financial difficulties.' The cost of
the journey from Berlin to St. Petersburg and back, estimated
by him at about 3,000 thalers, he was anxious to defray from
his own resources ; but the minister empowered him to obtain
for this purpose the sum of 1,200 ducats at Berlin. On his
arrival at St. Petersburg, 20,000 roubles were placed at his
disposal for his personal expenses during the expedition.2

1 ' Im Ural und Altai. Briefwechsel zwischen Alexander von Humboldt
und Graf Georg von Cancrin, aus den Jahren 1827-1832 ' (Leipzig, 1869).
This pamphlet contains the correspondence between Humboldt and Count
C %icrin, prior to and during the course of the Asiatic expedition ; out
of J'^rty-three letters twenty-eight are from. Humboldt. The particulars
of the journey are derived mainly from the letters written by Hum-
boldt to his brother during the expedition, and from various unpublished
letters to Cancrin. The former were mostly written to cheer and console
his brother, grieving over the loss of his wife, and are characterised by the
tenderest expressions of feeling. ('To-morrow, my dearest brother, is
your birthday ; I shall celebrate it in Asiatic Ural amid the copper-mines
of Gummeschewskoi. I am deeply moved as I write these lines. How
gladly would I form one of your family circle to-morrow ! )

3 Of this sum, 7,050 roubles were in excess of his requirements ; and,

TKAVELS IN ASIATIC RUSSIA. 375

In addition to these financial arrangements, the minister made
the most careful and systematic preparations for the comfort of
the travellers. In an autograph memorandum furnished to
Humboldt under date of January 1829, there occurs among
other entries the following : c I will arrange to send with you
a mining official l speaking either French or German, as well
as a courier, one, if possible, acquainted with German, or by
his majesty's gracious permission a rifleman, for the purpose
of transacting the details of the journey, such as the ordering
of post-horses, arranging for hotel accommodation, &c. These
attendants will be in receipt of a daily allowance. . . . The
expenses of post-horses, gratuities, and carriage repairs, will
be defrayed by the officer accompanying you from the Mining
Department, for which purpose a sum of money will be placed
at his disposal, for which he will be held responsible. The cost
and trouble of such arrangements will in this way be spared you.
The route to be taken in the journey, and the objects to be
attained, will be left entirely to your selection. The aim of
Government is solely the advancement of science, and, as
far as it is practicable, the increase of the Imperial revenue by
the extended working of the mines in Kussia. All governors,
vice-governors, mining officials, shall receive instructions to
further in every way the object of your journey. Suitable
quarters will be assigned to you when visiting the mines, and

on the refusal of the Government to accept its return, Humboldt devoted it
to a scientific journey, conducted by two young mineralogists, Von Helmer-
sen and Hofmann, who had been commissioned by Government to join
his party at Miask.

1 The mining official selected for this office was Von Menschenin, a
manager of smelting works, and subsequently overseer of mines. He
was always alluded to by Humboldt in favourable terms, although
Helmersen, while admitting him to be a very well-informed man, spoke
of him as having frequently forgotten his subordinate position. This
gave rise to many uncomfortable scenes, which were always passed over by
Humboldt with friendly patience. His consideration for his ill-humoured
and often not very courteous travelling companion was carried so far that
lie would never sit down to dinner without waiting his arrival, however
tardy that might be. Soon after his arrival at Berlin, Humboldt addressed
several friendly letters to Herr von Menschenin, one of which was accom-
panied by the gift of a small but beautifully executed universal instrument.
As he received no answer even to this letter, Humboldt inquired from Herr
von Helmersen, * What is the reason of this anger ? '

376 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

labourers, and all necessary help afforded you at the cost of
the crown in any experiments you may wish to make. As
soon as your route is more accurately planned, directions for
the journey shall be prepared, pointing out all that is of
interest in the districts you may visit, in addition to which
any further information you may require shall be communicated
to you.'

Humboldt's request that his two friends, Professors Ehrenberg
and Eose, might be allowed to accompany him was acceded to
in the most gracious manner. Furnished with letters of re-
commendation from the King and Crown Prince to the Im-
perial Family, in which he was styled, 'Actual Privy Counsellor
with the honorary title of Excellency,' Humboldt left Berlin on
April 12, 1829. The cortege consisted of two travelling car-
riages, loaded with numerous instruments and apparatus of every
kind. In the low plains of the Vistula and the Nogath, the
transit was rendered both difficult and dangerous by the floods
and the floating ice, but the travellers reached Konigsberg in
safety on April 15, where they had the pleasure of meeting
with Bessel. The journey beyond Konigsberg was still more
difficult. ' The roads are really very tolerable, but since leaving
Dorpat we have been surrounded by all the horrors of winter,
and see nothing but snow and ice as far as the eye can reach ;
we are considerably delayed by the rivers, which are either
blocked up with ice. as was the case with the Dwina and Narowa,
or can only be approached by roads so much washed away
that the front wheels become buried in the mud, and travellers
have to provide themselves with planks, that, with extra horses
and the manual assistance of the peasantry, the carriages may
be helped over the deepest holes. These, are some of the
ordinary occurrences of returning spring. ... Owing to these
difficulties, the journey to St. Petersburg will probably cost
900 thalers.' Up to April 29, the carriages had been ferried
over rivers seventeen times. At length, the travellers reached
St. Petersburg on May 1, and Humboldt took up his quarters,
in apartments prepared for him at the residence of the
Prussian Ambassador, Lieutenant-General von Scholer.

' My success in society is most surprising,' he writes to his
brother, from St. Petersburg on May 10. 'I seem to be sur-

TIUVELS IN ASIATIC RUSSIA. 377

rounded by excitement wherever I go, and it would be impos-
sible to be treated with greater distinction or with more
generous hospitality. I have dined nearly every day with the
Imperial Family in their strictest privacy — covers being laid
for four — and I have spent the evenings with the empress,,
with the most delightful freedom from constraint. The heir-
apparent has also entertained me to dinner, " in order that he
may remember me in time to come." The young prince has
been told to ask for my portrait, from the original to be painted
by Sacszollo. Czreitszef, the Minister of War, has given me a
collection of maps published at the Government press. . . .
The carriages are very beautiful, and cost each 1,200 thalers.'
A third carriage was provided for the courier and the cook.1

On May 20, the travellers left St. Petersburg. During a
fortnight's stay at Moscow, Humboldt had the pleasure of again
meeting with Loder and his old friend Fischer, ' who is styled
his Excellency, drives about in a carriage and four, and is in
receipt of a pension of 7,000 francs.'. The consideration
showed them by Government was beyond all praise, and the
honours and distinctions they received became, at last, almost
oppressive. ' We are continually the objects of attention with
the police, government officials, Cossacks, and guards of
honour. Unfortunately, we are scarcely a moment alone ; we
cannot take a step without being led by the arm like an invalid.
I should like to see Leopold von Buch in such a position/
Even the receptions given in their honour by the highest
officials, and the entertainments they received from men of
learning, became ' bien fatigants.'

The route selected by Humboldt lay through Vladimir and
Mourom to Nijnii-Novgorod, and thence down the Volga to
Bulgara and Kazan. After a short excursion to the Tartar
ruins of Bulgari, the travellers proceeded through Perm to-
lekaterinbourg, on the eastern slopes of the Ural, that exten-

1 With praiseworthy zeal the Russian Government equipped three other
scientific expeditions in the same year, 1829 : one to Ararat, under Parrot
the younger ; another to Mount Elbrus and the Caucasus, under Kupfter ;
while a third, under Ilansteen, Due, and Erman, was despatched for the
purpose of determining- the magnetic lines from St. Petersburg to Kam-
tschatka.

378 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

.sive mountain chain composed of several parallel ridges, rising
to a height of about 4,600 feet, which, stretching in the same
•direction as the Andes, due north and south, extend from the
tertiary formations near the Sea of Aral to the primary rocks
of the Arctic Ocean. June 16 and 17 were occupied in visiting
the Imperial laboratories for the cutting of the topaz, the beryl
and the amethyst, the gold washings of Schabrowski, the
quarries of Rhodonit, and the iron furnaces of Nijnii-Issetsk ;
and during the following week, Humboldt and his companions
visited Beresow on the lake of Schartasch, Polewskoi, and
Grummesch ewskoi.

An excursion of greater length was then taken northward,
through Pischminsk and Neviansk to Nijnii-Tagilsk, the pro-
perty of Prince Demidoff, where, on June 27, so late as nine
o'clock in the evening, the travellers paid a visit of inspection
to the mines. Humboldt found that the platinum fields of this
district, as well as those of Sucho-Wissim and Eublowskoi,
yielded an amount of ore equal to that procured from Choco in
South America. The party then proceeded northward, by way
of Kuschwa, Laja, Blagodad, and Nijnii-Turinsk to Bogos-
lowsk, for the sake of visiting the extensive gold mines ; whence
they made the return journey to lekaterinbo-urg, in the midst
of a succession of thunderstorms, through Werchoturje, Alopa-
giwsk, Mursinsk, where the topaz and the beryl mines were
• visited late at night, and lastly Schaitausk.

The travellers left lekaterinbourg on July 18, and continued
their journey, by way of Tioumen, to Tobolsk, on the banks of
the Irtysch. There Humboldt .decided to deviate from the
route he had laid down ; and, instead of going by way of Omsk
and Semipalatna, he went from Tobolsk through Tar a and the
steppes of Barabinsk, notorious for their dreaded swarms of
stinging insects, to Barnaul, on the river Obi. He proceeded
thence to the picturesque Lake of Kalywan, and the rich silver
mines of the Snake Mountains, and those of Riddersk and
Zyrianowskoi, on the south-western slopes of the Altai Moun-
tains.

After passing the small fortress of Ust-Kamennoigorsk, the
travellers arrived on August 19 at Buchtarminsk, on the
borders of Chinese Tartary, where Humboldt obtained per-

TKAVELS IN ASIATIC EUSSIA. 379

mission to cross the frontier, and visited the Mongolian station
of Baty or Khoni-Mailakhu, to the north of the lake of
Dzaisang, one of the most central towns in Asia.

