■^■-.. tn- T- P, %.■% -f^ p .
•:; fc fc h i
.. »■■ m ,»■ Cr i, i^« # Is- ■& "It i
v.- t^ !- lA (* fl
f* b X^ h '\^ ' 14 '
■ „ • ■ h h % \, ■li.-'ii
>• t* !*__ .. •!. ^r. |j ^i I
. ' P* «s •!>; {a" ft,' )^r f^" jf.it'' (*. f*' 'f.-'
' I* {S fe- fe ,(w fc T,. ' h, ■ -J,, '.r^ ■ „
I* {« fs.,- !s, .hs, 1*^ ]:.. i^. -r,
hi M Ysk. U. -U t- ■ •■ ■•■
;■>!>»■
Gass BT^O^
PAUIL, e]J(DM]E!S,
Lo rs
'^ \F
iF^iEf\iF^-j\mm\imfh.{L
j^Hiftfls^ ^Aya. ^©f^E©
p iMi 0 L^ © ^ fi p &a 0^
LirPiK©@TT, S^I4ili'0i,|,
i * {
LIFE
OP
REAR-ADMIRAL
JOHN PAUL JONES,
CHEVALIER OF THE MILITAIU ORDER OF MERIT, AND OF THE RUSSIAN ORDER OF S'"^. ANNE, &c. &c.
COMPILED FROM HIS ORIGINAL JOURNALS AM) CORRESPONDENCE : INCLUDING AN ACCOUNT Of
HIS SERVICES IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, AND IN THE WAR BETWEEN
iHE RUSSIANS AND TURFiS EW THE BLACK SEA.
ILLUSTRATED WITH NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS,
From Original Drawings
BY JAMES HAMILTON.
PHILADELPHIA: LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.,
SUCCESSORS TO
GRIGG, ELLIOT & CO.,
No. 14, NORTH FOURTH STREET.
1851.
■ Jy Til
Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1845, by BENJ. WALKER,
in the office of the clerk of the District Court of the United States in and for tha Eastern District of Pennsylvania. '
•/
Printed by T. K. & P. G. Collins.
4
PREFACE
The following Life of Rear- Admiral Paul Jones, is formed on the basis of the Edinburgh " Memoirs," published under the sanction of his family connexions. Some alterations and additions have been made by the American editor, and all the naval embellishments are from original drawings, by Mr. .Hamilton, the portraits by Mr. Croome and others.
The following extract from the Preface to the Edinburgh " Memoirs," will show the sources from which this biography has been compiled. So much of the work was written by Jones's own hand, that the American editor has felt reluctant to make changes.
The papers from which the present work is compiled may now be enumerated : — it is, however, in the first place, worthy of notice, that though Paul Jones acted a prominent part in the American war, a very small portion of his public life was spent in America. His field of enterprise was Europe.
iv PREFACE.
Though he had made two visits to the United States be tween the years 1780 and 1792, when he died in Paris, he spent but a short time in America, and that in comparative inactivity.
By his^will, dated at Paris on the day of his death, Paul Jones left his property and effects of all kinds to his sisters in Scotland and their children. Immediately on his decease a regular, or rather an official inventory was made of his volu- minous papers, which were sealed up with his other effects, till brought to Scotland by his eldest sister, Mrs. Taylor, a few months after his death. They have ever since remained m the custody of his family ; and are now, by inheritance, become the property of his niece. Miss Taylor of Dumfries. They consist of several bound folio volumes of letters and documents, which are officially authenticated, so far as they are public papers; numerous s(^-olls and copies of letters; and many private communications, originating in his widely- diffused correspondence in France, Holland, America, and other quarters. There is, jn addition to these, a collection of writings of the miscellaneous kind likely to be accumulated by a man of active habits, who had for many years mingled both in the political and fashionable circles, wherever he chanced to be thrown.
The Journal of the Campaign of 1788 against the Turks, forms of itself a thick MS. bound volume. This Journal was drawn up by Paul Jones for (he perusal of the Empress
PREFACE. V
Catherine II.; and was intended for publication if the Russian government failed to do him justice. He felt that it totally failed ; but death anticipated his long-contemplated purpose. To this Journal, Mr. Eton, in his Survey of the Turkish Em- pire, refers, as having been seen by him. It was, however only the official report, transmitted by Paul Jones to the Ad- miralty of the Black Sea, that this gentleman could have seen. This singular narrative, which so confidently gives the lie to all the Russian statements of that momentous cam- paign, is written in French. In the following work the language of the original is as closely adhered to as is ad- missible even in the most literal translation. Several pas- sages have been omitted, and others curtailed, as they refer merely to technical details, which might have unduly swelled this work, without adding much to its interest. Much of the voluminous official correspondence which passed be- tween Paul Jones and the other commanders during the cam- paign is also omitted. These pieces justijicatives were only intended to corroborate, or elucidate, the narrative; tbey are, save in a few instances which are cited, not particularly interesting.
Besides the above papers and documents, the editor has been furnished with the letters written by Paul Jones to his relations in Scotland, from the time that he was a ship-boy at Whitehaven till he died an Admiral in the Russian service, and the wearer of several Orders. Trom these materials an
vi PREFACE.
attempt has been made to exhibit, for the first time, the real character of this remarkable and distinguished individual, fairly, but liberally ,-^keeping clear of hyperbole and exag- geration on the one hand, and of prejudice and misrepresen- tation on the other. Of each of these, the reputation, and true character of Paul Jones, have long been the alternate sport or victim.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I.
P&OE
Early Life of Paul Jones. Goes to Sea. Settles in Virginia 11
CHAPTER II.
Commencement of the Revolution. Jones enters the Naval service of the United States. Expedition to Providence under Commodore Hopkins. Expedition to Newfoundland. Organization of the Navy. Intercourse with Congress. Jones goes to Europe in the Ranger \ 22
CHAPTER III.
In Paris. Plan of Naval Campaign. Goes to Quiberon. Obtains the first Salute. Cruise on the British coast. Capture of the Drake. Letter to Lady Selkirk. Correspondence with Lord Selkirk 49
CHAPTER IV.
Jones in France. Prisoners and Prize Agents. New plans. Correspon- dence with Dr. Franklin and the Commissioners and the French Minis- ters. Letter to the King of France 76
CHAPTER V.
Jones declines the Privateer service. The Bon Homme Richard and a Squadron placed under his command. Sails on a Cruise. The Cruise. Operations on the British coast 101
CHAPTER VI.
Engagement of the Bon Homme Richard and Serapis. Capture of the '
Serapis. Transactions at the Texel and L'Orient 120
(vii^
viii CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VII.
Jones at Versailles. The gold Sword. Order of Merit. Landais and Arthur Lee. Mutiny. Refitting- of the Scrapis. Sailing of the AlUance. Sailing of the Ariel. Ariel dismasted. .Tones and Delia. M. de Sar- tine's letter to the President 156
CHAPTER VIII. Jones in the United States. His Narrative of the Voyage. Trial and dis- missal of Landais. Complimentary report of the American Board of Admiralty. Thanks of Congress. Letter from Washington. Appointed to the command of the America. Disappointed. Return of peace. Jones goes to Paris. Returns to America. Receives gold medal from Con- gress. Returns to Europe. Enters tlie Russian service. Goes to St. Petersburgh 175
CHAPTER IX. Jones's Journal of his Campaign in the Liman 214
CHAPTER X.
State of affairs in Russia. Character of Prince Potemkiu 287
CHAPTER XL
Jones returns to St. Petersburgh. Unpleasant affair. Leaves Russia. Cor- respondence 301
CHAPTER XII. Jones and Kosciusko. Correspondence 325
CHAPTER XIII.
Jones's domestic and literary character. Correspondence with Ladies. Residence m Paris. Death. Will. Character 351
Appendix 397
LIST OF EMBELLISHMENTS.
PORTRAIT OF PAUL JONES. FRONTISPIECE.
TITLE PAGE. MEDALLION FROM THE CONGRESS MEDAL.
TAIL PIECE Page 6
INITIAL LETTER 11
TAIL PIECE 21
INITIAL LETTER 22
HOISTING THE AMERICAN FLAG 28
SAILING OF JONES'S SQUADRON 30
ESCAPE FROM THE SOLEBAY 34
ACTION WITH THE MILFORD ., 34
WRECK OF THE HAMPDEN 35
DESTRUCTION OF THE TRANSPORT 37
TAILPIECE. 48
INITIAL LETTER 49
THE FIRST SALUTE 52
SINKING OF THE BRIGANTINE 54
ESCAPE OF THE REVENUE WHERRY 55
EXPEDITION TO WHITEHAVEN 57
DESCENT ON WHITEHAVEN 60
DESCENT ON ST. MARY'S ISLE 62
ACTION BETWEEN THE RANGER AND THE DRAKE 64
RELEASE OF THE IRISHMEN .66
TAIL PIECE 75
INITIAL LETTER 76
TAIL PIECE . .:, 100
INITIAL LETTER 101
PORTRAIT— LA FAYETTE 104
STORM OFF THE COAST OF SCOTLAND 113
ADVENTURE ON THE COAST OF FIFE 117
TAIL PIECE 119
INITIAL LETTER 120
MEETING OF THE FLEETS 121
ADVENTURE OFF THE HUMBER 122
THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. Beginning of the action 124
THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. Close action 125
ACTION BETWEEN THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS 128
SINKING OF THE BON HOMME RICHARD 131
PORTRAIT— COMMODORE DALE 133
PORTRAIT— ROBERT MORRIS 151
ESCAPE OF THE ALLIANCE 153
X LIST OF EMBELLISHMENTS.
TAIL PIECE 1 55
INITIAL LETTER 156
PORTRAIT— SILAS DEANE 169
THE ARIEL RIDING OUT THE STORM 170
TAIL PIECE 174
INITIAL LETTER 175
VICTORY OF THE ARIEL 177
PORTRAIT— JOHN ADAMS 192
PORTRAIT— THOMAS JEFFERSON 200
TAIL PIECE / 213
INITIAL LETTER 214
CROSSING THE BALTIC 219
GOING ON BOARD THE WOLODIMER 221
JONES HOISTS HIS FLAG ON BOARD THE WOLODIMER 223
AFFAIR OF JUNE 6th 227
COMBAT WITH THE TURKS 229
ACTION BETWEEN THE TURKS AND RUSSIAN SQUADRON.. . 232
BURNING OF THE TURKISH VESSELS 234
JONES TAKING SOUNDINGS OFF OCZAKOW 235
ATTACK ON THE SHIPS AGROUND 237
BURNING OF THE TURKISH FLEET 239
FLOTILLA ACTION 240
BURNING OF A FRIGATE 241
BURNING OF THE CAPITAN PACHA'S GALLEY 243
ACTION OF THE 28th OF JUNE 243
CAPTURE OF THE TURKISH CHALOUPES 249
JONES CUTTING OUT A TURKISH VESSEL 253
THE CAPITAN PACHA SOUNDING. 255
CAPTURE OF THE LODKA 257
RUSSIAN ATTACK ON OCZAKOW 263
FLOTILLA ACTION 265
JONES'S NIGHT EXPEDITION 267
BURNING OF A TURKISH VESSEL 268
TAIL PIECE 286
INITIAL LETTER. 287
INITIAL LETTER 301
PORTRAIT—CATHERINE II 310
TAIL PIECE 324
INITIAL LETTER 325
PORTRAIT— KOSCIUSKO 326
PORTRAIT— WASHINGTON 330
TAILPIECE 350
INITIAL LETTER 351
TAIL PIECE 396
TAIL PIECE—JONES SAVING THE BOATS 399
LIFE
OP
COMMODORE JOHN PAUL JONES,
CHAPTER I.
OHN PAUL JONES wa^
born on the 6th of July, 1747. at Arbigland, in the parish of Kirkbean, and stewartry of ^ Kirckudbright, in Scotland. The family of the Pauls was originally from Fife; but the grandfather of John Paul, — the name of Jones being long affer- wards assumed, — kept a public, or as it was then called, a mail-garden in Leith, on a spot long since covered with buildings. His son, the father of John Paul Jones, followed the same profession; and, on finishing his apprenticeship, entered into the employment of Mr. Craik of Arbigland, in which he remained till his death, in 1767.
A gardener at that period was understood to be a person of better education than a common operative mechanic in ordinary handicrafts. The father of Paul Jones must have been a man both of intelligence and worth. The garden of
(11)
12 EARLY LIFE.
Arbigland was laid out by him ; and he planted the trees thai now embellish the mansion. The period of his service, and the interest which his employer took in his orphan family, established the general worth and respectability of his character.
Shortly after entering into the employment of Mr. Craik, John Paul married Jean Macduff, the daughter of a small farmer in the neighbouring parish of New- Abl >y. The Mac- duffs were a respectable rural race in their own district; and some of them had-been small landed pDprietors in the parish of Kirkbean, for an immemorial period. Of this mar- riage there were seven children, of whom John — afterwards known as John Paul Jones — was the fifth ; he may indeed be called the youngest, as two children born after him died in infancy.* The first-born of the family, William Paul, went abroad early in life, and finally settled and married in Fred- ericksburgh, in Virginia. He appears to have been a man of enterprise and judgment. Beyond his early education and virtuous habits he could have derived no advantage from his family; and, in 1772 or 1773, when he died, still a young man, he left a considerable fortune. Of the daughters, the eldest, Elizabeth, died unmarried, — Janet, the second, married Mr. Taylor, a watchmaker in Dumfries, — and the third, Mary Ann, was twice married, first to a Mr. Young, and afterwards to Mr. Louden. Of the relations of Admiral Jones, several nieces, and a grand-nephew, now in the United States, still survive.
* Among the many calumnies by which tlie meniory of Admiral Paul Jones has been loaded, and the numerous vulgar traditions that hang about his reputation, and conceal his genuine character, is an absurd story of his having been the son of cither Mr. Craik, his father's employer, of one of the Earls of Selkirk, or of some other great personage, name unknown ; as if it were impossible that a man so distinguished by gallantry and enterprise, could be, in very deed, merely the fifth child of Mr. John Paul, the gardener. His correspondence in the farther progress of his narrative will sufficiently refute an obsolete slander which was perhaps scarcely worth notice.
APPRENTICESHIP. 13
The residence of his father, near the shores of the Solvvay, in one of the most beautiful points of the Frith, must have been favourable to the genius of one who was destined to play the part of John Paul Jones — to have, —
" His march upon the mountain wave, His home upon the deep."
In the traditions of his family, young Paul is described as launching, while a mere child, his mimic-ship, hoisting his flag, and issuing his mandates to his imaginary crew with all the firmness and dignity of one born to lead and to command his fellows.
Among the numerous unfounded slanders and rumours of which this brave and misrepresented man has been the object, is the assertion, that he ran off to sea against the will of his relations. Even this transgression might have been atoned by his after life; but it was not committed. His inclination for the bold and hardy mode of life which he adopted, appears, as it often does in boyhood, to have been a strong passion, fostered by his childish pastimes, and en- couraged by much that he saw and heard in his daily inter- course with ships and seamen. Man or boy, Paul Jones was not moulded in the stamp of character which shrinks from facing out what is once firmly resolved. A sailor's life was his decided choice ; and at the age of twelve he was sent across the Solway by his relations, and bound apprentice to Mr. Younger, of Whitehaven. This gentleman, who was then a respectable merchant in the American trade, he found a kind and liberal master.
Though Paul Jones was thus early estranged from his family, and was afterwards prevented from much personal intercourse with them, this narrative will afford aDundant evidence that, like almost every other young Scottish adven- turer— to the national honour be it told — he continued a most affectionate son and brother, even when at the highest eleva- 2
14 FIRST VOYAGE.
tion of his fortune ; giving constant proof, not merely of his readiness to minister to the comforts of his relations, but of his anxiety for the union, respectability, and prosperity of his sisters and their families. — To them he at last bequeathed the whole of his fortune.
The education which young Paul received at the parish- school of Kirkbean, must have terminated when he went to sea. His after acquirements — and they were considerable — were the fruits of private study, and of such casual oppor- tunities as in boyhood he had the forethought and good sense to improve as often as his ship came into port. His first voyage was made to America, the country of his after adop- tion. He sailed in the Friendship, of Whitehaven ; and, before he was thirteen, landed on the shores of Rappahannock. While the Friendship remained in port, young Paul hved in the house of his brother WiUiam, and assiduously studied navigation and other branches of learning, either connected with his profession or of general utility.
In the course of a short time, his good conduct, intelligence, and knowledge of his profession, procured him the confidence and friendship of his master, who promised him his future protection and favour. From the subsequent embarrassment of his own affairs, Mr. Younger was unable to fulfil this promise ; but, in giving the young seaman up his indentures, he did all he could then perform. Thus honourably released from his early engagements, Paul Jones, while still a mere boy, obtained the appointment of third mate of the King George of Whitehaven, a vessel engaged in the slave-trade. From this ship he went about the year 1766, being now nine- teen years of age, into the brigantine Two Friends, of King- ston, Jamaica, as chief mate. This ship was engaged in the same nefarious traffic. It is stated by his relatives, the only source of information on the early period of his fife that is either accessible or to be relied on, that he quitted this abominable trade in disgust at its enormities ; and, in conse-
APPOINTED MASTER. 15
quence of abandoning it, returned to Scotland in 1768, as a passenger in the brigantine John of Kirkcudbright, Captain Macadam, commander. On this voyage the captain and mate both died of fever ; and there being no one on board so capable of navigating the ship, Paul assumed the command, and brought her safe into port. For this well-timed piece of service he vv^as appointed by the ow^ners, Currie, Beck, & Co., master and supercargo. This was almost the last time that young Paul had an opportunity of seeing his re- lations. He only met them once again, about the middle of the year 1771.
While Paul Jones was on board thi's vessel, a circumstance occurred which afterwards, in times of violent prejudice and party-feeling, was eagerly laid hold of to traduce and blacken his character, and to represent him as a cruel and lawless brigand, eager for plunder and thirsting for blood,* guilty of a thousand enormities, though of what precise kind no one could specify. It was confidently stated — and is still indeed very generally believed — that while in the command of the John he punished a man named Mungo Maxwell, the carpen- ter of that vessel, so severely, that he died in consequence of the stripes he received. The affidavitsf given below clearly
* It is not a little remarkable, that many of his own intelligent countrymen do to this day know of Paul Jones only as a wild reckless adventurer, a sort of modern buccaneer, possessed of no redeeming quality save great personal cour- age and intrepidity, — or as the subject of vulgar ballads and marvellous legends, daring impossible and acting horrible deeds, among which was the one above alluded to.
" Tobago.
t" Before the Honourable Lieutenant-Governor, William Young, Esq., ot the island aforesaid, personally appeared James Simpson, Esq., who, being duly sworn upon the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, deposeth and saith. That some time about the beginning of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy, a person in the habit of a sailor came to this deponent (who was at that time Judge Surrogate of the Court of Vice- Admiralty for the island aforesaid) with a complaint against John Paul, (com mander of a brigantine then lying in Rockley Bay of the said island,) for
16 CALUMNY.
refute this calumny, which probably originated among those of his contemporaries who envied the place and influence his superior intelligence and energy had so early acquired for him. So tenacious of life is slander, however false and
liavirig beat the then complainant, (who belonged to the said John Paul's ves- sel,) at the same time showing this deponent his shoulders, which had thereon the marks of several stripes, but none that were either mortal or dangerous, to the best of this deponent's opinion and belief. And this deponent further saith, that he did summon the said John Paul before him, who, in his vindication, alleged that the said complainant had on all occasions proved very ill qualified for, as well as very negligent in, his duty; and also, that he was very lazy and inactive in the execution of his (the said John Paul's) lawful commands, at the same time declaring his sorrow for having corrected the complainant. And this deponent further saith, that having dismissed the complaint as frivolous, the complainant, as this deponent believes, returned to his duty. And this deponent further saith, that he has since understood that the said complainant died afterwards on board of a different vessel, on her passage to some of the Leeward Islands, and that the said John Paul (as this deponent is informed) has been accused in Great Britain as the immediate author of the said com- plainant's death, by means of the said stripes herein before mentioned, which accusation this deponent, for the sake of justice and humanity, in the most solemn manner declares, and believes to be, in his judgment, without any just foundation, so far as relates to the stripes before mentioned, which this depo- nent very particularly examined. And further this deponent saith not.
"James Simpson. "Sworn before me, this 30th day of June, 1772, William Young."
"James Eastment, mariner, and late master of the Barcelona packet, maketh oath, and saith. That Mungo Maxwell, carpenter, formerly on board the John, Captain John Paul, master, came in good health on board his, this deponent's said vessel, then lying in Great Rockley Bay, in the island of Tobago, about the middle of the month of June, in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy, in the capacity of a carpenter, aforesaid; that he acted as such in every respect in perfect health for some days after he came on board this depo- nent's said vessel, the Barcelona packet; after which he was taken ill of a fever and lowness of spirits, which continued for four or five days, when he died on board the said vessel, during her passage from Tobago to Antigua. And this deponent further saith, that he never heard the said Mungo Maxwell complain of having received any ill usage from the said Captain John Paul; !)ut that he, this deponent, verily believes the said Mungo Maxwell's death was
6ALUMNY. 17
groundless, that twenty years afterwards, when Paul Jones was a rear-admiral in the Russian service, the same calum- nious story was revived, though Maxwell the carpenter was then transformed into Jones's own nephew. This was done to injure him with the Empress Catherine, and when, instead of his ancient school-fellows of Kirkbean, or ship-mates of Kirkcudbright, his rivals were the Princes Potemkin and De Nassau.
One of the earliest letters of Jones now extant relates to this unfortunate affair, which was calculated to make a deep impression on a young and ingenuous mind, and gave much uneasiness and pain to him. The letter is addressed to his mother and sisters, and gives a better and fairer view of his youthful character than could be given by the most laboured panegyric of a biographer : —
" London, 24th September, 1772. " My dear Mother and Sisters,
" I only arrived here last night from the Grenadas. I have had but poor health during the voyage ; and my success in it not having equalled my first sanguine expectations, has added very much to the asperity of my misfortunes, and, I am well assured, was the cause of my loss of health. I am now,
occasioned by a fever and lowness of spirits, as aforesaid, and not by or through any other cause or causes whatsoever.
"James Eastment. " Sworn at the Mansion House, London,
this 30th of January, 1773, before me,
James Townsend, Mayor."
"These do certify to whom it may concern, that the bearer, Captain John Paul, was two voyages master of a vessel called the John, in our employ in the West India trade, during which time he approved himself every way qualified both as a navigator and supercargo; but as our present firm is dis- solved, the vessel was sold, and of course he is out of our employ, all accounts between him and the owners being amicably adjusted. Certified at Kirkcud- bright this 1st April, 1771.
"CuRRiK, Beck &. Co."
2*
18 LETTER TO HIS FAMILY.
however, better, and I trust Providence will soon put me in a way to get bread, and (which is by far my greatest happi- ness) be serviceable to my poor but much valued friends. I am able to give you no account of my future proceedings, as they depend upon circumstances which are not fully determined.
" I have enclosed you a copy of an affidavit made before Governor Young, by the Judge of the Court of Vice- Admi- ralty of Tobago, by which you will see with how little reason my life has been thirsted after, and, which is much dearer to me, my honour^ by maliciously loading my fair character with obloquy and vile aspersions. I believe there are few who are hard-hearted enough to think I have not long since given the world every satisfaction in my power, being con- scious of my innocence before Heaven, who will one day judge even my judges. I staked my honour, life, and fortune for six long months on the verdict of a British jury, notwith- standing I was sensible of the general prejudices which ran against me ; but, after all, none of my accusers had the cour- age to confront me. Yet I am willing to convince the world, if reason and facts will do it, that they have had no foundation for their harsh treatment. I mean to send Mr. Craik a copy properly proved, as his nice feelings will not perhaps be otherways satisfied ;* in the mean time, if you please, you may show him that enclosed. His ungracious conduct to me before I left Scotland I have not yet been able to get the better of Every person of feeling must think meanly of add- ing to the load of the afflicted. It is true I bore it with seeming unconcern, but Heaven can witness for me that I suffered the more on that very account. But enough of this. And now a word or two in the family way, and I have done."
*****
* Mr. Craik was perfectly convinced of his innocence, but they never either met or corresponded afterwards.
MR. CRAIK. 19
As the employer and patron of his deceased father, young Paul naturally looked to Mr. Craik for advice and counte- nance to himself, and for protection and kindness to his help- less female relatives. The following letter illustrates the true nature of his connexion vi^ith that gentleman, the fetters of whose cautious kindness do not appear to have sat very easily upon him. It also throws an incidental Hght on his energetic and self-depending character, even at this early period of his life : —
" St. George's, Grenada, 5th August, 1770. ** Sir,
" Common report here says that my owners are going to finish their connexions in the West Indies as fast as possible. How far this is true I shall not pretend to judge ; but should that really prove the case, you know the disadvantages I must of course labour under.
" These, however, would not have been so great had I been acquainted with the matter sooner, as in that case I believe I could have made interest with some gentleman here to have been concerned with me in a large ship out of Lon- don; and as these gentlemen have estates in this and the adjacent islands, I should have been able to make two voyages every year, and c^lways had a full ship out and home, &c. &c. &c.
" However, I by no means repine, as it is a maxim with me to do my best, and leave the rest to Providence. I shall take no step whatever without your knowledge and appro- bation.
" I have had several very severe fevers lately, which have reduced me a good deal, though I am now perfectly recovered.
20 IN THE INDIA TRADE.
" I must beg you to supply my mother should she want anything, as I well know your readiness.
" I hope yourself and family enjoy health and happiness. I am, most sincerely,
" Sir, yours always,
" John Paul."
It has been alleged, that about this time young Paul was engaged in the contraband trade, then very generally prac- tised among the self-named fair-dealers of the towns along both shores of the Solway. Without entering into the ques- tion of how far at that period the act of smuggling might otherwise affect a man's moral character or estimation in society, it is certain that Jones long afterwards decidedly and indignantly repelled this degrading charge, and that the first entry of goods from England to the Isle of Man, after that nest of smugglers and centre of the contraband trade had been annexed to the crown, stands in his name in the Custom-house books of Douglas.
Soon after this period Paul obtained command of the Betsy of London, a West India ship, and remained for a time in the islands engaged in commercial speculations, to which his subsequent letters refer. He appears to have left consi- derable funds in Tobago; and in 1773 we find him in Virginia arranging the affairs of his brother William, who had died intestate, and without leaving children. About this time he assumed the name of Jones.
The American Revolution, of the progress of which Paul Jones could not have been an indifferent spectator, found him living in deep retirement, unoccupied, and for the time in a state of great privation, occasioned by the dilatoriness or misconduct of his agents. At this time he had subsisted for twenty months on the sum of fifty pounds. It is to this period that Jones refers in his celebrated letter to the Count-
RETIREMENT. 21
ess of Selkirk, when he says, " Before this war began I had at the early time of life withdrawn from the sea-service, in favour of * calm contemplation and poetic ease' I have sacri- ficed not only my favourite scheme of life, but the softer affections of the heart, and my prospects of domestic happi- ness, and am ready to sacrifice my life also with cheerful- ness, if that forfeiture could restore peace and good-will among mankind."
22
ENTERS THE AMERICAN SERVICE.
CHAPTER II.
UT Jones, whatever he might think, was not of the temperament to which the cultivation of maize and tobacco — which in America about that period must have compre- hended " the rural life in all its joy and elegance" — could long remain the favourite scheme. He was now twenty-eight — the very prime of active existence — full of talent and enterprise, ardent and ambitious, and quite of the mind in which he seems to have held through life, that though it might be shame to be on any side but one, it was greater shame to he idle when blows were going. Many causes combined to make him believe th$> cause of the colonies the right one — the cause of liberty, justice, and humanity. A man who from the age of twelve had been a wanderer on the deep, must have been as much at home in America as in Britain. Both countries must have appeared integral portions of the same state; and in its civil dissensions, circumstances determined the part he should take. Thus right or wrong as to the side he took, Jones stood clear in his motives to his own conscience. To him indeed the cause of America — the country, as he afterwards terms it, of his " fond election" — ^was the elevating source of his most brilhant actions. It is but fair to allow him to be the inter- preter of his own motives : — of his deeds every man is at liberty to judge. Four years after he had volunteered in the cause of America, it is thus he addresses the Baron Vander
ENTERS THE AMERICAN SERVICE. 23
Capellan, having, it must be owned, a favourite object to carry at Amsterdam : —
" I was indeed born in Britain ; but I do not inherit the degenerate spirit of that fallen nation, which I at once lament and despise. It is far beneath me to reply to their hireling invectives. They are strangers to the inward approbation that greatly animates and rewards the man who draws his sword only in support of the dignity of freedom. America has been the country of my fond election from the age of thirteen, when I first saw it. I had the honour to hoist with m} own hands the flag of freedom, the first time it was displayed, on the Delaware ; and I have attended it with veneration ever since on the ocean."
Though in the he^^t of a struggle, which, from its very na- ture, was, like the feuds of the nearest relatives, singularly ran- corous and bitter, Jones was branded as a traitor and a felon, and after his most brilliant action, the capture of the Serapis, formally denounced by the British ambassador at the Hague as a rebel and a pirate according to the laws of war,* it must be remembered that he bore this stigma in common with the best and greatest of his contemporaries — with Franklin and Washington ; which last had actually borne arms in the service of the King of England. The memory of Paul Jones now needs little vindication for this important step. Aftei the peace he enjoyed the esteem and private friendship of EngHshmen who might have forgiven the most imbittered political hostility, but never could have overlooked a taint on personal honour. Of this number was the Earl oY Wemyss, who after the peace endeavoured to promote the views of Jones on various occasions. He himself, however, discovers a lurking consciousness of having incurred, if not of meriting, suspicion on this deHcate ground. This is chiefly displayed
* Memorial of Sir Joseph York to the States-General, dated the Hague. ath October, 1779.
24 CHARACTER.
by his eloquent though rather frequent assertions of purity of motive, superiority to objects of sordid interest, and disinte- rested zeal for the cause, now of America, now of human nature, as was best adapted to the supposed incUnations of his correspondents. In ordinary circumstances much of this might have appeared uncalled for ; but the situation of Jones was in many respects peculiar both as a native-born Briton, and as a man of obscure origin, jealous — and pardonably so — of his independence and dignity of character. Somewhat of the heroic vaunting which marks other parts of his corre- spondence appears incident to the enthusiastic temperament of many great naval commanders. How would Nelson's tone of confident prediction, and boasts of prowess, have sounded from the lips of an inferior man ? — In any other than himself the customary language of Drake would have been reckoned that of an insolent braggart.
Besides the public spirit and love of liberty which in Jones were both warm and sincere, other motives of that mixed nature, by which every human being, how disinterested and devoted soever, must at times be influenced, were not want- ing to enlist him on the side of the colonies. He was living at the most active period of life in penury and neglect. His friendships, his interests, his gratitude, all inclined him to the part of America. In a letter addressed to Mr. Stuart Mawey of Tobago, written immediately before he went to Europe in open hostility as an officer of the United States, a letter which does as much honour to the clearness of his head as to the integrity and fiHal kindness of his heart, these circum- stances are distinctly explained.
"Boston, 4th May, 1777. « Dear Sir,
" After an unprofitable suspense of twenty months, (having subsisted on ffty 'pounds only during that time,) when my hopes of relief were entirely cut off', and there remained no
LETTER TO MR. MAWEV. 2
possibility of my receiving wherewithal to subsist upon from my effects in your island, or in England, I at last had recourse to strangers for that aid and comfort which was denied me by those friends whom I had entrusted with my all. The good offices which are rendered to persons in their extreme need, ought to make deep impressions on grateful minds ; in my case I feel the truth of that sentiment, and am bound by gratitude, as well as honour, to follow the fortunes of my late benefactors.
" I have lately seen Nr. Sicaton, (late manager on the estates of Arch. Stuart, Esq.) w^ho informed me that Mr. Ferguson had quitted Orange Valley, on being charged with the unjust application of the property of his employers. I have been, and am extremely concerned at this account; I wish to disbelieve it, although it seems too much of a piece with the unfair advantage • which, to all appearance, he took of me, \yhen he left me in exile for twenty months, a prey to melancholy and want, and withheld my property, without writing a word in excuse for his conduct. Thus circum- stanced, I have taken the liberty of sending you a letter of attorney by Captain Cleaveland, who undertakes to deliver it himself, as he goes for Tobago via Martinico. You have enclosed a copy of a hst of debts acknowledged, which I re ceived from Mr. Ferguson w^hen I saw you last at Orange Valley. You have also a list of debts contracted with me. together with Ferguson's receipt. And there remained a considerable property unsold, besides some best Madeira wine which he had shipped for London. By the state of ac- counts which I sent to England on my arrival on this conti- nent, there was a balance due to me from the ship Betsy of 909Z. 15s. 3d sterUng ; and in my account with Robert Young, Esq., 29th January, 1773, there appeared a balance in my favour of 28 IZ. Is. Sd. sterhng. These sums exceed my drafts and just debts together ; so that, if I am fairly dealt with, I ought to receive a considerable remittance from that 3
26 LETTER TO MR. MAWEY.
quarter. You will please to observe, that there were nine pieces of coarse camblets shipped at Cork, over and above the quantity expressed in the bill of lading. It seems the ship- pers, finding their mistake, applied for their goods ; and, as I have been informed from Grenada, Mr. Ferguson laid hold of this opportunity to propagate a report that all the goods which I put into his hands were the property of that house in Cork. If this base suggestion hath gained belief, it accounts for all the neglect which I have experienced. But however my connexions are changed, my principles as an honest man of candour and integrity are the same ; therefore, should there not be a sufficiency of my property in England to answer my just debts, I declare that it is my first wish to make up such deficiency from my property in Tobago ; and were even that also to fall short, I am ready and willing to make full and ample remittances from hence upon hearing from you the true state of my affairs. As I hope my dear mother is still alive, I must inform you that I wish my property in Tobago, or in England, after paying my just debts, to be applied for her support. Your own feelings, my dear sir, make it unneces- sary for me to use arguments to prevail with you on this tender point. Any remittances which you may be enabled to make through the hands of my good friend Captain John Plainer of Cork, will be faithfully put into her hands ; she hath several orphan grandchildren to provide for. I have made no apology for giving you this trouble : My situation will, I trust, obtain your free pardon.
I am always, with perfect esteem, Dear Sir, Your very obliged, very obedient, And most humble servant,
" J. Paul Jones.
•' Stuart Mawey, Esquire, Tobago."
APPOINTED SENIOR LIEUTENANT. 27
Among the friends whose fortunes Jones conceived himself bound to follow by gratitude as well as honour, was probably Mr. Joseph Hewes of the Marine Commitee of the infant Repubhc. Under the united influence of so many powerful motives he entered the American service.
Though Paul Jones had not received his maritime educa- tion in ships of war, he had frequently sailed in armed vessels and had been early trained into an excellent practical seaman completely realizing the merchant sailor's adage, " Aft the more honour — forward the better man." His nautical skill, as well as his boldness and capacity, were thus of incalculable value to the infant navy of America; and in 1775, when the combustibles of revolution, so long smouldering, burst into an open irrepressible flame, his services were as readily accepted as they were heartily tendered. From this date Paul Jones owned no country save America.
In organizing the maritime service of the young Republic, three classes of lieutenants were appointed by Congress; and of the first class Jones was appointed senior lieutenant. The first commission he received from Congress bears date the 7th of December, 1775. He was appointed to the Alfred, a name of good omen to an infant state sprung from England ; and on board of that vessel, then lying before Philadelphia, he, in a few days afterwards, first hoisted that starry flag which he so bravely followed in many seas.
The American navy at this time consisted of only two ships, two brigantines, and one sloop. Even these it was not easy to oflicer with persons properly qualified. Thirteen frigates were, however, about the same time ordered to be built.
Of this first period of his service three different accounts, drawn up by himself, remain among the papers of Captain Jones, — one contained in a refreshing memorial addressed to Congress while he lay in the Texel, dated December, 1779, • — another addressed to Robert Morris, the minister of the marine, in 1783, when Jones had just reason to think his
28
JONES'S JOURNAL.
Hoisting the American Flag.
former services neglected, if 'not forgotton, — and a- third in a lournal of his campaigns drawn up for the private information of the King of France, and read by that unfortunate prince while a close prisoner. This last document contains the following clear and succinct account of his early operations, written in the third person : —
" When Congress thought fit to equip a naval force towards the conclusion of the year 1775, \for the defence of American liberty, and for repelling every hostile invasion thereaf,'' it was a very difficult matter to find men fitly quahfied for officers, and willing to embark in the ships and vessels that were then put into commission. The American navy at first was no more than the ships x41fred and Columbus, the brigantines Andrew Doria, and Cabot, and the sloop Providence. A commander-in-chief of the fleet was appointed; and Cap- tains Saltonstall, Whipple, Biddle, and Hopkins, were named
HOISTS THE AMERICAN FLAG.
for the ships and brigantines. A captain's commission for the Providence, (bought, or to be bought, about the time, from Captain Whipple,) which Mr. Joseph Hewes of the Mar me Committee offered to his friend Mr. John Paul Jones, was not accepted, because Mr. Jones had never sailed in a sloop, and had then no idea of the Declaration of Independence that took place the next year. It was his early wish to do his best for the cause of America, which he considered as the cause of human nature. He could have no object of self-interest ; and having then no prospect that the American navy would soon become an established service, that rank was the most ac- ceptable to him by which he could be the most useful in that moment of pubUc calamity. There were three classes of lieutenants appointed, and Mr. Jones was appointed the first of the first-lieutenants, which placed him next in command to the four captains already mentioned. This commission is dated the 7th day of December, 1775, as first-lieutenant of the Alfred. On board of that ship, before Philadelphia, Mr. Jones hoisted the flag of America with his own hands, the first time it was ever displayed. All the commissions for the Alfred were dated before the commissions for the Columbus, &c. All the time this little squadron was fitting and man- ning, Mr. Jones superintended the affairs of the Alfred ; and as Captain Saltonstall did not appear at Philadelphia, the commander-in-chief told Mr. Jones he should command that ship. A day or two before the squadron sailed from Phila- delphia, manned and fit for sea, Captain Saltonstall appeared, and took command of the Alfred. The object of the first ex- pedition was against Lord Duncan, in Virginia. But instead of proceeding immediately on that service, the squadron was hauled to the wharfs at Reedy Island, and lay there for six weeks frozen up. Here Mr. Jones and the other lieutenants stood the deck, watch and watch, night and day, to prevent desertion : and they lost no man from the Alfred. On the 17th of February, 1776, the squadron sailed from the bay of 3*
30
SAILING OF THE SQUADRON.
Sailing of the Squadron.
Delaware. On the first of March the squadron anchored at Abaco, one of the Bahama Islands, and carried in there two sloops belonghig to New Providence. Some persons on board the sloops, informed that a quantity of powder and warlike stores might be taken in the forts of New Providence. An expedition was determined on against that island. It was resolved to embark the marines on board the two sloops. They were to remain below deck until the sloops had an- chored in the harbour close to the forts, and they were then to land and take possession. There was not a single soldier in the island to oppose them ; therefore the plan would have succeeded, and not only the public stores might have been secured, but a considerable contribution might have been ob- tained as a ransom for the town and island, had not the whole squadron appeared off the harbour in the morning, instead of remaining out of sight till after the sloops had entered and the marines secured the forts. On the appearance of the squadron the signal of alarm was fired, so that it was impos-
THE PROVIDEN^CE EXPEDITION^ 31
sible to think of crossing the bar. The commander-in-chief proposed to go round the west end of the island, and endea- vour to march tlie marines up and get behind the town ; but this could never have been effected. The islanders would have had time to collect ; there w^as no lit anchorage for the squadron, nor road from that part of the island tcJ the town. Mr. Jones finding by the Providence pilots that the squadron might anchor under a key three leagues to windward of the harbour, gave this account to the commander-in-chief, who objecting to the dependence on the pilots, Mr. Jones under- took to carry the Alfred safe in. He took the pilot with him to the foretopmast head, from whence they could clearly see every danger, and the squadron anchored safe. The marines, with two vessels to cover their landing, were immediately sent in by the east passage. The commander-in-chief pro- mised to touch no private property. The inhabitants aban- doned the forts, and the governor, finding he must surrender the island, embarked all the powder in two vessels, and sent them away in the night. This was foreseen, and might have been prevented, by sending the two brigantines to lie off the bar. The squadron entered the harbour of New Providence, and sailed from thence the 17th of March, having embarked the cannon, &c., that was found in the fort. In the night of the 9th of April, on the return of the squadron from the Pro- vidence expedition, the American arms by sea were first tried in the affair with the Glasgow, off Block Island. Both the Alfred and Columbus mounted two batteries. The Alfred mounted 30, the Columbus 28 guns. The first battery was so near the water as to be fit for nothing except in a harbour or a very smooth sea. The sea w^as at the time perfectly smooth. Mr. Jones was stationed below deck to command the Alfred's first battery, which was well served whenever the guns could be brought to bear on the enemy, as appears by the official letter of the commander-in-chief giving an account of that action. Mr. .Tones therefore did his duty; and as he had no
32 COMMANDS THE PROVIDENCE.
direction whatever, either of the general disposition of the squadron, or the sails and helm of the Alfred, he can stand charged with no part of the disgrace of that night. The squadron steered directly for New London, and entered that port two days after the action. Here General Washington lent the squadron 200 men, as was thought, for some enter- prise. The squadron, however, stole quietly round to Rhode Island, and up the river to Providence. Here a court-martial was held for the trial of Captain Whipple, for not assisting in the action with the Glasgow. Another court-martial was held for the trial of Captain Hazard, who had been appointed captain of the sloop Providence at Philadelphia, some time after Mr. Jones had refused that command. Captain Hazard was broke, and rendered incapable of serving in the navy. The next day, the 10th of May, 1776, Mr. Jones was ordered by the commander-in-chief to take command ' as captain of the Providence.^ This proves that Mr. Jones did his duty on the Providence expedition. As the commander-in-chief had in his hands no blank-commission, he had this appoint- ment written on the back of the commission that Mr. Jones had received at Philadelphia, the 7th of December, 1775. Captain Jones had orders to receive on board the Providence the soldiers that had been borrowed from General Washing- ton, and carry them to New York, — there enlist as many seamen as he could, and then return to New London, to take in from the hospital all the seamen that had been left there by the squadron, and were recovered, and ^arry them to Providence. Captain Jones soon performed these services ; and having hove down the sloop and partly fitted her for war at Providence, he received orders from the commander-in- chief, dated Rhode Island, June 10th, 1776, to come imme- diately down to take a sloop then in sight, armed for war, belonging to the enemy's navy. Captain Jones obeyed orders with alacrity; but the enem}^ had disappeared before he reached Newport. On the 18th of June, 1776, Captain Jones
CRUISE OF THE PROVIDENCE. 33
received orders, dated that day at Newport, Rhode Island from the commander-in-chief, to proceed to Newbury Port to take under convoy some vessels bound for Philadelphia ; but first to convoy Lieutenant Hacker in the Fly, with a cargo of cannon, into the sound for New York, and to convoy some vessels back from Stonington to the entrance of New^port. In performing these last services. Captain Jones found great difficulty from the enemy's frigates, then cruising round Block Island, with which he had several rencontres ; in one of which he saved a brigantine that w^as a stranger, from Hispaniola, closely pursued by the Cerberus, and laden with pubHc stores. That brigantine was afterwards purchased by the Continent, and called the Hampden. Captain Jones re- ceived orders from the commander-in-chief to proceed for Boston instead of Newbury Port. At Boston he was detained a considerable time by the backwardness of the agent. He arrived with his convoy from Boston, safe in the Delaware, the 1st of August, 1776. This service was performed while the enemy were arriving at Sandy Hook from Halifax and England, and Captain Jones saw several of their ships ol war.
"Captain Jones received a captain's commission from the President of Congress, the 8th of August. It was pro- posed to Captain Jones by the Marine Committee to go to Connecticut, to command the brigantine Hampden ; but he choosing rather to remain in the sloop Providence, had orders to go out on a cruise against the enemy *for six weeks, (or) two or three months.' He was not hmited to any particular station or service. He left the Delaw^are on the 21st of August, and arrived at Rhode Island on the 7th of October, 1776.
"Captain Jones had only 70 men when he sailed from the Delaware, and the Providence mounted only 12 four-pounders. Near the latitude of Bermudas he had a very narrov/ escape from the enemy's frigate the Solebay, after a chase of siy
34
ACTION WITH THE MILFORD.
Escape from the Solebay.
hours within cannon-shot, and part of that time within pistol- shot. Afterwards, near the Isle of Sable, Captain Jones had an affair with the enemy's frigate the Milford ; and the firing between them lasted from ten in the morning till after sunset.
Action with the Milford.
The day after this rencontre, Captain Jones entered the harbour of Canso, where he recruited several men, took the Tories' flags, destroyed the fishing, &c., and sailed again the next morning on an expedition against the Island of Madame. He made two descents on the principal forts of that island at
WRECK OF THE HAMPDEN. 35
the same time ; surprised all their shipping, though the place abounded with men, and they had arms. All this, from the Delaware to Rhode Island, was performed in six weeks and five days ; in which time Captain Jones made sixteen prizes, besides small craft. He manned eight of them, and sunk, burnt, or destroyed the rest. The commander-in-chief was at Rhode Island, who, in consequence of the information given him by Captain Jones, adopted an expedition against the coal-fleet of Cape Breton and the fishery, as well as to relieve a number of Americans from the coal-mines, where they were compelled to labour by the enemy. The Alfred had remained idle ever since the Providence expedition, and was without men. It was proposed to employ that ship, the brigantine Hampden, and sloop Providence, on this expedition, under the command of Captain Jones, who had orders given him for that purpose on the 22d October, 1776, and then re- moved from the sloop Providence to the ^lip Alfred. Find- ing he could not enlist a sufficient number of men for the three sail before the season would be lost, Captain Jones de-
Wreck of the Hampden.
termined to leave the sloop Providence behind ; but Captain Hacker ran the Hampden upon a ledge of rocks on the 27th, and knocked off her keel, which obliged Captain Jones to re-
36 EXPEDITION AGAINST CAPE BRETON.
move him into the sloop Providence. The Alfred and Pro vidence sailed on this expedition the 2d of November, Captain Jones having only 140 men on his muster-roll for the Alfred, though that ship had 235 men when she left the Delaware. Captain Jones anchored for the night at Tar- pawling Cove, near Nantucket, and, finding there a privateer schooner belonging to Rhode Island inward-bound, he sent his boat to search for deserters from the navy, and finding four deserters carefully concealed on board, they were taken on board the Alfred, with a few other seamen, agreeably to orders from the commander-in-chief. The concerned in the privateer brought an action against Captain Jones for 10,000/. damages, and the commander-in-chief had the politeness not to support him. Captain Jones proceeded on his expedition. Off Louisbourg he took a brig with a rich cargo of dry goods, a snow with a cargo of fish, and a ship called the Mellish, bound for Canada, armed for war, and laden with soldiers' clothing. The day after taking these prizes (the 18th) the snow fell, and the wind blew fresh ofT Cape Breton. To prevent separation, and not from the violence of the weather. Captain Jones made the signal to lay to, which was obeyed ; but as soon as the night began. Captain Hacker bore away. He made shift to arrive at Rhode Island a day or two before the place was taken by the enemy. Captain Jones ordered the brigantine and snow to steer for our ports ; but determined not to lose sight of the MelUsh, unless in case of necessity. Captain Jones, after that little gale and contrary winds, fell in with Canso, and sent his boats in to destroy a fine trans- port that lay aground in the entrance,- laden wiA Irish provi- sion. The party burnt also the oil-warehouse, and destroyed the materials for the fishery. Off Louisbourg, on the 24th, he took three fine ships out of five, the coal-fleet, then bound for New York, under the command of the Flora, that would have been in sight had the fog been dispersed. Two days after this. Captain Jones took a letter-of-marque ship from
ARRIVAL AT BOSTON. 39
Liverpool. He had now a hundred and fifty prisoners on board the Alfred, and a great part of his water and provision was consumed. He found the harbour at the coal-mines was frozen up, and necessity obliged him to seek a hospitable port with the five prize-ships under convoy. No separation took place till the 7th of December, on the edge of St. George's Bank, where Captain Jones again fell in with the Milford frigate. Captain Jones had the address to save all his prizes except one, (the letter-of-marque from liverpool,) and that one would not have been taken, had not the prize-master foolishly run down under the Milford's lee, from being three leagues to windward. The Mellish arrived safe with the clothing at Dartmouth, and Captain Jones arrived at Boston the 15th December, 1776, having only two days' water and provision left. The news of the clothing reached General Washing- ton's army just before he recrossed the Delaware. By a letter from the commander-in-chief, on board the Warren, at Providence, January the 14th, 1777, Captain Jones was su- perseded in the command of the Alfred, in favour of Captain Hinman, who said he brought a commission from Congress to supersede that of Captain Jones. The 21st of January, 1777, this drew from Captain Jones a letter to the Marine Committee, stating his hopes that Congress would not so far overlook his early and faithful services as to supersede him by any man who was at first his junior officer, far less by any man who declined to serve in the Alfred, &c., at the be- ginning. Captain Jones paid off* the crews of the Alfred and Providence, for which he has never been reimbursed. On the 18th of February, Captain Jones received an appointment by order of Congress from the Vice-President of the Marine Committee, dated Philadelphia, February the 5th, 1777, to command private expeditions against Pensacola and other places, with the Alfred, Columbus, Cabot, Hampden, and sloop Providence. Many important schemes were pointed out ; but Captain Jones was left at free liberty to adopt what-
40 LETTER OF EXPOSTULATION.
ever he thought best. This appointment fell to nothing ; for the commander-in-chief would not assist Captain Jones, but affected to disbeheve his appointment. Captain Jones under- took a journey from Boston to Philadelphia, in order to ex- plain matters to Congress in person."
This attempt to supersede him was the first occasion on which Jones decidedly showed the firmness and tenacity of his character, and his determination to assert his rights. Even then, unknown and unfriended, he was quite equal to their protection.
The remainder of this statement is more copiously and energetically given in the letter referred to in the prefixed ex- tract, as addressed by him to the Marine Board, Philadelphia. It will show the neglect and heart-burning to which this brave man was exposed from the first hour of his entering the American navy. Three-fourths of his subsequent life was a struggle to overcome the prejudices, defeat the cabals, or quicken the tardy justice of his temporary official superiors.
" I am now to inform you, that by a letter from Commo- dore Hopkins, dated on board the Warren, January 14th, 1777, which came to my hands a day or two ago, I am superseded in the command of the Alfred, in favour of Cap- tain Hinman, and ordered back to the sloop in Providence river. Whether this order doth or doth not supersede also your orders to me of the 10th ult., you can best determine; however, as I undertook the late expedition at his (Commo- dore Hopkins's) request, from a principle of humanity, T mean not now to make a difficulty about trifles, especially wnen the good of the service is to be consulted. As I am unconscious of any neglect of duty, or misconduct, since my appointment at the first as eldest lieutenant of the navy, I cannot suppose that you can have intended to set me aside, in favour of any man who did not at that time bear a cap- tain's commission, unless, indeed, that man, by exerting his superior abilities, hath rendered, or can render, more impor-
LETTER OF EXPOSTULATION. 41
tant services to America. Those who stepped forth at the first, in ships altogether unfit for war, were generally con- sidered rather as frantic than as wise men ; for it must be remembered, that almost everything then made against them. And although the success in the affair with the Glasgow was not equal to what it might have been, yet the blame ought not to be general. The principal or principals in command alone are culpable ; and the other officers, while they stand unimpeached, have their full merit. There were, it is true, divers persons, from misrepresentation, put into commission at the beginning, without fit qualification, and perhaps the number may have been increased by later appointments ; but it follows not that the gentleman or man of merit should be neglected or overlooked on their account. None other than a gentleman, as well as a seaman both in theory and practice, is qualified to support the character of a commission officer in the navy; nor is any man fit to command a ship of war who is not also capable of communicating his ideas on paper, in languacre that becomes his rank. If this be admitted, the foregoing operations vv^ill be sufl[iciently clear ; but if further proof is required it can easily be produced.
" When I entered into the service, I was not actuated by motives of self-interest. I stept forth as a free citizen of the world, in defence of the violated rights of mankind, and not in search of riches, whereof^ I thank God, I inherit a suffi- ciency ; but I should prove my degeneracy were I not in the highest degree tenacious of my rank and seniority. As a gentleman, I can yield this point up only to persons of supe- rior abilities and superior merit ; and under such persons it would be my highest ambition to learn. As this is the first time of my having expressed the least anxiety on my own account, I must entreat your patience until I account to you for the reason which hath given me this freedom of senti- ment. It seems that Captain Hinman's commission is No. 1, and that, in consequence, he who was at first my junior .4*
42 xMEMORIAL TO CONGRlUSS.
officer by eight, hath expressed himself gs my senior officer in a manner which doth himself no honour, and which doth me signal injury. There are also in the navy, persons who have not shown me fair play after the service I have rendered them. I have even been blamed for the civilities which I have shown to my prisoners ; at the request of one of whom I herein enclose an appeal, which I must beg leave to lay before Congress. Could you see the appellant's accomplished lady, and the innocents their children, arguments in their behalf would be unnecessary. As the base-minded only are capable of inconsistencies, you will not blame my free soul, which can never stoop where I cannot also esteem. Could I, which I never can, bear to be superseded, I should indeed deserve your contempt and total neglect. I am, therefore, to entreat you to employ me in the most enterprising and active service, — accountable to your honourable board only, for my conduct, and connected as much as possible with gentlemen and men of good sense."
" My conduct hitherto," he says, in the memorial ad- dressed to Congress from the Texel, " was so much approv- ed of by Congress, that on the 5th February, 1777, I was appointed, with unlimited orders, to command a little squadron of the Alfred, Columbus, Cabot, Hampden, and sloop Provi- dence. Various important services were pointed out, but I was left at free liberty to make my election. That service, however, did not take place ; for the commodore, who had three of the squadron blocked in at Providence, affected to disbelieve my appointment, and would not at last give me the necessary assistance. Finding that he trifled with my applications as well as the orders of Congress, I undertook a journey from Boston to Philadelphia, in order to explain matters to Congress in person. I took this step also, because Captain Hinman had succeeded me in the command of the Alfred, and, of course, the service could not suffer through my absence. I arrived at Philadelphia in the beginning of
HIS Views of maritime policy. 45
April. But what was my surprise to find, that, by a new line of navy-rank, which had taken place on the 10th day of October, 1776, all the officers that had stepped forth at the beginning were superseded ! I was myself superseded by thirteen men, not one of whom dM (and perhaps some of them durst not) take the sea against the British flag at the first ; for several of them who were then applied to refused to venture, — and none of them have since been very happy in proving their superior abihties. x\mong these thirteen there are individuals who can neither pretend to parts nor education, and with whom, as a private gentleman, I would disdain to associate.
" I leave your excellency and the Congress to judge how this must affect a man of honour and sensibility."
In the organization of the navy Jones took a paramount interest. He had himself been trained in a good school. He knew the importance of proper subordination, and of the strict enforcement of a rigid system of discipline, which, how^ever unpleasant to the turbulent, fierce spirit of republi- cans, is especially indispensable in the sea-service. His views of maritime pohcy discover much soundness, and, considering that he was still a young man, and a very young oflicer, very great ripeness of understanding. " As the res^u- lations of the navy," he says, " are of the utmost conse- quence, you w^ill not think it presumptive if, with the utmost diffidence, I venture to communicate to you such hints as, in my judgment, will promote its honour and good government. 1 could heartily wish that every commissioned officer were to be previously examined ; for, to my certain knowledge, there are persons who have already crept into commission without abilities or fit qualifications : — I am myself far from desiring to be excused." In other letters on this subject, he eloquently recommends a liberal policy towards the private seamen, and a general S3^stem worthy of a great and enlight- ened nation.
44 HIS VIEWS OF MARITIME POLICY.
" It is," he says, " to the last degree distressing to con- template the state and establishment of our navy. The common class of mankind are actuated by no nobler prin- ciple than that of self-interest. This, and this only, deter- mines all adventures in privateers, — the owners, as well as those they employ ; and while this is the case, unless the private emolument of individuals in our navy is made supe- rior to that in privateers, it never can become respectable, — it never will become formidable; and, without a respectable navy, alas America ! — In the present critical situation of human affairs, wisdom can suggest no more than one infalli- ble expedient, — enlist the seamen during pleasure, and give them all the prizes. What is the paltry emolument of two- thirds of prizes to the finances of this vast continent ? If so poor a resource is essential to its independency, in sober sad- ness we are involved in a woful predicament, and our ruin is fast approaching. The situation of America is new in the annals of mankind : her affairs cry haste! and speed must answer them. Trifles, therefore, ought to be wholly disre- garded, as being, in the old vulgar proverb, ' penny wise and pound foolish.' If our enemies, with the best established and most formidable navy in the universe, have found it expedient to assign all prizes to the captors, how much more is such policy essential to our infant fleet ? But I need use no arguments to convince you of the necessity of making the emoluments of our navy equal, if not superior, to theirs. We have had proof, that a navy may be ofiicered almost upon any terms, but we are not so sure that these oflicers are equal to their commissions; nor will the Congress ever obtain such certainty until they, in their wisdom, see proper to appoint a Board of Admiralty, competent to determine impartially the respective merits and abilities of their oflScers, and to superintend, regulate, and point out all the motions and operations of the navy."
EFFECT OF HIS REMONSTRANCES. 45
The appearance of Jones at Congress at this time, his ap- peals to their justice, his animated remonstrances, and the capacity displayed in the hints and projects he threw out, had a good effect. They inspired esteem for his character, and gave confidence in his ability. This became apparent in the immediate proceedings of that body. " Congress," h*G says, " saw fit to drop the expedition that had been proposed ; and the Marine Committee appeared very sorry that there was not then vacant a good ship for my command. Three ships were ordered to be purchased in the eastern department, and by a resolve of Congress, which did me great honour, I was authorized to take my choice of these three ships, * until Congress could provide for me a better command.' I returned to Boston ; and before this last plan was carried into execu- tion, I received a new and honourable proof of the good opinion of Congress, by being ordered, on the 9ih of May, 1777, to proceed to France from Portsmouth, in the Am- phitrite, with a positive order to the Commissioners at Paris * to invest me with the command of a fine ship,' — ' as a reward of my zeal and the signal services I had performed in vessels of httle force.' This was generous indeed ! and I shall feel the whole force of the 'obligation to the last moment of my fife."
The letter he brought to Europe, addressed to the Com- missioners in Paris, confirms the sincerity of the purpose of Congress. It also puts to rest — were such refutation neces- sary— the charge of Jones being nothing more than the com- mander of a privateer, winked at, or perhaps secretly aided by Congress, but never recognized as a regularly-appointed commander in the American service during his cruises on the British coasts.
46 LETTER FROM CONGRESS.
"Philadelphia, 9th May, 1777 " Honourable Gentlemen,
" This letter is intended to be delivered to you by John Paul Jones, Esq., an active and brave commander in our navy, v^^ho has already performed signal services in vessels of little force ; and in reward for his zeal we have directed him to go on board the Amphitrite, a French ship of tv^enty guns, that brought in a valuable cargo of stores from Mons. Hostalez & Co., and with her to repair to France. He takes with him his commission, some officers and men, so that we hope he will, under that sanction, make some good prizes with the Amphitrite ; but our design of sending him is, (with the ap- probation of Congress,) that you may purchase one of those fine frigates that Mr. Dean writes us you can get, and invest him with the command thereof as soon as possible. We hope you may not delay this business one moment, but pur- chase, in such port or place in Europe as it can be done with most convenience and despatch, a fine fast-sailing frigate or larger ship. Direct Captain Jones where he must repair to, and he will take with him his officers and men towards man- ning her. You will assign him some good house or agent to supply him with everything necessary to get the ship speedily and well equipped and manned, — somebody that will bestir themselves vigorously in the business, and never quit it until it is accomphshed.
" If you have any plan or service to be performed in Europe by such a ship, that you think will be more for the interest and honour of the States than sending her out directly. Captain Jones is instructed to obey your orders ; and, to save repeti- tion, let him lay before you the instructions we have given him, and furnish you with a copy thereof. You can then judge what will be necessary for you to direct him in, — and whatever you do will be approved, as it will undoubtedly tend to promote the public service of this country.
INSTRUCTIONS FROM CONGRESS. 4-
" You see by this step how much dependence Congress place in your advices ; and you must make it a point not to disappoint Captain Jones's wishes and expectations on this occasion.
"We are, &c. (Signed) " Robert Morris.
" Richard Henry Lee. " Wm. Whipple. " Phil. Livingston.
"The Honourable
" Benjamin Franklin,
" Silas Deane, and
" Arthur Lke, Esquires,
Commissioners," «Sce.
In Marine Com7nittee.
"Philadelphia, May 9th, 1777. "John Paul Jones, Esq.
" Sir,
" Congress have thought proper to authorize the Secret Committee to employ you on a voyage in the Amphitrite, from Portsmouth to Carolina and France, where it is exj^ected you will be provided with a fine frigate ; and as your present commission is for the command of a particular ship, we now send you a new one, v/hereby you are appointed a captam in our navy, and of course may command any ship in the service to which you are particularly ordered. You are to obey the orders of the Secret Committee, and we are, Sir, &c.
(Signed) " John Hancock.
*' Rob. Morris. " Wm. Whipple."
48 INSTRUCTIONS FROM CONGRESS.
In Marine Committee,
"Philadelphia, September 6th, 1777. " Sir,
'" As soon as these instructions get to hand, you are to make immediate application to the proper persons to get your ves- sel victualled and fitted for sea with all expedition. When this is done*, you are to proceed on a voyage to some conve- nient port in France; on your arrival there, apply to the agent, if any, in or near said port, for such supplies as you may stand in need of. You are at the same time to give immedi- ate notice, by letter, to the Honourable Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee, Esquires, or any of them at Paris, of your arrival, requesting their instructions as to your ftiriher destination ; which instructions you are to obey as far as it shall be in your power.
" You are to take particular notice, that whilst on the coast of France, or in a French port, you are, as much as you conveniently can, to keep your guns covered and concealed, and to make as little warlike appearance as possible. Wish- ing you," &c. &c.
With these credentials and instructions, Jones sailed for Europe in command of the Ranger, in high spirits, expecting to be the first messenger of what he calls " the joyful and important news of Burgoyne's surrender." He reached Nantes early in December, having captured two brigantines on the voyage, laden with fruit and wine.
JONES AND THE COMMISSIONERS. 49
CHAPTER III.
T must be owned that Capcain Jones at no time slipped any opportunity of bringing imn- ^^B self forward, and placing his services in a fair light. Though he indeed claimed no more than was his due, he never, 1 through false delicacy, with- drew his merits into the shade. " It is civil cowardice," says the Spectator's modest friend, Captain Sentry, " to be backward in asserting what you ought to expect, as it is military fear to be slow in attacking when it is your duty." His first act, on reaching France, was to write to the Commissioners, to whom he w^as now to look for orders, and also for patronage. " I yesterday," he says, " enclosed you copies of two letters which I wrote you previous to my departure from Portsmouth, together with a plan which I drew up at Philadelphia, on the regulation and equipment of our infant navy. It is my first and favourite wish to be employed in active and enterprising services, when there is a prospect of rendering acceptable services to America. The singular honour which Congress have done me by their generous acknowledgment of my past ser- vices, hath inspired me with sentiments of gratitude which I shall cany with me to my graVe ; and if a life of services devoted to America can be made instrumental in securing its independence, I shall regard the continuance of such appro- bation as an honour far superior to what kings even could bestow."
50 PLAN OF OPERATIONS DEFEATED.
Captain Jones was immediately summoned to Paris by the commissioners of Congress, Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee. They had not yet assumed the name of ple- nipotentiaries, nor was war declared between Great Britain and France ; for though these countries were in a state of understood, if not avowed, hostility, in his private orders from the marine committee of Congress, Jones was directed to keep his guns covered and concealed as much as possible while on the coasts or in the ports of France, and as much as possible to avoid a warlike appearance. The object ot summoning him to Paris was to concert, in conjunction with the commissioners, a plan of operations for the powerful naaritime force under the command of the Count d'Estaing, which — a treaty being now concluded between France and the new states — was destined to harass the British, and sup- port the cause of the republic on the shores of America. , The bold and sagacious plan of that campaign, which, if carried into effect as projected, must, in all probability, at once have ended the war, Jones repeatedly and openly claims the merit of having formed ;* and there can be no doubt that his knowledge of the actual state of the British land and naval force then acting in America, and his practical nautical ac- quaintance with the scene of operation, enabled him to give most important advice. Those delays, and the baffling cir- cumstances to which naval armaments are ever exposed, together, as has been alleged, with the timidity or irresolution of the French Commander, the promptitude and courage dis- played by Lord Howe, and the excellent spirit of the whole British fleet on that memorable occasion, disconcerted this well-imagined scheme. In claiming the plan of that expedi- tion, Jones says, in a letter addressed to the French Minister
* In tlie memorial to the King of France, Jones states that tlie plan adopted for D'Estain^'s expedition was sent by him to the Commissioners from Nantes, nn tlu! lOth February, 1778, ailer he liad returned from Paris, and immediately f>ii he iriii'i- some anTceahK! nr\v< from America.
THE INDIEN. 51
of Marine, M. de Sartine, — " Had Count d'Estaing arrived in the Delaware a few days sooner, he might have made a most glorious and easy conquest. Many successful projects may be adopted from the hints which I had the honour to draw up ; and if I can still furnish more, or execute any of these already furnished, so as to distress and humble the com- mon enemy, it will afford me the truest pleasure." Before D'Estaing appeared, however, Lord Howe, as has been noticed, had been able to place the fleet and the transports in safety ; and the plan on which the American Commissioners justly prided themselves of blocking up the British ships, transports, and victuallers, in the Delaware, thus fell to the ground.
When Jones went to Paris to attend the Commissioners, he left the Ranger, which had been damaged in her voyage, refitting at Nantes. To the Commissioners he imparted plans of various enterprises to be undertaken in the bold predatory spirit of the private instructions of Morris, and he induced them to hold out to his crew, in the name of Congress, the hope or promise of some particular gratuity in reward of the " good, gallant behaviour and punctual obedience,'* so essen- tial to the furtherance of his daring projects. In coming to Europe he expected to obtain command of the Indien, a large frigate, then building at Amsterdam, for the service of the United States. This vessel the Commissioners thought fit to present to the King of France. Jones felt the disappointment, and even complained of it to Congress, making it an argu- ment for obtaining at least an equivalent command.
On the 16th January, 1778, Jones received his orders from the Commissioners. They were such as ever proved the most agreeable to him — unlimited — implying full confi- dence in his zeal and ability. The only caution he received, was, not to return immediately to the ports of France after making an attempt on the coast of Britain, as the French court wished to shuffle a little longer.
52
THE FIRST SALUTE.
The first Salute.
The Ranger being now refitted, Jones sailed to Qaiberon, and at that place displayed considerable professional address and characteristic firmness, in compelling the French Admi- ral to give the American flag — which Jones had been the first to hoist — the first salute it ever received. It was thus he wrote on this occasion :
«* February, 1 4th, 1778. " Dear Sir,
" I am extremely sorry to give you fresh trouble, but 1 think the Admiral's answer of yesterday requires an explana tion. The haughty English return gun for gun to foreign officers of equal rank, and two less only to captains by flag- officers. It is true, my command at present is not important, yet, as the senior American officer at present in Europe, it is my duty to claim an equal return of respect to the flag of the United States that would be shown to any other flag whatever.
" I therefore take the liberty of enclosing an appointment,
JONES SAILS FROM BREST. 53
perhaps as respectable as any which the French Admiral can produce — besides which I have others in my possession.
" If, however, he persists in refusing to return an equal salute, I will accept of two guns less, as I have not the rank of Admiral.
" It is my opinion, that he would return four less to a pri- vateer or a merchant ship ; therefore, as I have been honoured oftener than once with a chief command of ships of war, I cannot in honour accept of the same terms of respect. ''
" You will singularly oblige me by waiting upon the Admi- ral ; and I ardently hope you will succeed in the application, else I shall be under a necessity of departing without coming into the bay. I have the honour to be, &c. &c.
" To William Carmichael, Esq."
" N. B. — Though thirteen guns is your greatest salute in America, yet if the French Admiral should prefer a greater number, he has his choice, on conditlonsJ^
Of the triumphant recognition of the American flag obtained in the first instance by him, Jones was naturally very proud. " I am happy," he says addressing the Marine Committee at home, " in having it in my power to congratulate you on my having seen the American flag recognized in the fullest and completest manner by the flag of France." And he relates how he accomphshed this object.
On the 10th of April, Jones sailed from Brest on that cruise which the assault on Whitehaven, the landing at the Earl of Selkirk's, and the capture of the Drake, afterwards rendered so celebrated. The account of that expedition will be best given in his own words. It is, how^ever, worthy of notice, that the original log-book of the Ranger, and of his more famous ship, the Bon Homme Richard, which are now acci- dentally in the hands of gentlemen in Scotland, wholly uncon- nected with Captain Jones, generally corroborate all his 5*
54
SINKING OF THE BRIGANTINE.
Statements to the most minute particulars. It is thus his ac- count commences : —
" I have now to fulfil the promise made in my last, by giv ing you an account of my late expedition.
" I sailed from Brest the 10th of April ; my plan was ex- tensive, I therefore did not at the beginning wish to encumber myself with prisoners. On the 14th, I took a brigantine, be- tween Scilly and Cape Clear, bound for Ostend, with a cargo of flax-seed for Ireland — sunk her, and proceeded into St. George's Channel.
M-^^^T^^^.^^^
Sinking of the Brigantine.
" On the 17th I took the ship Lord Chatham, bound from London to Dublin, with a cargo consisting of porter, and a variety of merchandise, and almost within sight of her port ; this ship I manned and ordered for Brest.
" Towards the evening of the day following the weather nad a promising appearance, and, the wind being favourable, I stood over from the Isle of Man, with an intention to make a descent at Whitehaven ; at ten I was off the harbour with a party of volunteers, and had everything in readiness to land; but before eleven the wdnd greatly increased and shifted, so as to blow directly upon the shore ; the sea increased, of course, and it became impossible to effect a landing. This obliged me to carry all possible sail so as to clear the land, and to await a more favourable opportunity.
THE REVENUE WHERRY. 55
" On the 18th, in Glentinebay, on the south coast of Scot- land, I met with a revenue wherry ; it being the common practice of these vessels to board merchant ships, the Ranger then having no external appearance of war, it was expected that this rover would have come alongside; I was, however, mistaken, for though the men were at their quarters, yet this vessel out-sailed the Ranger, and got clear in spite of a severe cannonade.
Escape of the Revenue Wherry.
" The next morning, off the Mull of Galloway, I found my self so near a Scotch coasting schooner, loaded with barley that I could not avoid sinking her. Understanding that there were ten or twelve sail of merchant ships, besides a Tender brigantine, with a number of impressed men on board, at anchor in Lochryan, in Scotland, I thought this an enterprise worthy my attention ; but the wind, which at the first would have served equally well to have sailed in or out of the Loch, shifted in a hard squall, so as to blow almost directly in, with an appearance of bad weather. I was therefore obliged to abandon my project.
" Seeing a cutter off the lee-bow steering for the Clyde, I gave chase, in hopes of cutting her off, but finding my endeavours ineffectual. I pursued no farther than the Rock of
56 THE DRAKE.
Ailsa. In the evening I fell in with a sloop from Dublin, which I sunk, to prevent intelligence.
"The next day, 21st, being near Carrickfergus, a fishing- boat came off, which I detained. I saw a ship at anchor in the road, which I was informed by the fishermen was the British ship-of-war Drake, of twenty guns. I determined to attack her in the night ; my plan was to overlay her cable, and to fall upon her bow, so as to have all her decks open and exposed to our musketry, &c. ; at the same time, it was my intention to have secured the enemy by grapplings, so that, had they cut their cables, they would not thereby have attained an advantage. The wind was high, and unfortunately the anchor was not let go so soon as the order was given, so that the Ranger was brought to upon the enemy's quarter at the distance of half a cable's length. We had made no warlike appearance, of course had given no alarm ; this deter- mined me to cut immediately, which might appear as if the cable had parted, and at the same time enable me, after mak- ing XI tack out of the Loch, to return with the same prospect of advantage which I had at the first. I was, however, pre- vented from returning, as I with difficulty weathered the light-house on the lee-side of the Loch, and as the gale increased. The w^eather now became so very stormy and severe, and the sea ran so high, that I was obliged to take shelter under the south shore of Scotland.
" The 22d introduced fair w^eather, though the three king- doms w^ere, as far as the eye could reach, covered whh snow. I now resolved once more to attempt Whitehaven ; but the wind became very light, so that the ship would not in proper time approach so near as I had intended. At midnight I left the ship widi two boats and thirty-one volunteers ; when we reached the outer pier, the day began to dawn ; I would not, however, abandon my enterprise, but despatched one boat under the direction of Mr. Hill and Lieutenant Wallingsford, with the necessary combustibles to set fire to the shipping on
DESCENT ON WHITEHAVEN. 57
the north side of the harbour, while I went with the other party to attempt the south side. I was successful in scaling the walls and spiking up all the cannon on the first fort ; find- ing the sentinels shut up in the guard-house, they w^ere secured without being hurt. Having fixed sentinels, I now took with me one man only, (Mr. Green,) and spiked up all the cannon on the southern fort, distant from the other a quarter of a mile.
Expedition to Whitehaven .
" On my return from this business, I naturally expected to see the fire of the ships on the north side, as well as to find my own party with everything in readiness to set fire to the shipping on the south ; instead of this, I found the boat under the direction of Mr. Hill and M. Wallingsford returned, and the party in some confusion, their fight having burnt out at the instant when it became necessary.*
* J'ones did not soon surmount the disappointment occasioned by this mis- understanding on the part of his officers. In a memorial to Congress, he says, " My first object was to secure an exchange of prisoners in Europe, and my second to put an end, by one good fire in England of shipping, to all the burn- ings in America. I succeeded in the first, even by means far more glorious than my most flattering ideas had expected when I left France. In the second I endeavoured to deserve success ; but a wise officer of mine observed, that ' it was a rash thing, and that nothing could he got by burning poor people'."
58 DESCENT ON WHITEHAVEN.
" By the strangest fatality, my own party were in the same situation, the candles being all burnt out. The day too came on apace, yet I would by no means retreat while any hopes of success remained. Having again placed sentinels, a light was obtained at a house disjoined from the town, and fire was kindled in the steerage of a large ship, which was sur- rounded by at least an hundred and fifty others, chiefly from two to four hundred tons burthen, and lying side by side, aground, unsurrounded by the water.
" There were, besides, from seventy to an hundred large ships in the north arm of the harbour, aground, clear of the water, and divided from the rest only by a stone pier of a ship's height. I should have kindled fires in other places if the time had permitted ; as it did not, our care was to pre- vent the one kindled from being easily extinguished. After some search, a barrel of tar was found, and poured into the flames, which now ascended from all the hatchways. The inhabitants began to appear in thousands, and individuals ran hastily towards us. I stood between them and the ship on fire, with a pistol in my hand, and ordered them to retire, which they did with precipitation. The flames had already caught the rigging, and began to ascend the main-mast ; the the sun was a full hour's march above the horizon, and as sleep no longer ruled the world, it was time to retire. We
property.' I must, however, do him the justice to mention his acknowledg- ment, that he had no turn for enterprise ; and I must also do equal justice to my former officers in the Providence and the Alfred, by declaring, that had they been w^ith me in the Ranger, two hundred and fifty, or three hundred sail of large ships at Whitehaven would have been laid in ashes." In answer to certain queries on this subject, proposed by the Board of Admiralty in 1781, he says, " I made a descent at Whitehaven with thirty .men only, surprised and took two strong forts with thirty pieces of cannon, and set fire to the ship- ping where they lay, three hundred or upwards, in the dry pier. That both the shipping and the town, containing from forty to fifty thousand inhabitants, was not burned, was owing to the backwardness of some persons under my command."
(60)
DESCENT ON WHITEHAVEN. CI
re-embarked without opposition, having released a number of prisoners, as our boats could not carry them. After all my people had emi3arked, I stood upon the pier for a consi- derable space, yet no person advanced : I saw all the emi- nences round the town covered wdth the amazed inhabitants.
^' When we had rowed to a considerable distance from the shore, the Enghsh began to run in vast Humbers to their forts ; their disappointment may easily be imagined when they found, I suppose, at, least thirty heavy cannon (the instruments of their vengeance) rendered useless. At length, however, they began to fire, having, as I apprehend, either Srought down ship's guns, or used one or two cannon which- lay on the beach at the foot of the walls, dismounted, and which had not been spiked. They fired with no direction, and the shot fall- ing short of the boats, instead of doing us any damage, aflbrded some diversion, which my people could not help showing, by discharging their pistols, &c. in return of the salute.
" Had it been possible to have landed a few hours sooner, success would have been complete ; not a single ship out of more than two hundred could possibly have escaped, and all the world would not have been able to save the town ; what was done, however, is sufficient to show that not all their boasted navy can protect their own coasts, and that the scenes of distress which they have occasioned in America may soon be brought home to their own doors. One of my people was missing, and must, I fear, have fallen into the enemy's hands after our departure.* I was pleased that in this business we neither killed nor wounded. I brought off three prisoners as a sample."
* In the Ranger's log-book this man is named David Smith. He is probably the same person who, under the name of Freeman, gave information at several houses in a street adjoining the piers, that fire had been set to a ship, and afterwards other information that appears substantially correct. He must have remuined on shore voluntarily. 6
62 DESCENT ON ST. MARY'S ISLE.
In all the contemporary accounts of the attempt on White- haven, and capture of the Drake, the Ranger is termed a privateer. This is a mistake ; she was a ship of war belong- ing to the United States, and Jones was appointed her com- mander by a resolution of Congress on the 14th of June, 1777. The character of this vessel was, however, certainly anoma- lous in any regular navy. Her commander acted alone and single-handed ; and such was his temper and the nature of the service for which he seemed most fitted, that he uniformly succeeded best when acting thus on his own judgment and responsibility, and never wholly failed, save in those combined operations where his opinions were opposed or fettered. With the unlimited command of the Ranger, and small as his force was, he determined to prove to France and America what, with adequate means placed at his disposal, he might achieve. But it is time to return to the narrative of this cruise, which resembled more the bold exploits of Morgan or Lolonnois than the operations of modern nautical warfare.
Descent on St. Mary's Isle.
ENCOUNTER WITH THE DRAKE. GS
" We now stood over for the Scotch shore, and landed at noon on St. Mary's Isle, with one boat only, and a very small party, (tw^elve men.) The motives which induced me to land there are explained in the within copy of a letter* which I have written to the Countess of Selkirk.
" On the morning of the 24th I was again off Carrickfergus, and w^ould have gone in had I not seen the Drake preparing to come out ; it w^as very moderate, and the Drake's boat was sent out to reconnoitre the Ranger. As the boat advanced I kept the ship's stern directly towards her, and, though they had a spy-glass in the boat, they came on within hail, and alongside. When the officer came on the quarter-deck, he was greatly surprised to find himself a prisoner! — although an express had arrived from Whitehaven the night before. I now understood what I had before imagined, that the Drake came out in consequence of this information w^ith volunteers against the Ranger. The ofxicer told me also, that they, had taken up the Ranger's anchor.
