LOUISBOURG IN 1745
THE ANONYMOUS
LETTRE D'UN HABITANT DE LOUISBOURG
(CAPE BRETON) Containing a narrative by an eye-witness of the siege in 1745
EDITED WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
GEORGE M. WRONG, M.A.
Profetior of History in the Univertity of Toronto
(AN APPENDIX TO TBS REPORT OF THE MINISTER OF EDUCATION)
TORONTO
WARWICK BRO'S & RUTTER 1897
LOUISBOURQ IN 1745
THE ANONYMOUS
LETTRE D'UN HABITANT DE LOUISBOURG
(CAPE BRETON) Containing a narrative by an eye-witness of the siege in 1745
EDITED WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
GEORGE M. WRONG, M.A.
Professor of History in the University of Toronto
(AN APPENDIX TO THE REPORT OF THE MINISTER OF EDUCATION)
TORONTO WARWICK BRO'S & RUTTER
1897
TORONTO : WARWICK BRO'S & RUTTEH,
1897.
r:
§0 b/
INTRODUCTION
The siege and capture of Louisbourg in Cape Breton in 1745 by New England militia, supported by a British fleet, was the first important event in America in the renewed war between Great Britain and France after the long peace which Walpole had succeeded in maintaining. On May 13/24, 1744,1 the French seized the fishing station of Canso, opposite to Cape Breton on the Nova Scotian coast, and this was the first inti- mation which the English colonies received that war had broken out. They were greatly stirred by the news. French privateers soon made their commerce unsafe, and the bold plan was conceived of sending a militia force in the early spring of 1745 to attack the French fortress of Louisbourg.
Louisbourg was regarded as the strongest strategic point which France possessed in America. When forced to yield Newfoundland to Great Britain in 1713, the French had retained the two islands, Cape Breton (Isle Royale), and Prince Edward (Isle St. Jean), to serve the double purpose of providing a refuge for the French inhabitants forced to leave Newfound- land, and of securing to France the possibility of erecting a strong military and naval post in the North Atlantic, which should command the approaches to the St. Lawrence and Can- ada, still held by her, and serve also as a protection to French commerce in more southern seas. After much deliberation the stronghold had been erected near the south-eastern extremity of the Island of Cape Breton. The situation had many advan- tages. There was a good harbour, easily defended, and the fort- ress, now only a ruin, was built on a peninsula difficult of access from the landward side. Louisbourg cost the French Court enor- mous sums. It lodged in 1745 between three and four thousand * Collection de Manuscritt III : 201 (Quebec, 1884).
people. The British held the mainland (called by them Nova Scotia, by the French, Acadia) lying across the Strait of Canso, and it was almost inevitable that this proximity should result in conflict. The English colonies had been very nervous when they saw France menacing them from Louisbourg, and the proposal to attack the place appealed to a strong instinct of self-preservation.
The present narrative is the only unofficial account of the siege, from the French standpoint, that we possess.* The writer is unknown to us. Although the structure and the language of the Letter alike show that he was not a literary man, his style is often striking and vigorous. He was at Louisbourg throughout the seige and, when the fortress fell, he was among those sent to France by the victorious British. Shortly after his arrival he completed this Letter, and it was soon published, no doubt in France, either by himself or by the friend who is nominally responsible for printing it. The statement on the title-page that the book was printed " A Quebec, Chez Guillaume le Sincere " is entirely misleading. No books, or even newspapers, were printed at Quebec until after
* Official reports were made by the French Governor Du Chambon, and by the Comptroller Bigot. The report of the former is printed in Col- lection de Manuscrits III : 237-257 (Quebec, 1884) and in Parkman, Half Century of Conflict, II : 299-320 (Boston, 1892). Some of the New Eng- land force kept diaries, which have been preserved. Copious bibliographies relating to the siege of Louisbourg in 1745 will be found in The Nai rative mid Critical History of America, edited by Justin Winsor, Vol. V., pp. 434-448 (Boston and New York, 1887), and in J. G. Bourinot's Cape Breton pp. 146-152 (Montreal, 1892). The notes in Parkman's Half Cen- tury of Conflict (II : 78-161) are a useful bibliographical guide. The Report on Canadian Archives, 1886, by Douglas Brymner, (Ottawa, 1887), contains a large map of Louisbourg from Gridley's plan, and the Reports for 1887 and 1894 contain Calendars of many documents relating to the events of 1745 in Cape Breton. The recently discovered Journal of Captain William Pote, Jr., (New York, 1896), is a highly interesting narrative of events in Nova Scotia contemporaneous with the siege of Louisbourg.
the British conquest (1763). The Letter is a strong indictment of French colonial policy, and the printer was anxious that his identity should be concealed. Perhaps the author was equally anxious to be unknown to the public, and the initials " B. L. N." appended to the Letter may be fictitious. On the other hand, the author may have been known to the Minister of Marine, Maurepas. Otherwise probably he would not have been at such pains to defend and flatter him (p. 71). The writer says that he had seen other French colonies and had noted evils there similar to those in Cape Breton. He was himself, apparently, a merchant and he condemns with much bitterness the small salaries paid by the French Court to those in its employ, and the consequent temptation to en- gage in trade which this involved. We know that in Canada the Governor; Intendant, and other officials frequently eked out their pay by commercial enterprises. They were, in con- sequence, too likely to make their mercantile undertakings and not the interests of France the paramount consideration. At Louisbourg the selfish conduct of the trading officers helped to cause a mutiny among the men, and one of the causes that contributed to the French failure was the consequent distrust, which the officers felt, of the regular troops under their command.
The present author writes of course from a French stand- point. He exaggerates the numbers on the British side, and also the friction between Warren the naval commander and Pepperrell the leader of the New England militia force. The British; losses during the siege are also greatly overstated. Though he admires the English love of liberty, he is unable to understand the self-government of the colonies, which he regards as a fantastic feature of the English system. The commercial rivalry between the French and the English is much in his mind and he is conscious of France's decline as a naval power, the results of which became so conspicuous in
6
the course of this and succeeding wars with Great Britain. Unlike English writers of the period he gives the Indians a high character for unselfish devotion.
Printed copies of the Letter are extremely rare. There is one in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris. Parkman was unable to find a copy in the British Museum or upon this side of the Atlantic, and had the Paris volume copied for his use in writing A Half Century of Conflict. He printed copious extracts from the letter in the appendix to this work, but necessarily omitted much that is of interest. An exemplar of the original edition is in the Library of Parliament at Ottawa, and Dr. J. G. Bourinot, Clerk of the House of Commons, also possesses a copy. The volume (4xG) contains eighty -one pages, and is printed in large, clear type, on thin, but good, paper. It has numerous typographical errors. The most obvious of these have been corrected in the present edition, but otherwise the original text has been exactly reproduced. The spelling and the use of accents are very capricious. An English trans- lation has been added for the convenience of many interested in the sources of colonial history and yet without facility in reading French.
The Editor desires to acknowledge his indebtedness to the Reverend Abb6 H. R. Casgrain, Professor of History in Laval University, Quebec, who has kindly furnished him with a copy of his MS. made from the original edition of the Letter in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris ; to Professor Squair, of University College, Toronto, for suggestions and corrections in regard to the translation ; to Dr. J. G. Bourinot for the use of his copy of the original edition to correct the proofs ; and to the Honourable G. W. Ross, Minister of Education for the Province of Ontario, for provision for publication.
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO, May, 1897.
LETTER OF AN INHABITANT
OF LOUISBOURG
CONTAINING A HISTORY
EXACT AND CIRCUMSTANTIAL OF THE TAKING OF CAPE BRETON BY THE ENGLISH
Insanire quid est?
QUEBEC
PUBLISHED BY WILLIAM THE SINCERE AT THE SIGN OF TRUTH
MDCCXLV
LETTRE D'UN HABITANT
DE LOUISBOURG,
CONTENANT UNE RELATION
E'XACTE ET CIRCONSTANCIE'E DE LA PRISE DE
L'ISLE-ROYALE, PAR LES ANGLAIS.
Insanire quid est ?
A QUEBEC,
CHEZ GUILLAUME LE SINCERE, A L'lMAGE DE LA VERITE.
M.DCC.XLV.
ADVERTISEMENT OF THE PRINTER.
This letter having fallen into my hands, I have thought it a duty to print it because of the service which it ought to accomplish for the other Colonies which have the same abuses. When the Court learns the truths contained in the letter which I now publish it will, doubtless, put their affairs in order and save other establishments, not less useful to the French than the one which the English have just seized, from meeting with a similar fate. It is to be feared that unhoped for success will lead the English on to further ventures. Already the trade which makes France so prosperous has suffered much ; renewed losses would ruin it utterly. What more powerful motive could we have to weigh all these things ? It is this that has led me to have no hesi- tation in printing this truthful letter. Some persons may take offence because their reputation or that of their relatives is not spared. But why did they not discharge their trust better ? The justice due to those who know how to fulfil their duty would then have been rendered to them.
3] AVERTISSEMENT DE L'IMPRIMEUR
Cette lettre mutant tomb^e entre les mains, j'ai cru la devoir imprimen par I'utilit4 qui en doit r^jaillir sur les autres Colonies. Les abus y sont les memes : La Cour 4tant informed des verit^s contenues dans la Lettre que je donne au Public, y mettra sans doute ordre, & empechera par-la qu'il n'en arrive autant a d'autres ^tablissemens, non nioins utiles aux Franijais, que celui dont les Anglais viennent de s'emparer. II est a craindre qu'un succes inespdrd ne les porte d'entreprises en entreprises. Le Commerce de la France, qui la rend si florissante, a deja beaucoup souffert : De nouvelles pertes le ruineroient entierement: Quel plus puissant motif pourrions-nous avoir pour passer sur toutes ces considerations ! C'est ce 4] qui m'a d^termin^ a ne point balancer sur l'impres]]sion de cette Lettre Veridique. Quelques personnes pourront s'offenser de ce que leur reputation, ou celle de leurs parens, n'y est point menagee. Mais pourquoi n'ont-elles pas mieux fait leur devoir ? On leur eut rendu la justice que 1'on rend a qui sgu le remplir.
LETTER OF AN INHABITANT OF LOUISBOURG
I thank you, Sir and very dear friend, for the interest you
take in the misfortune which has happened to me. If it
had come upon myself alone I should feel it much less. I have
not so much to complain of as have a multitude of miserable
people, stripped of everything and without resources, who
will be obliged to beg for a living if the Court does not pro-
vide for them, — sad results of a war in which we appear to
be the only unfortunates ! The first news of the conquests of
* The French our August Monarch* which we learn as we disembark are in
Fontenoy* on truth wel1 fittecl to fil1 the whole kingdom with pure and
ntjj' ecstatic joy. But how can we share it without alloy, over- subsequent whelmed as we are with the most terrible reverses and despoiled
capture of Tournay, Ghent, Bruges and other
Tourna Ghent, and oth places. -En.
5] LETTRE D'UN HABITANT
DE LOUISBOURG
Je vous remercie, Monsieur & tres-cher ami, de la part que vous prenes au malheur qui m'est arrived S'il ne retomboit que sur moi seul, j'y serois beaucoup moins sensible. Je ne suis pas tant a plaindre qu'une foule de miserables, d^nues de tout & sans ressource, qui, si la Cour n'y pour- voit, vont etre contraints de raandier leur subsistance : Tristes efiets d'une guerre qui semble n'etre malheureuse que pour nous ! Les premieres nouvelles des ConquStes de notre Auguste Monarque, que nous apprenons en debarquant, sont, k la veVite, bien capables de combler tout le Royaume 6] d'une joye pure & excessive. Mais comment la pou||vons-nous gouter sans melange, accables des plus affreux revers, et d^pouilles des biens qui
11
of the possessions which were the fruit of many years' labour ? We are unfortunate in this respect, that the English, who up to present time have not been able to succeed against the French, have made a beginning with us. May our loss mark the only progress which they will make this year ! It is not the least vexation felt by subjects as zealous as we are.
The first cause of our misfortune is, no doubt, the weakness of our wretched colony, but one cannot help admitting that the numerous mistakes which were made may have contributed as much or more. I recommend you to keep secret what I am going to unveil to you ; in any case I beg you at least not to reveal my name. It is often unsafe to tell the truth, and especially with the artless candour which will guide my pen. For a long« time we were not unaware that a secret enter- prise against us was in preparation in New England.1 Every
1 What is called New England is a country of Southern America (sic). It is honnded on the north by New France, on the south by New York or the New Netherlands, on the east by the North Sea or the ocean. The aborigines of New England are the Almouchiquois. Boston is the capital.
etoient le fruit du travail de plusieurs annees ? Nous sommes malheureux au point, que les Anglois ont commence par nous, & qu'ils n'avoient jusqu'a present pu reussir centre les Francois. H faut que notre perte soit peut- etre les seuls progres qu'ils feront de cette annee ! Ce n'est pas le moindre chagrin que ressentent des sujets aussi zeles que nous le sommes.
La source de notre infortune est, sans contredit, la foiblesse de notre deplorable colonie : mais on ne peut s'empecher de convenir, que les fautes nombreuses qui ont e'te commises, n'y ayent autant ou plus contribue.
Je vous recommande le secret sur tout ce que je vais vous de'voiler, ou je vous pri?, du moins, de taire mon nom. II est souvent dangereux de dire la verite, <fc de le faire avec cette candeur ingenue qui va diriger ma plume.