From Ust-Kamennoigorsk, the party journeyed, through the
central horde of Kirghissia, to Semipolatinsk and Omsk, and
thence to the southern part of the Ural, through the Cossack
lines of Ischim and Tobol. In the rich gold fields of Miask,
which occupy but a limited extent of ground, there had been
found three large nuggets of gold only a few inches below the
surface, two of which weighed fifteen pounds and one twenty-
four pounds. Various excursions were made in the neighbour-
hood of Miask, to the lake of Ilmen, to Slatoust and to
Soimonowsk. In the southern part of the Ural chain they
visited the beautiful quarries of green jasper near Orsk, where
the mountain chain is broken through from east to west by the
passage of the river Jaik, remarkable for an abundance of
fish. Here they turned westward to Ofuberlinsk, and reached
Orenburg on September 21 ; thence they pursued a southern
course to the Caspian Sea, visiting on their way the celebrated
mines of rock salt at Iletzkoi, in the steppe of the small horde
of Kirghissia, and passing by way of Urlask, the chief settle-
ment of the Ural Cossacks. They next visited Saratow on the
left bank of the Volga, where a colony of Germans had been es-
tablished by Government, and made an excursion to the large
salt lake of Elton in the plains of the Kalmucks ; thence passing
through the beautiful Moravian settlement of Sarepta, they
arrived at Astrachan.

In visiting the Caspian Sea the chief objects of the expedition
were the chemical analysis of the waters, the institution of baro-
metric observations for comparison with those made at Orenburg,
Sarepta, and Kasan, together with a collection of specimens of
the various kinds of fish to be found in this inland sea, as a con-
tribution to the great work on Fish, then engaging the attention
of Cuvier and Valenciennes.

On October 21, the travellers left Astrachan on their home-
ward journey, crossed the isthmus which separates the Don
from the Volga at Tischinskaya, and, after traversing the terri-
tory of the Don Cossacks, reached Moscow by way of Voronesch
and Toula, on November 3, and St. Petersburg on the 13th of
the same month.

380 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

According to the accounts rendered by Menschenin, the party
had travelled 14,500 versts, or 9,614 miles, during their
twenty-five weeks' absence from St. Petersburg — that is to
say, from May 20 to November 13, 1829 ; of this distance 690
versts were by water, exclusive of a voyage on the Caspian Sea
of 100 versts. The number of post stations passed through
was 658, and 12,244 post horses had been employed on the
journey. The passage of rivers had been effected fifty-three
times — the Volga had been crossed ten times, the Kama twice,
the Irtysch eight times, the Obi twice. Humboldt computed
that during the nine months he had been absent from Berlin—
from April 12 to December 28 — he had travelled 11,505 miles.

As we have only been able to give a slight sketch of the
expedition, we shall be obliged to confine our descriptions
of the personal adventures of the travellers to a few of the
most characteristic incidents. We are indebted for the follow-
ing sketch to General Helmersen, a Member of the Academy
of St. Petersburg : —

' Humboldt, at this time in his sixtieth year, walked with a
tolerably erect gait, his head being a little inclined forward.
During the journey and in his travelling carriage, we never saw
him in any other costume than in a dark brown or black dress-
coat, a white neckerchief, and a round hat. He usually wore a
long over-coat of a similarly sombre hue. His gait was slow
and measured, cautious but secure. During the excursions ho
never rode ; when a carriage could no longer proceed, he would
alight and go on foot, climbing high mountains without any
show of fatigue, and clambering over fields of rough stones. It
was evident from his mode of walking that he had been accus-
tomed to bad ground.

' His meals were always characterised by his well-known
moderation ; and even after hours of great fatigue, he would
persist in declining the abundant supply of food which the
^Russians, with well-meaning hospitalit}7, were accustomed to
press upon their guests. His manner of rejecting these kindly
meant attentions was invariably marked, whatever the rank of
his host, by the gentle courtesy ever distinguishing the true
aristocrat.

'Humboldt's fame had penetrated even among all classes of

TRAVELS IN ASIATIC RUSSIA. 381

the population in the Ural districts, but the kind of authority
with which he had been delegated was interpreted in various
ways. In general, it sufficed that he was entitled, Actual Privy
Counsellor, and, that the Emperor Nicholas had issued orders
that he was to be received with the honours befitting a senator
and a general. The commandants of the small fortresses in
the military district of Orenburg, through which Humboldt
travelled, presented themselves in full uniform, and laid
before him, according to military custom, a report upon the
condition of the troops under their charge. When the travelling
cortege, consisting of three equipages, arrived at any garrison
town, there was always waiting an expectant crowd of Cossacks,
soldiers of the line, Kirghissians, Baschkirians, Tartars and
Eussians, besides women and children of all ages.

' On one occasion, while the horses were being changed at
the fortress of Tamalyzkaja, there suddenly came forward from
a crowd of this description a Baschkirian, who, making up to
Humboldt's carriage, near which I was stationed, with raised
voice and lively gesticulations, addressed a speech to the great
traveller in Turkish jargon, not one word of which could be
understood by any of our party. Upon Humboldt inquiring
from me, in the most courteous manner, "What does this
gentleman want ? " I summoned an interpreter, and, through
him, learnt that the supplicating Baschkirian had, on the
previous night, been robbed of his horses by the neigh-
bouring Kirghissians ; and, on hearing there was a great per-
sonage coming who knew everything, he had presented himself
with the urgent request that this distinguished person would
tell him who the robbers were and how he was to recover his
lost treasures. As the police rushed up at this moment to seize
the unsummoned intruder, and prevent any mischief, Herr von
Humboldt, who laughed heartily at the occurrence, begged that
mercy might be shown to this simple son of the desert.'

As a smile from Humboldt sufficed to preserve this poor
Baschkirian from severe punishment, on another occasion, a
word from him was the means of alleviating the condition of a
young political prisoner, Witkiewicz, a Pole who, though self-
taught, had attained a remarkable degree of intellectual culture.1
1 See ' Briefwechsel Humboldt's rnit Berghaus/ vol. ii. p. 279.

382 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

i

With these exceptions, Humboldt, often as he was compelled
to witness occurrences distressing to his feelings of humanity,
never allowed himself while in Eussia to interfere in any way
with the affairs of Government or the arrangements of social
life, carefully avoiding even an expression of opinion upon such
subjects. In his 'Essai politique sur 1'Isle de Cuba,' he expresses
himself as follows : — 'It is the duty of a traveller who has
been called to witness scenes involving the suffering and
degradation of human nature, to convey the complaints of the
unfortunate victims to those who have it in their power to
relieve their distress ; ' and in the preface to the same work he
remarks : 'To this portion of my book, namely, the improve-
ment of the condition of the slave, I attach much higher
importance than to the arduous labours of determining by
astronomical observation the latitude and longitude of places,
of registering the variations in the force of the magnetic cur-
rent, or of collecting statistical information.' Yet Humboldt
was compelled to write in a very different strain to the Eussian
Minister, in a letter he addressed to him from lekaterinbourg,
dated July, 5 (17), 1829 i1 — 'It will be taken as a matter of
course that we (Humboldt and Eose) confine ourselves to the
investigation of inanimate nature, and avoid everything con-
nected with Government or the condition of the lower classes
of the people : statements made by foreigners unacquainted with
the language are usually regarded as incorrect, and when refer-
ring to subjects so complicated as the relationship between the
rights that have been acquired by the higher orders of society
and the duties incumbent upon them towards the lower classes,
such statements irritate without producing any beneficial re-
sult.'

This quotation may suffice to show that the position he occu-
pied while travelling in Eussia differed very materially from the
relationship in which he stood to the Spanish Government
while travelling in America. In this change of circumstances
lay, no doubt, the reason why Humboldt, in the midst of so
much honour and public recognition, and with all the conveni-
ences accompanying an imperial commission to travel, would

1 < Im Ural und Altai/ pp. 74, 79.

TRAVELS IN ASIATIC RUSSIA. 383

yet never accede to the pressing solicitations of the emperor
to undertake another expedition through his vast dominions.1

While at Miask, in the month of September, the two minino-
students previously mentioned — Ernst Hofmann, subsequently
Lieut.-Greneral, and Von Helmersen, now Lieut.-Greneral and
Director of the Imperial Institute of Mines in Russia — were
appointed as guides to Humboldt and his party during their
visit to the Ural district. They remained in Humboldt's service
nearly a month. From Miask, Humboldt wrote to the minister
on September 15 : — 'Yesterday I completed my sixtieth year,
and spent my birthday on the Asiatic slopes of the Ural Moun-
tains. I have therefore passed through the most important
period of my life, and reached a turning-point, which makes
me regret that so much still remains unaccomplished before
the strength of manhood declines with advancing age. Thirty
years ago I was among the forests of the Orinoco and on the
heights of the Cordilleras. To you am I indebted for ren-
dering this year one of the most important of my restless life,
by enabling me to collect so vast an assemblage of facts, in
the course of this extensive journey, a journey during which we
have travelled more than 9,000 versts since leaving St. Peters-
burg.' In the same letter occurs the passage which, from the
truth of its prophetic tenor, has become so justly celebrated: —
'The Ural Mountains are a true El Dorado, and I am confident
from the analogy they present to the geological conformation of
Brazil — an opinion I have maintained for two years — that even
under your administration diamonds will be discovered in the
gold and platinum washings of the Ural Mountains. I gave
this assurance to the empress before I left Russia ; and, though
neither I nor my friends were able to make the discovery,
the object of our journey will be accomplished if the attention

1 On May 22, 1843, Humboldt wrote as follows to Schumacher : — l It has
cost me a great effort to dedicate the three volumes of my ' Asie centrale '
to the Emperor of Russia ; it was an unavoidable step, since the expedition
was accomplished at his expense. My relationships with the monarch have
undergone considerable alteration since 1829, on account of my political
missions to Paris. The dedication, about which I consulted Arago, is appro-
priate and dignified on my part. The emperor has sent me his portrait ;
I should have been better pleased to have received no answer or only a
formal acknowledgment.'

384 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

of others be aroused to this subject.' The truth of this pre-
diction was verified, as is well known, a few days after it was
written, in the gold and platinum washings belonging to Count
Polier.

The distinguished traveller was received on his return to

O

Moscow with every mark of honour, and entertained at State
festivals by the highest officers in the Government. A caustic
though in many points an accurate description of one of these
entertainments is given by Alexander Herzen,1 at that time a
student in Moscow : —

' On his return from the Ural Mountains, a State reception
was given to Humboldt by the Scientific Society connected with
the University ; an institution comprising amongst its members
various senators, governors, generals, and other officials, who
had never been in any way concerned with scientific pursuits, and
were quite unacquainted with science in its higber branches.
The fame of Humboldt had reached them as of one who was
Privy Counsellor to the King of Prussia, and invested by the
emperor for the time being with all the honours due to one
ennobled by the Star of St. Anne ; as such they resolved to
prostrate themselves in the dust before the man who had
climbed the summit of Chimborazo, and had lived in the
palace of Sanssouci.