" The Drake was attended by five small vessels full of people, who were led by motives of curiosity to see an engagement ; but when they discovered the Drake's boat at the Ranger's stern they wisely put back. Alarm-smokes now appeared in great abundance, extending al^ng^both sides of the channel. The tide was unfavourable, so that the Drake worked out but slowly. This obliged me to run down several times, and to lay with courses up, and main-topsail to the mast. At length the Drake weathered the point, and having led her out to about mid-channel, I suffered her to come within hail. The Drake hoisted English colours, and at the same instant the American stars were displayed on board the Ranger. I expected that preface had been now at an end ; but the enemy soon after hailed, demanding what ship it was. I directed the master to answer, the Am.erican continental ship Ranger; that we waited for them, and desired
* See page 68.
64 ACTION WITH THE DRAKE.
they would come on. The sun was now little more than an hour from setting, it was therefore time to begin. The Drake being rather astern of the Ranger, I ordered the helm up, and gave her the first broadside. The action was warm, close, and obstinate ; it lasted an hour and fiv^ minutes, when the enemy called for quarters, her fore and main-top-sail yards being both cut away, and down on the cap; the fore- top-gallant-yard and mizen-gaft' both hanging up and down along the mast ; the second ensign which they had hoisted shot away, and hanging over the quarter-gallery, in the water ; the jib shot away, and hanging into the water ; her sails and rigo-ing entirely cut to pieces, her masts and yards all wounded, and her hull also very much galled.
Action between the Ranger and the Drake.
"1 lost only Lieutenant Wallingsford, and o .. sjinan (John Dongal) killed, and six wounded, among wiiom are the gunner, (Mr. Falls,) and Mr. Powers, a midshipman, who lost his arm. One of the wounded (Nathaniel Wills) is since dead ; the rest will recover.
ACTION WITH THE DP»AKE, 65
*' The loss of the enemy in killed and wounded was far greater. All the prisoners allow that they came out with a number not less than an hundred and sixty men, and many of them affirm that they amounted to an hundred and ninety ; the medium may perhaps be the most exact account, and by that it will appear that they lost in killed and wounded forty- two men.*
" The captain and lieutenant were among the wounded ; the former, having received a musket ball in the head the minute before they called for quarters, lived and was sensible for some time after my people boarded the prize ; the lieu- tenant survived two days. They were buried wuth the honours due to their rank, and with the respect due to their memory.
" The night, and almost the whole day after the action, being moderate, greatly facilitated the refitting of the ships. A large brigantine ran so near the Drake in the afternoon, that I was obha:ed to brin^ her to : she belons^ed to White- haven, and was bound to Norway.
" I had thoughts of returning by the south channel, but the w^ind shifting, I determined to pass by the north, and round the west coast of Ireland : this brought me once more off Belfast Loch on the evening of the day after the engagement.
" It was now time to release the honest Irishmen w^hom I took here on the 21st : and as the poor fellows had lost their boat, she having sunk in the late stormy weather, I was happy in having it in my power to give them the necessary sum to purchase everything new which they had lost ; I gave them also a good boat to transport themselves ashore, and sent with them two infirm men, on whom I had bestowed the last guinea in my possession, to defray their travelling expenses to their proper home at Dublin. They took with them one of the Drake's sails, which v^ould sufficiently explain what
* This loss is stated by the other party at twenty-two. 6*
66 RELEASE OF THE IRISHMEN.
had happened to the volunteers, The grateful Irishmen were enraptured and expressed their joy in three huzzas as they passed the Ranger's quarter."
Release of the Irishmen.
On the 26th April, Captain Jones placed Lieutenant Simp- son under suspension and arrest; and on the 8th May he re- entered Brest roads, having been absent only twenty-eight- da3^s.*
If the American plenipotentiaries were gratified by the
* The worthy and cautious citizens of Aljerdeen were the only persons greatly alarmed on this occasion. In the Scots Magazine for May, 1778, we find tiie following paragraph :
" On receiving at Aberdeen intelligence of the plunder of Lord Selkirk's house and the landing at Whitehaven, a hand-bill was circulated by order of the Magistrates, to set on foot an association of the inhabitants for defence, and in a few days an hundred and twenty were enrolled."
The affair never went farther. Another American vessel, which landed a party, and plundered the house of Mr. Gordon, near Banff, must have quick- ened their apprehensions ; but no alarm was seriously felt till the squadron of Paul Jones appeared in the frith of Forth. Even tlicn the panic was short lived.
LETTER TO THE COUNTESS OF SELKIRK. 67
success of this expedition, the Court of Versailles was still more delighted. France was now on the very eve of war. The plenipotentiaries of the United States had been pubhcly received at Versailles a month before — the treaty had been signed — and D'Estaing's squadron was ready for sea. The French ambassador had been ordered to leave London, and by the famous engagement between the Arethusa and La Belle Poule the first blow had been struck. In England the nation, much divided on the pohcy of the unsuccessful war with the colonies, were for the first time united in feelings of hostility to the " ancient foe," and of indignation at the insidi- ous pohcy of the court of Versailles. The most active pre- parations were going on throughout the whole of the three kingdoms. All the winter and spring, in anticipation of a war with France, volunteer corps, defensive bands, and fen- cible regiments, had been raising ; the navy was hastily aug- mented ; addresses were sent from all quarters of the country ; and the bulk of the nation was animated by the most ardent spirit of loyalty.
The first leisure of Captain Jones on arriving at Brest was employed in writing his^ celebrated letter to the Countess of Selkirk. His conduct throughout the whole of this dehcate afiair, though certainly on his part the spontaneous impulse of elevated feeling, Vv^as also good pohcy, as the descent on St. Mary's Isle, which ultimately redounded to his honour, was liable to much misrepresentation. The explanatory chivalrous epistle to the Countess of Selkirk has been often talked of. It represents the character of the writer in a new and certainly not unpleasing light. How seldom does the romance of real life exist till the age of thirty !
But however romantic one class of the feeliuGTS of Jones might be, awakened and softened by his visit to the scene?: of his boyhood, under circumstances so extraordinarv. he was still much more at home in drawing up a clear memorial of his proceedings for Congress, or in bringing to a tardy
08 LETTER TO TliE COUNTESS OF SELKIRK.
und shuffling minister, than in addressing high-born dames. Though he had been a few weeks in Paris, the airs of a carpet-knight still sat awkwardly upon him, and his letter evinces more right feeling than good taste or knowledge of lady-life. But Franklin, the republican sage, to whom the epistle was enclosed, says, " It is a gallant letter, which must give her Ladyship a high and just opinion of your generosity and nobleness of mind ;" — and he was right. The matter was admirable, whatever might be the faults of style. Had the same generous spirit of hostility been displayed through- out, how much of human misery, wantonly inflicted, might have been spared, — how much of that bitterness of feeling engendered between countries having in common so many powerful bonds of alliance, might have been prevented !
"Ranger, Brest, 8th May, 1778. " Madam,
" It cannot be too much lamented^ that, in the profession of arms, the officer of fine feelings and real sensibility should be under the necessity of winking at any action of persons under his command which his heart cannot approve ; but the reflection is doubly severe, when he finds himself obliged, in appearance, to countenance such acts by his authority.
" This hard case was mine, w^hen, on the 23d of April last, I landed on St. Marv's Isle. Knowing I^ord Selkirk's interest with the King, and esteeming, as I do, his private character, I wished to make him the happy instrument of alleviating the liorrors of hopeless caplivit}^ when the brave are overpowered and made prisoners of war.
"^It was, perhaps, fortunate for you, Madam, that he was from home ; for it was my intention to have taken him on board the Ranger, and to have detained him, until, through his means, a general and fair exchange of prisoners, as well in Europe as in America, had been eflx3cted. When I was informed by some men whom I met at landing, that his Lord-
LETTER TO THE COUNTESS OF SELKIRK. 69
ship was absent, I walked back to my boat, determined to leave the island. By the way, however, some officers, who were with me, could not forbear expressing their discontent, observing that, in America, no delicacy was shown by the English, who took away all sorts of moveable property, setting fire, not only to towns and to the houses of the rich, without distinction, but not even sparing the wretched ham- lets and milch-cows of the poor and helpless, at the approach of an inclement winter. That party had been with me the same morning at Whitehaven ; some complaisance, therefore, was their due. I had but a moment to tfiink how I might gratify theni, and at the same time do your Ladyship the least injury. I charged the officers to permit none of the seamen to enter the house, or to hurt anything about it ; to treat you. Madam, with the utmost respect ; to accept of the plate which was offered, and to come away without making a search, or demanding anything else.
" I am induced to beheve that I was punctually obeyed, since I am informed that the plate which they brought away is far short of the quantity expressed in the inventory which accompanied it. I have gratified my men ; and, when the plate is sold, I shall become the purchaser, and will gratify my own feelings by restoring it to you by such conveyance as you shall please to direct.
" Had the Earl been on board the Ranger the foUovv^ing evening, he would have seen the awful pomp and dreadful carnage of a sea-engagement ; both affording ample subject for the pencil as well as melancholy reflection for the con- templative mind. Humanity starts back from such scenes of horror, and cannot sufficientl}^ execrate the vile promoters of this detestable war —
'For they, 'twas they, unsheathed the ruthless blade. And Heaven shall ask the havoc it has made.'
"The British ship of war Drake, mounting twenty guns,
70 LETTER TO THE COUNTESS OF SELKIRK.
with more than her full complement of officers and men, was our opponent. The ships met, and the advantage was disputed with great fortitude on each side for an hour and four min- utes, when the gallant commander of the Drake fell, and vic- tory declared in favour of the Ranger. The amiable lieuten- ant lay mortally wounded, besides near forty of the inferior officers and crew killed and wounded, — a melancholy demon- stration of the uncertainty of human prospects, and of the sad reverse of fortune which an hour can produce. I buried them in a spacious grave, with the honours due to the me- mory of the brave.
" Though I have drawn my sword in the present generous struggle for the rights of men, yet I am not in arms as an American, nor am I in pursuit of riches. My fortune is liberal enough, having no wife nor family, and having lived long enough to know that riches cannot ensure happiness. I pro- fess myself a citizen of the w^orld, totally unfettered by the little, mean distinctions of climate or of country, which diminish the benevolence of the heart, and set bounds to phi- lanthropy. Before this war began I had at the early time of life withdrawn from the sea-service in favour of ' calm con- templation and poetic ease.' I have sacrificed not only my favourite scheme of hfe, but the softer affections of the heart and my prospects of domestic happiness, and I am ready to sacrifice my life also with cheerfulness, if that forfeiture could restore peace and good-will among mankind.
" As the feelings of your gentle bosom cannot but be con- genial with mine, let me entreat you, Madam, to use your persuasive art with your husband's to endeavour to stop this cruel and destructive war, in which Britain can never suc- ceed. Heaven can never countenance the barbarous and unmanly practice of the Britons in America, which savages would blush at, and which, if not discontinued, will soon be retaliated on Britain by a justly-enraged people. Should you fail in this, (for I am persuaded that you will attempt it, and
LETTER TO THE COUNTESS OF SELKIRK. 71
who can resist the power of such an advocate ?) your endea- vours to effect a general exchange of prisoners will be an act of humanity which will afford you golden feelings on a death-bed.
" I hope this cruel contest will soon be closed ; but should it continue, I wage no war with the fair. I acknowledge their force, and bend before it with submission. Let not therefore, the amiable Countess of Selkirk regard me as an enemy ; I am ambitious of her esteem and friendship, and would do anything, consistent with my duty, to merit it.
" The honour of a Hne from your hand in answer to this will lay me under a singular obligation ; and if I can render you any acceptable service in France or elsewhere, I hope you see into my character so far as to command me without the least grain of reserve.
" I wish to know exactly the behaviour of my people, as 1 am determined to punish them if they have exceeded their Hberty. I have the honour to be, with much esteem and with profound respect, Madam, &c. &c.
" John Paul Jones.
" To the Countess of Selkirk.'*
It afterwards cost Jones much more trouble than he could have calculated upon to redeem the promise here given to the Countess of Selkirk. Once in the harpy claws of com- missaries and prize-agents, it required all his energy, activity, and disinterestedness, to wrest the plate from them, even by paying, he says, " more than the value." It was valued and re-valued, and occasioned more trouble and expense than it was intrinsically worth, had not Jones conceived his honour pledged for its safe restoration.
Jones found a useful auxiliary in this affair in Father John, an Irish priest, the chaplain of Count D'Orvilliers, who then commanded a fleet lying off Brest, and whom he had already made his friend. So justly provoked was he about this affair, and the sordid spirit of the agents, that, in the very temper
72 REDEMPTION OF THE PLATE.
of Hotspur, we find him exclaiming, " I will not abate the thousandth part of a 50/ of three-twentieths of prizes, which no man in America ever presumed to dispute as being my just and proper right, and which no rascal in Europe shall presume to dispute with impunity ! To whom, since I w^as myself commander-in-chief, would that old fool decree the three-twentieths? Perhaps to his dear self, who is puffed up with the idea of his right to secure ' the property of captures? " Though the plate came into the possession of Jones in 1780, it was nearly five years before he was able to return it to the owner. It was lodged with a friend during his absence in America ; and in wrhing to Lord Selkirk in 1784, after the peace, he takes occasion to make a new avowal of the views and sentiments on which he had acted during the war : —
Paris, February 12lh, 1784. " My Lord,
" I have just received a letter from Mr. Nesbitt, dated at L'Orient the 4th instant, mentioning a letter to him from your son, Lord Daer, on the subject of the plate that was taken from your house by some of my people when I com- manded the Ranger, and has been for a long time past in Mr. Nesbitt's care. A short time before I left France to return to America, Mr. W. Alexander wrote me from Paris to L'Orient, that he had, at my request, seen and con- versed with your Lordship in England respecting the plate. He said that you had agreed that I should restore it, and that it might be forwarded to the care of your sister-in-law, the Countess of Morton, in London. In consequence I now send orders to Mr. Nesbitt, to forward the plate immediately to her care. When I received Mr. Alexander's letter, there was no cartel or other vessel at L'Orient, that I could trust with a charge of so delicate a nature as your plate, and I had great reason to expect I should return to France within six months after I embarked for America ; but circumstances in America prevented my returning to Europe during the
LETTER TO LORD SELKIRK. 73
war, though I had constant expectation of it. The long delay that has happened to the restoration of 3- our plate has given me much concern, and I now feel a proportionate pleasure in fulfilling what was my first intention. My motive for landing at your estate in Sco'Jc^nd was to take you as an hostage for the lives and liberty of a number of the citizens of America, who had been taken in war on the ocean, and committed to British prisons, under an act of parliament, as traitors, pirates, ^nd felons. You observed to Mr. Alexander, that ' my idea was a mistaken one, because you were not, (as I had supposed) in favour with the British ministry, who knew that you favoured the cause of liberty.'' On that account I am glad that you were absent from your estate when 1 landed there, as I bore no personal enmity, but the contrary, towards you. I sRerv/ards had the happiness to redeem my fellow-citizens from Britain, by means far more glorious than through the modi am of any single hostage.
" As I have endeavoured to serve the cause of liberty, through every stage of the American revolution, and sacri- ficed to it my private ease, a part of my fortune, and some of my blood, I could have no selfish motive in permitting my people to demand and carry off yoar plate. My sole induce- ment was to turn their attention and stop their rage from breaking out, and retahating on your house and effects the too ivanton burnings and desolation that had been committed against their relations and fellow-citizens in America by the British ; of which, I assure, you would have felt the severe consequences had I not fallen on an expedient to prevent it, and hurried my people away before they had time for farther reflection. As you were so obliging as to say to Mr. Alex- ander, that * my people behaved ivith great decency at your house,' I ask the favour of you to announce that circumstance to the public.
" I am, my Lord, wishing you always perfect freedom and happiness," &c. &c.
7 " Paul Jone^i/
74 THE EARL'S ANSWER.
The answer that Jones received next year from the Earl was some indemnification for his trouble and anxiety : —
" London, 4th August, 1785.
" Sir,
" I received the letter you wrote me at the time you sent off my plate, in order for restoring it. Had I known where to direct a letter to you at the time it arrived in Scotland, I would have then wrote to you ; but not knowing it, nor find- ing that any of my acquaintance at Edinburgh knew it, I was obhged to delay writing till I came here, when, by means of a gentleman connected with America, I was told Mr. Le Grand was your banker at Paris, and would take proper care of a letter for you ; therefore I enclose this to him.
" Notwithstanding all the precautions you took for the easy and uninterrupted conve3^ance of the plate, yet it met with considerable delays, first at Calais, next at Dover, then at London. However, it at last arrived at Dumfries, and, I dare say, quite safe, though as yet I have not seen it, being then at Edinburgh. I intended to have put an article in the newspapers about your having returned it ; but before I was informed of its being arrived, some of your friends, I suppose, had put it in the Dumfries newspaper, whence it was imme- diately copied into the Edinburgh papers, and thence into the London ones.
" Since that time I have mentioned it to many people of fashion ; and on all occasions. Sir, both now and formerly, I have done you the justice to tell, that you made an offer of returning the plate very soon after your return to Brest, and although you yourself were not at my house, but remained at the shore with your boat, that yet you had your officers and men in such extraordinary good discipline, that you having given them the strictest orders to behave well, to do no injury of any kind, to make no search, but only to bring off' what plate w^as given them ; that in reality they did exactly as
THE EARL'S ANSWER. 75
01 tiered, and that not one man offered to stir from his post, on the outside of the house, nor entered the doors, nor said an uncivil word ; that the two officers stood not a quarter of an hour in the parlour and butler's pantry while the butler got the plate together ; behaved politely, and asked for nothing but the plate, and instantly marched their men off in regular order ; and that both officers and men behaved in all respects so well, that it would have done credit to the best-disciplined troops whatever. Some of the EngHsh newspapers at that time having put in confused accounts of your expedition to Whitehaven and Scotland, I ordered a proper one of what happened in Scotland to be put in the London newspapers, by a gentleman who was then at my house, by which the good conduct and civil behaviour of your officers and men were done justice to, and attributed to your orders, and the good discipline you maintained over your people. " I am, Sir, your most humble servant,
" Selkirk."
The plate was retu'ned exactly as it had been taKen away.
76 CONDI rCT Ol THE COMMISSIONERS.
CHAPTER IV.
HE success of Jones, and the temporary vogue into which it raised him at the court of |France on his return to Brest, I did not free him from many embarrassments. To provide ifor his crew, to secure the itwo hundred prisoners he had 'brought in, and to obtain a new command for himself, all occupied and distracted his atten- tion at the same time. The dilatoriness or cupidity of the prize-agents, and the straitened funds at the disposal of the Commissioners, excited open discontents among the seamen, — who, after their exertions, saw themselves neglected and forgotten, and even in want of the common necessaries of food and clothing. Captain Jones had now obtained the right of speaking out, and also of being heard ; and he used his newly-acquired influence with equal anxiety for the comfort of his own men, and of the sick, wounded, and prisoners whom the fortune of war had placed at his mercy.
Before quitting America, Jones had, under the sanction of the Marine Committee, made himself accountable to his crew for the regular payment of their wages. With this circumstance Mr. Lee, one of the Commissioners, who after- w^ards gave both of his own colleagues much trouble, was acquainted ; yet he concurred with those who were in igno- rance of this arrangement in dishonouring a draft which Jones made on the (commissioners on his return to Brest,
JONES PROTECTS HIS PRISONERS. 77
under circumstances which should have compelled them to attend to his wants, in humanity and good policy as well as justice. " I was left," he says, " with two hundred prisoners of war, a number of sick and wounded, an almost naked crew, and a ship, after a severe engagement, in want of stores and provisons, from the 9th May till the 13th of June, destitute of any public support." " To make me completely wretched," he says, on another occasion, " M. de Bersolle has told me that he now stops his hand, not only of the necessary articles to refit the ship, but also of the daily provi- sions. I know not w^here to find to-morrow^'s dinner for the great number of mouths that depend on me for food. Are the continental ships of war to depend on the sale of their prizes for a daily dinner to their men ? Publish it not in Gath!"
But from all these pressing difficulties Jones contrived to extricate himself with little aid, in the first instance, from the harassed Commissioners, who, at this time, had their hands full of business, and their purses empty of money.
Shortly afterwards v^^e find Captain Jones interfering to protect his prisoners from the rapacity of the persons who were intrusted with supplying their wants. By his exertions and credit with the French goverment and its functionaries, he had already ensured their safe custody in order to an exchange, — an object for which Frankhn was now negotia- ting, and which at all times was one of prime importance to Jones, as appears on the face of his whole correspondence. The letter enclosing the memorial of his prisoners is very creditable to his feehngs.
" The fellow," he says, " who holds the rod over their wretched heads, has menaced them * if they dare to com- plain,' and would have intercepted their memorial, had I not prevented it. This Riou is the scoundrel who, by his false- hood, promoted discord in the Ranger, and got the delu led people to appoint him their particular agent. Before that time he never could call twenty louis his own, — and he is 7*
78 JONES'S LETTER TO THE FRENCH OFFICERS.
now too rich for his former profession of King's interpreter. He does not deny that he is a scoundrel, for so I have called him more than once before witnesses, and so every person of sense thinks him at Brest. If the exchange of prisoners does not take place immediately, I conceive it would be the most eligible method to have the people on board the Patience landed. They are convinced that if you should think fit to return them an answer, it will never come to their hands through the means of any person who calls himself an agent at Brest, and they having full confidence in the honour and humanity of Father John, professor of English, and chaplain to Comte D'Orvilliers at Brest, have desired me to inform you, that through that gentleman they beg you to favour them with an answer. In granting their request you will confer a very singular obligation on me."
Though Jones had just cause of anger in the hardship and indignity to which he was exposed by the Commissioners dishonouring his drafts, and in the conduct of the prize-agents, and the discontents which in consequence arose among his crew, who naturally all looked to him for justice, if not reward, he was cheered by many marks of private friendship and esteem. The Comte D'Orvilliers, commander-in-chief at Brest, showed him the utmost kindness, untinctured by any of that professional jealousy w^ith which he was afterwards regarded by the horde of inferior officers of the French navy. The Due de Chartres seemed friendly ; and, above all, the wise and venerable Franklin, who, from first to last, appears to have appreciated his character, proved a friend as steady as he was judicious.
Jones had not been three weeks in Brest when Franklin wrote him, congratulating him on his late success, and pro- posing another expedition. " The Jersey privateers," he says, " do us a great deal of mischief by intercepting our supplies. It has been mentioned to me, that your small ves- sel, commanded by so brave an officer, might render great
DR. FRANKLIN'S PROPOSAL. 79
service, by following them where greater ships dare not ven- ture their bottoms ; or, being accompanied and supported by some frigates from Brest, at a proper distance, might draw them out and then take them. I wish you to consider of this, as it comes from high authority.'*^
To be made the decoy-duck of French frigates could not be peculiarly agreeable to a man whose first and vehement object at all times was a " separate command," " unUmited orders," and to be his " own counsellor." Yet in reply he says, " Nothing could give me more pleasure than to render essen- tial service to America in any way which you may find expedient." He then hints his desire of still obtaining the command of the ship building at Amsterdam. " I demand nothing," he adds, " and though I know that it was the inten- tion of Congress to give me that ship, 1 am now ready to go wherever the service calls me." " If two or three fast-sailins: ships could be collected together, there is a great choice of private enterprises that I can name, some of which might effectually succeed, and would be far more for the interest and honour of America than cruising with twice the force. It appears to me to be the province of our infant navy to surprise and spread alarms with fast-sailing ships. When we grow stronger we can meet their [the British] fleets, and dis- pute with them the sovereignty of the ocean."
These plans and speculations were forgotten in the more dazzling prospects which the following letter from Franklin opened to Jones ; though what at first promised so fair, after- wards became to him the source of much trouble and vexa- tion : —
(Private.) " Dear Sir,
. " I have the pleasure of informing you, that it is proposed to give you the command of the great ship we have built at Amsterdam. By what you wrote to us formerly I have
80 DR. FRANKLIN'S LETTER.
ventured to say in your behalf, that this proposition would be agreeable to you. You will immediately let me know your resolution ; which, that you may be more clear in taking, I must inform you of some circumstances. She is at present the property of the king ; but as there is no war yet declared, you will have the commission and flag of the States, and act under their orders and laws. The Prince de Nassau will make the cruise with you. She is to be brought here under cover as a French merchantman, to be equipped and manned in France. We hope to exchange your prisoners for as many American sailors ; but if that fails, you have your pre- sent crew to be made up here with other nations and French. The other Commissioners are not acquainted with this propo- sition as yet ; and you see by the nature of it, that it neces- sary to be kept a secret till we have got the vessel here, for fear of difficulties in Holland, and interception; you will therefore direct your answer to me alone. It being desired that the affair should rest between you and me, perhaps it may be best for you to take a trip up here to concert matters, if in general you approve the idea.
" I was much pleased with reading your journal, which we received yesterday."
A few days after this, Frankhn had this affair so well ma- tured as to write again in the following terms :
"Passy, June 10th, 1778.
" Dear Sir,
" I received yours of 1st instant, with the papers enclosed, which I have shown to the other Commissioners, but have not yet had their opinion of them ; only I know that they had before (in consideration of the disposition and uneasiness of your people) expressed an inclination to order your ship directly back to America. You will judge from what follows, 'whether it will not be advisable for you to pi^opose their send-
FRANKLIN'S LETTER. 81
ing her back with her people, and under some other command. In consequence of the high opinion the Minister of the Marine has of your conduct and bravery, it is now settled (observe, that is to be a secret between us, I being expressly enjoined not to communicate it to any other person,) that you are to have the frigate from Holland, which actually belongs to government, and will be furnished with as many good French seamen as you shall require. But you are to act under Con- gress commission. As you may like to have a number of Americans, and your own are home-sick, it is proposed to give you as many as you can engage out of tw^o hundred prisoners, which the ministry of Britain have at length agreed to give us in exchange for those you have in your hands. They propose to make the exchange at Calais, where they are to bring the Americans. Nothing is w^anting to this but a list of yours, containing their names and rank ; immediately on the receipt of which an equal number are to be prepared, and Bent in a ship to that port, where yours are to meet them.
" If by this means you can get a good new crew, I thmk it would be best that you are quite free of the old ; for a mix^ ture might introduce the infection of that sickness you com- plain of But this may be left to your own discretion. Per- haps we shall join you with the Providence. Captain Whipple, a new continental ship of 30 guns, which in coming out of the river of Providence, gave the two frigates that w^ere posted to intercept her each of them so heavy a dose of her 18 and 12 pounders, that they had not the courage, or were not able, to pursue her. It seems to be desired that you will step up to Versailles, (where one will meet you,) in order to such a settlement of matters and plans with those who have the di- rection as cannot well be done by letter. I wish it may be convenient to you to do it immediately.
" The project of giving you the command of this ship pleases me the more, as it is a probable opening to the highe** preferment you so justly merit."
82 LETTER TO THE FRENCH MINISTER.
Jones must have been exceedingly gratified by this infor- mation. It was placing him at once at the summit of his wishes. The French Minister of Marine notified the wishes of his Most Christian Majesty to employ the American cap- tain; and the Commissioners as formally signified their acquiescence. They say, " We readily consent that he should be at your Excellency's disposition, and shall be happy if his services may be in any respect useful to the designs your Ex- cellency has in contemplation."
Though Jones had already some experience of Marine Committees, and of the delays and insolence of office, it was quite impossible that he could have anticipated all the torture and vexation laid up in store for him by a proposal which at first sight appeared so fair and flattering. He made his ac- knowledgments to the minister in his best style ; but probably thought less of the " dignity of human nature," the slang of that day, long before all official connexion was finished between them. " I have no doubt," he says, " that many projects might be formed from the hints which I had the honour of sending lately for your inspection : had I been in- trusted with the chief command, I would have held myself responsible for consequences."
" I am bound in honour to communicate faithfully to Con- gress the generous offer which the King now makes, of lend- ing the Epervier in the meantime to be employed under my command, under the flag of America. I have now under my command a ship bound to America. On my arrival there, from the former confidence of Congress, L have reason to expect an immediate removal into one of their best ships. I have reason to expect the chief command of the first squadron destined for an expedition, having in my possession several similar appointments ; and when Congress see fit to appoint admirals, I have assurance that my name will not be forgot. These are flattering prospects to a man who has drawn his sword only upon principles of philanthropy, and in support of
BOLD PROJECTS. 83
the dignity of human nature. But as I prefer a solid to a shining reputation, a useful to a splendid command, I hold myself ready, with the approbation of the Commissioners, to be governed by you in any measures that may tend to distress and humble the common enemy."
This letter, in several of its hints, shows some address on the part of Jones, who, it must be acknowledged, seldom, un- less stirred by indignation or a sense of injury, slipped the opportunity of forwarding his own interests by an opportune hint or leading suggestion : of hints and projects of a public nature his brain was at all times singularly fertile. At this moment of excitement it teemed with bold ideas or fancies. To effect the destruction of Whitehaven was, as we have seen, one project. To take the Bank of Ayr, destroy that town, and probably Greenock and Port-Glasgow, with the shipping in the Clyde, w^as a yet bolder design. "Much," he says, " might be done in Ireland, where ships worth one hundred and fifty thousand livres, or even two hundred thousand, might be seized, — London might be distressed, by cutting off the supply of coals carried from Newcastle, — the fishing at Campbelton might be destroyed, and many towns on the north-east coasts of England and Scotland n^ht be burnt or laid under contribution." A more feasible project was the capture or destruction of the Baltic fieet. " The success of any of these, or of like enterprises," says Jones, in a letter to the French Minister of Marine, " will depend in surprising well, and on despatch both in the attack and in the retreat ; therefore it is necessary the ships should sail fast, and that their forces should be sufficient to repel any of the enemy's cruising frigates, two of which may perhaps be met at a time. It is scarcely conceivable how great a panic the success of any one of these projects would occasion in England. It would convince the world that their coasts are vulnerable, and would, consequently, hurt their public credit.
84 LIEUTENANT SIMPSON
" If alarming the coast of Britain should be thought inex- pedient, to intercept the enemy's West India or Baltic fleets, or their Hudson's Bay ships, or to destroy their Greenland fishery, are capital objects."
There is much in these plans that must either have been conceived in ignorance, or suggested by Jones for the pur- pose of merely amusing, or of quickening the motions of the French marine department. Even when, long afterwards, a force was obtained, not one of them was attempted save the abortive attack on Leith.
It has been noticed, that, after the engagement with the Drake, Captain Jones ordered Lieutenant Simpson under -arrest for what appeared very satisfactory reasons. He had afterwards been annoyed by the Commissioners' dishonouring his draft, and he was now enraged by their conduct regard- ing Simpson, the offending officer. Indeed no excuse can be offered for their proceedings, save that these distracted Com- missioners had not power at all times to administer rigid jus- tice, whatever might have been their wishes. The account of this proceeding is given in the words of the memorial, long afterwards prepared by Captain Jones for the informa^ tion of the King of France. It was an insult the memory of which did not a©on leave him.
" The lieutenant under arrest on board the Drake had con- stant intercourse with the crew ; who thereby became so insolent as to refuse duty, and go all hands below repeatedly before the captain's face. It was impossible to trifle at that time, as Count D'Orvilliers had assured Captain Jones, unless he could get the Drake ready to transport the prisoners to America before orders arrived from Court, they would in all probability be given up without an exchange, to avoid imme- diate war with England. It therefore became impossible to suffer the lieutenant to remain any longer among them. Captain Jones had him removed to the ship called the Admi- ral, where the French confine even the first officers in the
LETTER TO THE COMMISSIONERS. 85
service. He had there a good chamber to himself, and liberty to walk the deck. The lieutenant endeavoured to desert out of the Admiral, and behaved in a manner so extravagant, that Count D'Orvilliers (without the knowledge of Captain Jones) ordered him to the prison of the port, where he also had a good chamber, and Captain Jones paid his expenses out of his own pocket.
" About this time- Captain Jones, finding the Heutenant appeared more reasonable than formerly, took his parole in writing, not to serve again in the navy before he was acquit- ted by a court-martial, and set him at Uberty. A day or two afterwards the Commissioners thought fit to interfere respecting the lieutenant of the Ranger, which, it is presumed, they had no authority to do, as it laid the axe to the root of subordination."
On returning from Versailles, whither he had gone, as has been noticed, on the invitation of FrankHn, Captain Jones feeling himself dreadfully aggrieved, wrote as follows : —
« Brest, August 13th, 1778. " Gentlemen,
" I have been five days in this place since my return from Passy, during which time I have neither seen nor heard from Lieutenant Simpson ; but Mr. Hill, who was last winter at Passy, and who sailed with me from Nantes, informs me truly, that it is generally reported in the Ranger, and of course throughout the French fleet, and on shore, that I am turned out of the service ; that you, gentlemen, have given Mr. Simpson my place with a captain's commission, and that my letter to ybu of the 16th July ^yas involuntary on my part, and in obedience only to your orders.
" That these reports prevail is not an idle conjecture, but
a melancholy fact. Therefore I beseech you, — I demand of
you to afford me redress, — redress by a court-martial; to
form which we have now, with the assistance of Captain
8
86 DELAYS.
Hinman, Captain Read, as also them at Nantes, a sufficient number of officers in France, exclusive of myself. The Providence and Britain are expected here very soon from Nantes, and I am certain that they neither can nor will again depart, before my friend Captain Hinman can come dov^^n here ; and it is his unquestioned right to succeed me in the Ranger.
" I have faithfully and personally supported and fought the dignified cause of human nature ever since the American banners first waved on the Delaware and on the ocean. This I did when that man did not call himself a republican, but left the continent, and served its enemies ; this I did whon this man appeared backward, and did not support me as he ought.
" I conclude by requesting you to call before you, and examine for your own satisfaction, Mr. Edward Meyers, who is now at the house of the Swedish Ambassador, and who, having been with me as a volunteer, can and will, I am persuaded, represent to you the conduct of the officers and men towards me, both before I left Brest, and afterwards in the Irish Channel, as well as my conduct towards them. — 1 have the honour to be, &c. &c.
*• Their excellencies the
American Plenipotentiaries."
He received no immediate satisfaction, and resolved to digest his chagrin as he best could, and at least avoid the odium of a squabble among the Americans in France.
In the spring of the following year, he, however, received a slight atonement to his wounded feelings, in an official letter signed by Franklin and Adams, stating, that as his removal from the Ranger, and the appointment of Lieutenant Simpson to the command of that ship, might be liable to misrepresentations and misinterpretations, they certified it to be done by them, that, on the request of M. de Sartine, he might be employed on some public service ; and that Simp-
LETTER TO THE MINlt5TER. 87
son had been appointed by his (Jones's) consent after he had released that officer from an arrest under which he had placed him.
The prospect of immediate active service, of getting afloat with unlimited orders, and a larger force than he had ever yet commanded, so flattering and near in July, became more doubtful in the end of August ; and by September, as war was now declared with England, the French officers were in the first place to be provided for ; and the promised, or rather offered, frigates dwindled down to a much smaller force. Even that was delayed. After repeatedly applying to the American Commissioners, and using all the personal influence which his enlarged acquaintance in the court circles enabled him to obtain, Jones found it needful to remonstrate with M. de Sartine. He had, however, lost another powerful hold of the minister. The Prince of Nassau, who in the outset had eagerly desired to accompany him in his expedi- tion, either from caprice or change of views, abandoned the scheme, without scruple or apology, and to the letters of Jones did not even deign the civility of a reply.
That his time might not be wholly consumed in idleness, and in the sickness of hope deferred, Jones again addressed the minister in what he calls " an explicit letter," which ex- plains his situation better than could be done in many words.
"Brest, September 13th, 1778. " Honoured Sir,
" When his Excellency Doctor Franklin informed me that you had condescended to think me worthy of your notice, I took such pleasure in reflecting on the happy aUiance be- tween France and America, that I was really flattered, and entertained the most grateful sense of the honour which you proposed for me, as well as the favour which the king pro- posed for America, by putting so fine a ship of war as the Indian under my command, and under its flag, with unlimited orders.
88 LETTER TO THE MINISTER.
" In obedience to your desire, I came to Versailles, and was taught to believe that my intended ship was in deep water, and ready for the sea ; but when the Prince (de Nassau) re- turned, I received from him a different account ; I was told that the Indian could not be got afloat within a shorter period than three months at the approaching equinox.
" To employ this interval usefully, I first offered to go from Brest with Count D'Orvilliers, as a volunteer, which you thought fit to r^ect. I had then the satisfaction to find that you approved in general of a variety of hints for private enterprises which I had drawn up for your consideration, and I was flattered with assurances from Messieurs de Chaumont and Bandonin, that three of the finest frigates in France, with two tenders, and a number of troops, would be immediately put under my command; and that I should have unlimited orders, and be at free liberty to pursue such of my own pro- jects as I thought proper. But this plan fell to nothing in the moment when I was taught to think that nothing was wanting but the King's signature.
'* Another much inferior armament from L'Orient was pro- posed to be put under my command, which was by no means equal to the services that were expected from it; for speed and force, though both requisite, were both wanting. Happily for me this also failed, and I was thereby saved from a dread- ful prospect of ruin and dishonour.
" I had so entire a reliance that you would desire nothing of me inconsistent with my honour and rank, that the mo- ment you required me to come down here, in order to proceed round to St. Malo, though I had received no written orders, and neither knew your intention respecting my destination or command, I obeyed with such haste, that although my curi- osity led me to look at the armament at L'Orient, yet I was but three days from Passy till I reached Brest. Here too I drew a blank ; but when I saw the Lively, it was no disap- pointment, as that ship, both in sailing and equipment, is far inferior to the Ranger.
LETTER TO THE MINISTER. 89
" My only disappointment here was my being precluded from embarking in pursuit of marine knowledge with Count D'Orvilliers, who did not sail till seven days after my return. He is my friend, and expressed his wishes for my company ; I accompanied him out of the road when the fleet sailed ; and he always lamented that neither himself nor any person in authority in Brest had received from you any order that mentioned my name. I am astonished therefore to be in- formed that you attribute my not being in the fleet to my stay at L'Orient.
" 1 am not a mere adventurer of fortune. Stimulated by principles of reason and philanthropy, I laid aside my enjoy- ments in private life, and embarked under the flag of America when it was first displayed. In that line my desire of fame Is infinite, and 1 must not now so far forget my own honour, and what I owe to my friends and America, as to remain inactive.
" My rank knows no superior in the American marine : I have long since been appointed to command an expedition with five of its ships, and I can receive orders from no junior or inferior officer whatever.
" I have been here in the most tormenting suspense for more than a month since my return ; and agreeable to your desire, as mentioned to me by Monsieur Chaumont, a lieu- tenant has been appointed, and is with me, who speaks the French as well as the English. Circular letters have been written, and sent the 8th of last month from the English Ad- miralty, because they expected me to pay another visit with four ships. Therefore I trust that, if the Indian is not to be got out, you will not, at the approaching season, substitute a force that is not at least equal both in strength and sailins: to any of the enemy's cruising ships.
*' T do not wish to interfere with the harmony of the French marine ; but if I am still thought worthy of your attention, I shall hope for a separate command, with liberal orders. If, 8*
90 DELAYS.
on the contrary, you should now have no further occasion for my services, the only favour I can ask is, that you will bestow on me the Alert, with a few seamen, and permit me to return, and carry with me your good opinion in that small vessel, before the winter, to America."
This letter was submitted to the Due de Rochefoucault, and enclosed to Franklin, who, while he omitted no opportunity of serving Jones, still counselled patience. To Franklin he says, " It is in vain for the minister to pretend that he has not ships to bestow. I know the contrary. He has bestowed the Renommee and others here since my return ; and there are yet several new ships unbestowed at St. Malo and elsewhere. I know too, that unless the States of Holland oppose it, the Indian can be got afloat with a tenth part of the difficulty that has been represented. If I was worth his notice at the beginning I am not less so now. After all, you have desired me to have patience, and I promise you that I will wait your kind advice, and take no step without your approbation. If it were consistent and convenient for you to see M. de Sartine, I should hope that such an explanation would be the conse- quence as might remove every cause of uneasiness."
Day after day he continued to write to Franklin, mention- ing vessels that he might command if the minister were sin- cere in his professions. Meanwhile Frankhn procured the minister's order that he should be received on board the French fleet ; but, either intentionally or by accident, it came too late to admit of his embarking to gain that knowledge of naval tactics, and of governing a fleet, which was his object. It was indeed surmised tliat the jealousy of the French service was the true obstacle, both to his promised command and desire of increasing his knowledge of his profession on the great scale. " I think of going to L'Orient," he says, " being heartily sick of Brest, and an eyesore to the marine." In another letter he says, " I have excited the jealousy of many officers in our young navy, because I have pursued honour while they sought after profit."
DELAYS. 91
Gradually as. his hopes decreased, Jones lowered his de- mands. He proposed many different vessels, the chief object being fast-sailing ships.
" I wish to have no connexion with any ship that does not sail fast," he says, " for I intend to go in harm's way. You know, I believe, that this is not every one's intention ; there- fore buy a frigate that sails fast, and that is sufficiently large to carry twenty-six or twenty-eight guns on one deck." " I have, to show my gratitude to France," he adds, " lost so much time, and with it such opportunities as I cannot regain, — I have almost half killed myself with grief Give me but an assurance that the command of the Indian will be reserved for me, and bestowed on no other person on any pretence whatsoever, and I will say I am satisfied. This I pledge myself will be no loss to France — America is not ungrateful. The noble-minded Congress know not the little mean distinc- tions of climate or place of nativity, nor have they adopted any rule which can preclude them from encouraging or re- warding the merit of a stranger, by raising him 'even to the first posts of honour. In the army there are many instances of this. In the navy, young as it is, it gives me particular pleasure to inform you that Congress have given the command of the best ship in their service to a French officer, and called the ship the Alliance"
Many vessels were proposed in succession, and all were abandoned. The anger and impatience of Jones got beyond control, and he never appears to have been of the temper ^ which makes a proud man disdain to reveal his chagrin and disappointment. M. de Sartine accordingly, on his part, felt equally annoyed by the incessant importunity of the man who held him to his word.
To the Due de Rochefoucault, whom he always found friendly, Jones writes, — " The minister's behaviour towards me has been and is really astonishing. At his request (for I sought not the connexion) I gave up absolute certainties, and
92 LETTER TO THE DUG DE ROCHEFOUCAULT.
far more flattering prospects than any of those which he pro- posed. What inducement could I have for this but gratitude to France for having first recognized our independence I And having given my word to stay for some time in Europe, I have been and am unwilUng to take it back, especially after having communicated the circumstances to Congress. The minister, to my infinite mortification, after possessing himself of my schemes and ideas, has treated me like a child five times successively, by leading me on from great to little, and from little to less. Does such conduct do honour either to his head or to his heart ? He has not to this moment oflfered me the least apology for any of these five deceptions ; nor has he, 1 believe, assigned any good reason to that venerable and great character, his Excellency Doctor Franklin, whom he has made the instrument to entrap me in this cruel state of inaction and suspense.
" The minister has lately written a letter to Count D'Orvil- liers, proposing to send me home m * une bonne voiture.' This is absolutely adding insult to injury, and it is the propo- sition of a man whose veracity I have not experienced in former cases.
" I could in the summer, with the Ranger, joined with the two other American frigates, have given the enemy sufficient foundation for their fears in Britain as well as Ireland, and could since have been assisting Count D'Estaing, or acting separately with an American squadron. Instead of this I am chained down to shameful inactivity here, after having written to Congress to reserve no command for me in America.
" Convinced as I am, that your noble and generous breast will feel for my unmerited treatment, I must beseech you to interest yourself with the Duke de Chartres, that the King may be made acquainted with my situation. I have been taught to believe that I have been detained in France with his Majesty's knowledge and approbation, and I am sure he is too good a prince to detain me for my hurt or dishonour.
LETTER TO M. CHAUMONT. 93
" M. de Sartine may think as he pleases, but Congress will not thank him for having thus treated an officer who has always been honoured with their favour and friendship. I entertained some hopes of his honourable intentions till he gave the command of the Fox to a lieutenant, after my friends had asked for me only that ship with the Alert cutter. He was the asker, at the beginning, and ought to be so now ; he has, to my certain knowledge, ships unbestowed, and he is bound in honour to give me the Indian, as he proposed at the first, or an equivalent command, immediately."
To M. Ray de Chaumont, Jones says, about the same period, —
" Although the minister has treated me like a child five suc- cessive times, by leading me on from great to little, and from Httle to less, yet I had some dependence on his honourable intentions until he refused the small commnnd which you asked for me the 23d ultimo, and afterwards bestowed the Fox on a lieutenant who, to my certain knowledge, does not thank him for the favour, and thinks that ship far short of his right. I say I verily believed the minister at the beginning, and afterwards ; but now having deceived me so often, I wish him to know that I doubt him, though he swears even ' hy the stix.^* I have written to him several respectful letters of some consequence, none of which he has condescended to answer. This is a piece of incivility and disrespect to me as a stranger which he has not shown even to subalterns in the French marine, in whose hands I have seen his answ^ers to letters of little importance. The secrecy which I was required to ob- serve respecting what seemed his first intention in my favour has been inviolable ; and I have been so delicate with respect to my situation, that I have been, and am considered every- where as an officer disgraced and cast off for private reasons I have of course been in actual disgrace here ever since my
* At an interview M. Chaumont had with the minister, he swore by Styx •' that Paul Jones should have a frigate, were he even to buy it.
04 LETTER OF YOUNG FRANKLIN.
return, which is more than two months. I have already lost near five months of my time, the best season of the year, and such opportunities of serving my country, and acqui-rlvg honour, as I cannot again expect this war, while I have been thus shamefully entrapped in inaction. My duty and sensi- bility cannot brook this unworthy situation. If the minister's intentions have been honourable from the beginning, he will make a direct written apology to me, suitable to the injury which I have sustained, otherwise, in vindication of my sacred honour, painful as it will be, I must publish in the Gazettes of Europe the conduct he has held towards me."
The compatriots of Jones in France sympathized in his disappointment and indignation ; particularly Dr. Bancroft and Mr. William Temple Franklin, the grandson and secretary of Benjamin Franklin. " I have felt for you most sincerely," says young Franklin ; " Monsieur S.'s conduct towards you has been as remarkable as it has been unjust, and has altered in a great degree the good opinion many have had of him. I have been asked in several companies, ou est le brave Cap- itaine Jones 1 que f ait-ill and have felt myself (as your com- patriot) in a manner ill-treated, when I can only answer that you are still at Brest. On the receipt of your letter, I asked Mr. Chaumont ' whether he thought anything would be done for you V He answered, ' that to his certain knowledge M. S. was ashamed of the conduct he had held towards you, and that he was now occupied to make up for it. Bancroft,' says he, * is assured that the minister had all along felt good dispo- sitions, but had been prevented from carrying them into execution by the intrigues of 487,557,* (the marine,) among whom multitudes were making interest, and cabalHng to ob- tain 303, (ships,) and opposing the disposal of any except among their own body ; but 710 (M. de Sartine) had assured him that you should soon have one, if he were even to pur
* These numbers refer to a cipher that Bancroft and young' Franklin hao got from Paul Jones for their private correspondence >s-'ith him.
DELAYS 9&
chase it.' Mr. Bandonin desired me also to make you his best compliments, to assure you that he would not suffer your business to rest much longer, and in the mean time to beg your patience a little longer. In this situation I know not what we can do, but wait a week or two, when, if nothing comes, I think 299 (Doctor Franklin) will declare his utmost resentment, and nothing that any of us can say will be too bad."
Worn out with waiting, " half killed," as he strongly ex- presses himself, with suspense and inaction, Jones now formed the design of directly addressing the King, and of soliciting the kindness of the family of Chartres, (Orleans,) in present- ing his letter. He, as usual, took the precaution of enclosing all these epistolary compositions to Franklin, — a course which preserved him from ever going too far wrong, even while under the greatest irritation.
In his letter to FrankHn, he says, " The Duchesse de Chartres will, I am persuaded, undertake to deliver my letter into the King's hands ; and as you may not yet think fit to appear in the business, either the Due de Rochefoucault, or your grandson, will oblige me by waiting on her at the Palais Royal. The Due de Rochefoucault, as he understands Eng- lish well, and is acquainted with the circumstances, would obKge me much if he would be present w^hen the letter is presented to the King. I do not wish to trouble the Due de Chartres about this affair, as that brave prince has undeserv- edly met with vexations of his own."
The following is the letter which Captain Jones wrote to the King of France, and which was to be presented to his Majesty by the Duchess of Chartres, afterwards the Duchess of Orleans : —
96 LETTER TO THE KING.
Brest, October 19th, 1778. " Sire,
" After my return to Brest in the American ship of war the Ranger, from the Irish Channel, his excellency Dr. Franklin informed me by letter, dated June the 1st, that M. de Sartine, having a high opinion of my conduct and bravery, had deter- mined, with your Majesty's consent and approbation, to give me the command of the ship of war the Indian, which was built at Amsterdam for America, but afterwards, for political reasons, made the property of France.
" I was to act with unlimited orders under the commission and flag of America ; and the Prince de Nassau proposed to accompany me on the ocean.
" I was deeply penetrated with the sense of the honour^ done me by this generous proposition, as well as of the favour your Majesty intended thereby to confer on America. And I accepted the offer with the greater pleasure, as the Con- gress had sent me to Europe in the Ranger, to command the Indian, before the ownership of that vessel was changed.
" The minister desired to see me at Versailles to settle future plans of operation, and I attended him for that purpose. I was told that the Indian was at the Texel completely armed and fitted for sea ; but the Prince de Nassau was sent express to Holland, and returned with a very different ac- count. The ship was at Amsterdam, and could not be got afloat or armed before the September equinox. The Ameri- can plenipotentiaries plroposed that I should return to America ; and as I have repeatedly been appointed to the chief com- mand of an American squadron to execute secret enterprises, it was not doubted but that Congress would again show me a preference. M. de Sartine, however, thought proper to pre- vent my departure, by writing to the plenipotentiaries, (with- out my knowledge,) requesting that I might be permitted to remain in Europe, and that the Ranger might be sent back to America under another commander, he having special ser-
LETTER TO THE KING. 97
vices which he wished me to execute. This request they readily granted, and I was flattered by the prospect of being enabled to testify, by my services, my gratitude to your Majesty, as the first prince who has so generously acknow- ledged our independence.
" There was an interval of more than three months-before the Indian could be gotten afloat. To employ that period usefully, when your Majesty's fleet was ordered to sail from Brest, I proposed to the minister to embark in it as a volun- teer, in pursuit of marine knowledge. He objected to this, at the same time approved of a variety of hints for private enterprises, which I had draw^n up for his consideration. Two gentlemen were appointed to settle with me the plans that were to be adopted, who gave me the assurance that three of the best frigates in France, with two tenders, and a number of troops, should be immediately put under my com- mand, to pursue such of my own projects as I thought pro- per ; but this fell to nothing, when I believed that your Majes- ty's signature only was wanting.
" Another armament, composed of cutters and small ves- sels, at L'Orient, was proposed to be put under my command, to alarm the coast of England and check the Jersey priva- teers ; but, happily for me, this also failed, and I was saved from ruin and dishonour, as I now find that all the vessels sailed slow, and their united force is very insignificant. The minister then thought fit that I should return to Brest to com- mand the Lively, and join some frigates on an expedition from St. Malo to the North Sea. I returned in haste for that purpose, and found that the Lively had been bestowed at Brest before the minister had mentioned that ship to me at Ver- sailles. This was, how^ever, another fortunate disappointment, as the Lively proves, both in sailing and equipment, much in- ferior to the Ranger ; but, more especially, if it be true, as I i have since understood, that the minister intended to give the ' chief command of the expedition to a lieutenant, which would 9
98 LETTER TO THE KING.
have occasioned a very disagreeable misunderstanding : for, as an officer of the first rank in the American marine, who has ever been Jionoured with the favour and friendship of Congress, I can receive orders from no inferior officer what- ever. My plan was the destruction of the English Baltic tieet, of great consequence to the enemy's marine, and then only protected by a single frigate ! I would have held myself responsible for its success had I commanded the ex- pedition.
" M. de Sartine afterwards sent orders to Count D'Orvilliers to receive me on board the fleet, agreeably to my former proposal ; but the order did not arrive until after the depar- ture of the fleet the last time from Brest, nor was I made acquainted with the circumstance before the fleet returned here.
*' Thus have I been chained down to shameful inactivity for nearly five months. I have lost the best season of the year, and such opportunities of serving my country and acquiring honour as I cannot again expect this war ; and, to my infinite mortification, having no command, I am considered every- where an officer cast off* and in disgrace for secret reasons.
" I have written respectful letters to the minister, none of which he has condescended to answer ; I have written to the Prince de Nassau with as little effect ; and I do not under- stand that any apology has been made to the great and ven- erable Dr. Franklin, whom the minister has made the instru- ment of bringing me into such unmerited trouble.
" Having written to Congress to reserve no command for me in America, my sensibility is the more affected by this unworthy situation in the sight of your Majesty's fleet. I, however, make no remark on the treatment I have received.
" Although I wish not to become my own panegyrist, I must beg your Majesty's permission to observe, that I am not an adventurer in search of fortune, of which, thank God, I have a sufficiency.
LETTER TO THE KING. 99
" When the American banner was first displayed, I drew my sword in support of the violated dignity and rights of human nature ; and both honour and duty prompt me stead- fastly to continue the righteous pursuit, and to sacrifice to it, not only my private enjoyments, but even life, if necessary. I must acknowledge that the generous praise which I have received from Congress and others exceeds the merit of my past services ; therefore I the more ardently wish for future opportunities of testifying my gratitude by my activity.
"As your Majesty, by espousing the cause of America,
hath become the protector of the rights of human nature, I
am persuaded that you will not disregard my situation, noi
suffer me to remain any longer in this insupportable disgrace.
I am, with perfect gratitude
and profound respect. Sire, Your Majesty's very obliged,
very obedient, and very humble servant,
J. Paul Jones.'*
There is no satisfactory evidence that the above letter was ever presented, or indeed that it ever came into the hands of the Duchess of Chartres ; yet the fact appears to* be assumed by some of the biographers of Jones ; and the letter itself, as expressive of his sentiments at this crisis, is too important to be suppressed. The correspondence and journals of Jones contain no allusion to any effect produced by that letter, — not even the extract of his journal made long afterwards, ex- pressly for the perusal of the king ; and the postscript of a letter written by Mr. Temple Franklin is at least complete proof that, if the letter to the king was ever delivered, it was decidedly against the judgment of Franklin. The letter of the younger Franklin is dated the 22d October, the postscript the 24th. It says, " Since writing the above, I have received
100
JONES'S GRATITUDE.
yours of the 19th instant (the letter to the king.) I would willingly do everything you there desire of me, but it is my grandfather's opinion that there will be no occasion to send those letters; and I imagine they were wrote before you heard of the minister's final determination. If, however, you still think they ought to be sent, you have only to order it."
From this it would appear that the minister's " final deter- mination" to buy Jones " a suitable ship" had preceded the letter to the King and was not a consequence of it. In a letter to M. de Chaumont, of the 30th November, Jones thus ex- presses himself with regard to M. de Sartine : — *' My best respects and most grateful thanks await the minister for the very honourable things he said of me to the Due de la Roche- foucault. It shall be my ambition, when he gives me oppor- tunities, to merit his favour and affection."
DECLINES THE COMMAND OF FRIVATEERS.
101
CHAPTER V.
HE gratitude of Jones to the minister of marine was pre- mature. But it would be tire- some to follow the train of petty disappointments which this brave man had yet to encounter before he got once again fairly afloat. From the month of June, 1778, till the month of February of the following year, he was condemned to feel to its utmost extent the misery there is —
" In suing- long to bide."
In this interval some proposals were made to Captain Jones while at Brest to take the command of privateers. This he decidedly declined ; and he even resented the supposition that, bearing, as he did, the commission of Congres, he should act at any time as the commander of privateers. So nice was he on this point, that in one instance we find Franklin himself condescending to sooth his hasty feelings. " Depend upon it," says the sage, " I never wTOte Mr. Gillon that the Bon Homme Richard was a privateer. I could not write so, because I never had such a thought. I will next post send you a copy of my letter to him, by which you will see that he has only forced that construction from a vague expression [ used, merely to conceal from him (in answerino: his idle demand that 1 would order your squadron, then on the point of sailing, to go with him to Carolina,) that the expedition was at the expense and under the direction of the king, which 9*
102 JONES AT COURT.
)L was not proper or necessary for him to know." And to the proposal that he would take the command of aij armament of privateers, Jones says, " Were I in pursuit of profit I would accept it without hesitation ; but I am under such obligations to Congress, that I cannot think myself my own master, — and as a servant of the Imperial Republic of America, honoured with the public approbation of my past services, I cannot, from my own authority or inclination, serve either myself or even my best friends, in any private line whatsoever." With these feelings, his indignation at being long afterwards offered a letter-of-marque by the French government, in requital of his services, may be easily imagined. But this belongs to a more advanced stage of his history.
Everything appeared in a fair way in November; yet Jones found it necessary to repair once more to Versailles, and to Passy, the seat of the American legation. " As nothing w-as done," he says in his memorial to the king, " Captain Jones determined to go himself to court." When he got there, the minister offered him the Marshal de Broglio, a large ship; but as his Americans had all left the service during the long period of idleness, he was unable to man this vessel, and the Due de Duras was bought for him, which, among many other vessels, he had acquainted his friends, was on sale at L'Orient.
On the 6th of February Jones had at last the satisfaction of making, from Passy, his acknowledgments to the minister Sartine. His gratitude was quite as lively as the treatment he had received required. He obtained leave to change the name of the ship to Bon Homme Richard ^ " in compliment," he says, " to a saying of Poor Richard," (of which, by the w^ay, he had just experienced the truth,) " If you would have your business done, come yourself — if not, send."
Jones now went4o Nantes to engage seamen, and to obtain cannon to arm his ship. On his late journey he had been in- troduced to M. Gamier, in order to concert a plan of opera-
THE BON HOMME RICHARD. 103
tions for a combined naval and military force. Four or five sail were to be added to the Bon Homme Richard, of which two vessels were to be fire-ships. Five hundred picked men, taken from the Irish regiment, were to embark under the command of Mr. Fitzmaurice. All were to be under the en- tire command of Jones. " A plan,"* he says, " was laid, which promised perfect success, and had it succeeded, would have astonished the world."
In an evil hour he soHcited that the Alliance, a new Ame- rican frigate, of which the command had been given by Con- gress to one Landais, a Frenchman, should be added to his force. As Dr. Frankhn had just been formally appointed ambassador to the Court of France, Jones imagined that not only the disposal of the frigate, but the power of displacing its commander at pleasure, was vested in him, as the guardian of American interests in Europe.
About this time the Marquis de la Fayette returned from America, and he wished to go on the projected expedition. Jones was summoned to court and it was arranged that the Marquis de la Fayette was to command a body of about seven hundred troops, assigned him by the king. The Alli- ance was made part of the squadron by the American minister plenipotentiary, at the particular desire of the French go- vernment.
The squadron was now to consist of the Bon Homme Richard, the AlHance, the Pallas, the Vengeance brig, and the Cerf, a fine cutter. Well fitted and manned. " A person," (M. Chaumont,) says Jones, " was appointed commissary, and unwisely intrusted with the secret of the expedition. The commissary took upon himself the whole direction at L'Orient; Dut the secret was too big for him to keep. All Paris rang with the expedition from L'Orient; and government was obliged to drop the plan when the squadron lay ready for sea, and the troops ready to embark."
* This plan was directed against Liverpool.
104
FRANKLIN'S LETTER.
La Fayette.
In the expectation that Jones was to be jomed by the Mar- quis de la Fayette, his judicious friend FrankHn wrote him thus, actuated, no doubt, both by anxiety for the public cause and regard to the individual he addressed :
*' I have, at the request of M. de Sartine, postponed the sending of the AlHance to America, and have ordered her to y)roceed immediately from Nantes to L'Orient, where she is
DR. FRANKLIN'S ADVICE. 105
to be furnished with her complement of men, join your little squadron, and act under your command.
" The Marquis de la Fayette will be with you soon. It has been observed that joint expeditions of land and sea forces often miscarry through jealousies and misunderstandings be- tween the officers of the different corps. This must happen where there are little minds, actuated more by personal views of profit or honour to themselves, than by the warm and sin- cere desire of good to their country. Knowing you both, as I do, and your just manner of thinking on these occasions, I am confident nothing of the kind can happen between you, and that it is unnecessary for me to recommend to either of you that condescension, mutual good- will, and harmony, which contribute so much to success in such undertakings. I look upon this expedition as an introduction only to greatei I trusts and more extensive commands, and as a kind of trial I of both your abihties and of your fitness in temper and dis- ' position for acting in concert with others. I flatter myself, I therefore, that nothing will happen that may give impressions I to the disadvantage of either of you, when greater affairs I shall come under consideration.
\ *' As this is understood to be an American expedition, un- I der the Congress commission and colours, the Marquis, who is a Major-General in that service, has of course the step in . point of rank, and he must have the command of the land- forces, which are committed by the king to his care ; but the command of the ships will be entirely in you, in which I am I persuaded that whatever authority his rank might in strictness ] give him, he will not have the least desire to interfere with you. There is honour enough to be got for both of you if the expedition is conducted with a prudent unanimity. The circumstance is indeed a little unusual ; for there is not only a junction of land and sea forces, but there is also a junction of Frenchmen and Americans, which increases the difficulty )f maintaining a good understanding ; a cool, prudent cor
106 LETTER TO LA FAYETTE.
duct in the chiefs is therefore the more necessary, and I trus^ neither of you will in that respect be deficient. With m} best wishes for your success, health, and honour, I remain^ dear sir, your affectionate and most obedient servant."
This excellent counsel was not thrown away on Jones. His letter to La Fayette, written a few days afterwards, re- echoes the sentiments of the republican sage. " Where men of fine feeUngs are concerned," he says, " there is very sel- dom any misunderstanding, — and I am sure I should do the greatest violence to my sensibility if I were capable of giv- ing you a moment's pain by any part of my conduct ; there- fore, without any apology, I shall expect you to point out hiy errors, when we are alone together, with perfect freedom, — and I think I dare promise you that your repr6of shall not be lost. I have received from the good Dr. Franklin instruc- tions at large, which do honour to his liberal mind, and which it will give me the greatest satisfaction to execute. I cannot ensure success, — but we will endeavour to deserve it."
Some of the instructions of Dr. Franklin to which Jones refers, and of which he says, " your noble-minded instructions would make a coward brave," deserve to be made known as widely as possible.*
" 1 ou are to bring to France all the English seamen you may happen to take prisoners, in order to complete the good work you have already made such progress in, of delivering, , by an exchange, the rest of our countrymen now languishing in the gaols of Great Britain.
" As many of your officers and people have lately escaped from the English prisons, either in Europe or America, you are to be particularly attentive to their conduct towards the prisoners which the fortune of war may throw in your hands,
* It is a pleasing trait in the history of that period, that all the naval com- manders of the countries at war with England had particular orders " not to molest the ships of the brave navigator Captain Cook," if they chanced to fall In with them.
FRANKLIN'S INSTRUCTIONS. 107
lest resentment of the more than barbarous usa^e by the EngUsh in many places towards the Americans, should oc- casion a retaliation, and an imitation of what ought rather to be detested and avoided, for the sake of humanity and for the honour of our country.
" In the same view, although the English have wantonly burnt many defenceless towns in America, you are not to fol- low this example, unless where a reasonable ransom is re- fused ; in which case your own generous feelings, as well as this instruction, will induce you to give timely notice of your intention, that sick and ancient persons, women and children, may be first removed."
Jones attributes the failure of the expedition so much talked of to the tattling of the commissary ; but he probably over- rates that circumstance. The truth is that the French government never continued for one week of the same mind ; and they had, about this time, been seized with that grand idea by which the court and people of France seem to be periodically infatuated — the design of invading England. The expedition which was "to astonish the world" was abandoned, according to La Fayette, " for political and mili- tary reasons." Instead of Commodore Jones burning towns and shipping, taking hostages and levying contributions, an invasion was to be attempted on that grand scale so congenial to the Gallic character.
Another service was in consequence allotted to Jones. He was to act as convoy to troops, stores and private merchan- dise, for Bordeaux and other ports in the Bay of Biscay This trifling service he performed, and cruised about with little aim or effect for some days.
On the night of the 20th June, the Alliance ran foul of the Bon Homme Richard, and injured the vessel. The character of Landais, the commander of the Alliance, and his after conduct, which was marked by the grossest degree of insub- ordination, insolence, and even treachery, gave rise t(^ a suspicion that this accident was of a doubtful character.
108 DOMESTIC AFFLICTIONS.
The head and bowsprit of the Bon Homnne Richard were carried away, and the AlHance lost her mizen-mast. The Heutenant of the Bon Homme Richard, who had the watch that night, was afterwards broke by a court-martial.
Even at this busy period Jones had not forgotten his rela- tions in Scotland, though his correspondence with them neces- sarily required some management. It does not appear by what channel the following letter, received at Dumfries, was transmitted to Cork. The person on whom the bill (for 30Z) was drawn could not be heard of in Carlisle. Other remit- tances made by Jones to his friends were in like manner never received. In reply to a letter from his sister, Mrs. Taylor, informing him of the death of his mother and eldest sister, he says with true feeling, " The loss of those dear friends is the more affecting to me, as they never received the remittances I intended for them, and as they had not perhaps a true idea of my affection." The following letter is addressed to Jones' eldest sister, Elizabeth Paul : —
"Cork, June 1st, 1779. " If ever my dear girl had any doubts of the sincerity of my friendship, I hope the enclosed bill will remove them. You find it drawn in favour of my dearest departed brother, Captain Plaince. However, as it is made payable to his order, my sister-in-law's signature will make it quite the same. Had the bill been drawn on any place of commerce, I would have negotiated it myself, and then got a bill on Dumfries for you ; however, as Carlisle is near you, you will sooner get the money, as I must have sent it there for acceptance. The half is for Mrs. Paul, and the other half for your use. You will immediately get some gentleman to present it for accept- ance : - you will find it payable ten days after. Adieu, my dear girl; number me with the sincerest of your friends, vsrrite me of your health, and be assured of the good wishes of " Your humble servant,
"Judith Plaince.'*
CHASE. 109
On the 30th of June, Jones came into the road of Groix. The AlHance and Bon Homme Richard both required to be refitted ; the other vessels meanwhile looked after prizes. On that day the log-book of the Bon Homme Richard has the following entry : —
" At half-past 7, P. M., saw two sail bearing down upon us, one with a flag at each mast-head. Hove about and stood from them to get in readiness for action ; then hove mizen- topsail to the mast, down all stay-sails and up mizen-sail. Then they hove about and stood from us. Immediately we I tacked ship and stood after them.
" After which they wore ship and stood for us. Captain Jones, gentleman-like, called all his officers, and consulted . them whether they were willing to see them. They all said \ yes. Made sail after them ; but they, being better sailers I than we, got from us. At 1, A. M., tacked ship." I At the isle of Groix, Jones lay six weeks, — a period not * without its vexations. In anticipating his earlier arrival, and I unconscious of the damage received by the shock of the I Alliance, Dr. Franklin, in the following letter of the 30th June, I directed him to set out on a long cruise.
"Passy, June 30, 1779. " Dear Sir,
" Being arrived at Groix, you are to make the best of your
way, with the vessels under your command, to the west of
I Ireland, and establish your cruise on the Orcades, the Cape
i of Derneus, and the Dogger-Bank, in order to take the enemy's
property in those seas.
! " The prizes you may make send to Dunkirk, Ostend, or j Bergen, in Norway, according to your proximity to either of those ports. Address them to the persons M. De Chaumont shall indicate to you.
" About the 15th August, when you will have sufficiently cruised in these seas, you are to make route for the Texel. where you will meet my further orders. 10
110 CORRESPONDENCE.
" If, by any personal accident, you should be rendered unable to execute these instructions, the officer of your squadron next in rank is to endeavour to put them in execu- tion.
" With best wishes for your prosperity, I am ever, dear Sir,
your affectionate friend and humble servant,
B. Franklin. " The Honourable Captain Jones."
The preceding letter was crossed by that in which Jones gave an account of his cruise, and of the Alliance running foul of the Bon Homme Richard. In this letter he again hinted his desire to obtain the Indian, to cruise towards the Texel, and bring her out with the crew he now had. But Franklin had no mind to change his original orders. " I have no other orders to give," he says ; " for as the court are at the chief expense, I think they have the best right to direct." — " I observe what you say about a change of destination ; but when a thing has been once considered and determined on in council, they don't care to resume the consideration of it, having much business on hand." This epistle has the fol- lowing pithy postscipt : — *' N. B. If it should fall in youi way, remember that the Hudson's Bay ships are very valu- able. B. F."
Again Jones complained bitterly of the tattling commissary (Chaumont, ) who had formerly frustrated the expedition with La Fayette, and was now busied at similar work. Per- haps Commodore Jones might be over sensitive or suspicious on this point. " I have another proof," he says, " this day of the communicative disposition of M. De Chaumont. He has written to an officer under my command a whole sheet on the subject of your letter, and has even introduced more than perhaps was necessary to a person commanding in chief. I have also strong reasons to think that this officer is not the only improper person here to whom he has written to the same effect. This is surely a strange infatuation, and it is
MUTINOUS DISPOSITION. HI
much to be lamented that one of the best hearts in the world should be connected with a mistaken head, whose errors can afford him neither pleasure nor profit, but may effect the ruin and dishonour of a man whom he esteems and loves. Believe me, my worthy sir, I dread the thoughts of seeing this subject too soon in print, as I have done several others of greater im- portance, with which he was acquainted, and which I am certain he communicated too early to improper persons, w^hereby very important services have been impeded and set aside."
In a marginal note, in the handwriting of Jones, he says, — " I found it in print before I reached Holland !" And in an- other marginal note on a letter of Dr. Frankhn's of the 19th , July, he writes, " It is clear I saw my danger, and sailed with , my eyes open, rather than return to America dishonoured." I Jones was farther annoyed by reports which had reached ( head-quarters, and which were indeed too well-founded, that a ' mutinous disposition had shown itself among the crew of the I Bon Homme Richard. He had at this time gone back to I L'Orient. It was not deemed expedient to permjt the ship to I sail without inquiry and a change of men ; and, what was \ worse, the Court saw no reason to detain the Alliance, because ' the Bon Homme Richard was unfit for sea ; and Franklin did not think proper to prevent what appeared so reasonable. This, how^ever, did not take place ; and holding out the pros- j pect of capturing the Jamacia fleet,* then expected, escorted by a fifty-gun ship and two strong frigates, Jones solicited J and obtained leave for the Monsieur privateer to join him, I and his leave was extended till the end of September. The captains of the Monsieur and Grandville privateers had at this time requested to be permitted to follow him and share his fortunes, offering to bind themselves to remain attached
* In his memorial to the king- of France, Jones says, " that it was his inten- lion to cruise off the south-west of Ireland for twelve or fifteen days to inter cept the enemy."
112 JONES SAILS FROM GROIX.
to his squadron ; but this the disinterested commissary would not permit. The consequences were soon obvious ; the pri- vateers remained attached to the squadron exactly as long as suited themselves.
Having given the necessary orders and signals, and ap- pointed various places of rendezvous for every captain in case of separation, Commodore Jones sailed from the road of Groix on the 14th of August, exactly one day short of the time he had been desired tp come into the Texel, after ending his cruise ; so uncertain and precarious are all nautical move- ments. The squadron consisted of seven sail : the Bon Homme Richard, of 40 guns ; the Alliance, of 30 ; the Pallas, of 32 ; the Cerf, of 18 ; and the Vengeance, of 12 guns ; besides the privateers, Monsieur, of 40 guns, and the Grandville, of 14 guns ; — " a force which might have effected great services," says Jones himself, in his memorial to the king of France, *' and done infinite injury to the enemy, had there been secrecy and due subordination. Unfortunately there was neither. Captain Jones saw his danger ; but his reputation being at stake, he put all to the hazard."
The effects of this want of subordination were soon felt. The captain of the privateer Monsieur, as might have been expected, acted as he thought proper, and in a few days left the squadron. And Captain Landais, a man of the most un- happy temper," not only behaved with disrespect to the com- mander, but soon assumed to act as he pleased, and as an ■ independent commander, refusing to obey the signals of the commodore, giving chase where or hov^^ he thought fit, and avaihng himself of any pretext to leave the squadron, which he finally abandoned. Sev^eral prizes were made on the first days of the cruise, and more might have been captured, had a good understanding subsisted among the commanders.
From the 3d of September till the 13th the weather was stormy, and Jones continued to beat about the coasts of Scot- land. The Alliance had again separated from the Bon Homme
ATTEMPT ON LEITII.
113
Storm off the coast of Scotland.
Richard ; and there remained of the squadron only the Com- modore's ship, with the Pallas and Vengeance. "Yet," says Jones, "I did not abandon the hope of performing some essen- tial service."
It was at this time he offered that attempt on Leith, by which, in one quarter of Scotland, the" formidable name of " Paul Jones" is still best remembered. The following par- ticulars are taken from his letter to Dr. Franklin, giving an account of his cruise to be transmitted to Congress. The letter is dated October 3, 1779, on board the ship of war Serapis, at anchor without the Texel : —
" The winds continued to be contrary, so that we did not see the land till the evening of the 13th, when the hills of Cheviot, in the south-east of Scotland, appeared. The next day we chased sundry vessels, and took a ship and a brig- antine, both from the frith of Edinburgh, laden with coal. Knowing that there lay at anchor in Leith Road an armed ship of 20 g'jns, with two or three fine cutters. I formed an 10*
a 4 JONES'S SUMMONS.
expedition against Leith, which I purposed to lay under con- tribution, or otherwise to reduce it to ashes. Had I been alone, the wind being favourable, I would have proceeded directly up the frith, and must have succeeded, as they lay then in a state of perfect indolence and security, which would have proved their ruin. Unfortunately for me, the Pallas and Ven- geance were both at a considerable distance in the offing, they having chased to the southward. This obliged me to steer out of the frith again to meet them. The captains of the Pallas and Vengeance being come on board the Bon Homme Richard, I communicated to them my project, to which many difficulties and objections were made by them. At last, how- ever, they appeared to think better of the design, after I had assured (them) that I hoped to raise a contribution of 200,000/. sterling on Leith, and that there was no battery of cannon tliere to oppose our landing. So much time, however, was unavoidably spent in pointed remarks and sage deliberations that night, that the wind became contrary in the morning."
That nothing might be wanting, Commodore Jones mean- while prepared his summons to the Magistrates of Leith. In that locality it must still be an interesting document; and as such we give it at full length, not doubting that the worship- ful persons for whom it Vv^as intended, if any of them should haply still survive, will see it for the first time with more satis- faction in these harmless pages than had it reached its desti- nation fifiy years back. Jones felt greatly chagrined and disappointed at the failure of this enterprise.
" The Honourable J. Paul Jones, Commander-in-Chief of the American Squadron now in Europe, Sfc, to the Worshipful the Provost of Leith, or, in his absence, to the Chief Magistrate who is now actually pre- sent and in authority there.
"SiF
" The British marine force that has been stationed here for the protection of your city and commerce being now taken by the American arms under my command, I have the
JONES'S SUMMONS. 115
honour to send you this summons by my officer, Lieutenant- Colonel De Chamillard, who commands the vanguard of my troops. I do not wish to distress the poor inhabitants ; my intention is only to demand your contribution towards the re- imbursement which Britain owes to the much-injured citizens of the United States, — for savages would blush at the unmanly violation and rapacity that has marked the tracks of British tyranny in America, from which neither virgin innocence nor helpless age has been a plea of protection or pity.
" Leith and its port now lies at our mercy ; and did not I our humanity stay the hand of just retaliation, I should, with- out advertisement, lay it in ashes. Before I proceed to that s^tern duty as an officer, my duty as a man induces me to propose to you, by the means of a reasonable ransom, to pre- vent such a scene of horror and distress. For this reason, I , have authorized Lieutenant-Colonel De Chamillard, to con- I elude and agree with you on the terms of ransom, allowing ( you exactly half an hour's reflection before you finally accept I or reject the terms which he shall propose (200,000/.) If you j accept the terms offered within the time limited, you may ( rest assured that no further debarkation of troops will be made, but that the re-embarkation of the vanguard will im- I mediately follow, and that the property of the citizens shall remain unmolested.
" I have the honour to be, with sentiments of due respect,. Sir, your very obedient and YQvy humble servant,
" Paul Jones. "On board the American ship-of-war the Bon Homme Richard, at anchor in the Road of Leith, September the 17th, 1779." '
The copy of the letter now lying before us contains the N. B. subjoined to it, in his own hand-writing ; —
" N. B. — The sudden and violent storm which arose in the
moment when the squadron was abreast of Keith Island,*
__jp . .
* Jnchkeith Island.
116 ADVENTURE.
which forms the entrance of the Road of Leith, rendered im- practicable the execution of the foregoing project."
The three ships had lain so long off and on the coast, that alarm was general; and on the 15th an express reached Edinburgh, sent to the commander-in-chief and to the Board of Customs, with accounts that three strange ships were seen off Eyemouth on the afternoon of the 14lh, which had made two prizes ; and that a ship, supposed to mount 40 or 50 guns, was seen off Dunbar. At 5, P. M., on the 16th, they were distinctly seen from Edinburgh sailing up the Frith of Forth ; but whether they were French vessels or the squadron of Paul Jones, was not yet ascertained. The alarm along the coast was become general ; batteries were hastily erected at Leith, and the incorporated trades bravely petitioned for arms, which were supplied from the castle of Edinburgh. Yet the audacity of the American commander so far blinded some of the spectators on the northern shores, that on the 17th a boat with five men came off from the coast of Fife to the Bon Homme Richard, soliciting powder and shot in the name of a certain landed proprietor, who wished " to have the means of defending himself from the expected visit of the pirate Paul Jones." So far as powder went, this request was politely comphed with ; but the commodore declined sending any shot.
On the 15th a small collier had been captured, the master of which from his knowledge of the coast, and subserviency to his captor, was of the greatest use to Jones in his intended project. — When he afterwards abandoned the enterprise, he gave this man up his vessel, " on account of his attachment to America, and the faithful information and important services he rendered me, " says Jones, " by his general knowledge of the east coast of Britain. I had given orders to sink the old vessel, when the tears of this honest man prevailed over my intention."
The narrative of this bold though abortive attempt will be best given in Jones's own words : —
A STORM.
117
Adventure on the Coast of Fife.