Nous n'ignorions point depuis long-terns, qu'il se tramoit une entre- 7] prise secrette centre nous, a la II Nouvdle Aiwjleterre.'1 Tous les jours
1 On appelle Nouvelle Angleterre, une Centre's de 1'Ameriqne Me'ridionale. Elle est born^e au Nord par la JJouvelle-France, au Midi par la Nouvelle York, ou le nouvean Pais-Bas, & au Levant par la Mer du Nord, on I'Oce'an. Lea habitans naturels de la Nouvellc Angleterre sont les Almouchiquois. La Capitals est Baston.
12
day we were in receipt of information that they were arming along the whole coast, and we were certain that this could only
* The author mean some design upon Cape Breton.* There was then abund- mes invari- ably the ant time to take measures tor protection against the threatened
isle Royaie. ' danger; something was done, but not all that should have been. — ED.
Our situation, on the verge of a pressing danger, was indicated
to the Court by what happened regarding the vessels Ardent and Caribou. We were seeking prompt succour. Even if we had not asked for this, our weakness, obvious and faithfully explained to the Minister, ought to have procured it for us. Our colony was sufficiently important ; without it Canada is exposed and difficult to hold.
The two ships of war of which I have just spoken ought to be blamed in the first instance. If their commanders would have consented to aid in an easy expedition against Acadia we should have ruined the English in that country and made it impossible for them to plan the project which they have accom- plished. But an abuse prevails in the Navy of France against which it is difficult to protest too much, though the pro- tests are always in vain. Most of the officers of the King's
nous recevions de secrets avis qu'on armoit le long de la Cote : Cela ne pouvoit regarder que I'Isle-Eoyale nous en etions certains. On cut done tout le loisir de prendre des precautions, pour se mettre a 1'abri du peril qui nous menac.oit ; on le fit aussi ; mais on lie prit pas toutes celles qui convenoient.
La situation ou nous etion«, a la veille d'un danger pressant , fut mar- quee a la Cour par 1'occasion des Vaisseaux V Ardent & le Karibou. Nous sollicitions un promt secours. Quand nous ne Faurions pas fait, notre foiblesse appareiite & fidelement exprimee au Ministre, devoit nous le procurer. Notre colonie etoit d'une asses grande importance : sans elle, le Canada est expose, & il n'est pas aise de le conserver. II 8] La premiere faute doit etre attribute aux deux Vaisseaux de guerre dont je viens de parler. Si leurs Commandans eussent voulu se preter a une expedition facile sur VAcadie, nous ruinions les Anglois de ces cantons, & les mettions hors d'etat de songer au projet qu'ils ont execute. Mais il regne un abus dans la Marine de France, contre lequel on ne sc,auroit trop crier, et contre lequel on crie toujours vainement : la plupart des Offi-
13
ships, induced by the love of gain, carry on trade operations, although this is forbidden by the Ordinances of His Majesty. It is impossible to conceive how greatly commerce suffers from this, nor does the service gain anything. Presumably, all this is unknown to the Minister, who has only the glory of his master in view ; persons who are near him, however, have quite different motives, for a share in this base traffic gives them a pretext for self-justification and for concealing it from him.
It was only necessary to appear before this English colony, the neighbour of our unhappy island-, and to land a few men. But, while this was being done, the trade ventures would have been neglected and the general welfare, that of the State,
would have interfered with individual interests,2 and this i
would have been contrary to received usage in a corps which, far from working to ruin the merchants, ought to protect them. Forgive these strong expressions ; although harsh they are true.
2 This example has become contagious in all our colonies, where the generals, far from protecting commerce, are the first to injure it. They enrich themselves chiefly in the foreign trade which is so injurious to that of the subjects of the King. I speak here as an eye witness.
ciers des Vaisseaux du Hoi, livres a 1'appas du gain, font le metier de Marchands, quoique cela leur soit interdit par les Ordonnances de SA MAJESTIS On n'imagineroit jamais combien le commerce en souffre, le service n'y gagne pas davantage. II est bien a presumer que c'est a I'insQu du Ministre, qui n'a que la gloire de son maitre en vue : d'autres motifs animent les personnes qui 1'approchent, dont la part dans ces honteux trafics, sert a les autoriser, & a lui en derober la connoissance.
II ne falloit que se presenter devant cette colonie Angloise, voisine de 9] notre maiheureuse Isle, & y debarquer peu de monde. Mais, durant II ce terns, les pacotilles auroient ete negligees, & 1'interet general, celui de 1'Etat, 1'eut emporte sur le particulier :" ce qui auroit et6 contraire a 1'usage reQU dans un Corps, qui devroit proteger les Negocians, loin de travailler a leur ruine. Passes-moi quelques traits de cette force ; ils sont vrais, quoique durs.
2 Cet example est devenu contagieux dans toutes nos Colonies ou lea Ge'ne'r- aux, loin de soutenir le commerce, sont les premiers a lui porter prejudice : Ils s'enrichissent pour la plupart dans le commerce Stranger, qui est si nuisible a celui des Sujets du lioi. Je parle ici comme temoin oculaire.
14
In place of this expedition, which would have protected us from a misfortune that the State ought to feel no less than we, they amused themselves by wasting time in useless dis- putes. These resulted on the part of the captains of the royal ships (MM. Maichin and de la Sauzai) in persistence in their refusal and on that of our Governor CM. du Quesnel) in a complaint against their conduct, which indeed it would not be easy to justify.
In seizing Acadia we should have freed ourselves from the menace of enemies dangerously near and destroyed a con- siderable portion of the facilities which they made use of against us. The naval commanders argued that they had not the orders of the Court,— as if it was necessary for all the sub- jects of the King to have special orders before keeping his enemies from doing him injury, when it was so easy to take from them the means. M. du Quesnel could not induce them to support the enterprise ; in vain did he assert his official authority. It was necessary for him to think of carrying through the matter alone. Would to God that he had aban- doned this mad undertaking or that he had never thought of this or of the preceding one, of which I shall speak presently.
Au lieu de cette expedition, qui nous eut mis a couvert d'un malheur auquel 1'Etat ne doit pas etre moins sensible que nous, on s'amusa a perdre du terns en disputes inutiles : elles aboutirent de la part des Capi- taines des Vaisseaux du Roi (MM. Maichin, cG de la Sauzai) a persister dans leur refus, et de la part de notre Gouverneur (M. du Quesnel) a se plaindre de leur procede^ ; qu'il ne seroit pas en effet, bien ais6 de justifier.
10] En enlevant 1'Acadie aux enne] mis, nous nous otions 1'inquietude d'un dangereux voisinage, & nous detruisions une grande partie des moyens dont 1'ennemi s'est servi contre nous. Ces Messieurs se retran- choient sur ce qu'ils n'avoient point les Ordres de la Cour, comme s'il en falloit de particuliers a tous les sujets du Roi pour empecher ses ennemis de faire du mal, en leur en otant les moyens, lorsque la chose est si facile. Mr. du Quesnel ne put les engager a appuyer son entreprise ; en vain reclama-t-il 1'autorite dont il etoit depositaire. II lui fallut penser a se tirer seul d'affaire. Plut a Dieu ! qu'il eut renonce a cette folle entre- prise, ou qu'il n'y eut jatnais songe, non plus qu'a celle qui 1'avoit pr^cedee, & que je raconterai bien-tot.
15
The ill-success which followed this enterprise is rightly regarded as the cause of our loss. The English would perhaps not have troubled us if we had not first affronted them. It is our love of aggression which has cost us dearly ; I have heard more than one of our foes say this, and it seems to me only too likely. It was the interest of the people of New England to live at peace with us and they would undoubtedly have done so if we had not been so ill-advised as to disturb the security which they felt in regard to us. They expected that both sides would hold aloof from the cruel war which had set Europe on fire, and that we, as well as they, should remain on the defen- sive only. Prudence required this, but that she does not always rule the actions of men we, more than any others, have demon- strated.
As soon as our Governor learned of the declaration of war he formed vast projects which have resulted in our present misfortune. God keep his soul in peace ! Poor man, we owe him little ; he was whimsical, changeable, given to drink, and when in his cups knowing no restraint or decency. He had affronted nearly all the officers of Louisbourg and destroyed
Le mauvais succes dont cette entreprise a ete suivie, est envisage, avec raison, comme la cause de notre perte. Les Anglois ne nous auroient peut-etre point inquietes, si nous n'eussions ete les premiers a les insulter. Notre qualite d'agresseurs nous a et6 funeste ; je 1'ai oiii center a plus d'un ennemi, & je n'y vois que trop d'apparence. II
11] Les habitans de la nouvelle Angleterre etoient interesses a vivre en paix avec nous. Us 1'eussent sans doute fait, si nous ne nous etions point avisos mal a propos, de les tirer de cette securite ou ils etoient a notre egard. Ils comptoient que de part & d'autre, on ne prendroit aucun parti dans cette cruelle guerre qui a mis 1'Europe en feu, & que nous nous tien- drions comme eux, sur la seule defensive. La prudence le dictoit ; mais elle n'est pas toujours la regie des actions des hommes : nous 1'avons plus eprouve^ que qui que ce soit.
Des que notre Gouverneur eut sgu la declaration de la guerre, il forma de vastea projets, qui ont abouti au malheur qui nous est arrive. Dieu garde son ame en paix ! c'<5toit un pauvre Sire, k qui nous n'avons gueres d'obligation : homme capricieux, illegal, sujet a boire, et ne connoissant dans le vin ni mesures ni bienseances. II avoit cheque presque tous les
16
their authority with the soldiers. It was because his affairs were in disorder and he was ruined that he had been given the government of Cape Breton. The foolish enterprise against Canso, which I shall describe presently, and from which they tried in vain to dissuade him, is the first cause of the loss of a colony so useful to the King.
How different was M. du Quesnel from his predecessor ! *M. de Forsnt This was M. Forant * the son of a vice-admiral and the grandson
died in 1740.
—ED. of an admiral of Denmark. His grandfather migrated very
young on account of his religion. M. Forant had entered the navy when young and knew his profession. By his kindness and humanity he deserved to lead men. They feared him because they loved him. When he came from France he had great plans for the development of the colony of which the King had made him Governor. He died, however, at the end of nine or ten months, and when he died he left a sum of thirty thousand livres for educating and bringing up young ladies, daughters of officers dying at Louisbourg. This sum is in Paris and only the income from it is used. It is said that a sister of this charitable Governor will attempt to overturn this good settlement, but it is to be hoped that she will fail
Officiers de Louisbourg, & les mettoit en compromis avec les soldats. Le 12] desordre de ses affaires lui avoit fait donner le Gouvernej |ment de 1'Isle Royale. II etoit mine. La folle entreprise de Canceaux, que je vais tout-a-1'heure decrire, et dont on voulut envain le detourner, est la pre- miere cause de la perte d'une Oolonie si utile au Roi.
Que M. Du Quesnel differoit de son predecesseur ! M. Forent, auquel il avoit succede, etoit fils d'un Chef-d'Escadre, & petit-fils d'un Amiral de Dannemarc. Son grand-pere y avoit passe fort jeune, pour cause de Religion. M. Forent avoit commence a servir jeune dans la Marine, & il scavoit son metier. II meritoit, par sa douceur et son humanite de conduire les hommes. On le craignoit parce qu'on 1'aimoit. En partant de France il avoit de grandes vues pour faire fleurir la Colonie dont le Roi 1'avoit nomine Gouverneur. Mais il mourut au bout de neuf ou dix mois. II legua en mourant une somme de trente mille livres, pour instruire & elever de jeunes Demoiselles, filles d'Officiers morts a Louisbourg. Cette somme est a Paris, et 1'on n'en prend que le revenu. On dit qu'une 13] Sosur de ce charitable Gouverneur va ten||ter de detruire un aussi bel
17
in a design so contrary to the well-being of the State and of Religion, which are equally benefited.
Too much prudence can not be shown in the choice of Governors for the colonies. As they are the soul of these establishments it is of infinite consequence that their senti- ments should correspond to the dignity of the Prince whom they represent. But it is obvious that too many of them act from unworthy motives. In the proper place, how many things would I have to say on this point! Some day, perhaps, I shall have occasion to make public what I have learned in the course of my journeys to several of our colonies.
The ambition of M. du Quesnel was to distinguish himself May 10 against the English. To realize this noble and daring design he armed a schooner (goelette 3) of fourteen guns, and a bateau 4, upon which he put about six hundred men, soldiers and sailors, to go first and seize the little island of Canso This was to be the signal of a breach with our neighbours, the English. His
3 A species of thip of peculiar construction, with raking masts which help her speed
4 A litt'e ship with one mast, much used in America.
etablissement ; mais il est a souhaiter qu'elle echoue dans un dessein si contraire au bien de 1'Etat & a la Religion, qui y trouvent un egal avantage.
On ne sqauroit apporter trop de sagesse dans le choix des Gouverneurs que Ton donne aux Colonies. Comme ils en sont 1'ame, il est d'une con- sequence inflnie que leurs sentimens repondent a la dignite du Prince qu'ils representent. Mais on n'en voit que trop se conduire par les plus indig- nes motifs. Que j'aurais de choses a dire la-dessus, si e'en etoitici le lieu ! J'aurai peut-etre occasion quelque jour de rendre public ce que je sgais a cet egard, recueilli de mes differens voyages dans plusieurs de nos Colonies.