'The affair was treated very seriously. The governor-
general and the military and civil dignitaries appeared in gala
uniforms, decked with the ribbons of their orders ; the pro-
fessors strode along trailing their swords in military fashion
with their three-cornered hats under their arm. Humboldt,
who had anticipated nothing of this sort, presented himself in
a simple blue coat, and was taken completely by surprise.
From the stairs to the saloon in which the " men of science "
were assembled a row of seats had been arranged ; here stood
the rector, there a dean, on the right a professor just starting
in life, on the left a veteran at the close of his career speaking
with the measured accents, of age. From everyone he received
a few words of welcome, from, one in German, from another in

1 Julius Eckardt, ' Jun.yrimlsj
turgeschichtliche Aufsatze ' (Leipzig, 1871), p. 149.

TRAVELS IN ASIATIC RUSSIA. 385

Latin, from a third in French, standing all the while in the
corridor, where it was impossible to remain for an instant with-
out being chilled through for months. Humboldt patiently
listened to all these harangues with uncovered head, and
replied to each of them. I do not believe that the great
investigator ever experienced as many discomforts from the
painted savages among whom he had travelled, as were prepared
for him by the ceremonious festivities of his reception at
Moscow.1

' When Humboldt had at last entered the saloon and taken
his seat, the proceedings were still conducted in the same
ceremonious manner. Pissarew, the curator of the University,
considered it necessary to read out a kind of order of the day
in the Russian language before a silent audience, on the merits
of his Excellency the great traveller. Then Sergei Glinka,
with his hoarse soldier's voice, recited a poem beginning :
" Humboldt, Promethee de nos jours."

'Meanwhile Humboldt's intentions had been to discuss his
observations on the deviation of the magnetic needle, and to
compare the meteorological data he had obtained in the Ural
Mountains with the results registered at Moscow. Instead,
he was expected to look with devout admiration on a plait
made from the venerated hair of Peter the Grreat, shown to
him by the rector. It was with great difficulty that his com-

1 Even during his first visit to Moscow Humboldt complained to his
brother, in a letter dated May 14 (26), that * This perpetual ceremonial (sad
necessity of my position and of the noble hospitality of the country) becomes
very fatiguing.' At Kazan it was still more annoying ; fete followed after
fete. At one o'clock in the morning he wrote to his brother : — 'We are
to start to-morrow morning at five o'clock, and the professors and authorities
threaten to come at half-past four to take leave. We are not left alone
a single instant.' At lekaterinbourg, on June 21, he was obliged to
dance a quadrille ! At Miask, on the sixtieth anniversary of his birthday,
he was honoured by the presentation of a sword from the mining officials.
In the plains near Orenbourg a Kirghissian festival was held, in which the
entertainment consisted of races, wrestling matches, and, ' unfortunately,
also of vocal music performed by the Tartar sultanas.' The ceremonial
presentations, the fetes, the distinctions of all kinds repeated everywhere,
' d'apres des ordres emane's d'en haut/ drew from him the remark — ' : This
excess of politeness deprives me of all opportunity of being alone and at
my ease.'

YOL. I. C C

386 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

pardons Ehrenberg and Eose found opportunity to relate their
discoveries.'

At St. Petersburg Humboldt was again the object of a
demonstration of favour almost oppressive, especially in the
reception given him at court.

c It is really a shame, my beloved friend,' writes Humboldt
to his brother on November 20, 1829, 'that though I have
been here a week, I have not found before to-day the quiet
necessary to give you this sign of my affection and well-being.
. . . My journey across nearly every part of European Russia
has so enlarged my social relationships, and increased so
considerably the chimerical notion that I can be of use to every
one, that I am almost overwhelmed by the amount of drudgery
imposed upon me by this position. My health is excellent ;
while we were at Moscow the emperor, with characteristic
delicacy, conferred the Order of St. Anne of the second class
upon Eose and Ehrenberg, while the Order of St. Anne of the
first class, with the imperial crown (equivalent to the decoration
in diamonds which is no longer given) was sent to me on the
day of my arrival here, accompanied by a very nattering letter. '
His Majesty expressed his regret that he was still prevented by
indisposition from seeing me, that he might " profit by my
discoveries." I hope he may recover before my departure,
which I am anxious now to arrange for the 1st of December.
The empress has done me the honour to grant me a most gracious
reception ; yesterday I dined with the heir-apparent, and I am
again summoned by the empress this morning ; I am, in fact,
treated with a kindness that seems daily to augment.' . . .

A few days before leaving St. Petersburg, he writes : } — ; In the
morning I and my two friends were nearly an hour and a half
with the empress, and in the evening I had an audience with
the emperor from half-past eight to eleven o'clock. I have
been loaded with favours.' . . .

He wrote further to his brother on December 9 : —
' I can only write you a few lines. I hope to leave here by
the 12th or 14th ; although I am obliged to await another
audience from the emperor, who did me the honour to receive
me for a couple of hours on Sunday — a distinction all the
1 To Cancrin, <Im Ural und Altai/ p. 118.

TRAVELS IN ASIATIC RUSSIA. 387

more conspicuous from the emperor not having yet received
all his ministers. He is, however, rapidly progressing towards
recovery. He has loaded me with tokens of affection and
esteem. "Your sojourn in Eussia has been the cause of
immense progress to my country ; you spread a life-giving
influence wherever you go." I have been presented with a
sable cloak worth 5,000 roubles, and a vase as beautiful as any
in the palace, standing, with pedestal included, seven feet high,
worth from 35,000 to 40,000 roubles.1 I shall not be able to
write this morning to Madame Kunth.2 Do me the favour to
write to her, and acquaint her that I have to-day written a
letter to the king, mentioning her misfortunes and the worth
of her husband, and begging that her case may receive special
attention. I wrote by the first opportunity after receiving the
news of her loss in a letter from young Kunth of the 23rd of
November. What happiness to be with you so soon ! With
affectionate regards to all your family,

'ALEXANDER HUMBOLDT.'

Early on December 15, Humboldt left St. Petersburg in
company with his two travelling companions, Ehrenberg and
Eose, at a temperature of 13° below zero, and yet was able to
write to Cancrin from Konigsberg in a most cheerful strain on
December 24 : — ' We have spent an interesting day at Dorpat
with Evers, Struve, Ledebuhr, and Engelhardt. It unfortu-
nately stands recorded in the theory of probabilities that one
cannot travel 18,000 versts without being at least once upset.
This doctrine of probabilities has maintained its rights in the
spirit of a Nemesis. We were upset with so much force upon
a mill-bridge at the foot of a slight hill, near Engelhardtshof,
two posts before Eiga, by the whirling round of the carriage
upon the smooth surface of the ice, that one side of the carriage
was completely smashed. One of the horses fell a distance of
eight feet into the water. As may be supposed, the parapet
gave way and we lay in a very picturesque position about four
inches from the edge of the bridge. Nobody was hurt, and
though Ehrenberg and I were in a carriage enclosed by glass,

1 This magnificent malachite vase is in the royal palace at Berlin.

2 Kunth died on November 22, 1829.

c c 2

388 ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

we both escaped the slightest injury, for which we have to
thank Providence. As two men of science and an accom-
plished rifleman were of the party, there was no lack of con-
tradictory theories as to the cause of the accident. This much,
however, is certain, that the carriage swung round, and that,' as
he good-naturedly adds in exculpation of the man in charge
of the conveyance, ' the postilion was quite free from blame.'

On December 28, Humboldt and his companions arrived at
Berlin. The results of the journey were published in the
following separate works: — ' Fragmens asiatiques,' 1831, ' Asie
centrale," 1843, both edited by Humboldt, and ' Journey to the
Caspian Sea and the Mountains of the Ural and the Altai,'
1837-42, edited by Grustav Kose. Ehrenberg published in a
separate form his descriptions of the Siberian tiger and the
northern panther, while in his ' Micro-Greology,' 1854, he dis-
cusses the forms of organic nature existing in Eussia, Siberia,
and Central Asia, amid the mountains of the Ural and those of
Altai, drawing special attention to the life visible only through
the microscope — a kind of organism which had hitherto been
unsuspected. His botanical collections have never yet been
published.

Amid the universal applause that greeted Humboldt upon
his return to Berlin, he was yet the victim of an irritating
attack made upon him in England. Unfortunate speculators
in the Mexican mines challenged the correctness of some of
his views, and attributed to him motives which ought never to
have been imputed to a man of science, least of all to such a
one as Alexander von Humboldt. To this he refers in the
following passage, in a letter to Cancrin, dated April 3, 1830:—

6 It is really quite inhuman thus to attack a man who has
never given any evidence of selfishness, at the moment of his
return from a distant journey in the interests of science ! Is it
my fault that the accounts I published fifteen years ago,
of the richness of the Mexican mines (the correctness of which
has never been called in question by anyone living in Mexico)
should have led John Bull in the most foolish manner to trust
millions into the hands of ignorant speculators ? I have always
declared from the first that I would have nothing to do with
speculative schemes ; I declined the appointment of Consulting

TRAVELS IN ASIATIC RUSSIA. 389

Director in Europe, with full liberty of action, by which I
should have gained 20,000£. sterling, and returned a large gold
snuff-box which was presented me as a token of gratitude from
those who had made a fortune by speculating in the mines, and
ascribed their success to my writings ; in short, I have always
manifested a wish to keep aloof from such affairs. All this is
well known in England, and therefore I have offered no reply
beyond correcting some figures of an exaggerated character,
which appeared in German newspapers, and which might
readily have been ascribed to me, although I never publish any-
thing, even in newspapers, without my signature. Immediately
on my return to Berlin, I placed myself in communication
with the former Director-General of Mines in Brazil, Baron von
Eschwege, now resident at Lisbon, in order to lay before him
some enquiries as to the yield from the gold and platinum
sands at Brazil. I hope to give your Excellency, in my next
work upon the Ural Mountains, an interesting comparison
between them and the mines of Brazil. So far the returns
seem in faVour of the Ural districts.'