" We continued working to windward of the Frith, without being able to reach the road of Leith, till on the morning of the 17th, when, being almost within cannon-shot of the town, having everything in readiness for a descent, a very severe gale of wind came on, and, being directly contrary, obliged us to bear away, after having in vain endeavoured for some time to withstand its violence. The gale was so severe, that one of the prizes that were taken on the 14th sunk to the bot- tom, the crew being with difficulty saved. As the clamour had by this time reached Leith, by means of a cutter that had watched our motions that morning, and as the wind continued contrary, (though more moderate in the evening,) I thought it impossible to pursue the enterprise with a good prospect of success, especially as Edinburgh, where there is always a number of troops, is only a mile distant from Leith; therefore I gave up the project."*
* The prodigious sensation caused by the appearance of the squadron of Paul Jones in the Frith of Forth is hardly yet forgotten on the coast of Fife. There ore various accounts of the manner in which this daring attempt was defeated. The 17th September, when Jones advanced to Leith, happened to be a Sunday. His ship, the Bon Homme Richard, stood at times so near the
118 JONES'S DIFFICULTIES.
It was the misfortune of Paul Jones, in almost every im- portant crisis of his life, to be either clogged by the timid counsels of those about him, whose genius and courage could not keep pace with his, or to be thwarted by the baser feelings of ignoble rivalship. In no other service than that of America, still struggling for a doubtful existence as an inde- pendent state, and without either power or means to enforce due obedience throughout the gradations of the pubhc ser- vice, could such insubordination as was displayed by his force have been tolerated. The French officers under Jones at this time, besides the feelings of national and professional
northern shores as to be distinctly seen by the crowds assembled on the beach, and on the commanding- heights in the neighbourhood. At one time the Bon Homme Richard was not more than a mile from Kirkcaldy, a thriving and wealthy seaport. The alarm was naturally very great in that town ; and the Rev. Mr. Shirra, a worthy and a very eccentric dissenting clergyman, remark able for his quaint humour, instead of holding forth in the church as at ordi nary times, where on this day he would have had but a thin audience, repaired to the fine level sandy beach of Kirkcaldy, and soon attracted a very numer- ous congregation. Here he prayed most fervently and earnestly, with that homely and familiar eloquence by which his sermons and prayers were dis- tinguished, that the enterprise of " the piratical invader Paul Jones might be defeated." For once, it may be believed, the hearts of a congregation went with their minister. That violent gale, so much lamented by Paul Jones, suddenly rose, — the alleged consequence of Mr. Shirra's powerful intercession. Such was long the popular belief. When, in after periods, this good old man was questioned on the subject, and complimented on the prevailing spirit of his prayer, which had so opportunely raised the wind that blew off" Paul Jnones, his usual reply, disclaiming the full extent of the compliment, was, — «' I prayed, — but the Lord sent the wind."
A gentleman, writing shortly afterwards from Amsterdam to his friend in Lcith, says, — " You may count it a very fortunate circumstance that this gentleman (Commodore Jones) was prevented from hurting you when he was in your Frith by a strong westerly wind, and the springing of a mast; as, in a conversation I had with him in the city, he assured me that his intention was to seize the shipping in the harbour, and to set fire to such as he could not carry off. He seemed to be well acquainted with the coast, and knew that there was no force to oppose him." Jones is described at this time, by those who Baw him, as being "dressed in the American uniform, with a Scotch bonnet, edged with gold, — as a middling stature, stern countenance, and swarthy complexion."
JONES'S COMPLAINTS. ] 19
rivalship, had also too little experience of the capacity of their commander to give him that entire confidence so indis- pensable to success. His ill-fortune, with these uncongenial associates, was the more distressing, as their opposition or fears, while they baffled his enterprises, averted no real danger to which the loitering squadron might be exposed. The conduct of the agents of the court of France had also promoted and even authorised this unhappy insubordination of which the commodore, after his return to the Texel, bit- terly complained. "I must," he says, " speak plainly; as I have been always honoured w^ith the full confidence of Con- gress, and as I also flattered myself with enjoying, in some measure, the confidence of the court of France, I could not but be astonished at the conduct of M. de Chaumont, when, in the moment of my departure from Groix, he produced a paper or concordat for me to sign in common with the officers whom I had commissioned but a few days before. Had this paper, or even a less dishonourable one, been proposed to me at the beginning, I would have rejected it with just contempt."
The other enterprise, which, after having failed at Leith, Jones so reluctantly abandoned, is not exactly .known. It might have been against Hull or Newcastle. It had been a favourite project with him in the former year to distress Lon- don by destroying the coal-shipping.
Jones had now the mortifying prospect of going into the Texel with merely a few prizes, the sole fruit of a long cruise with a formidable maritime armament, when fortune threw in his way the most brilliant achievement of his pubhc life.
120
THE GREAT BATTLE.
CHAPTER VI.
HE engagement between the ^^^^& Serapis and the Bon Homme Richard was the most despe- rate in naval chronicles. As W a close and deadly fight, hand to hand, and accompanied by s all the dreadful circumstances Mhat can attend a sea-engage- ment, it has no parallel. Its in- cidents have been selected as the foundation of fictitious nar- ratives of maritime combats, from exceeding in intense interest the boldest imaginings of the poet and the novelist.*
This battle was fought on the 23d Septem.ber, under a full harvest-moon, — thousands of spectators, we are told, watch- ing the engagement from the English shore, with anxiety
* Mr. Cooper, the celebrated American novelist, and Allan Cunningham, have both chosen Paul Jones as the hero of romances, very different in char acter, but equally admirable each in its peculiar style. Mr. Cunningham has certainly in many instances made wild work with the sober facts of history ; and, considering the very recent period in which his hero flourished, takes larger poetical license than is quite admissible. The charms and accomplish, ments allotted to some of Paul's female relatives would probably have been disclaimed by these ladies if purchased at the expense of the fair and spotless fame of their maternal ancestor. However, if Mr. Cunningham imagined this cast of cliaracter best suited to his purposes, there is no great harm done Few live to feel offence, — none to believe in those romantic passages, which owe their existence solely to the imagination of the poet. In painting Scot- tish scenery, and embodying romantic tradition, Mr. Cunningham is in his work as much at home as is the author of" The Pilot" in those fields of ocean which, as a novelist, he at present " possesses as his own domain."
A FLEET ENCOUNTERED. 121
corresponding to the deep interest of the game. No account of this memorable engagement can equal the simple and ani- mated narrative of the main actor, which we purpose to adopt. It is to be noticed, that while Jones engaged the Serapis, the Pallas fought the Countess of Scarborough. The commence- ment of the engagements was simultaneous, but the Countess of Scarborough had struck while the Serapis still held desper- ately out.
" On the 21st," says Jones, " we saw and chased two sail oif Flamborough Head; the Pallas chased in the N. E. quarter, while the Bon Homme Richard, followed by the Vengeance, chased in the S. W.; the one I chased, a brigantine collier in ballast, belonging to Scarborough, was soon taken, and sunk immediately afterwards, as a fleet then appeared to the south-
Meeting of the fleets.
ward. This was so late in the day, that I could not come up I with the fleet before night ; at length, however, I got so near I one of them as to force her to run ashore between Flam- i borough Head and the Spurn. Soon after I took another, a
brigantine from Holland, belonging to Sunderland, and at day- j hght the next morning, seeing a fleet steering towards me I from the Spurn, I imagined them to be a convoy bound from ! London for Leith, which had been for some time expected. J One of them had a pendant hoisted, and appeared to be a ship 11
122 ADVENTURE OFF THE HUMBER.
of force. They had not, however, courage to come on, but kept back, all except the one which seemed to be armed, and that one also kept to windward, very near the land, and on the edge of dangerous shoals, where I could not with safety approach. This induced me to make a signal for a pilot, and soon afterwards two pilots' boats came off. They informed me that a ship that wore a pendant was an armed merchant- man, and that a king's frigate lay there in sight, at anchor, within the Humber, awaiting to take under convoy a number
Adventure off the Humber.
of merchant ships bound to the northward. The pilots imagined the Bon Homme Richard to be an English ship of "war, and consequently communicated to me the private signal which they had been required to make. I endeavoured by this means to decoy the ships out of the port ; but the wind then changing, and, with the tide, becoming unfavourable for then), the deception had not the desired effect, and they wisely put back. The entrance of the Humber is exceedingly difRcult and dangerous, and as the Pallas was not in sight, I
THE CHASE. 123
thought it imprudent to remain off the entrance, therefore steered out again to join the Pallas offFIamborough Head. In the night we saw and chased two ships until three o'clock in the morning, when, being at a very small distance from them, I made the private signal of reconnoissance, which I had given to each captain before I sailed from Groix : one half of the answer only was returned. In this position both sides lay to till daylight, when the ships proved to be the Alliance and the Pallas.
" On the morning of that day, the 23d, the brig from Hol- land not being in sight, we chased a brigantine that appeared laying to, to windward. About noon we saw and chased a large ship that appeared coming round Flamborough Head from the northward, and at the same time I manned and armed one of the pilot-boats to send in pursuit of the brigan- tine, which now appeared to be the vessel that I had forced ashore. Soon after this a fleet of forty-one sail appeared off Flamborough Head, bearing N. N. E. This induced me to abandon the single ship which had then anchored in Burlinglon Bay ; I also called back the pilot-boat, and hoisted a signal for a general chase. When the fleet discovered us bearing down, all the merchant ships crowded sail towards the shore. The two ships of war that protected the fleet at the same time steered from the land, and made the disposition for battle. In approaching the enemy, I crowded every possible sail, and made the signal for the line of battle, to which the AUiance showed no attention. Earnest as I was for the action, I could not reach the commodore's ship until seven in the evening, being then within pistol-shot, when he hailed the Bon Homme Richard. We answered him by firing a whole broadside.
" The battle being thus begun, was continued with unremit- ting fury. Every method was practised on both sides to gain an advantage, and rake each other ; and I must confess that the enemy's ship, being much more manageable tjjan the Bon Homme Richard, gained thereby several times an advanta-
124
THE BATTLE BEGUN.
The Richard and Serapis. Beginning of the action.
geous feituation, in spite of my best endeavours to prevent it. As I had to deal w^ith an enemy of greatly superior force, I was under the necessity of closing with him, to prevent the advantage which he had over me in point of manoeuvre. It was my intention to lay the Bon Homme Richard athwart the enemy's bow ; but as that operation required great dexterity in the management of both sails and helm, and some of our braces being shot away, it did not exactly succeed to my wish. The enemy's bowsprit, however, came over the Bon Homme Richard's poop by the mizen-mast, and I made both ships fast together in that situation, which, by the action of the wind on the enemy's sails, forced her stern close to the Bon Homme Richard's bow, so that the ships lay square alongside of each other, the yards being all entangled, and the cannon of each ship touching the opponent's. When this position took place, it was eight o'clock, previous to which the
CLOSE ACTION. 121
The Richard and Serapis. Close action.
Bon Homme Richard had received sundry eighteen-pouna shots below the water, and leaked very much. My battery t of twelve-pounders, on which I had placed my chief depend- ence, being coinmanded by Lieutenant Dale and Colonel I Weibert, and manned principally with American seamen and I French volunteers, was entirely silenced and abandoned. As I to the six old eighteen-pounders that formed the battery of the I low^er gun-deck, they did no service whatever, except tiring \ eight shot in all. Two out of three of them burst at the first J fire, and killed almost all the men who were stationed to man- I age them. Before this time, too, Colonel de Chamillard, who I commanded a party of twenty soldiers on the poop, had aban- ; doned that station, after having lost some of his men. I had now only two pieces of cannon, (nine-pounders,) on the quarter- deck, that were not silenced, and not one of the heavier cannon was fired during the rest of the action. The purser, M. Mease, who commanded the guns on the quarter-deck, being dangerously wounded in the head, I was obliged to fill his place, and with great difliculty rallied a few men, and shifted over one of the lee quarter-deck guns, so that we afterwards played three pieces of nine-pounders upon the enemy. The
n *
126 THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS.
tops alone seconded the fire of this little battery, and held out bravely during the whole of the action, especially the main- top, where Lieutenant Stack commanded. I directed the fire of one of the three cannon against the main-mast, with double- headed shot, while the other two were exceedingly well served with grape and canister shot, to silence the enemy's musketry and clear her decks, which was at last effected. The enemy were, as I have since understood, on the instant of caUing for quarters, when the cowardice or treachery of three of my under-oflicers induced them to call to the enemy. The Eng- lish commodore asked me if I demanded quarters, and I having answered him in the most determined negative, they renewed the battle with double fury. They w^ere unable to stand the deck ; but the fire of their cannon, especially the lower battery, which was entirely formed of ten-pounders, was incessant ; both ships were set on fire in various places, and the scene was dreadful beyond the reach of language. To account for the timidity of my three under-ofRcers, I mean the gunner, the carpenter, and the master-at-arms, I must ob- .serve, that the two first w^ere slightly w^ounded, and, as the ship had received various shot under water, and one of the pumps being shot away, the carpenter expressed his fears that she would sink, and the other two concluded that she was sinking, which occasioned the gunner to run aft on the poop, without my knowledge, to strike the colours. Fortunately for me, a cannon-ball had done that before, by carrying away the ensign-staff; he was therefore reduced to the necessity of sinking, as he supposed, or of calling for quarter, and he pre- ferred the latter.
" All this time tlie Bon Homme Richard had sustained the action alone, and the enemy, though much superior in force, would have been very glad to have got clear, as appears by their own acknowledgments, and by their having let go an anchor the instant that I laid them on board, by which means
'i'.Aw:i!V'^:
I'v'in'i'l
I ,
Ml
kiM'
III
mmm
tl6
^ji J 'i_ Alii-^iL ■ iii»,i iK.::;r— 1 .rii
(128)
SITUATION OF THE RICHARD. 129
they wouM have escaped, had I not made them well last to the Bon Homme Richard.
" At last, at half-past nine o'clock, the Alliance appeared, and I now thought the battle at an end ; but, to my utter as- tonishment, he discharged a broadside full into the stern of the Bon Homme Richard. We called to him for God's sake to forbear firhig into the Bon Homme Richard; yet they passed along the off-side of the ship, and continued firing. There was no possibility of his mistaking the enemy's ships for the Bon Homme Richard, there being the most essentiai difterence in their appearance and construction. Besides, it was then full moonlight, and the sides of the Bon Homme Richard were all black, while the sides of the prize were all yellow. Yet, for the greater security, I showed the signal of our reconnoissance, by putting out three lanterns, one at the head, another at the stern, and the third in the middle, in a horizontal line. Every tongue cried that he was firing into the wrong ship, but nothing availed ; he passed round, firing into the Bon Homme Richard's head, stern, and broadside, and by one of his volleys killed several of my best men, and mortally wounded a good officer on the forecastle only. My situation was really deplorable ; the Bon Homme Richard received various shot under water from the Alliance ; the leak gained on the pumps, and the fire increased much on board both ships. Some officers persuaded me to strike, of vi^hose courage and good sense I entertain a high opinion. My treacherous master-at-arms let loose all my prisoners without my knowledge, and my prospects became gloomy indeed. I would not, however, give up the point. The enemy's main-mast began to shake, their firing decreased fast ours rather increased, and the British colours were struck at half an hour past ten o'clock.
" This prize proved to be the British ship of war the Sera- pis, a new ship of forty-four-guns, built on the most approved ionstruction, with two complete batteries, one of them of
1 30 CONDITION OF THE RICHARD.
eighteen-pounders, and commanded by the brave Commodore Richard Pearson. I had yet two enemies to encounter, far more formidable than the Britons, — I mean fire and water. The Serapis was attacked only by the first, but the Bon Homme Richard was assailed by both ; there was five feet water in the hold, and though it was moderate from the ex- plosion of so much gunpowder, yet the three pumps that re- ^ mained could with difficulty only keep the water from gain- ing. The fire broke out in various parts of the ship in spite of all the water that could be thrown in to quench it, and at at length broke out as low as the powder-magazine, and within a few inches of the powder. In that dilemma I took out the powder upon deck, ready to be thrown overboard at the last extremity, and it was ten o'clock the next day (the 24th,) before the fire was entirely extinguished. With respect to the situation of the Bon Homme Richard, the rudder was cut entirely oflf, the stern-frame and transoms were almost entirely cut away, and the timbers by the lower deck, espe- cially from the main-mast towards the stern, being greatly decayed with age, were mangled beyond my power of de- scription, and a person must have been an 03^0- witness to form a just idea of the tremendous scene of carnage, wreck, and ruin, which everywhere appeared. Humanity cannot but recoil from the prospect of such finished horror, and lament that war should be capable of producing such fatal consequences.
" After the carpenters, as well as Captain Cottineau and other men of sense, had well examined and surveyed the ship, (which was not finished before five in the evening,) I found every person to be convinced that it was impossible to keep the Bon Homme Richard afloat, so as to reach a port, if the wind should increase, it being then only a very moderate breeze. I had but little time to remove my wounded, which now became unavoidable, and which was efl^ected in the course of the night and next morning. I was determined to-
THE RICHARD SINKS. 131
keep the Bon Homme Richard afloat, and, if possible, to bring her into port. For that purpose, the first lieutenant of the Pallas, continued on board with a party of men, to attend the pumps, with boats in waiting, ready to take them on board in case the water should gain on them too fast. The wind augmented in the night, and the next day, the 25th, so that it was impossible to prevent the good old ship from sink- ing.. They did not abandon her till after nine o'clock; the water was then up to the lower deck, and a little after ten I saw^ with inexpressible grief, the last ghmpse of the Bon Homme Richard, No hves were lost w^ith the ship, but it was impossible to save the stores of any sort whatever. I lost even the best part of my clothes, books and papers ; and several of my officers lost all their clothes and effects.
Sinking of the Bon Homme Richard.
" Having thus endeavoured to give a clear and simple
relation of the circumstances and events that have attended
1 the httle armament under niiy command, I shall freely sub-
j mit my conduct therein to the censure of my superiors and
132 VILLANY OF LANDAIS.
the impartial public. I beg leave, however, to observe, that the force that was put under my command was far from being well composed, and as the great majority of the actors in it have appeared bent on the pursuit of interest only, I am exceedingly sorry that they and I have been at all concerned." Such is the despatch which Commodore Jones transmitted from the Texel to Dr. Franldin, and afterwards to Congress. It is painful to observe how often he is forced to complain of the sordidness or cowardice of his associates. To a generous and elevated mind nothing could have been more humiliating than this necessity. The pursuit of " interest alone" with which he so frequently charges his associates, is, however, a positive virtue compared with the gratuitous villany imputed to Landais, the commander of the Alliance. The alleged conduct of this person, particularly during the engagement between the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis, was so daring in atrocity and treachery as to exceed all reasonable beUef, were it not solemnly asserted, as beyond all doubt it was firmly believed, by Jones. The general conduct of Lan- dais was that of a malignant madman, as much incited by the prevailing influence of frenzy as actuated by deliberate villany. His behaviour during the whole cruise was made the subject of a set of charges drawn up by Jones in coming into the Texel, which were attested, in whole or in part, by most of the officers of the Bon Homme Richard and the Alli- ance. The fact of Landais firing into the Bon Homme Richard is also confirmed by the log-book,+ which was pre- served when the ship sunk, and by a very interesting and seaman-like narrative of the engagement, drawn up by Mr. Dale,t then first lieutenant of the ship. The brilliant success
+ This battered volume, after many adventures by land and water, in Europe and America, is now in the possession of Mr. George Napier, advocate
t This gentleman was subsequently a Commodore in the service of the
United States.
DESPATCH TO FRANKLIN. I33
of Jones at this time, though far short of his own hopes and projects, gave him a right to speak out on affairs which left a deeper sting in his mind than even the perfidy ol Landais. He thus concludes his desp)atch : —
Commodore Dale.
" I am in the highest degree sensible of the singular atten- tions which I have experienced from the Court of France, which I shall remember with perfect gratitude until the end of my life, and will always endeavour to merit, while I can consistent with my honour continue in the public service. I must speak plainly; as I have been always honoured with the full confidence of Congress, and as I also flattered myself 12
134 DESPATCH TO FRANKLIN.
with enjoying in some measure the confidence of the court of France, I could not but be astonished at the conduct of Mon- sieur de Chaumont, when, in the moment of my departure from Groix, he produced a paper, a concordat, for me to sign, in common with the officers whom I had commissioned but a few days before. Had that paper, or even a less dishon- ourable one, been proposed to me at the beginning, I would have rejected it with just contempt, and the word dejtlacement, among others, should have been necessary. I cannot, how- ever, even now suppose that he was authorized by the court to mtike such a bargain with me. Nor can I suppose that the minister of the Marine meant that M. de Chaumont should consider me merely as a colleague with the commanders of the other ships, and communicate to them not only all he knew but all he thought respecting our destination and operations. M. de Chaumont has made me various reproaches on account of the expense of the Bon Homme Richard, wherewith I can- not think I have been justly chargeable. M. de Chamillard can attest that the Bon Homme Richard was at last far from being well fitted or armed for war. If any person or persons who have been charged with the expense of that armament have acted wrong, the fault must not be laid to my charge. I had no authority to superintend that armament and the persons who had authority were so far from giving me what I thought necessary, that M. de Chaumont even refused, among other things, to allow me irons to secure the prisoners of war.
" In short, while my life remains, if I have any capacity to render good and acceptable services to the common cause, no man will step forth with greater cheerfulness and alacrity than myself; but I am not made to be dishonoured, nor can I accept of the haJf-confidence of any man living. Of course I cannot, consistent with my honour, and a prospect of success, undertake future expeditions, unless when the object and des- tination is communicated to me alone, and to no other person
JONES'S SPIES. 135
in the marine line. In cases where troops are embarked, a like confidence is due alone to their commander-in-chief. On no other condition will I ever undertake the chief command of a private expedition ; and when I do not command in chief, I have no desire to be in the secret."
In the memorial drawn up for the private perusal of the king of France, Jones says that it was his intention at this time to cruise off" the south-west of Ireland for twelve or fifteen days, in order to intercept the English homeward-bound East India ships, which he had been informed would return Iwithout convoy, and sail for this point of land. This purpose, which he confined to his own breast, and which would have been rendered abortive by the misconduct of Landais, was quite compatible with the other objects of the cruise, whether .these were the West India, or Hudson's Bay ships, or the iBaltic fleet.
( The earliness and accuracy of the information which Jones procured while he lay in the various harbours of France is • not a little remarkable. Instead of receivino^ intellio;ence Ifrom the American ministers, he w^as enabled, through his |0wn private channels in England and other quarters, to trans- *mit to them information of the saihng of fleets and of the 'strength of convoys. His former connexions and mode of jlife may have given him some facilities ; and money, the [universal agent, never appears to have been with him an ob- jject of any consideration beyond its value as a means of j obtaining professional advancement. He was able to supply the French Admiral, Count d'Orviliiers, with important infoi <mation from London, of the sailing of a large West India fleet, and even to acquaint him with private transactions on I board the squadrons of Keppel and Byron.
Meanwhile the squadron of Jones, which the narrative has I left behind, continued to be tossed about till the 3rd of October, when it came to anchor in the Texel, contrary to the judgment Jof the commodore, who wished to gain the French harbour
136 ARRIVAL OF THE SQUADRON.
of Dunkirk, but was, he says, overruled by his officers. The rendezvous he found, was the causeof much personal vexation to himself, though it proved of ultimate advantage to America, by hurrying on the period when the Dutch were forced from their politic neutrality. The political importance of this mea- sure might have been foreseen by Franklin, when in the pre- vious summer he directed Jones, on finishing his northern cruise, to take shelter in the Texel. By doing so, the Ameri- can minister greatly increased the perplexity of their High Mightinesses, on whom the cabinet of London already — and with good reason — looked with suspicious eyes. By this step the Dutch were in effect precipitated into the war rather sooner than suited their crafty and selfish policy, which, in shuffling with all parties, sought to profit by all. By compelling Eng- land to declare war, and the Dutch to declare openly for the United States, an end was virtually put to a coniest, in which Britain was left to contend single-handed with her refractory colonies, then backed by France, Spain, and Holland.
Though the squadron of Jones had failed in its main purpose, and had neither captured fleets, nor put wealthy cities to ran- som, the blow struck at the maritime p«ide of England could not fail to be highly gratifying to the Americans. Dr. Frank- fin immediately wrote, warmly congratulating the victor. — " For some days," says Franklin, " after the arrival of your express, scarce anything was talked of at Paris and Versailles, but your cool conduct and persevering bravery during that terrible conflict. You may believe that the impression on my mind was not less strong than that on others, — but I do not choose to say in a letter to yourself all I think on such an occasion.
" The ministry are much dissatisfied with Captain Landais, and Monsieur de Sartine has signified to me in writing, that it is expected that I should send for him to Paris, and call him to account for his conduct, particularly for deferring so long his coming to your assistance ; by w^hich means, it is supposed,
JONES RECEIVES THANKS. 187
the States lost some of their valuable citizens, and the king lost many of his subjects, volunteers in your ship, together with the ship itself.
" I have, accordingly, written to him this day, acquainting him, that he is charged with disobedience of orders in the cruise, and neglect of his duty in the engagement; that a court-martial being at this time inconvenient, if not impractica- ble, I would give him an earlier opportunity of offering what he has to say in his justification, and for that purpose direct . him to render himself immediately here, bringing with him I such papers or testimonies as he may think useful in his de- fence. I know not v^^hether he will obey my orders, nor what . the ministry would do wdth him if he comes ; but I suspect I that they may, by some of their concise operations, save the i trouble of a court-martial. It will, however, be well for you I to furnish me with what you may judge proper to support ' the charges against him, that I may be able to give a just I and clear account to Congress. In the mean time it will be I necessary, if he should refuse to come, that you should put ' him under an arrest, and in that case, as well as if he comes, I that you should either appoint some person to the command, * or take it upon yourself; for I know of no person to recom- mend to you as fit for that station.
" I am uneasy about your prisoners, (504 in number,) — I wish they were safe in France. You will then have com- pleted the glorious work of giving liberty to all the Ameri- cans that have so long languished for it in the British prisons."
Jones also received the thanks of the Due de la Vauguyon, the French ambassador at the Hague, and the congratulations of numerous friends and admirers.
And now commenced those scenes of diplomatic altercation
between the States of Holland and the British ambassador.
Sir Joseph Yorke, which in the following year ended in the
declaration of war. The Dutch had already committed
12 *
138 CONDUCT OF HOLLAND.
many virtual infractions of the treaty of alliance with Britain. It was from Holland that France openly obtained her mari- time stores. But a greater eye-sore was the American squadron and its daring commander, with the captured frigates, riding in triumph in the Texel. Jones also appeared openly at Amsterdam. He was allowed to establish an hospital in the forts of the Texel, for his wounded men and his wounded prisoners ; though in this object of common humanity Sir Joseph Yorke readily concurred.
The squadron came into the Texel on the 3d October, and on the 13th, Sir Joseph Yorke presented a brief and energetic memorial, peremptorily demanding that the captured frigates should be stopped in the Texel — the frigates " taken by one Paul Jones, a subject of the King of Great Britain, who, ac- cording to treaties and the laws of war, falls under the class of rebels and pirates."
Jones, though he must have been prepared for the demand, was, it may be presumed, not a little indignant at the uncere- monious stylo in which he was designated by the English am- bassador,— " that little thing, Sir Joseph," as he pettishly terms him. In this emergency he endeavoured to secure the friend- ship of certain powerful individuals. With a young, brave, and, above all, a successful commander, there is ever a ready sympathy ; and even at this time, though the show of peace was still sedulously kept up, the cause of America had many w'arm friends among the Dutch, especially in the maritime towns. ■*
It would have required greater magnanimity than most men are endowed with, had Jones forgiven the appellations bestowed on him, especially if any lurking consciousness rankled in his mind that his character and position were equi- vocal, and apt, at least in England, to be misconstrued. The distrust evinced by Le Ray Chaumont, and the consequent restraints imposed on his freedom as a commander, had already been sufficiently galling; and this was a fresh corrosion
CAPTAIN PEARSON REWARDED. 139
of the same sore. In a statement made long afterwards, Jones mentions that Sir Joseph Yorke having failed to obtain his person from the Dutch government, endeavoured to have him privately kidnapped, — a thing in itself extremely improbable, and for which there was, in all likelihood, no other foundation than the gossip of Amsterdam. Sir Joseph never even directly asked that Jones should be given up, while he loudly reiterated his demand for the restitution of the captured frigates.
The firmness and address displayed by Sir Joseph Yorke on this occasion- did credit to his diplomatic abilities. He had resided long at the Hague, and had obtained great in- fluence with the Prince of Orange and what may be called the court-party. His services on this occasion were afterwards rewarded by a peerage. Captain Pearson was also subse- quently distinguished by many marks of the confidence and approbation of his sovereign. The defeated party were in- deed more highly rewarded than the victor ; for the subse- I quent honours heaped on Jones were more the consequence I of dexterous management at Versailles, six months after the j affair took place, than the natural and spontaneous fruits of [ his brilliant achievement. Immediately on his exchange, Captain Pearson received the honour of knighthood, which, following this period of eclipse, must have been peculiarly gratifying to his feehngs; and the Royal-Exchange Assu I ranee Company presented him and Captain Piercy of the Countess of Scarborough w^ith services of plate " for their gallant defence of the Baltic fleet."
The peremptory demand of' Sir .Joseph Yorke, threw their High Mightinesses into no little perplexity. They were not 3'et prepared for war w^ith England, nor did they wish to risk offending France, and alienating the affections of the young transatlantic republic, which might long remember unkind- ness, but woftld feel doubly grateful for succour shown in the season of adversity, and the struggle for existence. The
140 CONDUCT OF HOLLAND.
States of Holland in those awkward circumstances tempo- rized with much dexterity, sheltering themselves under those cautious maxims of policy which had hitherto governed the United Provinces in questions of the like nature. These maxims dictated that they should decline deciding on the validity of captures in the open seas of vessels not belonging to their own subjects. They afforded at all times sheher in their harbours to all ships whatsoever, if driven in by stress of weather ; but compelled armed ships with their prizes to put to sea again as soon as possible, without permitting them to dispose of their cargoes ; and this conduct they were to follow in the case of Jones.
This did not, however, extricate the Dutch government from the dilemma. As an American officer they durst not protect Jones, which would have been in eflect a recognition of the rebellious colonies ; and the French commision under which it was alleged he acted could never be forthcoming. They therefore were compelled to order him to put to sea with his squadron forthwith, though they " declined to pass judgment on the person and prizes of Paul Jones." They also publicly forbade the ships to be furnished with naval or warlike stores, save such as were absolutely necessary to carry them to the first foreign port, " that all suspicion of their being furnished here may drop."
It was even agreed, though the measure met with strong opposition, that the American squadron should be expelled by force from the Texel. This much was obtained by the firm- ness of Sir Joseph Yorke.
The situation of Jones, all along unpleasant, was now become highly critical The Dutch government, whom Sir Joseph neither suffered to slumber nor sleep, incessantly an- noyed the French ambassador, who in his turn assailed Jones. He was thus placed between two fires, threatened by the Dutch to be driven from the Texel, while English ships were
JONES'S SITUATION. 141
placed at its entrance to interrupt his exit, and while, " to make assurance double sure," light squadrons were cruising about in all directions to prevent his gaining any French or Spanish port, should he be fortunate enough to escape the vessels on the more immediate watch. So deep and galling was the wound this individual had inflicted on the national pride, that the capture of " one Paul Jones" would at this time have been more welcome to England than if she had conquered a rich argosy.
One main object of Jones being ordered to the Texel on the ' termination of his northern cruise, was, as has been noticed, to convoy a French fleet with naval stores to Brest, and to get out the Indian. The same officious commissary, whose talkative propensities and suspicious disposition had so fre- quently baffled the projects of Jones, had again been at work ; I and although the Dutch government might have winked at the I saihng of the fleet under his convoy, the measure would have ' been rendered abortive by premature disclosure. Jones com- 1 plained to Franklin, and to Sartine, the minister of the French marine, to whom during the time he lay in the Texel he had, as usual, been transmitting some of the many projects for I maritime expeditions of which his scheming brain was ever so fertile. He also in this interval drew up a refreshing me- morial for Congress, containing a narrative of his professional life and services.
Before receiving any answer to his communication to Sar- tine, Jones was ordered to attend the French ambassador at the Hague, the Due de la Vauguyon. He went privately to the Hague to avoid unnecessary offence, and at a long con- ference it was agreed that he should forthwith sail for Dun- kirk with his numerous prisoners. As they were now situated they could scarcely be considered in security, and both Franklin and Jones, as a personal kindness, had solicited and obtained the consent of the French government that these prisoners should be exchanged for the Americans, then prisoners in England.
142 JONES'S LETTER
The Serapis had been dismasted in the late engagement, and as it was probable that, even on the short voyage to Dunkirk, Jones might encounter his watchful foe in some force, it was necessary to refit his ship. For this purpose he went to Amsterdam. Thus time wore on. The English ambassador from remonstrances came to threats. The Dutch, driven to their wit's end, remonstrated and menaced by turns ; and Jones, unable to be longer silent, wrote as fol- lows to the French ambassador : —
" On board the Bon Homme Richard's Prize the Ship of War Serapis, at the Texel, November 4th, 1779."
'* My Lord,
" This morning the commandant of the Road sent me word to come and speak to him on board his ship. He had before him on the table a letter which he said was from the Prince of Orange. He questioned me very closely whether I had a French commission, and, if I had, he almost insisted upon seeing it. In conformity to your advice " Cet avis donne au commencement n'etoit plus de saison depuisl'admis- sion de I'escadre sous Pavilion Americain," I told him that my French commission not having been found among my papers since the loss of the Bon Homme Richard, I feared it had gone to the bottom in that ship ; but that, if it was really lost, it would be an easy matter to procure a duplicate of it from France. The commandant appeared to be very uneasy and anxious for my departure. I have told him that as there are eight of the enemy's ships laying wait for me at the south entrance, and four more at the north entrance of the port, I was unable to fight more than three times my force, but that he might rest assured of my intention to depart with the utmost expedition, whenever I found a possibility to go clear.
" I should be very happy, my Lord, if I could tell you of ray being ready. I should have departed long ago, if I had met with common assistance; but for a fortnight past I have
TO THE AMBASSADOR. 14^
every day expected the necessary supply of water from Amsterdam in cisterns, and I am last night informed that it cannot be had without I send up water-casks. The provision, too, that was ordered the day I returned to Amsterdam from the Hague, is not yet sent down ; and the spars that have been sent from Amsterdam are spoiled in the making. None of the iron-work that was ordered for the Serapis is yet com- pleted, so that I am, even to this hour, in want of hinges to hang the lower gun-ports. My officers and men lost their . clothes and beds in the Bon Homme Richard, and they have yet got no supply. The bread that has been twice a week sent down from Amsterdam to feed my people, has been, literally speaking, rotten, and the consequence is that they are falling sick.
" It is natural also that they should be discontented, while I
I am not able to tell them that they will be paid the value of
I their property in the Serapis and Countess of Scarborough, if
either or both of them should be lost or taken after sailing
5 from hence.
' " Thus you see, my Lord, that my prospects are far from
I pleasing. I have but few men, and they are discontented.
Uf you can authorize me to promise them, at all hazards, that
their property in the prizes shall be made good, and that they
{shall receive the necessary clothing and bedding, &c., or
I money to buy them, I believe I shall soon be able to bring
I them again into a good humour. In the mean time I will
! send a vessel or two out to reconnoitre the offing and to
i bring me word. Whatever may be the consequence of my
I having put into this harbour, I must observe that it w^as done
contrary to my opinion, and I consented to it only because
the majority of my colleagues were earnest for it," &c. &;c.
The French government, to rid themselves of farther im
portunity, now fell on a new expedient. The cruise was sud
denly declared at an end, and the ships were dismissed,
Franklin agreed to place the captured frigates under the flag
144 JONES IN THE ALLIANCE.
of France, and that Jones should be removed to the only ship now ostensibly American, the Alliance, which, on Landais having been ordered to Paris, to answer to the plenipoten- tiaries for his misconduct on the cruise, had been left without a commander.
Jones received this intimation with disgust and chagrin ; but such were the orders of Sartine and Franklin, such the course sound poHcy dictated ; and after an altercation, last-, ing, he states, for thirteen hours, with the French ambassador at the Hague, he most reluctantly left the Serapis, whose deck seemed the theatre of his glory, and went on board the Alli- ance. The squadron soon afterwards sailed under a Dutch convoy, and Jones was left alone in his new ship. His • French commission had never yet been produced ; the Eng- lish ambassador had repeatedly alleged that he held no legal commission from any sovereign ; and to relieve the Dutch government from their dilemma, and, probably to ensure the personal safety of Jones in case of the worst, a regular com- mission was now tendered him by the ministers of his Most Christian Majesty, but of a kind so degrading that there is no doubt he would, far rather than have accepted it, have chosen the alternative of falling into the power of the English. Whatever were his personal difficulties, he was at this time in " the blaze of his fame," " talked of," says Franklin, " at Paris and Versailles," celebrated throughout Europe and America. His temper and blood were at no time very cool on sudden excitement, and the excess of his indignation may be imagined when he received the insulting offer of a Letter of Marque. We know not what to make of the fre^ quent boasts of Jones in after-periods of life, of never ac- cepting any commission save from Congress. The con- cordat of Le Ray Chaumont, and the Letter of Marque of Sartine, and the Due de la Vauguyon, it must be confessed, offered but slight temptation. Jones, though far from being naturally inchned either to conceal or depreciate his profes-
LETTER OF MARQUE OFFERED AND REFUSED. l4.>
sional talents and personal services, never over-estimated himself half so much as he was at this time un'dervalued by the vacillating and capricious government with which he had to do. If the true abihty of a statesman is best seen in his capacity for selecting and managing tiie instruments of his power, Sartine in this instance, as in many others, sadly be- trayed his own incapacity. Under the first galling feelings of this insult, Jones wTote the following spirited letter to the French ambassador. It is one of the best productions of his
' pen, precisely because it is the spontaneous dictate of the
' most honourable impulses of his spirit : —
" To His Excellency the Due de la Vavguyon, Ambassador from France, at the Hague.
"ALLiAN'CEjTexel, December 13th, 1779. ' " My Lord,
I " Perhaps there are many men in the world who would j esteem as an honour the commission that I have this day re- fused. My rank from the beginning knew no superior in the i marine of America, how then must I be humbled were I to , accept a letter-of-marque ! — I should, my Lord, esteem my- 1 self inexcusable, were I to accept even a commission of equal or superior denomination to that I bear, unless I were pre- viously authorized by Congress, or some other competent I authority in Europe. And I must tell you, that, on my ar- ! rival at Brest from the Irish Channel, Count D'Orvilliers j offered to procure for me from Court a commission of " Cap- jtain de Vaisseaux," w^hich I did not then accept for the I same reason, although the w^ar between France and England was not then begun, and of course the commission of France would have protected me from an enemy of superior force.
" It is a matter of the highest astonishment to me, that, after so many comphments and fair professions, the Court should offer the present insult to my understanding, and sup- pose me capable of disgracing my present commission. I 13
146 REMONSTRANCE.
confess that I never merited all the praise bestowed on my past conduct, but I also feel that I have far less merited such a reward. Where profession and practice are so opposite, I am no longer weak enough to form a wrong conclusion. They may think as they please of me ; for where I cannot continue my esteem, praise or censure from any man is to me a matter of indifference.
" I am much obliged to them, however, for having at last fairly opened my eyes, and enabled me to discover truth from falsehood.
" The prisoners shall be delivered agreeable to the orders which you have done me the honour to send me from his Ex- cellency the American ambassador in France.
" I will also with great pleasure, not only permit a part of my seamen to go on board the ships under your Excellency's orders, but I will also do my utmost to prevail with them to embark freely ; and if I can now or hereafter, by any other honourable means, facilitate the success or the honour of his Majesty's arms, I pledge myself to you as his ambassador, that none of his own subjects would bleed in his cause with greater freedom than myself, an American.
" It gives me the more pain, my Lord, to write this letter, because the Court has enjoined you to prepare what would destroy my peace of mind, and my future veracity in the opinion of the world.
" When, with the consent of- Court, and by order of the American ambassador, I gave American commissions to French officers, I did not fill up those commissions to com- mand privateers, nor even for a rank equal to that of their commissions in the Marine of France. They were promoted to rank far superior, — and why 1 — not from personal friend- ship, nor from my knowledge of their services and abilities, (the men and their characters being entire strangers to me,) but from the respect which I believed America would wish to show for the service of France.
LETTER TO FRANKLIN. I47
" While I remained eight months seemingly forgot by the Court at Brest, many commissions such as that in question, were offered to me ; and I believe, (when I am in pursuit of 'plunder^ I can still obtain such an one without application to Court.
" I hope, my Lord, that my behaviour through life will ever entitle me to the continuance of your good wishes and opinion, and that you will take occasion to make mention of the warm and personal affection with which my heart is impressed towards his Majesty. j ^ "I am," &c. &c.
I This letter Jones enclosed to Franklin, to whom he gave ' his passionate feelings fuller breath in an epistle very charac- teristic both of the man and the seaman. " I hope," he says, " that the within copy of my letter to the Due de la Vau guyon will meet your approbation; for I am persuaded that lit never could be your intention or wish that I should be made
, the tool of any great r whatever ; or that the commission
I of America should be overlaid by the dirty piece of parch- ( ment which I have this day rejected ! They have played I upon my good humour too long already, but the spell is at last I dissolved. They would play me off with assurance of the personal and particular esteem of the king, to induce me to I do what would render me contemptible even in the eyes of j my own servants ! Accustomed to speak untruths themselves, 1 they would also have me to give under my hand that I am a J liar and a scoundrel. They are mistaken, and I would tell them what you did to your naughty servant. * We have too \ contemptible an opinion of one another's understanding to live
together.' I could tell them too, that if M de C * had
not taken such safe precautions to keep me honest by means of his famous concordat, and to support me by so many able colleagues, these great men would not have been reduced to
* De la Rav Chaumont.
148 M. DUMAS.
such mean shifts ; for the prisoners could have been landed at Dunkirk the day that I entered the Texel, and I could have Drought in double the numbers."
The whole of these effusions were submitted to M. Dumas, a new friend Jones had acquired, who had lately been ap- pointed agent for American affairs at Amsterdam.*
The letter of Jones to the ambassador of France produced the desired effect. A soothing epistle was despatched to the sturdy and indignant Anglo-American. " I perceive with pain, my dear commodore," says the duke, " that you do not view 3^our situation in the right light ; and I can assure you that the ministers of the king have no intention to cause you the least disagreeable feeling, as the honourable testimonials of the esteem of his majesty which I send you ought to con- vince you. I hope you will not doubt the sincere desire with which you have inspired me to procure you every satis- faction you may merit. It cannot fail to incite you to give new proofs of your zeal for the common cause of France and America. I flatter myself to renew, before long, the occasion, and procure you the means to increase still more the glory you have already acquired. I am already occu- pied with all the interest I promised you ; and if my views are realized, as I have every reason to believe, you will be at all events perfectly content; but I must pray you not to hinder my project by delivering yourself to the expression of
*This gentlemq,n is a most amusing specimen of the diplomatist in the Bmall way, busy and bustling about nothing, shrouding every trifle in mystery ; — one who writes about " tlie great man," and hints obscurely at " the certain friend in high station," and intimates dark meanings through which every body could sec, in any way save simply and directly. America was at this early stage of her history singularly prolific of these mysterious personages. Bancroft, Mr. W. Temple Franklin, who was, however, still a lad, and even Commodore Jones, disported themselves in this sort of innocent diplomacy, employing a cipher, or numbers, in their correspondence about their own personal affairs, as if the eyes of all the world had been watchful of their mo- lions. Franklin alone kept clear of this folly. His letters contain no blanks, no ominous stars, no mystification of important nothings.
JONES'S ANSWER. 149
those strong sensations to which you appear to give way, and for which there is really no foundation. You appear to possess full confidence in the justice and kindness of the king ; rely also upon the same sentiments on the part of his ministers."
The " dear commodore" of the duke was somewhat molli- fied by this apology, but far from being satisfied ; nor did he slip so inviting an opportunity of proclaiming his grievances. " Were I to form," he says, " my opinion of the ministry from the treatment I experienced while at Brest, or from their want of confidence in me afterwards, exclusive of what has taken place since I had the misfortune to enter this port, I will appeal to your Excellency, as a man of candour and ingenuity, whether I ought to desire to prolong a connexion that has made me so unhappy, and wherein I have given so very Httle satisfaction. M. le Chevalier de Lironcourt has lately made me reproaches on account of the expense tha^t, he says, France has been at to give me a reputation, in pre- ference to twenty captains of the royal navy, better qualified than myself, and who, each of them, solicited for the com- mand that was lately given to me !
" This, I confess, is quite new, and indeed surprising to me ; and, had I known it before I left France, I certainly shoula have resigned in favour of the twenty men of superior merit. I do not, however, think that his first assertion is true ; for the ministers must be unworthy of their places w^ere they capable of squandering the public money only to give an individual reputation; and as to the second, I fancy the Court will not thank him for having given me that information, whether true or false. I may add here, that with a force so ill composed, and with powers so Hmited, I ran ten chances of ruin and dishonour for one of gaining reputation ; and had not the plea of humanity in favour of the unfortunate Ameri- cans in English dungeons superseded all considerations of self, I faithfully assure you, my lord, that I would not have proceeded under such circumstances from Groix. I do not 13^
150 SAILS FROM THE TEXEL.
imbibe hasty prejudices against any individuals ; but when many and repeated circumstances, conspiring in one point, have inspired me with discstecm towards any person, I must see convincing proof of reformation in such person before my he^rt can beat again with affection in his favour ; for the mind is free, and can be bound only by kind treatment."
The insult, as he justly conceived it, which Jones had received from France, did not increase his inclination to lioist the flag of that nation on board of the Alhance ; nor had he longer any secret motive to refuse, or at least to delay obedience to the reiterated and peremptory mandate of the Dutch government, ordering him to leave the Texel. Ame- rica was now his sole hope — to reach its coasts his only aim. " I am not sorry," he writes to his friend Morris, " that my connexion with them (the French government) is at an end. In the course of that connexion I ran ten chances of ruin and dishonour for one of reputation ; and all the honour or profit that France could bestow should not tempt me again to undertake the same service, with an armament equally ill composed and with powers equally limited. It affords me the most exalted pleasure to reflect, that when I return to Ame- rica I can say I have served in Europe at my own expense, and without the fee or reward of a court. When the priso- ners we have taken are safely lodged in France, I shall have no further business in Europe, as the liberty of all our fellow- citizens who now sufler in English prisons will then be se- cured."
He was now detained only by contrary winds, and eagerly waited for a fair opportunity of eluding the vigilance of those on the watch to intercept him. After three months spent in continual altercation, imbiltcred by the animosity of Landais, the babbling and suspicions of Le Ray Chaumont, the con- duct of the French ministers, and the discontents of his ofli- ccrs and men respecting the prize-money, Jones sailed from the Texel on the 27th December, 1779.
EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS.
151
Robert Morris.
The only consolation Jones received at this period was effecting the exchange of the American prisoners in England. This was, he said, " all the reward he wished." He had also wrung some promises from the ambassador in behalf of his discontented officers and crew, who, as the prizes had not been valued in Holland, and were liable to be retaken in get- ting into a French port, had no assurance that they would ever obtain any reward for their courage and their toil. The prizes sent into Bergen, in Norway, by Landais, had been claimed by the English consul, and given up by the Danish
152 ESCAPES THE BRITISH FLEET.
government, who were very unlikely to grant the Americans any indemnity. Even more severely than these incidental hardships, Jones felt the grumbling of the French agents at the expense he necessarily incurred in refitting his ships. " It had cost France too much to give him fame," was the taunt- ing observation bitterly felt and not easily forgotten.
It must, under all the circumstances, have been with con- siderable anxiety that Jones sailed from the Texel, with the alternative of rashly braving or fortunately eluding the Eng- lish : he was not in condition to meet them even in equal force. The Alliance, by the gross misconduct of Landais, who w^as as bad a seaman as he was an officer, was in the worst condition. The officers were, as Jones states, " idle and drunken; the men filthy and in bad subordination, and many of them sick of an epidemic illness ;" the vessel was, besides, badly armed, and the powder of bad quality. The last evil Jones remedied ; and, putting a bold face on the matter, whatever might be his secret feelings, he thus exultingly wrote Dumas, on leaving the Texel : — " Alliance at sea, 27th Decem- ber : — I am here, my dear sir, with a good wind at east, un- der my best American colours. So far you have your wish. What may be the event of this critical moment I know^ not ; I am not, however, without good hopes."
The memorial, drawn up by Jones himself for the King of France, contains the best account that is extant of his escape, and of the progress of this ticklish voyage. " He passed," he states, " along the Flemish banks, and, getting the wind- ward of the enemy's fleet of observation in the North Sea, he the next day passed through the Straits of Dover, in full view of the enemy's fleet in the Downs. The day following Captain Jones ran the Alliance past the Isle of Wight, in view of the enemy's fleet at Spithead, and in two days more got safe through the Channel, having passed by windward in sigtit of the enemy's large two-decked cruising ships. Cap- tain Jones wished to carry with him some prizes and prisoners
ARRTVAT. AT L'ORIKNT.
153
Escape of the Alliance.
to France : but the Alliance, by the arrangement Captain Landais had made of the ballast at L'Orient, was out of trim, and could not sail fast, her sails being too thin and old for cold latitudes. He steered to the southward, and cruised for some days without success off Cape Finisterre. On the 10th of January, 1780, Captain Jones, to shun a gale of wind., and procure a sound anchor, (for he had left the Texel with only one,) ran into Corogne. He was very kindly received in Spain, but sailed again, and arrived at Groix on the 10th February, having taken no prizes."
On gaining L'Orient, Jones lost no time in beginning to re- fit his ships and obtain military stores. A board of Admiralty had by this time been established by Congress, and one of its first acts was to order home the Alliance. In makinor the
o
ships under his command fit for sea, whether " in battle or in breeze," Jones never grudged or even thought of expense, "and on the present occasion his professional liberality of spirit far outran the frugal genius of FrankHn. The anxious
1 54 THE ALLIANCE REFITTED.
and almost pathetic remonstrances addressed to him by thi republican sage are as amusing as they are characteristic The court of France had demurred to incurring farther ex pense for this refractory hero and his American ship. '' The whole expense will fall upon me," cries Franklin, " and I am ill provided to bear it, having so many unexpected calls upon me from all quarters. I therefore beg you would have mercy on me, put me to as httle charge as possible, and take nothing you can possibly do without. As to sheathing with copper it is totally out of the question."
By the middle of April, the Alliance (notwithstanding the prayers of Franklin) was, by the care of her commander, pronounced by himself one of the most complete frigates in France.
Nearly a month before, the Alliance having been, as was said, ordered home to America with certain supplies of arms and warlike stores furnished by France, Franklin urged the immediate sailing of the ship as strongly as he could with propriety, and wished its commander a prosperous voyage. He even stretched a point to furnish those of the former crew of the Bon Homme Richard, now on board the AlHanGe, with a small sum of money, as they had not yet realized a sou of their prize-money. This was done to allay discontent and send the men home in good humour. But neither the com- modore nor his crew were yet in trim for sea.
Jones had made repeated attempts to obtain an adjustment of the prize-money, and now meditated a journey to court ostensibly to sohcit a final settlement. A person in office had about this time excited 'his indignation by meanly claiming the merit of some or all of his manifold projects ; and it is probable that various other motives and per- sonal interests disposed him to undertake this memorable journey. Having on a former occasion verified the truth of he maxim, which led him to give the celebrated name of
JONES GOES TO VERSAILLES. 15jj
iBon Homme Richard to his ship, he determined once more to speed his errand by doing it himself. He was aware that, though disliked or envied by the marine service of France he was popular with the Court and the Nation, who were about this time in the very height and fervour of the Ameri- can mania. On this knowledge he proceeded to Versailles.
156
JONES AT COURT.
CHAPTER VII.
ONES at no time neglected to keep himself alive in the me- mory of his court friends and official patrons, — a species of attention necessary to a pro- fessional man everywhere, at least in the commencement of his career, and particularly so at that period in France. While superintending the refitting of the Alliance, he had been corresponding v^^ith La Fayette, the Duke de la Roche- foucault, and others of his former great friends, and by them he might have been advised to repair to Versailles to claim justice for his people in the affair of the prize-money. If sucn was his only business, it does not appear to have been much advanced by his appearance at this crisis ; but the re- ception he personally met from many individuals among the higher classes of society and the leaders of fashion, when Americans and republicanism were the infatuating novelties of the day, must have been highly gratifying to his feelings and to his insatiable love of distinction. The American com- modore, the conqueror of the haughty English, insulted by the degrading offer of a letter-of-marque at Amsterdam, became the hero, and, what was nearly the same thing, the Hon of the day in Paris. He was everywhere feasted and caressed ; and, as if to make ample amends for the gratuitous insult offered him by the ministers, he was presented by the king with a gold sword, bearing the following honourable inscrip-
ORDER OF MERIT. 15T
tioa: " VINDICATI maris LUDOVICUS XVI. REMUNERATOR STRENUO
viNDici." Leave was requested from Congress to invest him with the military Order of Merit, — an honour which had never been conferred on any one before who had not actually borne arms under the commission of France. An official letter was also addressed to him by his ancient tormentor, M. Sartine, expressive of the highest approbation of his conduct, and esteem for his personal character. This much was to be gained by a man of talent and address appearing in his own cause at the Court of France ; nor is there any lack of charity in supposing that, had Jones remained quiet at L'Orient, the victor of the Serapis, and the generous and patriotic Hberator of the American prisoners, would not have sunk beneath the load of court honours. The seci'et history of the manner in which services of plate, knighthoods, and letters of thanks, are sometimes obtained, would form a curious and not unedifying chapter in the story of many a professional man's life. In the present instance they were amply merited. They were as proudly received ; and did equal honour to the royal. donor and the individual distinguished by his favour. Jones was exactly of the sanguine, ambitious, and loyal cast of charac- ter, which leads men to prize at their full value those coveted marks of princely approbation. The gold sword and the ac- companying Order were the pride and the boast of his future life.
Testimonies of kindness and esteem, of a kind even more gratifying to his private feelings, were not wanting. Of this brilliant period he long afterwards says, in speaking of himself, " he received at Paris, and other parts of the kingdom, the most flattering applause and public approbation wherever he appeared. Both the great and the learned sought his ac- quaintance in private life, and honoured him with particular marks of friendship. At court he was always received with a kindness which could only have arisen from a fixed esteem."
While the French court were thus in the vein of caressinaj 14
158 LEE'S INTRIGUE.
and bestowing, Jones solicited and obtained the Ariel frigate to accompany the Alliance to America, with stores for Wash- ington's army. Nor in all probability was he averse to an increase of force, should fortune throw any English ships in his way on the homeward voyage. The Ariel he intended to man from the supernumeraries of the Alliance and the lately exchanged American prisoners. The affair of the prize-money was put in train, as far as fair promises and preliminary orders may go, and in high spirits Jones took leave of the French Court and capital, and returned to L'Orient, ready, as he conceived, to quit France, and furnished, by dint of his indefatigable genius, with an official letter from the Minister Qf Marine to Congress, enumerating his services in Europe, and recommending him to favour, and consequently to ad- vancement.
While Jones was absent in Paris, his ship had been the scene of a mutinous intrigue, of which the wretched Landais, though apparently the promoter, was in reality at first only the tool.
This intrigue originated with Mr. Arthur Lee, who had held a subordinate diplomatic appointment in France, and was now about to return to America. The real cause of this person's conduct at this time appears to have been dislike of Franklin, and a mean jealousy of the consideration in which this truly great man was held, both by friend and foe, in Europe as well as in America, while the vast merits of the patriotic Mr. Lee were overlooked. When the affair of Landais had been ori- ginally discussed, Lee, in the spirit of factious opposition, had gone openly against the opinion of Franklin and the other plenipotentiaries, and taken part with the mutinous, and, as it afterwards turned out, mad Frenchman, on what he was pleased to call constitutional grounds. Landais had originally received the command of the Alliance from Congress. When ordered to head-quarters to account for his conduct, he volun- tarily left his ship, and soon afterwards Jones was officially
LANDAIS'S CONDUCT. 159
ordered to quit the Serapis, and assume command of the Alliance, which, as has been seen, he did much against his inclination. Meanwhile Landais was ordered to return to America, that cognizance might be taken of his conduct before the proper tribunal. In this order he appeared to acquiesce ; and he was furnished with money by Franklin to bear his charges. On his arrival at L'Orient, it seems to have been adroitly insinuated into his naturally ricketty brains, that Franklin and the other plenipotentiaries had exceeded their powers in superseding him and ordering him to America ; and that Congress having bestowed his commission, to Congress alone was he bound to surrender it. The same doctrine was diligently promulgated among the seamen of the AlHance, and readily received by many of the officers. The delay of the prize-money, and the non-payment of the seamen's arrears, gave a strong handle to the discontented and designing. It was artfully represented to the disaffected crew, that while Jones, their new commander, basked in the sunshine of Court favour at Versailles, he either neglected or compromised their rights and interests, and hesitated to demand justice for his men from those who heaped favours on himself, and loaded him alone with benefits and honours, while those who had shared his toils and achieved the glory he claimed were ne- glected^nd forgotton. There was some colour for complaint. Jones felt his error, and, in writing to a friend about the dis- content of his crew, says, " I have been to blame for having returned from Paris without having absolutely insisted on the previous payment of my men." These men he had found on his return sullen, alienated, and almost in open mutiny.
Landais had now determined, to assume by force the com- mand of the Alliance, unjustly, as he said, wrested from him ; and the officers and men prepared a memorial, addressed to the plenipotentiaries, setting forth their grievances and their wishes. Landais, to do the business with becoming modestv
I
160 FRANKLIN'S MODERATION.
and propriety, expressed a desire to be formally icinstated* in his command.
Franklin, whose feelings, whether as a public or private man, must have been grossly outraged by this proceeding, stifled his indignation, and, by every argument likely to con- vince their reason, or influence their passions, endeavoured to recall these misled men to a sense of their duty.
No minister ever took half the pains to conciliate a set of wrongheaded malcontents, whom the power of France could have enabled him to crush at once. Some of the arguments he addressed to their professional feelings and pride are ex- ceedingly subtle. The officers and crew of the Alliance were naturally indignant at the charge of having fired into the Bon Homme Richard, during the engagement with the Serapis. In relation to this aflTair, Franklin states, " though I declined any judgment of his (Landais's) manoeuvres in the
* Franklin's letter in reply to the modest demand of this Frenchman is as indicative of his strong good sense and clear-sighted integrity as anything that ever issued from his pen. Of this sagacious person one might almost think it was because " honesty was the best policy" that he loved it. He ad- mired truth for its utility more than its native beauty ; and employed it ac- cordingly with singular success in his dealings with men, where others more short-sighted, if not less sincere, would have used subterfuge, and trick only to counteract their own purposes. It is thus he wrote Landais :-"No one ever learned the opinion I formed of you from inquiry made into your conduct. I kept it entirely to myself. I have not even hinted it in my letters to America, because I would not hazard giving to any one a bias to your prejudice. By communicating a fart of that opinion privately to you I can do no harm, for you may burn it. I should not give you the pain of reading it, if your demand did not make it necessary. I think you then so imprudent, so litigious, and quarrelsome a man, even with your best friends, that peace and good order, and consequently the quiet and regular subordination so necessary to success, are, where you preside, impossible. These are within my obser- vation and apprehension. Your military operations I leave to more capa- ble judges. If, therefore, I had twenty ships of war in my disposition, I should not give one of them to Captain Lrindais. The same temper which excluded him from the French marine would weigh equally with me ; of course I shall not replace him in the Alliance."
FRANKLIN'S LETTER. 161
fight, I have given it as my opinion, (to Congress,) after ex- amining the affair, that it was not at all likely, either that he should have given orders to fire into the Bon Homme Richard, or that his officers v^ould have obeyed such an order had it been given them. Thus I have taken what care I could of your honour in that particular. You w^ill therefore excuse me if I am a little concerned for it in another. If it should come to be publicly known that you had the strongest aver- sion to Captain Landais, who had used you basely, and that it is only since the last year's cruise, and the appointment of Commodore Jones to the command, that you request to be again under your old captain, I fear suspicions and reflections may be thrown upon you by the world, as if this change of sentiment may have arisen from your observation during the cruise, that Captain Jones loved close fighting, that Cap- tain Landais was skilful in keeping out of harm's way, and that you therefore thought yourself safer with the latter. For myself, I believe you to be brave men, and lovers of your country and its glorious cause; and I am persuaded you have only been ill-advised, and misled by the artful and malicious misrepresentations of some persons, I guess at. Take in good part this friendly counsel from an old man who is your friend. Go home peaceably with your ship. Do your duty faithfully and cheerfully. Behave respectfully to your commander, and I am persuaded he will do the same to you. Thus you will not only be happier in your voyage, but recommend yourselves to the future favours of Congress and of your country."
Such was the conciliatory tone in which Franklin ad- dressed these turbulent and discontented men. It were to be wished that his good temper and calmness of reason had produced the effect that might have been expected. The failure proves that something besides reason is at times neces- sary in governing seamen.
In a letter to Jones he explains the affair, and relates the 14*
162 MUTINY.
measures he had taken in consequence. " Saturday morn- ing," he says, " I received a letter signed by about 115 of the sailors of the Alliance, declaring that they would not raise the anchor, nor depart from L'Orient, till they had six months' wages paid them, and the utmost farthing of their prize- money, including the ships sent into Norway, and until their legal captain, P. Landais, was restored to them. This mutiny has undoubtedly been excited by that captain ; probably by making them believe that satisfaction has been received for those Norway prizes delivered up to the English," &c., &c. " That he is concerned in this mutiny he has been foolish enough to furnish us with proofs, the sailors' letter being not only enclosed under a cover directed to me in his hand- wri- ting, but he also, in the same writing, interlined the words, their legal captain, P. Landais, which happens to contain his signature. I immediately went to Versailles, to demand the assistance of government, and on showing the letter, by which his guilt plainly appeared, an order vv^as immediately granted, sent away the same evening, for apprehending and imprison- ing him, and orders were (promised to be) given at the same time to the commissary of the port to afford you all kind of assistance to facilitate your departure." The promises tluis given were very ill kept. The mutiny had now reached the crisis. On the morning of the 13th June, before going on shore to superintend the equipment of the Ariel, Jones caused his appointment to the AlHance to be read on the deck of that ship, and, addressing the assembled crew, demanded that whoever had any complaint to prefer against him should now speak out. " There was," he says, " every appearance of contentment and subordination ;" and again, " I am certain the people love me and would readily obey me." The proofs of this affection were of a very unusual kind. No sooner had Jones quitted the ship, than Landais came on board and usurped the command.
As soon as intelligence of this wild measure reached
JONES'S PERPLEXITIES. 1^
Franklin, Landais was ordered to quit the ship, and the offi- cers were commanded to obey Jones alone. To Jones, who was in the greatest perplexity, he wrote, " You are likely to have great trouble. I wish you well through it. You have shown your abiUties in fighting, — you have now an opportu- nity of showing the other necessary part, in the character of a great chief, — your abilities in policy."
Landais, backed and instigated by Lee, and supported by the officers and seamen, refused to yield one jot ; and, hold- ing the mandate of Franklin and the arrest of the King alike in defiance, he resolved to sail for America, captain of the AUiance. In this singular juncture, Jones posted back to Versailles, to solicit the assistance of government. Orders, he was told, had been previously sent to L'Orient to compel Landais and his crew to obedience, or, if he attempted to quit the port, to fire on him, and, if necessary, sink the ship. Confiding in this statement, Jones immediately returned to L'Orient, and found that the orders which were said to have preceded him, if they had ever been despatched, had at least never arrived, — a circumstance somewhat singular, though, in French diplomacy, by no means unaccountable. The local authorities, however, with whom Jones, in the course of his long stay in that port, had acquired considerable influ- ence, were strongly disposed to support his authority and to enforce the orders of Franklin. Acting under the sanction of the American ministers, and supported by the local authori- ties at L'Orient, as well as by the promises and countenance of the government, had Jones at this time listened to the dictates of passion or revenge, irreparable mischief might have been done, which his magnanimity and prudence averted.
Basely as he had been used, and irritated as he must have been, he would not be even the indirect cause of shedding American blood. It is thus he notices the part he had taken, and relates the consequences of the mutiny to Franklin :
ltJ4 ACCOUNT OF THE MUTINY.
« L'Orient, June 21, 1780. « Sir,
" I was detained at Versailles forty hours from the time of my arrival, and was then informed by M. de Genet, that an express had been sent from Court with the necessary orders to the King's officers at L'Orient, respecting Captain Landais and the Alliance. I found myself here early yesterday morning, fifty-four hours after leaving Versailles. The Alli- ance had, the evening and night before, been warped and towed from the road of L'Orient to Port Louis ; and no express from Court had arrived here. M. de Thevenard, the commandant, however, made every necessary prepara- tion to stop the Alliance, as appears by the enclosed docu- ment on the subject. He had even sent orders in the evening, before I was aware, to fire on the Alliance, and sink her to the bottom, if they attempted to approach and pass the bar- rier that had been made across the entrance of the port. Had I even remained silent an hour longer, the dreadful work would have been done. Your humanity will, I know, justify the part I acted in preventing a scene that would have rendered me miserable for the rest of my fife. The Alliance has this morning been towed and warped through the rocks, and is now at anchor without, between Port Louis and Groix. In this situation I at noon sent out Lieutenant Dale with a letter to Captain Landais, whereof the within is a copy.
" Yesterday morning the within letter was brought me from Mr. Lee, though I had never even hinted that his opinion or advice would be acceptable. He has, however, pulled oflfthe mask, and, I am convinced, is not a little disap- pointed that his operations have produced no bloodshed between the subjects of France and America. Poor man !
" Yesterday everything that persuasion or threatening could effect was attempted * ^ # * *
LETTER TO A LADY. 105
" M. de Thevenard, on his part, sent the deputy of M. Sweighauser on board with your letters, under his own covers to Captain Landais, and to the officers and men of the Alliance. The one was delivered to Captain Landais, the other to Lieu- tenant Digges. M. de Thevenard also sent on board an officer with the King's order to arrest Captain Landais, who refused to surrender himself. Mr. Lee and his party pretend to justify their measures, because they say you did not put Captain Landais under arrest. According to them, you cannot dis- place him, however great his crimes ! If the government does not interfere to crush this despicable party, France and America have much to fear from it. I verily believe them to be English, at the bottom of their hearts."*
To a lady in Paris, one of the friends he had lately made, he sent a much fuller account of this unpleasant affair, wishing no doubt, to stand clear in the opinion of his powerful and fashionable patrons in the capital, and reasonably concluding that his exculpatory epistle might make the round of the cir- cles. " I confess to you," he writes to Madame Tellison, " that I feel rather ashamed that such an event should have happened, although, God knows, it was not owing to any fault of mine. The true reason was, that M. Ray de Chaumont unjustly detained from the brave Americans, who had so bravely served in the squadron under my command, not only their wages, but also their prize-money ; and he has not, even to this hour, given me the means of paying them their just claims. One or two envious persons here, taking advantage of these circumstances, persuaded these poor people that I had joined M. Ray de Chaumont to detain from them their just dues, and that it was, besides, my intention to carry them on new expeditions in Europe, and not to suffer them to return to their families in America during the w^ar. These insinuations were false and groundless ; 1 had disapproved
* In a marginal note, affixed to this letter many years afterwards, Jones says, " In this opinion I was not singular, though perhaps I was mistaken."
166 THE SERAPIS REFITTED.
the conduct of M. Ray de Chaumont so much as neither to speak or write to him after my return to France. My sole business at Court was to obtain the free sale of the prizes, which I effected ; and, far from being then bound on new ex- peditions in Europe, I was ordered by the board of admiralty in America to return forthwith to Congress, and had in conse- quence received the pubhc despatches both from Dr. Franklin and the Court. The Alliance, however, was hurried out of this port before the crew had time for reflection ; yet, before they sailed from the road of Groix, many of them, seeing their error, refused to weigh anchor, and were carried to sea con- fined hands and feet in irons. The government of France had taken measures to stop the ship ; but I interposed, to pre- vent bloodshed between the subjects of the two allied nations. I am now again almost ready to sail in the Ariel, and I know, soon after my arrival in America, that Congress will do me impartial justice. I will then have the happiness to furnish you with the account I promised, and the 'circumstances will be supported by the fullest evidence. I dare promise that it will then appear that I have only been to blame for having returned here from Paris without having insisted absolutely on the previous payment of my men."
Franklin could at this time do no more to support the au- thority of the officer he had appointed. His anxious thoughts were in America, occupied with the distressed condition of Washington's troops. His first object, therefore, was to remedy as far as possible the mischief done to the public cause by Landais's mutiny, and the consequent delay in forwarding the military stores. Jones, however, appears to have felt his own crippled command at least as pressingly as the exigencies of the distant troops, and attempted to obtain a larger vessel than the Ariel.
The Serapis was now refitted. From the hour of her cap- ture his pride iand his affections had been fixed on this com- mand, and he very plausibly enumerated to Franklin the advantages that might result to the public cause, were he
FRANKLIN'S POSITION. 167
enabled, with this vessel armed for war, the Ariel, and certain American frigates, to undertake some of those daring expe- ditions he had so often proposed to government. This pro- ject failed, and he begged for the Terpsichore, another French ship, and engaged his personal friends to lend their influence to obtain it for him. Their solicitations did not succeed. France was now in the heat of the war, — the ministry were occupied with other subjects, and also evidently a little tired of the importunity of the Chevalier Jones, — and FrankHn was disappointed and vexed at the delays which had taken place in forwarding those stores it had cost him so much to obtain, and of which the army stood in such pressing want. No sooner, however, had the Alliance left port, than, without wasting another thought on the affair, which no thought could amend, Franklin writes with the most business-like prompti- tude, "That aflfair is over, and the business is now to get the goods out as well as we can. I am perfectly bewildered with the different schemes that have been proposed to me for this purpose by Mr. Williams, Mr. Ross, yourself, and M. de Chaumont. Mr. Williams was for purchasing ships. I told him I had not the money, but he still urges it. You and Mr. Ross proposed borrowing the Ariel. I joined in the applica- tion for that ship. We obtained her. She was to convey all that the AUiance could not take. Now you find her in- sufficient. An additional ship has already been asked, and could not be obtained. I think therefore it will be best that you take as much into the Ariel as you can and depart with it. For the rest I must apply to the government to contrive some means of transporting it in their own ships. This is my present opinion ; and when I have once got rid of this business, no consideration shall tempt me to meddle again with such matters, as I never understood them."
Before Jones could get off on this errand, so necessary to America, but not much calculated, as he felt, to increase his glory, and therefore, on his part, not very zealously managed,
168 SILAS DEANE.
a change took place in the French Ministry which revived his hopes. The Marquis de Castries succeeded Sartine at the head of the marine department, and the virtuous Maurepas became prime minister. To both of these distinguished persons Jones lost no time in recommending himself by con- gratulatory letters ; along with which were transmitted fresh copies of the maritime projects formerly sent to their prede- cessors in office. He also wished, before leaving Europe, to obtain from them, as the persons in actual power, testimo- nies in his favour, addressed to Congress, equivalent to those he had obtained from Sartine. His philanthropy, patriotism, and disinterested services, were once more duly set forth to the new ministers. He endeavoured to bring Mr. Silas Deane and Dr. Bancroft into his views, and again employed the in- fluence of his friend the Duke of Rochefoucault. The ship so earnestly solicited was not obtained, nor does it appear that the American ministers concurred in the request.
Though on an after investigation Jones came cl6ar out of this affair, it is obvious that, had he been half as anxious to forward the military stores as to serve the republic in a way more consonant to his own taste, the Ariel might long before this period have reached the shores of America.
Towards the end of June the Alliance had put to sea, and Jones still remained in port, when in November accounts were received of the arrival of that ship at Boston. From his friend Dr. Cooper of that town Dr. Franklin received an account of the issue of Lee's factious proceedings, and of Landais's mutiny, which he instantly transmitted to the person most likely to sympathize with his feelings regarding that mortifying affair. The extract of Dr. Cooper's letter was enclosed to the commodore in a letter from Mr. Temple Franklin, the grandson and secretary of Frankhn, the minister himself being at this time confined to bed :
LANDAIS IN BOSTOxN.
16^)
Silas Deane.
" Boston, September 8th, 1780.
*' The Alliance arrived here some weeks ago, with Dr. Lee, who is still in town. This vessel appears to me to have left Frg.nce in an unjustifiable manner, though I cannot yet obtain the particular circumstances. Landais did not hold his com- mand through the voyage, which was either relinquished by ] him or wrested from him. All the passengers, as well as 15
170 THE ARIEL SAILS.
officers and sailors, are highly incensed against him, and Di
Lee as much as any one. A court of inquiry is now sitting
upon this matter, in which the Doctor has given a full
evidence against the captain, which represents him as
insane.^'
^ It was unfortunate that Dr. Lee was so late in making this
discovery.
The tardy and inauspicious voyage of the Ariel, so long delayed and so often obstructed, was at length commenced on the 8th of October. On the following night the ship en-
The Ariel riding out the storm.
countered a tremendous gale, which was felt over almost all Europe. She rode out the storm for two days dismasted, and the waters around her covered with the wrecks of other vessels ; and on the 13th put back, in a very disabled condi- tion to L'Orient. The arms, the most important part of the stores, were so much damaged, that it was necessary they
JONES TAKES LEAVE. 171
should be unshipped and left ; and before the vessel could bo repaired and freshly provisioned, it was the middle of Decem- ber. Franklin, though too reasonable to complain of a delay occasioned by the violence of the elements, grudged, never- theless, the expense to which he had been repeatedly put for new out- fits, — grudged, but passed the bills drawn on him ; giving, however, his less considerate friend sundry p;ccau- tionary hints.
" I suppose," he writes, " you thought it for the good of the service, as you say you did, to order that great quantity of medicine for the seventy-four-gun ship, yet, after what I had written to you of my difficulties, it still seems to me that you ought not to have done it without informing me and obtain- ing my consent ; and I have only to be thankful that you did not order all her stores, sails, and rigging, anchors, powder, &c. I think you must be sensible, on reflection, that with regard to me it was wrong, and that it ought not to be expect- ed from me to be always ready and able to pay the demands that every officer in the service may saddle me with. This affair, however, is done with, and I shall say and think no more about it."
Jones gave such an explanation as was at least meant to satisfy the frugal statesman; to whom, on the 18th Decern ber, he oncfe again addressed a farewell letter. He also took leave once more of his friends and patrons in the capital One of his valedictory epistles, addressed to Madame D'Or moy, may be received as the best exposition that can be given of his feelings at the close of his short bui ibriUiant career in Europe : — " I cannot leave France without expressing how much I feel myself honoured and obliged by the generous attention that you have shown to my reputation in your jour- nal. I will ever have the most ardent desire to merit the spontaneous praise of beauty and her pen i and it is impos- sible to be more grateful than I am for the very polite atten- tions I lately received at Paris and Versailles. My particular
172 LETTER TO MADAME D'ORMOY.
thanks arc due to you, madame, for the personal proofs I had received of your esteem and friendship, and for the happiness you procured me in the society of the charming countess, and other ladies and gentlemen of your circle. But I have a favour to ask of you, madame, which I hope you will grant me. You tell me in your letter, that the inkstand I had the honour to present you, as a small token of my esteem, shall be reserved for the purpose of writing what concerns me; now I wish you to see my idea in a more expanded light, and would have you make use of that inkstand to instruct man- kind, and support the dignity and rights of human nature."
" By the enclosed declaration of my otFicers," he writes to the same lady, " you will see, my dear madam, that I was in a ticklish situation in the moment while you were employed in writing to me on the 9th ultimo. It is impossible to be more sensible than I am of the obligation conferred on me by your attentions and kind remembrance, joined to that of the belle comtesse, your fair daughters, and the amiable ladies and gentlemen of your society. I have returned without laurels, and, what is worse, without having been able to render service to the glorious cause of liberty. I know not why Neptune was in such anger, unless he thought it an affront in me to appear on his ocean with so insignificant a force. It is certain, that till the night of the 8th, I did not fully conceive the awful majesty of tempest and of shipwreck. I can give you no just idea of the tremendous scene that na- ture then presented, which surpassed the reach even of poetic fancy and the pencil. I believe no ship w^as ever before saved from an equal danger ofl^ the point of the Penmark ^ocks. I am extremely sorry that the young English lady you mention should have imbibed the national hatred against me. I have had proofs that many of the first and finest ladies of that nation are my friends. Indeed I cannot imagine why any fair lady should be my enemy, since, upon the large scale of jniversal philanthropy, T feel, acknowledge, and bend before
DELIA. 173
the sovereign power of beauty. The English nation may- hate me, but / will force them to esteem me too.^'
Jones had other, or at least one other fair correspondent about this period, who, under the assumed name of Delia, makes some figure in his private history. The day of the Amintas and Delias was not then quite gone by ; and, under this pastoral and poetic appellation, a lady chose to conceal herself, of whose real name and situation the multitudinous papers left by the commodore, though they include many of her letters, afford no satisfactory trace. In America, Delia has been discovered to be a young lady of the court. In Scotland we are not so quick-sighted.
But as the claims of love and gallantry were ever post- poned by the commodore to those of professional duty and ambition, we shall in so far follow his example as to defer the introduction of Delia and her fair contemporaries, till a more convenient season.
Besides the enthusiastic epistles of Delia, Jones carried out the following letter, already noticed as written by De Sartine on the order of the King of France, and approved by his Most Christian Majesty in council. This of itself would have ensured him that honourable reception in the country of his adoption, to which his zeal and services gave him yet stronger claims.
Translation of the Letter addressed to Mr. Hantenydon, President of the Con- gress of the United States, by M. de Sartine, of the French Marine.
" Versailles, 29th May, 1780. " Commodore Paul Jones, after having given to all Europe, and, above all, to the enemies of France and of the United States, high proofs of his valour and of his talents, is about to return to America, to give an account to Congress of the success of his military operations. I am aware, sir, that the reputation he has so justly acquired will go before him, and that the history of his campaigns will be sufficient to prove 15*
174 DE SARTINE'S LETTER.
to his countrymen, that his abihties arc equal to his courage ; but the king has thought it right to join to the pubUc voice his approbation and his bounty. He has charged me ex- pressly to make known to you how much he is satisfied with the services of the commodore, persuaded that Congress will io him Hke justice. His Majesty gives him a pledge of his steem in bestowing on him the gift of a sword, which could not be placed in better hands, and now offers to Congress to decorate this brave officer with the cross of the order of Military Merit. His Majesty thinks that these peculiar dis- tinctions, associating together in the same honours the subject of two countries united by similar interests, may be regarded as another tie between them, and excite them to emulation in the common cause. If, after having approved the conduct of the commodore, it is judged fit to intrust him with any new expedition to Europe, his Majesty will see him return with pleasure ; and he presumes Congress will refuse nothing that may be deemed necessary to promote the success of his enterprises. My personal esteem for the commodore induces me to recommend him in a particular manner to you, sir ; and I venture to hope that, in the reception which he may receive from Congress, he will perceive the fruits of the senti- ments with which he has inspired me.
" I have the honour to be, &c.
JARTINE.
PREPARATIONS FOR ACTION. 175
CHAPTER VIII.