L'envie de M. Du Quesnel etoit de se distinguer centre les Anglais. 10 Pour efectuer ce noble & hardi projet, il arma une Goualette3 JJjJ. 14] de II quatorze canons, & un Batteau,4 sur lesquels il mit environ six cens hommes, soldats et mattelots, pour s'aller d'abord emparer de la petite Isle de Canceaux. Ce devoit etre le signal de rupture avec les
3 Espe'ce de Nayire d'uae construction siugulie're, & d'une matilre renverae'e, qui contribute' a le faire bien marcher.
1 Petit Navire qui n'a qu'unmat, & dont on se sert beaucoup dans 1'Ame'rique
2
18
force soon came back victorious. The enterprise, so much belauded, was in truth not worthy of our attention ; we did not gain what it cost. The English established upon this little island were, indeed, without the least defence. They did not know that we were at war with their nation, for we had been the first to hear of the declaration ; they did not even suspect that they might be attacked. The island, moreover, was not for- tified, England having never taken any trouble to strengthen it. Some of her subjects had built a wretched town, which we burned.
This is how that expedition resulted for which its author would have believed himself to deserve the honours of a triumph ! Encouraged by this feeble success, our Governor aspired to a more substantial victory. Unable to get help from the commanders of the Ardent and the Caribou he was still not disconcerted, but resolved alone to attain the success of taking Acadia. He even appeared pleased that his glory should be shared by no one else.
You are aware, Monsieur, that Acadia formerly belonged to us, and that we ceded it to the English by the Treaty of
* April nth, Utrecht.* It is even yet peopled by the old French inhabitants 1713.-ED. J f f J
Anglais, nos voisins. Son armee revint bientot victorieuse. Cette entre- prise, qu'on a tant fait sonner, e^oit en verite peu digne que Ton s'y arreiat : On auroit du regretter jusqu'aux frais qu'elle nous a coutes. En effet, les Anglais etablis sur cette petite Isle etoient sans la moindre defense ; ne songeant pas meme qu'ils dussent etre attaquez, parce qu'ils ignoroient que nous fussions en guerre avec leur nation. Nous en avions ete les premiers instruits : D'ailleurs, cette Isle n'etoit rien moins que fortifiee ; 1'Angleterre ne s'en etant jamais mise en peine. Quelques-uns de ses Sujets y avoient formd un miserable Bourg, que nous brulames. Voilk ,:i quoi se termina cette expedition, pour laquelle celui qui en etoit 15] 1'Auteur auroit || cru devoir meriter les honneurs du triomphe.
Ce foible succes encourageant notre Governeur, il aspira a une Victoire plus solide. Ne pouvant obtenir de secours des Commandans de 1'Ardent et du Karibou, il ne se deconcerta point ; mais resolut de venir seul a bout de prendre 1'Acadie. II paroissoit meme flate de n'en avoir a partager la gloire avec personne.
Vous sgavez, MONSIEUR, que 1'Acadie nous a autrefois appartenu, & que nous 1'avons ce^e a 1'Anglais, per la paii d'Utrecht. Elle est meme
19
who occupied the country. It was upon this fact that M. de Quesnel based his plan, and he certainly made no mistake. We have experienced that they are still French at heart. Would not this fact cause our conquerors to desire that not a Frenchman should remain in Cape Breton ? It is, indeed, extremely difficult for a people to renounce allegiance to a power such as France, where reign monarchs whose virtues are so famous and who know how to secure the affection of their subjects.
In July M. du Quesnel sent M. du Vivier, a company captain, with orders to go by land to Baie Verte. This officer had two others with him from the garrison of Louisbourg, and he took also two more at St. John Island.* These five officers had a band £ of only ninety regular soldiers, but on their way they Island.— ED. collected from three to four hundred Indians and arrived before Annapolist (Port Royal 5) with their little army. Their
camp was well situated. It was placed upon a hill, high Port Royal
enough to be able to command the town, to which they were so and it was 0 _ henceforth
called
5 This is the name of the Fort which is the one defence that Acadia has. It Annapolis by was built by us. them.— ED.
encore peuplee des anciens habitans Francois, qui 1'occupoient. C'est sur quoi se fondoit M. du Quesnel, il est sur qu'il ne s'abusoit point. Nous avons eprouv^ qu'ils conservent encore un coeur FranQais. Ne seroit-ce point ce qui auroit oblig6 nos Vainqueurs, a ne vouloir pas qu'aucun de nous soit demeure' dans ITsle-Boyale ? II est effectivement bien difficile de renoncer a une domination comme celle de France, ou regnent des Monarques, dont les vertus sont si connues, & qui SQavent s'acquerir la . 16] coeur de leurs Sujets. [I
Au inois de Juillet, M. du Quesnel fit partir le sieur du Vivier, Capitaine de- Compagnie, avec ordre de se rendre par terre jusqu'aZa Bayt Verte. Cet Officier en avoit deux autres avec lui, de la garnison de Louis- bourg ; il en prit encore deux a 1'Isle de St. Jean. Ces cinq Officiers n'avoient que quatre-vingt dix homines de troupes reglees : mais ils rassemblerent sur leur route environ trois a quatre cens Sauvages, & se rendirent devant le Port-Royal', avec cette petite armee. Leur camp fut tres-bien assis. Ils le placerent sur une coline, assez elevee pour
5 Ainsi s'appelle le Fort, qui est la seule defense qu'ait 1'Acadie; C'est nous qui 1'avons construit.
20
near that they could almost see and speak with those inside the fort. The French6 subjects of Great Britain received them with demonstrations of sincere joy, and throughout rendered whatever services were in their power. M. du Vivier had caused them to make ladders, to be used on the walls of the fort in case there was a thought of entering it by assault, and they worked at these with all the zeal that one could expect from the most faithful subjects.
As orders had been given to treat them with great considera- tion, and they deserved it, they were carefully paid for everything. The Governor of the Fort, after our force had retired, told them that since France had paid them for the ladders which they had made it was proper that England should pay them to destroy them ; and in fact they were employed to do this.
The appearance of the French before Annapolis so frightened the Governor that he promised to surrender the Fort, without firing a shot, as soon as he should see appear the two vessels, with the coming of which they had menaced him. We were a long time before the place without anything happening on the one
6 This is to speak improperly, the French of Acadia being rather neutrals
pouvoir commander au Fort, dont ils etoient si pres qu'on pouvoit presque se voir & se parler. Les Francais " sujets de la Grande-Bretagne, les regurent aveo des demonstrations d'une joye sincere, & leur ont toujours 17] rendu les services qui II ont pu dependre d'eux. Le Sieur du Vivier leur a fait faire des echelles pour appliquer a la muraille du Fort, au cas qu'il fut question d'en venir a 1'assaut ; & ila y ont travaille avec tout le zele qu'on peut attendre du plus fidele sujet. Comme on avoit recora- mande de les traiter avec de grands egards, qu'ils le meritoient, tout leur a ete exactement paye. Le Gouverneur du Fort, apres la retraite des notres, leur dit a cette occasion, qua, puisque la France les uvoit paye's pour les e'chettes qu'ils avoient faites, il ttoit naturel que I'Angleterre les paydt pour les defaire. On les y occupa en effet.
L'arrivee des Frangais devant le Port-Royal intimida tellement le Gouverneur, qu'il promit de remettre le Fort aans tirer, des qu'il verroit paroitre deux Vaisseaux dont on 1'avoit menace. Nous fumes longtems en
6 C'es1; porler impropreuient, les Frangais de 1'Acadie e'tant plut&t neutres.
21
side or the other. Our people got ready to attack as soon as the ships should appear, and, in case the enemy should attempt a defence, they had caused the settlers to prepare for them arrows, provided with an artifice for igniting fire, of which they had already made trial. M. du Vivier was relieved of the command by M. de Ganas, another captain of a free company, who had left Louisbourg later. This second commander manoeuvred badly. Out of patience because the ships for which he was waiting did not come, he imprudently abandoned the investment anil retired more than fifty leagues inland. It was this that caused the expedition to fail.
The cause of the delay of the two ships intended for this enterprise, was, at first, the dispute of the Governor with the commanders of the Ardent and the Caribou. M. du Quesnel always flattered himself that he should gain them over. Seeing that they were inflexible, he took his own course, which was to arm a merchant ship of La Rochelle, named the Atlas, to- gether with a brigantine,7 the Tempest. But he had not the satis- faction of seeing them sail, for he died suddenly, in the month
7 Light bhip, fit for racing, and either rowed or sailed. It has no deck.
presence, sans qu'il se pasaat rien de part ni d'autre. Noa gens se dis- posoient a attaquer, aussi-tot que les Vaisseaux paroitroient : & en cas que les ennemis voulusseiit se defendre, ils avoient fait preparer, par les 18] habitans du Pays, des fleches armees II d'artifice pour mettre le feu. L'essai en avoit deja ete fait. Le sieur du Vivier venoit d'etre releve par e Sieur de Ganas, autre Capitaine de Compagnie franche, parti depuis lui de Louisbourg. Ce second Commandant manceuvra inal : impatient de ne point voir arriver les Vaisseaux qu'il attendoit, il leva imprudemment le blocus, & se retira a plus de cinquante lieues dans les Terres. C'est la ce qui a fait manquer 1'expedition.
Le sujet du r^tardement des deux Navires destines pour cette entre- prise, avoit d'abord ete la dispute du Gouverneur, avec les Commandans de 1'Ardent et du Karibou. M. du Quesnel se flatoit toujours de les gagner. Voyant qu'ils etoient inflexibles, il prit son parti, qui fut d'armer un Navire Marchand de la Rochelle, nomine I' Atlas, avec le Brigantin7 19] la Tempete. Mais il n'eut pas la satisfaction de les voir mettre II a la
7 Batiment l^ger, propre pour la course, & qui va a la rame & a la voile: il e?t sans pout.
22
*1744.-ED. of October,* regretted as little as he deserved to be. Of any one else it would be said that death was caused by chagrin, but that could not rightly be imputed to him.
M. du Chambon, Lieutenant of the King, having taken com- mand, caused the expedition to set out on the twenty-third. This new commander could not do otherwise. The situation was such that it was absolutely necessary to send this help to the troops which were supposed still to be encamped before Annapolis, where, in fact, they no longer were, as the two vessels perceived when they arrived before the fort. They were obliged to turn back. This armament was a loss, for although some prizes were taken on the return voyage, they were not a sufficient compensation. If the commanders had wished they could have taken a ship with a rich cargo, but they lost their heads ; sad forecast of what was to happen during the siege !
Although it was to be expected that our expedition against Acadia would succeed, because the enemy were very ill equipped to resist us, it failed, and this led them to the conclusion that we were either afraid or weak. They appear to have decided from this that they ought to take advantage of so favourable a cir-
voile, e"tant mort subitement, au mois d'Octobre, peu regrette & m^ritant peu de I'Stre. On diroit de tout autre qu'il seroit mort de chagrin, mais on le lui imputeroit a tort.
M. du Chamban, Lieutenant du Roi, ayant pris le commandement, les fit partir le vingt-trois. Ce nouveau Commandant ne pouvoit faire autre- ment ; dans la situation oil etoient les choses, il falloit necessairement envoyer ce secours aux Troupes que Ton supposoit encore campees devant le Port-Royal, ou elles n'etoient plus, ainsi que les deux Vaisseaux s'en appercurent en arrivant sous le Fort. II fallut s'en retourner. Get arme- ment fut perdu ; quoiqu'il fit quelques prises au retour, elles Etoient incapables d'en d^dommager. On auroit pu prendre, si Ton eut voulu, un Navire richement charge, mais on perdit la tete : triste presage de ce qui devoit arriver pendant le Siege !
L'expedition de 1'Acadie manquee, quoiqu'il y eut tout a parier qu'elle 20] reussiroit par le peu de forces que les ennemis avoient pour || nous resister, leur fit faire de serieuses reflexions sur notre crainte, ou notre foiblesse. Selon toutes les apparences, ils en conclurent qu'ils devoient
cumstance, since from that time they worked with ardour upon the necessary military equipment. They did not do as we did they helped each other. They armed in all their ports, from Acadia along the whole coast; they applied to England ; they sent, it is said, even to Jamaica, in order to secure all the help possible. The enterprise was planned prudently and they laboured all the winter to be ready at the first fine weather.
These preparations could not be kept so secret that something did not become known. From the first moment we had infor- mation about them, and in abundant time to be able to warn the Court by means of the two ships of war which had been of so little service to us, for it is well to record that they lay peacefully in port and did not deign to go out and give chase to certain privateers which often cruised so near that they could' have landed men, if they had so wished. I was many times astonished that our ships did nothing, and was not the only inhabitant to grumble at this strange inaction. Indeed, it appears that this is common in all our colonies in America where I have heard it said that there were the same causes of complaint.
profiter d'une aussi favorable circonstance, puisque des-lors Us travaillerent avec ardeur a I'armement qui leur etoit necessaire. Us ne firent pas comma nous : ils se preterent un secours mutuel : on arma dans tous leurs Ports, depuis 1'Acadie jusqu'au bas de la Cote : on depecha en Angleterre, & on envoya, dit-on, jusqu'a la Jamaique, afin d'en tirer toua les secours qu'il seroit possible. Cette entreprise fut concertee avec prudence, & 1'on travailla tout 1'hiver pour etre pret au premier beau terns.