The scientific results obtained by Humboldt in his Asiatic
journey proved of high and lasting importance, though it
cannot be denied that his expedition to Asia is greatly inferior
in interest to his travels in America — not only as to its extent
and duration, the personal adventures of the travellers, but also
as to the range of subjects under investigation, and the variety
and multiplicity of the results obtained. Yet during the Asiatic
journey a surprising number of new facts and ideas were ac-
quired, and an astonishing amount of observations accumulated,
the results of which were far from being confined to the benefit
of the internal economy of Kussia. Additional knowledge of a
much more accurate character was acquired concerning the
configuration of the interior of Asia, the features of the
mountain ranges, the phenomena of climate and the magnetic
changes, the distribution of Flora and Fauna, and the grand
historical roads, which had for ages been the means of com-
munication with the interior of the country, so that the boun-
daries of science had been widely extended in the various
branches of Physics, Geography, and History. The views which
Humboldt had ever entertained upon the connection existing

390 ALEXANDEK VON HUMBOLDT.

between all telluric phenomena received their fullest illustration
and most perfect development during this expedition.

Humboldt, upon his return from Asia, was in his sixty-first
year. The earnest longing to visit foreign lands, which he had
cherished from childhood, had received its fullest gratification
in the widely extended travels which had furnished such
important results, and with this journey his unsettled career as
a traveller was brought to a close. Henceforth commenced
the peaceful years of unwearied labour, when, in the retirement
of his study, he occupied himself in giving forth to the world
the embodiment of the final results of his scientific labours and
his comprehensive views of nature in his celebrated philoso-
phical work ' Cosmos.'

APPENDIX.

1. THE HUMBOLDT HOUSEHOLD. Page 34.

AN interesting glance into the home-life of the Humboldts is
given by Fran Caroline de la Motte Fouque, nee von Briest.1 She
writes to her sister in January 1785, that she has been spending
the morning with Fran von Humboldt, and remarks : —

* Everything at the Humboldts' is just as it was. Nothing in the
house is changed, neither the people nor anything else. Of course
I shall never cease to feel his absence, for his pleasant, cheerful
conversation formed always a charming contrast to the quiet and
reserved manners of his wife. She, I can assure you, looks exactly
as she always did and as she always will do. (JELer coiffure just the
same as it was ten years ago or more, always smooth, neat, and.
simple. J The same pale countenance and delicately formed features,
upon which no trace of emotion is ever visible, the same soft voice,
the same cold though sincere greeting, and the same unalterable
faithfulness towards all with whom she is connected. She still
offers a home to her brother-in-law, his daughter, and the aged aunt ;
the old dog Belcastel is still permitted to lie snoring on the sofa ;
her equanimity is alike undisturbed by contradiction or domestic
troubles. One could almost assert that as one left the family on
saying adieu, so one would find everything upon returning after a,
year's absence.

' Of the youths I can assure you that "William, with all his
learning, is anything but a pedant ; on the contrary, he is always
ready to raise a laugh, and is made an idol of by all the house. It is
possible that Fraulein U. . . . may have a little weakness for her
young cousin, but the aunt is equally his sworn ally. // Alexander
is somewhat of a petit esprit malin. He is, however, 'remarkably
talented, and drew both heads and landscapes even before receiving
instruction. The walls of his mother's bedroom are hung round with

1 Caroline Baroninde la Motte Fouqtie, geb. Ton Briest, ' Der Schreibtisch, oder
alte und neue Zeit ' (Cologne, 1833), pp. 6, 7.

392 APPENDIX.

these productions. He has now arrived at an age when he begins
to exhibit some gallantry. He wears two long steel watch chains,
joins in the dance, and makes himself agreeable to visitors in his
mother's boudoir — he begins, in short, to play a part in life. He
reminds one strongly of his father.'

2. VISIT TO ENGLAND IN 1790. Page 91.

Fragment of Journal of a Tour with Forster. From the Radowitz
Collection of Autographs, in the Royal Library at Berlin, No.
6,255.

From a crowd of notes and comments made by Humboldt upon
Somersetshire, Gloucestershire, &.c., we shall only subjoin a few
extracts as proof of the wide range of his observations : —

* Wiltshire. — Many cloth manufactories in Wiltshire, Gloucester-
shire, and Somersetshire, especially at Trowbridge and Bradford,
in the neighbourhood of Bath. In these south-western counties
the sheep are shorn twice in the year, while in the counties of
Leicester, Lincoln, Warwick, they are usually shorn but once.
The high price of wool in the year 1790 has been ascribed to the
establishment of the cloth manufactories. The highest price given
for Welsh wool was Is. 3d. per Ib. ; for South Down, Is. 2d. ; for
Norfolk wool, Is. \d. ; and for the wool of the western districts, 8^d.
(Upon the breeding of sheep in England, and the antiquity of the
wool trade — woollen cloths having been made at Winchester for the
Roman emperors — see Report of the Committee, by D. Anderson.)
The dyers all crowd to the Avon, as the waters of that river are
peculiarly favourable for their art. There is still great need of
accurate chemical investigation into the influence of various kinds
of water upon the processes of dyeing and brewing. It is quite as
unreasonable to ascribe the superiority of English beer and English
dyes to the quality of the water in England, as it is premature to
deny the influence of the vapours of the atmosphere in chemical
processes rendered complicated by the presence of fermentation,
which is of a nature too subtle to admit of the application of
any test.

' Chippenham was the residence of Alfred the Great, who in 884
expelled the Danes from London and Rochester. At that period the
west of England appears to have been most under cultivation, while
at the present day the east seems to be the most highly cultivated.
Was not the former condition of things a more natural arrangement
than the present, seeing that the entrance to the Bristol Channel is
more convenient than that of the Thames — the west of England is

APPENDIX. 393

richer in exports, the communication .with Ireland is more direct,
and Milford affords a safer harbour for the fleet than Portsmouth ?
Assuredly it was ; and foreign interests have alone elicited an
opposite tendency. The Flemish trade peopled the Channel with
a fleet of merchantmen, the Hanseatic counting-houses of London
brought the trade of the country into notice, English wool began to
be thence exported, the ceaseless disputes with France rendered a
fleet and a harbour of safety in the Channel necessary ; the bar-
barism in which Ireland had lain so long has prevented the existence
of a flourishing trade between the two countries. . . .

' Matlock. — Lich.calcar., Lich. saxatil., Lich. tartar., and Verruc.
pertusa grow wild nearly over the whole of Northern Europe, yet
after reading the patriotic treatises of Damboucney (" Precedes sur
les Teintures solides que nos vegetaux indigenes communiquent aux
laines, etc.," Paris, 1786), and Hoffmann (" De vario Lichenum usu." .
Erlangee, 1786), we continue to import from the Canaries, Cape de
Verd Islands, the Grecian Archipelago, or the South of France,
dyes which might readily be procured from our native lichens. We
import litmus from the Dutch and the English, and forget that it
has been by them manufactured from Lich. saxatil., which grows
with us on every tree, post, or stone. (See Ferber's "Keue Beitrage
zur Mineralgeschichte," i. 455, on the manufacture of litmus at
Leith, in Scotland, where 200 men are employed in the collection of
Lich. saxatil.) Our ignorance is so extreme, that we still allow our-
selves to be deceived by Jacobson's statement that litmus is manu-
factured from Croton tinctor., or the Tournesol of Grand Gatargues,
and not from Lich. tartar. (SeeDemachy, " Laborant im Grossen," ii.
273, " Technologisches Worterbuch," ii. 544.) The study of crypto-
gamia is not therefore of so little value as is generally supposed.
Sound political economy would even make lichens contribute to the
wealth of a nation.

* Poole's Hole. — 560 yards in length. It lies to the south-west of
Buxton, towards the limestone mountain of Axe-Edge, on the banks
of the little river Wye. As the cave is narrow, more beautiful
stalactites are formed in it than in the Peak Cavern. The two
largest have received the names of the Flitch of Bacon and the
Queen of Scots' Pillar, the latter called after the unfortunate Mary
Stuart, who is supposed to have visited the Cave while a prisoner at
Chatsworth. A small stream issues from the cavern. On the road
from Buxton to the Cave I found some quantity of Saxifraga granu-
lata and S. tridaetylites. At the entrance of the Cave I noticed
Viola montana, Alchemilla vulgar., and Polypod. vulg.

' In the neighbourhood of Poole's Cavern are several lime-kilns
in the open air ; for in England lime is burnt in the open air, and

394 APPENDIX.

tiles in conical furnaces, exactly the reverse of the custom in
Germany.'

3. HUMBOLDT'S PASSPORT ON LEAVING PARIS IN 1798. Page 238.

' We Alplionse de Sandos Roll in,

' Chamberlain to His Majesty the King of Prussia, and Prussian
Minister Plenipotentiary to the French Republic,

' Beg and require all whom it may concern to grant a free and
safe pass to

'If. Frederic Alexandre de Humboldt, Counsellor in the Court of
Mines of H. M. the King of Prussia, born at Berlin, aged twenty-eight
years, height five feet four inches [five feet eight inches E nglish~], light
brown hair, gray eyes, large nose, rather large mouth,1 well-formed
chin, open forehead, marked with the small-pox. Travelling for the
acquisition of knowledge,
proceeding to Marseilles and Algiers,

without permitting him to be hindered or annoyed in any manner,
but on the contrary granting him every assistance that he may re-
quire. In faith of which we have given him this passport, available
for eighteen months, signed with our signature, and sealed with the
customary seal of the Royal Arms,

' Paris, 24th Vendemiaire, year VII. (new style), 15th October, 1798.

'DE SAXDOS ROLLIN.

' Signature of the Bearer :

'FREDERIC ALEXANDRE BE HUMBOLDT.'

The passport had received no fewer than twenty-four vises before
Humboldt left Marseilles — a proof of the perpetual annoyances to
which travellers in those days were subjected. The most important
vise — interesting on account of the signature — is the first on the
list :—

' The Minister of Foreign Affairs certifies the authenticity of the
signature of M. de Sandos Rollin here attached. Paris, 26th Ven-
demiaire, 7th year of the French Republic.

' CH. MAUR. TALLEYRAND.'

4. WARRANT OF ARREST AGAINST ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

Among Humboldt' s papers was found the following letter from
Baron von Eschwege, the distinguished explorer of Brazil, who
subsequently entered the service of Portugal : —

1 On the cover in which the passport was kept, the following remark is written
in Humboldt's own hand : — ' Grosses Maul, dicke Nase, aber mentou bien fait.'