N the 18th February, 1781, Commodore Jones reached Phi- ladelphia. The principal ad- venture of this voyage is thus related by himself in the me- morial to the king of France, and in the third person : — -" After a variety of rencoun- ters, he, in the latitude 26*^ north and longitude of Barbadoes, met with a remarkably fast-sail- ing frigate belonging to the enemy's navy. Captain Jones endeavoured to avoid speaking with that ship, and as the night approached, he hoped to succeed, notwithstanding her superior sailing. He was, however, mistaken, for next morn- ing the ships were at less distance asunder than they bad been the evening before, although during the night the officers of the watch had always informed Captain Jones the sail con- tinued out of sight. An action now became unavoidable, and the Ariel was prepared for it. Everything was thrown over- board that interfered with the defence and safety of the ship. Captain Jones took particular care, by the management oi' sails and helm, to prevent the enemy from discovering the force of the Ariel, and worked her so well as not to discover any warlike appearance or preparation. In the afternoon the Ariel fired now and then a light stern-chaser at the enemy from the quarter-deck, and continued to crowd sail as if very much alarmed. This had the desired effect, and the enemy pursued with the greater eagerness. Captain Jones did not
176 SINGULAR CONVERSATION.
suffer the enemy to come close up till the approach of night, when, having well examined his force, he shortened sail, to meet his approach. When the two ships came within hail of each other they both hoisted English colours. The person whose duty it was to hoist the pendant on board the Ariel had not taken care to make the other end of the halliards fast, to haul it down again to change the colours. This prevented Captain Jones from an advantageous manoeuvre he had in- tended, and obliged him to let the enemy range up along the lee-side of the Ariel, where he saw a battery lighted for action. A conversation now took place between the two ships, which lasted near an hour ; by which Captain Jones learned the situation of the enemy's affairs in America. The captain of the enemy's ship said his name was John Pindar. His ship had been constructed by the famous Mr. Peck of Boston, built at Newbury Port, owned by Mr. Tracey of that place, com- manded by Captain Hopkins, the son of the late Commodore Hopkins, and had been taken and fitted out at New York, and named the Triumph, by Admiral Rodney. Captain Jones told him he must put out his boat, and come on board and show his commission, to prove whether or not he really did belong to the British navy. To this he made some excuses, because Captain Jones had not told him who he was ; and his boat, he said, was very leaky. Captain Jones told him to consider the danger of refusing. Captain Pindar said he would answer for twenty guns, and that himself and every one of his people had shown themselves Enghshmen. Captain Jones said he would allow him five minutes only to make his reflection. That time being elapsed, Captain Jones backed a little on the weather-quarter of the enemy, ran close under her stern, hoisted American colours, and being within short pistol-shot on the lee-beam of the enemy, began to engage. It was past seven o'clock, and as no equal force ever exceeded tne vigorous and regular fire of the Ariel's battery and tops, the action while it lasted made a glorious appearance. The
ESCAPE OF T[IE PRIZE. 177
Victory of the Arid.
enemy made a feeble resistance for about ten minutes. He then struck his colours. The enemy then begged for quarter, and said half of his men were killed. The Ariel's fire ceased ; and the crew, as usual after a victory, gave cries of joy, to ' show themselves Englishmen.' The enemy filled their sails, and got on the Ariel's weather-bow before the cries of joy had ended on board the Ariel. Captain Jones, suspecting the base design of the enemy,nmmediately set every sail he could to prevent her escape ; but the enemy had so much advantage in sailing, that the Ariel could not keep up, and they soon got out of gun-shot. The English captain may properly be called a knave, because, after he surrendered his ship, begged for, and obtained quarter, he basely ran away, contrary to the laws of naval war and the practice of civiHzed nations. A conspiracy was discovered among the English part of the Ariel's crew immediately after sailing from France. During the voyage every officer, and even the passengers, had been constantly armed, and kept a regular watch, besides a con- stant guard with fixed bayonets. After the action with the Triumph the plot was so far discovered, that Captain Jones confined tw^enty of the rinofleaders in irons till his arrival
178 JONES IN PHILADELPHIA.
Captain Jones arrived at Philadelphia on the 18th February, 1781, having been absent from America three years, three months, and eighteen days."
The clamour excited in America by the detention of the army stores, and the real evils v^^hich had by this means been occasioned to the public service, compelled Congress to institute an immediate inquiry into the cause of the delay. This in common fairness was the more necessary, as Lan- dais, who was arrested in coming to America with the Alli- ance, had now been tried, and for ever dismissed the service.
A Board of Admiralty had been for some time organized, and on this Board devolved the duty of inquiry, while Con- gress almost simultaneously took up the affair. A string of questions, forty-seven in number, were proposed by the Board to Jones, to which he was required to give answers in writing. He lost no time in complying with this order; nor, it is to be presumed, in securing such powerful and useful friends as his brilliant reputation and the testimonials he brought from Europe had already predisposed in his favour. Admired and caressed at the Court of Versailles, and more dreaded by the vulgar of the Enghsh nation than was very creditable either to their judgment or courage, Paul Jones could not, at this period of agitation and imbittered hostility, fail to find friends in America, had his public services been even less valuable and important than they really were.
His answers to the official interrogataries were on all points ample, and, it appears, satisfactory; and the subsequent report of the Board, so far from being condemnatory, was highly flattering. Another report of the same Board will show the exact footing on which he now stood.
« Admiralty Office, June 16th, 1781."
" The Board, to whom was referred the letters and other papers relative to the conduct of John Paul Jones, Esq., beg leave to report, that they have carefully perused said letters
REPORT OF THE ADMIRALTY. 179
and papers, wherein they find favourable mention is made of his abiUties as an officer by the Duke de Vauguyon, M. de Sartine and Dr. FrankHn ; and this is also corroborated by that valour and intrepidity with which he engaged his Bri- tannic Majesty's ship, the Serapis, of forty-four cannon, twelve and eighteen pounders, who, after a severe contest for for several hours, surrendered to his superior valour, thereby acquiring honour to himself and dignity to the American flag.
" The Board therefore humbly conceive that an honourable testimony should be given to Captain Paul Jones, commander of the Bon Homme Richard, his officers and crew, for their many singular services in annoying the enemy on the British coasts, and particularly for their spirited behaviour in an engagement with his Britannic Majesty's ship of war, the Serapis, on the 23d of September, 1779, and obliging her to surrender to the American flag."
The following is a farther extract from another of these reports : —
" With regard to Captain Jones, the Board beg leave to report, that the views of the Marine Committee in sending Captain Jones, and his views in going in the Ranger to France, were, that he might take the command of the Indian, a ship that was building at Amsterdam on a new construc- tion, under a contract made by the Commissioners of these States at Paris, and with her, in concert with the Ranger, annoy the coasts and trade of Great Britain. When he arrived at Nantes, the Commissioners sent for him to Paris. After remaining there some time, he was informed that they had assigned their property in the ship Indian to the King of France. Captain Jones returned to Nantes, plans and under- takes a secret expedition in the Ranger," &c. &c. The report goes on to enumerate the various services of Captain Jones, and then proceeds, " ever since Captain Jones first became an officer in the navy of those States, he hath shown
180 SECOND REPORT.
an unremitted attention in planning and executing enterprises calculated to promote the essential interests of our glorious cause. That in Europe, although in his expedition through the Irish Channel in the Ranger he did not fully accomplish his purpose, yet he made the enemy feel that it is in the power of a small squadron, under a brave and enterprising commander, to retaliate the conflagration of our defenceless towns. That returning from Europe, he brought with him the esteem of the greatest and best friends of America ; and hath received from the illustrious monarch of France that reward of warlike virtue which his subjects receive by a long series of faithful services or uncommon merit.
" The Board are of opinion that the conduct of Paul Jones merits particular attention, and some distinguished mark of approbation from the United States in Congress assembled."
Had the reports been drawn up by himself, or his most zealous friends, they could not have been more gratifying. He also received the solemn thanks of Congress, recorded in the following document : —
"BY THE UNITED STATES TN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED,
" Saturday, April 14th, 1781.
" On the report of a committee consisting of Mr. Varnun, Mr. Houston, and Mr. Mathews, to which was referred a mo- tion of Mr. Varnun :
" The United States, in Congress assembled, having taken into consideration the report of the Board of Admiralty of the 28th March last, respecting the conduct of John Paul Jones, Esq., captain in the navy, do
^^ Resolve, That the thanks of the United States in Con- gress assembled be given to Captain John Paul Jones, for the zeal, prudence, and intiepidity with which he hath suppoi'ted the honour of the American flag, for his bold and successful enterprises to redeem from captivity the citizens of these States who had fallen under the power of the enemy, and in
LETTER OF WASHINGTON. 181
general for the good conduct and eminent services by which he has added a lustre to his character and to the American arms.
" That the thanks of the United States in Congress assem- bled be also given to the officers and men who have faithfully served under him from time to time, for their steady affection to the cause of their country, and the bravery and perseve- rance they have manifested therein."
The following letter from Washington, of which the original is preserved among his papers, must have completed the satisfaction Paul Jones experienced in his honourable public acquittal : —
"Head Quarters, New Windsor, 15th May, 1781. " Sir,
" My partial acquaintance with either our naval or com- mercial affairs makes it altogether impossible for me to ac- count for the unfortunate delay of those articles of military stores and clothing which have been so long provided in France.
" Had I had any particu ar reasons to have suspected you of being accessary to that delay, which I assure you has not been the case, my suspicions would have been removed by the very full and satisfactory answers which you have, to the best of my knowledge, made to the questions proposed to you by the Board of Admiralty, and upon which that Board have, in their report to Congress, testified the high sense which they entertain of your merits and services.
" Whether our naval affairs have in general been well or ill conducted would be presumptuous in me to determine. Instances of bravery and good conduct in several of our officers have not, however, been wanting. Delicacy forbids me to mention that 'particular one which has attracted the admiration of all the world, and which has influenced the most illustrious monarch, to confer a mark of his favour which 16
182 ARTHUR LEE.
can only be obtained by a long and honourable service, or by the performance of some brilliant action.
" That you may long enjoy the reputation you have so justly acquired is the sincere wish of,
Sir, Your most obedient servant,
Geo. Washington."
In the investigation respecting the delay of the stores, Franklin had been implicated as well as Jones. He now stood equally clear ; and, however relucfant Jones might have been, after Landais had usurped his command, and run away with his ship, to put to sea with a single vessel, and that of in- ferior force, the paramount and unceasing anxiety of Frank- lin to forward the stores, does not by any means admit a doubt. In the awkward affair of Landais it was accordingly decided that Frankhn had done nothing for which he had not ample discretionary powers ; and as an appropriate mark of the entire confidence of Congress, he was appointed by the Marine Committee to the sole management of maritime affairs in Europe. The patron of Landais, the strenuous sup- porter of constitutional rights, Mr. iVrthur Lee, now thought proper to abandon his foiyiier opinions, together with his un- lucky protege, and even to appear among the active friends of Commodore Jones.
On coming thus clearly and honourably out of this investi gation, Jones, besides the vote of thanks so gratifying to hi? feelipgs, obtained the reward which of all others he valued the highest, a farther opportunity of extending his fame by active service in the cause of America. By an unanimous ballot, (for in this manner it seems officers were chosen,) he was appointed to the command of the America, a fine vessel, still on the stocks. Almost immediately he went to Ports- mouth, in New Hampshire, to superintend the building and equipment of this ship.
JONES AT PORTSMOUTH. 183
This seems to have been one of the few intervals of leisure and tranquillity which his chequered life afforded. It was sweetened by the hope of future services to be performed, and future glories to be acquired. He continued for some months in the little town of Portsmouth, and, besides maintaining an extensive correspondence in France and America, found time to mature and arrange his ideas on the subject of the Ameri- can navy.
We have not sufficient nautical skill to decide how far the belief of Jones in the relative superiority of the French to the English system of naval tactics was even theoretically cor- rect ; it is enough, that almost every succeeding naval engagement has practically demonstrated the futility of his speculations. The ships of England scarcely ever afterwards met those of her rival save to beat them, till the flag of France was literally swept from the seas. But though the opinions of Jones are thus, in all probability, abstractly of no great value as those of a great naval tactician, they are of some consequence, as they discover the state of his own mind, his strong prepossession for whatever was French, and his jealousy of English naval supremacy. It is but fair to let him state his reasons for his singular belief.
" The beginning of our navy," he says, " as navies now rank, wafe so singularly small, that I am of opinion it has no precedent in history. Was it a proof of madness in the first corps of sea-officers to have, at so critical a period, launched out on the ocean with only two armed merchant ships, two armed brigantines, and one armed sloop, to make war against such a power as Great Britain ? To be diffident is not always a proof of ignorance. I had sailed before this revolution in armed ships and frigates, yet, when I came to try my skill, I am not ashamed to own I did not find myself perfect in the duties of a first lieutenant. If midnight study, and the instruction of the greatest and most learned sea- officers, can have given me advantages, I am not without
184 NAVAL TACTICS.
them. I confess, however, I have yet to learn ; it is the vi^ork of many years' study and experience to acquire the high degree of science necessary for a great sea-officeT< Cruising after merchant ships, the service in which our frigates have generally been employed, affords, I may say, no part of the knowledge necessary for conducting fleets and their opera- tions. There is now, perhaps, as much difference between a battle between two ships, and an engagement between two fleets, as there is between a duel and a ranged battle between two armies. The English, who boast so much of their navy, never fought a ranged battle on the ocean before the war that is now ended. The battle off" Ushant was, on theh' part Hke their former ones, irregular ; and Admiral Keppell could only justify himself by the example of Hawke in our remem- brance, and of Russel in the last century. From that moment the English were forced to study and to imitate the French in their evolutions. They never gained any advantage when they had to do with equal force, and the unfortunate defeat of Count de Grasse was owdng more to the unfavourable cir- cumstances of the wind coming ahead four points at the beginning of the battle, which put his fleet into the order of echiquier when it was too late to tack, and of calm and cur- rents afterwards, which brought on an entire disorder, than to the admiralship, or even the vast superiority or Rodney, who had forty sail of the line against thirty, and five three- deckers against one. By the account of some of the French officers, Rodney might as well have been asleep, not having made a second signal during the battle, so that every captain did as he pleased.
" The English are very deficient in signals as well as in naval tactic. This I know, having in my possession their present fighting and sailing instructions, which comprehend all their signals and evolutions. Lord Howe has, indeed, made some improvements by borrowing from the French. Rut Kempenfelt, who seems to have been a more promising
GRADES OF OFFICERS. 185
officer, had made a still greater improvement- by the same means. It was said of Kempenfelt, when he was drowned in the Royal George, England has lost her Du Pavillion. That great man, the Chevalier Du Pavillion, commanded the Triumphant, and was killed in the last battle of Count de Grasse. France lost in him one of her greatest naval tacti- cians, and a man who had, besides, the honour (in 1773) to invent the new system of naval signals, by which sixteen hundred orders, questions, answers, and informations, can, without confusion or misconstruction, and with the greatest celerity, be communicated through a great fleet. It was his fixed opinion that a smaller number of signals would be insuf- ficient. A captain of the line at this day must be a tactician. A captain of a cruising frigate may make shift without ever having heard of naval tactics. Until I arrived in France, and became acquainted with that great tactician Count D'Orvilliers, and his judicious assistant the Chevalier du Pa- villion, who, each of them, honoured me with instructions respecting the science of governing the operations, &c. of a fleet, I confess I was » not sensible how ignorant I had been before that time of naval tactics."^
However defective the general views of the commodore might be as a great tactician, his ideas of the proper forma- tion and internal policy and regulation of a navy for the young republic of America discover a comprehensive mind, and a liberal and generous spirit. On these points he had to contend with no lurking prepossessions. His very prejudices were here all on the right side.
" From the observations I have made," he says, " and what I have read, it is my opinion, that in a navy there ought to be at least as many grades below a captain of the line as
* Jones forgets once writing- Franklin that this illustrious commander chose rather to permit several English frigates to escape him, than violate professional etiquette by breaking his line ! This was tactics -with a ven geance !
16*
186 THE AMERICAN NAVY.
there are below a colonel of a regiment. Even the navy of France is deficient in subaltern grades, and has paid dearly for that error in its constitution, joined to another of equal magnitude, which authorizes ensigns of the navy to take charge of watch on board ships of the line. One instance may be sufficient to show this. The Zele, in the night between the 11th and 12th of April, 1782, ran on board the Ville de Paris, which accident was the principal cause of the unfortunate battle that ensued next day between Count de Grasse and Admiral Rodney. That accident in all proba- bility would not have happened had the deck of the Zele been at the time commanded by a steady experienced lieutenant of the line instead of a young ensign. The charge of the deck of a ship of the line should, in my judgment, never be mtrusted to an officer under twenty-five years of age. At that time of life he may be supposed to have served nine or ten years, — a term not more than sufficient to have furnished him with the necessary knowledge for so great a charge. It is easy to conceive that the minds of officers must become uneasy, when they are continued too long in any one grade, which must happen (if regard be paid to the good of the service) where there are no more subaltern grades than midshipman and lieutenant. Would it not be wiser to raise young men by smaller steps, and to increase the number ?
" I have many things to offer respecting the formation of our navy. We are a young people, and need not be ashamed to ask advice from nations older and more experienced in marine affairs than ourselves. This, I conceive, might be done in a manner that would be received as a compliment by several, or perhaps all the marine powers of Europe, and at the same time would enable us to collect such helps as would be of vast use when we come to form a constitution for the creation and government of our marine, the establish- ment and police of our dock-yards, academies, hospitals, &c. &c., and the general police of our seamen throughout the
THE AMERICAN NAVY. 187
continent. These considerations induced me, on my return from the fleet of his excellency the Marquis de Vaudreuil, to propose to you to lay my ideas on the subject before Con- gress, and to propose sending a proper person to Europe in a handsome frigate, to display our flag in the ports of the dif- - ferent marine powers, to ofler them the free use of our ports, and propose to them commercial advantages, &c., and then to ask permission to visit their marine arsenals, to be informed how they are furnished both with men, provision, materials, and warlike stores, — by what police and officers they are governed, how and from what resources the officers and men are paid, &c. — the line of conduct drawn between the oflficers of the fleet and the officers of the ports, &c. — also the armament and equipment of the different ships of war, with their dimensions, the number and qualities of their officers and men, by what pohce they are governed in port and at sea, how and from what resources they are fed, clothed, and paid, &c., and the general police of their sea- men, and academies, hospitals, &c. &c. If you still object to my project on account of the expense of sending a frigate to Europe, and keeping her there till the business can be effected, I think it may be done, though perhaps not with the same dignity, without a frigate. My plan for forming a proper corps of sea-officers is, by teaching them the naval tactics in a fleet of evolution. To lessen the expense as much as possible, I would compose that fleet of frigates instead of ships of the line ; on board of each I would have a little academy, where the officers should be taught the prin- ples of mathematics and mechanics, when oflf duty. When in port, the young officers should be obliged to attend the academies established at each dock-yard, where they should be taught the principles of every art and science that is neces- sary to form the character of a great sea-officer. And every commission officer of the navy should have free access, and be entitled to receive instruction gratis at those academies.
188 NEW DISAPPOINTMENT.
All this would be attended with no very great Expense, and the public advantage resulting from it would be immense. I am sensible it cannot be immediately adopted, and that we must first look about for ways and means ; but the sooner it is adopted the better. We cannot, like the ancients, build a fleet in a month, and we ought to take example from what has lately befallen Holland. In time of peace it is necessary to prepare, and be always prepared, for war by sea. I have had the honour to be presented with copies of the signals, tactics, and police, that have been adopted under the different admirals of France and Spain during the war, and have in my last campaign seen them put in practice. While I was at Brest, as well as while I was inspecting the building of the America, as I had furnished myself with good authors, I applied much of my leisure time to the study of naval archi- tecture, and other matters that relate to the establishment and poHce of dock-yards, &c. I, however, feel myself bound to say again, I have yet much need to be instructed.''
The ship America, by his exertions, was now nearly com- pleted, and Jones had once more the immediate prospect of active service ; but fortune had yet another reverse in store for him ; or more property, at this time commenced that series of disappointments and chagrins which, whether in Europe or America, continued, with brief intermissions, to pursue him through his subsequent life, till they consigned him to a premature grave. It appears to have been the fate of Jones at different epochs of his life, by the energies and activity of his character, and the impetuosity of his temper, to have momentarily strained the instruments of his advance- ment so far beyond the proper pitch, that they violently recoiled, as if by the counteracting force caused by their over-tension, on the instant that his vigorous hand was removed.
The Magnijique, a seventy-four gun ship, belonging to France, had, by accident or mismanagement, been lost in the
THE AMERICA. 189
harbour of Boston. To make up this loss, and keep then powerful ally in good humour, Congress did not scruple to strip Jones of the command so flatteringly bestowed, and this with- out giving him any equivalent appointment, or any future pledge. This was the second time he had been disappointed in a similar way : the America shared the fate of the Indian ; it was presented by Congress to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, for the service of his most Christian Majesty. Fifteen months after his appointment Jones received the following letter from the Minister of Marine : —
Marine Office, 4th Sept. 1782. *' Dear Sir,
"The enclosed resolution will show you the destination of the ship America, Nothing could be more pleasing to me than this disposition, excepting so far as you are affected by it. I know you so well as to be convinced that it must give you great pain, and I sincerely sympathize with you. But although you will undergo much concern at being deprived of this op- portunity to reap laurels on your favourite field, yet your re- gard for France will in some measure alleviate it ; and to this your good sense will naturally add the delays which must have happened in fitting the ship for sea. I must entreat you to continue your inspection until she is launched, and to urge forward the buisness. When that is done, if you w\\\ come hither I will explain to you the reasons which led to this mea- sure, and my view^s of employing you in the service of your country. You will on your route have an opportunity of con- fering w^ith the general on the blow you mentioned to me in one of your letters." * * * * *
Whatever might have been the feelings of Jones on this abrupt and painful communication, they w^ere stifled by pru- dence and patriotism ; and the cheerfulness and magnanimity with which he submitted to this stroke elicited the subjoined etter from Morris: —
190 MR. MORRIS'S LETTER.
" Marine Office, 4th October, l782. " Sir,
" I have received your letter of the 22d of last month. The sentiments contained in it will always reflect the highest ho- nour upon your character. They have made so strong an im- pression upon my mind, that I immediately transmitted an extract of your letter to Congress. I doubt not but they will view it in the same manner that I have done."
Jones, on the request of the minister, continued to superii>- tend the equipment of the ship; but as honourable employment, whether in the sea or land service, was ever his favourite object, he now solicited the leave of Congress to go on board the French fleet, then cruising in the American seas, for im- provement in his profession. This was given in the most gracious manner, in the subjoined resolution: —
BY THE UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED.
"Wednesday, December 4th, 1782.
" Resolved, That the agent of marine be informed that Con- gress, having a high sense of the merit and services of Captain John Paul Jones, and being disposed to favour the zeal mani- fested by him to acquire improvement in the line of his pro- fession, do grant the permission which he requests, and that the said agent be instructed to recommend him accordingly to the countenance of his Excellency the Marquis de Vau- dreuil."
The languor of inactivity, and the disappointment which fol- lowed, were also somew^hat soothed by the receipt, from time to time, of letters, of which the following from La Fayette and Adams may furnish a sample : —
"Alliance, off Boston, December, 1781.
" I have been honoured with your polite favour, my dear Paul Jones ; but before it reached me I already was on board the Alliance, and every minute expecting to put to sea. It
JOHN ADAMS'S LETTER. 191
would have afforded me great satisfaction to pay my respects to the inhabitants of Portsmouth, and the State in which you are for the present. As to the pleasure to take you by the ^hand, my dear Paul Jones, you know my affectionate senti- ments, and my very great regard for you, so that I need not add anything on that subject.
" Accept my best thanks for the kind expressions in your letter. His Lordship's downfall* is a great event, and the greater, as it was equally and amicably shared by the two allied nations. Your coming to the army I had the honour to command would have been considered as a very flattering compliment to me who love you and know your worth. I am impatient to hear you are ready to sail, and I am of opinion we ought to unite under you every continental ship we can muster, with such a body of well-appointed marines as might cut a good figure ashore ; and then give you plenty of provision, and carte blanche.
" I am sorry I cannot see you. I also had many things to tell you; write me by good opportunities, but not often in ciphers, unless the matter is very important," &c. &c.
» Hague, 12th August, 1732. ** Dear Sir,
" I had yesterday the pleasure of receiving your favour of the 10th December last. ****** The command of the America could not have been more ju- diciously bestowed ; and it is with impatience I wish her at sea, where she will do honour to her name. Nothing gives me so much surprise, or so much regret, as the inattention of my countrymen to their navy. It is to us a bulwark as essen- tial as it is to Great Britain. It is less costly than armies, and more easily removed from one of the United States tc the other. ********
* Lord Cornwallis.
1^2
JOHN ADAMS'S LETTER,
John Adams.
" Every day shows that the Batavians have not wholly lost their^ancient character. They are always timid and slow in adopting their political systems ; but always firm and able in support of them ; and always brave and active in war. They, have hitherto been restrained by their chiefs; but if the war continue, they will show that they are possessed of the spirit of liberty, and that they have lost none of their great qualities.
JONES APPOINTED AGENT FOR PRIZES. 193
" Rodney's victory has intoxicated Britain again to such a degree, that I think there will be no peace for some time. Indeed, if I could see a prospect of having a half-dozen line- of-battle ships under the American flag, commanded by Com- modore Paul Jones, engaged with an equal British force, 1 apprehend the event would be so glorious for the United States, and lay so sure a foundation for their prosperity, that it would be a rich cohipensation for a continuance of the war. However, it does noji'depend upon us to finish it There is but one way, and tha^ is Burgoynizing Carlton in New York. * * ** * *•*##
" John Adams."
Jones went on board the French fleet according to the permission granted by Congress ; but peace put a sudden end to his nautical studies in this school ; and a few complimentary letters are the sole trophies that remain of his bloodless cam- paign. These testimonies of his talents and conduct were addressed by the Marquis de Vaudreuil to Mr. Morris, the Minister of the American Marine, and to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, the French Ambassador to the United States.
That impatience of inactivity, which appears to have been an inherent quality in the mind of Jones, and considerations of private interest and friendship, now induced him to solicit an appointment in Europe, as agent for prize-money, of which large sums were still due to himself, and to his officers and men, both in France and Denmark. Their claims had indeed never been settled, and the arrangement was no easy matter. Pursuant to a resolution of Congress, he was, on the 1st No- vember, 1783, formally appointed " agent for all prizes taken in Europe under his own command." On his arrival in Paris, his mission was sanctioned by Franklin, still minister plenipo- tentiary at Versailles, and he proceeded in the affair, which had baffled out other negotiators, with his characteristic vigour and perseverance. We are well warranted in pre- 17
194 JOHN LED YARD. •
suming that Jones would infinitely rather have re-visited Europe at this time, commander of that gallant experimental frigate which he had so earnestly recommended Congress to equip, than in the comparatively tame character he now held. His embassy, for such he loved to consider it, proved tedious, and even vexatious. His old antagonist, M. de Chaumont, had become insolvent ; the French finances were already in great disorder, and disinclination existed in every department to an adjustment or liquidation of the claims of the captors. The opposition of Chaumont was peculiarly irritating to Jones, who lost no opportunity of reviUng and exposing him in his frequent correspondence with the Marshal de Castris.
While this affair was in progress, Jones renewed and ex- tended his former social connexions in Paris ; and for three years, at this time, supported a considerable figure in the fashionable society of that capital, both for the gratification of his personal feelings and the advancement of his mission. In this interval he also formed several projects of commercial speculations, on the scale suited to the enterprising character of his mind, and in concert with different individuals of capital and influence. One of these projects, of which a sketch still remains among his papers, was to establish a fur-trade be- tween the north-west coast of America and China, or Japan. The person fixed on to act as supercargo in this adventurous expedition was the celebrated John Ledyard, with whom it probably originated. It went so far, that Jones was on the point of purchasing a ship ; but failed, partly from the jealousy of the Spanish government, and partly from private causes. The Algerines, and the sufferings of their American cap- tives, were another object of his anxious attention, and one of which he never lost sight for the short remainder of his life, though he was not able to eflfect much in the behalf of this unfortunate portion of his countrymen.
Another of Jones's amusements at this time was having his bust taken, which was afterwards somewhat ostentatiously
JON^JS RETURNS TO AMERICA. 195
presented to a favoured few in America. He also handed round the journal of his short and brilliant campaign, and re- ceived in return the usual requital of letters of compHment, which, when proceeding from such characters as Malsherbes and D'Estaing, any man may be pardoned for overvaluing. A compliment was never thrown away on the commodore, and seldom forgotten.
Tedious as the affair of the prize-money proved, an equita- ble and even liberal adjustment was obtained in France long before any prospect of a settlement of the claims on Den- mark, which power had shuffled for eight years with con- siderable dexterity, and continued to do so still.
With his mission thus far accomplished, Jones, in the sum- mer of 1787, returned to America, giving the following reasons for not at this time proceeding to Copenhagen : —
To His Excellency John Jay, Esq., Minister of Foreign Affairs.
" New York, July 8th, 1787. « Sir,
" The application I made for a compensation for our prizes through the Danish minister in London not having succeeded, it was determined between Mr. Jefferson and myself, that the proper method to obtain satisfaction was for me to go in per- son to the Court of Copenhagen. It was necessary for me to see the Baron de Blome, before I could leave France on that business, and he being absent on a tour in Switzerland, did not return to Paris, till the beginning of last winter. I left Paris in the spring, and went as far as Brussels on my way to Copenhagen, when an unforeseen circumstance in my private affairs rendered it indispensable for me to turn about and cross the ocean. My private business here being already finished, I shall in a few days re-embark for Europe, in order to proceed to the court of Denmark. It is my intention to go by the w^ay of Paris, in order to obtain a letter to the French minister at Copenhagen, from the Count de Mont- morin, as the one I obtained is from the Count de Vergennes.
] 96 JONES'S LETTER TO JOHN JAY.
]t would be highly flattering to me if I could carry a letter with me from Congress to his Most Christian Majesty, thank- ing him for the squadron he did us the honour to support un- der our flag. And on this occasion, sir, permit me, with be- coming diffidence, to recall the attention of my sovereign to the letter of recommendation I brought with me from the court of France, dated 30th May, 1780. It would be pleas- ing to me if that letter should be found to merit a place on the journals of Congress. Permit me also to entreat that Congress will be pleased to read the letter I received from the minister of marine, when his Majesty deigned to bestow on me a golden-hilted sword, emblematical of the happy alliance, — an honour which his Majesty never conferred on any other foreign officer. I owed the high favour I enjoyed at the court of France, in a great degree to the favourable testi- mony of my conduct which had been communicated by his Majesty's ambassador, under whose eye I acted in the most critical situation in the Texel, as well as to the public opinion of Europe. And the letter with which I was honoured by the prime minister of France, when I was about to return to America, is a clear proof that we might have drawn still greater advantages from the generous disposition of our ally, if our marine had not been lost whilst I was, under perplex- ing circumstances, detained in Europe, after I had given the Count de Maurepas my plan for forming a combined squadron of ten or twelve sail of frigates, supported by the America, with a detachment of French troops on board ; the whole at the expense of his Majesty.
" It is certain that I am much flattered by receiving a gold sword from the most illustrious monarch now living ; but I had refused to accept his commission on two occasions before that time, when some firmness was necessary to resist the temptation. He was not my sovereign ; I served the cause of freedom ; and honours from my sovereign would be more pleasing. Since the year 1775, when I displayed the Ameri-
JONES'S CLAIMS. 197
can flag for the first time with my own hands, I have been constantly devoted to the interests of America. Foreigners have, perhaps, given me too much credit, and this may have raised my ideas of my services above their real value ; but my zeal can never be over-rated.
" I should act inconsistently if I omitted to mention the dreadful situation of our unhappy fellow-citizens in slavery at Algiers. Their almost hopeless fate is a deep reflection on our national character in Europe. I beg leave to influence the humanity of Congress in their behalf, and to propose that some expedient may be adopted for their redemption. A fund might be raised for that purpose by a duty of a shilling per month from seamen's wages throughout the continent, and I am persuaded that no difficulty would be made to that requisition.
I have the honour to be, Sir, &c., &c.
" Paul Jones."
The manner in which Jones had divided the quotas, and the magnitude of his private claims for personal expenses while engaged in this service, did not satisfy the Board of Treasury of the United States, and their report highly offended him. He, however, made out what, allowing for a considerable alloy of self-eulogium, inseparable from all his vindicatory writings, may be called a triumphant case. *' The settlement," he says, " that I made wdth the court of France had first Dr. Franklin's and afterwards Mr. Jeffer- son's approbation, in every stage and article of the business ; and I presume it will be found, at least so far as depended on me, to merit that of the United States. The Board of Treasury have been pleased in their report to treat me as a mere agent, though employed in that delicate national con- cern. In France I was received and treated by the king and
his ministers as a general officer and a special minister from 17*
198 JONES'S CLAIMS.
Congress. The credit with which I am honoured as an officer, in the opinion of Europe, and the personal intimacy I have with many great characters at Paris, with my exclusive knowledge of all circumstances relative to the business, en- sured me a success which no other man could have obtained. My situation subjected me to a considerable expense. I went to court much oftener, and mixed with the great much more frequently, than our minister plenipotentiary, yet the gentlemen in that situation consider their salary of two thousand a year as scarcely adequate to their expenses." But the reader is already so familiar with the services of the commodore to the public cause of America, that we spare them the repeti- tion which follows, and pass to the issue of this altercation, which was a resolution of Congress, passed a few days after- wards, declaring his distribution of the quotas valid, and allowing him the sum claimed as expended by him on this service. This was 47,972 livres, instead of the usual com- mission on sums recovered, which would not nearly have defrayed his expenses.
To complete his triumph over the Board of Treasury, Congress, in a few days afterwards, unanimously resolved " that a gold medal should be struck, and presented to Cheva- lier J. Paul Jones, in commemoration of the valour and bril- liant services of that officer while in command of a squadron of French and American ships, under the flag and commis- sion of the States of America." It was farther resolved that a letter should be written to his Most Christian Majesty ; and accordingly, furnished with the following letter, Jones left the shores of America, which he was destined never again to revisit :
" To His Most Christian Majesty^ Louis^ King of France and Navarre. *' Great and beloved Friend !
" We, the United States in Congress assembled, in con- sideration of the distinguished marks of approbation with which your Majesty has been pleased to honour the Chevalier
LETTER OF CONGRESS. 199
John Paul Jones, as well as from a sense of his merit, have unanimously directed a medal of gold to be struck and pre- sented to him, in commemoration of his valour and brilliant services while commanding a squadron of French and Aojeri- can ships, under our flag and commission, off* the coast of Great Britain, in the late war.
" As it is his earnest desire to acquire knowledge in his pro- fession, we cannot forbear requesting of your Majesty to per- mit him to embark in your fleets of evolution, where only it will be probably in his power to acquire that degree of knowledge which may hereafter render him most extensively useful.
" Permit us to repeat to your Majesty, our sincere assur- ances, that the various and important benefits for which we are indebted to your friendship will never cease to interes* us in whatever may concern the happiness of your Majesty, your family, and people. We pray God to keep you, our great and beloved friend, under his holy protection. " Done at the city of New York, the 16th day of October, in the year of our Lord 1787, and of our Sovereignty and Independence the 12th."
It is not probable, though just possible, that, before this last departure for Europe, Jones was aware, that, in conversation with M. de Simolin, the Russian ambassador at Paris, Mr. Jeflferson had proposed him to serve Russia in the Black Sea. This conversation arose in consequence of the disasters which had befallen her Imperial Majesty's fleet in a tempest in the month of September of that year. During the late negotia- tions about the prize-money, Jones had come in close contact with Mr. Jefferson, who immediately succeeded to Franklin as ambassador, and had gained his friendship and esteem. Though he might not be aware thus early of this private treaty concerning him, there is no room to doubt that, with all the indifference and coquettish reluctance he afterwards
200
JONES IN LONDON
Thomas Jefferson.
thought fit to affect, he was from the first moment dazzled and infatuated by the prospects which thus opened so unex- pectedly upon him in a new career of glory and distinction. He landed at Dover from stress of weather, and, after spend- ing a few days in London, and making certain arrano^ements with the American ambassador there, respecting the Danish claims, went to Paris, and was there at least informed by Mr.
JONES IN COPENHAGEN. 201
Jefferson of the high destinies which probably awaited him in Russia. He accordingly deferred delivering the letter which he bore from Congress to his nnost Christian Majesty, ill a more convenient season, and set out for Copenhagen in -nid-winter, ostensibly only to solicit indemnification for the prizes so long before delivered up to the English minister, but in reality to draw a step nearer to St. Petersburgh. There is no evidence that the court of Russia had ever thought of John Paul Jones as a naval commander till M. de Simolin had written home, " that with the chief command of the fleet, and carte blanche, he would undertake that in a year Paul Jones would make Constantinople tremble."
Jones was furnished with letters to the French ambassador at Copenhagen, and other influential persons, and gives this account of his reception in that capital : —
" I have been so much indisposed since my arrival here the 4th, from the fatigue and excessive cold I suffered on the road, that I have been obliged to confine myself almost constantly to my chamber. I have kept my bed for several days ; but I now feel myself better, and hope the danger is over. On my ^arrival I paid my respects to the minister of France. He received me with great kindness ; we went, five days ago, to the minister of foreign affairs. I was much flattered with my , reception, and our conversation was long and very particular respecting America and the new constitution, of which I pre- sented a copy. He observed, that it had struck him as a very dangerous power to make the president commander-in-chief: in other respects it appeared to please him much, as leading to a near and sure treaty of commerce between America and Denmark. It was a day of pubHc business, Snd I could not do more than present your letter. I shall follow the business closely. In a few days, when I am re-estabhshed in health, I am to be presented to the whole court, and to sup with the King. I shall after that be presented to all the corps diplo- matique and other persons of distinction here. I am infinitely
202 JONES IN COPENHAGEN.
indebted to the attentions I receive from the minister of France I made the inquiry you desired in Holland, and should ther have written to you in consequence, had I not been assured by authority, (M. Van Siophorst,) that I could not doubt that letters had been sent you on the subject, that could not fe^il of giving you satisfacton. M. Van Stophorst was very obliging. At Hamburgh I ordered the smoked beef you desired to be sent to you, to the care of the American agent at Havre de Grace ; you have nothing to do but receive it, paying what little charges may be on it. My ill health and fatigue on the road hindered me from preparing the extract of the engage- ment. When you see M. Littlepage, I pray you to present my kind compliments. It is said here, that the Empress con- fides the commerce of her fleet, that will pass the Sound, to Admiral Greig ; and that he means to call at an English port to take provisions, &c. The Hamburgh papers, I am told, have announced the death of Dr. Franklin. I shall be ex tremely concerned if the account prove true — God forbid 1"
A subsequent letter states, —
*' Yesterday his excellency the Baron de la Houge, minister plenipotentiary of France at this court, did me the honour to present me publicly to his Majesty, the Royal Family, and chief personages at the royal palace here.
" 1 had a very polite and distinguished reception. The Queen Dowager conversed with me for some time, and said the most civil things. Her majesty has a dignity of person and deportment which becomes her well, and which she has the secret to reconcile with great affability and ease. The Princess Royal is a charming person, and the graces are so much her own, that it is impossible to see and converse with her without paying her that homage which artless beauty and good nature will ever command. All the Royal Family spoke to me except the King, who speaks to no person when presented. His Majesty saluted me with great complaisance at first, and as often afterwards as we met in the course of
LETTER TO COUNT BERNSTORF. 203
. the evening. The Prince Royal is greatly beloved and ex- tremely affable ; he asked me a number of pertinent questions respecting America. I had the honour to be invited to sup with his Majesty and the Royal Family. The company at table (consisting of seventy ladies and gentlemen, including the Royal Family, the ministers of state, and foreign ambas- sadors) vi^as very brilliant."
But this flattering reception, and abundance of diplomatic courtesy, did not long satisfy the negotiator, who was more- over engaged in another game with Baron Krudner, the Russian Envoy at this court, which interested him far more deeply. He was, in short, impatient to reach the goal of his new-sprung hopes, St. Petersburgh, and accordingly addressed Count Bernstorf in his best style of diplomacy : — <
Captain Paul Jones to Count Bernstorf.
" Copenhagen, 24th March, 1788.
" From the act of Congress, (the act by which I am honoured with a gold medal,) I had the honour to show your Excellency the 21st of this month, as well as from the conversation that fol- lowed, you must be convinced that circumstances do not permit me to remain here ; but that I am under the necessity, either to return to France or to proceed to Russia. — As the minister of the United States of America at Paris gave me the perusal of the packet he wrote by me, and which I had the honour to present to you on my arrival here, it is needlees to go into any detail on the object of my mission to this court ; which Mr. Jefferson has particularly explained. The promise you have given me, of a prompt and explicit decision, from this Court, on the act of Congress of the 25th of October last, in- spires me with full confidence. I have been very particular in communicating to the United States all the polite attentions with which L have been honoured at this Court ; and they will learn with great pleasure the kind reception I had from you. I felicitated myself on being the instrument to settle the deli-
204 CORRESPONDENCE
cate national businesjs in question, with a minister who con- ciliates the views of the wise statesman with the noble senti- ments and cuhivated mind of the true philosopher and man of letters."
Paul Jones to Count Bernsiorf.
"Copenhagen, Ma-rch 30, 1788.
" Your silence on the subject of my mission from the United States to this court leaves me in the most painful suspense ; the more so, as I have made your Excellency ac- quainted with the promise I am under to proceed as soon as possible to St. Petersburgh. This being the ninth year since the three prizes reclaimed by the United States were seized upon in the port of Bergen, in Norway, it is to be presumed that this court has long since taken an ultimate resolution respecting the compensation demand made by Congress. Though I am extremely sensible of the favourable reception with which I have been distinguished at this court, and am particularly flattered by the polite attentions with which you have honoured me at every conference ; yet I have remarked, with great concern, that you have never led the conversation to the object of my mission here. A man of your hberal sentiments will not, therefore, be surprised, or offended at my plain dealing, when I repeat that I impatiently expect a prompt and categorical answer, in writing, from this Court, to the act of Congress of the 25th of October last. Both my duty and the circumstances of my situation constrain me to make this demand in the name of my sovereign the United States of America ; but I beseech you to believe, that though I am extremely tenacious of the honour of the American flag, vet my personal interest in the decision I now ask would never have induced me to present myself at this Court. You are too just, sir, to delay my business here ; which would put me under the necessity to break the promise I have made to her Imperial Majesty, conformable to your advice.*'
WITH COUNT BERNSTORF. 205
Count Bernstorf to Paul Jones.
" Copenhagen, April 4, 17S8. " Sir,
" You have requested of me an answer to the letter you did me the honour to remit me from Mr. Jefferson, minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America, near his most Christian Majesty. I do it with so much more pleasure, as you have inspired me with as much interest as confidence, and this occasion appears to me favourable to make known the sentiments of the King, my master, on the objects to which we attach so much importance. Nothing can be farther from the plans and the wishes of his majesty than to let fall a negotiation which has only been suspended in con- sequence of circumstances arising from the necessity of ma- turing a new situation, so as to enlighten himself on their re- ciprocal interests, and to avoid the inconvenience of a pre- cipitate and imperfect arrangement. I am authorized, sir, to give you, and through you to Mr. Jeflferson, the word of the 1 King, that his majesty will renew the negotiation for a treaty I of amity and commerce in the forms already agreed upon, I at the instant that the new constitution (that admirable plan, ' so worthy of the wisdom of the most enlightened men) will have been adopted by the States, to which nothing more was I wanted to assure to itself a perfect consideration. If it has ' not been possible, sir, to discuss, definitively with you, neither I the principal object nor its accessories, the idea of eluding I the question, or of retarding the decision, had not the least I part in it. I have already had the honour to express to you, I in our conversations, that your want of plenipotentiary powers [from Congress was a natural and invincible obstacle. It fwould be, likewise, contrary to the established custom to change the seat of negotiation, which has not been broken oflf, but only suspended, thereby to transfer it from Paris to Copenhagen. 18
206 CORRESPONDENCE WITH COUNT BERNSTORF.
" I have only one favour to ask of you, sir, that you would be the interpreter of our sentiments in regard to the United States. It would be a source of gratification to me to think that what I have said to you on this subject carries with it that conviction of the truth which it merits. We de- sire to form with them connexions, solid, useful and essential ; we wish to establish them on bases natural and immovable. The momentary clouds, the incertitudes, which the misfor- tunes of the times brought with them, exist no longer. Wo should no longer recollect it, but to feel in a more lively man- ner the happiness of a more fortunate period ; and to show ourselves more eager to prove the dispositions most proper to effect an union, and to procure reciprocally the advantages which a sincere alliance can afford, and of which the two countries are susceptible. These are the sentiments which I can promise you, sir, on our part, and we flatter ourselves to find them likewise in America ; nothing, then, can retard the conclusion of an arrangement, which I am happy to see so far advanced."
Paul Jones to Count Bernstorf.
"Copenhagen, April 5, 1788.
" I pray your Excellency to inform me when I can have the honour to wait on you, to receive the letter you have been kind enough to promise to write me, in answer to the act of Congress of the 25th October last. As you have told me that my want of plenipotentiary powers to terminate ulti- mately the business now on the carpet, between the Court and the United States, has determined you to authorize the Baron de Blome, to negotiate and settle the same with Mr. Jefferson at Paris, and to conclude, at the same time, an advantageous treaty of commerce between Denmark and the United States, — my business here will of course be at an end when I shall have received your letter and paid you my thanks in person for the very poUte attentions with which you have honoured me."
I LETTER OF BARON KRUDNER. 207
From Baron Krudner, shortly after his arrival, Jones received the following letter, which of itself denotes a fore- gone conclusion, and his acceptance of the invitation of Russia : —
(Translation.)
" Sir,
" I am much disappointed at not meeting you at Court, as I had promised myself, but a slight indisposition prevented me from going abroad ; besides, I have been agreeably occu- pied in writing letters. My Sovereign will learn with plea- sure the acquisition which she has made in your great talents. I have her commands for your acceptance of the grade of Captain Commandant, with the rank of Major General, in her service, and that you should proceed as soon as your affairs permit ; the intention of her Imperial Majesty being to give you a command in the Black Sea, and under the orders of Prince Potemkin, from the opening of the campaign. The immortal glory by which you have illustrated your name cannot make you indifferent to the fresh laurels you must gather in the new career which opens to you. I have the honour of being on this occasion the interpreter of those sen- timents of esteem with which for a long period your brilhant exploits have inspired her Imperial Majesty. Under a Sove- rergn so magnanimous^ in pursuing glory you need not doubt of the most distinguished rewards, and that every advantage of fortune will await you," &c. &c.
This was so far w^ell, but did not entirely come up to the high-raised expectations of Jones. In a letter to Jefferson about this same time, he says, " Before you can receive this, M. de Simolin will have informed you that your proposal to him, and his application on that idea, have been well received. The matter is communicated to me here, in the most flatter- ing terms, by a letter I have received from his Excellency tlie Baron de Krudner." This is indeed perfectly contradic
208 LETTER OF BARON KRUDNER.
tory of the statement Jones gives in the introduction to his Journal of the Campaign of the Liman, where the proposal of M. de Simolin is represented as quite spontaneous, and treated by himself at first as chimerical ; but this is evidently the correct one. " There seems," he continues, " to remain some difficulty respecting the letter of M. de Simolin's propo- sal, though it is accepted in substance ;" he then expresses his gratitude to the Russian Ambassador, and to Mr. Little- page, who had contributed so materially to his success in this affair. In a subsequent letter to Jefferson, written imme- diately before leaving Copenhagen, after enumerating his services, and mentioning what they might have been had he possessed more ample diplomatic powers, he introduces the subject nearest his heart. Russia had demurred to his demand of the rank of Rear-Admiral. " If Congress," he says, " should think I deserve the promotion that was pro- posed when I was in America, and should condescend to confer on me the grade of Rear-Admiral, from the day I took the Serapis, (23d September, 1779, exactly nine years before,) I am persuaded it would be very agreeable to the Empress, who now deigns to offer me an equal rank in her service, although I never had the honour to draw my sword in her cause, nor to do any other act that could merit her imperial benevolence." He afterwards continues : " The mark I mentioned of the approbation of that honourable body, (Congress) w^ould be extremely flattering to me in the career I am now to pursue, and would stimulate all my ambi- tion to acquire the necessary talents to merit that, and even greater favours at a future day. I pray you, Sir, to explain the circumstances of my situation ; and be the interpreter of my sentiments to the United States in Congress. I ask for nothing, and beg leave to be understood only as having hinted what is natural to conceive, that the mark of approbation I mentioned could not fail to be infinitely serviceable to my views and success in the country where I am going." Ser-
JONES'S ANSWER. 009
viceable this piece of idle distinction might have been in smoothing the difficulties thrown in the way of his obtaining the rank of Rear- Admiral, for which he stipulated on enter- ing the Russian service, and which, as appears from his former letter to Jefferson, and from the letter of Baron Krud- ner, given above, was refused at the outset. Though not disposed to break off his engagement, neither was he willing to give up his claims to the desired grade without a strenuous effort. He immediately replied to the Baron, going over the whole ground : — " I am extremely flattered," he says, " by the obliging things expressed in the letter your Excellency has done me the honour to write me yesterday. The very favourable sentiments with which my zeal for the cause of America, rather than my professional skill, has inspired her Imperial Majesty, fills me with an irresistible desire to merit the precious opinion with which her Majesty deigns to honour me. Though I cannot conceive the reason why any diffi- culty should be made to my being admitted into the marine of her Imperial Majesty as Rear- Admiral, a rank to which 1 have some claim, and that it should at the same time be pro- posed to give me the grade of Major-General, to which I have no title, it is not my intention to withdraw from the engagement which you have formed in my name, in the letter you addressed your Court on the 23d current. You will be convinced by the papers I have the honour to submit to your inspection, that I am not an adventurer in search of fortune. You will discover, I presume, that my talents have been considerable ; but that, loving glory, I am perhaps too much attached to honours, though personal interest is an idol to w^hich I have never bowed the knee. The unbounded admiration and profound respect which I have long felt for the glorious character of her Imperial Majesty, forbids the idea that a sovereign so magnanimous should sanction any arrangement that may give pain at the outset to the man she deigns to honour with her notice, and who wishes to devote 18*
210 JONES AT ST. PETERSBURGH.
himself entirely to her service. A conjoined command is hurtful, and often fatal in military operations. There is no military man who is so entirely master of his passions as to keep free of jealousy and its consequences in such circum- stances. Being quite a stranger, I have more to fear from a conjoined command than any other officer in the service of her Imperial Majesty. I cannot imagine why her Majesty should think it best to divide the command on the Black Sea ; and if the direction of that department be already confided to an officer of sufficient ability and experience, I do not seek to interfere with his command."
Jones was already aware of the appointment of the Prince of Nassau, and even thus early foresaw many of the probable difficulties of his situation ; but he had that confidence in himself which gave him assurance of triumphing over them, and proceeded, if not blindfold, yet determined not to see. We leave to his ow^n narrative the account of his almost romantic journey from Copenhagen to St. Petersburgh. In that capital he was received with a distinction which might have turned the soundest head. His very manner of approach had disposed people to gaze on the American hero as a won- der; his door was besieged with carriages, and his table loaded with invitations. In short, he was now in Russia, and the man whom, for the lime, the Empress delighted to honour ; the expected conqueror of the Turks ; and it might be, a future Potemkin.*
At this curiously-timed juncture he received a patent from the King of Denmark, granting him for life an annual pen- sion of 1500 Danish crowais, "for the respect he had shown to the Danish flag while he commanded in the North Seas."
* The cards of many of the Russian nobility received at this time, and of tlie whole host of Members of Legation, Envoys, Residents, &c., in short, all the component parts of a grreat court, still remain among- the papers of Paul Jones, who through life seems to have been peculiarly diligent in the accumu- lation of such " frail memorials."
PENSION NOT PAID. 211
To pension the agent whose claims for his constituents are deferred or evaded, is at all times a somewhat suspicious circumstance ; though this grant being unexpected and unso hcited, Jones stands clear in what he himself justly calls '' an embarrassing situation." It was three years before he even mentioned this grant to his American friends ; and had his affairs prospered, it is probable he never would have looked after it. As it was, when his large expenditure in Russia made it necessary to draw^ on this fund, which he did with the sanction of certain American gentlemen, whose advice he requested, he never received a single crown of the sponta- neous royal grant thus pressed upon him.
For a fortnight Jones remained at St. Petersburgh, " feasted at court, and in the first society." " The Empress," he writes to La Fayette, " received me with a distinction the niost flattering that perhaps any stranger can boast of on en- tering the Russian service. Her Majesty conferred on me, immediately, the grade of Rear-Admiral. I was detained, against my will, a fortnight, and continually feasted at Court, and in the first society. This was a cruel grief to the Eng- lish ; and I own their vexation, which I believe was general, in and about St. Petersburgh, gave me pain." Before the year. elapsed, the Rear-Admiral found some cause to change his opinions in many things ; and even respecting the English at St. Petersburgh. He was about this time at least three- fourths Russian. We hear no longer of America as his sole country, though he assumes a certain patronizing air towards that young State. " I certainly wish to be useful to a country which I have so long served. I love the people and their cause, and shall always rejoice when I can be useful to pre.- mote their happiness." " What are you about, my dear General ? are you so absorbed in politics as to be insensible to glory ? tha^ is impossible, — quit then your divine Calypso, come here and pay your court to Bellona, who you are sure will receive you as her favourite. You would be charmed
212 LETTER FROM THE EMPRESS,
"with Prince Potemkin. He is a most amiable man, and none can be more noble-minded. For the Empress, fame has never ye^t done her justice. I am sure that no stranger who has not known that illustrious character, ever conceived how much her Majesty is made to reign over a great empire, to make people happy, and to attach grateful and susceptible minds. Is not the present a happy moment for France to declare for Russia ?" Such were the extraordinary lights that had suddenly dawned upon the former champion of liberty and asserter of the " dignity of human nature."
A few weeks before the above letter was despatched to La Fayeite, the Empress, with her own hand, had written to the Rear-Admiral, enclosing a letter from M. de Simolin, regard- ing his affairs. Though disappointed of sole command, as will appear in the subjoined narrative, he still continued to be dazzled with his prospects. The letter of her Imperial Majesty, who spared no pains in carrying a favourite point, as well as its enclosure, deserves to be preserved : —
From the Empress Catherine to Rear -Admiral Paul Jones. " Sir, — A courier from Paris has just brought from my Envoy in France, M. de Simolin, the enclosed letter to Count Besborodko. As I believe that this letter may help to con- firm to you what I have already told you verbally, I have sent it, and beg you to return it, as I have not even made a copy be taken, so anxious am I that you should see it. I hope that it will efface all doubts from your mind, and prove to you that you are to be connected only with those who are most favourably disposed towards you. I have no doubt but that on your side you will fully justify the opinion which we have formed of you, and apply yourself with zeal to support the reputation and the name you have acquired for valour and skill on the element in which you are to serve. Adieu,
I wish you happiness and health, Catherine."
LETTER OF M. DE SIMOLIN. 213
Extract of the Letter from M. de Si7noUn to Count de Besborodko, enclosed
in the above.
" The letter with which your Excellency favoured me on the 16th February, was delivered by Mr. Poliranoff. By it I was informed of the resolution of her Imperial Majesty, on the subject of the engagement with the Chevalier Paul Jones; and the same day Lieutenant-Colonel de Baner, who was despatched from St. Elizabeth, by Prince Potemkin on the 9th March, brought me two letters, the subject of one of which was the said ChevaHer Jones, whom he requested me to induce to repair to his head-quarters as quickly as possible, that he migfit employ his talents at the opening of the cam- paign ; and assure him that in entering the service, he, (Potem- kin,) would do all that depended on him to make his situation pleasant and advantageous, and certainly procure for him I occasions in which he might display his skill and valour.' , " Has he kept his word ?" says Jones in a note long after- ' wards affixed to this letter, which at the moment must have I given him so much pleasure.
I Such were the flattering auspices under which Paul Jones I entered the service of Russia. From this point his history I will be continued for some time by the most interesting por- tion of his remaining papers — his Journal of the Campaign of the Liman.
214
LETTER TO JEFFERSON.
CHAPTER IX.
j^^HIS narrative is now arrived at a
'^ ' period in which it can be for some time continued in the most desira- '-"'^^ ble way, namely, by the Journal of the Rear-Admiral, kept by him- Iself on the scene of action during his memorable campaign against :■] the Turks, afterwards extended at St. Petersburgh and Warsaw, and ^^^ prepared for publication at Paris. Had he acted with his usual promptitude and decision in openly withdrawing from the service which had been to him one of misery and bondage, in which all the better qualities and higher energies of his mind were converted into the means of self-torture, he would unquestionably have published this Journal himself, if not in France, either in England or America. He long contemplated the necessity of both these steps, and all along felt that his leave of absence for two years was in fact a virtual dismission ; but, by the strange fatality, which often appears to enchain a man's will in spite of the suggestions of his reason, he hngered on till death closed the scene.
,In a letter w^ritten to Mr. Jefferson, twenty months after he had been exiled from Russia, and when his last remaining hopes in life began to turn to America, his first country, he says, " As it has been and still is my first wish, and my highest ambition, to show myself worthy of the flattering marks of esteem with which I have been honoured by my country, I think it my duty to lay before you, both as my particular
LETTER TO JEFFERSON. yi5
friend and as a public minister, the papers I now enclose relative to my connexion with Russia, viz., three pieces dated St. Petersburgh, and signed by the Count de Segur ; a letter from me dated at Paris last summer, and sent to the Prince de Potemkhi; and a letter from-ine to the Empress, dated a few^ days afterw^ards, enclosing eleven pieces as numbered in the margin. I have selected those testimonies from a great variety of perhaps still stronger proofs in my hands ; but, though the Baron de Grimm* has undertaken to transmit to her Imperial Majesty's ov^^n hands my last packet, I shall not be surprised if I should find myself obliged to w^ithdravv^ from the service of Russia, and to publish my Journal of the Cam- paign (in which) I commanded. In that- case I hope to prove to the world that my operations not only saved Cherson and the Crimea, but decided the fate of the war."
The Journal is written in disjointed portions, and in a spirit of alternate bitterness and boasting, which the indulgent reader must attribute to the personal feelings from which the work arose. The injustice, mortification, and persecution endured by the man and the officer must plead the apology of the author.
To the historian this Journal is of considerable value. It places in an entirely new aspect one of the most memorable of the campaigns between Russia and the Porte ; and aflxDrds a clue, were that any longer needed, to the crooked and debasing spirit of intrigue by which the domestic policy of Russia was conducted, even under the auspices of the great Catherine.
* Baron Grimm was a sort of man-of-all-work for the Empress Catherine II., whose business was to despatch, as frequently as possible, all the scandal, literary gossip, and political intelligence, his peculiar industry could pick up in Paris, for the information or amusement of the Empress and her Court. The German had too much tact to be the means of transrmtting anything disagreeable.
216 INTRODUCTION TO JOURNAL.
•• Introduction to the Journal of Rear- Admiral Paul Jones's Campaign in the Liman in 1788.
" The United States of America having charged me with a mission of a political natute to the Court of Denmark, and having at the same time given me a letter to deliver person- ally to his Most Christian Majesty, Louis XVI., I embarked at New York on the 11th November, 1787, in an American vessel bound for Holland, the captain of which agreed to land me in France.
" After a voyage of a month, I landed at Dover, in Eng- land, not being able to get ashore in France. From Dover I went to London, where I saw the minister of the United States. I passed some days with my friends there, and went to Covent Garden Theatre. I afterwards set out for Paris, where I arrived on the 20th December.
" Mr. Jefferson, the Ambassador of the United States, visited me on the night of my arrival, and informed me that M. de Simolin, minister plenipotentiary of her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, had often spoken of me while I was in America, and appeared anxious that I should agree to go to Russia, to command the fleet against the Turks in the Black Sea. I regarded this proposal as a castle in the air ; and as I did not wish to be employed in foreign service, I avoided meeting M. de Simolin, for whose character I had, at the same time, the highest respect. .
" As the letter, of which I was the bearer to the King of France, concerned myself alone, my friends advised me not to seek an interview with his Majesty, till after my return from Denmark. In that letter the United States requested his Majesty to permit me to embark in his fleet of evolution, to complete my knowledge of naval tactics, and of military and maritime operations upon the great scale.
" Speaking to a man of very high rank at Paris, I informed him of the proposal communicated to me by Mr. Jefferson.
INTRODUCTION TO JOURNAL. 217
He replied, that ' he would advise me to go to Constantinople at once rather than enter the service of Russia.'*
" On the 1st of February, 1788, at the moment of my de- parture from Paris, I received a note from Mr. Littlepage, chamberlain to the King of Poland, earnestly requesting me to breakfast with him next morning, as he had matters of the utmost importance to communicate to me. I went to liini that same night, and he told me that M. de Simolin had the greatest desire to converse with me before my departure, and that he expected him to breakfast with us next day.
" M. de Simolin said the most polite and obliging things to me, — that,, having known me well by reputation whilst he was ambassador in England, and since he had come to France, he had already proposed me to his Sovereign as commander of the fleet in the Black Sea, and that he ex- pected her Imperial Majesty would make me proposals in consequence. I could not yet look upon the affair very seriously ; but I was much flattered with the opinion of M. de Simolin, to whom I expressed my gratitude. When he had left the house, Mr. Littlepage assured me that he had written to his Court, that ' if her Imperial Majesty confided to me the chief command of her fleet on the Black Sea, with carte blanche, he would answer for it that in less than a year I should make Constantinople tremble."
" In Denmark I put in train a treaty between that power and the United States ; but this arrangement was interrupted
* Whether from a magnanimous sense of justice, or dislike to his asso ciates and rivals, or, as is probable, a mixture of these motives, Paul Jones, in the course of the campaign, became somew^hat Turkish, and a vv^arm admirer of the Capitan Pacha. In the Journal he does the Turks ample justice ; and in a letter to Baron de la Houze, the minister of France at Copenhagen, w^e find him saying, — " I have much to tell you respecting the * moustaches of the Capitan Pacha,' *' of which the Baron had probably jocularly desired Paul Jones to send him a good account ; " he is a very brave man, and the public have been much deceived as to our affairs with him." 19
218 VOYAGE IN THE BALTIC.
by the arrival of a courier Irom St. Petersburgh, despatched express by the Empress, to invite me to repair to her Court.
" Though I foresaw many obstacles in the way of my en- tering the service of Russia, I believed that I could not avoid going to St. Petersburgh, to thank the Empress for the favourable opinion she had conceived of me. I transferred the treaty going forward at Copenhagen to Paris, to be con- cluded there, and set out for St. Petersburgh by Sweden. At Stockholm I staid but one night, to see Count Rasaumor- sky. Want of time prevented me from appearing at Court.
" At Gresholm I was stopped by the ice, which prevented me from crossing the Gulf of Bothnia, and even from ap- proaching the first of the isles in the passage. After having made several unsuccessful efforts to get to Finland by the isles, I imagined that it might be practicable to effect my ob- ject by doubling the ice to the southward, and entering the Baltic Sea.
** This enterprise was very daring, and had never before been attempted. But by the north the roads were impractica- ble, and, knowing that the Empress expected me from day to day, I could not think of going back by Elsineur.
" I left Gresholm early one morning, in an undecked pas- sage-boat, about thirty feet in length. I made another boat fol- low, of half that size. This last was for dragging over the ice, and for passing from one piece of ice to another, to gain the coast of Finland. I durst not make my project known to the boatmen, which would have been the sure means of defeating it. After endeavouring, as before, to gain the first isle, I made them steer for the south, and we kept along the coast of Sweden all the day, finding difficulty enough to pass between the ice and the shore. Towards night, being almost opposite Stockholm, pistol in hand I forced the boatmen to enter the Baltic sea, and steer for the coast. We ran near the coast of Finland. All night the wind was fair, and we hoped to land next day. This we found impossible. The ice did
ARRIVAL AT ST. PETERSBURGH. 219
not permit us to approach the shore, which we only saw from a distance. It was impossible to regain the Swedish side, the wind being high and directly contrary. I had nothing left for it but to stand for the Gulf of Finland. There was a small compass in the boat, and I fixed the lamp of my travelling carriage so as to throw a light on it.
Crossing the Baltic.
" On the same night we lost the small boat ; but the men saved themselves in the large one, which with difficulty es- caped the same fate. At the end of four days we landed at Revel, where our enterprise was regarded as a kind of mira- cle. Having satisfied the boatmen for their services and their loss, 1 gave them a good pilot, with the provisions necessary for making their homeward voyage, when the weather should become more favourable.
" I arrived at St. Petersburgh in the evening on the 23d of April, old style, and on the 25th had my first audience of the Empress. Her Majesty gave me so flattering a reception, and up to the period of my departure treated me with so mucli
220 APPOINTED ADMIRAL,
distinction, that I was overcome by her courtesies (je me laissai seduire,) and put myself into her hands without making any stipulation for my personal advantage. I demanded but one favour, ' that I should never be condemned unheard.'
" On the 7th May I set out from the Imperial Palace, carry- ing with me a letter from her Majesty to his Highness the Prince-Marshal Potemkin at St. Elizabeth, where I arrived on the 19th. The Prince-Marshal received me with much kind- ness, and destined me the command of the fleet of Serastapole against the Capitan Pacha, who, he supposed, intended to make a descent in the Crimea. His Highness was mistaken in this, and the next day he received information that the Capitan Pacha was at anchor within Kinbourn, haying come to suc- cour Oczakow with a hundred and twenty armed vessels and other armed craft.
" The Prince-Marshal then requested me to assume com- mand of the naval force stationed in the Liman, (which is at the embouchure of the Dnieper,) to act against the Capitan Pacha till Oczakow should fall. I considered this change of destination as a flattering mark of confidence ; and having received my orders, I set out on the same day for Cherson, in company with the Chevalier de Ribas, Brigadier du Jour of the Prince-Marshal. He was ordered to make all the arrange- ments necessary to place me in command. At parting, the Prince-Marshal promised me to bring forward his troops without loss of time, to co-operate with the maritime force he had intrusted to my command ; and on the journey M. de Ribas told me, ' that all the force of the Liman, comprehending that of the Prince of Nassau, would be under my orders.'
" I spent but one evening and night at Cherson. But even this short period was enough to show that I had entered on a delicate and disagreeable service. Rear- Admiral Mordwinoff*, chief of the Admiralty, did not affect to disguise his displeasure at my arrival ; and though he had orders from the Prince- Marshal to communicate to me all the details concerning the
CHARACTER OF ALEXIANO. 221
force in the Liman, and t^ put me in possession of the flag belonging to my rank as Rear- Admiral, he spared himself the trouble of compliance.
Going on board the Wolodimer.
** We set out early next morning for Glouboca, the arma- ment of the Liman being at anchor very near that place, in the roads of Schiroque, between the bar of the Dnieper and the embouchure of the river Bog. We went on board the Wolodimer before mid-day, where we found that Brigadier Alexiano had assembled all the commanders, to draw them into a cabal against my authority. I may mention here, that this man was a Greek, as ignorant of seamanship as of mili- tary affairs, who, under an exterior and manners the most yross, concealed infinite cunning, and, by affected plainness md hardihood of discourse, had the address to pass for a >,lunt honest man. Though a subject of Turkey, it was al- leged that he made war with the Mussulmans by attacking *he> commerce in the Archipelago on his own authority, and 19*
222 JONES HOISTS HIS FLAG.
that he had followed this means of enriching himself up to the period that Count D'Orloft' arrived with the Russian fleet. Though I do not affirm the fact, several persons of credit have assured me that there are often pirates who infest the coast, and the isles between Constantinople and Egypt, who attack the commerce of all nations, and run down the vessels after having seized the cargoes and cut the throats of the crews. Alexiano had been employed by Count D'Orloff. He had reached the rank of Brigadier. Alexiano was a good deal offended in the first instance, and afterwards made great merit with the Prince-Marshal, of the sacrifice which he affected to make in serving under me. He said, that if he withdrew, all the other officers would follow his example. The Prince-Marshal sent presents to his wife, and wrote him kindly, persuading him to remain in the service. All the difficulty he made was nothing more than a piece of ma- noeuvring to increase his importance ; for from what followed I know that, had he left the service, it would have been alone, and that no one would have regretted his absence.
" To give time to those angry spirits to become calm, and to be able to decide on the part I should take, I proposed to Brigadier de Ribas, that we should together make a journey to Kinbourn, to see the entrance of the Dnieper and recon- noitre the position and strength of the Turkish fleet and flotilla. At my return all the officers appeared contented, and I hoisted my flag on board the Wolodimer, on the 26th of May, 1788.,
" The Prince of Nassau Siegen, whom I had known slightly at Paris, told me, ' that if we gained any advantage over the Turks, it was necessary to exaggerate it to the ut- most ; and that this was the counsel the Chevalier de Ribas had given him.' I replied, ' that I never had adopted this method of heightening^ my personal importance.' "
The journal of the Rear-Admiral, after this introduction, is continued in the third person for some time ; and afterwards
JOURNAL. 225
g-oes on to the end as a narrative in the first person, which would have been desirable throughout ; it is, however, thought best to adhere faithfully to the original.
Journal of the Campaign of the Liman in 1788, draicn up hy Rear-Admiral Paul Jones, for the jyerusal of her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, and noir first published from his original Manuscript.
" At the opening of this campaign tlie squadron of Cherson was obliged to remain for two days in the road of Schiroque, till the troops should embark which were to form part of the crew. The Prince of Nassau, who had been appointed com- mander of the flotilla, and w-ho had by this time received on board all the troops intended for him, durst not venture to advance even four or five verstes without being escorted by three frigates. The Prince of Nassau was so apprehensive of danger, that on the 28th of May, Rear-Admiral Paul Jones, commander of the squadron, reinforced him with a fourth frigate.
" On the 29th, the troops being all on board, the squadron advanced, and led on the flotilla, which lay scattered about at anchor without any observance of order. The squadron drew up opposite the first village, to the left of the Bog, in an obtuse angle, and thus commanded, by a cross-fire, the only passage of the Liman. This lies between two sand-banks, through which the Turks must advance with their heavy vessels. By this position the Rear-Admiral covered Cherson, and the country on both banks of the Liman, made good the free passage of the Bog to the army of the Prince-Marshal, and held the Turks in check in any attempt they might make against Kinbourn.
" The Prince of Nassau at this time talked a great deal of projects of descents, surprises, and attacks, but without any rational plan.
226 COUNCIL OF WAR.
" A battery having been raised upon the point of Stanislaus the Prince of Nassau expressed himself delighted with it, as in case of necessity he might there find shelter. The Rear- Admiral could not have retreated, as several of his vessels were already within a few inches of getting aground. The Rear-Admiral was aware that the Turks, having a very su- perior force, would not give any opportunity of attacking them ; and that it was therefore necessary to maintain the strong position he had taken, till the advance of Prince Potemkin, in order to concert plans, and combine his operations with those of the land forces.
" In the meanwhile, General SuwarofF, commandant of Kinbourn, made the Rear-Admiral responsible for the safety of that place ; while Brigadier Alexiano and the Prince of Nassau did all that was possible to make him distrustful of the means which he possessed for attack or defence. They alleged, that the vessels forming the flotilla, having been constructed merely to convey the carriages of the Empress in her late progress, might be expected, at the first attack, to sink under the enormous weight of the guns.
" The squadron made a formidable appearance, but had little real strength. The Wolodimer and the Alexander were but half-armed ; and both vessels were already within a few inches of touching the bottom, so shallow is the Liman for vessels of war. In this most critical situation, having no orders from his Highness the Prince-Marshal for his guidance, and knowing nothing either of his intentions, or of the actual po- sition of the army, the Rear-Admiral resolved on assembling a council of war, in conformity to the ordonnance of Peter the Great. The council he opened by a speech suited to the occasion, the main object of which was to show the necessity of a perfect understanding between the squadron and the flotilla ; and that, uniting heart and hand, and forgetting all personal considerations, they should determine to conquer, as the true glory of a patriot w^as to be useful to his country.
ALEXIANO'S CONDUCT.
227
Affair of June 6th.
"On the 6lh* of June, at two in the morning, thfe Prince of Nassau advanced, with the greater part of the flotilla ; but retired at daybreak before a very inferior force. The Turks chased him, keeping up a cannonade, into the midst of the squadron, which, as had been arranged, advanced to take a position to support him.
" This inspirited the Turks so much, that, during the night between the 6th and 7th, they threatened an attack.
" At sunrise the Turks made sail ; and Brigadier Alexiano ran upon the deck of the Wolodimer, half-naked, exclaiming, like a frantic man, in French and Russian, that the Turks were going to attack and board us, and that we would be blown to pieces for having been so foolish as to leave our former position. He had, notwithstanding, in the council of war, given his voice in favour of the position we now actually
* The Russians compute time by the old style, which sometimes produces Ml apparent confusion of dates in the Journal, — Paul Jones sometimes reck oning by the one mode and sometimes by the other.
228 COMBAT WITH THE TURKS.
held. Brigadier Ribas, the captain, and all the crew, were witnesses of his extravagant and unjustifiable behaviour.
" This proved a false alarm ; the Turkish fleet did not stir.
" The Prince of Nassau came on board the Wolodimer, and the Rear-Admiral proposed to him to reconnoitre the enemy's fleet and flotilla. As they advanced together, the first division of the Turkish flo^lla began to fire from their canoes, and raised their anchors and rowed forward towards our reserve, which they attacked briskly. At the same time several corps of Turkish troops advanced along the opposite bank, as if they intended to establish a post or battery to act on our flank. As our reserve had been posted to cover our right wing, the Prince of Nassau, who knew not what to do, proposed to make it draw up in the form of an arch {crochet de houlette,) the better to sustain the assault. The Rear-Ad- miral told him, that, on the contrary, it was necessary to lift ^ the anchors with the utmost despatch, and to form in line of battle to meet the attack of the Turks. The combat having commenced according to this plan, the Rear-Admiral hastened along the lines, to issue orders to the squadron, and, above all, to make the remainder of the flotilla, posted between the ships and upon the left wing, advance. The wind being ad- verse, he made these vessels be towed by the ships' boats and othc/ boats attached to the squadron; and by an oblique movement formed in line of battle, with the intention of cutting off' the retreat of the enemy, and galling him by a cross-fire. As soon as the Capitan Pacha perceived the manoeuvre of the Rear-Admiral, he came forward himself in his kirlangitch, having a very favourable wind, and made the second division of his flotilla advance.
" At this time our reserve was very critically situated. A double chaloupe quitted the action, and four of our galleys were in danger of being captured. The Prince of Nassau, who did not relish going himself, sent Brigadier Corsacoff*, who made these retreat. Instead of remaining with the reserve,
i
COMBAT WITH THE TURKS.
229
Combat with the Turks.
which, being without a commander, was in very great dis- order, the Prince of Nassau quitted his own post, and stationed himself before the Rear-Admiral, where he could be of no use whatever. The Rear-Admiral went into the same boat with the Prince of Nassau, and again issued his orders along the line. Being now within cannon-shot of the enemy, he opened fire, advancing always in an oblique line to cut off the enemy's retreat. At the same time he despatched Brigadier Alexiano to endeavour to rally the vessels of the reserve, which the Prince of Nassau had deserted ; but Alexiano contented him- self with waving his hat in the air, and shouting from behind the lines, — * Fire, my lads, on the kirlangitch of the Capitan Pacha r
" When the line led on by the Rear-Admiral came to close
fire with the enemy, their flotilla was thrown into the utmost
confusion. Our reserve gave no farther way, and the enemy
was placed under a cross-fire. The Capitan Pacha availed
20
230 THE PRINCE OF NASSAU'S ORDER,
himself of the only resource in his power ; he set every sail to withdraw his force. Had he remained a half-hour longer, he would have been surrounded. Two of his vessels were burnt in this affair. The flotilla of the enemy was composed of fifty-seven vessels, and we chased into the middle of their fleet. The Rear- Admiral, who had directed the whole afiair, gave all the ci'edit of it to the Prince of Nassau.
" An idea may be formed of the capacity of the Prince of Nassau from the following circumstance : — At the beginning of the action he requested the Rear- Admiral to bring forward to the support of the reserve only the vessels posted on the left wing, which consisted of one galley and a double cha- loupe. Besides the insufficiency of force, these vessels had a very long way to make, and that against the wind.
" The Turks remained quiet for some time after this. The Prince of Nassau, who had scarce spoken. one word during the affair, save to make extravagant professions of regard for the Rear-Admiral, now began to give himself airs. On the 13th June he addressed a writing of an extraordinary character to the Rear- Admiral, the object of which appeared to be, that an advance should be made of three verstes nearer the enemy, who had taken post under the batteries of Oczakow. The Rear- Admiral, who could perceive no advan- tage to the service in such a movement, refused his concur- rence. Had he agreed, the movement would have been fatal to Russia, as will be seen by what follows.
"By the 16th June the patience of the Capitan Pacha was exhausted. He brought from his grand fleet, without Kin- bourn, two thousand picked men, to reinforce the body under the walls of Oczahow; and being strengthened still farther by the troops of the garrison, he advanced with his whole fleet and flotilla, and with a fair wind, into the Liman, to attack and board us. The ship, which bore one of the Ad- miral's flags, steered right towards the Wolodimer from the commencement of the movement. When within three verstes
COUNCIL OF WAR. 231
of US, or little more, this ship got aground, and all the vessels which accompanied it immediately dropt anchor. It was then about two in the afternoon.
*' The Rear- Admiral summoned a council of war to con- sult on what should be done. He addressed the council, at which were present all the commanders of the squadron and the flotilla, and concluded by telling them, * that they must make up their minds to conquer or die for the country.'
" The wind, which was rather fresh, being against us, the only thing proposed by the Rear-Admiral that was found practicable, was to draw up our force in an obtuse angle, by bringing forward the right of the line upon the centre.* This movement was completed before midnight. The wind had shifted to N.N.E. ; and at break of day the Rear-Admiral made signal, and the whole squadron immediately set sail to commence the attack on the Turks.
" The Turks got into confusion the instant this mancEUvre was perceived. They raised their anchors or cut their cables in the greatest precipitation, and not the shadow of discipline remained in their fleet. Our squadron advanced in line of battle with a striking and formidable appearance, so that the Turks knew not how weak it really was. As our flotilla had been very slow in weighing anchor, the Rear-Admiral was obliged to make the squadron halt twice to await it. At length, the flotilla being always last, the squadron opened fire on the enemy, of whom the person second in command, who had flown about like a fool, quickly ran his ship on a sand- bank on the south of the Liman. There was no longer hope for him ; from the moment he grounded he was ours. The
* " The plan of the Capitan Pacha was to bear down under full sail on the ves- sels of our flotilla, and runthem to the bottom by the shock of the encounter of his large ships. He also proposed to burn our squadron by throwing in fire- balls (grappins), and setting fire to certain trading vessels which he had pre- pared as fire-ships. He had reason to calculate on success, had he not been thwarted by a circumstance which no man could have foreseen."— ISote by Paul Jones.
232
CAPTURE OF A TURKISH SHIP.
enemy still kept flying about, and always in^he greatest dis- order. The Rear- Admiral made his ship (theAV'olodimcv) be steered to within pistol-shot of the vessel of the C^^pitan Pacha, but the latter again ran aground upon a sand-bank ; and a few minutes afterwards the Brigadier Alexiano gave orders in the Russian language, and unknown to the Rear- Admiral, to drop the Wolodimer's anchor. It was pretended that there were but fifteen feet of water a little way in ad- vance of the ship, which was not true. A considerable time before this the squadron had been taken on the right flank by the Turkish flotilla, drawn up on the shallows, approaching the bank to the east of Oczakow, and commanded by the Capitan Pacha himself The flotilla annoyed the squadron considerably, by incessantly throwing in along our line both bombs and balls of great size. Wanting depth of water, our frigates could not advance far enough to dislodge them, and, besides, they found that their guns were too small The Ca- pitan Pacha had struck down one of our frigates, named the Little Alexander, by a bomb, at the side of the Wolodimer, and at the very instant Brigadier Alexiano made the anchor be cast. Our flotilla still lagged behind, but it did at last advance. Having passed through the Squadron in the great- est disorder, and without the least appearance of plan, instead of pursuing the flying Turks, the flotilla sv/armed round the Turkish ships which were aground like a hive of bees.