Les preparatifs n'en pouvoient etre si secrets, qu'il n'en transpirat quelque chose. Nous en avions ete informes des les premiers instans, & assez a teriis pour en pouvoir donner avis a la Cour, par les deux Vaisseaux de guerre qui nous avoient si peu servi ; car il est bon de dire, que tran- quilles dans le Port, ils n'ont pas daigne^ sortir pour donner la chasse a 21] quelques Corsaires, qui venoient || souvent croiser jusqu'a mettre du monde a terre, s'ils 1'eussent juge a propos. Je me suis plusieurs fois etonue de ce qu'ils ne le faisoient point, & n'ai pas et6 le seul habitant qui a murmure de cette etrange inaction. Au reste, il semble que cela soit commun a toutes nos Colonies de 1'Amerique, ou j'ai entendu dire qu'on y avoit les memes sujets de plaintes.
24
We had the whole winter before us — more time than was necessary to put ourselves in a state of defense. We were, how- ever, overcome with fear. Councils were held, but the outcome was only absurd and childish. Meanwhile the time slipped away ; we were losing precious moments in useless discussions and in forming resolutions abandoned as soon as made. Some things begun required completion; it was necessary to strengthen here, to enlarge there, to provide for some posts, to visit all those on the island, to see where a descent could be made most easily, to find out the number of persons in a condition to bear arms, to assign to each his place ; in a word, to show all the care and activity usual in such a situation. Nothing of all this was done, and the result is that we were taken by sur- prise, as if the enemy had pounced upon us unawares. Even after the first ships of the enemy which blockaded us had come we should have had time enough to protect ourselves better than we did, for, as I shall show, they appeared slowly, one after the other. Negligence and fatuity conspired to make us lose our unhappy island.
I will now describe its geographical situation. Formerly it
Nous eumes tout 1'hiver a nous, c'etoit plus qu'il n'en falloit, pour nous mettre en ^tat de defense ; mais la terreur s'etoit emparee des esprits : on tenoit des conseils, dont le resultat n'avoit rien que de bizarre & de puerile ; Dependant le terns s'ecouloit, nous perdions de precieux momens en deliberations inutiles, & en resolutions presque aussitot detruites que prises. Quelques ouvrages demandoient qu'on les parachevat : il en fal'oit renforcer quelques-uns, augmenter quelques autres, pourvoir a des postes, visiter tous ceux de 1'Isle, voir ou la descente etoit plus facile, faire le denombrement des personnes en etat de porter les armes, assigner a II 22] chacun son poste ; enfin se donner tous les soins et les mouvemens ordinaires en pareil cas : rien de tout cela ne se faisoit ; de sorte que nous avons ete^ surpris, comme si 1'ennemi fut venu fondre sur nous a 1'impro- viste. Nous aurions eu meme assez de terns pour nous precautionner mieux qu'on ne 1'a fait, depuisle jour ou nous vimes paroitreles premiers Na vires qui nous ont bloques ; car ils n'y sont venus que les uns apres les autres, ainsi que je le dirai dans la suite. La negligence & la deraison avoient conjure la perte de uotre malheureuse Isle.
Je vais vous en faire la description Ge'ographique. Elle portoit
25
was called Cape Breton*— a name given it by the Bretons who J first discovered it, and the English and Dutch still call it by
this name. It lies in north latitude 45° 40' and about 377° or calls it iiU
Royale.—^o. 378° of longitude. It is about one hundred leagues m circum-
ference and is everywhere intersected by great bays. This Island is now the most considerable of those which remained to us about the Gulf of St. Lawrence8 since Louis XIV gave up Newfoundland to the English by the Treaty of Utrecht in 1714 (sic). Their wish to secure Newfoundland, on account of its fisheries, was so great that it was one of the chief motives which led them since 1713 to abandon the Empire and Holland, and this movement, as is well known, was the salvation of France. All this great Island was almost wholly wild and uninhabited. We used it only to provide a place for the settlements' which we were giving up (in Newfoundland). We
8 The Gulf of St. Lawrence is the entrance to the River of that name which leads to Canada. It is the largest river in the world, there being pJaces where it is upwards of five hundred leagues wide.
[The Gulf is not BO wide, and the longitude is reckoned incorrectly, Cape Breton lying between 317° and ?19°. From Paris, as now reckoned, the Island lies be- tween 45° 30' and 47° 2' N. Lat., and between 62° 4' and 64° W. Long. ; from Green- wich, between 45° 27' and 47° 3' N. Lat. and between 59° 47' and 61° 32' W. Long. -Kr>.]
anciennement le nom de Cap-Breton, que lui donnerent ceux qui en firent la de'couverte, qui e"toient des Bretons. Les Anglais & les Hol- landais ne la nomment point autrement. Elle est situe'e par les quarante- cinq de'gre's, quarante minutes de latitude septentrionale, & environ par trois cens soixante et dix-sept, ou trois cens soixante et dix-huit de longi- tude. Son e'tendue est de pres de cent lieue's de tour, toute traversed || 23] de grandes Bayes. Cette Isle est a present la plus considerable de celles qui nous sont reste'es vers le Golfe de S. Laurent,3 depuis 1'abandon que Louis XIV. a fait de 1'Isle de Terre-Neuve aux Anglois, par le Traite1 de paix conclrf avec eux a Utrecht, en 17 14 (sic). Us avoient un si grand de'sir de posseder Terre-Neuve, a cause de la peche, que ce fut un des princi- paux motifs qui les engagerent a abandonner, des 1713, I'Empire & la Hollande, ce qui a e'te', comme on le scait, le salut de la France. Toute cette grande Isle e'toit presque inculte & d^serte : nous ne I'habitames que pour nous tenir lieu des 4tablissemens que nous abandonnions ; alors elle
8 Le Golfe de S. Laurent est I'entre'e du fleuve de ce nom, qui conduit au Canada : C est le plus grand fleuve du monde, y ayant des endroits ou il a jusqu'a 500. Hems de large.
26
gave it then the name Isle Royale and the town built there was called Louisbourg. The island lies but two leagues distant from Acadia, from which it is separated only by the Strait of Canso. The nearer the English were to us, the more reason was there that we should fortify this new establishment to protect it from attack, for the English are so jealous that they are impatient of our being near them. They wished to have a monopoly of the cod fishery, which is a most import- ant trade, as experience should have convinced us.
This was not all. It was necessary that we should retain a position that would make us at all times masters of the entrance to the River which leads to New France.9 Our considerable settlements in Canada imposed this law upon us ; besides, it is absolutely necessary, in those dangerous waters where the storms are very wild, to have a port of refuge.
The Court, seeing the force of these reasons, neglected nothing to make the Island formidable to any one who should wish to attack it. The outlay was enormous and there is
0 New France simply means the sum of all that we hold in Canada. We hare been in possession for nearly two hundred years.
prit le nom d'Isle-Royale, & la Ville qu'on y batit, celui de Louisbourg. Elle n'est situe'e qu'a deux lieues de 1'Acadie, dont elle n'est separe'e que 24] par le de'troit de Canceaux. PJus les Anglois II 6toient pres de noun, & plus il nous fallut songer a fortifier ce nouvel ^tablissement, pour le mettre a couvert d'insulte ; car telle esfc la jalousie des Anglais, qu'ils suportent impatiemment notre voisina^e. Us voudroient joiiir seuls de la peche de la morue, dont le Commerce eat d'une extreme importance, comme 1'experience a du nous en convaincre.
Ce n'etoit pas tout. II falloit penser a nous conserver un poste, pour etre en tout terns, les maitres de 1'entr^e du fleuve qui mene k la Nouvelle Frame0 Les eiablissemens considerables que nous avions au Canada, nous imposoient cette Loi : C'est d'ailleurs une necessity indispensable d'avoir ou relacher dans des Mers dangeVeuses, qu'habitent les vents les plus imp^tueux.
La Cour entrant dans ces considerations, n'a rien n^giige pour rendre 25] cette Isle formidable a qui vou||droit 1'attaquer. Elle y a fait des
9 La Nauvelle France n'est autre chose que la reunion de tout ce que noua posse'dons danu le Canada. II y a pres de 200. ana que nous en sommes en pos-
27
scarcely a place which has cost the Court so much. It is certain that more than twenty millions were spent upon it. This was not, assuredly, because of any return from the colony, which is much more a burden than a source of profit ; but its usefulness to us is so great that France should sacrifice every- thing to get it back again out of the hands of the English- It protects our whole commerce in North America, and is also not less important for that which we carry on in the South, for, if the French held no place in this part of the North, vessels returning from Saint Domingo or Martinique would not, even in time of peace, be safe upon the Banks of New- foundland. It is well known what the practice of the English is ; the majority of them are engaged in piracy and the colonies most difficult of access are always for them the resort of sea-robbers and thieves, who plunder all the more securely because they receive underhand encouragement from their Gov- ernors. These have no scruple that restrains the wish to enrich themselves quickly, and in this they surpass even our Governors. Louisbourg is built upon a tongue of land which stretches out into the sea and gives the town an oblong shape. It is
depenses immenses, & n'a gueVes de places qui lui aient autant coute. II est constant qu'elle doit y avoir employe plus de vingt millions. Ce n'est pas assurement que cette colonie soit d'aucun rapport : elle est beaucoup plus &, charge qu'a profit ; mais elle est d'une si grande utilite, que la France doit necessairement tout sacrifier pour la retirer des mains des Anglais. Elle protege tout notre commerce dans 1'Amerique Septentrion- ale, & n'est pas moins de consequence pour celui que nous faisons dans la Meridionals, parce que les Francais n'ayant plus rien dans cette partie du Nord, leura Vaisseaux revenant de saint Domingue ou de la Martini- que, ne seront plus en suret^ sur le bane de Terre-Neuve, merne en terns de paix. On sqait asses quelle est la coutume des Anglais : Adonnes la plupart a la Piraterie, les colonies du plus difficile acces sont toujours pour eux des repaires de forbans & de voleurs, qui pillent d'autant plus surement, qu'ils sont appuyes sous main par les Gouverneurs, qui n'ont 26] pas tous le scrupule de se refu||ser au desir de s'enrichir prompte- ment ; en quoi ils 1'emportent sur les notres.
La Ville de LouMourg a ete batie sur une langue de terre, qui s'avance dens la mer, et la rend de figure oblongue, Elle peut avoir
28
about half a league in circumference. The land is marshy. The houses are, for the most part, of wood ; those of stone have been built at the King's expense and are designed to lodge His Majesty's troops and officers. To understand what the place must have cost one need only know that it was necessary to bring from France all the material for these houses, as well as that for the works of the place, which are considerable. The Dauphin's Bastion is very fine, as is also the King's. There is, too, a work called the Battery la Grave and a crenellated wall dominated by two cavaliers, with a wide view and a long range. Besides this, all around the town at the projecting and re-entering angles, are a variety of batteries of three or four guns, which were very effective during the siege. The King supports the greater part of the inhabi- tants ; the remainder live by fishing, and there are few well- to-do among them. On the Island are a number of vil- lages in which a good many poor people, chiefly fishermen, are established.
It would not be difficult to improve this colony. It is only necessary that His Majesty should begin ship-building. Timber
demie-lieue de circuit. Son terrein est marecageux. Les maisons y sont pour la plupart de bois, celles de pierres ont ete construites aux depens du Boi, & sont destinees pour loger les troupes & les Officiers de SA MAJEST^ Pour comprendre combien cela a du couter, il ne faut que sgavoir qu'on a ete oblige de transporter de France tous les materiaux qui ont servi k leur construction, de meme qu'aux ouvrages de la place, qui sont considerables. Le Bastion Dauphin est fort beau, aussi bien que celui du Roi. On y voit encore un ouvrage appelW la piece de la Grave, & un mur cr<$nell6, sur lequel regnent deux Cavaliers dont la vue est tres eiendue, et qui peuvent battre loin. II y a outre cela, tout au tour de la Ville, dans des Angles saillans & rentrans, diverses batteries de 27] trois ou quatre canons, qui n'ont pas Iaiss4 II de faire un grand effet durant le Siege. Le Roi nourrit la plus grande partie des habitans Le reste subsiste par la Peche, & il y en a fort peu de riches. L'Isle con- tient plusieurs bourgades, ou une multitude de pauvres gena s'est 4tablie, presque tous pecheurs.
II ne seroit pas bien difficile de rendre cette colonie meilleure, SA MAJESTY n'a pour cet effet, qu'a y faire construire des Vaisseaux. Les
29
for the purpose is abundant ; all the inhabitants would have a useful occupation, and the advantage to the state would be that we should no longer have need to buy timber at great cost from the peoples of Northern Europe. It was shown in the case of the Caribou,10 a vessel built in Canada, that the woods of Northern America are lighter and therefore better for the speed of a vessel. It is for this reason that the people of New England have such fast ships. Would it be less possible for us to succeed in this ? We could even make the pieces necessary for the construction of a vessel and take them to France numbered. The English, more ingenious than we, have adopted this plan and it works well. Why do we not imitate them ? Our navy would soon be equal to theirs and we should no longer see them so arrogant in their prosperity ; but we let t>hem take advantage of our weakness, and, while we check them upon land, upon the sea they avenge themselves by destroying our commerce. Where is the navy of Louis the Great ?