APPENDIX. 395

'Lisbon: March 27, 1848.

' Sir, — While looking over my Brazilian papers the other day, I
came across the copy of a document, the contents of which are pro-
bably quite unknown to you, and I take the liberty of enclosing the
paper to your Excellency, since as it might have been productive of
the most disastrous consequences to the journey prosecuted by your
Excellency into the interior of America, it may prove an interesting
contribution to the account of your travels.

' This document was given to me in Brazil by my revered friend
and benefactor, Count de Barca, who died as Minister there, -with
whom, as Antonio de Aranjo e Azevedo, your Excellency may pro-
bably have made acquaintance during his many years' residence in
Europe, when Ambassador at the Courts of the Hague, Paris, St.
Petersburg, and, if I mistake not, also of Berlin. He told me that
as soon as he was aware that an order of this nature had been issued
by the Ministry, he wrote immediately to the Prince Regent,
urging him at once to recall the order for the arrest of your Excel-
lency, whereby he would incur the odium of the whole of Europe,
and suggesting that an order should be issued instructing that
your Excellency should receive every assistance — an application
which proved successful.

* It thus appears that it was entirely owing to the influence of my
revered friend, who took a lively interest in science, and was in pos-
session of all the works published by your Excellency, that you es-
caped being arrested in the upper regions of the Orinoco, or on the
frontier of Brazil, which, if I mistake not, you crossed ; and further
escaped imprisonment in Ceazo, where you might have been detained
at least a year before an order for your release could have been
received from Portugal.

' Hoping that your Excellency is in good health, I have the honour
to remain, &c.,

*BAKON VON ESCHWEGE.'

The document is a warrant for arrest, and is as follows : —

' Notification of the 2nd of June, 1800, from Don Rodrigo de
Souza Coutinho to Bernardo Manuel de Yasconcelos, Governor of
the Province of Ceara.

' The Prince Regent has commanded that your Excellency be
informed that in the " Gazeta de Colonia " of the 1st of April of
this year, it is stated that a certain Baron von Humboldt, a native
of Berlin, has been travelling in the interior of America, making
geographical observations for the correction of certain errors in
existing maps, collecting plants, of which he has secured 1,500
new varieties, with the intention of continuing his route through

396 APPENDIX.

the upper portion of the Province of Maranhao, for the exploration
of desert regions, hitherto excluded from scientific research. As
in the critical position of the affairs of Government the presence of
a foreigner, who, under a pretext of this kind, might possibly con-
ceal plans for the spread of new ideas and dangerous principles
among the faithful subjects of this realm at a time when the temper
of the nation is in a condition so dangerous and so difficult to deal
with, it is expressly commanded by our illustrious Prince — inde-
pendent of the fact that, by the existing laws of his Royal Highness,
no foreigner is allowed to enter his dominions without the express
permission of His Royal Highness — that your Excellency shall in-
vestigate whether the said Baron von Humboldt or any other
foreigner has ever travelled through the interior provinces of this
kingdom, or is now travelling there, as it would be in the highest
degree injurious to the political interests of the Crown of Portugal
were such the case. It is expected, therefore, by His Royal High-
ness, that your Excellency will zealously and industriously bestow
in an affair of so much importance all the ability and penetration
which from your experience in the service of the Crown may be ex-
pected from you, and, should travellers be in the country, that your
Excellency will obviate the evil likely to ensue, and put a stop to
any such illegal investigations by arresting and imprisoning, not
merely foreigners, but even such Portuguese as render themselves
open to suspicion by travelling without a royal permit or the neces-
sary license from the Governor of the Province. Finally, it is de-
sired by His Royal Highness that your Excellency will act in this
respect with the most scrupulous circumspection, and communicate
immediately to His Royal Highness, through the medium of the
Chancellor of State, everything that transpires respecting this affair,
in order that the Prince may take whatever further measures may
be deemed necessary.'

Upon the original document is inscribed in Humboldt's hand-
writing : —

' I desire tlicut this order may somewhere be published after my
death.

'ALEXANDER HUMBOLDT.

'March 1854.'

Varnhagen remarks in his 'Tagebiicher,' under date of August
11, 1855 : — ' Humboldt has lately been presented with the Grand
Order of Brazil, for his services as arbitrator between Brazil and
Venezuela, respecting the right of possession of a considerable
tract of country. " In former days they wanted to imprison me
in Rio Janeiro as a dangerous spy, and send me back to Europe :
the warrant that was made out for this purpose is still shown

APPENDIX. 397

there as a curiosity ; now I am chosen as their arbitrator ! My
decision has naturally been in favour of Brazil, for I was ambitious
of possessing the Grand Order, and the Republic of Venezuela has
none to bestow ! " I interrupted this strain of bitter irony with
the exclamation, "How times have changed!" "Yes," he at
once replied, " first the warrant for arrest, and then the Grand
Order ! " '

5. AIM£ BONPLAND.

Aime Bonpland stands intimately associated with Alexander von
Humboldt, not only as his faithful companion during his travels in
America, but also as his able coadjutor in the publication of his
works. He was Humboldt's junior by four years, having been born
on August 22, 1773, at La Bochelle. Adopting the profession of
his father, he devoted himself to the study of medicine, and in 1793
served for a short time in the navy as surgeon on board a frigate of
the Republic, which was cruising in the Atlantic during the war
with England. He subsequently visited Paris, and attended the
lectures of Corvisart, Dessaut, and Bichat. The interest he took
in medical science was, however, far surpassed by the keen zest
with which he" followed the achievements in zoology and geography
of Buffon and Daubenton, and the labours of Jussieu in botany ;
with industrious zeal, he sought to follow in the track of these dis-
tinguished investigators. His extensive acquirements and scientific
endowments had already met with recognition when he received the
appointment of botanist to the expedition under the command of
Baudin, fitted out by order of the Directory. He was probably at
that time already acquainted with Humboldt.1

Bonpland was without means, while Humboldt was in possession
of a considerable fortune, which, in a spirit of true disinterestedness,
he was willing to expend in the service of science. It was not long,
therefore, ere the bond was formed which gave completeness to each
of these men. While Humboldt had devoted himself with peculiar
energy to the study of inanimate nature, to mathematics, and the
observation of terrestrial phenomena, directing his attention mainly
to the unity of Nature, the comparison of her various phenomena,
and the mutual relationships existing therein, Bonpland was more

1 ' How did you first become acquainted with Bonpland ? ' enquired Dove on one
occasion from Humboldt. ' In the simplest manner in the world,' he replied.
' You know that when giving up the key of one's apartments on going out, one
generally exchanges a few friendly words with the porter's wife. While so doing
I often encpuntered a young man with a botanist's satchel over his arm ; this
was Bonpland ; and in this manner we made acquaintance.' (H. W. Dove,
' Gedachtnissrede auf Alexander von Humboldt,' Berlin, 1869, p. 9.)

398 APPENDIX.

at home in the realm of organic life, among Flora and Fauna, and
was best adapted to the observation of detail. From the mutual
interchange of knowledge and experience sprang that wide range
of observation, and completeness of investigation, by which their
joint labours were distinguished. In the Spanish Colonies of
America every German was in those days thought to be a miner,
and every Frenchman a doctor ; and certainly this supposition was
substantiated most fully in the case of Humboldt and Bonpland.

Of the mutual esteem and devotion which these travellers so
heartily reciprocated, several instances have already been given.1 It
will be suitable to adduce here the following entry from Humboldt 's
American Journal (vol. v.): — * I have given to M. Elhuyar a sealed
letter, to be opened in the event of my death : it contains a bequest
to Bonpland of 50,000 francs.'

Soon after his return from America, Bonpland, on the recom-
mendation of Corvisart, surgeon to the Empress Josephine, was
appointed by the empress, who was passionately devoted to flowers,
superintendent of the gardens at Malmaison and Navarre. Through
Humboldt's zealous interposition, he received, in addition to his
salary, a yearly pension of 3,000 francs, in acknowledgment of the
herbarium presented by him to the Jardin des Plantes.2

1 See pp. 278, 279, 287.

' 2 The author received on one occasion (1858) from Humboldt the following
authentic summary of the plants collected by him and Bonpland : — During the
five years spent in their travels, Humboldt and Bonpland collected from 5,800 to
6,000 specimens of plants. Among the 5,500 specimens of phanerogamous plants,
3,000 were found to be new species. The localities of all these plants, as described
in the ' Nova Genera et Species Plantarum in Peregrinatione ad Plagam Aequi-
noctialem Collectarum,' are denoted with the barometric determination of the
height above the sea, a detail which has never before been introduced into any
botanical work. The number of plants actually described during the journey
amounted to 4,528, and the descriptions filled six volumes — three folios and three
quartos. These volumes were employed by the celebrated botanist Kunth,
Director of the Botanic Gardens at Berlin, in editing at Paris the ' Nova Genera
et Species.' As only about a fifth of these descriptions are from the pen of
Alexander von Humboldt, the volumes on the death of Professor Kunth were sent
by Humboldt. in acknowledgment of the indefatigable industry of his fellow-
traveller, to the Museum of Natural History at Paris, where they were preserved
as the ' property of Bonpland. The plants themselves, since the number of
duplicates was such as to allow of it, were divided by the travellers on their
arrival in Paris into three distinct herbariums ; the most complete collection was
retained by Bonpland, who subsequently took it out with him to Buenos Ayres.
A second herbarium was presented to the Museum of the Jardin des Plantes, in
acknowledgment of which Bonpland received, as stated in the text, a yearly
pension of 3,000 francs ; and the third collection was placed at the disposal of
Alexander von Humboldt, by whom — in accordance with his invariable custom of
reserving nothing for himself, but of presenting everything he collected, whether

APPENDIX. 399

Bonpland assisted not a little in laying out the gardens at Mal-
maison, which at that time excited universal admiration ; in the
midst of his official employment he enjoyed sufficient independ-
ence and leisure to assist in the publication of the results of the
American journey, though he did not devote himself to the work
with energy and perseverance sufficient to preclude the necessity
of calling in the help of Willdenow, and securing the prolonged
labours of Kunth.

Associated with Humboldt in his work, in the enjoyment of
friendly intercourse with Gay-Lussac, Arago, Thenard, and the
most noted scientific men of the day, honoured with the kind con-
sideration of the empress, who entered with quick intelligence into
all his pursuits, and unrestrained in the management of one of the
most beautiful flower-gardens in the world, Bonpland was now in
the enjoyment of the happiest period of his life.