" The Rear-Admiral commanded Brigadier Alexiano to
THE TURKISH FLAG. 233
get together some vessels of our flotilla to dislodge' the Turk- ish flotilla. At the same moment the Rear- Admiral advanced in his boat towards the left wing, where the Prince of Nassau was with his body of reserve, employed to very little purpose, in firing on the Turkish vessels already aground. The Rear- Admiral entreated him to lead or send the reserve to act against the Turkish flotilla upon our right flank, and informed him of the misfortune which had befallen the Little Alexan- der ; but M. de Nassau remained quietly behind his batteries, and made no movement to dislodge the flotilla of the enemy.
" The Rear- Admiral then met Brigadier CorsacofF, to whom he gave orders similar to those he had given to M. Alexiano; and these two officers having got together as many vessels as they could collect, assisted our frigates in dislodging and chasing the Turkish flotilla even till under the walls of Oczakow. M. de CorsacofF was a brave and an intelligent man; he did not afl^ect to have done anything wonderful. Alexiano was a man of limited talent and of questionable courage, but his vanity was excessive. He pre- tended to have hauled a battery to within pistol-shot of the enemy's flotilla ; but M. AkmatofF, who commanded that bat- tery, declared that neither he nor any one of our people ever were nearer the Turkish flotilla than half cannon-shot.
" The Turkish fleet was now distant. The Prince of Nas- sau was told that the Admiral's flag, which had been dis- played on the vessel of the Capitan Pacha, was struck down, and he hastily advanced to claim it. The ship of the Capitan Pacha, like all the others of the band, leaned much to one side, and consequently could not fully avail itself of its guns. As the flag of the Capitan Pacha fell into the water from the top of the main-mast, having been struck down by a ball, it is not difficult to discover that the vessel which had fired this ball was in no danger of being touched by case-shot. The saporoses drew the flag from the water, and the Prmce of Nassau, a long while afterwards, had the glory (which he 20*
234 THE BRANDCOLGLES.
turned to good account,) of' snatching it from their hands. The Rear-Admiral might have claimed at least the half of this flag, as he had his hands on it at the same moment with the Prince of Nassau ; but he regarded it as a thing of very httle consequence.
" Brandcougles*^ had been throw^n into the two Turkish vessels, and they were burnt. Was this a good or a bad piece of service ? These two vessels were only ours from
Burning of the Turkish vessels.
the accident of having run aground, and because their crews had been left by their countrymen under the guns of our squadron. Wherefore did the flotilla interfere with them ? — ought it not rather to have pursued the flying Turks, who were not yet under the protection of the guns of Oczakow ? Our flotilla had received no injury, and had nothing to fear from the shallowness of the water.
*' Having first sounded, the Kear-Admiral made the squa- dron advance another verste, and took post in a right line
* A note by Paul Jones describes these incendiary missiles as a kind of bomb-shells, perforated with holes, and filled inside with combustible mate rials. They were fired from a sort of pieces colled Licorves.
JONES TAKING SOUNDINGS OFF OCZAKOW. 235
barely out of shot of Oczakovv, and in line with the far: best back of the Turkish ships that had been run aground and taken. Fire soon after broke out in this prize, which had been imprudently fired upon with brandcougles.
" The fleet and flotilla of the Turks now drew up a line parallel to ours, and under the walls of Oczakow.
" How imbecile does the human mind become under the influence of sudden panic! The Rear-Admiral, an hour after the affair, advanced in his boat, and took sound higs all along the Turkish line, opposite the walls of Oczakow, and within reach of case-shot, and not a single gun was fired upon him.
Jones taking Soundings off Oczakow.
" Previously to taking command of the squadron, the Rear-Admiral, as has been noticed, had gone to Kinbourn with the Chevalier Ribas, brigadier du jour, to the Prince- Marshal, to rconnoitre the position and force of the fleet and flotilla under the Capitan Pacha, and to examine the entrance of the Liman. They arrived at Kinbourn at the very time that the Capitan Pacha had detached twenty-one vessels of war from his fleet, and with that force entered the road of Oczakow, the wind not permitting him to enter the Liman,
236 SHIPS AGROUND.
where his flotilla and some transport ships were already- stationed. The Rear- Admiral was so struck at finding the tongue of land at Kinbourn without any battery or block- fort, that he instantly spoke of it to the commandant, General SuwaroflT. This tongue of land, from its position, commands the only passage by which large vessels can either enter or come out of the Liman. The fortress of Kinbourn being far too distant to be able to command this passage, the Rear- Admiral proposed to establish one or more strong batteries upon this strip of land, and M. de Ribas seconded the proposition. After considerable delay. General SuwarofT was persuaded to establish a block-fort with heavy cannon upon this tongue or point of land, and a battery farther within ; but the Capitan Pacha had already got the twenty-one ships in question into the Liman.
" To resume — On the night between the 17th and 18th of June, the Capitan Pacha attempted to bring the remains of his squadron, which had been defeated on the previous day, out of the Liman ; but the newly-erected block-fort and bat- tery fired on his ships, of which nine of the largest were forced aground upon the sand-bank which runs out from Oczakow, till within a little way of cannon-shot from the block-fort.
" The block-fort and battery fired on the enemy's ships the whole night, and at day-break General SuwarofF sent to us, requesting that we should send vessels to take possession of those ships of the enemy which had got aground. The Rear- Admiral wished to send frigates ; but Brigadier Alexiano assured him that he would run the risk of losing them. The current there, he said, * was like that of a mill-dam, and the bottom was so bad that anchors would not hold.'
" It was, accordingly, resolved to proceed with the flotilla ; and Alexiano, who had his private reasons, set out with the Prince of Nassau. The flotilla went pell-mell, and without any sort of order or plan, upon the nine ships aground, and
iiiil
(237)
DISTRESS OF THE TURKS.
23a
Burning of the Turkish Fleet.
filed brandcougles into them without mercy. It was in vain the wretched Turks made the sign of the cross, and begged for quarter on their knees ! Abovo-^three thousand of them were burnt with their ships. By some chance two of these vessels, the least and the largest, did not take fire ; the one was a corvette, very differently armed, carrying the battery and four pieces between decks. The other was a small brigantine, of French construction, armed with forty small guns.
" Neither the Prince of Nassau nor Alexiano was to be seen at this time. They were together, and at some distance, during this frightful carnage ; and it was afterwards asked
240 PRINCE POTEMKIN'S ARMY.
of thorn if they had not, during this time, been at Kinbom'n ? As the greatest confusion reigned among the vessels of the flotilla, though our loss was not great, there is no doubt that part of it was owing to Russian bullets.*
Flotilla Action.
" The army of Prince Potemkin having come up on the 27th June, the Prince of Nassau had orders to attack and destroy or capture, the Turkish flotilla which lay under the walls of Oczakow ; and the Rear-Admiral was commanded to give him every assistance that might be useful. In pur- suance of these orders, on the 1st of July, at one in the morning, the flotilla advanced. The Rear-Admiral had sent all the chaloupes and barcasses belonging to the squadron to haul out the vessels of the flotilla. The Prince-Mcirshal had taken the trouble to arrange the plan of attack himself, but his plan was not follow^ed.
" At day dawn, our flotilla having advanced within cannon- shot, opened fire upon the Turkish flotilla, and on the place. The current having carried several of our batteries and double
* The species of warfare in which he was now daily engaged was new to the Anglo-American. The monstrous and wanton cruelties to which the Turks were subjected by the more barbarous and brutal Russians were ac- cordingly viewed by him with horror and disgust.
BURNING OF A FRIGATE.
241
chaloupes rather too far to leeward, the Rear-Admiral made them be hauled up by the boats and barcasses of the squad- ron, and set the example himself with the chalouoe in which he was. The Turks set fire to a little firigate which they had prepared as a fire-ship, and plac<)d at anchor to the N. E., of Fort Hassan Pacha.
Burning of a Frigate.
" At six in the morning, the Rear-Admiral went himself considerably in advance of the flotilla to seize five of the enemy's galleys which lay within case-shot of Fort Hassan. The position of these galleys, between the cross-fire of our flotilla on the one side, and that of Fort Hassan, the Turkish flotilla, and Oczakow on the other, rendered this a very dan- gerous enterprise. The Rear-Admiral boarded the galley which lay farthest out, and made it be hauled in a little way by Lieutenant Left* Fabrician. He afterwards boarded the galley of the Capitan Pacha, which lay considerably nearer the Fort. From unskilfulness, and excess of zeal, a young officer cut the cable of this galley without waiting the orders of the Rear-Admiral, and before the boats could be got in order to haul it out, the wind drifted the galley towards tne shore, and still nearer to the Fort. The Rear-Admiral made the galley be lightened by throwing many things overboard. After much search for ropes that might stretch to the wreck 21
242 BURNING OF THE CAPITAN PACHA'S GALLEY.
of the burnt frigate, and by fastening the galley there, keep it afloat, the plan failed from the ropes not being long enough. The Rear-Admiral was very unwilling to yield to the obsti- nate opposition of the Turks, who fired upon him from all their bastions and from their flotilla, and he despatched Lieu- tenant Fox to the Wolodimer, to fetch an anchor and cable. This was a certain means of securing his object; and in waiting the return of the lieutenant, he left the galley with his people, and assisted in the flotilla's advance. Before the return of Lieutenant Fox, he had, however, the mortification to see fire break out in the galley of the Capitan Pacha. He at first believed that the slaves chained on board had found means to escape, and had set fire to the vessel ; but he had afterwards positive proof that Brigadier Alexiano being in a boat, at the time with the Prince of Nassau, on the outside of the flotilla, and being aware of the intention of the Rear-Ad- miral, swore that it should not succeed, and sent a Greek canoe to set fire to the galley !* The three other Turkish gal- leys were at once run down and burnt by brandcougles. There were also a two-masted ship and a large bomb-vessel burnt near Fort Hassan Pacha. This includes all that was taken or destroyed by water, save fifty-two prisoners taken by the Rear-Adn!iral in the two galleys. . The wa-etched beings, who were chained in the galley of the Capitan Pacha, perished there in the flames !
" The Prince-Marshal having made an important diversion on the land-side, it is to be regretted that advantage was not taken of this movement to seize the remainder of the enemy's flotilla. But our flotilla never came up within reach -of grape- shot."
* The attestation of a Russian officer to this singular fact is among the Pieces Justificatives appended to the Journal ; and the original of that attes- tation, written in French, and subscribed BilicrofF, officer of the guard, and dated at Kinbourn the 26th October, 1788, remains among Jones's papers.
VERIFICATION OF THE JOURNAL.
24*
Burning of the Capitan Pacha's Galley.
The above extracts from the Rear-Admiral's Journal are verified in the following manner ; — " These extracts have been translated by me into the Russian language, and read before the commanders of the ship Wolodimer, Captain of the Second Rank, Zefaliano ; of the frigatfe Scoroi, Captain of the Second Rank, Aboljanin ; of the frigate Nicolai, Captain Lieutenant DanilofF; of the frigate Taheuroc, Lieutenant Makinin ; of the frigate the Little Alexander, Lieutenant Savitzsky ; and they have found nothing in them contrary to truth.
" On board the Wolodimer, before Oczakow, the 28th October, 1788.
" Paul Denetreffsky, Honorary Counsellor of the College for Foreign affairs, and by special orders of her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, Secretary to Rear-Admirai and Chevalier Paul Jones."
244 DEATH OF ALEXIANO.
Mdition of Rear-Admiral Jones to the preceeding Journal. Translated from the French of the MS. volume, pre'pored for publication by himself
" The moment the ships began to withdraw from Oczakow, the Prince of Nassau and Brigadier Alexiano hurried straight to the head-quarters of the Prince-Marshal, to relate the deeds which they pretended they had performed. In a few minutes after the flotilla began to retire, the rain fell in torrents, of which Nassau and Alexiano received their own share before reaching head-quarters.
" Two days afterwards, Brigadier Alexiano returned on board the Wolodimer, having caught a malignant fever, of which he died on the 8th July. The Prince of Nassau, who aad made use of him in caballing against me, God knows for what, neither visited him in his sickness, nor assisted at his .^uneral. At first it was given out, that the service must sus- tain the loss of every Greek in it on account of his death; but I soon experienced the reverse. Not one asked to be dismissed ; they remained under my command the same as the Russians, and were better pleased than before. On the day preceding the death of Alexiano, he had received intelligence of having been promoted two grades ; and that her Majesty had bes- towed on him a fine estate, and peasants, in White Russia. "At the same time the Prince of Nassau had received a very valuable estate, with three or four thousand peasants, also in White Russia, and the Military Order of St. George, of the Second Class. Her Majesty likewise gave him liberty to hoist the flag of Vice Admiral on the taking of Oczakow, to which event it was apparently believed he had greatly contributed. I received the order of St. Anne, an honour with which I am highly flattered, and with which I could have been perfectly satisfied, had others been recompensed only in the same pro- Dortion, and according to the merit of their services. All the officers of the flotilla received a step of promotion and the
VISIT OF PRINCE POTEMKIN. 245
graluity of a year's pay. The greater part of them also ob- tained the Order of St. George, of the Last Class. Only two of these officers had been bred to the sea ; all the others were ignorant of naval affairs. The officers of the squadron under my cemmand were almost wholly marine officers. They had done their duty well when opposed to the enemy ; but they obtained no promotion, no mark of distinction, no pecu- niary reward. My mortification was excessive.
" My officers at this time gave me a very gratifying proof of their attachment. On promising that I would demand jus- tice for them from the Prince-Marshal at the close of the campaign, they stifled their vexation, and made no complaint.
♦' It ought to have been mentioned in the proper place, that three days after our success in the Limun, Prince Potemkin arrived at Kinbourn, from whence he came on board the Wolodimer to make me a visit. He was accompanied by General Count de Rrandisky of Poland, the Prince de Repuin, the Prince de Ligne, General de Samoilow, and several other officers. His Highness did me the honour to remain to dinner ; and as he knew that an alt'ercation had taken place between the Prince of Nassau and myself on the morning of the 18th of June, he had the goodness to employ the Prince do Ligne, and M. Littlepage, Chamberlain to the King of Poland, to per- suade the Prince of Nassau to make me an apology. I ac- cepted it with sincere pleasure. We embraced in pres.'^rce of this honourable company, and I believed him as sincere as myself
" The Prince-Marshal charged me at this time to make arrangements for raising the cannon, anchors, and other stores belonging to the enemy's ships which had been burnt, without loss of time, and I sent off a transport ship with officers and men on this duty.
" His Highness the Prince-Marshal now made his troops advance. They passed the Bog, and appeared in sight of us, on the banks of the Liman, on the 27th of June ; and next 21 *
246 ALEXIANO.
morning the Capitan Pacha made his grand fleet, which had always remained at anchor twenty or thirty verstes without Kinbourn, weigh anchor, and directed his course towards the entrance of the Danube, carrying three Admiral's flags, and followed by all the vessels that had escaped us in the Liman. During the whole time that we were exposed to having a serious aftair whh the Turks, Brigadier Alexiano had care- fully kept a Greek felucca of eighteen oars alongside the Wolodimer. This felucca was belter built for sailing than any of the other chaloupes or rowing vessels belonging to the whole squadron, so that he had at all times the means of saving himself in case of any disastrous event. Even the Prince of Nassau, since his retreat on the 6th of June, was never seen in any vessel of the flotilla, but always in a cha- loupe, which had been built for the especial use of her Impe- rial Majesty on her late voyage. For myself, I took no such precautions. 1 saw that I must conquer or die. For me there was no retreat. The instant that Alexiano saw the troops appear, he despatched his felucca to inform the Prince-Marshal that it was he, in his zeal for the service, who had employed people to save the effects of the burnt prizes. Nothing could be less true. He had not taken the smallest concern in the matter. But this shows the character of the man. Next day I was informed that the transport ship I had employed on this service was already too heavily laden, and made a great deal of water. As the wind was fair for Glauboca, I gave orders that she should immediately go thither to unload. Some hours after the departure of the transport. Brigadier Alexiano returned from Kinbourn, where he had dined, and said several impertinent things to me on the subject of the transport. He went afterwards to head- quarters to complain of me to the Prince-Marshal. In conse- quence of this complaint I received a letter from his brigadier du jour, the Chevalier Ribas, which, among other things, mentioned that the Prince-Marshal was " singularly severe
IMPERTINENCE OF ALEXIANO. 247
and strict in all that related to the orders he gave." I replied, that I was not afraid of the severity of the Prince-Marshal, as I had done nothing save my duty, in pursuance of his own orders.* Next day I paid a visit to the Prince of Nassau. I imagined I should be welcomed with open arms; but he attacked me about the transport-ship, which belonged, he said, to his flotilla. I replied, that I had been charged with this duty by the Prince-Marshal; that all the ships of war and transports belonged to her Imperial' Majesty ; and that the vessel in question, being unemployed at the time when I took it, I could not perceive the smallest cause of complaint. He was beside himself with anger ; but, as the good of the service no longer required our combined operations, I thought this quarrel too childish to give myself uneasiness about it. I took leave of him, begging him to reflect, that I had given him no cause of displeasure. I did not wish to come to a rupture with him; but, on the 1st of July, seeing the day dawn, and that the flotilla was still far too distant to make the necessary attack, meeting him in his chaloupe, I asked ' If he did not think it time to begin the attack V — ' Is it of me you thus inquire V he repHed ; * I have nothing to say to you on the subject.' After a reply so uncivil, and so pub- licly made, it was impossible I could have any farther inter- course with the Prince of Nassau.
" On the 18th June, in giving an account to the Prince- Marshal of the fate of the nine vessels run aD:round in coming: out of the Liman, upon the shallows opposite the battery and block-fort on the tongue of land of Kinbourn, I took the liberty to propose to him to get the Wolodimer, which had port-holes for seventy pieces of cannon, and the large frigate Alexander, which might have carried fifty pieces, completely armed, that
* After this affair, Jones seems to have completely lost all self-command. He had no longer any hope of conciliating the Prince of Nassau, and accord- ingly henceforth waged against him a determined and not very generous nostility.
248 FLEET ACTION.
at the first opporiunity the squadron of Cherson might join ihat of Sevastopole ; but his Highness gave no orders for this purpose till the month of September ; and the Admiralty was so slow in acting, that the vessels were not equippe.d by the 18th October, when I was recalled to St. Petersburgh by an order from her Imperial Majesty.
Action of the 28th of June.
«' The fleet of the Capitan Pacha having sailed on the 28th of June, had a rencounter with that of Sevastopole, which had come out some days before ; but the Turkish fleet being much stronger than that of Russia, the latter fled, and had the good fortune to get back to Sevastopole without loss, having no more than six or seven men killed and wounded, which shows that the affair was neither close nor warm.
" After the affair of the 18th of June, the greater pari of our flotilla remained several days at anchor between Kinbourn and the block-fort upon the tongue of land. It is surprising that the Russian seamen and pilots could be so profoundly ignorant respecting the anchorage, currents, and depth of the Liman, and, above all, of the channel and the road between Oczakow and Beresane. At first not a single commander in ne flotilla durst venture to cast an anchor.
" Beinf;^ at Kinbourn on the 2Sth June, General Suwaroff
CAPTURE OF THE CHALOUPES.
249
spoke to me of the unpleasant circumstance of not being able to cut off the communication between Oczakow and Beresane. Having sounded myself, I informed him that this was quite as practicable as it was useful to the service, and I would place the frigates there instantly if he would only require me to do so. He did not hesitate, and the same day I placed three frigates there. M. Alexiano did all he could to prevent me ; and when he saw the frigates set off, prophesied that I would never see them return. He carried his intrigues so far, that the Prince-Marshal wrote me a w^arning letter on the 29th, and on the 1st July a peremptory order to witlidraw them. During the short time they were there they took two Turkish armed chaloupcs and a batteau laden with powder and shot; and cut ofl^ the enemy's communinatiou between Oczakow and Beresane.
Capture of the Turkish Chaloupes,
" The Prince-Marshal had not been satisfied with the con- duct of the flotilla in the affair of attacking Oczakow^ on tne 1st July, which was conducted in a very irregular manner,
The most advanced charsre was
and at too great a distance.
250 JONES AND M. RIBAS.
that of the battery commanded by M. Akmatoff, who was never less than DOO toises distant from the enemy.
" On the 10th of July the Prhice-Marshal sent the Prince of Nassau to Sevastopole, to learn if the squadron had been much damaged in the rencounter with the Turkish fleet. Immediately after the departure of the Prince of Nassau, the Prince-Marshal gave the Chevalier Ribas the command of the flotilla, with orders to go to Kinbourn, to receive on board the troops he destined to make a descent on the island of Beresane. At the same time he ordered me to establish a line of blockade between that island and Oczakow. I sta- tioned five frigates, carrying eighteen-pounders, in the roads for this purpose.
" On the 14th I was ordered to inspect the entrance of the Liman. I immediately went lo Kinbourn to have an under- standing with General Suwaroff* and the Brigadier de Ribas. Though the Brigadier had been incessantly occupied since the departure of the Prince of Nassau in bringing the crews of the flotilla to some sort of order, he had not yet completed this task. So great was the confusion that reigned, that he could not find in any vessel five soldiers belonging to the same com- pany ; and the officers knew not where to look for their men. This retarded the embarkation of the troops destined for the descent on Beresane till the 16th. The Prince-Marshal was so much displeased with this delay, that on the 17th he gave orders to land the troops, that they might join his army before Oczakow, and that the flotilla should again pass into the Li- man, as well as the frigates I had posted for the blockade.
" From the commencement of the projected expedition against Beresaj:ie, M. Ribas had requested me to conduct the flotilla and the descent of the troops. Though a man of much talent, he had not the misplaced conceit of some persons who readily take upon them things far beyond their capacity. I told him, ' He well knew I ought to have commanded the flotilla as well as the squadron, from the beginning of the campaign,
THE PRINCE'S PROPOSAL. 251
but that my gratitude for the gracious reception accorded me by her Imperial Majesty, together with the very delicate state in which 1 had found affairs, had induced me to sacrifice my feelings, and even greatly to hazard my reputation for the good of the empire ; that I could never so far humble myself as to request the command of the flotilla, but if it were given me by the Prince-Marshal, I would do my best to make the most of it possible.'
" On the afternoon of the 17th the Prince-Marshal fairly proposed to give me the command of the flotilla. His High- ness informed me his intention was to have Oczakovv attacked a second time. I replied, that I was disposed to execute with zeal whatever he might think proper for the good of the ser- vice ; but that to attack with advantage it was necessary to come to close quarters, and to advance in better order than on the 1st July. He was of the same opinion, and requested me to come ashore next day, that we might concert together the plan of attack.
" I did not fail to comply with the orders of the Prince- Marshal, but his Highness spoke no more of the flotilla. I remained to dinner and supper, and afterwards returned on board of my ship.
" The Prince of Nassau having returned some days before, had intrigued with the Prince de Ligne ; and the Prince- Marshal restored him to the command of the flotilla.
" On the 18th June I had been ordered to despatch the five frigates which had returned into the Liman, to be refitted at Glouboca, en haterle. I sent them oflf at day-break on the 19th, having drawn the greater part of their crews from the gun-boats and bomb-vessels which the Prince-Mat^shal had placed under my command. On the 20th I received twenty- one gun-boats, each carrying a single piece, from eighteen to thirty-two pounders ; and five bomb- vessels, each carry- ing a mortar, of which four were of three poods, and one of
252 JONES CUTS OUT A TURKISH VESSEL.
five poods.* The same day the Prince-Marshal having established his head-quarters to the right of his army upon the shores of the Black Sea, (he had hitherto been on the shores of the Liman, on the left wing,) pointed out to me two of the enemy's gun-boats, stationed close by the fort of Hassan Pacha, and the Turkish lines on the side of Beresane. He was persuaded that they would attempt to come out dur- ing the night with despatches, and inquired of me if it were not possible to capture them. As his Highness appeared to attach great importance to this service, I undertook it.
" I returned on board the Wolodimer, from whence, at eight in the evening, I set off with five armed chaloupes. I made five gun-boats follow, as - a measure of precaution in case the Turks had attempted to make a sortie, as their chaloupes sailed much faster than ours.
" I found one of the Turkish gun-boats aground, hauled up, and almost dry on the sands adjoining the battery, and on an intrenchment the enemy had cast up on the water's edge. It was impossible to get it afloat under the terrible fire which we sustained from all the lines and batteries on the shore. The other gun-boat lay hard by the fort of Hassan Pacha, to the south. Lieutenant Edwards boarded this vessel, and cut her cables ; but having had several of his men wounded, and being deserted by one of the chaloupes, he was obliged to give up the attempt, lest he should be left by the other chaloupe also. During this time I had made some efibrts to get the other Turkish boat afloat. I now rowed quickly to the as- sistance of Mr. Edwards, but the night being dark, he was already out of sight. I boarded the vessel in which he had been. I had several men wounded around me ; but, in defi- ance of the enemy, I hauled the vessel out, and stationed it right opposite the head-quarters of the Prince-Marshal.
'' On the 21st, at daybreak, I sailed with the Wolodimer,
* A pood, or poud, is a Russian weight, equal to 36 lbs. English weight.
THE FLEET SAILS.
253
Jones cutting out a Turkish vessel.
followed by all the vessels of the squadron that yet remained
with me, and twenty-five armed boats and bomb-vessels thai
had been placed under my command. The object of this
movement was again to blockade Oczakow by sea, and to
cut off the communication between that place and Beresane.
To accomplish this object, I stationed the Wolodimer and the
\ Alexander to blockade the channel at the entrance of the
j Liman, and I continued the same line of blockade into the
[road, by placing the smaller vessels there. As the bomb-
ivessels and gun-boats had not water-casks, the Prince-Mar-
Ishal, who wished to see these craft opposite his head-quarters,
Imade wells be dug on shore for the accommodation of the
jcrews ; and on the 24th ordered my officer du jour to have
[three vessels stauoned near the shore. I knew nothing of
22
254 JONES SAVES THE BOATS.
this change, for I had placed them the previous night, in Hne, and far enough off to be in safety. On the 25th the wind was from the south, but was not violent. After dinner I went to head-quarters to make a visit to the Prince-Marshal, and found, to my great astonishment, that half the boats were cast ashore, and the other half in the greatest danger. I set to work instantly, with my chaloupe, to haul off, and bring to anchor all the vessels possible ; and by means of anchors and cables, for which I sent to the squadron, we saved them all, except six gun-boats, which went to pieces, and filled with sand. On the 26th the Prince-Marshal wrote me by his Brigadier du jour, requiring to know, since I was master of the vessels saved, what I meant to do with them ? I placed them near the tongue of land of Kinbourn, where they had a sheltered haven, and also wells for the accommodation of the men. They sustained no farther injury during the time they remained under my command. After this, two chaloupes or small cutters were placed under my orders, of which each carried two licornes, forty-eight pounders, in the fore-part, and six falconets on the sides. Shortly afterwards I got two larger cutters, carrying each two mortars, of five poods.
*' On the 31st July, the Capitan Pacha again made his ap- pearance with his fleet, followed by several vessels which he had not when he went off. His advanced guard, composed of his frigates, bomb-vessels, and small craft, cast anchor near Beresane, whilst his large squadron of ships of the line resumed their old position. The Prince-Marshal ordered me to bring back my small vessels to assist in blocking up the passage of the Liman ; and the Prince of Nassau was ordered to block up the road with his flotilla, and thus cut off the communication of the Turkish small vessels by the shallows to the south of Fort Hassan Pacha.
" The Prince of Nassau hoisted a Vice-Admiral's flag, on one of the galleys in coming out of the Liman, and that gal- ley having passed under the stern of the Wolodimer on the
THE CAPITAN PACHA. 255
1st of August, he assumed that I ought to have saluted him as Vice-Admiral."
[The Rear-Admiral here enumerates six different special reasons for not saluting the said flag ; and we fear somewhat tediously, for which reason we spare the reader this concate- nation ; the only important fact being, that the Prince of Nassau endeavoured to make the Court of Russia believe that the denial of this piece of courtesy was the only subject of dispute between himself and Paul Jones. We again re- sume the narrative.]
The Capitan Pacha sounding.
" The Capitan Pacha came out from day to day, to sound and reconnoitre, in his kirlangitz, which sailed like the wind, and always displayed an Adaiiral's flag. As the block-fort and the battery on the tongue of land at Kinbourn were only constructed of bags of sand, and were neither protected by ditch nor palisade, I was afraid that the Capitan Pacha might try to carry them by a sudden descent, which he could have done by landing five hundred men.
256 THE COMMAND OFFERED TO JONES.
" General SuwarofF had been dangerously wounded in a sortie made by the garrison of Oczakow, and had come to Kinbourn. I convinced him that the block-fort and battery were menaced, and as he had a greater quantity of chevaux- de-frize than he required, I suggested that he should employ what was superfluous in surrounding the block-fort and bat- tery. The general gave orders accordingly, and I ranged all my gun-boais and bomb-vessels right by the strip of ground between the block-fort and the battery. The sand served them as a parapet, so that there was a line of fire continued from the point on to the battery. The small craft were, besides, always ready to change their position at the first movement of the enemy, and I placed the squadron so advantageously as to communicate with the block-fort and the battery, without confining their fire, and to keep back the enemy by a cross-fire, on entering the channel of the Liman ; so that, though we were very v/eak compared w^th the Turkish fleet, the Capitan Pacha never either attempted to make a descent, or to force the passage of the entrance of the Liman.
" The Prince-Marshal having ordered Rear Admiral Wog- nowitch to sail from Sevastopole with the fleet under his command, and that oflicer having raised obstacles because his force was not, he conceived, powerful enough to attack that under the command of the Capitan Pacha, his Highness sent me a letter, written by his chief secretary, Brigadier Popofl", on the IDth August (old style,) proposing that I should so to Sevastopole to take command of the fleet. It may be remembered that i' was brought to Russia to command all the naval force in the Black Sea, consequently this proposi- tion did not surprise me. Had the Prince-Marshal ordered me to go, I would have proceeded immediately, but I could not seem as if I sought to be sent. . In the fii^st place, the naval signals used in that fleet were imperfect and very limited. 2dli/, My naval signals had not yet been translated
CAPTURE OF THE LODKA. 257
into the Russian language, as no attention had been given to my request for a person capable of translating them. Sdly^ I was acquainted with no one in the fleet, and I was aware that the Prince-Marshal wished that it should come out the very day after my arrival at Sevastopole. Atlily, The fleet had been compelled to fly before that of the Capitan Pacha, at a time when he had two thousand fewer good seamen. ^thly, The fleet at Sevastopole was much as before, but that of the Capitan Pacha was stronger in craft, and had all the men replaced that had been lost in the affair of the Liman. Qthly, I had just received preparatory orders from the Prince- Marshal to attack Fort Hassan Pacha; and I hoped to show him the difference between my fashion of attack and that of the 1st of July. I replied, in answer to his letter, that being entirely devoted to the good of the state, his highness would find me eager to fulfil his orders. It was said, that soi^ie days afterwards the Prince-Marshal sent positive orders to Admi- ral Wognowitch to come out, but that he always found means for not coming to close quarters with the Capitan Pacha.
Capture of the Lodka.
" On the 30th August the Turks took a small lodka, freighted with water-melons, belonging to the merchants of Kinbourn.
22*
258 GUN-BOAT OFFICER.
In coming down the Liman the people on board had been foolish enough to pass too close to Oczakow.
"To ^punish the Turks' for this, the Prince of Nassau, at evening, made his flotilla advance to assault Oczakow !
" I sent my secretary to head-quarters, and in the mean- while assembled the commanders of divisions of my gun- boats, and bomb-vessels, and ordered them to bring forward their divisions, and form in line of battle between the squad- ron and Oczakow, ready to attack the Fort of Hassan Pacha the moment orders should arrive.
" Upon the return of the Capitan Pacha, M. Littlepage, Chamberlain to the King of Poland, being then with the Prince-Marshal, had solicited and obtained leave to command a division of my gun-boats.
" Night being come on, the chiefs of division v/ishing to bring forward their boats, found that thirteen of them had quitted their posts, against the most positive orders to make no movement without their commanders of division. This movement had been occasioned by the rashness of a Greek lieutenant belonging to the division of M. Littlepage. The boat of this officer had fired eight shots against the place, and another boat six shots, but no one else had fired. As this lieutenant was the most to blame, I deprived him of his com- mand, and sent him to head-quarters, which was required by the Prince-Marshal.
" The Prince of Nassau, who had very idly wasted a great deal of ammunition, pretended that my boats had prevenled him from taking the whole Turkish flotilla !
" The Greek lieutenant whom I had disgraced, instead of being punished, was promoted to the command of a double chaloupe, heavily armed. M. Littlepage gave a particular account of the whole affair in a letter to the Grand General ot Poland.
" A few days after this, the Prince-Marshal sent Rear-Ad- jTiiral MordvvinofF on board the Wolodimer, to assemble all
COUNCIL HELD. 259
the captains and master pilots of the squadron to hold a coun- cil on the means of effecting a junction between the squadron of Cherson and the fleet of Sevastopole. It has been said that the Prince-Marshal had earnestly entreated this officer to take the affair upon himself, and that he positively declined it. I can say nothing on this head ; I only know that it w^as a deHcate step in relation to me, to send another officer on board my ship to hold a council; and, above all, without having apprised me either by speech or writing. If I had been stickling, I would have put this officer under arrest, as he could show no authority nor precedent for holding a council where I commanded. But as I was influenced by the good of the service above every personal cnnsideration, I re- ceived Admiral Mordwinoff most amicably, and after dinner assembled the officers for the necessary consultation. Many difficulties presented themselves to their minds against the pro- posed junction ; but as it was known that the Prince-Marshal was determined on the measure, it was agreed that it could not be effected but at Hagdge-bay, upon the coast, between Beresane and the Danube, at the distance of fifty verstes* from the point of Kinbourn. I raised no obstacle. I only observed, that since it was pressingly necessary to beat the advanced guard of the enemy before we could effect the pro- posed junction, it was indispensable to station the squadron previously in the road of Oczakow, and to sail from thence with the wind from N. to N.N.W., to avoid being attacked on the way by the grand fleet of the Turks, and also to keep to the leeward till the junction was effected.
" It was only a few days previously that preparations had been begun to complete the arming of the Wolodimer and Alexander.
*' During this time her Imperial Majesty had sent twenty- four gold swords to head-quarters, to be distributed among the officers on account of the battle of the Liman. The
» A verste is equal to 3500 English feet.
260 HEAVY ARMAMENTS .
Prince-Marshal himself received a gold sword, enriched with diamonds and emeralds ; and the Prince of Nassau got one ornamented with a row of diamonds. There were a number of silver medals sent at the same time to be distributed among the soldiers and seamen. The sw^ords had not yet been dis- tributed, but the medals were all given to the men of the flo- tilla, and not one to any man in the squadron. It is usual to give subalterns the more merit the more they are exposed to personal danger. The crews of the squadron had often hauled the flotilla totally uncovered, and exposed to the fire of the enemy, whilst the people of the flotilla were screened by parapets made of bags of wool, by which the vessels were surrounded.
" On the 18th September I received a secret order from the Prince-Marshal to attack the advanced-guard of the enemy, anchored under Beresane. His Highness proposed to make the attack with the five frigates which had been sent to Glouboca to be mounted as batteries ; and the frigates were to be supported by all the other vessels of the squadron, save the Wolodimer and the Alexander, the arming of which went on very slowly on account of difficulties on the part of the Admiralty. Two of the frigates, the Scoroi and the Boris- thenes, had already rejoined the squadron. Before the equip- ments of those frigates were altered, they carried more guns than are ever put, either by the French or English, into ships of the same kind. The Scoroi, for example, carried forty guns, and in England they would not have put more than thirty-two into her. She now carried sixteen thirty-six pounders, and four licornes, eighteen-pounders."
[Here follows a detailed account of the armament of this frigate, and the Rear- Admiral's opinion of the best way of arming ships, which he appears himself to think not much to the point, for he returns to the narrative of the campaign by saying as much.]
"The five frigates, of which I have perhaps spoken too much,
PLAN OF ATTACK. 261
appeared to me very fit to place behind a stoccado, or bar. But I never would make choice of ships of this kind for the sea-service. The first broadside is all that is to be feared from them.
" I replied in writing to the proposition of the Prince-Mar- shal for attacking the advanced guard of the Turks near Bere- sane, and afterwards made a plan of attack be drawn out for his inspection. He was much pleased with it. As it was neces- sary to take advantage of a northerly wind to effect the en- terprise, I proposed to the Prince-Marshal to place the frigates in the road as soon as they arrived from Glouboca, to serve, while waiting the attack on the line, as a permament outer blockade between Oczakow and the enemy. His Highness said it was not yet time for this, and ordered me to place them in a line with the other vessels of my squadron, so as to make an imposing figure in the channel of the Liman.
" In the end of the month, the Turkish fleet set sail in the night followed by all the vessels that had lain under Beresane : nor did we perceive it till late the next morning. The Capi- tan Pacha returned in about thirty-six hours, and resumed the position he had left. The only difference was, that he brought in some additional small vessels, and that he considerably reinforced his advanced guard under Beresane. As our flo- tilla, which ought to have blockaded the road, and cut off the communication with the small vessels on that side, were only there occasionally, as if by caprice, it was quite natural for the Turks to profit by its absence, and go out and in when they found the way clear.
" The flotilla being to leeward, between my squadron and Kinbourn, on the 8th October, the Capitan Pacha sent off in the evening three vessels of his advanced^ guard, which en- tered Oczakow unmolested, by an open passage. Our fiotilla made no movement. I made an attempt to intercept the enemy's progress with my gun-boats, which I caused to be hauled to windward by the ship's boats of the squadron-
262 ATTACK ON OCZAKOW.
But the wind being high, they could not bring them to attack Our batteries nearesttoOczakow fired on the three Turkish vessels, but without being able to arrest their progress. It was now dark; and moreover, the distance between these batteries and the block-fort, on the one side of Kinbourn, being seven verstes, the land batteries never could have pre- vented either the entrance or exit of small vessels.
'* One of the Turkish ships had the folly to cast anchor in the shallows of Fort Hassan Pacha ; and at daybreak on the ninth, being within shot of our most advanced land-battery, was struck between wind and water, and run down ; the other two vessels got in without difficulty. I have already mentioned, that on the 18th of August I received an order to be in readiness to attack the fortress of Hassan Pacha with my bomb-vessels, and' the chaloupes armed with licornes and mortars. I expected from day to day an order for action, and had in consequence bestowed much pains in training my men to the necessary evolutions ; but the final orders never arrived.
" The Prince of Nassau having run down my plan of attack, it was set aside ; and by a new arrangement, which I was commanded to form with General Muller, Commander-in- chief of Artillery, I was destined to assault the entrenchment, and the Turkish battery on the shore of the road.
" On the 9th of October the flotilla advanced from the shores of Kinbom^n, and attacked Oczakow ; bnt this attack was conducted and ended in the very same manner as that of the 30th August, save that a small vessel of the Turkish flotilla, which lay farther out than any of the others, ran aground on the shallows of Fort Hassan Pacha.
" On the 10th of October I received another preparatory order ; and soon afterwards was ordered to give up all my gun-boats to the flotilla. Towards evening I went to head- quarters to ascertain what was to be done regarding these boats. The Prince-Marshal at this time told me he had the
mm
:ai|
,i;;in::i:ii,ii:!ii:iiiiii',ir::i!'!S''i!i!!i!iiJ
(263)
LIEUTENANT EDWARDS.
2as
m
Flotilla Action.
Strongest desire to see pitched overboard a large -piece of ar- tillery placed on the fore-part of the vessel of the Turkish flo- tilla that stood farthest out, and which had run aground, "i imagined at the time tliat there was no other vessel run aground save the one in the road, at the distance of a verste from the fortress of Hassan Pacha ; so I said tiie thing was quite easy ; for although the Turks should come up in force to defend the vessel, there would always be time to spike tlie piece of cannon.
" It was night when I undertook this hltle enterprise. As I did not imagine the Prince-Marshal attached so much im portance to it as to wish that I should conduct it in person, i confided it to Lieutanant Edwards, a brave and an intelligent man, whom I wished to requite for past services. On the 1st of July he had followed me throughout, and was a long time with me in the galley of the Tapitan Pacha. He liad followed 23
266 NIGHT EXPEDITION.
me on the night of the 20th of July, and had boarded, and cut the cable of the vessel which I took opposite the fortress of Hassan Pacha. He had assisted me some days afteryv^ards, when, by orders of the Prince-Marshal, we made trial of bom- barding the fort from one of the bomb-vessels; from w^hich service we had some difficulty in withdrawing, as the wind, which rose in a moment, kept us for a long while under the fire of the enemy's musketry, which wounded some of our men.
" Mr. Edwards returned before daybreak, without having succeeded. He said there were a great many men in the ship, who fired on him, and that he durst not board her, he was so ill supported. I was vexed that he had failed ; and in my report to the Prince-Marshal I said that I would conduct the enterprise myself next night, if that would satisfy him.
" The Prince-Marshal held me at my word ; but it was eleven at night when Mr. Edwards returned with the order. The wind, which was high, was quite against me, as w^ell as a strong tide ; and I would have deferred the attempt, if I had not conceived my honour pledged. I was led to hope, that a^ter midnight the wind might fall, and the strength of the tide lessen, if it did not change. The night was very dark, and the rain fell in torrents. I waited till two o'clock, when the moon rose. I had with me five armed boats, and I cal- culated on being followed by four hatteaux saporoses, and by one of the armed vessels I had taken from the Turks ; but it was impossible to haul them against the wind, and I was com- pelled to go on as I best could, with only my five boats. I have noticed that our flotilla had run down a small Turkish vessel in the shallows of the fortress of Hassan Pacha, but I did not perceive this till the moment after I had despatched Mr. Edwards to head-quarters, because the vessel lay so near the fortress, where the water is of little depth, that it had only sunk a foot or fifteen inches, and consequently appeared as if
NIGHT EXPEDITION.
267
Jones's Night Expedition.
Still afloat. As the Prince-Marshal had only spoken to me of the farthest out of the Turkish flotilla, I now believed he meant the one nearest the fortress, in which idea I was con- firmed by Mr. Edwards, at his return from head-quarters, tell- ing me he had heard ashore that the vessel run down in the road had been visited, but that nothing had been found there. I rowed for the vessel nearest the fortress, which carried a large cannon in her bow ; but, after having fatigued my row- ers, I was vexed to see daylight appear, whilst I had still more than a verste to go before I could reach the vessel. I returned on board my own ship, to prevent a useless alarm, intending to renew the attempt next night.
" Without waiting to receive my report, the Prince-Marshal sent me orders ' to abandon the enterprise, for he had entrusted it to other ships.' There was fine weather on the night be- tween the 12th and 13th, but the * other ships' did nothing; and the Turks availed themselves of an open way to brmg
•2C8 TURKISH VESSEL BURNT.
out all their flotilla, which rejoined the ships of the advanced guard under Beresane.
" Some days afterwards, a colonel of Cossacks boarded the vessel run down in the road, and set fire to it, for which he received public thanks.
Burning of a Turkish vessel.
" On the 13th the Prince-Marshal wished to establish a per- manent line of blockade in the road, by placing my frigates there, and some other vessels. He wrote me a letter on this subject, which strongly affected me, and to which I replied next day, with perhaps rather too much freedom and warmth.*
* This letter, taken in connexion with the circumstances which preceded it, was the ultimate cause of the dismissal of Paul Jones before the campaign ended. His recall to St. Petersburgh, under pretence of being employed in the North Sea, in name of the Empress, but really ordered by Potemkin, was a mere piece of jugglery to get rid of him, of which Re was not even the dupe. The following is an extract of his letter, and a copy of Potemkin'S order, which provoked it : —
" Order to Rear- Admiral Chevalier Paul Jones. " As it is seen that the Capitan Paclia comes in his kirlangich from the grand fleet to the smaller vessels, and as before quitting this he may attempt fsomething, I request your Excellence, the Capitan Pacha having actually a
QUARREL WITH POTEMKIN. 269
This occasioned an interchange of letters, which was only terminated on the iSth by the arrival of Admiral Mordwinoff, to take command of the squadron and the flotilla ; for the Prince of Nassau had set off for Warsaw some days after his affair of the 9th, with which the Prince-Marshal had been much dissatisfied. I at the same time received orders from her Imperial Majesty to go to St. Petersburgh to be employed in the North Sea. Sweden had declared war against Russia at the commencement of the campaign, and Admiral Greig,
greater number of vessels,' to hold yourself in readiness to receive him
courageously, and drive him back. I require that this be done without loss
of time ; if not, you will be made answerable for every neglect.
" Prince Potemkin Tauricien. *' 13th October, 178?."
To this truly Russian order Jones has affixed the following characteristic note : — " A warrior is always ready, and I had not come there an apprentice." His reply to this order led to liis instant dismissal. Potemkin was a person m no shape to be trifled with ; and though Jones at first attributed his want of favour in this powerful quarter to the ill office of those around Potemkin, he came to see that much of what he suffered emanated directly from the im- patience, jealousy, and caprice of his spoiled tyrant. When tlie Rear- Admiral went to head-quarters to take leave, Potemkin disdained and disclaimed the insinuation of being influenced by those around him. " Do not imagine any one leads me, — leads me !" he swore and stamping with his foot, added, " Not even the Empress !" Fatal as the reply to the above order proved to Jones, and deeply as he regretted it, the reader must be pleased to see that he retained so much of his original spirit as appears in this singular document. '' I have always," he says, " conformed myself immediately, without murmur- ing, and most exactly, to the commands of your Highness ; and on occasions when you have deigned to leave anything to my own discretion, I have been exceeedingly flattered, and believe you have had no occasion to repent. At present, in case the Capitan Pacha does resolve on attempting anything before his departure, I can give assurance beforehand, that the brave officers and crews I have the honour to command will do their duty ' courageously,', though they have not yet been rewarded for the important services they have performed for the empire under my eyes. I answer for this witli my honour, and will explain myself fairly on this delicate point at the end of the cam- paign. In the meanwhile, I may merely say, that it is upon the sacred promise I have given them of demanding justice from your Highness in their behalf, that they have consented to stifle their grievances and keep silent." 23*
270 THE GOLD SWORDS.
who had commanded the Russian fleet, having died, I was assured her Majesty had very important views in recaUing me. Yet I could not but feel grieved to be deprived of my command when the campaign, so far as regarded maritime operations, was so nearly concluded.
"As soon as the Prince of Nassau went off, all the gold swords were distributed among the officers of the flotilla. It may easily be imagined that this transaction, as well as several things which preceded it, were not calculated to give me much pleasure. The capture of the Turkish galley, and the boarding the galley of the Capitan Pacha on the 1st of July, were without dispute the most brilliant actions of the campaign of the Liman. The credit of them was most un- justly given to the flotilla, and my ofliccrs remained without any reward for the important services which they had ren- dered in these affairs, laying aside those of the 18th June, the 30th of August, and the 9th of October, from which they reaped no advantage. After the gold swords had been dis- tributed, I myself heard several of the officers who got them express their astonishment, not being able to guess for what they had been so highly rewarded.
" It is worthy of notice, that all the large vessels which the flotilla attacked were previously aground. In this case, they might be compared to men with their feet nailed to planks, and their hands tied behind their backs- This is the only in- stance in history of ships aground, and out of the possibility of being re-captured, being attacked and destroyed, with their crews, by combustibles. It may be recollected, that during the whole campaign the flotilla had not taken even one small vessel afloat. Since a very mistaken notion has been formed of the v^essels taken in the Liman on the 17th and 18th of June, which have been called " ships of the line," it is but right to say that I made Lieutenant Fox measure, the hulls of the two largest, and we found that the size of the one was 130, and of the other 135 feet English in total length, in tluR
NASSAU'S EXPLOITS. 271
line of their first battery. Apply this to naval architecture. Yet the Prince of Nassau had been rewarded in a brilliant manner for ' having destroyed six, and captured two ships of the line' The only three-masted vessel which escaped burn- ing upon the 18th June was a corvette of one battery, and four pieces between decks. I had almost forgot that there was one small brigantine of fourteen three-pounders. Such were two vessels of the line that were captured, and the latter was wrecked next day by the carelessness of those who had the charge of her. In place of eight vessels of the line, the Capitan Pacha had come into the Liman with only a de- tachment of corvettes, or large merchantmen, frigates, bomb- ships, and other craft. Only four of the corvettes carried guns between decks. Of this number w^as the vessel saved. On one of these four vesssels was displayed a square flag ; but there was the same on the galley and kirlangich of the Capitan Pacha. It has been already said that the grand fleet without Kinbourn displayed three Admirals' flags. From the account of the campaign given by the Prince of Nassau, it appears that the Capitan Pacha had lost his best ship, manned with the picked men of his fleet, and his only flag as Grand Admiral, while it is well known that at the end of the campaign he went back to Constantinople with all the ships of the line lie had at the commencement of it.
" As it had been told me that some ill-intentioned persons in the army had said that I had been deprived of my command because the officers were unwilling to serve under me, I endeavoured to procure testimonials to the contrary, and have seen with regret that the mind is not always free ; and that it sometimes dare not render homage to truth.*
* In the service in which Paul Jones was engaged that was impossible, whicli in any service require's considerable moral courage. His Russian Secretary drew up for the signature of the officers a testimony in favour of " Rear- Admiral Paul Jones, Chevalier of the Military Order of Merit, t^e Order of St. Anne, and of Cincinnatus ;" which, says the Secretary, they, foi
272 INTERVIEW WITH THE PRINCE. |
" The last of the five frigates, called ' Sea Batteries,' did not join the squadron till the 19th of October, and the same day Admiral Mordwinoff placed the line of blockade in the road much farther out than it ever had been, so that the vessels masked the fire of all the guns on shore on both sides." [Here the Rear-Admiral enters into certain profes- sional criticisms on his successor's arrangements, which are neither pecuHarly interesting, nor yet very good-natured, but which may, nevertheless, be very just. We pass them, and again take up the personal narrative.]
'* Having reflected that the season was too far advanced to render my services necessary in the North Sea before the following year, I wrote to the Prince-Marshal, otTering to continue my services till the end of the campaign. I was indebted to him for the Order of St. Anne, and I hav^e a heart naturally grateful* He made his Secretary, M. PopofF, write me, that since I was recalled by the order of the Em- press, it was necessary I sho.uld obey.
" I was, however, invited to head- quarters to take leave, and to receive a letter from the Prince-Marshal for her Impe- rial Majesty. As I was much interested personally, and still more so in relation to my oflicers, I after dinner spoke freely, and told M. Popoff" all that was on my mind. This gentle- man repeated all I said to the Prince-Marshal. Pie was oflTended at first, but afterwards he sent for me to talk with him. Without failing in the respect due to him, I spoke very freely. I told him he had played an unfair game at the opening of the campaign in dividing the command in the Liman in the existing circumstances of the country ; and
powerful reasons, declined to subscribe, though they at the same time owned tliere was nothing in it contrary to pure truth. It was drawn up on the very eve of Paul Jones's departure for St. Petersburgh. The captain of his late ship, tjie Wolodimer, subscribed it, and also one of the other officers.
* Paul Jones never appears to have had a true idea of the whole character of Potemkin till long afterwards. Potemkin was, indeed, one of the most extraordinary monsters that ever lived, — a jumble of every moral contra, diction
* PRINCE'S OFFER DECLINED. 273
that, if I had not resolved to sacrifice my own feelings in order to manage the persons he had given me for colleagues, the campaign would have taken a very different turn. He confessed it, but said it was too late to think of this now. He then said he would be glad to see me fixed in Russia, and that he was disposed to give me solid proofs of his esteem j both now and in future. I showed him the testimonial of the captain of the Wolodimer, and some other papers, to con- vince him that he had neither done justice to me nor to the sriuadron. He said the Prince of Nassau pretended all was done by himself; ' but I have never,' said he, ' been deceived in him. I have always known him for what he is.' He pro- posed that I should go to Tagenroc to equip and command a squadron he was building there ; but, as I had been brought to Russia to take the chief command in the Black Sea, and had received orders from the Empress to repair to St. Peters- burgh, I decHned the offer. I only entreated that he would consider the services of my officers, and give them the seniority they had lost by the promotion of those officers of the flotilla who did not belong to the naval service. Admiral Mordwinoff made the same request, and the Prince promised to do them justice.
" Two days afterwards I received a letter from the Prince- Marshal for the Empress, in which he noticed the zeal and anxiety I had ever shown for her service, and to render myself worthy of her favour.*
* We give this letter. It is a good specimen of the sort of thing ; nor is it
possible to believe that a man so acute as Paul Jones was duped or hood-
winked by this fashion of speaking and writing, though for political reasons
he suffered himself to appear so : —
" Madam, — In sending to the high throne of your Imperial Majesty Rear
Admiral M. Paul Jones, I take, with submission, the liberty of certifying the
i eagerness and zeal which he has ever shown for the service of your Imperial
Majesty, and to render himself worthy of the high favour of your Imperial
Majesty. '' From the most faithful subject of your
Imperial Majesty,
" Prince Potemkin Tauricien- " 3lst October. 1788."
274 CAPTURE OF BERESANE. *
" On the 4th November, the Capitan Pacha having with- drawn his advanced guard in the night, set sail in the morn- ing with his whole force, entering first Varna, and afterwards Constantinople, with every ship of the line he had at the opening of the campaign. It is singular that this enterprising commander did not attempt to force the entrance of the Liman ; for Admiral Mordwinoff had placed the squadron in so exposed and disadvantageous a situation, that the fire of the land-batteries, which should have flanked him without, was entirely covered. But it may be presumed that the Turkish Admiral believed he had done enough for the safety of Oczakow by the succours he had thrown in.
" On the morning of the 7th, agreeably to a secret order from the Prince-Marshal, the Saporoses landed, to the number of 2000, on the island of Beresane. The Turkish garrison being only 300 strong, fired a few random shots, and then surrendered at discretion.
" Having given the officers under me such testimonials as they merited, I embarked on the morning of the 9th Novem- ber, in a small open galley for Cherson. I was three days and three nights on the way, and suflfered a great deal from the excessive cold. The day after my arrival the river was frozen in, and I was taken dangerously ill. My health was not sufficiently re-established to enable me to proceed before the 6th of December. Having arrived at St. Elizabeth, 1 received intelligence that Oczakow had been taken by storm on the 6th. The garrison was eleven thousand strong, including the three thousand that the Capitan Pacha had thrown into the place before he sailed. But the cold had become extreme, and the Russian army being formed in six columns to attack the place at day-dawn, the Turks were completely taken by surprise, and, becoming panic-struck, suffered themselves to be throttled like as many sheep. In he fury of the assault the Russian soldiers spared nothing. I
JONES AT ST. PETERSBURGH. 275
have been assured, that from eighteen to nineteen thousiind Turks perished on that day !
" As I wished to delay my return to court till the arrival of the Prince-Marshal, 1 stopt some days at SklofF, where General Soritsch loaded me with civilities. I arrived at St. Petersburgh on the 28th December, and was ordered to appear at court on the 31st, when her Imperial Majesty did me the honour of granting me a private audience. I pre- sented the letter the Prince-Marshal had given me. A few days afterwards the Empress sent me word, through Count de Dmitrijew-Mamonow, that she must wait the arrival of Prince Potemkin before deciding on what was to be done regarding me. In the meanwhile Count Besborodko told me, that a command of greater importance was intended for me than that of the Black Sea.
" On the 1st February, the Prince-Marshal not having yet arrived, I gave in to the Vice-Chancellor, Count d'Osterman, a project for forming an alliance, political and commercial, between Russia and the United States. As the object of this project was reciprocal advantages, and, above all, to encou- rage the commerce of the Black Sea, and of the new settle- ments in the Crimea, I had long intended to transmit it to the Prince-Marshal; and on his arrival at Court, about the middle of February, I sent him a copy. Some time afterwards he took me into his cabinet, and said that my plan contained some good ideas ; but that he did not think it expedient to adopt it at this time, as this might still further irritate the English against Russia, and that it was necessary first to make peace with the Turks.
" I might say a great deal more about the fleet and ^otilla of Cherson, but for the present I have said enough." [The Rear- Admiral does, however, say a good deal about he construction and equipment of the Russian ships, and the internal regulations of the Russian navy, which shows much professional acuteness, but must have small interest now that
276 ' TflE RUSSIAN NAVY.
all is changed. The speculations of a clever and a practical man forty years ago, on the opening prospects of the Russian empire, compared with its actual state, are, however, both curious and important.] " The commerce of the Black Sea," he says, "is an object of very great importance; but this commerce will always be annoyed and often interrupted by the Turks, till Russia has a stronger fleet in the Black Sea to hold them at bay, and to place the keys of Constantinople in the hands of the Empress. Russia having all the requisite materials, in making the necessary arrangements with order and economy (without speaking of war, to avoid exciting suspicion in powers jealous of her glory,) this deficiency might be supplied in a few years. The means of obtaining good seamen is to create a merchant-trade, — to form an alliance with the United States, — and to have a squadron of evolution on the Black Sea, directed by an admiral and a properly- instructed stair.
" I have always believed that Russia requires a port on the Asiatic side, opposite the Crimea, to protect the fleet in winds and currents, and to be as it w^re a sentinel-post on the Turks. I have thought of Sinople for this purpose, and I spoke of it to the Em})re5?s and Prince Potemkin ; but, being afterwards better informed, I found a more suitable situation, where I am certain such a post could be securely established at small cost, and beard the whole Ottoman empire.
" I must be permitted to conclude my journal with some reflections naturally suggested by matters affecting my per- sonal honour. I have never been able to conjecture the reason which made Prince Potemkin order Admiral Mord- winoft' to give up to him the oflicial account of our operations, which I had drawn up in conformity to the orders of the Admiralty of the Black Sea, as I was assured he had done, both by Admiral Mordwinoft' and his brother-in-law. No more could I guess why Prince Potemkin had given orders that no notice should be taken of the little frigate Alexander,
LETTER FROM THE MINLSTER. 277
which had been run down in the battle of iho 17th June. This infornnation also I had from Admiral Mordwinoff after 1 had given up to him the command of the squadron. I have been assured that this frigate was always retained in the list of the marine. When I found that I received no testimony of the favour of the Empress in this affair, and on other occa- sions very interesting to the state, I was compelled to think that she had been ill-informed, for her ambition is to be esieemed the most magnanimous and the most generous of all sovereigns.*
" I received a letter from the Minister of the United States (to the Court of Versailles,) dated Paris the 2.3d March, 1789, which began by telling me, that a letter he had received from me, dated at St. Petersburgh, the 31st January, vjia the crnhj j/nxj/ my friends had of my existence since I had left Cr/penhogen.\ If I had played the part of a
* It is DO new incident in any service for one man to ^in the vict'jry for which another is rewarded. Thir mtHt tometimeB oceur firom doe regard to rank and enbordination, even where there is the stroogest desire to do strict justice to all the commandera. To the cocmsels of Varage, Captain Winter, and a Milanese officer, De Litta, the subsequent victory of the Cronstadt fleet over the Swedes, fcfr which Naatati was so higfafy rewarded, were tuurersaHy ascribed. The most brilliant and decisive sea4>attJe ever gained by the Ras. slans, that of Tschesme, where the whole Turkish fleet, a town and castle, were taken or destroyed in one morning, was finigfat by the English officers, Elphingrtone, Greig, and especially Dagdale, who performed p^-odigies of reck- less valour at the greatest personal hazard. Yet the Empress thoos'bt fit to attribute the victory to Alexy Orlofl^ either from policy or wzntciinSarmztica.
, Potemkin himself was never more mmiificently rewarded fiv what be hatd actually accomplished, than was Orloff for a ricUxy of which be obtained the
I credit There were great public rejoicings ; pillars and palaces were erected,
I and titles, estates, orders, or whatever the imagination of tibe Empress cocdd devise to do him honoar, were heaped on the murderer of her husband, to
, whom she had icfrvoetlj owed a considerable share of her usurped crown.
' t In Russia, letters were systematically iniercefied. This was part of tne
policy of the government ; and such things have been beard of in that country,
even of later date than the reign of Catherine II. When tiie Ardiduke Paul
was permitted to travel through Europe with tiie Arcbdutcbess, be was so
24
278 FALSE ACCOUNTS.
cipher in the campaign of the Liman it was for the first time. I either deserved to lose my head, or the history of the ope- rations on the Liman, which had been got up in St. Peters- burgh during the winter, and which I saw with astonishment in the office of M. Popoff, merited to be burnt. I assert, that it was falsified even to the most trifling circumstances.
" I have acted a public and distinguished part for fifteen years among an enlightened people, where the press is free, and where the conduct of every man is open to discus- sion, and subjected to the judgment of his fellow-citizens. No man can play the hypocrite during so long a period in a career so trying as was mine. It was natural for the Prince of Nassau and Brigadier Alexiano to be my enemies, for they only sought their own advantage ; and Prince Potemkin, who knew better, did wrong to place me in competition with them ; but I cannot conceive how it happened that I had around Prince Potemkin other enemies as powerful as they were malicious. I ought to have found only friends in Russia, for I have served that empire faithfully and well. The manner in which Prince Potemkin has changed in regard to me, since the commence- ment of the war, exceeds all imagination. While he supposed that my services would be an acquisition in directing the maritime operations against the Turks, the Admirals Mord- winoflfand Woinowitch entirely lost his confidence as officers ; and it is evident that Woinowitch had not regained it on the 19th of August, when it was proposed that I should go to Sevastopole to take command of the fleet. When I had the misfortune to offend Prince Potemkin by the freedom of my letter of the 14th October, he sent several couriers, one after
well aware of the jealousy of his mother and her government, that he arranged a private correspondence to be forwarded to the Swedish post-offices by couriers. His correspondent was a young aid-de-camp, Bibikoff, who some. times permitted himself to describe persons about the court without sufficient regard to decorum. Among those honoured with his notice was One Eye, as he termed Potemkin. The courier was intercepted at Riga, and Paul's witty correspondent was exiled to Astracan, where he shortly died.
MORDWINOFF DISGRACED. 279
another, entreating that Admiral Mordwinoff would take command of the squadron, which the latter only at last ac- cepted on condition of receiving carte blanche, and insisted that the Prince should not interfere in any arrangements he thought fit to make.
" I have mentioned that the Dnieper was frozen over the day after my arrival at Cherson, in consequence of which the squadron and flotilla were placed in danger, from not having been properly secured (for the season) after the departure of the Capitan Pacha. I understood that some of the vessels were lost in the Liman, and that the Wolodimer, to save her- I self, was obliged to risk the passage to Sevastopole without a good part of her ballast.
" Briefly — in a few days after my departure from Cherson, Admiral Mordwinoff* was disgraced and sent from the ser- , vice, whilst Admiral Woinowitch, who had married the j daughter of Alexiano, was placed at the head of the Admiralty, ( with the chief command of the fleet, and the entire confidence ' of Prince Potemkin.
I ** It is said that Russia has no longer need of foreign naval I officers. No one is more desirous than myself that this may ' be so, for I cannot be jealous of any one, and I must ever de- ^ sire the prosperity of a country I have served. I may, how- ' ever, be allowed to notice, that this opinion is not of very
■ ancient date. If this had been believed before the last cam- I paign, why were my service so anxiously sought after ? — It j assuredly could not have been in compliment to me, nor in
■ order afterwards to make use of me in promoting certain J political designs. I have frequently heard, that, since the war I broke out with Sweden, measures have been taken to induce
Rear-Admiral Kinsbergen to quit Holland, and re-enter the service of Russia. His countrymen allege that he had been offered the rank of vice-admiral, the Order of Alexander Nevsky, and a fixed revenue of 20,000 roubles a-year ; and that he had refused all these advantages, as he had lately
280 JONES'S SENTIMENTS.
married a wife with a fortune which enabled him to live in independence in his own country. "It is known that the King of Sweden made advantageous offers to Admiral Curtis of the English navy, to induce him to take command of the fleet against Russia ; and that this officer declined them, not wishing to hazard his professional reputation in command of a fleet which was not in so good a condition as that of England.
*' The Empress will do me the justice to remember, that when I entered her service I did not say one word regarding my personal interests. I have a soul too noble for that ; and if my heart had not been devoted to her Majesty, I would never have drawn my sword in her cause. I have now nothing for it but, like Admiral Kinsbergen, to marry a rich wife ; but I have sufficient to support me wherever I choose, and I have seen enough of the world to be a philosopher. When I arrived at the Black Sea, if reasons much stronger than those which withheld Admiral Curtis had not influenced my mind and heart, which were devoted to the Empress, I would never have hoisted my flag on board the Wolodimer. I would have refused the poor command offered me, and which was not worthy of me. I have never puffed off my own actions, nor given any piece to the press containing my own panegyric*
" I respect the names of Kinsbergen and Curtis ; but the first duty of a gentleman is to respect his own character ; and I believe, without vanity, that the name of Paul Jones is of as much value as theirs. It is thirty years since I entered the navy, and I have had for friends and instructors a d'Or-
* The pettish tone of some of these remarks affords an amusing contrast to the affected coolness and indifference of the sentiments they express ; but it should be remembered, that, just before this Journal was extended, the man who suffered all the neglect, injustice, and insult which it records, liad been nritated to the verge of despair and madness by persecution and injury of a viler and yet more despicable nature. Under the feeling of these wrongs lie writes.
. ILL TREATMENT OF OFFICERS. 281
villiers and a Pavilon. Unfortunately Prince Potemkin never gave himself the trouble to know me.
" I had the happiness to be loved by my officers and men, because I treated them justly, and set them a good example hi fight. ATter I ceased to command, though the campaign only lasted a few days, the seamen soon found the difference. They said they had lost their father : they were immediately served with bad provisions.
" I have already noticed, that Prince Potemkin had pro- mised, in presence of Admiral Mordwinoff, to advance the officers under my command, and to restore to them the seniority they had lost by the promotion of the officers of the flotilla ; but I have learnt with much pain that he has not kept his word, and that in consequence my officers, to the number of fifty, have demanded their dismission. Not one of them offered to resign while I held command. Admiral Woino- witch having represented to Prince Potemkin that without these officers the fleet was useless, he was compelled to ad- vance them all. I have been told that they were not yet satisfied, as they were not restored to their seniority, and that they proposed to quit the service at the end of the year. I hope justice will be done them, for they are brave men. For myself I have been marked out from every other officer that served in the Liman ; I alone have obtained no promotion, though I commanded and was alone responsible ! I may be told that I ought to be satisfied with having received the rank of Rear- Admiral on entering the service. I reply, that I could not have been offered an inferior grade. One officer may deserve as much in a day as another in a lifetime, and every officer ought to be advanced according to his merits. I was not favoured in rank on entering the Russian service. I had a full right to obtain that which I accepted. A man, only twenty-four years of age, has since been received into the service with the rank of major-general. I wish to say nothing against this officer ; it is not always years that give 24*
282 BAD COURTIERS.
skill, much less genius, but he must do a great deal before he has my experience.
" It is painful, for the honour of human nature, to reflect on how many malevolent and deceitful persons surround the great, and particularly crowned heads. I speak from my own unhappy experience. Some persons had the malice to make Prince Potemkin believe that I made unhandsome strictures on his mihtary conduct, and ridiculed his manner of conducting the siege of Oczakow. I have heard a great deal said on this subject, and I am aware that it excited con- siderable discontent in the army. I was told, during my illness at Cherson, that a thousand of his officers had demanded their dismission; but I defy any one to say to my face that I ever allowed myself to criticise his operations. I have been strongly attached to him, of which I have given proofs during my command, and even after he unjustly superseded me. There is evidence of this in my letter of the 7th November, at a time when I certainly had reason to complain of his conduct.
" I have been deeply injured by those secret machinations in the opinion of the Empress. My enemies have had the wickedness to make her believe that I was a cruel and brutal man; and that I had, during the American war, even hilled my own nephew !
" It is well known, that from motives of revenge, the Eng- Hsh have invented and propagated a thousand fictions and atrocities to stain, wound, and injure the celebrated men who effected the American revolution: — a Washington and a Franklin, two of the most illustrious and virtuous men that have ever adorned humanity, have not been spared by these calumniators. Are they now the less respected on this account by their fellow-citizens? — On the contrar}^, ;they are universally revered, even in Europe, as the fathers of their country, and as examples of all that is great and noble in the human character.
AMERICAN PRISONERS. 283
" In civil wars it is not wonderful that opposite factions should mutually endeavour to make it be believed that each is in the right ; and it is obvious that the party most in the wrong will always be the most calumnious. If there had really been anything against my character, the English would not have failed to • furnish convincing proofs of it. I was known, with very slender means, to have given more alarm to their three kingdoms during the war than any other individual had done.
" I have heard, that, at the period of my entering the Rus- sian service, the English in St. Petersburgh cried out against me, and asserted that I had been a contraband trader. All the world knows that men of this description are actuated entirely by avarice; and every one to whom I have the honour to be known is aware that I am one of the least sel- fish of mankind. This is known to the whole American peo- ple. I have given proofs of it not easily shown, of which I possess very flattering testimonies. In a letter written on the 29th November, 1782, to Congress, by Mr. Morris, minister of the marine and finance departments, after having made my eulogium with the warmth of a true patriot, who thoroughly knew me, he says, that * I had certainly merited the favour of Congress by services and sacrifices the most signal.' Men do not change their characters in these respects.
," If my heart has bled for the Americans, — above all, for those shut up as victims in English prisons by an act of Par- liamen*i# , sanguinary as unjust, — if I have exposed my health and my life to the greatest dangers, — if I have sacrificed my personal tranquillity and my domestic happiness, with a por- tion of my fortune and my blood, to set at liberty these vir- tuous and innocent men, — have I not given proofs sufficiently striking that I have a heart the most tender, a soul the most elevated 1 — I have done more than all this. So far from being harsh and aiiel, nature has given me the mildest disposition
284 TYRANNY IN THE ENGLISH NAVY.
I was formed for love and friendship, and not to be a seaman or a soldier, to which I have sacrificed my natural inclination.
*' As an officer I love good discipline, which I consider in- dispensable to the success of operations, particularly at sea, where men are brought into such close contact. In the English navy it is known that captains of ships are often tyrants, who order the lash for the poor seamen very fre- quently for nothing. In the American navy we have almost the same regulations ; but I look on my crew as my children, and I have always found means to manage them without flogging.
" I never had a nephew, nor any other relation, under my command. Happily these facts are known in America, and they prove how cruel and harsh I am. I have one dear nephew,* who is still too young for service, but who now pursues his studies. Since I came to Russia I have intended him for the Imperial Marine. Instead of imbruing my hands in his blood he will be cherished as my son.
" In short, my conduct has obtained for me the returns most grateful to my heart. I have had the happiness to give universal satisfaction to two great and enlightened nations which I have served. Of this I have received singular proofs. I am the only man in the world that possesses a sword given by the King of France. It is to me a glorious distinction to wear it ; and above all, to have received it as a proof of the particular esteem of a monarch so august, — a monarch who has declared himself the Protector of the rights of the human race, and who adds to this glorious title that of citizen ! I have indelible proofs of the high consideration of the United States ; but what completes my happiness is the esteem and friendship of the most virtuous of men, whose fame will be immortal ; and that a Washington, a Franklin, a D'Estaing, a La Fayette, think the bust of Paul Jones
* The only son of tlie Rear-Admiral's eldest sister, the late Mrs. Taylor of Dumfries.
JONES'S SENTIMENTS. 85
worthy of being placed side by side with their own. It is then certain that this is not the bust of one * * *
**#* ** * *
" Since I am found too frank and too sincere to -make my way at the Court of Russia without creating powerful enemies. I have philosophy enough to withdraw into the peaceful bosom of friendship ; but, as I love virtue better than reward, and as my greatest ambition is to preserve, even in the shades of re- treat, the precious favour of the Empress, I may tell her Ma- jesty, that, even in the midst of my persecutions, my mind was occupied by plans for the essential advancement of her service, of which I gave some idea to her minister in June last (1789.) I have not entered into details, for there are politicians who before now have robbed me of my liiilitary plans. I have other projects in view from which the flag of Russia might derive new lustre, and w^hich would cause but little expense to her Majesty at the outset, and perhaps no- thing in the end, if I had the direction ; for f would be able to make war support war. Whatever be the issue, I have the satisfaction of having done my duty in Russia, and that without any views of self-interest. It is affirmed, that, in general, strangers who come to Russia are adventurers in
* In the mysterious and now perhaps inexplicable intrigue set on foot at the return of Paul Jones from the Liman, to ruin him personally in the good opinion of the Empress, for he had been professionally sacrificed before, it ap- pears, by a passage following the above extravagant self-eulogium, (which we can only pardon in an indignant and persecuted man,) that accusations had been insinuated against him of a yet darker and more revolting character than the alleged murder of his nephew and the violation of a girl. Had not the latter calumny already been made public, as Paul Jones takes no notice of it in his Journal, we would scarce have polluted our pages by reference to it. The circumstance, however, has been noticed by Count Segur, and adverted to by the American biographer ; and as we possess ample means from his papers, and the testimony of Segur and Littlepage, of establishing his inno- cence in this affair, it is noticed. Indeed this absurd charge died away be- fore he left Russia, though stated by the historian of Catherine II. as the cause of his being driven from that country !
286 JONES'S SENTIMENTS.
search of fortune, not having the means of Uving in their own country. I cannot say as to this ; but I at least hope that the Empress will not class me with those.
" Briefly, I am satisfied with myself; and I have the hap- piness to know, that, though my enemies may not be converted into friends, my name will nevertheless be always respected by worthy men who know me ; and it is to me a satisfaction and a signal triumph at the moment of my leaving Russia, that the pubKc, and even the English in St. Petersburgh, with whom I had no connexion, have now changed their sentiments in regard to me, give me their esteem, and regret my de- parture.
" St. Petersburgh, 29th July, 1789."
END OF THE JOURNAl. OF THE CAMPAIGN OF THE LIMAN,
rOTEMKIA'S rilARACTER.
287
CHAPTER X.
BRIEF notice of Russian af- fairs is perhaps necessary to enable the reader to form a correct opinion of the conduct of Paul Jones during this period. The whole history of the campaign, so far as it regards Paul Jones, is comprehended 5^;;*s^l^vw+JNru^:S^^"^''^ in the character of Potemkin. He had provoked the war with Turkey from motives that his extraordinary character render credible, though in relation to any other individual they would remain unworthy of belief. Already loaded with titles, honours, dignities, and crosses of almost all the European orders, he still secretly longed for the grand ribbon of the Order of St. George, an order insti- tuted by the Empress. To dismember the Ottoman empire still farther, and procure this distinction, a war was to be provoked by intrigues, bribery, and the promotion of intestine divisions in the Turkish dominions ; and when all was pre- pared, by the insolence of the Russian envoys arid consuls, and the barefaced violation of existing treaties, the discredit of actual aggression was artfully thrown on the Porte. Russia had already virtually made war, but the Turks first declared hostilities. The person to whom the conduct of the war on the part of Russia was confided, — Field-Marshal Prince Po- temkin,— was one of the most extraordinary men of his own or of any age. If ever great genius be allied to madness it was so in the wildly-organized mind of Potemkin. The Prince
288 POTEMKIN.
de Ligne, who had closely examined his character, and Count de Segur, who long knew him intimately, and watched him strictly, have both left portraits of this singular personage, which, though French in their tone and colouring, give a tolerable idea of the exterior of the man on whose interests and caprices the fate of the Russian empire as well as of Paul Jones depended. Neither the acute Austrian, de Ligne, nor the manners-seizing Frenchman, de Segur, held, however, a plummet-line of sufficient length to sound all the depths of Po- temkin's character. The Prince de Ligne saw a great deal of " the Prince," as he was called, during the stately progress of the Empress in 1787, and afterwards at head-quarters during the campaign of 1788. His sketch of an unparalleled original, which was written exactly at the time when Potemkin was in daily contact with Paul Jones, commences thus : — " I here behold a commander-in-chief who looks idle and is always busy; who has no other desk than his knees, no other comb than his fingers ; constantly rechning on his couch, yet sleeping neither in the night nor in day-time. His zeal for the Empress he adores keeps him incessantly awake and uneasy ; and a cannon-shot, to which he himself is not exposed, disturbs him with the idea, that it costs the life of some of his soldiers; trembling for others, brave for himself; stopping under the hottest fire of a battery to give orders, yet more an Ulysses than an Achilles ; alarmed at the approach of danger, frolicsome when it surrounds him ; dull in the midst of pleasure ; unhappy in being too fortunate ; surfeited with everything ; easily disgusted, morose, inconstant ; a profound philosopher, an able minister, a sublime politician, or like a child of ten years of age ; not revengeful ; asking pardon for a pain he has inflicted; quickly repairing an injustice; think- ing he loves God when he fears the devil, whom he fancies still greater and bigger than himself; waving one hand to the females that please him, and with the other making the sign ')f the cross; embracing the feet of a statue of the Virgin, or
POTEMKm. 28U
the alabaster neck of his mistress; receiviiig numberless presents from his sovereign, and distributing them immediately to others; accepting estates of the Empress and returning them, or paying her debts without her knowledge.'** The Prince de Ligne proceeds in the same strain of antithesis: — " Gambling from morn to night, or not at all ; preferring prodigahty in giving to regularity in paying ; prodigiously rich, and not worth a farthing ; abandoning himself to distrust or to confidence, to jealousy or to gratitude, to ill-humour or to pleasantry ; talking divinity to his generals and tactics to his bishops ; never reading, but sifting every one with wdiom he converses, and contradicting to be better informed ; un- commonly affable or extremely savage ; affecting the most attractive or the most repulsive manners ; appearing by turns the proudest satrap of the East, or the most polished courtier of Louis XIV ; concealing under the appearance of harshness the greatest benevolence of heart ; whimsical with regard to time, repasts, rest, and inclinations ; like a child, wanting to have everything, or like a great man, knowing how to do without many things ; sober, though seemingly a glutton ; gnawing his fingers, or apples and turnips ; scolding or laugh- ing; mimicking or swearing; engaged in wantonness or prayers ; singing or meditating ; calling or dismissing ; send- ing for twenty aides-de-camp, and saying nothing to any of them; bearing heat better than any man, while he seems to think of nothing but the most voluptuous baths ; not caring for cold, though he appears unable to exist without furs ; always in his shirt without drawers, or in rich regimentals
* This is pure fiction. Potemkin would never, if possible, pay his own
( debts. When any one came to demand payment, PopofF his secretary was
1 asked why that man was not paid ? but, by a preconcerted signal, (the Prince
closing his hand,) the secretary was given to understand that no payment was
intended to be made : when, on the contrary, he opened his hand, which was
more rarely, the debt was to be discharged. The Empress had oflen paid his
^ debts. His rapacity exceeded his profusion.
25
290 POTEMKIN.
embroidered on all the seams ; barefoot, or in dippei? urjbrji- dered with spangles ; wearing neither hat ncr cap ; it is t\ms I saw him once in the midst of a musket-fire. SoweKmes in a night-gown ; sometimes in a splendid turac, with his three stars, his orders, and diamonds as largj as a thumb round the portrait of the Empress, — they seemed placed there to attract the balls ; — crooked and almost bent double when he is at home ; and tall, erect, proud, handsome, noble, majestic, or fascinating, w^hen he shows himself to the army, like Agamem- non in the midst of the monarchs of Greece. What, then, is his magic ? — Genius, natural abilities, an excellent memory, and much elevation of soul ; malice without the design of in- juring ; artifice without craft ; a happy mixture of caprices ; the art of conquering every heart in his good moments ; much generosity, graciousness, and justice in his rewards ; a refined or correct taste ; the talent of guessing what he is ignorant of; and a consummate knowledge of mankind."