10 The Karibou or Caribou is an animal of North America very similar to the deer, having the same swiftness and agility. Like the deer, it has horns upon the head, but these are different from those of the European animal ; it is covered with long hair.
bois de construction n'y sont point rares : tout le monde s'occuperoit utilement, & 1'Etat y gagneroit que nous n'aurions plus besoin des bois quo fournissent a grands frais les peuples du Nord de 1'Europe. On a eprouv6 dans le Karibou,10 Vaisseau construit au Canada, que les bois du Nord de I'Amerique, sont beaucoup plus legers, & par consequent 28] plus propres pour la marche II d'un Vaisseau. C'est par cette raison, que les habitans de le nouvelle Angleterre ont des Navires qui marchent si bien. Nous seroit-il moins possible d'y reussir ? On pourroit encore y faire travailler toutes les pieces essentielles a la construction d'un Navire, & on les apporteroit en France numerotees. Les Anglais, plus ingenieux q.ue nous, se servent de cette raethode, et s'en sont bien trouves. Pourquoi ne les imitons-nous pas. Notre Marine repondroit bien-tot h la leur, & nous ne les verrions plus si arrogans dans la prosperite. Mais on les laisse abuser de notre foiblesse ; & tandis que nous reprimons leur orgueil sur terre, ils s'en vengent sur la mer, en desolant notre commerce. Ou est la Marine du regne de Louis LE GRAND ?
10 Le Kanbou, ou Caribou, est vm animal de 1'Ame'rique Soptentrionale, semblable a peu-pres au Cerf, dpnt il a la vltesse & I'agilite' : 11 porte un bois sur la t6te, comme le Cerf, maie different de celui de cet animal d'Europe ; il est couvert de grands pails.
30
The outworks of Louisburg are not inferior to those within. A place so important, had it been well supplied and defended, would have brought to the English the same humiliation that * Admiral Ver- they found before Cartagena.*
-non with a
considerable The Royal Battery is about a quarter of a league distant attacked Cart- from the town. This battery had at first forty pieces of
agena un- successfully in artillery, but the embrasures being too near to one another, M.
du Quesnel very wisely had it rebuilt, and the number of pieces reduced to thirty, of which twenty-eight are thirty -six- pounders ; two eighteen-pounders command the sea, the town, and the head of the bay.
The Island Battery, at the entrance, protects the harbour, and as it was trained at the level of the water no ship could enter without being sunk. It is placed opposite the Lighthouse Tower,11 which is on the other side, on the mainland. This battery has thirty-six twenty-four-pounders.
The entrance to the harbour is further protected by a Cava-
11 Its name indicates its use. It is intended to give light to vessels, and a fire is lit there every night.
Les ouvrages du dehors de Louisbourg ne sont point inferieurs a ceux du dedans. Une Place de cette importance, bien pourvue et bien defendue, auroit fait essuyer aux Anglais, le meme affront que devant Carthagene.
La Batlerie Royals est a environ un quart de lieue de distance de la || 29] Ville. Cette batterie etoit premierement de quarante pieces de canons ; mais les embrasures etant trop proches les unes des autres, M. du Quesnel, bien conseille, 1'avoit fait rebatir, & reduire a trente, dont vingt-huit sont de 36. livres de balle, & deux de 18. elle commande la Mer, la Ville & le fond de la Baye.
La Batterie de I'Isle de I'Entree defend le Port, et battant a fleur d'eau, ne permet pas qu'il y puisse entrer de Batiment sans etre coule a fond. Elle est placee vis-a-vis la Tour de la Lanterne,11 qui est de 1'autre cote^ sur la Grand'terre. Cette Batterie est de trente-six canons, du calibre de 24 livres de balle.
L'Entree du Port est encore protegee par un Cavalier, nomm6 le
1 ' Son noni annonce sou usage : Elle est dest inee a e'clairer les vaisseaux, & Ton y allume un feu tous les soirs.
31
Her, called the Maurepas Bastion, which has twelve embrasures, but no cannon had been placed there, either because it was not thought to be needful, or because it was regarded as wasteful to multiply the possibilities of a too-rapid consumption of gun- powder, of which a deficiency was feared.
Such were the fortifications of Louisbourg, upon which M. de Verville, an able engineer, had commenced to work, but, being appointed Chief Engineer at Valenciennes, he was suc- ceeded by men who had never been engaged in war and were rather architects than engineers.
Let us look now at the forces in the town. First of all was the Garrison composed of eight companies of seventy men each, including, it must be admitted, the sick, who were very num- erous. In the second place, five or six hundred militia taken from the settlers of the neighbourhood were brought in, and these, added to the force in the town, made up from thirteen to fourteen hundred men. The militia could have been increased by three or four hundred men who were at Niganiche* and in the * The modem neighbourhood, but action was taken too late; communication -ED. was cut off by the time it was decided to send for them.
dataller de Maurepas, qui a douze embrasures ; mais on n'y avoit point mis de canon, soit que Ton crut n'en avoir pas de besoin, soit que Ton 30] regardat comme inutile de II multiplier ce que pouvoit aider a une trop prompte cousommation de la poudre, dont on craignoit de manquer.
Voila quelles etoient les fortifications de Louisbourg, ausquelles Mr. de Verville, Ingenieur habile, avoit commence de faire travailler ; mais, ayant e'te' nomme Ingenieur en Chef a Valenciennes, on mit en sa place des gens qui n'avoient jamais e'te a la guerre, et qui Etoient plus Archi- tectes qu' Ingenieurs. Voyons maintenant quelles en etoient les forces.
Premierement la Garnison etoit composee de huit Compagnies de soixante & 'dix hommes chacune, y compris, a la verite^ les malades, qui etoient en fort grand nombre.
En second lieu, on fit venir cinq a six cens Miliciens ou Habitans des environs ; ce qui, avec ceux de la Ville, pouvoit former treize a quatorze cens hommes.
On auroit pu grossir cette Milice de trois ou quatre cens hommes, qui Etoient a Niganiche & aux environs : mais on s'y prit trop tard ; les 31] passages se trouverent bouch^s, lors||qu'on se de'termina a les envoyer chercher.
32
The supply of munitions of war and of food in the place was greater than has been made known, especially of food, of which there was enough to enable us to hold out longer than we did. I will give proof of this if it is demanded. More- over, who kept any deficiency from being remedied in good time? The munitions of war were in like case. Since we were long threatened with a siege it was necessary to retrench in every- thing and to live as if scarcity already existed. Powder should not have been wasted in enterprises the more foolish because, even when accomplished, they would not have made our condition less serious ; besides these deprived us of what might have been our salvation. A prudent commander before undertaking anything would have weighed the matter carefully, but our commander was the very one that did not do this. Nevertheless we had still powder enough to last a long time, if they had known how to economize. From what I am about to narrate it will be seen how it was wasted.
Although we had some regular troops we had little reason to depend upon them. An incident which happened on December
Les munitions de guerre et de bouche y i5toient en plus grande quan- tite qu'on ne 1'a publie\ surtout les dernieres, dont il y avoit une provision suffisante pour tenir plus tong-tems qu'on ne 1'a fait. J'en donnerois la preuve, si j'en £tois requis. Au reste, qui empechoit qu'on n'y eut rem£di6 de longue main ? Les munitions de guerre sont dans le meme cas : des que nous (itions depuis long-terns menaces d'un siege, il falloit se retraneher tout, & vivre comme si des-lors nous eussions et£ en disette. A regard de la poudre, il ne la falloit point perdre dans des entreprises d'autant plus folles, que quand nous en serions venus a bout, elles ne nous seroient pas moins devenues funestes, puisqu'elles nous privoient de ce qui pouvoit faire notre conservation. C'etoit a uii Commandant prudent, avant que de rien entreprendre, de se livrer a d'utiles reflexions : mais notre Gouverneur etoit le seul qui n'en fit point. Malgre cela, nous 32] avions encore de la poudre pour long-terns, II si Ton eut sc.u la manager. On verra, par ce que je vais raconter, de quelle maniere elle etoit prodiguee.
Quoique nous eussions des troupes reglees, nous n'avions pas sujet de compter sur elles. Une certaine avanture, arrived le vingt-sept du mois de
33
27th was well fitted to lessen our confidence if we had had any. I will tell what it was. I am not too well posted as to how the Court would have taken the outburst, but it is certain that so bad an example remaining unpunished was fitted to have dangerous consequences. The Swiss who are in our Colonies would not fail on occasion to take advantage of the precedent.
Military discipline and the subordination that soldiers owe to officers had been so badly maintained by our late Governor that the most mischievous results followed. The day after Christ- mas, that of the festival of Saint Stephen, the Swiss revolted and had the insolence to come out without officers, drums beat- ing, bayonets fixed, and swords in hand. The officers who tried to restrain them were bitterly enraged at this, and the matter reached such a point that those who wished to approach them were aimed at and very nearly lost their lives ; they would certainly have done so if prudence had not been used. The French soldiers were as bad and mutinied also; it went so far that the whole town was in alarm, not knowing where the revolt would end. The greatness of the peril (for it is certain that they would have sacked everything if they had only
Decembre, etoit bien propre a diminuer notre confiance, si nous en avions eue. Voici ce que c'est. Je ne SQais trop comment la Cour aura pris cette incartade ; mais il est certain qu'nn tel exemple pourroit etre d'une dangereuse consequence, demeurant impuni. Lea Suisses qui sont dans nos Colonies, ne manqueroient point de s'en autorizer quelquefois.
La discipline militaire & la subordination que les Soldats doivent aux Officiers, avoient ete si mal maintenues par notre clefunt Gouverneur, qu'il en resulta le plus facheux inconvenient. Le jour de la Fete de S. Etienne, lendemain de Noel, les Suisses se revolterent, &ayant pris les armes, eurent 1'insolence de paroitre sans Officiers, tambours battans, la bayon. 33] nete au bout du fusil & 1'epee a la main. Les Ofl|ficiers qui se prfeenterent pour les retenir, en furent cruellment offenses, jusques-la que ceux qui voulurent avancer sur eux, penserent y perdre la vie, ayant 6te couches en joue ; ce qui seroit infailliblement arrive, si Ton n'avoit use de prudence. Les Soldats Francais en firent autant, & se mutinerent aussi ; de fa§on que toute la Ville 6toit dans I'allarme, ne sgachant point ;v quoi aboutiroit cette revolte. La grandeur du peril (car il est assure qu'ils auroient tout saccage, s'ils avoient seulement blesse 1'un de leurs Officiers ; 3
34
wounded one of their officers ; they have had the effrontery to boast of this since) led to conciliation which calmed the muti- neers. It was promised that their grievances should be removed. These were that the best things were sold to the settlers. It was a question of the butter and bacon which the King furnishes; — behold the object of the mutiny! The mutineers did not complain of the bread nor of any other pro- visions.12 Possibly they had some cause of complaint,13 but their bad conduct ought nevertheless to have been punished. Their offence is too striking to be overlooked." Presumably they would have been punished if it could have been done with safety, but their judges were none of the bravest. In the end they were induced to lay down their arms. The incident cost the King seven or eight thousand livres. The rebels, taking
1 * Some say that they complained also about the beans ;— but their greatest grievance was about the codfish, taken as booty at Canso, which M. du Quesnel had promised to them, and which the officers had appropriated to themselves, for a low price at long credit. Some of these knew how to enrich themselves by trade.
13 It is certain that the officers treated the soldier badly, reckoning his pay fraudulently, and often making a profit out of his work. These soldiers worked upon the fortifications and ought to have been paid.
14 I learn at this moment that orders from the Court have come, and that the Three were guilty will be arraigned. They will be severely punished.*
executed and
ished™ ^cll ^s ont eu l'6^1'011'*™ de s'en vanter depuis) fit reoourir a des voyes de
lion de Afanu- douceur, qui ramenerent ces Mutins : on promit de faire cesser leurs
262% u : plaintes, qui consistoient a dire que Ton vendoit oe qu'il y avoit de
1884).— ED. ' meilleur aux habitans ; il s'agissoit du beurre & du lard que le Roi
fournit : Voila 1'objet de la rebellion ; les Mutins ne se plaignoient ni du
pain ni d'aucune autre fourniture1". Us pouvoient peut-otre II avoir
34] raison13 mais leur demarche n'en meritoit pas moins d'etre punie.
Ce crime est trop interessant pour etre oublie^14 II est ;'i presumer
qu'ils eussent ete chaties, si on 1'eut pu en sure^ ; mais leurs Juges
n'^toient pas les plus forts. On parvint enfin a leur faire poser les armes.
II en couta au Roi sept a huit mille livres. Ces R^belles se preValant de
19 Quelques-uns disent qu'ils se plaignoient aussi des feves ; mais leur plus grand grief etoit la morue pilli;e a Canceaux, qui leur avoit ete promise par M. du Quesnel, & que les Officiers s'etoieut fait adjuger pour un prix modique & a de longs termes. II y en a qui ont su s'enriohir dans ce commerce.
13 II est certain que les Officiers traitoient durement le Soldat, ne lui rendant qu'un compte infide'le de sa solde, & profitant souvent de son travail : Ce sont les Soldats qui travaillent aux fortifications, & qui doivent etre pay^s.