But these days were numbered. Napoleon's divorce of Josephine
soon brought over them a cloud ; to the watchful guardian of her
flowers this noble woman was accustomed to confide the anguish of
her grieved and troubled heart. ' Ce n'est pas la perte de la cou-
ronne qui m'afflige,' she expressed herself to him on one occasion,
* mai's c'est la perte de 1'homme que j'ai plus aime que ma vie, et que
je ne cesserai d'aimer jusqu'au tombeau.' The misfortunes of the
emperor broke her heart, and she died on May 30, 1814. Bonpland
stood beside her on her death-bed.1

After this event, Bonpland appeared unable to settle to any other
occupation, and seemed as if irresistibly impelled to quit Europe.
Even the continuation of his magnificent work, ' Description des
Piantes rares cultivees a Malmaison et a Navarre ' (Paris, 1813), as
well as the further arrangement of the plants collected in company

in America or Asia, to public or private museums — it was given to Willdenow, his
friend and early instructor. By the subsequent purchase of the herbariums
belonging to Willdenow and Kunth, the whole of the collections made by Hum-
boldt and Bonpland in America became incorporated in the extensive herbarium
of the Koyal Botanic Gardens of Berlin. Many of the duplicate specimens from
the Humboldt-Bonpland collection are still preserved among the herbariums of
Spain and England. The plants collected during the united expedition to America
must not be confounded with those collected subsequently by Bonpland during his
residence at Buenos Ayres ; it is to this more recent collection that he chiefly
refers in his letters of later date. In the year 1858 the herbarium belonging to
the Eoyal Botanic Gardens at Schoneberg was transferred to the university
buildings at Berlin, where it has been rearranged, and is preserved in admi-
rable condition.

1 It will not be out of place here to correct the erroneous statement (repeated
in the Supplement to No. 197 of the Augsburg ' Allgemeine Zeitung ' for July 16,
1858), that it was Bonpland who advised the emperor in the days of his calamity
at Fontainebleau to choose Mexico for an asylum, as a central point whence to

400 APPENDIX.

with his distinguished friend, had lost all charm for him.1 The
desire to supplement the herbariums hitherto contributed from
tropical countries with the collections to be obtained in the tem-
perate zone, a region which had been but imperfectly explored by
the botanical researches of Feuillee, induced him towards the close of
the year 1816 to undertake a second expedition to South America.
He sailed to Buenos Ayres, and took out with him a supply of
fruit trees and various common vegetables.

How completely in the mean time had everything changed in
South America ! The invasion of Spain by Napoleon had severed
the ties by which the Spanish Colonies had been united to the
mother country. From Mexico to Buenos Ayres, everywhere floated
the standard of revolt. The struggle, though bloody, was short, and
peace now reigned, except where plots and party strife aroused
dissension. On the .banks of the La Plata were established the
first free Republics, and this river was the first to open to unre-
stricted commerce.

At Buenos Ayres Bonpland met with a most flattering reception.
He was at once appointed Professor of Natural History — an office
which he retained only for a limited period ; since, owing to the
jealousy, envy, and evil machinations to which, as a foreigner, he
was exposed, the Government was soon prejudiced against him.
In the year 1820 he undertook a journey for purposes of explora-
tion, with the intention of visiting the Pampas districts, the province
of Santa Fe, the desert of Gran Chaco, and of penetrating through
the district of Bolivia to the foot of the Andes. In the course of
his expedition he reached, in sailing up the Paraguay, a former set-
tlement of the Jesuits, lying on the left bank of the river, a few
miles from Itapua.

At this spot he unfortunately entered upon a territory the pos-

observe the events transpiring in either world. A magnificent idea ! will be
exclaimed by those who remember the part subsequently played in international
politics by this isthmus, which has since then been rendered so familiar to us.
But this is mere tradition. ' Bonpland,' wrote Humboldt on one occasion to the
writer of this sketch, ' had no conversation with Napoleon either before or after
the battle of Waterloo ; he never went to Fontainebleau, where various persons
were proposing impracticable schemes to the emperor. At that time I had
daily intercourse with Bonpland. He may possibly have spoken of Mexico to
some of his acquaintance as a suitable place of refuge, but not to the emperor, of
whom he saw nothing, and to whom he remained a complete stranger.'

1 Of the two works exclusively edited by him, ' Plantes equinoxiales ' and
'Monographic des Melastomes ' (two volumes in folio, with 120 plates), the latter
had already given rise to considerable discussion, for, according to Robert Brown,
among the various Melastomse therein described there was not one to be recog-
nised as genuine. (See Martius, ' Denkrede auf Alexander von Humboldt,' p. 25,
note.)

APPENDIX. 401

session of which was a subject of dispute between the Government
of Paraguay and the Argentine Republic. He, indeed, at once
wrote to Dr. Francia, the Dictator of Paraguay, acquainting him
with his arrival, and craving permission, in the interests of science,
to collect some information concerning the Mate plant j1 but Francia,
full of suspicion, caused him to be attacked by a troop of horse, who
surprised him during the night of December 3, 1821, and, after
slaying his defenceless servants, and wounding him on the head with.
a sabre, loaded him with chains, and carried him off into the interior
of Paraguay. Here, in the neighbourhood of Santa Maria, was the
friend and travelling companion of Humboldt condemned to inac-
cessible imprisonment. He was employed by Francia as surgeon to
the garrison, and as overseer in matters of trade and agriculture,
but his movements were restricted to a limited range.

No sooner was Humboldt made acquainted with the fate of his
friend than he exerted every effort to obtain his release. The in-
terest of Cavier, and the influence of the National Institute, were
enlisted on his behalf. In the hope of effecting his deliverance, the
well-known traveller Grandsire was despatched to Bio Janeiro, and
furnished with letters of recommendation to the French Consul-
General there, from the Vicomte de Chateaubriand, Minister for
Foreign Affairs ; at the same time Humboldt addressed an inter-
cessory letter to Francia, and forwarded with it several of the works
which had been published by him and Bonpland conjointly. But
the Grand Seignor of Paraguay, then sixty-two years of age — a
tyrant full of distrust and irritability — repulsed every advance on
the part of Grandsire, whose mission had no further result than to
ascertain that Bonpland was well, that he practised the art of medi-
cine, was engaged in the distillation of brandy from honey, and
daily made additions to his extensive herbarium. Through Canning,
then Prime Minister, Humboldt attempted further to obtain the
influence of the English Government towards effecting the release
of his friend, but all his efforts were in vain.

By what means the release of Bonpland was ultimately effected —
whether by the pressing solicitations of Mandeville, the French
Consul- General at Buenos Ayres, or by the unconcealed threats of
Bolivar, the President of Colombia — it is impossible now to say : so
much only is known, that on February 2, 1830, he received an inti-
mation of his freedom, and was at the same time informed that ' la
Excelencia el Supremo ' granted him permission to go wherever he
liked. Thus ended Bonpland's unjustifiable captivity of nine years'
duration. On receiving his freedom, he still remained in the neigh-
bourhood, and settled down in the small town of Santa Borja, on

1 [The Paraguay tea-plant.]
VOL. I. D »

402 APPENDIX.

the frontier of Brazil, a few miles from the left bank of the Uruguay,
where he continued to reside, with frequent visits to the Estancia of
Santa Anna, for thirteen years.

The release of Bonpland excited universal joy throughout Europe,
and marks of distinction were showered upon him from all quarters
in the wish to compensate him for the severe experiences he had
encountered. From Berlin, where he had spent several months
during the summer of 1806, he received the order of the Bed Eagle.
In announcing to him the presentation of this honour, Humboldt
remarked : ' I am aware of your philosophic principles, but we
thought that in your relationships with Brazil (if you have any) it
might perhaps be of use to you.' A doctor's diploma, and various
honorary degrees from different literary institutions, were conferred
upon him in addition. The Imperial Leopold- Charles Academy for
Natural Science could find no more euphonious name for their
official organ for comprehensive botany than that of ' Bonplandia.'

TJie interest manifested throughout Europe in everything con-
nected with Bonpland was not more remarkable than the number
and variety of the reports in circulation concerning him. At one
time he was represented as wishing to return to France with his
extensive collections, at another time he was said to be devising
vast schemes to be carried out in the country of his adoption.
After his release a medium of communication between him and
Humboldt was opened through the good offices of Herr von Giilich,
Prussian Charge d' Affaires and Consul- General in Chili, and from
this correspondence a lively picture may be gathered of Bonpland' s
mode of life, of the affectionate nature of his disposition, of his in-
defatigable industry, of the freshness of his heart and mind, as well
as of the hopes and plans still cherished by him in imagination, even
when at an advanced period of life.

His correspondence with Humboldt extended over nearly thirty
years. He yearly forwarded his certificate that Humboldt might
draw for him the pension granted by the French Government.
With sympathising interest he followed the illustrious career of his
friend. ' Mon illustre ami,' he writes to him from Buenos Ayres on
July 1, 1832, ' je te vois tous les jours plus grand, et chaque instant
je t'admire davantage.' On July 12 in the same year he asks for a
line in Humboldt 's own hand, although he could not be seriously
apprehensive of his being attacked with cholera, ' parce que tu as
une grande force d'ame repressive pour tout ce qui t'est con-
traira.' The intelligence of the death of William von Humboldt,
communicated to him by Alexander on September 14, 1835, called
forth from him the most lively expressions of sympathy, with many
allusions to the past, and he made a resolution henceforth to keep

APPENDIX. 403

Alexander's birthday as a fete day. Notwithstanding the debili-
tating effect of two severe attacks of illness, his health became so
entirely re-established by his simple and regular mode of life, that,
in a letter dated June 14, 1836, he alluded seriously to a project of
returning to Paris. It seemed to him that an important duty con-
nected with his visit there would be the addition of Notes to
Humboldt's ' Travels in America.' Only five volumes of this work
had reached him, but these ' had filled his mind with a crowd of
recollections.' While enjoying the mild breezes of a southern
clime loaded with the scent of orange blossoms, he compassionates
his friend doomed to a dreary existence at Berlin, and recalls the
time when they had together rejoiced in the magnificent climates of
Ibague at the foot of the Cordilleras, of the Islands of the Hyeres,
and of the coast of Caleja, between Barcelona and Valencia. After
a stay at Paris, he proposed making an expedition to Algiers,
which he thought would be well worth visiting.