This sketch is rather the eulogium than the true character of Potemkin. He had originally been the favourite of the Empress, from which thraldom he alone, of her numerous lovers, passed into the possession of greater political power than was enjoyed by any other man in Russia. Till his death he remained master of the destinies of the empire, and retained a paramount influence over the mind of Catherine. He held every office of importance in the state. It was even whispered, that, after the death of her favourite, Lanskoi, Catherine gave her hand in secret to Potemkin. This was doubted at the time, and, at all events, made no change in the mode of life of the Empress or the Prince. It was he, in general, who either chose or recommended the favourites that appeared in rapid succession. A part of his revenue was a hundred thousand roubles from the Empress, and the same sum from the new favourite, as often as this office was changed.
The portrait left of this extraordinary person by Count
COUNT SEGUR'S SKETCH. 291
Segur, if not exact, approaches more nearly to a true likeness than the epigrammatic sketch of De Ligne: — " Prince Gregory Alexandrovitch Potemkin was," says Segur, " one of the most extraordinary men of his times ; but, in order to have played so conspicuous a part, he must have been in Russia, and have lived in (he reign of Catherine II. In any other country, in any other times, with any other sovereign, he would have been misplaced ; and it was a singular stroke of chance that created this man for the period that tallied with him, and brought together and combined all the circumstances with which he could tally.
" In his person were collected the most opposite defects and advantages of every kind. He was avaricious and ostentatious, despotic and popular, inflexible and beneficent, haughty and obliging, politic and confiding, licentious and superstitious, bold and timid, ambitious and indiscreet. Lavish of his bounties to his relations, his mistresses, and his favourites, yet frequently paying neither his household nor his creditors. His consequence always depended on a woman ; and he was always unfaithful to her. Nothing could equal the activity of his mind, nor the indolence of his body. No dangers could appal his courage ; no difficulties force him to abandon his projects. But the success of an enterprise always brought on disgust.
" He wearied the empire by the number of his posts and the extent of his power. He was himself fatigued with the burthen of his existence ; envious of all that he did not do, and sick of all that he did. Rest was not grateful to ^im, nor occupation pleasing. Everything with him was desultory : business, pleasure, temper, carriage. In every company he had an embarrassed air, and his presence was a restraint on every company. He was morose to all that stood in awe of him, and caressed all such as accosted him with familiarity.
" Ever promising, seldom keeping his word, and never for- getting anything. None had read less than he y few people
292 COUNT SEGUR'S SKETCH.
were better informed. He had talked with the skilful in all professions, in all the sciences, in every art. None better knew how to draw forth and appropriate to himself the know- ledge of others. In conversation he would have astonished a scholar, an artist, an artisan, and a divine. His informa- tion was not deep, but it was very extensive. He never dived into a subject, but he spoke well on all subjects.
" The inequality of his temper was productive of an incon ceivable oddity in his desires, in his conduct, and in his man- ner of life. One while he formed the project of becoming Duke of Courland ; at another he thoucrht of bestowing on himself the crown of Poland. He frequently gave intimations of an intention to make himself a bishop or even a simple monk. He built a superb palace, and wanted to sell it before it was finished. One day he would dream of nothing but war ; and only officers, Tartars, and Cossacks, were admitted to him ; the next day he was busied only with pohtics ; he would partition the Ottoman empire, and put in agitation all the cabinets of Europe. At other times, with nothing in his head but the court, dressed in a naagnificent suit, covered with ribbons presented him by every potentate, displaying diamonds of extraordinary magnitude and brilliance, he was givmg superb entertainments without any occasion.
" He was sometimes known for a month, and in the face of all the town, to pass whole evenings at the apartments of a young female, seeming to have alike forgot all business and all decorum. Sometimes also, for several weeks success- ively, shut up in his room with his nieces and several men of his intimates, he would lounge on a sofa, without speaking, playing at chess, or at cards, with his legs bare, his shirt- collar unbuttoned, in a morning-gown, with a thoughtful front, his eyebrows knit, and presenting to the view of strangers who came to see him the figure of a rough and squalid Cossack.
"All these singularities often put the Empress out of
COUNT SEGUR'S SKETCH. 293
humour, but rendered him more interesting to her. In his youth he had pleased her by the ardour of his passion, by his valour, and by his masculine beauty. Being arrived at ma- turity, he charmed her still by flattering her pride, by calming her apprehensions, by confirming her power, by cherishing her fancies of oriental empire, the expulsion of the barbarians, and the restoration of the Grecian repubHcs.
" At eighteen, an under officer in the horse-guards, on the day of the revolution, he persuaded his corps to take arms, and presented to Catherine his cockade as an ornament for her sword. Soon after, become the rival of Orloff*, he per- formed for his sovereign whatever the most romantic passion could inspire. He put out his eye to free it from a blemish which diminished his beauty. Banished by his rival, he ran to meet death in battle, and returned with glory. A success- ful lover, he quickly shook off" the hypocritical farce, whose catastrophe held out to him the prospect of an obscure destiny. He himself gave favourites to his mistress, and be- came her confidant, her friend, her general, and her minister.
" Panin was president of the council, and was a stickler for the alliance of Prussia. Potemkin persuaded his mistress that the friendship of the Emperor would be of more use to her in realizing her plans against the Turks. He connected her with Joseph II., and thereby furnished himself with the means of conquering the Crimea and the country of the Nogay Tartars, which depended upon it. Restoring to these regions their sonorous and ancient names, creating a maritime force at Cherson and Sevastopole, he persuaded Catherine to come and admire herself this new scene of his glory. Nothing was spared for rendering this journe}^ renowned to the latest posterity. Thither were conveyed, from all parts of the empire, money, provisions, and horses. The highways w^ere illuminated. The Borysthenes was covered with magnificent galleys. A hundred and fifty thousand soldiers were newly
equipped. The Cossacks were brought together ; the Tartai s 2.5 *
204 COUNT SEGUR'S SKETCH.
were disciplined. Deserts were peopled for the occasion ; and palaces were raised in the trackless wild. The nakedness of the plains of the Crimea was disguised by villages built on purpose, and enlivened by fireworks. Chains of mountains were illuminated. Fine roads were opened by the army. Howling wildernesses were transformed into English gardens. The King of Poland came to pay homage to her who had crowned him, and who afterwards struck him from the throne. The Emperor Joseph II. came himself to attend the triumphal progress of the Empress Catherine; and the result of this brilliant journey was another war, w^hich the English and the Prussians impolitically instigated the Turks to undertake, and which was only a fresh instrument to the ambition of Potem- kin, by affording him an occasion to conquer Oczakow, which remained to Russia, and to obtain the grand ribbon of St. George, the only decoration that was wanting to his vanity. But these latter triumphs were the term of his life. He died in Moldavia, almost by a sudden stroke ; and his death, lamented by his nieces and by a small number of friends, concerned only his rivals, who were eager to divide his spoils, and was very soon follow^ed by a total obKvion.
" Like the rapid passage of those shining meteors which astonish us by their lustre, but are empty as air, Potemkin began everything, completed nothing, disordered the finances, disorganized the army, depopulated his country, and enriched it with other deserts. The fame of the Empress was in- creased by his conquests. The admiration they excited was for her ; and the hatred they raised for her minister. Posterity, more equitable, will perhaps divide between them both the s:\oYy of the successes and the severity of the reproaches. It will not bestow on Potemkin the title of a great man ; but it will mention him as an extraordinary person; and, to draw his picture with accuracy, he might be represented as a , real emblem, as the living image of the Russian empire. " For, in fact, he was colossal like Russia. In his mind,
POTEMKIN AND ROMANTZOFF. 295
as in that country, were cultivated districts and desert plains It also partook of the Asiatic, of the European, of the "Tar- tarian, and the Cossack ; the rudeness of the eleventh cen- tury, and the corruption of the eighteenth ; the polish of the arts, and the ignorance of the cloisters ; an outside of civili- zation, and many traces of barbarism. In a word, if we might hazard so bold a metaphor, even his two eyes, the one open, and the other closed, reminded us of the Euxine always open, and the Northern ocean, so long shut up with ice.
" This portrait may appear gigantic : but those who knew Potemkin will bear witness to its truth. That man had great defects ; but without them, perhaps, he would neither have got the mastery of his sovereign, nor that of his country. He was made by chance precisely such as he ought to be for preserving so long his power over so extraordinary a woman." *
Segur might have added, that this Russian hero was as artful as his impetuous passions permitted; vindictive, ra- pacious, and self-willed, to a degree which denoted actual frenzy. When young, and though a favourite not yet quite established in the good graces of the Empress, he was, after a quarrel with her favourites, the Orloffs, in which he lost an jeye, sent to serve under Field-Marshal Romantzoff. This distinguished commander treated him with civility, praised his mihtary conduct to the Empress, but gave him neither his confidence nor esteem. The haughty Potemkin felt the humiliation, and never forgave the man, of whom he really had nothing to complain. He engaged in a despicable intrigue to ruin the Countess Bruce, for no other reason than that she had the misfortune to be the sister of the man he hated, and who disdained to cringe before him. Paul Jones complains that his officers were not promoted during one campaign.
* Life of Catherine II., Empress of Russia, vol. iii. p. 326 — 333
296 POTEMKIN'S FOLLIES.
The officers of Romantzoffwere kept from advancement for fourteen successive years, and the Field-Marshal himself re- tired at last in chagrin and disgust. It was no unfrequent thing for Potemkin to strike the Russian officers that were about him, though he did not venture to display the same vivacity of temper to foreigners. He sometimes, in the headlong im- pulse of rage, struck even the native nobihty. Field-officers were frequently sent by him from the Crimea, and from places as distant, for a dish of a particular kind of fish-soup, which cost him three hundred roubles ; or to St. Petersburgh or Riga for a few oysters or oranges. He at one period com- pelled the Empress to dismiss one of her favourites, (recom- mended by himself sometime before,) at the same instant that she ventured to expostulate with him for having struck the uncle of this young man. He ordered her to " dismiss that white negro, (the favourite Yermoloff,) or he would never again set his foot within the palace," — and the Empress obeyed 1 YermolofF was at the same moment sent on his travels. To Paul Jones he had emphatically said, " None led him — not even the Empress !" He was exceedingly in- dignant at the Swedish war, which interfered with his views on the Ottoman empire. He termed it an old woman's war. When Catherine wrote him an account of the hasty prepara- tions she had made to repel the Swedes who were approach- ing her frontier, she inquires, with the good humour which never deserted her, " Have I done right, my master?" This was less a jesting expression than her Majesty probably imagined. The end of this semi-barbarian is not a little edifying. Saliated and disgusted with wealth, honours, con- quest, and luxury, in the latter years of his life he would sit, throughout a long winter evening, alone, spreading out his diamonds on a black velvet cloth kept for this purpose, and arranging them in different figures, as crosses, stars, &c., weighing them, or passing them from hand to hand, like a <',hild playing with cherry-stones, though certainly with not half
POTEMKIN'S LAST DAYS. 297
the enjoyment. He would often pass a couple of hours gnaw- ing his nails in gloomy silence, while he paced a saloon filled with mute company, his presence carrying dismay and blight- ing wherever he appeared. When attacked by the lingering fever which terminated his days in his fifty-second year, he disdained the advice of the court physicians despatched to him by the Empress, and continued to eat and drink with his ordinary intemperance. His usual breakfast at this time was a smoked goose, with a large quantity of wine and spirits. He dined in the same manner. His appetites were all extra- vagant and irregular, and indulged to excess. With fever raging in his blood, he determined to leave Yassy, whither he had gone to attend a congress with the agents of the Porte. He fancied the air of this place disagreed with him, and determined to go to Nicolayef, one of the towns he had built. He had not proceeded many miles, when he became so ill that his attendants lifted him from his carriage. He threw himself on the grass, and died under a tree ! This was in October, 1791. The wonders told of his riches, his estates, his gold, his diamonds, the splendour of his Tauridan Palace, and the magnificence of his fetes, resemble the enchantments of an oriental tale. Like his coadjutor, Suvvar- row. Prince Potemkin was what they were pleased to think, or call, religious. Suwarrow never massacred ten or twenty thousand of his fellow-creatures in cold blood without return- ing thanks to Heaven, and giving glory for the achievement. Potemkin, for a Russian, could not be called cruel, but he was as superstitious as the meanest of his soldiers. At one time he affected extreme sanctity and mortification of life, and even threatened to turn monk. This was for a political purpose, and the grossest hypocrisy. But his superstition was unaf- fected. He regarded himself as the peculiar favourite of Heaven, and had great faith in his own good fortune. The first success over the Turkish fleet in the campaign of 1788 was gained, as he boasted to the Prince de Ligne, on the
298 THE PRINCE OF NASSAU'S CHARACTER.
festival day of his patron, St. Gregory, — " Heaven had not forgotten him." Oczakow was stornned and carried on some other saint's day. The Prince of Nassau, the per- son with whom Paul Jones was in immediate competition, was a man of much feebler character. A sketch of his career in Russia is the strongest corroboration that the Journal of Rear- Admiral Jones can receive.
The Prince of Nassau Siegen was fickle, arrogant, and of mean capacity. Paul Jones frequently throws doubts on his personal courage ; but a man whose whole life was spent in search of wild military adventuresj and who continually exposed himself to personal danger, could scarcely have been a coward. Nassau proposed to accompany Jones in the secret expedition against England in 1779, and had abruptly aban- doned the scheme without explanation or apology, and with- out even deigning to reply to the frequent letters which the disappointed commodore addressed to him. He had served in the unfortunate attempt of the French on the Island of Jersey, and in the futile attack of the combined powers of France and Spain at Gibraltar. On the breaking out of the war with Turkey he entered the Russian service. He had previously joined the Empress, along with Potemkin, on her celebrated progress to the Crimea, and was rather a favourite with both of those personages. He obtained the command in the Black Sea, and on the arrival of Jones, there is little doubt that the rival commanders viewed each other with mutual jealousy. In an affair which took place on the 29th July, which Paul Jones has not mentioned, the Prince of Nassau, waiting in vain for orders, and at last acting without them, had the good fortune to support Prince Anhalt in a very press- ing emergency, and to save a Russian battery. In his report to Potemkin, he boastingly apologizes " for having advanced with three gun-boats, and forced the Turks to retire, without orders."
The reason of his withdrawing from the Liman before the
NASSAU'S SCHEME. 299
end of the campaign is thus related : — The supineness of Po- temkin in conducting the siege of Oczakow was the subject of much animadversion, and at last of great discontent in the army. For months he lay as if spell-bound in his camp, sur- rounded by the females and others, ministers of his luxury and pleasure, that accompanied him everywhere, displaying all the eccentricity and caprice of his character more extra- vagantly than he had ever done before. It is alleged that he was employed all this while in private intrigues to corrupt the Turkish garrison, which he expected to capitulate with- out bloodshed. In the meanwhile many lives had been lost in sorties and abortive assaults, as well as in the amphibious "warfare of the Liman. In a council of war held to concert a decisive plan of attack, Nassau offered, " if he might be in- trusted with the operation, to effect a breach in a weak part of the fortress which he had discovered, and which should be large enough to admit a whole regiment." Potemkin, of- fended by this vain boast, and never, as he afterwards said to Paul Jones, " deceived by Nassau," sarcastically asked him " how many breaches he had made at Gibraltar ?" Nassau, offended in his turn, solicited the Empress for his recall. He was accordingly employed in the North Seas, with little honour to himself and great loss to the arms of Russia. In the fol- lowing year he presented the Empress with a plan of driving the British from India, drawn up by a Frenchman, M. St. Genie, whom he patronized. The Empress was at first quite captivated with a scheme, doubly welcome from being brought forward at the very time England w^as fitting out an arma- ment which was to act in the Baltic, and thus force her to make peace with the Porte. Potemkin, who had been en raged w^ith the Swedish, or, as he called it, " the old woman's war," which interfered with his operations on the Euxine, treated this wild plan of marching a Russian army to Bengal with the derision and contempt it merited. Nassau, however, still maintained a certain degree of favour with the Empress
300 THE PRINCE OF NASSAU.
This was shown in a remarkable instance. By an injudicious and very ill-managed attack of the galley-fleet, which he commanded, on that which was commanded by Gustavus III., his fleet, though twice as large, was completely defeated, with the loss of the one-half of his vessels. His excessive arrogance was not quelled even by witnessing the disastrous consequences of his own ignorance and temerity. His vanity led him to imagine that the Russians had yielded to this very inferior Swedish force merely to " tarnish his glory." He accordingly thus insolently announced his disgraceful reverse to the Empress : — " Madam, I have had the misfortune to fight against the Swedes, the elements, and the Russians. I hope your Majesty will do me justice." To this extraordinary note the Empress replied, " You are in the right, because I am re- solved you shall be so. This is highly aristocratic, but it is therefore suitable to the country in which we live. Depend always on your affectionate Catharine."
Assisted by the counsels of several able naval officers of different countries, Nassau, before this time, had gained a victory over the Swedish fleet. This signal defeat, which soon produced peace, was deeply felt by the Empress, how- ever bravely she carried it ; and the Prince of Nassau, though loaded with honours, presented with a town-palace in St. Petersburgh, an estate, numerous peasants, and a pension of twelve thousand roubles, saw his favour decline, and after- wards entered the service of Prussia. His conduct in the Swedish campaigns affords, as was said, a strong corrobora- tion of the statements of Paul Jones : — guided by abler men, he succeeded, — left to himself, he rushed on destruction.
It is now time to resume the regular course of the memoir, which left Paul Jones re-entering St. Petersburgh.
BRITISH INFLUJEN€?.
301
CHAPTER XI.
T was under very different cir- cumstances from those which attended his first triumphal en- try about eight months before, that Jones returned to the Rus- sian capital. He, however, had still sufficient credit at court to obtain an audience of the Em- press, at which he delivered the letter of Potemkin. A few flattering promises were made to him by Count de Besbo- rodko, and he immediately began his ordinary practice of transmitting plans and projects, both diplomatic and military. While he hung on thus, vainly soliciting employment, the infamous conspiracy already alluded to was formed against his character and fortune, and threatening even his life, the ' object of which is easily traced, though the precise motives I in which it originated, and the persons who imagined an in- I terest in devising it, were never clearly ascertained, even by j the persecuted individual himself The information on this j subject which he procured long afterwards, and which will j be laid before the reader in the proper place, though plausible, 1 is neither satisfactory nor supported by much evidence. In I his future correspondence, Jones hints that he has reason to j impute this most infamous proceeding, if not directly to En- I glish influence, at least to the desire of propitiating the English [ 26
302 LETTER TO POTEMKIN.
by the sacrifice of an individual so obnoxious as he knew himself to be to that nation.*
To Russia, and Russians alone, however, belongs the entire infamy of a conspiracy to ruin a stranger who, it is enough to say, had incurred the displeasure of Potemkin. In every despotic court, but especially in that of St. Petersburgh, poli- tical intriguers will never want servile instruments to forward their basest and darkest purposes. In the present case these instruments were found of all ranks, though but of one nation.
The nature of this disgraceful affair, of which, but for the interference of Count Segur, and it might be from some latent dread of public opinion in France and America, Jones must have become the victim, will be sufficiently explained by the following letter, addressed to Prince Potemkin, after the unhappy writer had been forbidden to appear at court, and also by an extract which we shall give from the Memoirs of Count Segur ; —
Rear- Admiral Paul Jones to Prince Potemkin.
"St. Petersburgh, 13th April, 1789.
" My Lord, — Having had the advantage to serve under your orders, and in your sight, I remember, with particular satisfaction, the kind promises and testimonies of your friend- ship with which you have honoured me. As I have served all my life for honour, I had no other motive for accepting the flattering invitation of her Imperial Majesty, than a lauda- ble ambition to distinguish myself in the service of a sove- reign so magnanimous and illustrious; for I never yet have bent the knee to self-interest, nor drawn my sword for hire. A few days ago I thought myself one of the happiest men in the empire ! Your Highness had renewed to me your
* It is admitted by recent English writers that Paul Jones was dismissed from the Russian service through English influence with the Russian Court. — American Editor.
LETTER TO POTEMKIN. 303
promise of friendship, and the Empress had assigned me a command of a nature to occupy the most active and enter- prising genius.
" A bad woman has accused me of violating her daughter ! If she had told the truth, I should have candour enough to own it, and would trust my honour, which is a thousand times dearer to me than my life, to the mercy of the Empress. I declare, with an assurance becoming a military character, that I am innocent. Till that unhappy moment, I have en- joyed the public esteem, and the affection of all who knew me. Shall it be said that in Russia a wretched woman, who eloped from her husband and family in the country, stole away her daughter, lives here in a house of bad fame, and leads a debauched and adulterous life, has found credit enough on a simple complaint, unsupported hy any proof, to affect the honour of a general officer of reputation, who has merited and received the decorations of America, of France, and of this empire !
" If I had been favoured with the least intimation of a complaint of that nature having found its way to the Sove- reign, I know too well what belongs to delicacy to have pre- sented myself in the presence of the Empress before my justification.
" My servant was kept prisoner by the officei s of police for several hours, two days successively, and threatened with the knout.
" After the examination of my people before the police, I sent for and employed Monsieur Crimpin as my advocate. As the mother had addressed herself to him before to plead her cause, she naturally spoke to him without reserve, and he learned from her a number of important facts, among others, that she was counselled and supported by a distinguished man of the court.
" By the certificate of the father, attested by the pastor of the colony, the daughter is several years older than is ex-
304 LETTER TO POTEMKIN.
pressed in the complaint. And the complaint contains various other points equally false and easy to be refuted. For instance there is a conversation I am said to have held with the daughter in the Russian language, of which no per- son ever heard me pronounce tvs^o words together, — it is un- known to me.
" I thought that in every country a man accused had a right to employ advocates, and to avail himself of his friends for his justification. Judge, my Prince, of my astonishment and distress of mind, when 1 yesterday was informed that the day before, the governor of the city had sent for my advo- cate, and forbidden him, at his peril, or any other person, to meddle with my cause !
" I am innocent before God ! and my conscience knows no reproach. The complaint brought against me is an infamous lie, and there is no circumstance that gives it even an air of probability.
" I address myself to you with confidence, my Prince, and am assured that the friendship you have so kindly promised me will be immediately exerted in my favour ; and that you will not suflfer the illustrious Sovereign of this great empire to be misled by the false insinuations and secret cabals of my hidden enemies. Your mind will find more true pleasure in pleading the cause of an innocent man whom you honour with your friendship, than can result from other victories equally glorious with that of Oczakow, which will always rank among the most brilliant of military achievements. If your Highness will condescend to question Monsieur Crimpin, (for he dare not now eoen speak to me,) he can tell you many circumstances which will elucidate my innocence. I am, with profound respect, my Lord, your Highness's devoted and most obedient servant," &c., &c.
The document referred to in this letter appears quite satisfactory. It is a declaration by the husband of the woman.
CERTIFICATES. 305
" I certify, that my wife, Fredrica Sophia Koltzwarthen, has left me without any reason ; that she has been living in the city with a young man ; and that she has clandestinely, and against my will, taken away my daughter Catherine Charlotte, who is now living with her.
" Stephen Koltzwarthen.
•' Saratovvka, 7th April, 1789."
" I certify, that this is the free and voluntary declaration of Stephen Koltzwarthen, and that it is he who has signed it.
" G. Braun, Pastor,
" Saratowka, 7th April, 1789."
" I certify, that my daughter is twelve years of age.
" Stephen Koltzwarthen.
"Saratowka, 7th April, 1789."
" I certify, that Stephen Koltzwarthen has signed what is above written,
" G. Braun, Pastor:'
" Declaration of the Pastor Lamp of St. Petershurgk.
" I certify, that the name of Koltzwarthen does not at pre- sent appear in the roll of those in the communion of the church, and that previous to the day when she came to my house about the affair of her daughter, I had never seen her.
" J. Lamp, Pastor."
The result of this letter to Potemkin does not appear ; and any further information concerning this affair must be sought in the Memoirs of Count Segur. It was peculiarly fortunate for Jones that this noblem.an, a high-minded and generous in- dividual, of an honourable and a gallant nation, was at this time in Petersburgh. He at once came forward with warmth and intrepidity in defence of the persecuted stranger.
" Paul Jones," ne says, " a sharer in the victories of the Prince of Nassau, had returned to St. Petersburgh ; hiy 26*
306 GENEROSITY OF COUNT SEGUR.
enemies, unable to bear the triumph of a man whom they treated as a vagabond, a rebel, and a corsair, resolved to destroy him.
" This atrocity, which ought to be imputed to some envious cowards, was, I think, very unjustly attributed to the English officers in the Russian navy, and to the merchants who were their countrymen. These, in truth, did not disguise their animosity against Paul Jones ; but it would be unjust to affix upon all a base intrigue, which was, perhaps, but the work of tw^o or three persons, who have continued unknown.
" The American Rear- Admiral was favourably welcomed at Court; often invited to dinner by the Empress, and re- ceived with distinction into the best society in the city ; on a sudden, Catherine commanded him to appear no more in her presence.
" He was informed that he was accused of an infamous crime ; of assaulting a young girl of fourteen, of grossly violating her ; and that probably, after some preliminary in- formation, he would be tried by the Courts of Admiralty, in which there were many English officers, who were strongly prejudiced against him.
" As soon as this order w^as known, every one abandoned the unhappy American ; no one spoke to him, people avoided saluting him, and every door was shut against him. All those by whom but yesterday he had been eagerly welcomed, now fled from him as if he had been infected with a plague ; besides, no advocate would take charge of his cause, and no public man would consent to listen to him ; at last even his servants would not continue in his service ; and Paul Jones, whose exploits every one had so recently been ready to pro- claim, and whose friendship had been sought after, found him- self alone in the midst of an immense population : Petersburgh a great capital, became to him a desert.
" I went to see him ; he was moved even to tears by my visit. * I was unwilling,' he said to me, shaking me by the
INTRIGUE AGAINST JONES. 3O7
hand, * to knock at your door, and to expose myself to a fresh affront, which would have been more cutting than all the rest. I have braved death a thousand times, now I wish for it/ His appearance, his arms being laid upon the table, made me suspect some desperate intention.
" ' Resume,' I said to him, ' your composure and your courage. Do you not know that human life, like the sea, has its storms, and that fortune is even more capricious than the winds ? If, as I hope, you are innocent, brave this sudden tempest ; if, unhappily, you are guilty, confess it to me with unreserved frankness, and I will do everything I can to snatch you, by a sudden flight, from the danger which threatens you.'
" ' I swear to you upon my honour,' said he, * that I am innocent, and a victim of the most infamous calumny. This is the truth. — Some days since a young girl came to me in the morning, to ask me if I could give her some linen or lace to mend. She then indulged in some rather earnest and indecent allurements. Astonished at so much boldness in one of such few years, I felt compassion for her ; I advised her not to enter upon so vile a career, gave her some money, and dis- missed her ; but she was determined to remain.
" ' Impatient at this resistance, I took her by the hand and led her to the door ; but, at the instant when the door was opened, the little profligate tore her sleeves and her neck-ker- chief, raised great cries, complained that I had assaulted her, and threw herself into the arms of an old woman, whom she called her mother, and who, certainly, was not brought there by chance. The mother and the daughter raised the house with their cries, went out and denounced me ; and now you know all.'
«<Very well,' I said, *but cannot you learn the names of those adventurers V * The porter knows them,' he replied. * Here are their names written down, biit I do not know where they live. I was desirous of immediately presenting a me- morial about this ridiculous affair, first to the ministry, and
308 INTRIGUE AGAINST JONES,
then to the Empress; but I have been interdicted from access to both of them.' * Give me the paper,' I said; 'resume your accustomed firmness; — be comforted; — let me undertake it; — in a short time we shall meet again.'
" As soon as I had returned home, I directed some sharp and intelligent agents, who were devoted to me, to get infor- mation respecting these suspected females, and to find out what was their mode of life. I was not long in learning that the old woman was in the habit of carrying on a vile traffic in young girls, whom she passed off as her daughters.
"When I was furnished with all the documents and attesta- tions for which I had occasion, I hastened to show them to Paul Jones. * You have nothing more to fear,' said I ; * the wretches are unmasked. It is only necessary to open the eyes of the Empress, and let her see how unworthily she has been deceived ; but this is not so very easy : truth encounters a multitude of people at the doors of a palace, who are very clever in arresting its progress ; and sealed letters are, of all others, those which are intercepted with the greatest art and care.
" ' Nevertheless, I know that the Empress, who is not igno- rant of this, has directed, under very heavy penalties, that no one shall detain on the way any letters which are addressed to her personally, and which may be sent to her by post; therefore, here is a very long letter which I have written to her in your name ; nothing of the detail is omitted, ahhough it contains some rough expressions. I am sorry for the Em- press ; but since she heard and gave credit to a calumny, it is but right that she should read the justification with patience. Copy this letter, sign it, and I will take charge of it ; I will send some one to put it in the post at the nearest town. Take courage ; believe me, your triumph is not doubtful.'
" In fact, the letter was sent and put in the post ; the Em- press received it; and, after having read this memorial, which Cvas fully explanatory, and accompanied by undeniable attes-
INTRIGUE DEFEATED. 309
tations, she inveighed bitterly against the informers, revoked her rigorous orders, recalled Paul Jones to court, and received him with her usual kindness.
" That brave seaman enjoyed with a becoming pride a re- paration which was due to him ; but he trusted very little to the compliments that were unblushingly heaped upon him by the many persons who had fled from him in his disgrace ; and shortly afterwards, disgusted with a country where the for- tune of a man may be exposed to such humiliations, under the pretence of ill health, he asked leave of the Empress to retire, which she granted him, as well as an honourable order and a suitable pension.
" He took leave, after having expressed to me his gratitude for the service which I had rendered him ; and his respect for the Sovereign, who, although she might be led into an error, knew at least how to make an honburable reparation for a fault and an act of injustice."
This account is substantially correct. There are some petty errors of detail, but nothing whatever to detract from the noble spirit of generosity in which Count Segur acted to an unfortunate and ill-treated man.
A letter to the Empress, which is still among those papers of Paul Jones which he so carefully collected and preserved, cannot be that alluded to by Count Segur ; it has every internal mark of his own authorship ; and as it is one of his pieces justijicatives, we are inclined to believe it the letter really sent to the Empress : —
(Translation.) " Letter of Rear- Admiral Paul Jones to the Empress of all the Russias
" St. Petersburgh, 17th May, 1789.
" Madam, — I have never served but for honour, I have never sought but glory, and I believed I was in the way of obtaining both, when, accepting the offers made me on the
310
LETTER TO THE EMPRESS.
Catherine II.
part of your Majesty, I entered your service. I was in Ame- rica when M. de Simolin, through Mr. Jefferson, Minister of the United States at Paris, proposed to me, in name of your Majesty, to take the chief command of the forces in the Black Sea, which were intended to act against the Turks. I abandoned my dearest interests to accept an invitation so flattering, and I would have reached you instantly if the United States had not intrusted me with a special commission to Denmark. Of this I acquitted myself faithfully and promptly." Here follows a detail of that singular voyage performed by the Chevalier in his haste and zeal to reach St. Petersburgh, with the particulars of which the reader is already acquainted. We pass this, and resume: — " The dis-
LETTER TO THE EMPRESS. 3H
tinguished reception which your Majesty deigned to grant me, the kindness with which you loaded me, indemnified me for the dangers to which I had exposed myself for your service, and inspired me with the most ardent desire to encounter more. But knowing mankind, and aware that those persons whom their superiors distinguish and protect are ever the objects of jealousy and envy to the worthless, I entreated your Majesty never to condemn me unheard. You con- descended to give me that promise, and I set out with a mind as tranquil as my heart was satisfied.
" In the ports of the Black Sea I found affairs in a very
; critical condition. The most imminent danger threatened us, and our means were feeble. Nevertheless, supported by the love which all your subjects bear to your Majesty, by their courage, by the ability and foresight of the chief who led us, and by the Providence which has always favoured the arms of your Majesty, we beat your enemies, and your flag was
I covered with fresh laurels.
[ " I would not notice. Madam, what I then achieved, if Prince Potemkin had not distinguished my services by reiterated thanks, both in speech and writing ; and if your Majesty, informed by the Prince-Marshal of my conduct in the first affair which took place on the Liman, had not in- vested me with the honourable badge of the Order of St. Anne. Since that period, though I have been hampered by limited orders, I have committed no professional error; I have often exposed myself to personal danger, and I have even stooped to sacrifice my personal feelings and interests to my devotion for the good of the service.
" At the close of the campaign I received orders to return to court, as your Majesty intended to employ me in the North Seas, and I brought with me a letter from Prince Potemkin for your Majesty, in which he mentioned my zeal and the importance of my services. 1 had the honour to present it, and M. le Comte de Besborodko acquainted me that a com-
312 LETTER TO THE EMPRESS.
mand of greater importance than that of the Black Sea, and affording full scope for the display of talent and intelligence, was intended for me. Such was my situation, when, upon the mere accusation of a crime, the very idea of which wounds my delicacy, I was driven from court, deprived of the good opinion of your Majesty, and forced to employ the time which I wish to devote to the defence of your empire in clearing myself from the stains with which calumny had covered me.
" Condescend to believe, Madam, that if I had got the slightest hint that a complaint of such a nature had been made against me, and still more that it had reached your Majesty, I know too well what is owing to delicacy to have ventured to appear before you till I was completely ex- culpated.
" Knowing neither the laws, the language, nor the forms of justice of this country, I needed an advocate, and ob- tained one ; but, whether from terror or intimidation, he stopt short all at once, and durst not undertake my defence, though convinced of the justice of my cause. But truth may always venture to show itself alone and unsupported at the foot of the throne of your Majesty. I have not hesitated to labour unaided for my own vindication ; I have attested proofs ; and if such details may appear under the eyes of your Majesty, I present them, and if your Majesty will deign tp order some person to examine them, it will be seen by the report which will be made, that my crime is a fiction, invented by the avarice of a wretched woman, who has been countenanced, perhaps incited, by the malice of my numerous enemies. Her husband has given evidence of her infamous conduct. His signature is in my hands, and the pastor of the district has assured me, that if the college of justice will give him an order to this effect, he will obtain an attestation from the country people that the mother of the girl referred to is a wretch absolutely unworthy of belief.
LETTER TO THE EMPRESS. 313
" Take a soldier's word, Madam ; believe an officer whom two great nations esteem, and who has been honoured with flattering marks of their approbation, (of which your Majesty will soon receive a direct proof from the United States,*) I am innocent ! and if I were guilty, I would not hesitate to make a candid avowal of my fault, and to commit my honour, which is a thousand times dearer to me than my life, to the hands of your Majesty.
" If you deign, Madam, to give heed to this declaration, proceeding from a heart the most frank and loyal, I venture from your justice to expect that my zeal will not remain longer in shameful and humiliating inaction. It has been useful to your Majesty, and may again be so, especially in the Mediterranean, where, with insignificant means, I will under- take to execute most important operations, the plans for which I have meditated long and deeply. But if circumstances, of which I am ignorant, do not admit the possibility of my being employed during the campaign, I hope your Majesty will give me permission to return to France or America, granting, as the sole reward of the services I have rendered, the hope of renewing them at some future day.
" Nothing can ever change or eftace in my heart the deep feehngs of devotedness with which your Majesty has inspired
me.
" To you, Madam, I am personally devoted. I would
rather have my head struck off than see those ties broken asunder which bind me to your service. At the feet of your Majesty I swear to be ever faithful to you, as well as to the empire, of which you form the happiness, the ornament, and the glory. — I am,
With the most profound respect,
Madam, &c."
•There are, as was said, several important mistakes, though
* Referring to the medal ordered to be struck by Congress, 27
314 DIPLOMACY.
no wilful misrepresentation whatever, in the details given by Count Segur. Though Jones was so far exculpated as to be permitted to appear again at court, it was merely for the cere- mony of taking leave of the Empress and royal family, when he had, as will appear, been virtually dismissed from Russia The Order of St. Anne, to which Segur refers, he had obtained long before. So far was he from receiving any pension from Russia, that his small appointments were tardily paid, and not till after repeated soHcitation. Instead of being loaded " with compliments," he was treated while he continued to hang on in the hope of employment, first with the most chilling neglect, and afterwards with repulsive rudeness. Besborodko, the favourite minister of Catherine, who, on his coming to Russia, had overwhelmed the Rear- Admiral with kindness, shut his doors in the face of the supernumerary officer, and did not affect to disguise his weariness and disgust of the applausive recapitulations of past services and projects for future mari- time achievements with which he continued to be annoyed by the man whose day was gone by. The alleged crime of the Rear-Admiral, had his guilt even been established, w^ould, we are apt to think, have been no insurmountable barrier to his success in Russia, had a continuance of his services been wished for; nor was his innocence found any recommenda- tion. The Empress may have expressed herself in the terms stated by Count Segur, but this as certainly produced no favourable change in the position of the party so grossly in- jured. His correspondence with Besborodko, after this affair had been closed up, shows the real nature of his situation, and affords a painful and humiliating picture of the dying struggles of ambition.
To strengthen his interests in Russia, Paul Jones at this time endeavoured to bring into play a little diplomatic in- fluence, knowing the avidity with which that grasping and ambitious power caught at every appearance of advantage. He had written thus to Mr. Jefferson soon after his return
' ^ LETTER TO THE MINISTER. 315
from the Liman : — " I can only inform you that I returned here by the special desire of the Empress, but I know not as yet how or where I am to be employed for the next campaign. 1 mentioned in my last, as my opinion, that if the new government of America determines to chastise the Algerines, I think it now a favourable moment to conclude a treaty with Russia. The Turks and Algerines were combined against us on the Black Sea. The United States could grant leave for Russia to enlist American seamen, and, making a common cause with Russia in the Mediterranean, might at the peace obtain a free navigation from and to the Black Sea. Such a connexion might lead to various advantages in the commerce between the two nations."
Whether Mr. Jefferson thought the Admiral too desirous of cutting out work for himself, or that he rather stepped out of his department in interfering in such affairs, his hints appear to have met with the return to which he was well accustomed — neglect, — neglect Which might have repelled a haughtier spirit, and which, in many instances, was keenly felt by him, without, however, deterring him from renewed attempts to bring himself by every possible means into notice.
He waited for some weeks after his character was cleared at court before he sent the minister the following letters, which were formerly alluded to : —
" To his Excellency Count Beshorodko from Rear-Admiral Paul Jones.
« St. PkTirtisBURGH, 24tb June, 1789. " Sir, — When I had the honour to see your Excellency last week, I ventured to promise myself that in two days I would be made acquainted with the ulterior intention of her Majesty, whether this was to give me a command, or a tem- porary leave of absence. No doubt important affairs have occasioned the delay. You will, I hope, have the goodness to permit me to present myself at your hotel to-morrow after
316 LETTER TO THE MINISTER.
noon ; for if it is thought fit to employ my services, there is no time to lose, seeing the advance of the season.
"The detachment of vessels of which your Excellency spoke to me might probably be most useful in the operations which I have projected ; but, at the same time, I regard the plan mentioned in the private note which I have sent you as very useful. I would then wish (if circumstances permitted) to combine these plans ; and then I think there would be reason to be satisfied with the result.
" I have mentioned to your Excellency that I am the only officer who made the campaign of the Liman without being promoted ; but I beseech you to believe that I have not ac- cepted of service in Russia to occasion embarrassment; and since the Empress had given me her esteem and her confi- dence, I wish for nothing save new opportunities to prove my devotion by fresh services."
This letter elicited no reply, and produced no improvement in the situation of the applicant, save that the leave of absence at which he hinted, though it was the last thing he wished for, was at once accorded, there being evidently an anxious wish to be rid of himself, his projects, and importunities. The sub- joined letter, written soon afterwards, may teach a lesson of contentment, and even of cheerful gratitude, to those persons, if such there be, who, in their ignorance of pubUc life, may envy the brilliant fortunes of a successful warrior under the patronage of a despotic sovereign.
" Rear- Admiral Paul Jones to Count de Beshorodko.
" St. Petersburqh, 14th July, 1789. " Sir, — I presented myself at your hotel the day before yesterday, to take leave, and, at the same time, to entreat of you to expedite my commission, my passport, and the leave of absence which her Majesty has thought fit to grant me. Though I have perceived on several former occasions that you have shunned giving me any opportunity to speak with
LETTER TO THE MINISTER. 317
you, I made myself certain that this could not occur at a last interview ; and I confess I was very much surprised to see you go out by another door, and depart without a single ex- pression of ordinary civility addressed to me at the moment of my leaving Russia, to console me for all the bitter morti- fications I have endured in this empire. Before coming to Russia I had been connected with several governments, and no minister ever either refused me an audience, or failed to reply to my letters.
" After the eagerness with which my services were sought, and the fair promises that were made me, I had reason to believe that I would find in Russia everything pleasant and agreeable. I was confirmed in this belief from the essential services which I had the good fortune to render the empire. I am aware that your Excellency is sometimes teased by im- portunate persons, but, as I am a man of delicacy in every- thing, I deserve to be distinguished from the common herd.
" On the 6th of June, the last time you gave me an oppor- tunity of speaking with you, I gave you a confidential note, containing the details of a plan by which, without inter- fering with any other project, and with the utmost economy, great service might be done to Russia. You promised to submit it to the Empress ; and you yourself proposed to place a detachment of vessels under my command, to serve during the existing campaign in the Black Sea, and afterwards in the Mediterranean. I could not have imagined that these plans were so carelessly to be thrown aside ; and, in place of dis- " cussing and arranging them with you, I was very much as- tonished when his Excellency the Count de Bruce announced to me that the Empress had granted me a leave of two years.
" On the 1st of February I gave in, by order of his Excel- lency, Count Ostermann, the plan of a treaty, political and commercial, between Russia and the United States. As the Vice-Chancellor spoke to me of going to America about th'is purpose, and as I shall soon again be connected with my old 27*
318 AUDIENCE OF LEAVE.
friends who constitute the present government of the United States, I would be extremely happy to learn, through your Excellency, the intentions of her Imperial Majesty in this respect, and to be appointed to forward an alliance by which Russia must gain.
" The United States having concluded a treaty of friend- ship and commerce with the Emperor of Morocco, are about to propose to the different powers of Europe a war with the other Barbary states, and to form a confederation against these pirates, till they shall be annihilated as maritime powers. It is proposed, that even the event of a war between the con- tracting parties shall not disturb the confederation. It would be worthy of the august Sovereign of this empi^-e to place herself at the head of an alliance so honourable, and of which the consequences must be so useful to Russia. It would give me peculiar satisfaction if your Excellency thought fit to ap- point me to make known the intentions of the Empress to the United States on these two points, and I trust I should be able to acquit myself of so honourable a duty to your contentment.
" I have the honour to be, with sincere attachment and high consideration," &c, &c.
His Excellency did not " think fit" to make the solicited ap- pointment.
The Rear- Admiral, as unfortunate in his attempts to obtain a diplomatic mission as a naval command, was now obliged to turn his back on Russia, and devour his chagrin and dis- appointment as he best could. He had, however, the honour of an audience of leave, though he found considerable diffi- culty in obtaining his pay and arrears. " When," he says in a letter to M. Genet, " the Count de Bruce sent for me on the 27th June," (two days only after his letter to Besborodko,) ** he told me, on the part of the Empress, that her Imperial Majesty had granted me a leave for two years, with the ap- pointments belonging to my military rank during my absence.
COUNT SEGUR'S LETTER. 319
The Count de Besborodko wrote me, 30th July, informing me that M. de Strekalow had received her Majesty's orders with respect to my appointments and arrearages. I have not been able to see M. de Strekalow, though I have called frequently at the cabinet. I have only received my appointments from the time of my entry into the service to the 1st of July, at the rate of 1800 roubles* a-year ; and I was told yesterday at the cabinet, that her Majesty likewise mentions nothing but the appointments then due. If I could believe that this was her Majesty's intention I should remain silent ; for I certainly did not accept the service her Majesty offered me on account of my appointments or the usual emoluments of my grade."
He was satisfied in this respect, and thus left St. Peters- burgh.
The reader, in possession of the real circumstances attending the departure of Paul Jones from Russia, will be able to esti- mate aright the following letter and paragraph, put forth from the kindest motives by Count de Segur, immediately before the Rear- Admiral left that country : —
Count de Segur to Count Montmorln.
" St. Petersburgh, 21st July, 1789.
** The enemies of the Vice- Admiral Paul Jones having caused to be circulated reports entirely destitute of foundation, concerning the journey which this general officer is about to undertake, I would wish the enclosed article, the authenticity of which I guarantee, should be inserted in the Gazette of France, and in the other public papers which are submitted to the inspection of your department. This article will unde- ceive those who have believed the calumny, and will prove to the friends and to the compatriots of the Vice- Admiral, that he has sustained the reputation acquired by his bravery and his talents during the last war ; that the Empress desires to
* A rouble was in 1789 worth about four shillings English money.
320 JONES LEAVES ST. PETERSRURGH.
retain him in her service ; and that if he absents himself at this moment, it is with his own free-will, and for particular reasons, which cannot leave any stain on his honour.
" The glorious marks of the satisfaction and bounty of the King towards M. Paul Jones, his attachment to France, which he has served so usefully in the common cause, his rights as a subject and as an admiral of the United States, the protec- tion of the ministers of the King and my personal friendship for this distinguished officer, with whom I made a campaign in America, are so many reasons which appear to me to jus- tify the interest which I took in all that concerned him during his stay in Russia.
" The Count de Segur."
" Article to be inserted in the Pullic Prints, and particularly in the Gazette
of France.
" St. Petersburgh, 21st July, 1789.— The Vice-Admiral Paul Jones being on the point of returning to France, where private affairs require his presence, had the honour to take leave of the Empress the 7th of this month, and to be admitted to kiss the hand of her Imperial Majesty, * who confided to him the command of her vessels of war stationed on the Liman during the campaign of 1788. As a mark of favour for his conduct during this campaign, the Empress has decorated him with the insignia of the order of St. Anne ; and her Imperial Majesty, satisfied with his services, only grants him permission to absent himself for a limited time, and still preserves for him his emoluments and his rank."
This was putting the best face on the affair ; and the par- agraph appeared in the Gazette of France, and in many other journals.
Early in September Jones left St. Petersburgh for Warsaw,
* " This general officer, so celebrated by his brilliant actions during the rourse of the American war, was Called, in 1787, to the service of her Impe- rial Majesty." — Note to the Newspaper Paragraph.
M. DE GENET'S CONDUCT. 321
furnished with letters of introduction, explanation, and vindi- cation, from the Count de Segur to different individuals, all written in the same generous spirit as the above. The kind- ness of Count Segur to a man placed in a situation generally so fatal to court-friendships does him great honour. His original letters still remain among the papers of the Rear- Ad- miral, who, however, transmitted copies of them to many of his friends. Count Segur was not the only Frenchman who sustained the calumniated stranger under the base attempts of his enemies. M. de Genet, the younger, was at this time the secretary of legation at St. Petersburgh. Paul Jones, at a former period, had been intimate v;ith the father and family of this gentleman at Versailles^ and the young French- man did not now forget his father's former friend. M. de Genet undertook the arrangement of his pecuniary affairs with the Russian government, and gave him a letter to his sister, the celebrated Madame Campan, explaining the atrocious slanders propagated in St. Petersburgh, and placing the innocence of the calumniated individual beyond all suspicion. This original letter also remains among the papers of the Rear-Admiral. It was some months before he re- turned to Paris, and he might then have felt reluctant to revive the recollection of a charge so disgusting as to make the task of vindication both humiliating and painful to a mind of any delicacy.
In 1791, in writing from Paris to Mr. Jefferson, then in America, Jones gives the following clue to the mystery of his treatment in Russia. " Chevaher Littlepage, now here on his way from Spain to the north, has promised me a letter to you on my subject, which I presume will show you the mean- ness and absurdity of the intrigues that were practised for my persecution at St. Petersburgh. I did not myself com- prehend all the blackness of that business till he came here, and related to me the information he received from a gentle- man of high rank in the diplomatic department, with whom
322 LETTER TO JEFFERSON.
he had travelled in company from Madrid to Paris. That gentleman had long resided in a public character at St. Petersburgh, and was there all the time of the pitiful complot against me, which was conducted by a little great man be- hind the curtain. The unequalled reception with which I had at first been honoured by the Empress had been ex- tremely mortifying and painful to the English at St. Peters- burgh ; and the courtier just mentioned, (finding that politics had taken a turn far more alarming than he had expected at the beginning of the war,) wishing to soothe the Court of London into a pacific humour, found no first step so expedient as that of sacrificing me. But, instead of producing the effect he wished, this base conduct, on which he pretended to ground a conciliation, rather tended to widen the political breach, and made him despised by the Enghsh minister, by the Enghsh cabinet, and by the gentleman who related the secret to Mr. Littlepage." The letter of Mr. Littlepage, transmitted to Mr. Jefferson along with the above, in part confirms this solution of an intrigue, so essentially Rus- sian. Yet there remains some secret cause and move- ment which it is impossible to fathom. " The campaign, upon the Liman," says Chevalier Littlepage, " added lustre to the arms of Russia, and ought to have established for ever the reputation and fortune of the gallant officer to whose conduct those successes were owing." (Littlepage attributes to the Rear-Admiral the entire success of the campaign of 1788 ; not, like Count Segur, dividing his laurels with Nas- sau ; and it is to be remembered, that Littlepage was an eye witness of an important part of it.) " Unfortunately," he continues, " in Russia, more perhaps than elsewhere, every- thing is governed by intrigue. Some political motives, I have reason to think, concurred in depriving Rear-Admiral Paul Jones of the fruits of his service ; he was thought to be particularly obnoxious to the English nation, and the idea of paying a servile compliment to a power whose emnity oc-
JONES AT WARSAW. 323
casions all the present embarrassments of Russia Induced some leading persons to ruin him, in the opinion of the Em- press, by an accusation too ridiculous to be mentioned."
On leaving Warsaw, it was the intention of Paul Jones to return to France by Copenhagen and Berlin ; but, as it was known that he had left Russia dissatisfied, he deemed it best to avoid all farther occasion of giving his enemies any handle against him, and accordingly kept away from places where it might be presumed that he was tempted to tell tales, or utter complaints.
Disgrace at Petersburgh did not at this juncture imply a cold reception at Warsaw ; and in this capital — soon to be a capital no more — Jones was well received, and remained for two months. From Warsaw he despatched the Journal of his American Campaigns for the perusal of the Empress, and also an abridgment of the Journal of his Campaign on the Liman. Her Imperial Majesty had, it seems, at some former period, civilly expressed a desire to see his Journal of the American war. The old spirit was not yet quite subdued. " I have added," he says, " some testimonies of the high and unanimous consideration of the United States, and of the pri- vate esteem with which I was honoured by several great men to whom I am perfectly known, such as M. Malsherbes and the Count d'Estaing of France, and Mr. Morris, minister of the American marine. I owe to my own reputation and to truth, to accompany this Journal with an abridgment of that of the campaign of the Liman. If. you, Madam, read it with attention, you will see how Httle I have deserved the mortifi- cations I have suffered, — mortifications which the justice and goodness of your Majesty can alone make me forget.
" As I never offended in word or thought against the laws of the strictest delicacy, it would assuredly be most desirable to me to have the happiness of regaining, in spite of the malice of my enemies, the precious esteem of your Majesty. [ would have taken leave with a heart fully satisfied, had I
324 LETTER TO THE EMPRESS.
been sent to fight the enemies of the Empress, instead of oc- cupying myself with my own private affairs.
" Trusting entirely on the gracious promise that your Ma- jesty gave me, * never to condemn me without a hearing,' and being devoted to you, heart and soul,
" I am with profound respect," &c. &c.
To ensure the Journal reaching the hands of the Empress, this postscript is added to the above loyal effusion: — " I shall have the honour of sending the Journal by the courier of Wed- nesday next, with the proofs of every separate article. It will be sealed with my arms, and addressed to your Majesty, and sent under a second cover, to the address of M. de Chrapo- witzky." With all these precautions he feared that his Jour- nal w^as intercepted, as it contained such " damning proofs against his enemies."
LETTER TO KOSCIUSKO.
325
CHAPTER XII.
URING his stay in Warsaw, Paul Jones became known to the celebrated Kosciusko. On leaving Poland he sent a fare- well note to this noble patriot and determined hater of Rus* sia, which was followed by a rather singular correspondence. Sweden was at this time in the heat of war, and it had been rumoured that the discontented American, who had for a brief space prided himself on being a Russian officer, was now ready to take service with Gustavus III. This report was one reason for Jones avoiding the route of Copenhagen on his way to Holland, and choosing rather to go by Vienna.
" Rear-Admiral Paul Janes to Major General Kosciusko.
Warsaw, November 2d, 1789.
" My dear General, — I intend to set out this day for Vienna, where I shall only stop a few days. I shall then go to Strasburgh, and from thence to Holland, where I expect to I arrive before the 1st of December. My address in Holland I is under cover to Messieurs Nic. and Jacob Stophorst, Am- sterdam.
" As I shall be in relation with our friends in America, I shall not fail to mention on all occasions the honourable employment and the respect you have attained in your own 28
326
LETTER TO KOSCIUSKO.
Kosciusko.
country, and the great regard you retain for the natives of America, where your character is esteemed, and your name justly beloved for your services. — I am," &c.
KOSCIUSKO'S ANSWER. 327
The letter of General Kosciusko* is written in English, a language which he wrote but imperfectly. The original or- thography is retained.
" General Kosciusko to Rear-Admiral Paul Jones, Amsterdam.
"Warsaw, 15th February, 1790.
" My dear Sir, — I had the honour to write you the 1st or 3d of February. I do not recollect ; but I gave you the in- formation to apply to the minister of Sweden at the Hague, for the propositions (according to what M. D'Engestrom told me) they both had order to coQimunicate you. I wish with all my heart that could answer your expectation. I am totaly
' * Thaddeus Kosciusko was a native of Poland, and of good birth. He was educated at the Cadet-School of Warsaw, and was one of four pupils annually chosen by the king, and sent to complete their military studies in France or Germany. He was instructed at the Military Academy of Versailles, and ac- quired a thorough knowledge of every department of military science, particu- larly engineering. It is related, that on returning home he fell desperately in love with a young lady, who eloped with him. The lovers were pursued and ( overtaken before they could pass the frontiers of Poland ; and as Kosciusko ' could only retain his mistress by killing her father, he resigned her. In con- j sequence, it is said, of this adventure, but more probably from the love of era- I ployment and distinction, the young Pole went to America, and was appointed by General Washington one of his aides-de-camp. He continued there till the end I of the war. The part he afterwards acted in his native country is well known. j In the battle in which he was made prisoner, he had three horses killed under i him, and was captured as he fell wounded from the last. He was kept in a I Russian dungeon till the death of the Empress Catherine, and only liberated I by Paul at his accession. He afterwards visited America and England, and j was received with the highest distinction. When Bonaparte entered Poland ' he tried to move the nation by a proclamation issued in the name of the pa- triot chief; but Kosciusko disowned it, and refused to have any alliance either with the French conqueror or with the Russian Emperor, Alexander. "He j lived," says his biographer, " in proud independence, superior to fortune and to 1 kings." His latter years were passed at Soleure, where he distinguished hira- self by generosity to the poor. He possessed a highly-cultivated mind, and was passionately fond of poetry, particularly the works of the English poets, with which he became well acquainted. He died in October 1817, in the 65th year of his age.
328 LETTER TO KOSCIUSKO.
ignorant what they are ; but I could see you to fight against the opression and tyranny. Give me news of everything. — I am, dear Sir,
" Your most humble and most " obedient servant,
" J. Kosciusko, G. M." " Write me, if you please, who is minister from America at Paris : I want to know his name."
In answer to this letter Jones wrote from Amsterdam in the following month : —
" My dear Sir, — The letter you did me the honour to write me the 2d February, was delivered to my bankers here, by a man who demanded from them a receipt. I was then at the Ha^ue, and your letter was transmitted to me. On my return here, some days ago, I found another letter from you of the 15th February. This letter had, by the same man, been put into the hands of my bankers. You propose, if I am not mistaken, that I should apply to a gentleman at the Hague, who has something to communicate to me. But a moment's reflection will convince you that considerations of what I owe to myself, as well as the delicacy of my situa- tion, do not permit me to take such a step. If that gentleman has anything to communicate to me, he can either do it by writing, by desiring a personal conference, or by the media- tion of a third person. I have shown your letter to my bankers, and they have said this much to the gentleman from whom they received it ; but this message, they say, he re- ceived with an air of indifierence."
Thus terminated the enigmatical correspondence between Paul Jones and the illustrious Pole. Reckoning a little on the disinterested love of freedom, common to all Americans, and somewhat more, probably, on the avowed discontent of the Rear-Admiral, Kosciusko may have wished to draw him into some of those daring schemes with which his
JONES'S LETTERS. 329
own mind, on the highest and purest motives, was now anxiously occupied. But the Ungering hope and ardent desire of being again recalled to serve in Russia, cherished in spite of all he had seen and suffered, had not yet left the mind of Jones. To this delusive hope he indeed clung, to the very close of his hfe. Prudence, besides, forbade a negotiation of so mysterious and suspicious a kind; and there was both honesty and discretion in avoiding it.
While in Holland, Jones wrote many letters to different quarters, desirous to re-establish himself in the good opinion of some old friends, and to revive himself in the memory of others from whom he had been estranged during his Russian bondage, or splendid exile, — for it may be called indifferently by either name. His letters about this time exhibit a curious struggle between the desire of domestic peace and the am- bition of again launching into the heady current of public life. He appears at a loss what plan to pursue, whether to purchase a small estate in America, and seek the enjoyments of that tranquil life which in reality possessed no charms for him ; to marry a rich wife, or to drag on an existence in the longing, lingering hope of bemg recalled to Russia. His letters reflect the exact complexion of his thoughts, disturbed, broken, and changeful.
He, however, once more felt in security, and gave his pen such scope, that innumerable letters bear date at the Hague or Amsterdam, between December 1789, and March 1790.
A selection from the important part of his copious corres- pondence at this period must be more satisfactory to the reader than any detail we can give; his letters of a private kind written at this time are reserved for the limited portion of this memoir devoted to the domestic history of its subject. 28*
330
LETTER TO WASHINGTON.
Washington.
" Rear- Admiral PaulJones to General Washington, President of the United States.
. '' Amsterdam, December 20, 1789.
" Sir, — I avail myself of the departure of the Philadelphia packet, Captain Earle, to transmit to your Excellency a letter I received for you on leaving Russia in August last, from my friend, the Count de Segur, minister of France at St. Peters- burgh. That gentleman and myself have frequently conversed on subjects that regard America ; and the most pleasing re- flection of all has been, the happy establishment of the new- constitution, and that you are so deservedly placed at the head of the government by the unanimous voice of America. Your name alone, Sir, has established in Europe a confidence
LETTER TO MR. ROSS. 331
that was for some time before entirely wanting in American concerns ; and I am assured, that the happy effects of your administration are still more sensibly felt throughout the United States. This is more glorious for you than all the laurels that your sword so nobly won in support of the rights of human nature. In war your fame is immortal as the hero of Liberty ! In peace you are her patron, and the firmest sup- porter of her rights ! Your greatest admirers, and even your best friends, have now but one wish left for you, — that you may long enjoy health and your present happiness.
"Mr. Jefferson can inform you respecting my mission to
I the court of Denmark. I was received and treated there with marked politeness ; and if the fine words I received are true, the business will soon be settled. I own, however, that I should have stronger hopes if America had created a respecta- ble marine ; for that argument would give weight to every transaction with Europe. I acquitted myself of the commis-
I sion with which you honoured me when last in America, by
( delivering your letters with my own hands at Paris to the
, persons to whom they were addressed."
I He also wrote Franklin and Mr. Ross. Both of these let-
( ters have interest. i
" Amsterdam, December 27, 1789.
i *' Dear Sir, — I beg leave to refer you to Doctor Franklin or to General St. Clair for an explanation of my reasons for having left Russia. I have by this opportunity sent to those gentlemen testimonies in French that cannot fail to justify me in the eyes of my friends in America.
" You have no doubt been informed, perhaps by Mr. Parish, of the unhandsome conduct of Le Conteulex and Co. with regard to the letter of credit you gave me on them "when I was last in America for six thousand Hvres. As I Was landed in England instead of France, I went to London to make an arrangement with Dr. Bancroft for supplying the
332 LETTER TO FRANKLIN.
expense of my mission to Denmark. He promised to place funds for my use at Amsterdam. I went to Paris, and took a letter of credit from Le Conteulex on Amsterdam hy way of precaution. On my arrival at Amsterdam I found that Bancroft had not kept his word, nor ever wrote me a line. I then depended on the credit that Le Conteulex had, without the least difficulty, given me in an open letter ; but his cor- respondent imformed me he had received orders to pay me nothing till more explicit and satisfactory accounts should be received from you ! I had then no funds in my hands ; and if I had not had the fortune to be immediately relieved from a quarter on which I had no claim, I should have found my- self in great distress.
" I should be glad to know the state of the bank, &c., though I at present want no remittance. My address is, un- der cover, to Messrs. N. and J. Van-Stophorst and Hubbard, Amsterdam. Present my respectful compliments to Mrs. Ross and the young ladies. I may perhaps return to America in the latter end of the summer ; and in that case I shall wish to purchase a little farm, where I may live in peace. I am always aftectionately yours.
" John Ross, Esq., Philadelphia.
" JV. B. — I presume you have received my bust, as Mr. Jefferson has forwarded it for you."
Paul Jones to Dr. Franklin.
" Amsterdam, December 27, 1789.
" Dear Sir, — The enclosed documents from my friend, the Count de Segur, Minister Plenipotentiary of France at St. Petersburgli, will explain to you in some degree my reasons for leaving Russia, and the danger to which I was exposed by the dark intrigues and mean subterfuges of Asiatic jealousy and malice. Your former friendship for me, which I remember with particular satisfaction, and have ever been ambitious to merit, will, I am sure, be exerted in the kind use
LETTER TO MR. PARISH. 3S3
you will make of the three pieces I now send you, for my justification in the eyes of my friends in America, whose good opinion is dearer to me than anything else. I wrote to the Empress from Warsaw in the beginning of October, with a copy of my journal, which will show her Majesty how much she has been deceived by the account she had of our maritime operations last campaign. I can easily prove to the world that I have been treated unjustly ; but I intend to re- main silent at least till I know the fate of my journal.
" I shall remain in Europe till after the opening of the next campaign, and perhaps longer, before I return to Ame- rica. From the troubles m Brabant, and the measures now pursuing by the King of Prussia, &c., I presume that peace is yet a distant object, and that the Baltic will witness warm- er work than it has yet done. On the death of Admiral Greig, I was last year called from the Black Sea by the Em- press to command a squadron in the Baltic, &c. This set the invention of all my enemies and rivals at work, and the event has proved tha't the Empress cannot always do as she pleases. If you do me the favour to write to me, my ad- dress is, under cover, to Messieurs N. and J. Van Stophorst and Hubbard at Amsterdam.
" I am, with sincere affection, dear sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.
" His Excellency B, Franklin, <^c., ^c. Philadelphia.
" JV. B. — It is this day ten years since I left the Texel m the Alliance."
To Mr. Parish, the well-known Hamburgh merchant, with whom Paul Jones had become acquainted on his journey to Russia, he thus wrote under a vague idea of going to Ham- burgh till his fate was determined: — "My departure from Copenhagen was so sudden, that I omitted writing to you, intending to have done it from St. Petersburgh. There I found
334 LETTER TO MR. PARISH.
myself in such a round of feasting and business till the mo- ment of my departure for the Black Sea, that I again post- poned.
" Had T wrote you after my arrival at Cherson, I have every reason to think my letters would have been intercepted ; but, notwithstanding my past silence, I can truly assure you, that I have constantly entertained the most perfect and grateful sense of your friendly and polite behaviour to me at Hamburgh and Copenhagen. I will now thankfully pay to your order the cost of the smoked beef you were so obliging as to send to my friend, Mn Jefferson, at my request. The kind interest you have taken in my concerns, and the great desire to culti- vate your esteem and friendship, are my present inducements f r troubling you with the enclosed packet for the Chevalier Bourgoingi (the French resident at Hamburgh,) which I leave under a flying seal for your perusal, praying you to shut the exterior cover before you dehver it. I shall make no com- ments on the documents I send for the Baron de la Houze but let the simple truth speak for herself. I shall show you, when we meet, things that will surprise you, for you can scarcely have an idea how much our operations have been misrepresented.
" As I am for the present the master of my time, I shall perhaps make you a visit in the spring, and pay my court to some of your kind, rich old ladies. To be serious^ I must stay in Europe till it is seen what changes the present politics will produce, and till I can hear from America; and if you think I can pass my time quietly, agreeably, and at a small expense at Hamburgh, I should prefer it to the fluctuating prospects of other places."
The documents above referred to were copies of the letters of Count Segur for Baron de la Houze, the French minister at Copenhagen : from him they drew a polite and soothing replv : —
. JONES'S PROPERTY. 335
" Baron de la Houze to Paul Jones.
" Copenhagen, 9th February, 1790.
" It is but a few days since I received, with the letter with which you have honoured nrie of the 29th December, the copies of that of the Count de Segur, which you have been pleased to communicate to me, and which were accompanied by the article inserted on your account in the Gazette of France, and which I had read. This article, which has been repeated in many foreign gazettes, has entirely destroyed all the venomous effects which calumny had employed to tarnish the distinguished reputation which you have acquired by your talents and valour. In consequence, pubHc opinion still con- tinues to render you justice, and the most noble revenge you can take on your enemies is to gather fresh laurels. The cele- brated Athenian general, Themistocles, has said, — ' I do not envy the situation of the man v^ho is not envied.' "
Baron Krudner had been actively useful to Paul Jones while in Copenhagen, both in promoting his views in entering the Rus- sian service, and in the affair of the Danish pension. Though we are aware that the Rear- Admiral had property of different descriptions, the state of his finances must, about this time, have been embarrassed by his large disbursements during the Rus- sian camp-iign, his long journeys, indisposition, and other causes of expenses. In writing from America to a lady in whom he took a strong interest, he represents himself, im- mediately previous to his last voyage in 1787, as " almost without money, and puzzled to obtain a supply." He wrote, as has been seen, in this emergency to Dr. Bancroft,* who af- terwards, in London, promised him assistance, but failed to
* Dr. Bancroft had pecuniary transactions with Paul Jones, and at this time may have owed him money. The Doctor was addicted to gamblings in the English funds, and on this account lost the confidence of Congress, and the diplomatic appointment which he held. It is probable that he employed the money of his friends in the same speculations, partly for his own advantage, and partly for theirs.
336 LETTER TO KRUDNER.
keep his word. He intimates to Mr. Parish, that he could wish " to live at small expense ;" and there are other reasons to conclude, that his finances, at least so far as regarded ready money, were not flourishing. This circumstance of actual exigency may, as was formerly hinted, account for the anx- iety respecting the Danish pension manifested in this letter to Baron Krudner ; it is in other respects curious : —
" Rear-Admiral Paul Jones to Baron Krudner^ Russian Envoy at Copenhagen.
" Amsterdam, 29tb December, 1789. " My dear Sir, — Though I have not written to your Ex- cellency since I set out on my first journey to St. Petersbuigh, yet I have constantly retained the most lively sense of your kind behaviour to me at Copenhagen. I must beg to refer you to his Excellency the Baron de la Houze, to whom I now transmit three documents for my justification in the eyes of my friends in Denmark. Notwithstanding the unjust treat- ment I received in Russia, the warm attachment with which the Empress inspired me at the beginning still remains rooted in my heart. You kno\y, Sir, that her Imperial Majesty thought my sword an object worthy of her attention, sought it with the most flattering eagerness, and treated me the first time I was at her court with unexampled distinction. That sword has been successfully and frequently drawn on critical occasions, to render the most essential services to her empire, and to cover her flag with fresh laurels. For this I have greatly exposed my reputation, and entirely sacrificed my military pride. Yet I have seen the credit of my services bestowed on others, and I am the only officer who made the campaign of the Liman without being advanced. In a letter I wrote the Empress the 17th of May last, I mentioned that her Majesty would soon receive a direct proof froui America of the unanimous approbation with which I am honoured by the United States. I alluded to the gold medal which I am
LETTER TO KRUDNER. 3g^
to receive, and respecting which you have in your hands a copy of the unanimous act of Congress. That medal is now elegantly executed, and is ready for me at Paris. The United States have ordered an example of my medal to be presented to every sovereign in Europe, Great Britain excepted. When we meet, I shall produce clear proof of all I have said re- specting Russia. The only promise I asked from the Em- press at the beginning, and, indeed, the only condition I made with her Majesty, was, that ' she should not condemn me loiih- out having heard me.'' I need make no remark to a man of your clear understanding. You advised me to itrlte to the Empress by the post. I wrote several letters while in the de- partment of the Black Sea to my friend Mr. Jefferson, at Paris, containing no detail of our operations, yet they were all intercepted. I have, I think, reason to apprehend that there will be no peace this winter, and that the Baltic will witness ivarmer work than it has yet done.
" You remember that Count B (Bernstorf ) showecl
you a paper which he sent, to be delivered to me by the Danish Minister at St. Petersburgh. I received that paper without any alteration whatever, either in the ' date^ or other- wise. If I understood you right, it was intended that ' a yeafs 'payment icould he made in advance,^ but I have not since heard a word in that respect. I wish to be informed how the payment is intended to be made. It cannot surely be in^ Danish bank-paper. You will do me a great favour if you can obtain an explicit answer, and it would be much more agreeable if the payment could be made here, instead of being made at any other place. I have not yet mentioned this affair to any person whatever, except yourself. You are no stranger to my sentiments. You know the present happy state of America. That nation will soon create a respectable marine. It is now a year since I gave a plan to the court of St. Peters- burgh, for forming a political and commercial connexion witn the United States. The Empress approved this much, and 29
338 ARREARS OF PAY.
there was question of sending me to America in consequence But a great man told me, ' que cela enrageroit les Anglais davantage contre la Russie, et qu'il falloit auparavant faire la paix avec les Turcs.' Accept my warm congratulations on the well-merited advancement you have received in the Order of St. Wolodimer. I hear that your lady* is at Paris. I beg you to assure her of my great respect," &c. &c.
Baron Krudner replied, entirely blinking the memorial touching Russian affairs, but assuring his correspondent of success in obtaining the Danish pension, of which he had spoken to Count Bernstorf, and obtained a promise of imme- diate payment ; — which promise, it is to be inferred, was never meant to be kept, — as it certainly never was.
Paul Jones appears to have gone to England in the spring of this year, (1790,) but did not remain long. The object of his visit does not transpire ; and that he had been there only comes out incidentally in his correspondence, especially in a letter to M. de Genet, written in June, when he had reached Paris. In this letter he informs that gentleman, that he had not yet paid his respects to his sister, (Madame Campan,) but intended doing so, and presenting the lady with his bust, as a mark of personal regard for her father and brother. He continues, " I have shown M. de Simolin proof that, if I have not sought to avenge myself of the unjust and cruel treatment I met with in Russia, my forbearance has been only the result of my delicate attachment towards the Empress. You will oblige me by inquiring at the cabinet, and demanding the ap- pointments due to me for the current year, which ends the 1st of July, agreeably to the promise of the Empress, com- municated to me by the Counts de Bruce and Besborodko. I wish to have that money immediately transmitted to me."
* The afterwards well-known Madame Krudner, who was still enchanting Parisian circles with her charms and attitudes in the " shawl-dance," not hav- ing as yet assumed the part of devotee, or prophetess, in which she afterwards made an equally remarkable figure.
LETTER TO A LADY. 339
While in Amsterdam the Rear-Admiral received letters from Madame Le Mair d'Altigny, a lady who appears to have taken a peculiar interest in his welfare. This lady w^as prob- ably a widow ; but her actual condition as wife or widow we have no means of verifying, and leave it entirely to the penetration of our fair readers. o,^^
" Rear-Admiral Paul Jones to Madame Le Mair d'Altigny, at Avignon.
"Amsterdam, 8th February, 1790.
** I have received, my dear Madam, the two obliging letters you did me the honour to address to me from Avignon on the 18th and 22d of December. Accept also, I pray you, my sincere acknowledgments for the two letters you had the kindness to send me at Strasburgh. I am infinitely flattered by the interest with which I have the happiness to have inspired you, and your good wishes in my concerns give me true pleasure. I am not come here on account of anything connect- ed "with military operations ; and though I think it right to retain my rank, I have always regarded war as the scourge of the human race. I am very happy that you are once more above your difficulties. Past events will enable you to value the blessings of Providence, among which, to a sensible heart, there are none greater than health and independence, enjoyed in the agreeable society of persons of merit. As soon as circumstances permit, I shall feel eager to join the delightful society in which you are. As you have not sent me your address at Avignon, I beg of you to do so, and to be assured of my entire esteem."
The lady, to visit whom the Rear-Admiral was willing to make so long a journey, when circumstances permitted, ap- pears to have replied in the following month; but it was not till December in the same year that she obtained an answer.
340 LETTER TO A LADY.
"Paris, December 27th, 1790.
" My dear Madam, — I have received your charming letter of the 2d March. Having an affair of business to arrange in England, I went from Amsterdam to London at the beginning of May, to settle it. I escaped being murdered on landing.* From London I came hither, and have not had an hour of health since my arrival. I now feel convalescent, otherwise I would not have dared to write, for fear of giving pain to your feeling heart. In leaving Holland my plan was to re- pair to Avignon, in compliance with your obliging invitation. My health formed an invincible obstacle, but I still hope to indemnify myself on the return of the fine weather. I was for a long time very much alarmed by the disturbances which interrupted the peace of your city, and am very glad to see they are ended. I have learned, with lively satisfaction, that they have had no disagreeable consequences so far as regards you. Give me news of yourself, I pray you, and of those in- teresting persons of whom you speak in your last letter. Ac- cept the assurance of the sincere sentiments which you are formed to inspire.
" My address is, under cover, to M. Dorbery, No 42, Rue Tournon, Paris.
" JV.B. — Have you not sufficient confidence in my discre- tion to explain ' the enigma' of the happmess with which you say ' I will be loaded, and which will astonish me so soon as I know^ it V "
Of Madame Le Mair d'Altigny we hear nothing more, so that her enigma in all probability remained unexpounded.
It might be presumed that the mind of Jones was now effectually weaned from the service of the country where he had been so " unjustly and cruelly treated;" but such was not
* This is undoubtedly meant in jest ; Paul Jones was by no means so eenseless as to fear assassination in England.
LETTER TO POTEMKIN. 341
the fact. At intervals, during the last ten years of his life, he had been subject to severe attacks of indisposition, and about this time he was labouring under that illness which, with brief intermission, never again left him ; yet was his mind as ardently occupied as ever with hopes of serving in Rus- sia. He addressed Prince Poiemkin,he addressed the Empress: — his mind on this subject appears to have been possessed ; his very eagerness must have tended to defeat his anxious wishes. These letters from Paris, together with one other document, conclude the history of his unfortunate connexion with Rus- sia,— a connexion which one cannot help regarding as the cause of his premature death. The generous reader must be pained to see a man of unquestioned bravery, and of very considerable talent and professional skill, who, in his own adopted country of America, might have lived to old age in peace and honour, fighting her battles in the senate, as he had already done on the ocean, clinging thus in hopeless pertina- city to the delusion which had undone him.
" To his Highness the Prince-Marshal Potemkin.
" Paris, 24th July, 1790. " My Lord, — I do not think it becomes me to let pass the occasion of the return of your aide-de-camp, to congratulate you on the brilHant success of your operations since I had the honour to serve under your orders, and to express to you in all the sincerity of my heart, the regret I feel in not being fortunate enough to contribute thereto. After the campaign of Liman, when I had leave, according to the special desire of her Imperial Majesty, to return to the department of the Northern Seas, your Highness did me the favour to grant me a letter of recommendation to the Empress, and to speak to me these words, ' Rely upon my attachment. I am dis- posed to grant you the most solid proofs of my friendship for the present and for the future.' Do you recollect them ? This disclosure was too flattering for me to forget it, and I 29*
042 LETTER TO POTEMKIN.
hope you will permit me to remind you of it. Circumstances and the high rank of my enemies have deprived me of the benefits which I had dared to hope from the esteem which you had expressed for me, and which I had endeavoured to merit by my services. You know the disagreeable situation in which I was placed ; but if, as I dared to believe, I have preserved your good opinion, I may still hope to see it fol- lowed by advantages, which it will be my glory to owe to you. M. de Simolin can testify to you that my attachment to Rus- sia, and to the great Princess who is its sovereign, has always been constant and durable ; I attended to my duties, and not to my fortune. I have been wrong, and I avow it with a frankness which carries with it its own excuse — 1st, That I did not request of you a carte-blanche, and the absolute command of all the forces of the Liman. 2d, To have written to your Highness under feelings highly excited, on the 5th October, 1788. These are my faults. If my enemies have wished to impute others to me, I swear before God that they are a calumny. It only rests with me, my Lord, to unmask the villany of my enemies, by publishing my journal of the operations of the campaign of Liman, with the proofs, clear as the day, and which I have in my hands. It only rests with me to prove that I directed, under your orders, all the useful operations against the Capitan Pacha ; that it was I who beat him on the 7th June ; that it w^as I and the brave men I commanded who conquered him on the 17th June, and who chased into the sands two of his largest galleys, before our flotilla was ready to fire a single shot, and during the time a very considerable part of the foi'ce of the enemy re- mained at anchor immediately in rear of my squadron; that it was I who gave to General Suwarrow, (he had the noble- ness to declare it at court before me, to the most respectable witnesses,) the first project to establish the battery and breast- works on the Isthmus of Kinbourn, and which were of such great utility on the night of the 17-1 8th June ; that it was I, in
LETTER TO POTEMKIN. 343
person, who towed, with my sloops and other vessels, the bat- teries which were the nearest to the place, the 1st July, and who took the Turkish galleys by boarding, very much in ad- vance of our Hne, whilst some gentlemen, who have been too highly rewarded in consequence of it, were content to re- main in the rear of the struggles of our line, if I may be allowed to use the expression, sheltered from danger. You have seen, yourself, my Lord, that I never valued my person on any occasion where I had the good fortune to act under your eye. The whole of Europe acknowledges my veracity, and grants me some military talents, which it would give me pleasure to employ in the service of Russia, under your orders. The time will arrive, my Lord, when you will know the exact truth of what I have told you. Time is a sovereign master. It will teach you to appreciate the man, who, loaded with your benefits, departed from the court of Russia with a memorial prepared by other hands and the enemies of your glory, and of which memorial he made no use, because your brilliant success at the taking of Oczakow, which he learned on his arrival in White Russia, 2;ave the lie to all the horrors which had been brought forward to enrage the Empress against you. You know it was the echo of another intriguer at the court of Vienna. In fine, time will teach you, my Lord, that I am neither a mountebank nor a swindler, but a man true and loyal. I rely upon the attachment and friendship which you promised me. I rely on it, because I feel myself worthy of it. I reclaim your promise, because you are just, and I know you are a lover of truth. I commanded, and was the only responsible person in the campaign of the Liman, the others being only of inferior rank, or simple volunteers ; and I am, however, the only one who has not been promoted or rewarded. I am extremely thankful for the order of St. Anne which you procured for me^ according to your letter of thanks, /or my conduct in iht affair of the 7th June, which was not decisive. The 17th
344 LETTER TO POTEMKIN.
June I gained over the Capitan Pacha a complete victory, which saved Cherson and Kinbourn, the terror of which caused the enemy to lose nine vessels of war in their preci- pitate flight on the following night, under the cannon of the battery and breast-work which I had caused to be erected in the Isthmus of Kinbourn. On this occasion I had the honour again to receive a letter of thanks; but my enemies and rivals have found means to abuse your confidence, since they have been exclusively rewarded. They merited rather to have been punished for having burnt nine armed prizes, with their crews, which were absolutely in our power, having pre- viously run aground under our guns.