14 J'apprens dans le moment, qu'il est arriv^ des ordres de la Cour, & qu'on va instruire le proces des coupables. On les decimera.
35
advantage of the fear in which they were held, proceeded the next day to the commissary's door and under frivolous pretexts such as that their money had been previously kept backi caused themselves to be paid all that they wished and to be reimbursed even for their clothing. So ended the matter without the bloodshed that had been feared.
Troops with so little discipline were scarcely able to inspire us with confidence ; we therefore did not think it well to make any sorties, fearing that such men might range themselves on
the side of the enemy.* If anything can justify us, certainly *Two of the
Swiss deserted it is the foresight that we showed in this connection. In to the English
justice to them, indeed, it ought to be said that they did siege. Coiiec- their duty well throughout the siege ; but who knows whether SCnts III : they would have still done this if an opportunity had offered 1884).— ^D?' to escape from the punishment of a crime which is rarely pardoned ? I confess that I thought it only natural to distrust them.
The enemy appeared in March, a month usually ex- 1745 tremely dangerous in a climate which seems to confound the seasons, for the spring, everywhere else so pleasant, there
ce qu'on les apprehendoit, reparurent le lendemain a la ports du Commis- 36] saire ; et sous des pr^textes II frivoles, d'argent qu'on leur avoit, di»oient-ils, autrefois retenu ; ils se firent payer tout ce qu'ils voulurent, et rembourser jusqu'a leurs habits. Ainsi finit cette sc^ne, sans qu'il y eut eu de sang repandu, quoiqu'on 1'eHt craint.
Des Troupes si peu disciplines n'etoient gueVes capables de nous inspirer de la confiance : aussi ne jugeames-nous point a propos de faire des sorties, par la crainte que de telles gens ne se rangeassent du cot6 de nos ennemis. Si quelque chose peut nous justifier, c'est certainement la sagesse que nous avons montr4 en cette rencontre. On leur doit, a la verite, la justice d'avouer qu'elles ont bien fait leur devoir pendant le siege ; mais qui sgait si elles en eussent use de meme, trouvant 1'occasion de se soustraire au chatiment d'un crime qui se pardonne rarement ? Pour moi, je decidai qu'il 6toit naturel de s'en defier.
Les Ennemis parurent en Mars, mois qui a accoutume d'etre tres critique, sous un climat qui semble confondre les Saisons ; car 36] le Printems, si agr^able par-tout ailleurs, II y est affreux. Mais les
36
is frightful. The English, however, appeared to have enlisted Heaven in their interests. So long as the expedition lasted they enjoyed the most beautiful weather in the world, and this greatly favoured an enterprise against which were heavy odds that it would fail on account of the season. Contrary to what is usual there were no storms. Even the winds, so unre- strained in those dreadful seas (ParagesK) in the months of March, April, and May, were to them always favourable ; the fogs (Brumes16) so thick and frequent in these months that ships are in danger of running upon the land without seeing it, disappeared earlier than usual, and gave place to a clear and serene sky ; in a word, the enemy had always beautiful weather, as fine as they could desire.
March On the 14th March we saw the first hostile ships. There 14 were as yet only two, and at first we took them for French vessels, but the manoeuvres soon undeceived us. Their num- ber increased day by day and ships continued to arrive until the end of May. For a long time they cruised about without attempting anything. The general rendezvous was
1 " Pa ray c used in a nautical sense means a certain extent of sea. 16 Brume in a nautical sense is what is called Srouillard ou land.
Anglais paroissoient avoir mis le Ciel dans leurs interets. Tant qu'a dnre leur expedition, ils ont joui du plus beau terns du monde : c'est ce qui a favorisd leur entreprise, dans laquelle il y avoit tout a parier qu'ils echotie- roient, par raport a la saison. Point de tempetes, centre 1'ordinaire ; les vents meme, si dechaines dans ces horribles parages,15 au mois de Mars, d'Avril & de Mai, leur ont toujours ete favorables ; les brumes16 si epaisses & si frequentes en ces mois-la, qui exposent les Navires k se briser contre la terre sans la voir, s'etoient retirees plutot que de coutume, pour faire place k un Ciel clair & serain : enfin 1'ennemi a toujours eu un terns a souhait, & aussi beau qu'il 1'ait pu desirer.
Mars ^e ^u*" ^e 1uatorze> 1ue nous vimes les premiers Navires ennemis : 14 37] ils n'etoient encore que deux, et nous || les primes d'abord pour des Vaisseaux Frangais ; maia nous fumes bien-tot detrompes par leur manoeuvre. Le nombre en augmentoit de jour k autre, il en arriva jusqu'k la fin de Mai. Ils croiserent long-terns, sans rien tenter. Le rendez-vous general etoit devant notre Isle, ou ils arrivoient de tous
16 On appelle Parage, en terrae de Marine, une certaine e"tendue de Mer. 16 Brume, en terme de Mer, est ce qu'on noiume Brouillard eur terre.
37
before our island, and they came in from every direction, for Acadia, Placentia, Boston, and all English America, were in arms. The European contingent did not come until June. The enterprise was less that of the nation or of the King than of the inhabitants of New England alone. These singular people have a system of laws and of protection peculiar to themselves, and their Governor carries himself like a monarch. So much is this the case that although war was already declared between the two crowns, he himself declared it against us of his own right and in his own name, as if it was necessary that he should give his warrant to his master. His declaration set forth that for himself and all his friends and allies he declared war against us ; apparently he meant to speak for the savages subject to them, who are called Indians, and whom it is necessary to distinguish from those obedient to France. ) It will be seen that Admiral Warren had no authority over the troops sent by the Governor of Boston and that he was merely a spectator, although it was to him that we finally surrendered, at his own request. So striking was the mutual independence of the land army and the fleet that they were always represented to us as
cotez ; car on avoit arme a 1'Acadie, Plaisance, Baston, & dans toute I'Amerique Anglaise. Les secours d'Europe ne vinrent qu'en Juin. C'etoit moms une enterprise formee par la Nation, ou par le Roi, que par les seuls habitans de la nouvelle Angleterre. Ces peuples singuliers ont des Loix & une Police qui leur sont particulieres, et leur Gouverneur tranche du Souverain. Cela eat si vrai, que, quoiqu'il y eut guerre declaree entre les deux Couronnes, il nous la declara lui de son chef et en son nom, comme s'il avoit fallu qu'il eut autorise son maltre. Sa declaration portoit, qu'il nous declaroit la guerre pour lui, & pour tous ses amis & allies ; il entendoit parler apparemment des Sauvages qui leur sont soumis, qu'on appelle Indiens, & que Ton distingue des Sau. 38] vages II qui obeissent a la France. On verra que 1'Amiral Warren n'avoit rien a commander aux troupes envoyees par le Gouverneur de Baston, & que cet Amiral n'a eie que spectateur, quoique ce soit a lui que nous nous soyons rendus II nous en avoit fait solliciter. Ce qui marque bien 1'independance qu'il y avoit entre 1'Armee de terre & celle de mer,
38
of different nations. What other monarchy was ever gov- erned in such a way ?
May The greater part of the transports having arrived by 11 the beginning of May, on the eleventh we saw them, to the number of ninety-six, coming in order of battle from the direction of Canso and steering for the Flat Point of the Bay of Gabarus. We did not doubt that they would land there. Then it was that we saw the need of the precautions that we ought to have taken. A detachment of one hundred men from the garrison and militia was sent thither quickly in command of M. Morpain, port captain. But what could such a feeble force do against the multitude which the enemy was disembarking ? The only result was that a part of our force was killed. M. Morpain found about two thousand men already disembarked. He killed some of them and retired.
The enemy took possession of the surrounding country and a detachment pushed forward close to the Royal Battery. Now terror seized us all. From this moment the talk was of abandoning the splendid battery, which would have been our chief defence had we known how to make use of it.
que Ton nous a toujours distingu^es, comme si elles eussent e^ de difter- entes Nations. Quelle Monarchic s'est jamais gouvern6e de la sorte ? Mai La plus grande partie dea Batimena de transport etant arrives dans 11 le commencement de Mai, nous lea apperc.umea le onze en ordre de bataille, au nombre de quatre-vingt-aeize, venant du cote de Canceaux & dirigeant leur route vers la Pointe plate de la Baye de Gabarus. Nous ne doutamea plus qu'ils n'y fissent leur deacente. C'est alors qu'on vit la necessit^ dea precautions que nous aarions du prendre. On y envoya a la hate un detachement de cent homines, tires de la garnison <& des Milices, 39] sous le commandement du sieur Morpain, Capitaine de Port. Mais II que pouvoit un aussi foible Corps, centre la multitude que lea ennemia deljar- quoient ! Cela n'aboutit qu'a faire tuer une partie des notres. Le aieur Morpain trouva deja pres de deux mille homines d^barquei ; il en tua quelques-uns, & se retira.
L'ennemi s'empare de toute la campagne, & un detachment s'avance jusques aupres de la batterie-Royale. Pour le coup, la frayeur nous saisit tous : on parla des 1'instant, d'abandonner cette magnifique batterie, qui auroit eie notre plus grande defense, si Ton eut SQU en faire usage. On
39
Several tumultuous councils were held to consider the situa- tion. Unless it was from a panic fear which never left us again during the whole siege, it would be difficult to give any reason for such an extraordinary action. Not a single musket had yet been fired against this battery, which the enemy could not take except by making approaches in the same manner as to the town and besieging it, so to speak, in the regular way. A reason for our action was whispered, but I am not myself in a position to speak decidedly. I have, how- ever, heard its truth vouched for by one who was in the battery, but, my post being in the town, it was a long time since I had been to the Royal Battery. The alleged reason for such a criminal withdrawal is that there were two breaches which had never been repaired. If this is true the crime is all the greater, for we had had even more time than was necessary to put everything in order.
However this may be, the resolution was taken to abandon this powerful bulwark, in spite of the protestations of some wiser heads, who lamented to see such a stupid mistake made. They could get no hearers. In vain did they urge that we should thus proclaim our weakness to the enemy, who would
tint tumnltuairement divers Conaeila la-dessus. II aeroit bien difficile de dire lea raisons qui portoient a un ausoi etrange precede ; si ce n'est une terreur panique, qui ne nous a plua quitte de tout le Siege. II n'y avoit pas eu encore un soul coup de fuail tire sur cette batterie, que les ennemis lie pouvoient prendre qu'en faiaant leurs approches comme pour la Ville, & 1'assiegeant, pour ainai dire, dana les regies. On en a dit sourdement une raison, aur laquelle je ne auis point en etat de decider ; je 1'ai pourtant 40] entendu assurer par II une personne qui etoit dans la batterie ; mais mon poste etant en Ville, il y avoit long-terns que je n'etois alle a la bat- terie-Koyale : O'est que ce qui determina a un abandon ai criminel, est qu'il y avoit deux brechea qui n'avoient point ete repareea. Si cela est, le crime est encore plus grand, parce que nous avions eu plus de loisir qu'il n'en falloit, pour mettre ordre a tout.
Quoiqu'il en soit, la resolution fut prise de renoncer a ce puissant boulevard, malgre les representations de quelques gena sagea, qui gemis- soient de voir commettre une si lourde faute. Us ne purent se faire ecouter. Inutilement remontrerent-ils que ce seroit temoigner notre
40
not fail to profit by such huge recklessness, and would turn this very battery against us ; that, to show a bold face and not reinforce the courage of the enemy by giving him from the first day such good hope of success, it was necessary to do all that we could to hold this important post; that it was quite clear that we could hold it for more than fifteen days, and that this delay could be utilized by removing all the cannon to the town. The answer was, that the council had resolved other- 13 wise; and so on the 13th, by order of the council, a battery of thirty pieces of cannon, which had cost the King immense sums, was abandoned without undergoing the slightest fire. The retreat was so precipitate that we did not take time to spike the guns in the usual manner, so that on the very next day the enemy used them. Meanwhile, some deluded themselves with a contrary hope ; I was on the point of getting a wager accepted that they would make almost no delay in attacking us. So flurried were we that, before the withdrawal from the battery, a barrel of gunpowder exploded, nearly blew up several per- sons, and burnt the robe of a Recollet friar. It was not from
foiblesse aux ennemis, qui ne manqueroient point de profiter d'une aussi grande etourderie, & qui tourneroient cette mene batterie centre nous : que pour faire bonne contenance, & ne point rehausser le courage a 1'en- nemi, en lui donnant des le premier jour, une si grande esperance de reussir, il falloit se maintenir dans ce poste important le plus que Ton 41] pourroit : qu'il etoit evident qu'on s'y II conserveroit plus de quinze jours, & que ce delai pouvoit etre employ^ a retirer tous les canons dans la Ville. On repondit que le Conseil 1'avoit resolu autrement ; ainsi done, 1 , par ordre du Conseil, on abandonna le 13. sans avoir essuye le moindre feu, uue batterie de trente pieces de canon, qui avoit cout6 au Roi des sornmes immenses. Cet abandon se fit avec tant de precipitation, qu'on ne se donna pas le terns d'enclouer les canons de la maniere que cela se pratique ; aussi les ennemis s'en servirent-ils, des le lendemain. Cepend- ant on se flatoit du contraire : je f us sur le point de gager qu'ils ne tarde- roient guerea a nous en battre. On ^toit si peu a soi, qu'avant de se re- tirer de la batterie, le feu prit a un baril de poudre, qui pensa faire sauter plusieurs personnes, & brula la robe d'un Religieux Recolet. Ce n'etoit
41
this moment, however, that imprudence marked our actions • for a long time we had yielded to it.