On returning from Europe in the year 1854, Herr von Gulich
conveyed to Bonpland several presents from Humboldt, consisting
of books and many likenesses of himself. These were most accept-
able gifts, and in contemplating the portraits it was with no small
pleasure that, in the altered features of the grey-haired man,
Bonpland could still trace the once familiar countenance of his
former intimate companion. The idea of returning to Europe was
&till the cherished wish of his heart. Once more to hold Humboldt
in his embrace and revel with him in recollections of the past, was
a desire that sometimes seized him with a passionate longing.
' Quelques heures d'entrevue,' he exclaimed (October 2, 1854),
' nous donneraient — il me semble — dix annees d 'existence ! ' He
derived great pleasure from a perusal of 'Cosmos' and the 'Tableaux
de la Nature ; ' he fancied as he read that he heard the voice of his
old fellow-traveller sounding in his ears, and bitterly bemoaned
his separation from him : — ' Man needs a true friend to whom the
feelings of his heart can be unburdened.'

Bonpland continued to follow with sympathetic interest the
changes both social and political which were taking place in his
native land. On August 8, 1856, he announced to Herr von Gulich
that his herbarium was almost ready to be despatched to Paris, and
that he should like to be the bearer of it himself, that he might
present it to the emperor in person for the enrichment of the
Museum. His interest had been keenly excited by the achievements
of Louis Napoleon, the events of the Russian war, the revolutions
that had taken place in European politics since 1816, and the intro-
duction of railways — a mode of locomotion to which he was still a
stranger. But amid all, renewed intercourse with Humboldt stood

DD 2

404 APPENDIX.

ever in the foreground as the chief desire of his heart. Yet doubts
often rose before him as to whether, after so long an absence, he
could renew the relationships from which he had been so long
estranged. 'What compensation could I find in the noise and
bustle of Paris ? ' he inquired. * Should I labour in some garret
there for any bookseller who might undertake to print my books ?
Should I live there debarred from all other consolation save that of
watching from time to time a rose blooming at my window ? I
should have to lose that which is to me of all things most precious,
the society of my beloved plants, which have been my companions
through life.' Even the last letter he addressed to Humboldt,
dated from Corrientes, July 7, 1857, is characterised by the same
remarkable display of mingled feelings — the yearning to behold once
more his distant native land, and the hermit's pleasure with which
he delighted in the solitary home of his choice. ' I intend,' he
writes, ' to be myself the bearer of my collections and manuscripts
to Paris, where I hope to deposit them in the Museum. My visit
to France will be but of short duration ; for I shall wish to return
to my home at St. Anna, where I lead a life as happy as it is peace-
ful. There I trust I shall die, and my grave will be shadowed by the
numerous trees that I have planted. How great will be my delight,
my dear Humboldt, to see you once again, and to renew the many
reminiscences we have in common ! On the 28th of next August I
shall have completed my eighty-fourth year, and I am three (four)
years your junior. A man has recently died in this province at the
age of 107. What a prospect is thus presented to two travellers
who have passed their eightieth year ! ' This passage, as Humboldt
remarked, seems to indicate a strong clinging to life in an old man
of eighty-four. It was his desire to lie buried beneath the shade of
orange trees and palms, among the trees that he had tended and
cherished during life; but in the contemplation of it he again
and again reverted in imagination to the journeys he had taken
with the friend of his youth ; he could yet vividly recall the delight
experienced by his friend on first beholding in Spain the glory of
southern vegetation, when, intoxicated by the new sensation, he
desired to pass his life amid scenes of such beauty. A sense of duty
detained Humboldt amid the cheerless surroundings of his native
home, while Bonpland, less conscientious in the indulgence of his
wishes, was content to spend his days in quiet inaction, in the
enjoyment of a life of contemplation. He died on May 11, 1858, at
the age of eighty-five years. The French, usually so zealous for the
honour of their nation, have accorded to the merits of their country-
man no greater meed of praise than is conveyed in the expression

APPENDIX. 405

that ' Aime Bonpland was a fellow-labourer of Alexander von Hum-
loldt:

Last Days of Aime Bonpland. By Dr. "Robert Ave-Lallemant.

Humboldt was accustomed to speak in high terms of the industry
of Bonpland. Yet this activity and perseverance was always more
displayed in the endurance of hardships, in the collection of Flora
and Fauna, than in the plodding labour of the desk. Bonpland' s
sphere of action was pre-eminently amid the wilds of nature, in the
forest, on the llanos and the pampas, in the canoe or on the gal-
loping steed. Writing was to him an uncongenial employment,
which he carried on with vacillating energy, and never with great
accuracy; his works contain much that is incorrect, and several even
gross eiTors. This characteristic of Bonpland was frequently the
cause of great perplexity to Humboldt, until at length the irksome
task was relinquished. Whether in resigning his occupation he
acted with the consent of Humboldt does not appear, but it is cer-
tain that they parted in perfect amity and with the most sincere
friendship on both sides. Of this evidence is afforded by the follow-
ing letter,1 addressed by Humboldt to his faithful fellow-traveller
after his settlement at his new home on the banks of the La Plata : —

' Paris : January 28, 1818.

' I avail myself of M. Thounin's departure to give you some news
of my weli'are, and to assure you again of my inalienable attach-
ment. I have already written to you before this week by M.
Charles de Yismes. I am not personally acquainted with M.
Thounin, but I have heard a great deal in his favour, and I have
been earnestly requested to give him a letter to you. Alas ! my
dear friend, everyone around me, M. Delille, Lafon, Delpech, have
received letters from you telling them of your present position and
domestic happiness, while I have not had a single line from you
since your departure, except the one short note brought me by M.
Alvarez.' . . . He then proceeds to inform him that he (Bcm-
pland) had been elected a corresponding member of the Academy of
Sciences, mainly through the influence of Arago, Gay, Thenard,
Chaptal, Laplace, and Berthollet, and mentions his intention to
enclose him various publications of his own. Finally, he asks him
to return the plants which he had — ' meme centre sa volonte '— - carried
off with him in some of his packages. He concludes with ' Adieu,

1 De la Koquette, vol. i, p. 206.

406 APPENDIX.

my dear old friend ; present my affectionate remembrances to
Madame B. With renewed assurance of my devoted attachment,

' AL. DE HUMBOLDT.'

On the liberation of Bonpland, after a captivity of nine years,
Humboldt writes in a joyous strain to Guizot,1 on November 2,
1832':—

. . . ' I am glad to have news at length of my unfortunate friend
M. Bonpland. I wish you could obtain for him that decoration
peculiar to France given so often with profuse prodigality ! ' . . .
And again, on May 25, 1833, he writes : 2 . . . ' It is also a pleasure
to me to express my gratitude for your having so kindly fulfilled
the wish I expressed to you last autumn concerning my unfor-
tunate friend M. Bonpland, in procuring him the decoration of
the Legion of Honour. This has caused me the most lively satis-
faction. I had some reason to fear that my fellow-traveller would
experience a fate not uncommon in human affairs : as long as he
was in the clutches of the Dictator Doctor, the Republican tyrant,
he was the object of sympathetic interest — inquiries as to his fate
were reaching me continually, from the banks of the Thames to the
shores of the Obi. The drama having come to an end, he is but a
man of science who is travelling for the collection of plants. There
was some cause to fear that he would be forgotten ; but such forget-
fulness is impossible in a soul so generous as yours ! Our mutual
friends MM. Benjamin and Francois Delessert have written to me
more than once to tell me of the noble assistance you have rendered
i n support of the efforts I have been making to secure to M. Bon-
pland the arrears that are due to him since 1820. I am wrong in
saying the arrears are due to my friend, for I am aware that by law
no payments can be claimed beyond a period of five years. The
Minister of Finance, therefore, in paying up the arrears for the last
five years only, did, no doubt, all that he was empowered to do,
although, in consideration of the peculiar circumstances attending
the case of M. Bonpland, hopes of some more liberal arrangement
had been raised by the Committee of Finance and the Council of
State. I feel constrained to plead the cause of my fellow-traveller
with a minister so generously disposed as yourself to relieve the
misfortunes of men of letters. I have ventured to-day to write to
the king himself, not to urge a right, but to crave a special favour.
May I implore your kind interest in this affair, which is one of great
importance to the ruined fortunes of M. Bonpland ? My letter to
his Majesty will be of no avail unless you supplement the applica-

1 De la Roquette, vol. ii. p. 95.

2 Ibid. vol. ii. p. 106.

APPENDIX. 407

tion. The pension of 3,000 francs accorded to M. Bonpland was
given in consideration of the herbarium, collected daring my
journey, which I presented to the Jardin des Plantes. I relin-
quished the possession of it in order that I might be useful to my
friend. I am now without a single botanical specimen, or even
the smallest memento of Chimborazo ! The pension, therefore,
is one of a very peculiar character. The treasures which I have
surrendered still exist, and imprisonment alone has interrupted the
regularity of the payments. Such are the considerations which I
have imagined to myself must constitute my rights, yet I urge them
only to plead a favour. I venture to think that the Chambers —
should the Government stand in need of such a sanction — would not
oppose such an act of munificence in favour of a Frenchman whose
misfortunes have attained a world- wide celebrity. Pray excuse the
length of this letter, which is, I fear, but indifferently expressed.
You will not, I am sure, condemn the motives which have inspired
it.' . . . In a postscript, Humboldt expresses his regret that
Bonpland' s collections had not yet arrived.

Visit to Santa-Anna.

For many long years Bonpland had resided at Uruguay, until
there remained scarcely anyone in Europe who remembered the
eccentric man of science. But the remembrance of him recurred
very forcibly to my mind when, in the spring of 1858, I arrived at
Bio Pardo, and thence proceeded on horseback to fche German
colony of Santa-Cruz. On April 8 I reached Santa-Borja, where
Bonpland had resided for thirteen years, before proceeding farther
up the country in 1853. During his residence there he had enjoyed
friendly intercourse with the Governor and inhabitants of the
opposite Province of Corrientes, the President of which was at that
time Dr. Pujol, an able and intelligent man, and had been the means
of instituting a National Museum. As an expression of the thanks
of the community, he was presented with a larger tract of land on
the right bank of the Uruguay, a few miles south of the spot where
the town of Restauracion, in the province of Corrientes, faces
Uruguayana, a new and rising town in the empire of Brazil, although
severely injured during the invasion of the Dictator Lopez — the
son. Upon this plot of pasture land he had erected his rancho or
cottage, and laid out his new and last Sanssouci, to which he gave
the name of Santa- Anna. From this residence he kept up a constant
communication with Santa-Borja. In the year 1857 he ascended
the river Paraguay, in the French war steamer ' Bison,' to Assun-
cion, the capital of Paraguay, in order that he might revisit the
country where for nine years he had endurad the * hospitality ' of

408 APPENDIX.

Francia. As a Frenchman he was not well received by Francia'a
successor, General Lopez — the father ; for owing to the treatment
Bonpland had received in the country, Paraguay had been placed
publicly under a proscription by France, as well as by every other
civilised nation.