" I have been informed that, according to the institution of the order of St. George, I have the right to clann its decora- tions in the second class for the victory of the 17th June, but I rely upon your justice and generosity. I regret that a secret project, which I addressed to the Count,de Besborodko the 6th of June of the last year, has not been adopted. I com- municated this project to the Baron de Beichler, who has promised me to speak to you of it. I was detained in St. Petersburgh until the end of August, in order to hinder me, as I have heard, from proceeding into the service of Sweden. My poor enemies, how I pity them ' But for this circumstance my intention was to have presented myself at your head- quarters in the hope to be of some utility ; and the Baron de Beichler, in departing from St. Petersburgh in order to join you, promised me to assure you of my devotion for the ser- vice of your department, and that I should hold myself ready to return to you the instant I was called. My conduct has not since changed, although I hold in my hand a parole for two years, and I regard eighteen months of this parole, in a time of war, more as a punishment than as a favour. I hope that your Highness will succeed in concluding peace this year with the Turks ; but, in a contrary case, if it should please you to recall me to take command of the fleet in the
LETTER TO CATHERINE II. 345
jnsuing campaign, I would ask permission to bring with me '.he French officer concerning whom I spoke to you, with one or two others, who are good tacticians, and who have some knowledge of war. On my return here I received a gold medal, granted me by the unanimous voice of Congress, at the moment I received a parole /rom this honourable body. The United States have decreed me this honour, in order to perpetuate the remembrance of the services which I rendered to America eight years previous, and have ordered a copy to be presented to all the sovereigns and all the academies of Europe, with the exception of Great Britain. There is reason to believe that your Highness will be numbered among the sovereigns of Europe, in consequence of the treaty of peace which you are about to conclude with the Turks ; but in any case, if a copy of my medal will be acceptable to you as a mark of my attachment for your person, it will do me an 'honour to offer it to you. Paul Jones."
The Rear-Admiral suffered much bodily illness during the interval which elapsed between the despatch of this letter and the period w^hen he sent off his forlorn hope, the subjoined epistle, in the spring of the following year : —
To her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias.
25th Feb.
" Madam, — If I could imagine that the letter which I had the honour to write to your Majesty from Warsaw, the 25th September, 1789, had come to hand, it would be without doubt indiscreet in me to beg you to cast your eyes on the documents enclosed, which accuse no person,* and the only
* In a letter from Warsaw to Mr. Littlepage, he says, the Count de B ;
(we know not whether De Bruce or De Besborodko, though it is probably the latter,) had intercepted his despatch to the Empress till orders could be got from Potemkin.
346 LETTER TO CATHERINE II.
intent of which is, to let you see that in the important cam paign of Liman, the part which I played was not either that of a zero or of a harlequin, who required to be made a colonel at the tail o^ his regiment. I have in my hands the means to prove, incontestably, that I directed all the useful operations against the Capitan Pacl\a. The task which was given to me at this critical conjunction was very difficult. I was obliged to sacrifice my own opinion and risk my military re- putation for the benefit of your empire. But I hope you will be satisfied with the manner in which I conducted myself, and also of the subsequent arrangements, of which I am persuaded you have not been acquainted until this moment. The gra- cious counsel which your Majesty has often done me the honour to repeat to me before my departure for the Black Sea, and in the letter which you deigned to write to me after- wards, has since been the rule of my conduct ; and the faithfiil attachment with which you had inspired me for your person, was the only reason which hindered me from requesting my dismissal when I wrote to you from Warsaw ; for I confess that I was extremely afflicted, and even offended, at having received a parole for two years in time of war, — a parole which it has never entered into my mind to wish for, and still less to ask, and of which I have not profited to go to Amer- ica, or even to Denmark, where I had important business ; for I had always hoped to be usefully employed in your service, before the expiration of this parole, which has done me so much injury; and although in public I would not have failed to have spoken to you at the last audience which you granted me, yet I was unfortunately led to believe the repeated prom- ises made me, that I should have a private audience in order to lay before you my military projects, and to speak of them in detail.
" I hope that the brilHant success with which Providence has blessed your arms will enable you to grant peace to your enemies without shedding more of human blood, but in a
BARON GRIMM. 347
contrary case your Majesty can be well instructed from my project, No. 12, of the last year.
" As I have mjr fenemies, and as the term of my paioie is about to expire, I await the orders of your Majesty, and should be flattered, if it is your pleasure for me to come and
render you an account in person. Mr. , who has the
goodness to charge himself with this packet, which I have ad- dressed to him, sealed with my arms, will also undertake to forward me your orders ; I therefore pray you to withdraw me as soon as possible from the cruel uncertainty in which I am placed. Should you deign, Madam, to inform me that you are pleased with the services which I have had the happiness to render you, I will console myself for the misfortunes which I have suffered, as I drew my sword for you from personal attachment and ambition, but not for interest. My fortune, as you know, is not very considerable ; but as I am philosopher enough to confine myself to my means, I shall be always rich. " I have the honour to be, Madam, Of your Imperial Majesty
The most faithful and Obedient servant,
Paul Jones.'*
' So late as the month of July of the same year, we finri "Paul Jones still in Paris, and now in very bad health, but even yet occupied with Russia. His next and final letter is address- ed to Baron Grimm, the literary correspondent of the Em- press, who, a dozen years before, had celebrated his praises.*
* In the original correspondence of Grimm we find the following- passage, which does not appear in the much-abridged edition of his voluminous works published in England. This passage shows that both Mr. Sherburne and the present editor are mistaken in supposing that the bust of Paul Jones was originally taken at his own suggestion. The letter of Baron Grimm bears date January, 1780, at which time he says Paul Jones had been some weeks in
348 LETTER TO GRIMM.
His former attempts having been so utterly unsuccessful, he discovers considerable address in trying his fortune in a new tack. The Empress, it may be premised, had long shown herself ambitious of being considered the munificent patroness of science and of scientific men, in whatever regarded the im- provement of her country, and particularly of her navy.
•' Rear- Admiral Paul Jones to Baron Grimm.
" Paris, 9th July, 1791. " Sir, — M. Houdon has. sent to your house the bust which you have done me the honour to accept.* Mademoiselle
Paris. This cannot be correct, as it was among the very last days of Decem- ber when he escaped from the Texel ; the only error, however, is of a few weeks. " The intrepid Paul Jones," says the Baron, " has been here for some weeks. He has had the honour to be presented to the King. He has been applauded with transport at all the public places where he has shown himself, and particularly at the opera. It is a singularity worthy of remark, that this brave Corsair, who has given multiplied proofs of possessing a soul the most firm, and courage the most determined, is at the same time the most feeling and mild man in the world, and that he has made a great many verses full of elegance and softness, the sort of poetry which appears most congenial to his taste being the elegy and the pastoral. The Lodge of the Nine Sisters, of which he is a member, have employed M. Houdon to take his bust. This re- semblance is a new masterpiece worthy of the chisel which appears destined to consecrate to immortality illustrious men of all kinds."
* His own bust, " now decorated," he says, " with the order of St. Aime, on the American uniform, one reason why I wish to be authorized by the Ame- rican States to wear that order." This is said in a letter to Mr. Jefferson, written soon after his final epistle to the Empress, and when he had formed the design of again entering the French fleet of evolution, if bodily indisposi- tion, and the worse sickness of hope deferred, left him power to form an/ con- siderate or consistent plan of future conduct. There were five orders of knighthood in Russia, three of which were instituted by Peter the Great, and two, that of St. George and St. Vladimir, by the Empress Catherine die Second. The order of St. Anne was a Holstein, and not a Russian o.der The Empress never conferred this order herself. She left it to the Grand Duke Paul, as Duke of Holstein, and from him Paul Jones received it. It was ac- cordingly less valued than those of her own institution bestowed by herself
NEW-FASHIONED SHIPS. 349
Marchais has told me all the obliging things you have said regarding me.
" As it is my duty to interest myself in objects that may be useful to Russia, I must inform you that I have met with a man here, whom I have known for fifteen years, who has in- vented a new construction of ships of war, which has small resemblance, either externally or internally, to our present war-ships, and which will, he says, possess the following ad- vantages over them : —
" I. The crew will be better sheltered during an engage- ment.
'* II. The lodging-room of the crew will be more spacious ; every individual may have a bed or a hammock, and there may be as much air as is wished for, night and day, in the sleep- ing apartments.
" III. There will be less smoke curing an engagement."
The enumeration of all the rare qualities of this heau ideal of a war-ship might prove tedious ; suffice it, that a ship of the new construction, of 54 guns, if well armed and com- manded, might have faced one of the old make carrying 100 guns ; that it would cost less both in artillery and timber, be a better sailer, go nearer the wind, and possess many other advantages. " For a long time," the Rear- Admiral states, ** he had, in conjunction with his friend Dr. Franklin, tried to construct a ship combining the advantages of being a fast sailer, not driving to leeward, drawing little water, &c. ; but they always encountered great obstacles. From the death of that great philosopher," he continues, " having rather too much time on my hands, (a very gentle hint,) I think I have surmounted the difficulties which baffled us and stopped our progress The ship-builder of whom I have spoken has ex- plained nothing to me in detail, and I can form no idea on the subject. He wishes to preserve his invention, and to draw emolument from it ; and nothing can be more just, if on ex periment his discovery holds. As this is a thing which ap- 30
350 NEW-FASHIONED SHIPS.
pears to me to deserve the attention of the Empress, I beg of you to acquaint her Majesty as soon as possible. This person wished to go to England to offer his discovery, where I think it would have been received ; but, as I have some influence with him, I have persuaded him to remain here, and wait your reply. If he receive any encouragement, he will com- municate his ideas more fully to me. But in every case I dedicate to the Empress, without any stipulation, all that my feeble genius has accomplished in naval architecture." The Rear- Admiral then relates his own supposed discovery, and, like a skilful orator, winds up, by pressing hard the main point of his argument. " Will not this, presuming it correct, be of great advantage to the infant marine of the Black Sea, and consequently to the prosperity of the Russian Empire 1" It appears that Baron Grimm received an answer from the Empress in relation to this first appHcation, though it can scarcely be called a satisfactory one. She says there was a prospect of a speedy peace ; but if peace did not take place, she would let M. Paul Jones know her intentions respecting himself: and she tacitly reproves Grimm's interference by saying, that she would not choose him as the medium of her communicdtions with Paul Jones.
STYLE OF JONES'S LETTERS.
351
CHAPTER XIII.
HE voluminous papers lelt by Paul Jones afford very scanty materials for his domestic his- tory. From boyhood his place in society was completely iso- lated. His extensive corres- pondence, as it came into the hands of his relatives, is chiefly that of business, or of the cere- ^^^vw^t*-- ^^>^/yV'^^'^^^ monial connected with business, and with the courtesies of acquaintanceship. His intercourse with society amounted to little more than the exchange of the customary offices of kindness and civility. He was early separated, by insurmountable circumstances, from his own relatives ; he never afterwards found a fixed home, nor does his correspondence afford any trace of the kindly, genial, un- bending, and cordial familiarity of confidential friendship. His letters consequently want the charm of a particular or individual interest. Few of them contain a single observa- tion on men or manners, or even the expression of an opinion not merely professional. His journals, in like manner, are strictly confined to professional affairs, and contain little that can either extend the range of knowledge or gratify a liberal curiosity. With the fields of observation, whether in America, France, or Russia, that were presented to a mind so active
352 JONES'S GALLANTRY.
and acute, this is much to be regretted. As it is, the interest of this memoir must rest wholly on the public life of its sub- ject. The few of his private confidential letters which exist, do, however, unfold his character in a very amiable way. Those to his relations in Scotland, written in the latter years of his life, display the most affectionate solicitude for the happiness of those who could but little add to his, and much good sense in his endeavours to promote it.
According to his London or American biographer, Paul Jones was " as chivalrous in love as in war." This is as- sumed, it is probable, on the principle that every seaman is bound to be so, as a point of professional duty, — from Nelson of the Nile down to Jack or Ben just paid off at Portsmouth. " Paul Jones," we are gravely told, " was always seriously in love," and, what is more singular, '' often with women he had never seen." This contradicts all ordinarv experience, and even goes beyond romantic tradition. Though seamen are not remarkable for tedious or roundabout modes of courtship, they are seldom so far spiritualized as not to require at least one passing glance of the fair objects that kindle the sudden flame. That among all existing unknown beauties, Paul Jones should have singled out Lady Selkirk as the object of his romantic and passionate admiration, appears, at least on this, the frigid side of the Atlantic, too absurd for serious refu- tation. His gallantry of disposition, and the disagreeable and derogatory imputations to which his descent on St. Mary's Isle was Uable, sufficiently account for the address to Lady Selkirk of a man w^ho had so quick a sense of dishonour, and so tenacious a regard for reputation, as Paul Jones evinced in every transaction of his life. It is therefore quite unneces- sary to account for his conduct in this memorable affair, by raising the ridiculous hypothesis of his having fallen in love with a married lady of high rank, whom he had never seen, and whose eldest son was at that time of an age to have act- ed as his lieutenant. It is indeed just possible, that, while
JONES'S GALLANTRY. 35^
Paul Jones was still a lad, sailing to the port of Kirkcudbright, he might have seen the lady of St. Mary's Isle, though even then it would be preposterous to imagine such long-lived and romantic consequences from this transient vision, however fair and captivating.
Paul Jones wars by no means so great a fool as his historian, no doubt to do him honour, would insinuate. A man " in the singular situation of being in love with every woman in Paris," and " often with women he had never seen," was evidently in no imminent peril from the attractions of any in- dividual charmer, however powerful these might be. In the present case this seems to have been the fact. The true, and, it may be said, the only mistress to whom Paul Jones was sver devoted with all the powers of his heart and mind was — GtLORY, in pursuit of whom he made no scruple at any time to set his foot on the neck of " the gentle Cupid," or, if need were, to use that " soft integument" as a stepping-stone in his mounting path.
It is said that John Paul Jones, soon after entering the navy, formed an ardent attachment to an American lady. Their affection was mutual, but circumstances forbade their union ; and from this period he formed the resolution of never marrying. There is, however, much to intervene between the cradle and the grave of the passions; and when a man expresses resolutions of this kind, his friends generally know with what proper degree of credit or allowance to receive them. He sent a message to his sisters, by Mr. Kennedy, — the French teacher of Dumfries, who waited on him with letters from his relations, about the year 1784, — purporting that he would never marry ; yet shortly after this we find him expressing a very tender and anxious interest for a French lady (Madame T ,) with whom he w^as in corres- pondence.
The most brilliant period of the bonnes fortunes of Paul Jones was during his residence at Paris and Versailles in 30*
354 COUNTESS DE LAVENDAL.
1780, and immediately after his escape from the Texel; the period commemorated by Baron Grimm, the era of' his court favour, militaiy order, and gold sword. He at this time engaged in Ymous flirtations ^ of the kind and complexion which no man of his age and profession, moving in gay society in Paris, could have avoided, if he wished to live in the odour of gallantry. His acquaintance with the lady who assumes, or who received the poetical appellation of Delia, must have commenced about this time, as the hottest fire of her love-letters appears to have fallen upon the Chevalier at L'Orient during the existence of Landais' mutiny.
The conduct of the Chevalier at this time was, it is to be feared, more creditable to his general spirit of gallantry than to his fidelity to the fair and devoted Delia. Among the ladies whom he met most frequently in the society he fre- quented at Versailles was the Countess of Lavendal, a mar- ried woman, (and marriage in Paris at this time made an in- dispensable ingredient in the attractions of a mistress,) young, beautiful, witty, and withal a little intriguing. To the good graces of this lady the Chevalier Paul Jones anxiously and assiduously recommended himself. There is, however, rea- son to surmise, that the gentleman might have been some- what of a self-seeker even in his admiration of the beautiful Countess. It is undeniable, that he owed all the distinction he had just obtained solely to court-favour, — to the French ministry he owed nothing. " La belle Comtesse," indeed, appeared to have looked to him as the medium of advance- ment or employment for her husband, without affecting to possess court-patronage herself; but there was no limiting the influence of a clever and beautiful woman at the Court of Versailles, where, although the reigning sovereign was unas- sailable, there were always so many open channels, through ministers and favourites, high and low, male and female. When the lady, whose object was to obtain employment for her husband, in conjunction with the American hero, but who
JONES'S POETRY- 358
nad no objection to the by-play of a little harmless coquetry, thought it prudent to draw back, after a course of very pro- mising encouragement, her admirer appears to have borne his disappointment with great philosophy; and to have turned the tables upon the fickle charmer, and extricated himself from the affair with a cool dexterity that might command the applause of Chesterfield himself.
This Parisian " course of true love" is fully elucidated by the following extracts of pubHshed letters, attributed to a young English lady, a Miss Edes, residing at the time in Versailles. They were written early in June and July, 1780. Coupling the fact of their immediate publication in England, with the staple of their composition, if left to our own instincts, and not positively assured that they were originally the private letters of a young lady, we would be inclined to attribute them to some of the gentlemen of the press who flourished fifty years ago ; and who then exported the scandal of Paris to London, in a somewhat clumsier way than the same busi- ness is still managed, but exactly in the same spirit.
" The famous Paul Jones dines and sups here often," says Miss Edes ; " he is a smart man of thirty-six, speaks but little French, appears to be an extraordinary genius, a poet as well as a hero ; a few days ago he wrote some verses extempore, of which I send you a copy. He is greatly admired here, especially by the ladies, who are all wild for love of him, as
he for tliem ; but he adores Lady , (the Countess La-
vendal,) who has honoured him with every mark of polite- ness and distinction."
" Verses addressed to the Ladies who have done me the Honour of their polite
Attention .'" Presented by Paul Jones to Mademoiselle G *
" Insulted Freedom bled, — I felt her cause, And drew my sword to vindicate her laws, From prmciple, and not from vain applause.
* This is supposed to be one of the daughters of M. Genet, but could not have been his eldest daughter, who was by this time married to M. Campan, and a woman of the bedchamber to the Queen.
356 JONES'S POETRY.
I 've done my best ; self-interest far apart, And self-reproach a stranger to my heart ; My zeal still prompts, ambitious to pursue The foe, ye fair ! of liberty and you : Grateful for praise, spontaneous and unbought, A generous people's love not meanly sought ; To merit this, and bend the knee to beauty, Shall be my earliest and my latest duty."
In this, and other effusions fully more creditable to his muse, Paul Jones, we presume, makes no worse figure than other clever men have done, when, departing from their true character, they choose to engage in the solemn fooleries or trifling puerilities of a part for which neither nature, educa- tion, nor habit, has fitted them.*
* In vindication of the critical opinions of Grimm, who praises the "grace and softness" of the verses of Paul Jones, we subjoin what is considered a tole- rably fair specimen of his poetical vein. It is no disparagement of our own great naval hero to say, that the verses of Paul Jones are far superior to those of Nelson. Indeed, of all such effusions the opinion of Byron ought to be adopted as quite canonical — they are so good, that — " bad were better." The only use of the verses of Paul Jones is the evidence they afford, that their au- thor could not liave been the brutal, ignorant, and ferocious pirate he is fre- quently described. In this view they are invaluable to truth and to his honest fame : —
^Verses written on Board the Alliance off Ushant, the 1st Day of January 1780, immediately after escaping out of the Texel from the Blockade of the British Fleet ; being in Ansicer to a Piece written and sent to the Texel by a young Lady at the Hague.
TO MISS DUMAS. I.
" Were I, Paul Jones, dear maid, the ' king of sea,'
I find such merit in thy virgin song,
A coral crown with bays I 'd give to thee,
A car which on the waves should smoothly glide along ;
The Nereids all about thy side should wait,
And gladly sing in triumph of thy state,
* Vivat, vivat' the happy virgm muse !
Of Liberty the friend, whom tyrant power pursues !
LOVE-LETTERS. Sol
The same young lady, supposed to be the Miss Edes, some- times noticed in the correspondence of the Chevalier with the Genet family, on another occasion, and after further acquaint- ance, writes thus: —
" Since my last, Paul Jones drank tea and supped here. If I am in love with him, for love I may die ; I have as many rivals as there are ladies, but the most formidable is still
Lady , (the Countess Lavendal,) who possesses all his
heart. This lady is of high rank and virtue, very sensible, good-natured, and affable. Besides this, she is possessed of youth, beauty, and wit, and every other female accomplish- ment. He is gone, I suppose, for America. They corres-
I pond, and his letters are replete with elegance, sentiment, and deHcacy. She drew his picture, (a striking likeness,) and wrote some lines under it, which are much admired, and pre- sented it to him, who, since he received it, is, he says, like a
, second Narcissus, in love with his own resemblance ; to be
I ^^
( " Or, happier lot ! were fair Columbia free
j From British tyranny, and youth still mine,
I I 'd tell a tender tale to one like thee
Witli artless looks, and breast as pure as thine.
If she approved my flame, distrust apart,
Like faithful turtles, we 'd have but one heart ;
Together then we 'd tune the silver lyre,
As Love or sacred Freedom should our lays inspire. IIL
" But since, alas ! the rage of war prevails,
And cruel Britons desolate our land,
For Freedom still I spread my willing sails.
My unsheathed sword my injured country shall command
Go on, bright maid, the Muses all attend
Genius like thine, and wish to be its friend.
Trust me, although convey 'd through this poor shifl.
My new-year's thoughts are grateful for thy virgin gift."*
♦This gallant effusion was despatched from Corogne, where Jones put in for a short tiaie on his way to Groix. The lady was the daughter of M. Dumas, the American agent a Amsterdam.
358 LOVE-LETTERS.
sure he is the most agreeable sea-wolf one would wish to meet with. As to his verses, you may do with them what you please. The Ring had given him a magnificent gold sword, which, lest it should fall into the hands of the enemy, he has begged leave to commit it to the care of her ladyship, — a piece of gallantry which is here highly applauded. If any further account of this singular genius should reach my ..ands, you shah have it."
We believe that even the most finished French v^.oquet would feel rather startled at the eclat of an appearance like the above in an English periodical published within the month. The Countess must have been alarmed, and she took her measures accordingly.
When Jones was compelled to return to L'Orient, and in the prospect of an immediate departure for America, he took courage to speak more plainly to this condescending Countess. Though, as has been noticed, he found it afterwards expedient to give the affair another turn, his first letter, which follows, cannot be mistaken : —
" I am deeply concerned," he says, " in all that respects your happiness ; I therefore have been and am much affected at some words that fell in private conversation from Miss Edes the evening I left Versailles. I am afraid that you are less happy than I wish, and am sure you deserve to be. I am composing a cipher for a key to our future correspondence, so that you will be able to write me very freely, and without risk. It is a small dictionary of particular words, with a number annexed to each of them. In our letters we will write sometimes the corresponding number instead of the w^ord, so that the meaning can never 'be understood until the corres- ponding words are interlined over the numbers.
" I beseech you to accept the within lock. I am sorry that it is now eighteen inches shorter than it was three months ago. If I could send you my heart itself, or anything else that could afford you pleasure, it would be my happiness to
LOVE-LETTERS. 359
do it. Before I had the honour of seeing you, I wished to comply with the invitation of my lodge,* and I need not add that I have since found stronger reasons that have compelled me to seek the means of returning to France again as soon as possible."
There was a manifest want o{ retenue in this epistle. The lady, it is said, kept the trophies, namely, the cipher, the let- ter, and the lock of hair, but wrote to Jones, expressing her astonishment at his audacity, and her conjecture that his packet had been misdirected when sent to herelf. She begged, at the same time, to introduce to him the Count her husband, who was to pass through L'Orient. " She should be obliged to the Chevalier to show him every civility." This he did, and afterwards wrote the Countess : —
" L'Orient, July 14, 1780. " Madam, — Since I had the honour to receive your packet from Versailles, I have carefully examined the copy of my letter from Nantes, but am still at a loss, and cannot conceive, what part of the letter itself could have occasioned your imagining I had mistaken the address. As for the little packet it contained, perhaps it might better have been omitted : if so, it is easily destroyed. If my letter has given you even a moment's uneasiness, I can assure you, that to think so would be as severe a punishment as could be inflicted upon me. However I may have been mistaken, my intention could never have been to give you the most distant ofl^ence I was greatly honoured by the visit of the Count your hus band, and am so well convinced of his superior understand ing, that I am glad to believe Miss Edes was mistaken. I admire him so much, that I should esteem myself very happy indeed to have a joint expedition with him by sea and land, though I am certain that his laurels would far exceed mine.
♦Probably the lodge of the Neuf Soeurs, of which he was a member.
360 LOVE-LETTERS.
I mention this, because M. de Genet has both spoken and written to me on the subject as from the Count himself.
" I had the honour to lay a project before the King's ministers in the month of May, for future combined expedi- tions under the flag of America, and had the satisfaction to find that my ideas were approved by them. If the Count your husband will do me the honour to concert with M. de Genet, that the court may send with me to America the ap- plication that was intended to be made to Congress, con- formable to the proposal I made, it would afford me a pleasing opportunity of showing my gratitude to the King, to his ministers, and to this generous-minded nation. I should be greatly proud to owe my success to your own good offices ; and would gladly share with your husband the honour that might result from our operations. I have within these few days had the honour to receive from his Majesty the cross of Military Merit, with a sword that is worthy the royal giver, and a letter which I ardently wish to deserve. I hold the sword in too high estimation to risk its being taken by the enemy ; and therefore propose to deposite it in the care of a friend. None can be more worthy of that sacred deposite than you, Madam ; and if you will do me the honour to be its guardian, 1 shall esteem myself under an additional obligation to deserve your ribbon, and to prove myself worthy of the title of your knight. I promised to send you a particular account of my late expedition ; but the late extraordinary events that have taken place, with respect to the frigate Alliance, make me wish to postpone that relation until after a court-martial in America shall have furnished evidence for many circumstances that would, from a simple assertion, appear romance and founded on vanity. The only reason for the revolt on board the Alliance was, because the men were not paid either wages or prize-money; and because one or two envious persons persuaded them that I had concurred with M. de Chaumont to defraud them, and to keep them in Europe during the war,
LOVE-LETTERS. 361
which, God knows, was not true. For I was bound directly for America ; and far from concurring with M. de Chaumont, I had not even written or spoken to him, but had highly re- sented his mean endeavours to keep the poor men out of their just rights, which was the only business that brought me to court in April.
" If I am to have the honour of writing you from beyond sea, you will find that the cipher I had the honour to send you may be necessary : because I would not wish all my in- formations to be understood, in case my letters should fall into the hands of the enemy. I shall communicate no idea in cipher that will offend even such great delicacy as yours ; but as you are a philosopher, and as friendship has nothing to do with sex, pray what harm is there in wishing to have the picture of a friend ? Present, I pray, my best respects to the Count. If we are hereafter to be concerned together in war, I hope my conduct will give him satisfaction ; at any rate I hope for the honour of his friendship. Be assured that I shall ever preserve for you the most profound esteem and the most grateful respect. Paul Jones."
The lady waived the honour of being constituted guardian of the gold sword : and whatever her influence with the Chevalier might have been, it now declined rapidly. From the Road of Groix Jones wrote to her in the following well- considered and measured terms ; and, from his next letters, it appears that the correspondence henceforth languished on his side : —
" Paul Jones to the Countess de Lavendal.
" Ariel, Road of Groix, September 21, 1780.
" Madam, — I was honoured with the very polite letter that
your Ladyship condescended to write me on the 5th of last
month. I am sorry that you have found it necessary to refuse
me the honour of accepting the deposite mentioned in my last,
31
362 COUNTESS DE LAVENDAL.
but am determined to follow your advice, and be myself its guardian. I have been detained in this open road by contrary and stormy winds since the 4th of this month. There is this moment an appearance of a fair opportunity, and I will eagerly embrace it. I have received a letter from the first minister, very favourable to the project I mentioned to you, and you may depend on my utmost interest with Congress to bring the matter to issue. I am sure that assembly will with pleasure say ^11 yourself or the Count could wish respecting the Count, if my scheme is adopted.
" I have the satisfaction to infjorm you, that, by the testi- mony of all the persons just arrived in four ships at L'Orient from Philadelphia, the Congress and all America appeared to be warmly my friends ; and my heart, conscious of its own uprightness, tells me I shall be well received. Deeply and gratefully impressed with a sense of what I owe to you and your husband's attentions and good wishes, and ardently desiring to merit your friendship and the love of this nation by my whole conduct through life,
" I remain. Madam, &c. &c.
" P. S. — I will not fail to write whenever I have anything worth your reading ; at the same time, may I hope to be honoured now and then with a letter from you, directed to Philadelphia. I was selfish in begging you to write me in French, because your letters would serve me as an exercise. Your English is correct and even elegant."*
Long afterwards his correspondence with the Countess is thus ceremoniously resumed : —
* The above letter is addressed, in the copy before us, to tlie Countess de Bourbon. It is, however, obviously intended for the Countess de Lavendal. Paul Jones could not have been in correspondence with two different ladies to whom he would have wished to intrust " the deposite."
M. GENET. 36©
Captain Paul Jones to M. de Genet^ enclosing Letters to the Countess de Lavendal and the Marquis de Castries.
" Triomphant, Porto la Bello, February 28, 1783.
** Dear Sir, — I had the honour to receive your favour of the 16th May, 1781, only a few days before I launched the America at Portsmouth. Perhaps Colonel Lawrence, (who is no more,) in the warmth of his public zeal, had forgot my letter, and carried it with him to the fate of Corfiwallis. My mind was so much on the stretch from receiving your letter till I reached Boston, that you will, I hope, excuse my silence. I expected to have written by the Iris; but the stormy weather after leaving Boston rendered it impossible to put letters on board, and I had not a moment's time before we left the port. I leave the seal of my letter to the Marquis de Castries open, that you may read it yourself, and show it to the Countess de Lavendal before you seal and deliver it. She will there see that invincible obstacles have defeated my pro- jects, which I have pursued with unremitting attention. I am happy that my little present was accepted by Miss Sophy* with so much favour, and that it was taken in good part by her family and intended husband. I am not surprised that your son-in-law is a worthy man. It could not be otherwise, since he has your approbation, and is the choice of the young lady. From the complexion of the King of England's speech of the 5th December, the war ought now to be at an end. I hope and sincerely wish it, for humanity has need of peace. But if the war should continue, it is not impossible that I may command again before it is finished. Returning my respect- ful compliments to all your family, and to Miss Edes ; and still hoping to revisit France, T am,
" Dear Sir, &c. &c.
*' M. de Genet, Versailles."
A daughter of M. Genet.
364 ~ COUNTESS DE LAVENDAL.
" Captain Paul Jones to the Countess de Lavendal, enclosed in the above. " Triomphant, Porto Cabello, February 28, 1783.
" I RECEIVED, Madam, a short time before I left North America, from M. Genet, a letter, dated Versailles, 18th May, 1781, containing a message from your Ladyship respecting the military projects I had in contemplation in connexion with the Count when I left Versailles. As nothing could add more to my disappointment than a supposition on your part that I had not pursued these objects with constant zeal, I have desired M. Genet to put into your hands, before it is delivered to the person for whom it is directed, a letter, by which you will see that invincible obstacles alone have pre- vented the full operation of my schemes, which, till very lately, have always been supported by hope. I now think the war at an end ; but if it should continue, I shall not volun- tarily remain out of the busy scene, and I am still of opinion my former projects might be adopted with public utility. I can, however, promise nothing, but that my principles are invariably the same. I hope to return to France, and am persuaded you will rather feel compassion for my disap- pointment than withdraw from me any part of your esteem.
" I am, Madam, with sentiments of the most profound re- spect, &c. &c.
" To the Countess de Lavendaiy
In reference to her husband, this lady had evidently formed expectations from Paul Jones which he never possessed the power to realize ; and which, it is to be presumed, arose rather from the strength of her own wishes, than from false hopes held out by her admirer. How he could have proposed to connect himself with a man of no professional eminence, whom, when the idea was formed, he had never seen, and, from Miss Edes' report, supposed a fool, must be left to
MARQUIS DE CASTRIES. 365
the sagacity of the reader, and will, perhaps, require his in- dulgence.
The letter sent for the perusal of the Countess does not ap- pear much in point, nor could it have proved very satisfac- tory to her.
" Captain Paul Jones to the Marquis de Castries, enclosed to M. Genet, for the perusal of the Countess de Lavendal.
" Triomphant, Porto Cabello, 28th February, 1783. " My Lord Marquis, — You have no doubt been officially informed of the act of Congress presenting the America to his Majesty, to replace the Magnifique, when that ship was lost at Boston. Perhaps you may have also heard, that soon after my return from France to Philadelphia, in the Ariel, I was unanimously elected by Congress to command the America. It was proposed by his Excellency, Mr. Morris, Minister of Marine, to arm the America en Jlute, and send her to Bresl in December, 1781, with a cargo of large masts, fit for ships of the line, to be armed for war, &c. But when I arrived at Portsmouth, I found the ship not half built, and all the materials were wanting to finish the construction. Instead of commanding a fine ship, and being attended by frigates belonging to the continent, the inspection of the con- struction fell entirely upon me, almost without money or materials to carry it on. I had been thus employed tor six- teen months before the act of Congress presenting ihe Ame- rica to the King deprived me of that command. It was thought that act of Congress must give me pain, but those who were of that opinion did not well know my character. It was a sacrifice I made with pleasure, to testify my grate- ful regard for his Majesty, and my invariable attention and zeal to promote the common cause. I continued my inspec- tion till the America was launched, and having then di^livered her to M. de Martigne, appointed by his Ex.-^.dleiicy the Marquis de Vaudreuil, I set out for Philadelphia. A project 31 *
366 COUNTESS DE LAVENDAL.
was then in contemplation between Mr. Morris and tlie Chevalier de la Luzerne, for employing me immediately with a command of some frigates ; but not being able to get the South Carolina frigate out of the hands of Mr. Gillan, their project did' not succeed. Thus disappointed, I applied to Congress to send me back to Boston to make a campaign for my instruction on board his Majesty's fleet. Congress having passed an act for that purpose, I returned to Boston the day before the fleet sailed, with letters from the Minister of Marine, and the Chevalier de la Luzerne, to his Excellency the Marquis de Vaudreuil, who kindly received me as a volunteer on board of his ship. I have been so handsomely treated, both by him and the officers, both of tlie fleet and army, that they leave me nothing more to wish for from them. I am directed to return to Philadelphia when the cam- paign is ended, unless, in the meantime, I should receive orders to the contrary. I beseech you to assure his Majesty, that I will eagerly embrace every opportunity to testify by my conduct the high sense I have of the honourable marks conferred on me of his favour and esteem, and that I feel a superior obligation for the many marks of his bounty. — I am,
"My Lord Marquis,
with profound respect, &c. " To his Excellency the Marquis de Castries,''^ <^c.
Of the Countess de Lavendal we learn no more ; nor would the aflair have been worth notice, were it not already before the public. The motives which led to the earlier part of this correspondence cannot be mistaken ; nor is the address dis- played in the attempt to give the affair a turn much to be commended, unless, as seems extremely probable, the coquetry of the lady, and her retention of the gifts she disclaims in words, justify the affected astonishment of an admirer whose
DELIA'S ATTACHMENT. 367
vanity was to all appearance more interested than his serious affections. If the apology be offered for this correspondence, that Paul Jones did not understand French naanners, this will more strongly justify the lady than her admirer ; and it is to be feared that another aggravation is its being simultaneous with that of the devoted Delia, the anonymous lady already mentioned.
Delia has so dexterously preserved her incognita, that it is scarce possible, even if it were important, to ascertain her real condition. Her letters which are preserved appear to have been written to Jones while at L'Orient, and when he was supposed on the eve of saiHng for America. These epistles, which are warmly passionate, breathe the eloquence of deep and genuine feeling, and display the boundless gene- rosity of a devoted if not very discreet attachment ; but they, at the same time, discover a larger experience in " affairs of the heart" than was likely to be possessed or acknowledged by a very young woman, and habits of life which intimate more independence and freedom than custom permitted to any unmarried French girl, if above the very lowest rank. DeHa appears to have received the visits of gentlemen, — a privilege enjoyed only by married women or widows ; and she alludes to her income of eight thousand Kvres (no small fortune in those days) as if it were under her sole and uncon- trolled command. She alleges her liberality of disposition as the cause of her narrow fortune, and thus warrants the con- clusion, that her conduct was perfectly independent of control. Her extreme apprehension lest her letters or her portrait should be seen, which is repeatedly expressed, is but a natural and becoming female feeUng, from which nothing can be sur- mised of her real character and condition. It was a duty that her lover owed to her memory, or, if she survived hin), to the memory of their attachment, to have placed this warm and animated correspondence beyond the power of either misrepresentation or derision.
368 DELIA'S ATTACHMENT.
In the American Memoir of Paul Jones republished in Lon- don, it is said, *' the Commodore grew alarmed when the lady proposed to follow him to America." Her original letters, which Paul Jones has preserved with a care he was not likely to have bestowed on those of a person to whom he was in- different, bear no trace of any proposition so indecorous. In the most fervid of her eloquent compositions, with an abund- ant lack of discretion, there is no symptom of indehcacy. Her distress, her agonies at parting with her lover, are very frankly proclaimed, but she contemplates no such termination of her misery as an elopement. " Heaven," she says, " will reunite us, and watch over the fate of two beings who love faithfully, and whose upright hearts deserve to be happy. I incessantly address myself to heaven for your safe arrival in America. If you are satisfied with that government you will continue in its service; if not, resign, and rejoin your faithful friend. The whole world besides may forsake you, but her heart is eternally yours. You inquire how you can render me happy 1 — take care of yourself, love me, study the means of enabling us to pass our lives together, and never forget that my life is bound up in yours." Delia makes her lover repeated offers of such assistance as she had the power of affording during the exigency of his affairs at L'Orient : — " She had trinkets, she had effects," and with the most disin- terested spirit she is willing to sacrifice them all. These offers are made with grace and delicacy, but it does not appear that they were accepted ; and, from a passage in one of her let- ters, it would seem that Paul Jones had given her assistance of a pecuniary nature.
It is said by the poet, —
" Those who greatly love must greatly fear ;" —
the love of Delia was extreme, and her fears corresponded to its excess. The letters of Jones were tolerably frequent for a man engaged in quelling a mutiny, and corresponding w^ith a
THE IRRESISTIBLE LOVE-LETTERS. 369
coquetish Countess. They appear to have soothed the fears of Delia, and filled her with rapturous delight for the mo- ment. She alludes to his responding tears, sighs, and verses ; envies her ov^^n portrait in his possession, but as regularly relapses into a state of distracting doubt if his silence ex- ceeded the period she had fixed for receiving a letter.
We can perceive no reason for believing " Delia a young and high lady of the court ;" but her early letters possess those indelible marks of sincerity, and of warmth and gene- rosity of feeling, which could not fail to interest, were it pos- sible to ascertain who the writer really was. Her memory, nevertheless, possesses some claim with that class of readers pre-eminently called " gentle ;" nor is it possible to look on the tear-stains that blot those crooked characters, traced by a hand then trembling with youthful passion, and over which the grave must long since have closed, without a feeling of pity and kindness for the fair writer, so devoted, so eloquent, and probably so unfortunate.
Of the " irresistible love-letters" of Paul Jones, commem- orated by Miss Edes and the London editor, we subjoin one specimen, as they have given none. It, we fear, does not lessen the suspicion, that, in the case of Delia, the attachment at this time was strongest on the wrong side. It is written on Christmas-day, — a season for which lovers seldom wait, though parted friends often choose on it to make quittance of neglected correspondence.
Paul Jones to Delia.
"December 25th, 1781. " I wrote, my lovely Delia, various letters from Philadel phia, the last of which was dated the 20th of June. On the 26th of that month I was unanimotjsly elected |?y Congress to command the America of 74 guns, on the stocks at Ports- mouth, New Hampshire. I superintended the building, which I find so much more backward than I expected, that a plan
370 RETURN TO PARIS.
*of operations which I had in view is entirely defeated. I ex- pected to have been at sea this winter, but the building does not go on with the vigour I could wish. Since I came here I have not had a single good opportunity to write to Europe. This situation is doubly irksome to me, my lovely friend, as it stops my pursuit of honour as well as love. It is now more than twelve months since I left France, yet I have not re- ceived a single letter from thee in all that time, except the one written in answer to my letter at taking leave. That one is a tender letter indeed, and does honour to thy match- less heart. I read often, and always with transport, the many charming things that are expressed in thy letters, but especially the last. Thy adieu has in it all the finer feelings blended with the noblest sentiments of the heart. Providence, all just and good, has given thee a soul worthy to animate nature's fairest work. I rest, therefore, assured, that absence will not di- minish but refine the pure and spotless friendship that binds our souls together, and will ever impress each to merit the affection of the other. Remember and believe my letter at parting ; it was but a faint picture of my heart. I will find opportunities to write, and be everything thou canst wish. My address is under cover to the Hon. Robert Morris, Esq., Minister of Finance, Philadelphia.
" I have not since heard of your relation I left behind, but suppose he is with the army."
We cannot tell whether Delia profited or not by this ad- dress ; but three years afterwards, when the Chevalier arrived in Paris as agent for prize-money, we find her still alive and faithful. Paul Jones has preserved her first note, and in his own handwriting aflfixed the date to it : — " From her apart- ments in the Boulevard," &c. &c. He had some reason to be proud of her fidelity :— this was Paris in 1783. Delia's note is exceedingly characteristic of her country, though we like its tone much less than that of the earlier effusions of
MADAME T . 371
its author : — " Is it possible that you are then so near me, and that I am deprived of the sight of a mortal who has constituted the misery of my life for four years ? — O ! most amiable and most ungrateful of men, come to your best friend, who burns with the desire of seeing you. You ought to know that it is but eight days since your Delia was at the brink of the grave^ Come, in the name of Heaven !"
It is probable that the Chevalier obeyed this summons, since he thought it worth while to preserve the billet in which it is conveyed.
Delia now disappears from the scene as abruptly as the *' beautiful Countess," unless we are able to indentify her with Madame T , a lady for whom, about this time, the Chev- alier evinces a warm interest. The Supposition, that Madame
T , a widow, it may be presumed, from her friendless
and unprotected state, and Delia, are the same individual, is feasible in itself, creditable to both parties, and readily ac- counts for all the ambiguities in the letters/ and still more in the situation of Delia. With Madame T Jones cor- responded after his return to America in 1786. Her letters to him were sent to the care of the American minister, as those of Delia had formerly been. The reader has the ad- vantage of being introduced to this lady by Paul Jones him- self in the following letter to Mr. Jefferson : —
" I am much obliged to you for the letter from Madame
T , which you forwarded by the June packet. I now
take the liberty to enclose a letter for that worthy lady ; and, as I had not the happiness to introduce you to her, (because I wished her fortune to have been previously established,) I shall now tell you in confidence, that she is the daughter of the late King and a lady of quality, on whom his Majesty- bestowed a very large fortune on his daughter's account. Unfortunately the father died while the daughter (his great favourite) was very young, and the mother has never since
372 MADAME T .
shown her either justice or natural affection. She was long the silent victim of that injustice ; but I had the pleasure to be instrumental in putting her in a fair way to obtain redress. His present Majesty received her last year with great kindness. He gave her afterwards several particular audiences, and said ' he charged himself with her fortune.' Some things were, as I have understood, fixed on, that depended solely on the King, and he said he would dictate the justice to be ren- dered by the mother. But the letter you sent me left the feeling author all in tears ! Her friend, her protectress, her introductress to the King, was suddenly dead ! She was in despair ! She lost more than a mother ! A loss, indeed, that nothing can repair ; for fortune and favour are never to be compared to tried friendship. I hope, however, she has gone to visil the King in July, agreeably to his appointment given her in the month of March. I am persuaded that he would receive her with additional kindness, and that her loss would, in his mind, be a new claim to his protection, especially as he well knows, and has acknowledged, her superior merit and just pretensions. As I feel the greatest concern for the situa- tion of this worthy lady, you will render me a great favour by writing her a note, requesting her to call on you, as you have something to communicate from me. When she comes, be so good as to deUver the within letter, and show her this, that she may see both my confidence in you and my advice to her."
Living so long in Paris or Versailles, it is scarcely possi- ble that Paul Jones could have been deceived in the charac- ter or pretensions of Madame T , though such is not
the way in which the daughters " of Louis XV., by ladies of quality," were usually treated. It might also be supposed, that some trace of this daughter would be found in the nume- rous memoirs, letters, and secret histories of the Court of France. We are not aware that any such evidence does exist. It would, however, be high presumption to limit the num-
MADAME T . 373
ber of the illegitimate children of so patriarchal a monarch as Louis XV. Madame T • was therefore, in all proba- bility, one of his numerous descendants, the only inexplicable circumstance being, that a daughter, " his great favourite,'* should not otherwise be ever heard of; and that, " very young" when her father died, (in 1774,) we should find in her either the Deha of I780,or the Madame T , a widow un- known or unfriended, of 1786. The lady, her protectress, to whom Paul Jones alludes, was, we are incidentally informed, the Marchioness de Marssan, to whom he introduced her. This lady we should presume to be her of the same name, governess to the grand-daughters of Louis XV., and sisters of his unfortunate successor. There is, in short, something inex- plicable to us in the history of Madame T : The sen- timents entertained for her by Paul Jones are, however, abun- dantly clear ; they breathe a far more anxious interest than that of friendship. The subjoined letter is a copy of that en-
I closed to Madame T in the letter to Mr. Jefferson ; the
( other letter was written to her shortly afterwards.
I
i
I *' Paul Jones to Madame T .
I " New York, September 4th, 1787.
" No language can convey to my fair mourner the tender ; sorrow I feel on her account ! The loss of our worthy friend I is indeed a fatal stroke ! It is an irreparable misfortune which ' can only be alleviated by this one reflection, that it is the will I of God, whose providence has, I hope, other blessings in store I for us. She was a tried friend, and more than a mother to you ! She would have been a mother to me also had she 1 lived. We have lost her ! Let us cherish her memory, and jj send up grateful thanks to the Almighty that we once had such a friend. I cannot but flatter myself that you have yourself
gone to the K in July as he had appointed. 1 am sure your
joss will be a new inducement for him to protect you, and 32
374 LETTER TO MADAME T .
render you justice. He will hear you, I am sure ; and you may safely unbosom yourself to him, and ask his advice, which cannot but be flattering to him to give you. Tell him you must look on him as your father and protector. If it
were necessary, I think, too, that the Count d'A ,* his
brother, would, on your personal appHcation, render you good offices by speaking in your favour. I should like it better, however, if you can do without him. Mr. Jefferson will show you my letter of this date to him. You will see by it how disgracefully I have been detained here by the board of Treasury. It is impossible for me to stir from this place till I obtain their settlement on the business I have already per- formed ; and as the season is already far advanced, I expect to be ordered to embark directly for the place of my destina- tion in the North. Mr. Jefferson will forward me your letters. I am almost without money, and much puzzled to obtain a supply. I have written to Dr. B.,f to endeavour to assist me. I mention this with infinite regret, and for no other reason than because it is impossible for me to transmit you a supply under my present circumstances. This is my fifth letter to you since I left Paris. The two last were from France, and I sent them by duplicates. But you say nothing of having received any letters from me ! Summon, my dear friend, all your resolution ! Exert yourself, and plead your own cause. You cannot fail of success — your cause would move a heart of flint ! Present my best respects to your sister. You did not mention her in your letter ; but I persuade myself she will continue her tender care of her sweet god-son, and that you will cover him all over with kisses from me: they come warm to you both from the heart !"
* Count d'Artois, afterwards Charles X. + Bancroft-
LETTER TO MADAME T . 375
To the same.
New York, October 24, 1787. " The last French packet brought no letter to me from the person whose happiness is dearer to me than anything else. I have been on the rack of fear and apprehension, and am totally unable to account for that silence ! My business is done here, and the moment of my return to Europe ap- proaches. My sentiments are unchanged, and my impatience can better be imagined than expressed. I have been honoured here beyond my ow^n expectations.* But your silence makes even honours insipid. I am, however, far from blaming you ; want of health, or some other misfortune, must have interposed. If this reaches you, remember me affectionately . to your sister and her god-son. May Heaven avert all trouble from you !"
Paul Jones almost immediately followed this letter to Europe. During his short stay in Paris in the winter of 1787, he must in all probability have again seen the lady to wbom it was addressed. Both the letters, as well as that sent to Mr. Jefferson, bear testimony how deeply his feelings were involved in this attachment, by whatever name it is called, love or friendship. Yet it must have terminated un- satisfactorily, if not unhappily. From the period of his set- ting out for Denmark and Russia, his correspondence bears
no ti'ace of Madame T — ; and by the time he reached
Amsterdam on his return, this lady must either have been forgotten, or deemed unworthy of remembrance. Whether this arose from his own conduct or fickleness, or the incon- stancy of that friend of whose silence while in America he had complained as " making even honours insipid," it is now impossible to determine, though on this occasion we are in-
* See page 198.
376 DISAPPOINTMENT.
clined to decide against the lady, should she even be, as we
have surmised, the " eternally devoted" Delia herself.
From a letter written by Paul Jones to two ladies whom he numbered among his friends, and who had pointedly alluded to the supposed state of his affections, and his engage- ments in Paris, there is reason to suppose that he may, in ad- dition to baffled professional hopes, have suffered disappoint- ment of a more tender kind.
" Paul Jones to Mesdames Le Grande and Rinsby, a, Trevoux, pres de Lion.
"Paris, Feb. 25, 1791. " Dear and amiable Ladies, — Madame Clement has read me a part of a letter from you, in which you conclude that I prefer love to friendship, and Paris to Trevoux. As to the first part you may be right, for love frequently communicates divine qualities, and in that light may be considered as the cordial that Providence has bestowed on mortals, to help them to digest the nauseous draught of life. Friendship, they say, has more solid qualities than love. This is a ques- tion I shall not attempt to resolve ; but sad experience generdly shows that where we expect to find a friend we have only been treacherously deluded by false appearances, and that the goddess herself very seldom confers her charms on any of the human race. As to the second, I am too much a philosopher to prefer noise to tranquillity : if this does not determine the preference between Paris and Trevoux, 1 will add, that I have had very bad health almost ever since your departure, and that other circumstances have conspired to detain me here, which have nothing to do either with love or friendship. My health is now recovering, and as what is re- tarded is not always lost, I hope soon to have the happiness of paying you my personal homage, and of renewing the assurance of that undiminished attachment which women of
A FRANK LETTER. 377
such distinguished worth and talents naturally inspire. I am, in the mean time, dear and amiable Ladies,
" Your most obedient and most humble servant,
" Paul Jones."
The lady's answer merits to be preserved. It displays the true kindness of female friendship, and the frank politeness of a Frenchwoman.
« Trevoux, 6th March, 179 it
" Sir, — I had given up the hope of receiving any intelligence of your Excellency, and I acknowledge it cost me much be- fore I could believe that the promise of a great man was no more to be relied on than that of the herd of mankind. The letter with which you have honoured me convinces me that my heart knew you better than my head ; for though my reason whispered that you had quite forgotten us, I w^as un- willing to believe it.
" Madame Wolfe, as well as myself, is much concerned for the bad state of your health. I am sorry that, like myself, your Excellency is taught the value of health by sickness. Come to us. Sir; if you do not find here the pleasures you enjoy in Paris, you will find a good air, frugal meals, freedom, ^nd hearts that can appreciate you.
" I am concerned to perceive that your Excellency is an unbeliever in friendship. Alas, if you want friends, who shall pretend to possess them ! I hope you will recover from this error, and be convinced that friendship is something more than a chimera of Plato.
" Do me the favour to acquaint me with the time we may
expect the honour of seeing you. I must be absent for some
days, and I would not for anything in the world that I should
not habere on your arrival. If I knew the time, I would send
32*
378 JONES'S LETTERS TO HIS SISTER.
my little carriage to meet the stage-coach, as I suppose you will take that conveyance.
" Madame Wolfe expects the moment of your arrival with as much eagerness as myself, (she says ;) but as I best know my own feelings, I am certain I go beyond her. Of this I am certain, that we shall both count the day till we have the happiness of seeing you. Come quickly then, I pray you.
" I beg you. Sir, to receive the assurance of the respectful consideration with which I have the honour to be your Ex- cellency's most humble and obedient servant."
The letters of Paul Jones to his sisters in Scotland are those in which his private character is most truly and advantage- ously seen. With them he had no part to act, no interest to pursue. His fraternal feelings were warm and steady, and the advice he conveyed to his discordant family, who ac- quainted him with their dissensions, as a person to whom both parties were disposed to appeal, does equal credit to his head and heart. That these letters should display any traits of the affectionate, confidential cordiality which render the familiar letters of near relatives so delightful, is not to be ex- pected. With his sisters he had enjoyed no domestic inter- course from boyhood, and he could know little of them by an unfrequent interchange of letters. Though not alienated from his affections, they were strangers to his tastes, his habits, his friends, and modes of life, and it is therefore of their own in- terests and affairs only that he chooses to speak to them.
" Paul Jones to his Sister, Mrs. Taylor.
" Amsterdam, March 26, 1790.
" I wrote you, my dear friend, from Paris, by Mr. Ken- nedy, who delivered me the kind letter you wrote me by him. Circumstances obliged me to return soon afterwards to America, and on my arrival at New York, Mr. Thomson delivered me a letter that had been intrusted to his care by Mrs. Loudon. It would be superfluous to mention the great
EDUCATION. 379
satisfaction I received in hearing from two persons I so much love and esteem, and whose worthy conduct as wives and mothers is so respectable in my eyes. Since my return to Europe, a train of circumstances and changes of residence have combined to keep me silent. This has given me more pain than I can express ; for I have a tender regard for you both, and nothing can be indifferent to me that regards your happiness and the welfare of your children. I wish for a par- ticular detail of their age, respective talents, characters, and education. I do not desire this information merely from curi- osity. It would afford me real satisfaction to be useful to their establishment in life. We must study the genius and inclina- tion of the boys, and try to fit them, by a suitable educa- tion, for the pursuits we may be able to adopt for their advantage. When their education shall be advanced to a proper stage, at the school of Dumfries for instance, it must then be determined whether it may be most economical and advantageous for them to go to Edinburgh or France to finish their studies. All this is supposing them to have great natural genius and goodness of disposition ; for without these they can never become eminent. For the females, they require an education suited to the delicacy of character that is be- coming in their sex. I wish I had a fortune to offer to each of them ; but though this is not the case, I may yet be useful to them. And I desire particularly to be useful to the two young women, who have a double claim to my regard, as they have lost their father. Present my kind compliments to Mrs. Loudon, to her husband, to Mr. Taylor, and your two families, and depend on my affectionate attachment.
" Write me without delay, and having sealed and directed your letter as you did the one you sent me by Mr. Kennedy, let it be enclosed in a cover, and direct the cover thus, * To Messieurs Stophorst and Hubbard, Amsterdam.' You will inquire if it be necessary to pay a part of the postage in order that the letter may be sent to Holland in the packet. I should
390 JONES'S LETTERS TO HIS SISTER.
be glad if the two Miss Youngs* would do me the favour to write me each a paragraph in your letter, or to write me, if they prefer it, each a separate letter, and I should be glad to find that they understand and can write the French."
This letter, hke all those to his own family, has no sig- nature.
In the end of this year (1790) we find another of his letters, from which, with very great pleasure, we give the following extract. The sisters of the Rear- Admiral, who were proba- bly both in the wrong, had, it appears, appealed to him in their disputes. It is to be hoped they profited by his ad- monitions.
"Paris, December 27th, 1790.
" I duly received, my dear Mrs. Taylor, your letter of the 16th August, but ever since that time I have been unable to answer it, not having been capable to go out of my chamber, and having been for the most part obliged to keep my bed. I have now no doubt but that I am in a fair way of a perfect recovery, though it will require time and patience.
" I shall not conceal from you that your family discord aggravates infinitely all my pains. My grief is inexpressible, that two sisters, whose happiness is so interesting to me, do not live together in that mutual tenderness and affection which would do so much honour to themselves and to the memory of their worthy relations. Permit me to recommend to your serious study and application Pope's Universal Prayer. You will find more morality in that little piece than in many volumes that have been written by great divines —
• Teach me to feel another's wo,
To hide the fault I see ; That mercy I to others show,
Such mercy show to me ."
" This is not the language of a weak superstitious mind,
* His orphan nieces alluded to above.
ILL HEALTH IN PARIS. 381
Dut the spontaneous offspring of true religion, springing from a heart sincerely inspired by charity, and deeply impressed with a sense of the calamities and frailties of human nature. If the sphere in which Providence has placed us as members of society requires the exercise of brotherly kindness and charity towards our neighbour in general, how much more is this our duty with respect to individuals with whom we are connected by the near and tender ties of nature as well as moral obligation. Every lesser virtue may pass away, but charity comes from heaven, and is immortal. Though I wish to be the instrument of making family-peace, which I flatter myself would tend to promote the happiness of you all, yet I by no means desire you to do violence to your own feelings, by taking any step that is contrary to your own judgment and inclination. Your reconciliation must come free from your heart, otherwise it will not last, and therefore it will be better not to attempt it. Should a reconciliation take place, I recommend it of all things, that you never mention past grievances, nor show, by icord, looh, or action, that you have not forgot them."
From this time Paul Jones never quitted Paris. His con- tinual bad health, and the state of France, and of the capital, torn by faction, — the threatening shadow of those evil days, which were so soon to follow, already lowering over it, — alike enjoined retirement from society. It does not appear to what political party he was attached, though it is probable that of the Girondists, which was the legitimate offspring of the American revolution, had his good wishes, tempered by strong feelings of personal attachment and gratitude towards the amiable Prince who had shown him such distinguished marks of favour. He had never appeared at court from the time of his return from Russia ; and if he appeared at all, it was only once, which must have been a very few months be- fore his death. The scroll of a letter, dated December 7th, 1791, to the Marquis of La Fayette, remains among his
382 ATTACHMENT TO LOUIS XVI.
papers, and explains his situation and his loyal and grateful feelings, and proves that, as this crisis drew near, he took the generous part. The Marquis at this time, from his official situation, was constantly in the Palace.
" Rear- Admiral Paul Jones to the Marquis de La Fayette*
" Paris, December 7th, 1791. "Deae. General, — My ill health for some time past has prevented me from the pleasure of paying you my personal respects, but I hope shortly to indulge myself with that satis- faction.
" I hope you approve the quality of the fur-linings I brought from Russia for the King and yourself I flatter myself that his Majesty will accept from your hand that little mark of the sincere attachment I feel for his person ; and be assured, that I shall be always ready to draw the sword with which he honoured me for the service of the virtuous and illustrious * Protector of the Rights of Human Nature.'
" When my health shall be re-established, M. Simolin will do me the honour to present me to his Majesty as a Russian Admiral. Afterwards it will be my duty, .as an American officer, to wait on his Majesty with the letter which I am directed to present to him from the United States. " I am, dear General,
With sincere friendship,
Your affectionate and
Most humble servant."
From the mutilated fragment of an angry but very ener- getic letter, addressed to the Minister of Marine, we gather that the claims of Paul Jones on the French government still remained unsettled, which was indeed the case at his death, and that he had been treated with indignity as well as denied justice. The following letter, which introduces this warm statement of injuries, has peculiar interest, as it is presumed
CLAIMS ON FRENCH GOVERNMENT. 383
to be the last effusion of his pen. It does not appear to whom this letter was addressed, though it might probably be to the Minister of Marine for the time. It proves that, how- ever sunk in health and hope, the writer retained the same keenness of temper and acuteness of mind which distinguished him at all periods.
" Rear-Admiral Paul Jones to the Minister of the French Marine.
" Pakis, March, 1792.
" Sir, — In the beginning of the administration of your pre- decessor, I informed him, that this government, not having paid the salary due to a part of the crew of the Bon Homme Richard at the time when they were discharged from the service, they had been paid on their arrival at Boston ; and having myself been sent back here after the war, under a special commission from the United States, to settle the claims of my crews, I presented a memorial, reclaiming that part of the salary that had never been reimbursed. The Minister held me in suspense for about five months, and then, to my great surprise, instead of satisfying my just demand, he ad- dressed me m a very uncivil letter, treating me, as I con- ceive, like a schoolboy, and permitting himself to cast unjust and uncivil reflections on my past conduct. My health did not permit me to answer him immediately ; but I had pre- pared a letter, and was just going to send it, when I learned that he had resigned his place as the Minister of the Marine, and that you were named as his successor.
" I request the favour, sir, that you may read his letter and my answer ; after which I persuade myself you will do jus- tice to my first demand, which is merely official. As to my personal pretensions, I never should have set up a claim on that score under circumstances less affecting to my sensibility. Of this I need offer no other proof than my silence in that respect for twelve years past. My losses and unavoidable expenses during my long connexion with this nation amount
384 SERVICES RECOUNTED,
to a large sum, and have greatly lessened my fortune. 1 have given solemn proofs of my great attachment tow^ards France, and that attachment still remains undiminished. I persuade myself that I may with full assurance repose my interests through your ministry on the national justice.
" I have the honour to be," &c. &c.
The beginning of the letter referred to above is wanting, as well as the letter of the minister which drew forth the following pithy reply. What of it remains entire commences with the " risks" of the writer in the Texel " for three m.onths together, blocked," he says, " within by the fleet of Holland, and without by the fleets of England, while my head was rendered a prize to excite private treachery and avarice. My fortitude and self-denial alone dragged Holland into the war, — a service of the greatest importance to this nation ; for without that great event no calculation can ascertain when the war would have ended.
" Would you suppose, sir, that my prisoners, 600 in num- ber, were treacherously taken out of my hands in the Texel, with two of my prizes, a new ship of war, pierced for 56 guns, and a frigate of 24 guns in one battery ? — Would you suppose that I was driven out of the Texel in a single frigate belonging to the United States, in the face of 42 EngHsh ships, and vessels posted to cut off my retreat ? — My prisoners were disposed of without my consent, and contrary to my mtention. My prizes were all wrested out of my hands, and some of them, particularly the ship of 56 guns, degraded and cut to pieces before my eyes, and in contempt of my authority, though that ship, by the laws of the American flag, was the exclusive property of the captors.
" You appear, sir, to treat me like a school-boy, when you say, — ^J^ai Vhonneur de vous observer, monsieur, qu^il est toujours (fusage de 'payer directement aux marins le decompte des salaires qui leur reviennent au desarmement des hatimens*
COMPLAINTS. 38f,
I could not have supposed, sir, that you had thought me so ignorant as to need that information seventeen years alter I was first honoured with tiie rank of captain in the navy. *•
* * # * # *
" Though my crews were almost naked, and I had no money to administer to their wants, yet my constant appli- cation to Court for two months produced no relief, no pay- ment whatever, either for salary or prize-money. I was on the point of sailing back to America, without any appearance of obtaining justice, — without the least acknowledgment, direct or indirect, that the Court was satisfied wtth my ser- vices! — Under these circumstances, in a moment of despair I came to Court to demand satisfaction.
" The Minister of the United States accompanied me to M. Sartine, who gave us a reception as cold as ice, did not say to me a single word, nor ask me if my health had not suffered from my wounds and the uncommon fatigue I had undergone. The public did me more justice than the minister ; and I owe to the King alone the flattering marks of distinction with w^hich I w^as honoured, — a gold sword, and the Order of Military Merit.'
" But I solicited in vain for salary and prize-money ; and the Minister of Marine detained me so long at Court, that the crew of the American frigate I had left at L'Orient, despairing to obtain redress, revolted, and carried that frigate back to America. * * * *
" It is true, the Marquis de Castries pretended for a long time that I should give him security for the prize-money ; but I at last made him recede from the absurdity of that de mand. I was detained in Europe four years ; and having in that time spent sixty thousand Kvres of my own money, I re • ceived for my share of all the prizes, as commander of the Bon Homme, thirteen thousand livres ! * * *
Permit me, by way of comparison, just to mention the treat- ment the French officers received who served in the Ameri- 33
386 LAST ILLNESS.
can army. The war had been carried on for several years by the Americans alone, and there is no instance where the United States invited a Fren( h officer to enter into their ser- vice. Such as presented thv^mselves and were accepted, have all of them bettered their situation by that connexion. At the end of the war they received a gratification of five years' pay, the Order of Cincinnatus, and a lot of land ; and they now enjoy grades far superior to what they could have attained under other circumstances. If we except the Mar- quis de la Fayette, none of them were rich when they vi^ent to America. They are all now in easy circumstances. In short, they have been treated much better than the Americans themselves, who served from the beginning to the end of the Revolution.
" I hope and desire, sir, that you may lay this letter before the King. It contains many things out of the general rule of dehcacy which marks my proceedings, and which, on any occasion less affecting to my sensibility, would never have escaped from my tongue or pen."
From about this time the health of Paul Jones sunk rapidly. Symptoms of jaundice appeared, — a disease which not unfrequently follows mental chagrin and disappointment. h does not, however, appear that he was long confined. About the beginning of July dropsical symptoms supervened on his other disorders, and he expired on the evening of the 18th of that month. Though far from those on whose aflfec- lion he had a natural claim, his dying hours were not un- Bolaced by the constant and tender offices of friendship.
Many idle rumours connected with his death have been circulated, as if his latter days had been spent in extreme pov- erty, chilling neglect, and entire abandonment. These are of a piece with the other calumnies and marks of obloquy with which his memory and character have been loaded. The subjoined letters and documents afford a simple and an ample
PROPERTY. 387
refutation of charges and assumptions made, probably, as much in ignorance as malice.
" Letter of M. Beaupoil to either Mrs. Taylor or Mrs. Loudon^ Sisters of Paul JoneSy Esq., Admiral in the Russian Service.
" Madam, — I am sorry to acquaint you that your brother, Admiral Paul Jones, my friend, paid, yesterday, the debt we ail owe to nature. He has made a will, which is deposited in the hands of Mr. Badinier, notary, St. Servin Street, Paris. The will was drawn in Enghsh, by Mr. Gouverneur Morris, Minister of the United States, and translated faithfully by the French notary aforesaid. The Admiral leaves his pro- perty, real and personal, to his two sisters and their children. They are named in the will as being married, one to William
Taylor, and the other to Loudon, of Dumfries. The
executor is Mr. Robert Morris of Philadelphia. If I could be of any service to you in this business, out of the friendship I bore your brother, I '11 do it with pleasure. I am a French- man and an officer. I am sincerely yours,
" Beaupoil. " Paris, July 19, 1792, No. 7, H6tel Anglais, - Passage des Petits Pdres.
" The English will is signed by Colonels Swan, Blackden, and myself. The schedule of his property lying in Denmark, Russia, France, America, and elsewhere, is signed by Mr. Morris, and deposited by me. in his bureau, with the original will. Everything is sealed up at his lodgings, Tournon Street, No. 42, Paris.
" You may depend also on the good services of Colonel Blackden, who was an intimate friend of the Admiral's. That gentleman is setting out for London, where you may hear of him at No. 18, Great Tichfield Street, London."
On receiving this letter, Mrs. Taylor wrote to Colonel Blackden in London, and obtained a reply in course of post.
388 COL. BLACKDEN'S LETTER.
" Colonel Blackden to Mrs. Taylor of Dumfries, eldest Sister of Admiral Paul Jones.
" Great Tichfield Street,
London, Aug. 9th.
" Madam, — I had the honour of receiving your letter of the 3d instant, and shall answer you most readily. Your brother, Admiral Jones, was not in good health for about a year, but had not been so unwell as to keep house. For two months past he began to lose his appetite, to grow yellow, and show signs of the jaundice ; for this he took medicine, and seemed to grow better ; but about ten days before his death his legs began to swell, which increased upwards, so that two days before his exit he could not button his waistcoat, and had great difficulty of breathing.
" I visited him every day, and, beginning to be apprehen- sive of his danger, desired him to settle his affairs ; but this he put off till the afternoon of his death, when he was pre- vailed on to send for a notaire, and made his will. Mr. Beau- poil and myself witnessed it at about eight o'clock in the eve- ning, and left him sitting in a chair. A few minutes after we retired he walked into his chamber, and laid himself upon his face, on the bed-side, with his feet on the floor ; after the Queen's physician arrived, they went into the room, and found him in that position, and upon taking him up, they found he had expired.
" His disorder had terminated in dropsy of the breast. His body was put into a leaden coffin on the tw^entieth, that in case the United States, whom he had so essentially served, and with so much honour to himself, should claim his remains, they might be more easily removed. This is all. Madam, that I can say concerning his illness and death.
" I most sincerely condole with you. Madam, upon the loss of my dear and respectable friend, for whom I entertained the greatest affection, and as a proof of it, you may command the
ELOGE. 389
utmost exertion of my feeble abilities, which shall be rendered with cheerfulness.
" I have the honour to be, Madam, Your most obedient humble servant,
*' S. Blackden.''
The American Ambassador, Gouverneur Morris, did not think it necessary to claim the remains of Admiral Jones, nor did the United States. As a protestant and heretic, it was still, we believe, necessary to obtain liberty of burial in con- secrated ground, and this was probably done. The National Assembly paid his memory the honour of sending a deputation of twelve of their body to attend the funeral. He was buried at Paris on the 20th July, and the following funeral discourse was pronounced over his grave by Mr. Marron, a protestant clergyman of Paris.
(Translation.)
" Discourse pronounced by Mr. Marron^ officiating Protestant Clergyman^ at the Funeral of Admiral Paul Jones, July 20, 1 792, in Paris.
" Legislators ! citizens ! soldiers ! friends ! brethren ! and Frenchmen ! we have just returned to the earth the remains of an illustrious stranger, one of the first champions of the liberty of America, of that liberty which so gloriously ushered in our own. The Semiramis of the north had drawn him under her standard, but Paul Jones could not long breathe the pestilential air of despotism ; he preferred the sweets of a private life in France, now free, to the eclat of titles and of honours, which, from an usurped throne^ were lavished upon him by Catherine. The fame of the brave outlives him, his portion is immortality. What more flattering homage could we pay to the manes of Paul Jones, than to swear on his tomb to live or to die free 1 It is the vow, it is the watchword of every Frenchman. 38*
890 PAUL JONES'S WILL.
" Let never tyrants, nor their satellites, pollute this sacred earth ! May the ashes of the great man, too soon lost to humanity, and eager to be free, enjoy here an undisturbed re- pose ! Let his example teach posterity the efforts which noble souls are capable of making, when stimulated by hatred to oppression. Friends and brethren, a noble emulation bright- ens in your looks ; your time is precious, the country is in danger ! Who amongst us would not shed the last drop of their blood to save it? Associate yourselves to the glory of Paul Jones, in imitating him in his contempt of dangers, in his devoted ness to his country, in his noble heroism, which, after having astonished the present age, will continue to be the imperishable object of the veneration of future genera- tions !"
(Translated from the French.) " Testament of Paul Jones, 1 Qth July, 1792.
" Before the undersigned notaries, at Paris, appeared Mr. John Paul Jones, citizen of the United States of America, re- sident at present in Paris, lodged in the street of Tonrnon, No. 42, at the house of Mr. Dorberque, huissier audiancier of the tribunal of the third arrondissement, found in a parlour in the first story above the floor, lighted by two windows opening on the said street of Tournon, sitting in an arm-chair, sick of body, but sound of mind, memory, and understanding, as it appeared to the undersigned notaries by his discourse and conversation, —
" Who, in view of death, has made, dictated, and worded, TO the undersigned notaries, his testament as follows : —
" I give and bequeath all the goods, as well moveable as neritable, and all, generally, whatever may appertain to me at my decease, in whatever country they may be situated, to my two sisters, Janet, spouse to William Taylor, and Mary, wife to Mr. Loudon, and to the children of my said sisters, to
PAUL JONES'S WILL. 891
divide them into as many portions as my said sisters and their children shall make up individuals, and to be enjoyed by them 'in the following manner : —
" My sisters, and those of their children, who on the day of my death shall have reached the age of twenty-one, will enjoy their share in full property from the date of decease. As for those of my nephews and nieces who at that period of time may not reach the age of twenty-one years, their mothers w'ill enjoy their shares till such time as they attain that said age, with charge to them to provide for their food, maintenance, and education; and as soon as any of my nephews or nieces will have reached the age of twenty-one years, the same will enjoy his share in full property.
" If one or more of my nephews and nieces should happen to die without children before having reached the age of twenty-one, the share of those of them who may have de- ceased shall be divided betwixt my said sisters and my other nephews and nieces by equal portions.
" I name the honourable Robert Morris, Esq. of Philadel- phia, my only testamentary executor.
" I revoke all other testaments or codicils which I may have made before the present, which alone I stand by as con- taining my last will
'' So made, dictated, and worded, by said testator, to the said notaries undersigned, and afterwards read, and read over again to him by one of them, the other being present, wnich he well understood, and persevered in, at Paris, the year 1792, the 18th July, about five o'clock afternoon, in the room heretofore described, and the said testator signed the original of the present, unregistrated, at Paris the 25th September, 1792, by Defrance, who received one livre, provisionally, save to determine definitively the right after the declaration of the revenue of the testator. The original remained with Mr. Pettier, one of the notaries at Paris, undersigned, who
392 SCHEDULE OF JONES'S PROPERTY,
delivered these presents this day, 26th September, 1792, first of the French RepubUc. . Pottier.
" (Signed) L'Avernier."
(Copy.)
*^ Schedule of the Property of Admiral John Paul Jones, as stated hy him to me this 18lh of July, 1792.
" 1st, Bank stock in the Bank of North America, at Phila- delphia, 6000 dollars, with sundry dividends.
" 2d, Loan-Office certificate left with my friend John Ross of Philadelphia, for 2000 dollars at par, with great arrear- ages of interest, being for ten or twelve years.
" 3d, Such balance as may be in the hands of my said friend, John Ross, belonging to me, and sundry effects left in his care.
" 4th, My lands in the State of Vermont.
" 5th, Shares in the Ohio Company.
" 6th, Shares in the Indiana Company.
" 7th, About 1800/. sterling due to me from Edward Ban- croft, unless paid by him to Sir Robert Herries, and is then in his hands.
" 8th, Upwards of four years of my pension due from Denmark, to be asked from the Count de Bernstorf
" 9th, Arrearages of my pay from the Empress of Russia, and all my prize-money.
" 10th, The balance due to me by the United States of America, and sundry claims in Europe, which will appear from my papers.
" This is taken from his mouth.
(Signed) " Govr. Morris,
" Ambassador from the United States to the Court of France."
The manners and moral character of Paul Jones have been the frequent subject of discussion and of very contradictory
CHARACTER. 3^3
Statements. His professional talents and personal appearance are less the topics of dispute. It is agreed that he was about the middle size, slightly made, but active and agile, and in youth capable of considerable exertion and fatigue. In advancing life, though he continued equally hardy and active in his habits, it was the vehement, fiery spirit that o'er-informed its shattered tenement ; and after almost every journey we find him suffer- ing from cold and fatigue, or having serious illnesses. He was of the complexion usually united with dark hair and eyes, which his were; but his skin had become embrowned by exposure from boyhood to all varieties of weather and of climate. His physiognomical expression indicated that promptitude and decision in action which w^ere striking characteristics of his mind. His bust is said to be a good likeness ; his portrait, painted in America, and probably a very indifferent resemblance, exhibits a rather precise-looking little man. The style of the highly-powdered hair, or wig, would, however, convert Achilles himself into a pedant or a petit maitj-e.
In manners Paul Jones has been described by one party as stiff, finical, and conceited ; by another as arrogant, brutal, and quarrelsome. The first statement may have some colour of truth, the last is impossible. He had reached manhood before he could have had much intercourse with polite society ; and manners, formed so late in life on the fashionable models of Paris and Versailles, may have sat somewhat stiffly on the Anglo-American, who, in giving up his own republican sim- plicity, and professional openness and freedom, might not have acquired all the ease and grace, even if he did attain the ele- gance and polish of French manners ; but his appearance and manners must have been those of a gentleman. Mauvais ton, to a certain degree, might have been tolerated in a seaman and a foreigner ; but " rudeness, arrogance, and brutality," must have proved an effectual barrier of exclusion from those polite and courtly circles where Paul Jones was not only
394 CHARACTER.
received but welcomed; and into which he made his owk way, and maintained his place, long after he had lost the gloss and resistless attraction of novelty. The letter of Ma- dame Rinsby, and other published documents, prove the foot- ing he held in respectable French female society to his death, and are quite conclusive as to the propriety of his manners. He has again been described as "grossly ignorant." No one who pursues his career, or peruses his letters, can for a mo- ment believe a charge so absurd. From his first appearance as a ship-boy he must have been set down as a very clever and promising lad ; and if not a prodigy of learning, which was an impossibihty, he had far more literature than was Lt all usual in his day, even in the very highest ranks of his pro- fession. His verses are far from despicable. Baron Grimm, we think, overrates them, yet he was an admirable critic. They were found amusing and agreeable in polished society, which is the very best test and use of occasional verse, namely, of all such verse as the public can well spare, and his muse was humanizing to his own mind. We like his prose better than his verse. It is often admirable if struck off at one hit, particularly when the writer gets warm, and gives way to his feelings of indignation. It is said, that a minister, in read- ing the despatches of Lord Collingwood, who went to sea at twelve years of age, used to ask, " Where has Collingwood got his style ? — He writes better than any of us." With fully more propriety many of the members of Congress, so far as regarded their own compositions and resolves, might have put a similar question in relation to Paul Jones. He is allowed to have been kind and attentive to his crews, and generous and liberal in all pecuniary transactions of a private nature ; though his correspondence shows that he was commendably tenacious of his pecuniary claims on states and pubHc bodies. His memoirs afford some pleasing instances of his kindness to his prisoners, and of his desire to^ rescue them from the fangs of agents and commissaries. So far as discipline de-
CHARACTER. 395
scends, Paul Jones was a rigid and strict disciplinarian. In his own 'person he appears to have been so impatient of all control and check as to be unfit for any regularly organized service, though admirably adapted to the singular crisis at which he appeared. To his dress he was, or at least latterly became, so attentive as to have it remarked. It was a better trait that his ship was at all times remarkable for cleanliness and neatness, and for the same good order and arrangement which pervaded all his private affairs. He is said to have been fond of music, and to have performed himself.
The acute understanding of Paul Jones perpetually con- flicting with his natural keenness and warmth of temper, gave at times the appearance of vacillation to his conduct, and the unpleasant and unwise alternation of bold defiance with undue submission. This is painfully conspicuous in his unhappy and heart-breaking connexion with Potemkin. On other occa- sions, as on the sailing of Landais in the mutiny, he showed a remarkable degree of self-command and forbearance. The self-eulogium which so frequently obtrudes itself in his writ- ing, was, it should be recollected, generally called forth by pecuUar circumstances. A man has every right to bring forward his services, when those who should remember appear disposed to forget them. Besides, what is here con- centrated into one small volume, was in reality diffused over the correspondence of twenty years of an active life. Boast- ing, for some reason which we leave to philosophy to inves- tigate, appears an inherent quality in great naval command- ers. Nelson, Rodney, Drake, were all, in one sense, arrant braggarts.