What I had foreseen happened. From the fourteenth the 14 enemy greeted us with our own cannon, and kept up a tremendous fire against us. We answered them from the walls, but we could not do them the harm which they did to us in knocking down houses and shattering everything within range.
While they kept up a hot fire upon us from the Royal Bat- 16 tery they established a mortar platform upon the Rabasse height near the Barachois17 on the west side and these mortars began to fire on the sixteenth day after the siege began. They had mortals in all the batteries which they established. The bombs annoyed us greatly.
The same day the tardy resolution was taken to send to Acadia to summon to our help a detachment which had left Quebec to act in concert with us in the enterprise against Anna- polis. The late M. du Quesnel, enamoured of this expedition, had given notice of it to M. de Beauharnois.* This Governor was 'Governor of
Canada from 17 Barachois is a lake into which the sea comes. 1726 to 1747.
ED.
pas de ce moment que 1'imprudence caracterisoit nos actions, il y avoit
long-terns qu'elle s'etoit refugi^e parmi nous.
Ce que j'avois prevu, arriva. Des le quatorze, les ennemis nous 14 42] saluerent avec nos propres Canons, dont II ils firent un feu ^pouvent- able. Nous leur repondimes de dessus les murs ; mais nous ne pouvions leur rendre le mal qu'ils nous faisoient, rasant nos maisons, et foudroyant tout ce qui e"toit a leur portee.
Tandis que les Anglais nous chauffoient de la batterie-Royale, ils 16 ^tablissoient une Plate-forme de Mortiers sur la hauteur de Rabasse, proche le Barachois1'' du cot^ de 1'Ouest, qui tirerent le seize, jour ou a commence le bombardement. Ils avoient des Mortiers dans toutes les batteries qu'ils eleverent. Les bombes nous ont beaucoup incommode.
Ce meme jour on prit une resolution tardive, qui fut d'envoyer a 1' Acadie, pour faire venir a notre secours un deiachement parti de Quebec, afin de concourir avec nous a 1'entreprise sur le Port-Royal. Feu M. du Quesnel, entete de cette expedition, en avoit donne avis a M. de Beau- harnois. Ce Gouverneur, plus prudent, voulut avoir la-dessus des II
17 Baraehois est un Lao oil la Her entre.
42
more prudent and wished to have the authority of the Court which they wrote in concert to secure. M. du Quesnel took it upon himself to proceed with the enterprise, while M. de Beauharnois waited quietly for the orders of the Court. Meanwhile, as it was necessary to have everything ready, in case the Court should think it well to approve of the expedi- tion, the Governor-General of Canada sent a company lieu- tenant, M. Marin, with two other officers and two hundred and fifty men, both Indians and French. Acadia is on the main- land,18 and on the same continent as Quebec. This detach- ment, however, was not able to arrive as soon as ours. We did not learn of its arrival until the month of March of this year.
The messenger whom M. Marin sent to us asked on his part for provisions and munitions of war. We should have sent back the same messenger to urge this officer to come to our help, but we were without forethought and were so far from such wis- dom that steps were taken in the month of April to comply with his requests; we did not send provisions, however,
18 It is claimed that it is the largest continent in the world. It is easy to go from Canada to Acadia, but there are several rivers and lakes to cross. The Canadians often make the journey.
43] ordres de la Cour. On avoit ^crit de concert pour en obtenir. M. du Quesnel prit sur lui de commencer 1'entreprise, au lieu quo M. de Beau- harnois attendit tranquillement ce qu'il plairoit a la Cour d'ordonner ; cependant comme il falloit etre pret, en cas qu'elle trouvat bon d'approuver cette expedition ; le Gouverneur General du Canada fit partir le sieur Marin, Lieutenant de Compagnie, & deux autrea Officiers, avec deux cens- cinquante hommes, tant Sauvages que Francais. L'Acadie eat en Terre- Ferme,18 & dans le meme continent que Quebec ; mais ce detachement n'avoit pu arriver aussi-tot que le notre. Nous n'apprimes son arrived qu'au mois de Mars de cette ann^e.
L'Expres que le Sieur Marin nous avoit envoye\ demands de aa part des vivres & des munitions de guerre. II falloit renvoyer le meme II 44] Expres pour engager cet Officier a nous venir secourir ; mais on ne songeoit a rien : loin de saisir un parti si sage, on se disposa dans le mois d'A vril a satisfaire k ses demandes, en retranchant toutefois les vivres, cet
18 On pretend que c'est le plus grand Continent qui soit au monde : On va facilement du Canada a 1'Acadie ; mais il y a quelques Rivieres & Lacs a traver- ser. C'est un voyage que font souvent les Canadiens.
43
for he let us know that he had recovered some. He was urgent in requesting powder and balls, and in granting his wishes, we made two irreparable mistakes. In the first place, we deprived ourselves of the help which this officer was able to bring us ; instead of explaining our situation, as we should have done, we gave him to understand that we were strong enough to defend ourselves. In the second place, already short of ammuni- tion, especially powder, we further diminished our supply. There was some still more uselessly wasted.
It is necessity that makes men reflect. In the month of May we began to be anxious about the mistake we had made ; then, without thinking that, with the enemy extending all along the coast and masters of the surrounding country, it was impossible for M. Marin to penetrate to the place, two messengers were sent, beseeching him to succour us. Both had the good fortune to pass out, but they were obliged to make so wide a circuit that they took nearly a month to reach him- The Canadian officer, learning from them the extremity in which we found ourselves, collected some Indians to strengthen his detachment, being resolved to help us if he should reach ua
Officier nous ayant fait sgavoir qu'il en avoit recouvre. II insistoit pour de la poudre et des balles ; en lui accordant cet article, nous times deux fautes inseparables : La premiere, nous nous privions du secours que cet Officier pouvoit nous donner ; au lieu de le mander, oomme on 1'auroit du, nous lui faisions connoitre que nous etions assez forts pour nous defendre nous- memes : La eeconde, nous diminuions la quantite de nos munitions, deja courtes, surtout la poudre. II y en a eu encore de plus inutilement repandue.
La necessite amene la reflexion. On commenga dans le mois de Mai a songer a la faute qu'on avoit faite ; alors, sans penser qu'il etoit impos- sible que cet Officier put penetrer dans la Place, les ennemis bordant la Cote & etant maitres de la Campagne, on fit partir deux Expres pour le 45] prier de nous secourir. Ces II deux hommes eurent le bonheur de passer ; mais il leur fallut faire un si grand circuit, qu'ils mirent pres d'un mois a se rendre. L'Offlcier Canadien, ayant BC.U d'eux I'extremit^ ou nous nous trouvions,assembla plusieurs Sauvages &en augmenta sonde- tachement, resolu de bien faire, s'il parvenoit jusqu'a nous. Apres s'etre
44
After a fight in crossing the strait, he had the chagrin to learn that he had arrived too late, and that Louisbourg had surren- dered. The brave fellow had only time to throw himself into the woods with his five or six hundred men, to get back to Acadia- 17 The enemy appeared to wish to press the siege with vigour. They established near the Brissonet Flats a battery, which began to fire upon the seventeenth, and they were at work upon still another to play directly upon the Dauphin Gate, between the houses of a man named LaRoche and of a gunner named Lescenne. They did not content themselves with these batteries, although they hammered a breach in our walls, but made new ones to support the first. The marshy flat on the seashore at White Point proved very troublesome and kept them from pushing on their works as they would have wished ; to remedy this they dug several trenches across the flats, and, when these had been drained, they set up two batteries which did not begin to fire until some days after- wards. One of them, above the settlement of Martissance, had several pieces of cannon, taken partly from the Royal Battery and partly from Flat Point where the landing was made-
battu en traversant le Canal, il eut le chagrin d'apprendre qu'il arrivoit troptard, & que la Place etoit rendue. Ce brave homme n'eut que le terns de se Jeter dans les bois, avec ses cinq a six cens hommes, pour regagner 1'Acadie.
ly Les ennemis paroissoient avoir envie de pousser vigoureusement le Si^ge. Ils ^tablirent une batterie aupres de la Plaine de Brissonnet, qui commenQa a tirer le dix-sept, & travaillerent encore a une autre, pour battre directement la Porte Dauphine, entre les maisons du nomine la Roche & Lescenne, Canonier. Us ne s'en tinrent point a ces batteries, quoiqu'elles nous battissent en breche ; mais ils en dresserent de nouvelles 46] pour soutenir les premieres. La Plaine marecageuse du bord de II la Mer, a la Pointe blanche, les incommodoit fort, & empechoit qu'ils ne poussassent leurs travaux corarae ils 1'auroient souhait^ : pour y rem^dier, ils pratiquerent divers boyaux, afin de couper cette Plaine ; 4tant venus a bout de la dessecher, ils y firent d'eux batteries, qui ne tirerent que quelques jours apres. II y en avoit une au-dessus de 1'habitation de Martissance, composed de sept pieces de canon, prise? en partie de la Batterie-Royale & de la Pointe plate ou s'e'toit fait le debarquement. On
45
They intended it to destroy the Dauphin Bastion, and these two last batteries nearly levelled the Dauphin Gate.
On the 18th we perceived a ship carrying the French flag, 18 and trying to enter the Port. It was seen that she was really a French ship, and to help her to come in we kept up a ceaseless fire upon the Royal Battery. The English could easily have sunk the ship had it not been for the vigour of our fire, which never ceased, and they were not able to keep her from entering. This little reinforcement pleased us. She was a Basque vessel, and another had reached us in the month of April.
We were not so fortunate in regard to a ship of Granville, which tried to enter a few days later, but, being pursued, was forced to rim aground. She fought for a long time. Her commander, whose name was Daguenet, was a brave man, and surrendered only in the last extremity and when overwhelmed by numbers. He had carried all his guns to one side, and kept up such a terrible fire with them that he made the enemy pay dearly and they were obliged to arm nearly all their boats to take him. From this captain we learned that he had met the Vigilant,
la destinoit a miner le Bastion Dauphin ; ces deux dernieres batteries ont presque rase la Porte Dauphine.
Le dix-huit nous vimes paroitre un Navire, avec Pavilion Frangais, , ^ qui cherchoit a donner dans le Port. II fut reconnu pour etre efl'ective- ment de notre Nation, & afin de favoriser son entree, nous fimes un feu continuel sur la Batterie Royale. Les Anglais ne pouvant resister a la vivacite de notre feu, qui ne discontinuoit point, ne purent empecher ce Navire d'entrer, qu'il leur eut ete facile sans cela de couler a fond. II 47] Ce petit rafraichissement nous fit plaisir ; c'etoit un Navire Basque : il nous en etoit venu un autre dans le courant d'Avril.
Nousn'euYnes pas le memebonheur pour un Navire de Granville, quise presenta aussi pour entrer, quelques jours apres ; mais qui ayant ete^ pour- suivi, fut contraint de s'echouer, et se battit long-terns. Celui qui le coin- mandoit, nomme Daguenet, etoit un brave homme, lequel ne se rendit qu'a la derniere extremite, & apres avoir ete accable par le nombre. 11 avoit transporte tous ses Canons d'un meme cote, & en fit un feu si terrible, que les ennemis n'eurent pas bon marche de lui. 11 fallut armer presque toutes leurs Chaloupes pour le prendre. Nous avons sc,u de ce Capitaine,
46
and that it was from that unfortunate vessel that he heard of the blockade of Cape Breton. This fact has a bearing upon what I am about to relate.
In France it is thought that our fall was caused by the loss of this vessel. In a sense this is true, but we should have been able to hold out without her if we had not heaped error upon error, as you must have seen by this time. It is true that, thanks to our own imprudence, we had already begun to lose hope when this powerful succour approached us. If she had entered, as she could have done, we should still hold our property, and the English would have been forced to retire.
The Vigilant came in sight on the 28th or 29th of May about *Scatari.-Eo a league and a half distant from Santarye.* At the time there
28 was a north-east wind which was a good one for enter- °q ing. She left the English fleet two and a half leagues to lee- ward. Nothing could have prevented her from entering, and yet she became the prey of the English by a most deplorable fatality. We witnessed her manoeuvres and there was not one of us who did not utter maledictions upon what was so badly planned and so imprudent.
qu'il avoit rencontr6 le Vigilant, & que c'etoit de ce malheureux Vaisseau, qu'il avoit appris que 1'Isle-Royale etoit bloquee. Cette circonstance importe au recit que je vais faire.
Vous etes persuades, en France, que la prise de ce Vaisseau de guerre a occasionne^ la notre, cela eat vrai en quelque sorte ; mais nous eussions II 48] pu nous soutenir sans lui, si nous n'avions pas entasse^ fautes sur fautes, ainsi que vous avez du vous en appercevoir jusqu' a present. II est vrai que, graces a nos imprudences, lorsque ce puissant secours nous arrivoit, nous commencions a etre sans esperance. S'il fut entre^ comme il le pouvoit, nous serions encore dans nos biens, & les Anglais eussent et6 forces de se retirer.