From the French priest Gay, I learnt that Bonpland had been
suffering in health for a long time, and as nothing had been heard
of him for several weeks, he was supposed by many to be already
dead. I felt it therefore to be an imperative duty to make a personal
visit to the old hermit of Santa- Anna.

I started on horseback on April 13 from Santa-Borja, accompanied
part of the way by the priest, and on the following day I reached
the little town of Itaqui, where I hired a chalana — a river boat —
and was conveyed a short way down the stream of the Uruguay.

When I reached the town of Uruguay, I learnt from Kasten, a
merchant in the place, and a friend of Bonpland, that he was still
alive, but in very bad health. Herr Kasten politely accompanied
me across the river to the opposite town of Restauracion, where he
assisted me in making arrangements for my ride to Santa-
Anna.

On the following morning a peao — groom — a dusky native of the
Pampas, remarkable for his taciturnity, presented himself at my
door in charge of two tall steeds, one of which I mounted. Without
uttering a word, he rode slowly before me until we were out of the
town, then pressing his great iron spurs into the sides of his
matungo, away we galloped for three German miles in a westerly
direction, at first through forests of palm, and afterwards along a
kind of high road.

A complete Pampas-plain now spread out before us. One sea of
grass seemed to succeed another. Here and there was a miserable
mud cabin, always far away from the road. Scarcely did we meet
a horseman, scarcely the cart of a strolling pedlar. The solitary
riders exchanged a silent greeting as they galloped by. Cattle were
seen grazing both far and near, besides numbers of wild horses,
which on our approach fled hastily away. A herd of deer sprang
out of a swamp, where they had been feeding under the shade of
the mimosa, and rushed by with lightning speed, while the ungainly
ostrich, trotting like a horse, sped more leisurely across the grassy
plain.

The second half of my morning's ride was accomplished through
a country in which the track was even less denned. Without a
word of explanation, my guide suddenly deviated from the path
and took a southerly direction, right across country, over the ocean-
like plain of grey-green herbage. After galloping at full speed for a

APPENDIX. 409

further distance of three German miles, he drew up as we reached
a slight elevation, and turning round to me exclaimed, while point-
ing with his dusky hand in a southerly direction, the first words
he had uttered during a ride of six German miles : * That's where
Don Amado lives ! '

In front of a green orchard I noticed two grey cottages, standing
at right angles the one to the other, which appeared all the more
dirty and wretched the nearer I approached them.

Could it be that in these huts, these miserable sheds, in the midst of
this dreary wilderness of Pampas, Bonpland had for so many years
led the life of a cynical patriarch ? I could learn nothing concern-
ing the Madame Bonpland to whom Humboldt sent a message of
greeting in 1818. In Uruguayana I was told that many years ago
the foreign philosopher had united himself to a native woman, one
of the class called 'China,' by whom he had several children ;
wearied probably of the old man, and the solitude in which he lived,
she, however, decamped one fine morning, leaving her children
behind her at Santa- Anna.

I dismounted amid the violent barking of four great dogs, and upon
loudly clapping my hands there came forward a pleasing-looking
young girl, whose countenance gave evidence of mixture of race,
and who, with some show of timidity, asked me in Spanish what
I wanted. I gave her a letter to Bonpland, which she carried into
one of the buildings that was meant to pass for a house, but returned
shortly to conduct me into the other hut, which served as drawing-
room and strangers' apartment.1 Aboard supported upon a couple
of casks, a bench, two chairs, and two empty bedsteads, constituted
the whole of the furniture of this long shed, which being without
windows, was very imperfectly lighted by the open door, and by
sundry rents in the walls. At the further end lay cow-hides, some
worn-out saddle-harness, a heap of onions, and a number of other
objects, the form of which I was not able to distinguish in the
gloom. The girl, who was a strange mixture of French levity and
native simplicity, told me that for some months past Don Amado
had been exceedingly ill and weak, but that he managed to get out
a little every day, and would come and speak with me.

I had not waited long when the eccentric old man, whose very
existence we had begun to doubt, appeared before me. His eighty-
five years had not impaired the erectness of his form, but his genial
blue eyes beamed from a countenance deeply furrowed, and his voice

1 A view of the farther side of Bonpland's dwelling, taken from a sketch 1
made upon the spot, appears on the title-page of the first volume of my ' Heise
durch Siid-Brasilien ' (Leipzig, 1859).

YOL. I. E E

410 APPENDIX.

betrayed the weakness of infirmity. His thin figure was clad
in a shirt and trousers of white flannel, while on his stockingless
feet he wore wooden slippers. He held out his hand to me in
friendly greeting, and as I grasped it 1 felt the feverish heat that
seemed to be consuming him. The whole scene in the midst of this
desert region, without one of the attractions of civilized life, im-
pressed me with an indescribable feeling of melancholy.

Some roast meat was set before me upon a pewter plate ; knife
and fork there was none — I was obliged to help myself with my
bowie-knife and my fingers. The old man then became very
talkative, but there was no method in his discourse, and he con-
founded the date and order of events, and mixed up persons and
things in the most extraordinary way. The Seine, the Parana,
and the Orinoco, all flowed in close proximity. Paris -and Assuncion
were associated together ; the Cordilleras and the Atlantic Ocean
were placed side by side ; and the names of Humboldt and Francia
were mentioned in the same breath. At last his thoughts became
concentrated upon Humbpldt, and the remarks he made upon him
were sufficiently surprising. It was evident that Bonpland viewed
with envy the immense superiority of his friend. He thought that
Humboldt had published many things as his own discoveries that
had properly belonged to Bonpland ; he believed that Humboldt
had rejoiced to see him start for America the second time, because
he had entered into some special engagements with Kunth, and that
he continued to work with him in the publication of his books
without waiting for Bonpland' s return to Europe, and that moreover
he had often advised Bonpland against the return he had projected.
He complained also that his second visit to America had not excited
in Europe the attention it deserved, nor had the collections he had
sent over been estimated at their proper value.

It is unnecessary to defend Humboldt from such accusations. If
Bonpland failed to secure an independent position, if his name will
be preserved only to posterity as an appendage to the more brilliant
name of Humboldt, the reason lies in his lack of industry and his
unconquerable propensity to postpone every kind of labour. A
return to France was certainly never seriously contemplated by the
cynic of La Plata, for whom Europe had ceased to possess any
attraction.

After our conversation had been carried on for a considerable
time, I noticed that the aged invalid showed symptoms of fatigue,
and upon my urgent solicitations he retired to take a little repose,
while I employed the interval in visiting the garden, which lay at
some distance from the house. Oranges and peaches flourished in
perfection ; Bonpland's rose garden was in full bloom ; fig trees and

APPENDIX. 411

castor- oil bushes grew together in luxuriant interlacement, but
weeds were also thickly springing up in every direction. The
small plantation formed a marked contrast with the boundless
expanse of grass ; the grass grew close up to the ruined walls, even
within the door of the enclosure. No cattle were seen pasturing in
the immense plain ; only two ostriches did I notice as they trotted
across in the distance. Towards the south-east the horizon was
bounded by the forests of the Uruguay.

In the evening Bonpland sent for me into his own dwelling,
which differed but little from the apartment already described, with
the exception of the bed 011 which the old man lay stretched. * It
is only about a month ago,' he remarked with a smile, ' that I had
a proper bed made for myself; I used before that to sleep anywhere,
just wherever I happened to lie down,' Again his thoughts
wandered feverishly through the various scenes of his long life.
While he was speaking two half-caste boys had entered, who were
brothers of the young girl. I wished him good-night, and made up
a bed for myself in the other hut.

On my visiting him the next morning I found him very feeble ;
he had slept badly, and his wasted hands were burning with fever.
I begged that he would allow me to nurse him, and assist him in
the arrangement of any of his affairs, or conduct him to his friends
at Uruguayana ; but he declined all offers of assistance. Hopeless
as his condition appeared, he would not entertain the thought of
death ; he seemed to think that as he had been accustomed to put
off work all through life, so death might be postponed even at the
last. With a cheerful air he invited me to visit him again in the
course of ' a few years ; ' cattle would then be grazing in the fields,
the garden in beautiful order, and his dwelling completed and fitted
up with all necessary furniture. And as if to begin at once with
arrangements for the latter, he commissioned me to ask Heir
Kasten to send him a dozen knives and forks. He also gave me a
letter to Dr. Pujol, the Governor of Corrientes, requesting me to
post it at Restauracion.

I begged him to give me his autograph as a remembrance, and he
wrote upon the back of an old letter: * Aime Bonpland.' 'That is
badly written,' he remarked, and wrote his name a second time, but
even less successfully. 'Ah,' he exclaimed, 'I have no longer the
power to write;' and it seemed to me as if a tear stole down his
cheek. Probably this was the last time that he ever wrote his
name.

I had committed the imprudence on the previous evening of
acceding to the request of my guide, urged on an apparently reason-
able plea, to pay him the sum stipulated , for the journey. During

412 APPENDIX.

the night he decamped with both horses. Bonpland freely offered
me the use of his riding horse, only regretting that he could not
furnish me with a guide. I saddled my steed, and full of sadness
took my leave. The old man pressed my hand between his two
wasted hands. As I left the apartment he called after me : ' Come
and see me again, and remember me to Humboldt. Bon voyage ! '
On May 11, twenty- three days after my visit, Bonpland died.
The words used by Humboldt upon the death of Blumenbach — ' The
death of Herr Blumenbach, who, like many other men of science,
has had the misfortune to survive a literary reputation somewhat
too readily acquired ' — are still more applicable to Bonpland, who
had certainly long outlived his celebrity.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

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