It is a less amiable trait in the character of Paul Jones, that we find him very frequently quarrelling with rival and associate commanders, and never once bestowing hearty cordial praise on any one of them. His avarice of fame, like the same vice of a more sordid kind, not only gave him the insatiable desire of accumulation, but tempted him, if not to
396
CHARACTER.
defraud, at least to trench on the rights of others ; and his nostihty, though open, was often far from generous : yet his squabbles were wholly professional. In private life there appears to have been no reason to fasten on him the. odious imputation of being quarrelsome, which some have attempted. He was fonder, not of glory alone, but of its trappings and badges, than quite became the champion of a republic, and the -pupil of Franklin; but this is a mere subject of opinion. He may have considered these symbols as the seals with which Fame ratifies her bonds.
The moral character of Paul Jones, at all stages of his career, has been in England the subject of violent abuse and of gross misrepresentation. If this has been done by English- men from a mistaken love of their country, they dishonour their country and themselves. If it is, as we hope, to be at- tributed to ignorance of facts, such statements should hence- forth cease. His faiUngs were precisely such as he must have been a moral monster to have escaped ; they arose from his natural character and from his profession : — it is the ut- most malice could say, and more than is warranted by truth, that he was
" Jealous in honour ; sudden and quick in quarrel :
Seeking the bubble reputation
Even in the cannon's mouth."
THE END
APPENDIX.
(Page 29.)
"On board of that ship, before Philadelphia, Mr. Jones hoisted the flag of America with his own hands, the first time it was ever displayed."
With respect to this claim so often made on behalf of Admiral Paul Jones, the American editor ventures to publish the following very curi- ous correspondence. It consists of a letter from the late President John Adams to the Hon. John Langdon, Governor of New Hampshire, and the governor's answer. For these documents the editor is indebted to the politeness of Dr. Elwyn of Philadelphia, a grandson of Governor Langdon.
« QuiNCY, January 24, 1813. " Dear Sir, — I feel an irresistible propensity to compare notes with you, in order to ascertain whether your memory and mine coincide in iaQ recollection of the circumstances of a particular transaction in the history of this country. As it lies in my mind. Captain John Manly applied to General Washington, in Cambridge, in 1775, informed him that British transports and merchant ships were frequently passing and repassing un- armed, and asked leave to put a few guns aboard a vessel to cruise for them. Washington either shrinking from the boldness of the enterprise, or doubting his authority, prudently transmitted the information to Con- gress in a letter. When the letter was read, many members seemed much surprised ; but a motion was made, and seconded, to commit it to a special committee. Opposition was made to this motion, and a debate ensued ; but the motion prevailed by a small majority. The committee appointed were John Langdon, Silas Deane, and John Adams. We met and at once agreed to report a resolution authorizing General Washington to 34 (397)
398 APPENDIX.
fit and arm one or more vessels for the purpose. A more animated op- position and debate arose upon this report, but the resolution was carried by a small majority. Under the authority of this resolution, Washington fitted out Manly, who soon brought in several prizes, the most important of which was that transport loaded with soldiers, arms, ammunition, and that immortal mortar, which was called the Congress, and finally drove the British army out of Boston and their fleet out of the harbour. This rfplendid success inspired new courage into Congress. They appointed a new committee, consisting of yourself. Governor Hopkins, Richard Henry Lee, Mr. Gadsden and me, to purchase, arm, and equip, officer and man ships. We met every night, and in a short time, had the Al- fi-ed, Columbus, Cabot, Andrew Doria, Providence, &c., at sea, under Commodore Hopkins. The naval enterprise of Congress increased fast. They soon appointed a committee of one from each state, of whom you were one, and ordered twelve frigates to be built. My recollection has been incited by late information from Philadelphia, that Paul Jones has written in his Journal, ' My hand first hoisted the American Flag ;' and that Captain Barry used to say, that the ♦ first British flag struck to him.* Both these vain boasts I know to be false ; and as you know them to be BO, I wish to have your testimony to corroborate mine.
" It is not decent nor just that those emigrant foreigners of the South, should falsely arrogate to themselves merit that belongs to New England sailors, officers and men.
" Wishing you a healthy pleasant year,
" I remain your obedient friend,
"JOHN ADAMS. " John Langdon, Esq.,
" Late Governor of New Hampshire, Portsmouth."
" Portsmouth, January 27th, 1813. " Respected Sir, — I had the honour of receiving by the last mail, your letter of the 24th instant, by which I see your time is taken up, and your mind continually on the stretch, for the support and honour of our beloved country. You request me to call to mind * the circumstances of a particular transaction in the history of this country;' to which I an- swer, that upon reading your correct statement of the proceedings of Congress? on our naval matters, the appointment of committees, of which we were a part, the struggle we had to begin our little navy, and the opposition that was made by many members of Congress, brings to my recollection the circumstances that took place in 1775, in all which, as fax
APPENDIX.
as I can recollect, I most perfectly coincide with you. The appointment of Manly, and his successes, must be well known throughout the United States. As to Paul Jones, if my memory serves me, pretending to say that * his hand first hoisted the American Flag,' and Captain Barry, • the first British flag struck to him,* are both unfounded, as it is impressed on my mind that many prizes were brought into the New England States, before their names were mentioned. I am, dear sir, always happy to hear from you, that you are in good health, and able still to continue your pre-eminent services to your country. Mrs. Langdon, who, I am sorry to say, has been very unwell for sometime past, joins me in our most sincere respects to yourself and your good lady, whom we have in grateful re- membrance.
" That your last days may be your best and happiest, is the wish of your old firiend and humble servant,
"JOHN LANGDON. " Honourable John Adams,
*^Late Presidentj &c.'
Jones saving the Boats.— (P. 254.)
CATALOGUE
OF
VALUABLE BOOKS,
PUBLISHED BY
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.,
(SUCCESSOHS TO GRiGG, ELLIOT & CO.)
NO. 11 NORTH FOUllTII STiiEl!:r, PHILADELPHIA;
coNsisTi:va of a large assokt^ient of
Bibles, Prayer-Books, Commeutarles, Standard Poets, MEDICAL, THEOLOGICAL AND MISCELLANEOUS WORKS, ETC.,
PARTICULARLY SUITABLE FOR
PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIBRARIES.
FOR SALE BY BOOKSELLERS AND COUNTRY MERCHANTS GENERALLY THROUGH- OUT THE UNITED STATES.
THE BEST & IVIOST COMPLET_E FAMILY COMMENTARY.
Tlie Comprelieiisiye Commentary on the Holy Bible;
CONTAINING
THE TEXT ACCORDING TO THE AUTHORIZED VERSION,
SCOTTS MARGINAL REFERENCES; MATTHEW HENRY'S COMMENTARY,
CONDENSED, BUT RETAINING EVERY USEFUL THOUGHT; THE
PRACTICAL OnSERVATIONS OF REV. THOMAS SCOTT, D. D. ;
WITH EXTENSIVE
EXPLANATORY, CRITICAL AND PHILOLOGICAL NOTES,
Selected from Scott, Doddridge, Gill, Adam Clarke, Patrick, PooIe, Lowih, Burder, Harmer, Calmet, Rosenmueller, Bloomfield, Stuart, Bush, Dwight, and many other writers on the Scriptures.
The whole designed to be a digest and combination of the advantages of the best Bible Commentaries, and embracing nearly all that is valuable in
HENRY, SCOTT, AND DODDRIDGE.
Conveniently arranged for family and private reading, and, at the same time, particularly adapted to the wants of Sabbath-School Teachers and Bible Classes ; with numerous useful tables, and a neatly engraved Family Record.
Edited by Rev. William Jenks, D. D.,
PASTOR OF GREEN STREET CHURCH, BOSTON.
Embellished with five portraits, and other elegant engravings, from steel
plates; with several maps and many wood-cuts, illustrative of Scripture
Manners, Customs, Antiquities, &c. In 6 vols.^super- royal 8vo.
Including Supplement, bound in cloth, sheep, calf, &c., varying in
Price from $10 to $15.
The whole forming the most valuable as well as the cheapest Commentary
published in the world.
1
LIFPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS. NOTICES AND RECOMMENDATIONS
OF THE
COMPREHENSIVE COMMENTAEY.
The Publishers select the following from the testimonials they have received as to the value of the work : We, the subscribers, having examined the Comprehensive Commentary, issued from the press of Messrs. L., G. & Co., and highly approving its character, would cheerfully and confidently recom- mend it as containing more matter and more advantages than any other with which we are acquainted ; and considering the expense incurred, and the excellent manner of its mechanical execution, we believe it to be one of the cheapest works ever issued from the press. We hope the publishers will be sustained by a liberal patronage, in their expensive and useful undertaking. We should be pleased to learn that every family in the United States had procured a copy.
B. B. WISNER, D. D., Secretary of Am. Board of Com. for For. Missions.
WM. COGSWELL, D. D., " " Education Society.
JOHN CODMAN, D. D., Pastor of Congregational Church, Dorchester.
Rev. HUBBARD WINSLOW, " " Bowdoin street, Dorchester.
Rev. SEWALL HARDING, Pastor of T. C. Church, Waltham.
Rev. J. H. FAIRCHILD, Pastor of Congregational Church, South Boston.
GARDINER SPRING, D. D., Pastor of Presbyterian Church, New York city.
CYRUS MASON, D. D., " • " " " "
THOS. M'AULEY, D. D., " •. » « «
JOHN WOODBRIDGE, D. D., " " " " "
THOS. DEWITT, D. D., " Dutch Ref. " " "
E. W. BALDWIN, D. D., " " " " "
Rev. J. M. M'KREBS, " Presbyterian " " "
Rev. ERSKINE MASON, « " " " "
Rev. J. S. SPENCER, " " " Brooklyn.
EZRA STILES ELY, D. D., Stated Clerk of Gen. Assem. of Presbyterian Church.
JOHN M'DOWELL, D. D., Permanent » " "
JOHN BRECKENRIDGE, Corresponding Secretary of Assembly's Board of Education.
SAMUEL B. WYLIE, D. D., Pastor of the Reformed Presbyterian Church.
N. LORD, D. D., President of Dartmouth College.
JOSHUA BATES, D. D., President of Middlebury College.
IL HUMPHREY, D. D., " Amherst College.
E. D. GRIFFIN, D. D., " Williamstowa College.
J. WHEELER, D. D., " Univei-sity of Vermont, at Burlington.
J. M. MATTHEWS, D. D., " New York City University.
GEORGE E. PIERCE, D. D., " Western Reserve College, Ohio.
Rev. Dr. BROWN, " Jeffersort College, Penn.
LEONARD WOODS, D. D., Professor of Theology, Andover Seminary.
THOS. H. SKINNER, D. D., « Sac. Rhet. "
Rev. RALPH EMERSON, " Eccl. Hist. " "
Rev. JOEL PARKER, Pastor of Presbyterian Church, New Orleans.
JOEL HAWES, D. D., " Congregational Church, Hartford, Conn.
N. S. S. BEAMAN, D. D., " Presbyterian Church, Troy, N. Y.
MARK TUCKER, D. D., " " " " "
Rev. E. N. KIRK, " " " Albany, N. Y.
Rev. E. B. EDWARDS, Editor of Quarterly Observer.
Rev. STEPHEN MASON, Pastor Fust Congregational Church, Nantucket. Rev, ORIN FOWLER, " " " " Fall River.
GEORGE W. BETHUNE, D. D., Pastor of the First Reformed Dutch Church, Philada.
Rev. LYMAN BEECHER, D. D., Cincinnati, Ohio.
Rev. C. D. MALLORY, Pastor Baptist Church, Augusta, Ga. ,
Rev. S. M. NOEL, " " " Frankfort, Ky.
From the Professors at Princeton Theological Seminary. The Comprehensive Commentary contains the whole of Henrj-'s Exposition in a condensed form, Scott's Practical Observations and Marginal References, and a large number of very valuable philo- logical and critical notes, selected from various authors. The work appears to be executed with judgment, fidelity, and care ; an4 will furnish a rich treasure of scriptural knowledge to the Biblical student, and to the teachers of Sabbath-Schools and Bible Classes.
A. ALEXANDER, D. D. SAMUEL MILLEU, D. D. CHARLES HODGE, D. D
1
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS. In one super-royal volume.
DESIGNED TO ACCOMPANY
THE FAMILY BOLE,
OR HENRY'S, SCOTT'S, CLARKE'S, GILL'S, OR OTHER COMMENTARIES:
CONTAINING-
1. A new, full, and complete Concordance;
Illustrated with monumental, traditional, and oriental engravings, founded on Butterworth's, with Cruden's definitions; forming, it is believed, on many accounts, a more valuable work than either Butterworth, Cruden, or any other similar book in the language.
The value of a Concordance is now generally understood ; and those who have used one, con- sider it indispensable in connection with the Bible.
2. A Guide to the Reading and Study of the Bible ;
being Carpenter's valuable Biblical Companion, lately published in London, containing a complete history of the Bible, and forming a most excellent introduction to its study. It embraces the evi- dences of Christianity, Jevirish antiquities, manners, customs, arts, natural history, «tc., of the Bible, with notes and engravings added.
3. Complete Biographies of Henry, by Williams; Scott, by his son ; Doddridge, by Orton ;
with sketches of the lives and characters, and notices of the works, of the writers on the Scriptures who are quoted in the Commentary, living and dead, American and foreign.
This part of the volume not only affords a large quantity of interesting and useful reading for pious families, but will also be a source of gratification to all those who are in the habit of consult- ing the Commentary ; every one naturally feeling a desire to know some particulars of the lives and characters of those whose opinions he seeks. Appended to this part, will be a
BIBLIOTHECA BIBLICA,
or list of the best works on the Bible, of all kinds, arranged under their appropriate heads.
4. A complete Index of the Matter contained in the Bible Text. 6. A Symbolical Dictionary.
A' very comprehensive and valuable Dictionary of Scripture Symbols, (occupying about fifty-six closely printed pages,) by Thomas Wemyss, (author of "Biblical Gleanings," &c.) Comprising Daubuz, Lancaster, Hutcheson, <tc.
6. The Work contains several other Articles,
Indexes, Tables, 6ix:. &c., and is,
7. Illustrated by a large Plan of Jerusalem,
identifying, as far as tradition, &c., gc, the original sites, drawn on the spot by F. Catherwood, of London, architect. Also, two steel engravings of portraits of seven foreign and eight American theological writers, and numerous wood engravings.
The whole forms a desirable and necessary fund of instruction for the use not only of clergymen and Sabbath-school teachers, but also for families. When the great amount of matter it must contain is considered, it will be deemed exceedingly cheap.
" I have examined ' The Companion to the Bible,' and have been surprised to find so much inform- ation introduced into a volume of so moderate a size. It contains a librarv of sacred knowledge and criticism. It will be useful to ministers who own large libraries, and cannot fail to be an invaluable help to every reader of the Bible." HENRY JIORRIS,
Pastor of Congregational Chirch, Vermont.
The above work can be had in several styles of binding. Price varying from $1 75 to $5 (X).
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS.
ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES,
In one super-royal volume.
riERIYED PRINCIPALLY FROM THE MANNERS, CUSTOMS, ANTIQUITIES, TRADITIONS,
AND FORMS OF SPEECH, RITES, CLIMATE, WORKS OF ART, AND
LITERATURE OF THE EASTERN NATIONS :
EMBODYING ALL THAT IS VALUABLE IN THE WORKS OF
ROBERTS, HARIVIER, BURDER, PAXTON, CHANDLER,
And the most celebrated oriental travellers. Embracing: also the subject of the Fulfilment of
Prophecy, as exhibited by Keith and others ; with descriptions of the present state
of countries and places mentioned in the Sacred Writings.
ILLUSTRATED BY NUMEROUS LANDSCAPE ENGRAVINGS,
FROM SKETCHES TAKEN ON THE SPOT.
Edited by Rev. George Bush,
Professor of Hebrew and Oriental Literature in the New York City University.
The importance of this work must be obvious, and, being altofrether illustrative, without reference to doctrines, or other points in which Christians differ, it is hoped it will meet with favour from all who love the sacred volume, and that it will be sufficiently interesting and attractive to recommend itself, not only to professed Christians of all denominations, but also to the general reader. The arrangement of the texts illustrated with the notes, in the order of the chapters and verses of the authorized version of the Bible, will render it convenient for reference to particular passages; while the copious Iridex at the end will at once enable the reader to turn to every subject discussed in the volume.
This volume is not designed to take the place of Commentaries, but is a distinct department of biblical instruction, and may be used as a companion to the Comprehensive or any other Commentary, or tht Holy Bible.
THE ENGRAVINGS
in this volume, it is believed, will form no small part of its attractions. No pains have been spared to procure such as should embellish the work, and, at the same time, illustrate the text. Objec- tions that have been made to the pictures commonly introduced into the Bible, as being mere crea- tions of fancy and the imagination, often unlike nature, and frequently conveying false impressions, cannot be urged against the pictorial illustrations of this volume. Here the fine arts are made subservient to utility, the landscape views being, without an exception, matter-of-fact views of places mentioned in Scripture, as they appear at the present day ; thus in many instances exhibiting, in the most forcible manner, to the eye, the strict and literal fulfilment of the remarkable prophecies ; " the present ruined and desolate condition of the cities of Babylon, Nineveh, Selah, Sic, and the coun- tries of Edom and Egypt, are astonishing examples, and so completely exemplify, in the most minute particulars, every thing which was foretold of them in the height of their prosperity, that no better description can now be given of them than a simple quotation from a chapter and verse of the Bible written nearly two or three thousand years ago." The publishers are enabled to select from several collections lately published in London, the proprietor of one of which says that " seve- ral distinguished travellers have afforded him the use of nearly Tliree Hundred Original Sketches" of Scripture places, made upon the spot. " The land of Palestine, it is well known, abounds in scenes of the most picturesque beauty. Syria comprehends the snowy heights of Lebanon, and the majestic ruins of Tadmor and Baalbec." The above work can be had in various styles of binding.
Price from $1 50 to $5 00.
THE ILLUSTRATED CONCORDANCE,
In one volume, royal 8vo.
A new, full, and complete Concordance ; illustrated with monumental, traditional, and oriental engravings, founded on Butterworth's, vnth Cruden's definitions ; forming, it is believed, on many accounts, a more valuable work than either Butterworth, Cruden, or any other similar book in the language.
The value of a Concordance is now generally understood ; and those who have used one, con- sider it indispensable in connection with the Bible. Some of the many advantages the Illustrated Concordance has over all the others, are, that it contains near two hundred appropriate engravings : it is printed on fine white paper, \vith beautiful large type.
Price One Dollar. 4
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.'S PUBLICATrONS. LIPPINCOTT'S EDITION OF
BAGSTER'S COMPBEHENSIVE BIBLE.
In order to develope the peculiar nature of the Compreliensive Bible, it will only be necessary to embrace its more prominent features. ^
1st. The SACRED TEXT is that of the- Authorized Version, and is printed from the edition cor- rected and improved by Dr. Blaney, which, from its accuracy, is considered the standard edition.
2"!. The V.4RI0US READINGS are faithfully printed from the edition of Dr. Blaney, inclusive of the translation of the proper names, witliout the addition or diminution of one.
3d. In the CHRONOLOGY, great care has been taken to fix the date of the particular transac- tions, which has seldom been done with any degree of exactness in any former edition of the Bible.
4th. The NOTES are exclusively philological and explanatory, and are not tinctured with senti- ments of any sect or party. They are selected from the most eminent Bibhcal critics and com- mentators.
It is hoped that this edition of the Holy Bible will be found to contain the essence of Biblical research and criticism, tiiat lies dispersed througli an immense number of volumes.
Such is the nature and design of this edition of the Sacred V^olume, which, from tlie various objects it embraces, the freedom of its pages from all sectarian pecuUarities, and the beauty, plain- ness, and correctness of the typography, that it cannot fail of proving acceptable and useful to Christians of every denomination.
In addition to the usual references to parallel passages, which are quite full and numerous, the student has all the marginal readings, together with a rich selection of Philological, Critical, Histo- rical, Geographical, and other valuable notes and remarks, which explain and illustrate the sacred text. Besides the general introduction, containing valuable essays on the genuineness, authenticity, and inspiration of the Holy Scriptures, and other topics of interest, there are introductory and con- cluding remarks to each book — a table of the contents of the Bible, by which the dilTerent portions are so arranged as to read in an historical order.
Arranged at the top of each page is the period in which the prominent events of sacred history took place. The calculations are made for the year of the world before and after Christ, Juliaa Period, the year of the Olympiad, the year of the building of Rome, and other notations of time. At the close is inserted a Chronological Index of the Bible, according to the computation of Arch- bishop Ussher. Also, a full and valuable index of the subjects contained in the Old and New Testa- ments, with a careful analysis and arrangement of texts under their appropriate subjects.
Mr. Greenfield, the editor of this work, and for some time previous to his death tlie superintend- ent of the editorial department of the British and Foreign Bible Society, was a most extraordinary man. In editing the Comprehensive Bible, Ins varied and extensive learning was called into suc- cessful exercise, and appeal's in happy combination with sincere piety and a sound judgment. The Editor of the Christian Observer, alluding to this work, in an obituary notice of its author, speaks of it as a work of " prodigious labour and research, at once exhibiting his varied talents and pro- found erudition."
LIPPINCOTT'S EDITION OF
THE OXFORD QUARTO BIBLE.
The Publishers have spared neither care nor expense in their edition of the Bible ; it is printed on the finest white vellum paper, with large and beautiful type, and bound in the most substantial and splendid manner, in the following styles : Velvet, with richly gilt ornaments ; Turkey super extra, with gilt clasps ; and in numerous others, to suit the taste of the most fastidious.
OPINIONS OP THE PRESS.
"In our opinion, the Christian public generally will feel under great ohlig.itions to the publishers of this work for the beautiful taste, arrangement, and delicate neatness with which they have got it out. The intrinsic merit of the Bil)le recommends itself; it needs no tinsel ornament to adorn its sacred pages. In this edition every supertiuous ornament has been avoided, and we have pre- sented us a perfectly chaste specimen of the Bible, without note or comment. It appears to be just what is needed in every family — 'the unsophisticated word of God.'
" The size is quarto, printed v/ith beautiful type, on white, sized vellum pa^er, of the finest texture and most beaiitiful surface. The publishers seem to have been solicitous to make a perfectly unique hook, and they have accomplished the object very successfully. We trust that a liberal community will afford them ample remuneration for all the.expense and outlay they have necessa- rily incurred in its publication. It is a standard Bible.
"The publishers are Messrs. Lippincott, Grambo & Co., No. 14 North Fourth street, Philadel- phia." — Baptist Record.
"A Deautiful quarto edition of the Bible, by L., G. & Co. Nofhins: can exceed the type in clear- ness and beauty: the paper is of the finest texture, and the whole execution is exceedingly neat. No illustrations or ornamental type are used. Those who prefer a Bible executed in perfect sim- phcity, yet elegance of style, without adornment, will probably never find oue more to their taste." — M. Magazijie.
LIPPINCOTT'S EDITIONS OF
THE HOLY BIBLE.
SIX DIFFERENT SIZES.
Printed in the best manner, with beautiful type, on the finest sized paper, and bound in the most splendid and substantial styles. Warranted to be correct, and equal to the best English editions, at much less price. To be had with or without plates ; the publishers having supplied themselves with over fifty steel engravings, by the first artists.
Baxter's Comprehensive Bible,
Royal quarto, containing the various readings and marginal notes ; disquisitions on the genuineness, authenticity, and inspiration of the Holy Scriptures; introductory and concluding remarks to each book; philological and explanatory notes ; table of contents, arranged in historical order; a chro- nological index, and various other matter ; forming a suitable book for the study of clergymen, Sabbath-school teachers, and students.
In neat plain binding, from $4 00 to $5 00. —In Turkey morocco, extra, gilt edges, from $8 00 to 812 00. —In do., with splendid plates. $10 00 to $15 00. —In do., bevelled side, gilt clasps and illu- minations, $15 00 to $2.5 00.
The Oxford Quarto Bible,
Without note or comment, universally admitted to be the most beautiful Bible extant. In neat plain binding, from $4 00 to $5 00. — In Turkey morocco, extra, gilt edges, $8 00 to $12 00. — In do., with steel engravings, $10 00 to $15 00. — In do., clasps, &.c., with plates and illumina- tions, $15 00 to $25 00. — In rich velvet, with gilt ornaments, $35 00 to $50 00.
Crown Octavo Bible,
Printed with large clear type, making a most convenient hand Bible for family use. In neat plain binding, from 75 cents to SI .50. — In English Turkey morocco, gilt edges, $1 00 to $2 00. — In do., imitation, &c., SI 50 to $3 00. — In do., clasps, &;c., $2 50 to $5 00.— In rich velvet, with gilt ornaments, $5 00 to $10 00.
The Sunday-School Teacher's Polyglot Bible, with Blaps, &c.,
In neat plain binding, from 60 cents to $1 00. — In imitation gilt edge, $1 00 to $1 50. --In Turkey, super extra, $1 75 to S2 25. — In do. do., with clasps, $2 50 to $3 75. — In velvet, rich gilt orna- ments, S3 50 to $8 00.
The Oxford 18mo., or Pew Bible,
In neat plain binding, from 50 cents to $1 00.— In imitation gilt edge, $1 00 to $1 50. — In Turkey, super extra, $1 75 to $2 25. — In do. do., with clasps, $2 50 to $3 75. — Iix velvet, rich gilt orna- ments, S3 50 to $8 00.
Agate 32mo. Bible,
Printed with larger type than any other small or pocket edition extant. In neat plain binding, from .50 cents to $1 00. — In tucks, or pocket-book style, 75 cents to $1 00. — In roan, imitation gilt edge, SI 00 to 81 50. — In Turkey, super extra, $1 00 to $2 00. — In do. do., gilt clasps, $2 50 to S3 50. — In velvet, with rich gilt ornaments, $3 00 to S7 00.
32mo. Diamond Pocket Bible;
The neatest, smallest, and cheapest edition of the Bible published In neat plain binding, from 30 to 50 cents. —In tucks, or pocket-book style, 60 cents to $1 00.— In roan, imitation gilt edge, 75 cents to SI 25.— In Turkey, super extra, $1 00 to 81 50. — In do. do., gilt clasps, SI 50 to S3 00. — In velvet, with richly gilt ornaments, S2 50 to $6 00.
CONSTANTLY ON HAND,
A large assortment of BIBLES, bound in the most splendid and costly styles, with gold and silver ornaments, suitable for presentation ; ranging in price from SIO 00 to $100 00. A liberal disco:.mt made to Booksellers and Agents by the Publishers.
ENCYCLOP/EDIA OF RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE;
OR, DICTIONARY OF THE BIBLE. THEOLOGY, RELIGIOUS BIOGRAPHY, ALL RELIGIONS, ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, AND MISSIONS. Designed as a complete Book of Reference on all Religious Suljocts. and Companion to the Bible; forming a cheap and compact Library of Religious Knowledge. Edited by Rev. J. Newton Brown. Illustrated by wood-cuts, maps, and engravings on copper and steel. In one volume, royal 8vo. Price, $4 00.
6
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.'S PUBLiC'ATiOMM.
Lippincott's Standard Editions of
THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER.
IN SIX DIFFERENT SIZES,
ILLUSTRATED WITH A NUMBER OF STEEL PLATES AND ILLUMINATIONS.
QOMPREHENDING THE MOST VARIED AND SPLENDID ASSORTMENT IN THE
UNITED STATES.
THE ILLUMINATED OCTAVO PRAYER-BOOK,
Printed in seventeen different colours of ink, and illustrated with a number of Steel Plates and Illaminations ; making one of the most splendid books published. To be had in any variety of the most superb binding, ranging in prices.
In Turkey, super extra, from So 00 to S8 00. — In do. do., with clasps, $6 00 to SIO 00.— In do. do., bevelled and panelled edges, $8 00 to $15 00. — In velvet, richly ornamented, $12 00 to 820 00.
8vo.
In neat plain binding, from SI 50 to S2 00. — In imitation gilt edge, S2 00 to $3 00.— In Turkey, super extra, $2 50 to $4 50. — In do. do., with clasps, $3 00 to $5 00. — In velvet, ricldy gilt orna- ments, $5 00 to $12 00.
16mo.
Printed throughout with large and elegant type. In neat plain binding, from 75 cents to SI 50. —In Turkey morocco, extra, with plates, $1 75 to $3 00. —In do. do., with plates, clasps, &c., $2 50 to 85 00. —In velvet, with richly gilt ornaments, 84 00 to 89 00.
18mo.
In neat plain binding, from 25 to 75 cents. —In Turkey morocco, with plates, SI 25 to 82 00. — In velvet, with richly gilt ornaments, S3 00 to SB 00.
32mo.
A beautiful Pocket Edition, with large type. In neat plain binding, from 50 cents to SI 00. —In roan, imitation gilt edge, 75 cents to SI 50. — la Turkey.super extra, SI 25 to 82 00. —In do. do., gilt clasps, S2 00 to S3 00. — in velvet, with richly- gilt oraaments, S3 00 to S7 00.
32nio., Pearl type.
In plain binding, from 25 to 37 1-2 cents. —Roan, 37 1-2 to 50 cents. —Imitation Turkey, 50 cents to $1 00. — Turkey, super extra, with gilt edge, SI 00 to SI 50. — Pocket-book style, 60 to 75 cents.
PROPER LESSONS
18mo.
A BEAUTIFUL EDITION, WITH LARGE TYPE. In neat plain binding, from .OO cents to SI 00. — In roan, imitation gilt edge, 75 cents to $1 50. — In Turkey, super extra, $1 50 to S2 00. — In do. do., gilt clasps, $2 50 to S3 00. — In velvet, with richly gilt ornaments, S3 00 to $7 00.
THE BIBLE AND PRAYER-BOOK,
In one neat and portable volume.
32mo., in neat plain binding, from 75 cents to 81 00. — In imitation Turkey, $1 00 to $1 50.~In Turkey, super extra, SI 50 to $2 50.
ISmo, in large type, plain, SI 75 to S2 50. — In imitation, SI 00 to SI 75.— In Turkey, super extra, SI 75 to $3 00. Also, with clasps, velvet, &c. &c.
The Errors of Modern Infidelity Illustrated and Refuted.
BIT S. 3VC. SCHIVEUCKER, A. IVE.
» In one volume, 12mo. ; cloth. Just published.
We cannot but regard this work, in whatever light we view it in reference to its design, as one of the most masterly productions of the age, and fitted to uproot one of the most fondly cherished and dangerous of all ancient or modern errors. God must bless such a work, armed with his own truth, and doing fierce and successful battle against black infidelity, which would bring His Majesty and Woi-d down to the tribunal of human reason, for condenmation and annihilation.— AZ6. Spectator.
Chrgi] nf ^mnira:
CONSISTING OF
ANECDOTES ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE CHARACTER OF MINISTERS OF RELI- GION IN THE UNITED STATES.
BY JOSEPH BELCHER, D.D., Editor of "The Complete Works of Andrew Fuller," "Robert Hall," &c.
"This very interestinjr and instructive co'.leclion of pleasins; and solemn remembrances of many pious men, illustrates the character of the day in which they lived, and defines the men more clearly than very elaborate essiiys." — Baltimore American.
" We regard the collection as highly interesting, and judiciously made." — Presbyterian.
JOSEPHUS'S (FLA¥IUS) WORKS,
FAMILY EDITION. BY THE LATE WILLIAIVI VTHISTON, A. IVT.
FROM THE LAST LONDON EDITION, COMPLETE.
One volume, beautifully illustrated with Steel Plates, and the only readable edition
published in this country.
As a matter of course, every family in our country has a copy of the Holy Bible ; and as the pre- sumption is that the greater partion often consult its pages, we take the liberty of saying to all those that do, that the perusal of the writings of Josephus will be found very interesting and instructive.
All those who wish to possess a beautiful and correct copy of this valuable work, would do well to purchase this edition. It is for sale at all the principal bookstores in the United States, and by country merchants generally in the Southern and Western States.
Also, the above work in two volumes.
BURDER^S VILLAGE SERMONS;
Or, 101 Plain and Short Discourses on the Principal Doctrines of the Gospel.
INTENDED FOR THE USE OF FAMILIES, SUNDAY-SCHOOLS, OR COMPANIES ASSEM- BLED FOR RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION IN COUNTRY VILLAGES. BY GEORGE BURDER. To which is added to each Sermon, a Short Prayer, with some General Prayers for Families, Schools, &.C., at the end of the work. COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME, OCTAVO. These sermons, which are characterized by a beautiful simplicity, the entire absence of contro- versy, and a true evangelical spirit, have gone through many and large editions, and been translated into several of the continental languages. " They have also been the honoured means not only of converting many individuals, but also of introducing the Gospel into districts, and even into parish churches, where before it was comparatively unknown." " This work fully deserves the immortality it has attained."
This is a fine library edition of this invaluable work ; and when we say that it should be found in the possession of every famOy, we only reiterate the sentiments and sincere wishes of all who take a deep interest in the eternal welfare of mankind.
FAMILY PRAYERS AND HYMNS,
ADAPTED TO FAMILY WORSHIP,
AND
TABLES FOR THE REGULAR READING OF THE SCRIPTURES.
By Rev. S. C. Winchester, A. M., *
Late Pastor of the Sixth Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia; and the Presbyterian Church at Natchez, Miss. ■*'
One volume, 12mo.
LTPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS.
SPLENDID LIBRARY EDITIONS.
ILLUSTRATED STANDARD POETS.
ELEGANTLY PRINTED, ON FINE PAPER, AND UNIFORM IN SIZE AND
STYLE.
The following Editions of Standard British Poets are illustrated with numerous Steel Engravings, and ma}' be had in all varieties of binding.
BYRON'S WORKS.
COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME, OCTAVO.
INCLUDING ALL HIS SUPPRESSED AND ATTRIBUTED POEMS ; WITH SIX BEAUTIFUL ENGRAVINGS. This edition has been carefully compared with the renent London edition of Mr. Murray, and made complete by the addition of more than fifty pages of poems heretofore unpubli.shed in Eng- land. Among these there are a number that have never appeared in any American edition ; and the publishers believe they are warranted in saying that this is the most complete edition of Lord Byron's Poetical Works ever published in the United Slates.
Ije ^^Mml IBorks of fe. I^Eniniis.
Complete in one volume, octavo ; with seven beautiful Engravings.
This is a new and complete edition, with a splendid engraved likeness of Mrs. Hemans, on steel, and contains all the Poems in the last London and American editions. With a Critical Prefact; by Mr. Thatcher, of Boston.
"As no work in the English language can be commended with more confidence, it will argue bad taste in a female in this country to be without a complete edition of the writings of one who was an honour to her sex and to humanity, and whose productions, from first to last, contain no syllable calculated to call a blush to the cheek of modesty and virtue. There is, moreover, in ^frs. Hemans's poetry, a moral purity and a religious feeling which commend it, in an especial manner, to the dis- criminating reader. Nf) parent or guardian will be under the necessity of imposing restrictions with regard to the free perusal of every production emanating from this gifted woman. There breathes throughout the whole a most eminent exemption froui impropriety of thought or diction; and there is at times a pensiveness of tone, a winning sadness in her more serious compositions, which tells of a soul which has been lifted from the contemplation of terrestrial things, to divine ^onnnunings with beings of a purer world."
r/IILTON, YOUNG, GRAY, BEATTIE, AND COLLINS'S POETICAL WORKS.
COMPLETE IN 0\E VOLUME, OCTAVO. V/ITH SIX BEAUTIFUL ENGRAVINGS.
(Knmpn* itnlr €l]niii5iiif3 ^km nnii iMml iBnr
vii.
COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME, OCTAVO. Including two hundred and fifty Letters, and sundry Poems of Cowper, never before published in this country; and of Thomson a new and interesting Memoir, and upwards of twenty new Poems, for the first time printed from his own Manuscripts, taken from • a late Edition of the Aldiue Poels, now publishing in London.
WITH SEVEN BEAUTIFUL ENG-R A VING-S. The distinguished Professor Silliman, speaking of this edition, observes: "I am as much gratified by the elegance and fine taste of your edition, as by the noble tribute of genius and moral excel- lence which these delightful authors have left for all future generations ; and Cowper, especially, is not less conspicuous as a true Christian, moralist and teacher, than as a poet of great power and exquisite taste."
LIPPINCOTT, (JRAMBO & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS.
THE POETICAL WORKS OF ROGERS, CAMPBEIJ., MONTGOMERY, LAMB, AND K!RKE WHITE.
COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME, OCTAVO. WITH SIX BEAUTIFUL ENGRAVINGS.
The beauty, correctness, and convenience of this favourite edition of these standard authors are so well known, that it is scarcely necessary to add a word in its favour. It is only necessary to say, that the publishers have now issued an illustrated edition, which greatly enhances its former value. The engravings are excellent and well selected. It is the best library edition extant.
CRABBE, HEBER, AND POLLOFS POETICAL WORKS.
COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME, OCTAVO. WITH SIX BEAUTIFUL ENGRAVINGS.
A writer in the Boston Traveller holds the following language with reference to these valuable editions : —
" Mr. Editor : — I wish, without any idea of puffing, to say a word or two upon the ' Library of English Poets' that is now published at Philadelphia, by Lippincott, Grambo &, Co. It is certainly, taking into consideration the elegant manner in wliich it is printed, and the reasonable price at which it is afforded to purchasers, the best edition of the modern British Poets that has ever been published in this country. E^ach volume is an octavo of about 500 pages, double columns, stereo- typed, and accompanied with fine engravmgs and biographical sketches ; and most of them are reprinted from Gali^nani's ©fench edition. As to its value, we need only mention that it contains the entire works of Montgomery, Gray, Beatlie, Collins, Byron, Cowper, Thomson, Milton, Young, itogers, Campbell, Lamb, Hemans, Heber, Kirke White, Crabbe, the Miscellaneous Works of Gold- smith, and other masters of the lyre. The publishers are doing a great service by their publication, and their volumes are almost in as great demand as the fashionable novels of the day ; and they deserv^to be so : for they are certainly printed in a style superior to that in which we have before had the works of tlie English Poets."
No library can be considered complete without a copy of the above beautiful and cheap editions of the English Poets; and persons ordering all or any of them, will please say Lippincott, Grambo Si Co.'s illustrated editions.
A COMPLETE
llrtionni'i] of |^ottiml (l^notafiDna:
COMPRISING THE MOST EXCELLENT AND APPROPRIATE PASSAGES IN THE OLD BRITISH POETS; WITH CHOICE AND COPIOUS SELEC- TIONS FROM THE BEST MODERN BRITISH AND AMERICAN POETS. EDITED BY SARAH JOSEPHA HALE. As nightingales do upon glow-worms feed, So poets live upon the living light Of Nature and of Beauty.
Baiky^s Festus.
Beautifully illustrated with Engravings. In one super-royal octavo volume^, in various
bindings.
The puV)lishers extract, from the many highly complimentary notices of the above valuable and beautiful work, the following:
" We have at last a volume of Poetical Quotations wortliy of the name. It contains nearly si.t hundred octavo pages, carefully and tastefully selected from all the home and foreig# authors of celebrity. It is invaluable to a writer, while to the ordinary reader it presents every subject at a glance."— Godet/'s Lady's Book.
"The plan or idea of Mrs. Hole's work is felicitous. It is one for which her fine taste, her orderly habit.'s of njind, and her long occupation with literature, has given hor peculiar ficilities ; and tho- roughly has she accomplished her- task in the work before ns." — Sar loin's Magazine.
"It is a choice collection of poetical extracts from every English and American author worth perusing, from the days of Chaucer to the present iixnQ." — Woshington Union.
" There is nothing negative about this work ; it is posilivdy good." — Eventng Bulletin.
10
LIPPINCOTT, GR.iMEO & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS.
THE DIAMOND EDITION OF BYRON.
THE POETICAL WORKS OF LORD BYRON,
"WITH A SKETCH OP HIS LIFE.
COMPLETE IN ONE NEAT DUODECIMO VOLUME, WITH STEEL PLATES.
The type of this edition is so perfect, and it is printed with so much care, on fine white paper, that it can be read with as much ease as most of the larger editions. This work is to be had in plain and superb binding, making a beautiful volume for a gift.
" The Poeiical Works of Lord Byron, complete in one volume : published by L., G. & Co., Phila- delphia. We hazard nothing in saying that, take it altogether, this is the most elegant work ever issued from the American press.
" ' In a single volume, not larger than an ordinary duodecimo, the publishers have embraced the whole of Lord Byron's Poems, usually printed in ten or twelve volumes; and, what is more remark- able, have done it with a type so clear and distinct, that, notwilhstauding its necessarily small size, it may be read with the utmost f.icility, even by failing eyes. The book is stereotyped ; and never have we seen a finer specimen of that art. Everything about it is perfect — tlie paper, the print- ing, the binding, all correspond with each other ; and it is embellished with two fine engravings, well worthy the companionship in which they are placed.
" 'This will make a beautiful Christmas present.'
"We extract the above from Godey's Lady's Book. The notice itself, we are given to understand, is written by Mrs. Hale.
" We have, to add our commendation in favour of this beantiful volume, a copy of which has been sent us by the publishers. The admirers of the noble bard will feel obliged to the enterprise which has prompted the publishers to dare a competition with the numerous editions of his works already in circulation ; and we sliall be surprised if this convenient travelling edition does not in a great degree supersede the use of the large octavo works, which have little advantage in size and openness of type, and are much inferior in the qualities of portability and lightness." — Inlelligencer.
THE DIAMOND EDITION OF MOORE.
(CORIIE.SPONDING WITH BYRON.)
THE POETICAL WORKSHOP THOMAS MOORE,
COLLECTED BY HIMSELF.
COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME.
This work is published uniform with Byron, from the last London edition, and is the most com- plete printed in the country.
THE DIAMOND EDITION OF SHAKSPEARE,
(complete in ONE VOLUME,)
ZKCZiUBi^ra il skstoh of his Xiirx:.
UNIFORM WITH BYRON AND MOORE,
THE ABOVE WORKS CAN BE HAD IN SEVERAL VARIETIES OF BINDING.
GOLDSMITH'S ANIMATED NATURE.
IN TWO VOLUME.?, OCTAVO. BEAUTIFULLY ILLUSTRATED WITH 385 PLATES.
CONTATNING A HISTORY OF THE EARTH, ANIMALS, BIRDS, AND FISHE3-; FORMING THE MOST COMPLETE NATURAL HISTORY EVER PUBLISHED.
This is a work that should be in the library of every family, having been written by one of the most talented authors in the English language.
" Goldsmith can never be made obsolete while delicate genius, exquisite feeling, fine invention, the most harmonious metre, and the happiest diction, are at all valued."
BIGLAND'S NATURxVL HISTORY
Of Animals, Birds, Fishes, Reptiles, and Insects. Illustrated with numerous and beautiful Engrav-
mgs. By JOHN BIGLAND, author of a " View of the World," "Letters on
Universal History," &g. Complete in 1 vol., 12mo.
11
L.irii'lJNUUTT, liJKAMiJU & CU.'H FUJ3LiUATlUiNS.
THE POWER AND PROGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE UNITED STATES; lis Power and Progress.
BY GUILLAUIVEE TELL POUSSIN,
LATE MINISTER OF THE REPUBLIC OF FRANCE TO THE UNITED STATES.
FIRST AMERICAN, FROM THE THIRD PARIS EDITION.
TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH BY EDMOND L. DU BARRY, M. D.,
SURGEON U. S, NAVY.
In one large octavo volume.
SCHOOLCRAFT'S GREAT NATIONAL WORK ON THE INDIAN TRIBES OF THE UNITED STATES.
WITH BEAUTIFUL AND ACCURATE COLOURED ILLUSTRATIONS.
HISTORSOAL AND STATISTiGAL INFORMATION
RESPECTING THE
HISTORY, CONDITION AND PHOSPECTS
OF THE
f iiMnn €t\htB of tlje ilnlUh §>UUb,
COLLECTED AND PREPARED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE BUREAU OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, PER ACT OF MARCH 3, 1847,
BIT HESTRir Ho SOHOOLCRjarT, IiIi.D.
ILLUSTRATED BY S. EASTMAN, Capt. U. S. A. PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF CONGRESS.
THE AMERICAN GARDENER'S CALENDAR,
ADAPTED TO THE CLIMATE AND SEASONS OF THE UNITED STATES.
Containing: a complete account of all the work necessary to be done in tlie Kitclien Garden, Fruit Garden, Orchard, Vinej'ard, Nursery, Pleasure-Ground, Flower Garden, Green-house, Hot-house, and Forcing Frames, for every month in the year ; with ample Practical Directions for performing the same.
Also, general as well as minute instructions for laying out or erecting each and every of the above departments, according to modern taste and the most approved plans; the Ornamental Planting of Pleasure Grounds, in the ancient and modern style; the cultivation of Thorn Quicks, and other plants suitable for Live Hedges, with the best methods of making them, &c. To which are annexed catalogues of Kitchen Garden Plants and Herbs; Aromatic. Pot, and Sweet Herbs; Medicinal Plants, and the most important Grapes, &c., used in rural economy; with the soil best adapted to their cultivation. Together wiMi a copious Inde.x to the body of the work.
BY BERNARD M'MAHON. Tenth Edition, greatly improved. In one volume, octavo.
THE PORTFOLIO OF A SOUTHERN MEDICAL STUDENT.
BY GEORGE M. WHARTON, M. D.
WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS BY CROOME.
One volume, 12 mo.
12
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS.
THE FARMER'S AND PLANTER'S ENCYCL0P7EDIA.
€^t famn'B HHi! Ic^lanbr's cUnntrlniitEiiia flf Etiral affairs*
BY CUTHBERT W. JOHNSON. ADAPTED TO THE UNITED STATES BY GOUVERNEUR EMERSON.
Illustrated by seventeen beautiful Engravings of Cattle, Horses, Slieep, the varieties of Wheat, Barley, Oats, Grasses, the Weeds of Agriculture, &c. ; besides numerous Engrav- ings on wood of the most important implements of Agriculture, &c. This standard work contains the latest and best information upon all subjects connected with fanning, and appertaining to the country ; treating of the great crops of grain, hay, cotton, hemp, tobacco, rice, sugar, &c. &;c. ; of horses and mules ; of cattle, with minute particulars relating to cheese and butter-making; of fowls, including a description of capon-making, with drawings of the instruments employed ; of bees, and the Russian and other systems of managing bees and con- structing hives. Long arti-cles on the uses and preparation of bones, lime, guano, and all sorts of animal, mineral, and vegetable substances employed as manures. Descriptions of the most approved ploughs, harrows, threshers, and every other agricultural machine and implement; of fruit and shade trees, forest trees, and shrubs; of weeds, and all kinds of flies, and destructive worms and insects, and the best means of getting rid of them ; together with a thousand other matters relating to rural life, about wliich information is so constantly desired by all residents of the country. IN ONE LARGE OCTAVO VOLUME.
MASON'S FARRIER-FARMERS' EDITION.
Price, 62 cents.
THE PRACTICAL FARHIER, FOR FARMERS:
COMPRISING A GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE NOBLE AND USEFUL ANIMAL,
THE HORSE;
WITH MODES OF MANAGEMENT IN ALL CASES, AND TREATMENT IN DISEASE. TO WHICH TS ADDED,
A PRIZE ESSAY ON MULES | AND AN APPENDIX,
Containing Recipes for Diseases of Horses, Oxen, Cows, Calves, Sheep, Dogs, Swine, &.c. <tc.
BIT HZCHikBB :^JLSOM, M. D.,
Formerly of Surry County, Virginia.
In one volume, 12mo.; bound in cloth, gilt.
MASON'S FARRIER AND STUD-BOOK-NEW EDITION.
THE GENTLEMAN'S NEW POCKET FARRIER:
COMPRISING A GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE NOBLE AND USEFUL ANIMAL,
THE HORSE;
WITH MODES OF MANAGEMENT IN ALL CASES, AND TREATMENT IN DISEASE.
BUT HZCHiLBB SyiASOST, M, D.,
Formerly of Surry County, Virginia.
To which is added, A PRIZE ESSAV ON MULES; and AN APPENDIX, contahiing Recipes for
Diseases of Horses, Oxen, Cows, Calves, Sheep, Dogs, Swine, &c. &c. ; with Annals
of the Turf, American Stud- Book, Rules for Training, Racing, 6lc.
WITH A SUPPLEMENT,
Comprising an Essay on Domestic Animals, especially the Horse ; with Remarks on Treatment and
Breeding ; together with Trotting and Racing Tables, showing the best time on record at one,
two, three and four mile heats ; Pedigrees of Winning Horses, since 1839, and of the most
celebrated Stallions and Mares ; with useful Calving and Lambing Tables. By
J. S. SKINNER, Editor now of the Farmer's Library, New York, iic. &c.
13
liiri-lJNO'OTT, UBAMBO & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS.
HINDS'S FARRIERY AND STUD-BOOK-NEW EDITION.
farrTery,
TAUGHT ON A NEW AND EASY PLAN :
BEING
% €xnlm m tljB Smmm ml Slrritets nf tjiB fmu;
With Instructions to the Shoeing: Smith, Farrier, and Groom ; preceded by a Popular Description of the Animal Functions in Health, and how these are to be restored when disordered.
BY JOHN HINDS, VETERINARY SURGEON.
With considerable Additions and Improvements, particularly adapted to this country,
BY THOMAS M. SMITH,
"Veterinary Surgeon, and Jlember of the London Veterinary Medical Society.
The publishers have received numerous flattering notices of the great practical value of these works. The distinguished editor of the Ameiican Farmer, speaking of them, observes:— "We cannot too highly recommend these books, and therefore advise every owner of a horse to obtain them."
"There are receipts in those books that show how Founder may be cured, and the traveller pur- sue his journey the next day, by giving a tablespoonful ofahtni. This was got from Dr. P. Thornu^n, ofMontpelier, Rappaliannock county, Virginia, as founded on his own observation in several cases."
" The constant demand for Mason's and Hinds's Farrier has induced the publishers, Messrs. Lip- pincott, Grambo & Co., to put forth new editions, with a ' Supplement' of 100 pages, by J. S. Skinner, Esq. We should have sought to render an acceptable service to our agricultural readers, by giving a chapter from the Supplement, 'On the Relations between Man and the Domestic Animals, espe- cially the Horse, and the Obligations they impose ;' or the one on 'The Form of Animals;' but that either one of them would overrun the space here allotted to such subjects."
" Lists of Medicines, and other articles which ought to be at hand about every training and livery stable, and every Farmer's and Breeder's establishment, will be found in these" valuable works."
TO CARPENTERS AND MECHANICS
Just Published.
A NEW AND IMPROVED EDITION OF
THE CARPENTER'S NEW GUIDE,
BEING A COMPLETE BOOK OF LINES FOR
Treating fully on Practical Geometry, Saffifs Brick and Plaster Groins, Niches of every description.
Sky-lights. Lines for Roofs and Domes ; with a great variety of Designs for Roofs,
Trussed Girders, Floors, Domes, Bridges, &c., Angle Bars for Shop
Fronts, &c., and Raking Mouldings.
ALSO,
Additional Plans for various Stair-Cases, with the Lines for producing the Face and Falling Moulds, never before published, and greatly superior to those given in a former edition of this work.
BY WILLIAM JOHNSON, ARCHITECT,
OF PHILADELPHIA.
The whole founded on true Geometrical Principles; the Theory and Practice well explained and fully exemplified, on eighty-three copper plates, including some Observations and Calculations on the Strength of Timber.
BY PETER NICHOLSON,
Author of " The Carpenter and Joiner's Assistant," " The Student's Instructor to the Five Orders," &c.
Thirteenth Edition. One volume, 4to., well bound. 14
LIFPIXCOTT, GRxVMBO & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS.
A DICTIONARY OF SELECT AND POPULAR QUOTATIONS,
WHICH ARE IN DAILY USE.
TAKEN FROM THE LATIN, FRENCH, GREEK, SPANISH AND ITALIAN LANGUAGES.
Together with a copious Collection of Law Maxims and Law Terms, translated into
English, with Illustrations, Historical and Idiomatic.
NEW AMERICAN EDITION, CORRECTED. WITH ADDITIONS. One volume, 12mo.
This volume comprises a copious collection of legal and other terms which are in common use, with English translations and historical illustrations; and we should judge its author had surely been to a great " Feast of Languages," and stole all the scraps. A work of this character should have an extensive sale, as it entirely obviates a serious difficulty in which most readers are involved by the frequent occurrence of Latin, Greek, and French passages, which we suppose are introduced by autliors for a mere show of learning — a difficulty very perplexing to readers in general. This " Dictionary of Quotations," concerning which too much cannot be said in its favour, effectually removes the difficulty, and gives the reader an advantage over the author; for we believe a majority are themselves ignorant of the meaning of the terms they employ. Very few truly learned authors will insult their readers by introducing Latin or French quotations in their writings, when "plain English" will do as well ; but we will not enlarge on this point.
If the book is useful to those unacquainted with other languages, it is no less valuable to the classically educated as a book of reference, and answers all the purposes of a Lexicon — indeed, on m.any accounts, it is better. It saves the trouble of tumbhng over the larger volumes, to which every one, and especially those engaged in the legal profession, are verv often subjected. It should have a place in every library in the country.
RUSCHENBERGER'S NATURAL HISTORY,
COMPLETE, WITH NEW GLOSSARY.
t (BUmtnb of 3l5ntiual listcri|j
EMBRACING ZOOLOGY, BOTANY AND GEOLOGY!
FOR SCHOOLS, COLLEGES AND FAMILIES.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
WITH NEARLY ONE THOUSAND ILLUSTRATIONS, AND A COPIOUS GLOSSARY.
Vol. 1. contains Vertebrate Animals. Vol. II. contains Iiitervertebrate Animals, Botany, and Geology.
A Beautiful and Valuable Presentation Book.
THE POET'S OFFERING.
EDITED BY MRS. HALE. With a Portrait of the Editress, a Splendid Illuminated Title-Page, and Twelve Beautiful Engrav- ings by Sartain. Bound in rich Turkey Morocco, and Extra Cloth, Gilt Edge. To those who wish to make a present that will never lose its value, this will be found the most desirable Gift-Book ever published.
" We commend it to all who desire to present a friend with a volume not only very beautiful, but of solid intrinsic value." — Washington Union.
"A perfect treasury of the thoughts and fancies of the best English and American Poets. The paper and printing are beautiful, and the binding rich, elegant, and substantial ; the most sensible and attractive of all the elegant gift-books we have 'seen." — Eveninij Bidlelui.
•' 'I'he publishers deserve the thanks of the pubhc for so happy a thought, so well executed. The engravings are by the best artists, and the other portions of the work correspond in elegance." — Fublic Ledger.
" There is no book of selections so diversified and appropriate within our knowledge."— Pe/iw^Zu'n.
" It is one of the most valuable as well as elegant books ever published in this country." — Godey's Lady's Book. /
" It is the most beautiful and the most useful offering ever bestowed on the public. No individual of literary taste will venture to be without it."— Th£ City Item.
15
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS.
THE YOUNG DOMINICAN; OE, THE MYSTERIES OF THE INQUISITION,
AND OTHER SECRET SOCIETIES OF SPAIN. BY M. V. DE FEREAL.
WITH HISTORICAL NOTES, BY M. MANUEL DE CUENDIAS.
TRANSLATED FROBI THE FRENCH. ILLUSTRATED WITH TWENTY SPLENDID ENGRAVINGS BY FRENCH ARTISTS
One volume, octavo.
SAY'S POLITICAL ECONOMY.
A TREATISE ON POLITICAL ECONOMY; Or, The Production, Distribution and Consumption of Wealtli.
BIT JUAN BAPTISTS SJLIT.
FIFTH AMERICAN EDITION, WITH ADDITIONAL NOTES, BY C. C. BIDDLE, Esq.
In one volume, octavo.
It would be beneficial to our country if all those who are aspiring to office, were required by their constituents to be familiar with the pag;es of Say.
The distinguished biographer of the author, in noticing this work, observes : " Happily for science, he commenced that study which forms the basis of his admirable Treatise on Political Economy ; a work which not only improved under his hand with every successive edition, but has been translated into most of the European languages."
The Editor of the North American Review, speaking of S.ay, observes, that " he is the most popular, and perhaps the most able writer on Political Economy, since the time of Smith."
LAURENCE STERNE'S V/ORKS,
WITH A LIFE OE THE AUTHOR:
WRITTEN EY HIMSELF.
WITH SEVEN BEAUTIFUL ILLUSTRATIONS, ENGRAVED BY GILBERT AND GIHON, FROM DESIGNS BY DARLEY.
One volume, octavo; cloth, gilt.
To commend or to criticise Sterne's Works, in this age of the world, would be all " wasteful and extravagant excess." Uncle Toby — Corporal Trim — the Widow — Le Fevre — Poor Maria — the Captive — even the Dead Ass, — this is all we have to say of Sterne; and in the memory of these characters, histories, and sketches, a thousand follies and worse than follies are forgotten. 1 he volume is a very handsome one.
THE MEXICAN WAR AND ITS HEROES)
A COMPLETE HISTORy'oF THE MEXICAN WAR,
EMBRACING ALL 'i'HE OPERATIONS UNDER GENERALS TAYLOR AND SCOTT.
WITH A EIOG-RAPHY OF THE OFFICERS.
ALSO,
AN ACCOUNT OF THE CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA AND NEW MEXICO.
Under Gen. Kearny, Cols. Doniphan and Fremont. Together with Numerous Anecdotes of the
War, and Personal Adventures of the Officers. Illustrated with Accurate
Portraits, and other Beautiful Engravings.
In one volume, 12mo. 16
LIPPINCOTT, GKAMBO & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS.
NEW AND COMPLETE COOK-BOOK. THE PRACTIcTl COOK-BOOK,
CONTAINING UPWARDS OF
ONE THOUSAND RECEIPTS,
Consisting of Directions for Selecting, Preparing-, and Cooking all kinds of Meats, Fish, Poultry, am Game ; Soups, Broths, Vegetables, and Salads. Also, for makins: all kinds of Plain and Fancy Breads, Pastes, Puddings, Cakes, Creams, Ices, Jellies, Preserves, Marma- lades, <tc. &c. &c. Together with various Miscellaneous Recipes, and numerous Preparations for Invalids.
BY MRS. BLISS.
In one volume, 1 2 m o .
B-2" J. E. JONES,
AUTHOR OF "WILD WESTERN SCENES," "THE WESTERN MERCHANT," &c
ILLUSTRATED WITH TEN ENGRAVINGS.
In one volume, 12mo.
EL PUCPIEKO ; or, A xAIixed Dish from Mexico.
EMBRACING GENERAL SCOTT'S CAMPAIGN, WITH SKETCHES OF MILITARY LIFE IN
FIELD AND CAMP; OF THE CHARACTER OF THE COUNTRY, MANNERS
AND WAYS OP THE PEOPLE, &o.
BY RiOHARD M'SHERRY, M. D,, U. S. N.,
LATE ACTING SURGEON OF REGIMENT OF MARINES.
In one volume, 12mo. WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS.
M0NEY-BA6S ANO TITLES ;
A HIT AT THE FOLLIES OF THE AGE.
TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH OF JULES SANDEAU.
BY LEONARD MYERS.
One volume, 12itio. "'Money-Bags and Titles^ is quite a remarkable work, amounts to a kindly exposure of the folly of human pride, and also presents at once the evil and the remedy. If good-natured ridicule of the impostures practised by a set of self-styled reformers, who have nothing to lose, and to wliom change must be gain — if, in short, a delineation of tlie mistaken ideas which prevent, and the means wliich conduce to happiness, be traits <le.serving of commendation, — the reader vvill find much to enlist his attention and win his ai)probation ia the pages of this unpretending, but truly meritorious publication."
WHAT IS CHURCH HISTORY?
AVINDICATION OF THE IDEA OF HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS.
BY PHILIP SOHAF.
TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN.
In one volume, 12mo,
17
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS.
DODD'S LECTURES.
DISCOURSES TO YOUNG MEN.
ILLUSTRATED BY NUMEROUS HIGHLY INTERESTING ANECDOTES.
BY ^VILLIAIVC DODD, LL. D.,
CHAPLAIN IN ORDINARY TO HIS MAJESTY GEORGE THE THIRD.
FIRST AMERICAN EDITION, WITH ENGRAVINGS.
One volume, 18mo.
THE IRIS:
AN ORIGINAL SOUVENIR. WitL Contributions from the First Writers in the Country.
EDITED BY PROF. JOHN S. HART.
Vl'ith Splendid Illuminations and Steel Engravings. Bound in Turkey Morocco and rich Papier
Mache Binding.
IN ONE VOLUME, OCTAVO.
Its contents are entirely orig-Jnal. Among: the contributors are names well known in the republic
of letters ; such as Mr. Boker, Mr. Stoddard, Prof. Moffat, Edith May, ]\Irs. Sigourney, Caroline May,
Mrs. ffinney, Mrs. Butler, Mrs. Pease, Mrs. Swift, Mr. Van Biblnsr, Rev. Charles T. Brooks, Mrs.
Dorr, Erastus W. Ellsworth, Miss E. W. Barnes, Mrs. Williams, Mary Young-, Dr. Gardette, Alice
Carey, Phebe Carey, Augusta Browne, Hamilton Browne, CaroUne Eastis, Margaret Junkin, Maria
J. B. Browne, Miss Starr, Mrs. Brotiierson, Kate Campbell, A:c.
(drras from \^t §amh Minf;
OR, HOLY THOUaHTS UPON SACRED SUBJECTS.
BY CLERGYMEN OF THE EPISCOPAL CHURCH. EDITED BY THOMAS WYATT, A.M.
In one volume, 12mo.
WITH SEVEN BEAUTIFUL STEEL ENGRAVINGS.
The contents of this work are chiefly by clergymen of the Episcopal Church. Among the con- tributors will be found the names of the Right Rev. Bishop Potter, Bishop Hopkins, Bishop Smith, Bishop Johns, and Bishop Doane ; and the Rev. Drs. H. V. D. Johns, Coleman, and Butler ; Rev. G. T. Bedell, M'Cabe, Ogilsby, &c. The illustrations are rich and exquisitely wrought engravings upon the following subjects: — "Samuel before Eli," "Peter and John healing the Lame Man," "The Resurrection of Christ," "Joseph sold by his Brethren," "The Tables of the Law," "Christ's Agony in the Garden," and "The Flight into Egypt." These subjects, with many others in prose and verse, are ably treated throughout the work.
HAW-HO-NOO:
OR, THE RECORD'S OF A TOURIST.
BY CHARLES LANMAN, Author of " A Summer in the Wilderness," &c. In one volume, ]2mo. " In the present book, 'Haw-ho-noo,' (an Indian name, by the way, for America,) the author has gathered up some of the relics of his former tours, and added to them other interesting matter. It contains a number of carefully written and instructive articles upon the various kinds offish in our country, whose capture affords sport for anglers ; reminiscences of unique incidents, manners, and customs in different parts of the country ; and other articles, narrative, descriptive, and sentimental. In a supplement are gathered many curious Indian legends. They are related with great simplicity and clearness, and will be of service hereafter to the poem-makers of America. Many of th-em are quite beautiful." — iVa/!0?iai Jtitelligencer.
18
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS.
LONZ POWERS; Or, The Regulators.
A ROMANCE OF KENTUCKY.
FOUNDED ON FACT S .
BY JA3VIES WEIR, ESQ.
IN TWO VOLUMES. The scenes, characters, and incidents in these volumes have been copied from nature, and from real life. They are represented as taking place at that period in the history of Kentucky, when the Indian, driven, after many a hard-fought field, from his favourite hunting-ground, vi^as succeeded by a rude and unlettered population, interspersed with organized bands of desperadoes, scarcely less savage than the red men they had displaced. The author possesses a vigorous and graphic pen, and has produced a very interesting romance, which gives us a striking portrait of the times he describes.
THE WESTERN MERCHANT.
A NAERATIVE,
Containing useful Instruction for the Western Man of Business, who makes his Purchases in the East. Also, Information for the Eastern Man, whose Customers are in the West. Likewise, Hints for those who design emigrating to the West. De- duced from actual experience.
BY LUKE SHORTFIELD, A WESTERN MERCHANT.
Onevoliime,12mo.
This is a new work, and will be found veiy interesting to the Country Merchant, Sic. &c.
A, sprightly, pleasant book, with a vast amount of information in a very agreeable shape. Busi- ness, Love, and Keligion are all discussed, and many proper sentiments expressed in regard to each. The " moral" of the work is summed up in the following concluding sentences : " Adhere stead- fastly to your business ; adhere steadfastly to your first love ; adhere steadfastly to the church."
A MANUAL OF POLITENESS,
COMPRISING THE
PRINCIPLES OF ETIQUETTE AND RULES OF BEHAVIOUR
IN GENTEEL SOCIETY, FOR PERSONS OF BOTH SEXES.
ISmo., with PLates.
Book of Politeness.
THE GENTLeFaN AND LADY'S
BOOK OF POLITENESS AND PROPRIETY OF DEPORTMENl
t DEDICATED TO THE YOUTH OF BOTH SEXES.
BY IVEADAIVtE CELNART.
Translated from the Sizth Paris Edition; Enlarged and Improved, Fifth American Edition. One volume, 18mo.
THE ANTEmLUYIANS; Or, The World Destroyed.
A NAllKATIVE POEM, IN TEN BOOKS.
BY JAMES M'HENRY, M.D.
One volume, ISuio.
19
LIPPINCOTT, GHAMBO & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS.
Bennett's (Rev. John) Letters to a Young Lady,
ON A VARIETY OF SUBJECTS CALCULATED TO IMPROVE THE HEART, TO FORM THE MANNERS, AND ENLIGHTEN THE UNDERSTANDING.
"That our daughters may be as polished corners of the temple." The publishers sincerely hope (for the happiness of mankind) that a copy of this valuable little work will be found the companion of every young: lady, as mucli of the happiness of every family depends on the proper cultivation of the female mind.
THE DAUGHTER'S OWN BOOK:
OR, PEACTICAL HmiS FROM A FATHER TO HIS DAUGHTER.
One volume, 18mo.
This is one of the most practical and truly valuable treatises on the culture and discipline of the female mind, which has hitherto been published in this country ; and the publishers are very confi- dent, from the great demand for this invaluable little work, that ere long it will be found in the library of every young lady.
THE AMERICAN CHESTERFIELD :
Or, "Youth's Guide to the Way to Wealth, Honour, and Distinction/' k. ISmo.
CONTAINING ALSO A COMPLETE TREATISE ON THE ART OF CARVING.
"We most cordially recommend the American Chesterfield to general attention; but to young persons particularly, as one of the best works of the kind that has ever been published in this country. It cannot be too highly appreciated, nor its perusal be unproductive of satisfaction and usefulness."
SENECA'S MORALS.
BY WAY OF ABSTRACT TO WHICH IS ADDED. A DISCOURSE UNDER
THE TITLE OF AN AFTER-THOUGHT.
BYSIR ROGER L'ESTRANGE, KNT.
A new, fine edition ; one volume, 18mo. A copy of this valuable little work should be found in every family library.
NEW Sm-BOOK.
(lrigg'0 loiitlieni nnh Wtslm longster;
BEING A CHOICE COLLECTION OF THE MOST FASHIONABLE SONGS, MANY OF WHICH " ARE ORIGINAL.
In one volume, 18rao.
Great care was taken, in the selection, to admit no song that contained, in the slightest degree, any indelicate or improper allusions ; and with great propriety it may claim the title of " The Pai - lour Song-Book, or Songster." The immortal Shakspeare observes — " The man that hath not music in himself, Nor is not moved with concord of sweet sounds, Is fit for treasons, stratagems, and spoils."
EOBOTHAM'S POCKET FRENCH DICTIONARY,
CAREFULLY REVISED,
AND THE PRONUNCIATION OF ALL THE DIFFICULT WORDS ADDED.
20
THE LIFE AND OPINIONS OF TRISTRAM SHANDY, GENTLEMAN.
COMPRISING THE HUMOROUS ADVENTURES OF
UNCLE TOBY AND CORPORAL TRIM.
B3r Ii. STEHNH, Beautifully Illustrated Ijy Oarley. Stitched.
A SENTIMENTAL JOURNEY.
BY L. S.TERNE.
Illustrated as aljove l»y Darley. Stitclied*
The beauties of this author are so well known, and his errors in style and expression so few i far between, that one reads with renewed delight his delicate turns, &c.
THE LIFE OF GENERAL JACKSON,
WITH A LIKENESS OF THE OLD HERO. One volume, ISnio.
LIFE OF PAUL JONES.
In one volume, 12mo.
WITH ONE HUNDRED ILLUSTRATIONS
BY JAMES HAMILTON. The work is compiled from his original journals and correspondence, and includes an account of his services in the American Revolution, and in the war between the Russians and Turks in the Black Sea, There is scarcely any Naval Hero, of any age, who combined in his character so much of the adventurous, skilful and daring, as Paul Jones. The incidents of his life are almost as start- ling and absorbing as those of romance. His achievements during the American Revolution— the fight between the Bon Homme Richard and Serapis, the most desperate naval action on record — and the alarm into which, with so small a force, he threw the coasts of England and Scotland — are matters comparatively well known to Americans ; but the incidents of liis subsequent career have been veiled in obscurity, which is dissipated by this biography. A book like this, narrating the actions of such a man, ought to meet with an extensive sale, and become as popular as Robinson Crusoe in fiction, or Weems's Life of Marion and Washington, and similar books, in fact. It con- tains 400 pages, has a handsome portrait and medallion likeness of Jones, and is illustrated with numerous original wood engravings of naval scenes and distinguished men with whom he was familiar.
THE GREEK EXILEj
Or, A Narrative of th^ Captivity and Escape of Cliristopliorus Plato Castanis,
DURING THE MASSACRE ON THE ISLAND OF SCIO BY THE TURKS. TOGETHER WITH VARIOUS ADVENTURES IN GREECE AND AMERICA.
WRITTEN BY HIMSELF,
Author of an Essay on the Ancient and Modern Greek Languages; Interpretation of the Attributes
of the Principal Fabulous Deities ; The Jewish Maiden of Scio's Citadel ; and
the Greek Boy in the Sunday-School.
One volume, 12mo.
THE YOUNG CHORISTER;
k Collection of New and Beautiful Tunes, adapted to the use of Sabbath-Schools, from some of the most distinguished composers ; togetlier witli many of the author's compositions.
EDITED BY MINAKD W. WILSON. 21
CAfflP LIFE OF A VOLUNTEER.
A Campaign in Mexico; Or, A Glimpse at Life in Camp.
BY "ONE WHO HAS SEEN THE ELEPHANT."
X\tt of (Irnttnl $LK[niri| ^aqlcr,
COMPRISING A NARRATIVE OF EVENTS CONNECTED WITH HIS PROFESSIONAL CiUlEER, AND AUTHENTIC INCIDENTS OF HIS EARLY YEARS.
BY J. REESE FRY AND R. T, CONRAD.
With an original and accurate Portrait, and eleven elegant Illustrations, by Darley. In one handsome 12mo. volume.
" It is by far the fullest and most interesting biography of General Taylor that we have ever seen." ^■Richmond ( Whig) Chromcle.
" On the whole, we are satisfied that this volume is the most correct and comprehensive one yet published." — Hunt's Merchants^ Magazine.
" The superiority of this edition over the ephemeral publications of the day consists in fuller and more authentic accounts of his family, his early life, and Indian wars. The narrative of his pro- ceedings in Mexico is drawn partly from reliable private letters, but chiefly from his own official correspondence."
"It forms a cheap, substantial, and attractive volume, and one which should be read at the fire- side of every family who desire a faithful and true life of the Old General."
GENERAL TAYLOR ANB HIS STAFF:
Comprising Memoirs of Generals Taylor, Worth, Wool, and Butler; Cols. May, Cross, Clay, Hardin,
Yell, Hays, and other distinguished Officers attached to General Taylor's
Army. Interspersed with
NUMEROUS ANECDOTES OF THE MEXiCAJ^ WAR,
and Personal Adventures of the Officers. Compiled from Public Documents and Private Corre- spondence. With
ACCURATE PORTRAITS, AND OTHER BEAUTIFUL ILLUSTRATIONS. In one volume, 12mo.
GENERAL SCOTT AND HIS STAFF!
Comprismg Memoirs of Generals Scott, Twiggs, Smith, Quitman, Shields, Pillow, Lane, Cadwalader,
Patterson, and Pierce ; Cols. Childs, Riley, Harney, and Butler ; and other
distinguished officers attached to General Scott's Army.
TOGETHER WITH
Notices of General Kearny, Col. Doniphan, Col. Fremont, and othe* officers distinguished in the
Conquest of California and New Mexico ; and Personal Adventures of the Officers. Com-^
piled from Public Documents and Private Correspondence. With
ACCURATE PORTRAITS, AND OTHER BEAUTIFUL ILLUSTRATIONS.
In one volume, 12mo.
THE FAMILY DENTIST,
INCLUDING THE SURGICAL, MEDICAL AND MECHANICAL TREATMENT
OF THE TEETH.
Illustrated with tliirty-one X^ngravings*
By CHAHLES A. DU BOUCHET, M. D., Dental Surgeon.
In one volume, 18mo.
22
MECHANICS FOR THE IVIILLWRIGHT, ENGINEER AND MACHINIST, CIVIL ENGINEER, AND ARCHITECT:
CONTAINING
THE PRINCIPLES OP MCHMICS APPLIED TO MACHINERY
Of American models, Steam-Engmes, Water- Works, Mavigation, Bridge-building, &c. <kc. By
FREDERICK OVERMAN,
Author of " The Manufacture of Iron," and other scientific treatises.
Illustrated by 150 Engravings. In one large 12mo. volume.
WILLIAMS'S TRAVELLER'S AND TOURIST'S GUIDE
Through the United States, Canada, &c.
This book will be found replete with information, not only to the traveller, but likewise to the man of business. In its preparation, ^n entirely new plan has been adopted, which, we are con- vinced, needs only a trial to be fully appreciated.
Among' its many valuable features, are tables showing at a glance the distance, fare, and time occupied in travelling from the principal cities to the most important places in the Union ; so that the question frequently asked, without obtaining a satisfactory reply, is here answered in full. Other tables show the distances from New York, &c., to domestic and foreign ports, by sea; and also, by way of comparison, from New York and Liverpool to the principal ports beyond and around Cape Horn, <5;:c., as well as via the Isthmus of Panama. Accompanied by a large and accurate Map of the United States, including a separate Map of California, Oregon, New Mexico and Utah. Also, a Map of the Island of Cuba, and Plan of the City and Harbor of Havana; and a Map of Niagara River and Falls.
THE LEGISLATIVE GUIDE:
Containing directions for conducting business in the House of Representatives ; the Senate of the United States; the Joint Rules of both Houses ; a Synopsis of Jefferson's Manual, and copious Indices ; together with a concise system of Rules of Order, based on the regulations of the U. S. Congress. Designed to economise time, secure uniformity and despatch in con- ducting business in all secular meetings, and also in all religious, political, and Legislative Assemblies.
BY JOSEPH BARTLETT BURLEIG-H, LL. D. In one volume, 12mo.
This is considered by our Judges and Congressmen as decidedly the best work of the kind extant. Every young man in the country should have a copy of this book.
THE INITIALS; A Story of Modern Life.
THREE VOLUMES OF THE LONDON EDITION COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME 12M0. A new novel, equal to "Jane Eyre."
WILT) WESTERN SCENES!
A NARRATIVE OF ADVENTURES IN THE W/ESTERN WILDERNESS,
Wherein the Exploits of Daniel Boone, the Great American Pioneer, are particularly described
Also, Minute Accounts of Bear. Deer, and Buffalo Hunts — Desperate Conflicts with the
Savages — Fishing and Fowling Adventures — Encounters with Serpents, <kc.
By Luke Shortfield, Author of " The Western Merchant."
BEAUTIFULLY ILLUSTRATED. One volume, 12mo.
POEMS OF THE PLEASURES:
Coniisting of the PLEASURES OF IMAGINATION, by Akenside ; the PLEASURES OF MEMORY,
by Samuel Rogers ; the PLEASURES OF HOPE, by Campbell ; and the PLEASURES OF
FRIENDSHIP, by M'Henry. With a Memoir of each Author, prepared expressly
for this work. 18mo.
23
CALIFORNIA AND OREGON; Or, Sights in the Gold Region, and Scenes by the Way.
BY THEODORE T. JOHNSON. With a Map and Illustrations. Third Edition.
With AN APPENDIX, containing Full Instructions to Emig^rants by t)ie Overland Route to Oregon. By Hon. SAMUEL R. THURSTON, Delegate to Congress from that Territory.
VALUABLE STANDARD MEDICAL BOOKS. DISPENSATORY OF THE UNITED STATES.
BY DKS. WOOD AWD BACHE. New Edilioii, much enlargfid and carefully revised. One volume, royal octavo.
A TREATISE ON THE PRACTICE OF MEDICINE.
BY GEORGE B. WOOD, M. D., One of the Authors of the " Dispensatory of the U. S.," <S:c. New edition, improved. 2 vols. 8vo.
AN ILLUSTRATED SYSTEM OF HUMAN ANATOMY;
SPECIAL, MICROSCOPIC, AND PHYSIOLOGICAL.
BY SAMUEL GEORGE MORTON, M. D. "With 391 beautiful Illustrations. One volume, royal octavo.
MATERIA MEDICA AND THERAPEUTICS,
With ample Illustrations of Practice in all the Departments of Medical Science, and copious No- tices of Toxicology.
BIT THOMAS D. MITCMELL, A.Tft.^ BI.D.,
Prof, of the Theory and Practice of Medicine in the Philadelphia College of Medicine, <tc. 1 vol. 8vo.
THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF SURGERY.
By George M'Clellan, M. D. 1 vol. 8vo.
EBERLE'S PRACTICE OF MEDICINE.
New Edition. Improved by GEORGE M'CLELLAN, M. D. Two volumes in 1 vol. 8vo.
EBERLE'S THERAPEUTICS
TWO VOLUMES IN ONE.
A TREATISE ON THE DISEASES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION OF CHILDREN.
By JOHN EBERLE, M. D., &c. Fourth Edition. With Notes and very large Additions,
By Thomas D. Mitchell, A. M., M. D., &c. 1 vol. 8vo.
EBERLE'S NOTES FOR STUDENTS-NEW EDITION.
•»* These worlcs are used as text-books in most of the Medical Schools in the United States.
A PRACTICAL TREATISE ON POISONS:
Their Symptoms, Antidotes, and Treatment. By 0. H. Costill, M. D. 18mo. IDENTITIES OF LIGHT AND HEAT, OF CALORIC AND ELECTRICITY.
13 V" C. CAMPBELL COOPER.
UNITED STATES' PHARMACOPEIA,
Edition of 1851. Published by authority of the National Medical Convention. 1 vol. Svo
24
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
0 007 277 291 A
M' .ll,
, .11 * '■ i: !• ■'■.,)• :> ,ii'
'.■•w'^'
'yM
/>':*,:
,Yivl'!*;'!'!<[