2g Le Vigilant parut le ving-huit ou le vingt-neuf de Mai, a environ une mi lieue & demie de distance de Santarye. Le vent etoit pour lors Nord-
29 Est, & par consequent bon pour entrer. II laissoit le Flotte Anglaise a deux lieues et demie sous le vent. Rien ne pouvoit done 1'empecher d'entrer ; & c'est par la plus grande de toutes les fatalites qu'il est devenu la proye de nos Vainqueurs. Temoins de sa manoeuvre, il n'etoit personne de nous qui ne donnat des maledictions a une manoeuvre si mal concertee & si imprudente.
47
This vessel, commanded by M. de la Maisonfort, instead of holding on her way, or of sending a boat to land for intelli- gence, as prudence demanded, amused herself by chasing a privateer rigged as a Snow (Senault 19), which unfortunately she encountered near the shore. This privateer, which was
commanded by one Brousse * manoeuvred differently from the * Tne officer
, referred to is
French vessel, and retreated, firing continuously, with all sail no doubt Cap-
tain Rouse,
set, and leading her enemy on towards the English squadron ; commanding her plan succeeded, for the Vigilant found herself so entangled a provincial' that when she saw the danger it was impossible to save herself, was'sub- At first two frigates20 attacked her. M. de la Maisonfort o^ce^i/the answered with a vigorous fire which soon placed one of them wmsor ' hors de combat. Her mainmast was carried away, she was y*f 437* .stripped of all her rigging, and was compelled to retire. Five ~En< other frigates, however, came and poured in a hot fire from all sides ; the fight, which we watched in the open air, lasted from five o'clock to ten in the evening. At length it was necessary for her to yield to superior force and to surrender. The
1 • Ship with two masts.
so The frigate is a swift vessel which goes well and is fit for racing.
Ce Vaisseau, commande par M. de la Maisonfort, au lieu de suivre sa route, ou d'envoyer sa chaloupe a terre pour prendre langue, ainsi II 49] que le requeroit la prudence, s'amusa & poursuivre un Corsaire monte en Senault1' qu'il rencontra malheureusement sous la terre. Ce Corsaire, que commandoit un nomme Brousse, manoeuvre d'une autre maniere que le Vaisseau Francais, il se battit toujours en retraite, forijant de voiles, & attirant son ennemi vers 1'Escadre Angloise ; ce qui lui reussit : car le Vigilant se trouva tellement engage^ qu'il ne lui fut plus possible de se sauver, quand on eut vu le danger. Deux Fregates™ 1'attaquerent d'abord : M. de la Maisonfort leur repondit par un feu tres vif, qui en mit bien-tot une hors de combat ; elle fut dematee de eon grand mat, desem- par^e de toutes ses manoeuvres, & contrainte de se retirer. Mais il vint cinq autres Fregates qui chaufferent le Vigilant de toutes parts ; le combat que nous voyons a decouvert, dura depuis cinq heures du soir jusqu' i dix. 50] Enfin il II fallut ceder a la force, & se rendre. Les ennemis ont beau-
19 Navire a deux m&ta.
20 La Frigate est un vaisseau leger, qui marche bien, & propre pour la course.
48
enemy's loss in the fight was heavy and the French commander had eighty men killed or wounded ; his ship was very little damaged.
It is right to say to the credit of M. de la Maisonfort that he showed great courage in the struggle, but the interests of the King demanded that he should have proceeded to his des- tination. The Minister did not send him to give chase to any vessel ; his ship was loaded with ammunition and provisions, and his one business was to re-victual our wretched town, which would never have been taken could we have received so great a help ; but we were victims devoted to the wrath of Heaven, which willed to use even our own forces against us. We have learned from the English, since the surrender, that they were beginning to be short of ammunition, and were in greater need of powder than we were. They had even held councils with a view to raising the siege. The powder found in the Vigilant soon dispelled this idea, and we perceived that after the capture their firing increased greatly.
I know that the commander of this unfortunate vessel will
coup perdu clans ce combat, &. le Commandant Francais eut quatre-vingts hommes tues ou blesses ; le Vaisseau n'a ete que fort peu endommage.
On doit dire, a la gloire de M. de la Maisonfort, qu'il a fait preuve d'une extreme valeur dans ce combat; mais il auroit mieux valu qu'il eut suivi sa destination : c'etoit tout ce que les interets du Roi exigeoient. Le Ministre ne 1'envoyoit pas pour donner la chasse a aucun Vaisseau ennemi . charge de munitions de guerre & de bouche, son Vaisseau etoit unique- ment destine a ravitailler notre malheureuse Place, qui n'auroit jamais 6te en effet emportee, si nous eussions pft recevoir un si grand secours ; mais nous etions des victimes devouees a la colere du Ciel, qui a voulu faire servir centre nous jusqu'a nos propres forces. Nous avons scu des Anglais, depuis notre reddition, qu'ils commenc,oient a manquer de muni- tions de guerre, & que la poudre etoit encore plus rare dans leur armee 51] que parmi nous. Us avoient || meme tenu quelques Conseils pour lever le siege. La poudre trouvee dans le Vigilant fit bien-tot evanouir cette idee ; nous nous appergumes que leur feu avoit depuis beaucoup augmente.
Je sgai que le Commandant de cet infortune Vaisseau dira, pour se
49
say, to justify himself, that it was important to capture the privateer in order to govern himself by the information that he should thus secure. But that does not excuse him ; he knew that Louisbourg was blockaded, and that was enough ; what more was it necessary to know ? If he was afraid that the English were masters of the place it was easy to find this out by sending his cutter or his long-boat and sacrificing some men for the sake of certainty. The Royal Battery ought not to have troubled him. We should have done with it what we did in the case of the Basque ship, whose entrance we aided by keeping up a hot fire. The loss of a reinforcement so consi- derable caused 'even those to lose heart who had been most determined. It was not difficult to suspect that we should be obliged to throw ourselves on the clemency of the English, and several thought that it was now necessary to ask for terms of capitulation. We still held out, however, for more than a month and this is better than one could have expected considering the prostration to which so sad a spectacle had brought us.
The enemy was busy all the remainder of the month in cannon- ading and bombarding us without making any appreciable pro- gress which could arouse their hopes. Since they did not attack
justifier, qu'il etoit important d'enlever le Corsaire, afin de se regler sur les nouvelles qu'il en auroit appris. Mais cela ne 1'excuse point ; il sqavoit que Louisbourg etoit bloque, e'en etoit assez : qu'avoit-il besoin d'en scjavoir davantage ? S'il craignoit que les Anglais n'eussent &t& maitres de la Place, il etoit aise^ de s'en instruire, en envoyant son canot ou sa cha- loupe, & sacrifiant quelques homines pour sa surete ; la batterie Royale ne devoit point I'inqui^ter, nous en aurions agi comme avec le Navire Basque, dont. nous facilitames I'entr^e par un feu excessif. La perte d'un secours si considerable ralentit le courage de ceux qui avoient le plus conserv^ de fermete : il n'^toit pas difficile de juger que nous 52] serions contraints d'implorer la eminence des H Anglais, & plusieurs personnes furent d'avis qu'il falloit deslors demander a capituler. Nous avons cependant tenu un mois au-dela ; c'est plus qu'on n'auroit pu exiger dans 1'abattement ou venoit de nous jetter un si triste spectacle.
L'Ennemi s'occupa a nous canoner & a nous bombarder tout le reste du mois, sans faire des progres bien sensibles, & qui lui pussent donner de 1'espoir. Comme il ne nous attaquoit point dans les formes ; qu'il 4
50
in form, and, since they had no entrenchments to cover them- selves, they did not venture to approach too near. All our shots carried while the greater part of theirs was wasted. Hence we fired only when we thought well. The enemy would fire daily from five to six hundred cannon shots to our twenty ; in truth our scarcity of powder caused us to be careful. The musketry was of little use.
I have forgotten to mention that in the early days of the siege the enemy had summoned us to surrender, but we answered as our duty demanded ; the officer who was sent to make the proposition, seeing that we were rejecting his offers, proposed that the ladies should be sent out with the guarantee that they should not be insulted, and that they should be pro- tected in the few houses that were still standing, for the enemy when they disembarked had burned or destroyed nearly every- thing in the surrounding country. We declined the officer's proposal, for our women and children were quite safe in the shelter we had made for them. Some long pieces of wood had been put upon the casemates in a slanting position and this so
n'avoit pratique aucuns retranchemens pour se couvrir, il n'osoit s'aprocher de trop pres ; tous nos coups portoient, au lieu que la plupart des siens etoient perdus : aussi ne tiriona-nous que lorsque nous le jugions neces- saire. II tiroit, lui, plus de cinq a six cens coups de canon par jour, centre nous vingt ; a la verite, le peu de poudre que nous avions, obligeoit a n'en user que sobrement. La mousqueterie etoit peu d'usage.
J'ai oubli^ de dire que, des les premiers jours du siege, lea ennemis nous avoient fait sommer de nous rendre ; mais nous repondimes selon II 53] ce que le devoir nous prescrivoit : 1'Officier, depute pour nous en faire la proposition, voyant que nous rejettions ses offres, proposa de faire sortir les Dames, avec assurance qu'elles ne seroient point insultdes, & qu'on les feroit garder dans les maisons qui subsistoient encore en petit nombre ; car 1'ennemi, en debarquant, avoit presque tout bru!6 ou detruit dans la campagne. Nous remerciames cet Officier, parce que nos femmes & nos enfans etoient surement dans les logemens que nous leur avions faits. On avoit mis sur les casemates de longues pieces de bois, placees en biais, qui,
51
deadened the force of the bombs and turned them aside that their momentum had no effect. It was underneath this that we had, as it were, buried them.
At the beginning of June the besiegers appeared to June acquire renewed vigour. Dissatisfied with their slight success 6 hitherto, they began new undertakings, and planned to attack us from the sea. In order to succeed they tried to surprise the battery at the entrance. A detachment of about 500 men, transported thither on the night of the sixth, was cut in pieces by M. d'Aillebout, captain of a company, who commanded there, and fired upon them with grape shot ; more than three hundred were left dead, and none were saved except those who asked for quarter; the wounded were taken to our hospitals. On this occasion we made one hundred and nineteen prisoners, and on our side had only three killed or wounded, but we lost a gunner who was much regretted.
This advantage cheered us a little : we had as yet made no sortie, for want of men, since, as I have observed, we did not depend at all upon the regular troops, for the reason stated. It was, nevertheless, decided to make one, and for this there
en amortissant le coup de la bombe, la rejettent, & empechent 1'effet de son poids. C'est la-dessous que nous les avions ententes.
Au commencement de Juin, les Asaiegeans parurent reprendre jujn une nouvelle vigueur ; n'e'tant pas contens du peu de succes qu'ils avoient eu jusques-la, ils s'attacherent a d'autres entreprises, et voulurent essayer de nous attaquer par le cote' de la mer. Pour reussir, ils tenterent 64] de nous surprendre la batterie de II 1'entr^e : un De'tachement d'envi- ron cinq cens homines s'y etant transport^ pendant la nuit du six au sept, f ut taille'' en pie'ces par le sieur Daillebourt, Capitaine de Compagnie, qui y commandoit, & qui tira sur eux a mitraille ; plus de trois cens 7 resterent sur la place, & il n'y eut de sauv^s que ceux qui demanderent quattier, les blesses furent transfe're's dans nos hopitaux. Nous fimes en cette occasion cent dix-neuf prisonniers, et n'eumes que trois hommes de tues ou blesses ; mais nous perdimes un Canonier, qui fut fort regrette.
Get avantage nous releva tant soit peu le coeur ; nous n'avions encore point fait de sortie, faute de monde : car, comme je 1'ai observe, nous ne comptions du tout point sur les troupes re'gle'es, par la raison que j'en ai dite ; il fut pourtant arrete qu'on en feroit une, en quoi il y avoit ne'ces-
52
was urgent need. Wishing to possess, at any price, the battery at the entrance, the assailants commenced to build a fort opposite this battery, to command it. A hundred resolute men were chosen to go and dislodge them. M. Kol, a Swiss and a settler, took command of them, having with him M. Beau- bassin, a retired officer. In the hands of these two brave men the sortie could not fail, and it was conducted with all imagin- able prudence and courage. They went to land at the River Mira, where they halted some time, sending out a scouting *The modem party towards Lorembec,* a place three or four leagues from the town and still untouched ; it was reported to them that about three hundred men had been seen. They advanced upon them, but the enemy, seeing them coming, burned Lorembec and retired to the head of a Barachois, upon the property of M. Boucher, an engineer. Although they were entrenched there, our party, reinforced by thirty Indians found at the Mira, attacked them so that they lost two hundred and thirty men, of whom a hun- dred and fifty were killed and eighty wounded. Had not powder given out the reverse would have been pressed farther.
site urgente. Voulant a quel prix que ce fut s'emparer de la batterie de 1'entree, les Assaillans commenijoient a construire un Fort vis-a-vis cette 55] batterie pour la dominer. On choisit cent homines bien II r^solus afin de les aller debusquer : le Sieur Kol, Suisse & habitant, en prit le commandement, ayant avec lui le sieur Beaubcusin, Officier retire du service. Cette sortie ne pouvoit echouer entre les mains de ces deux braves gens, aussi fut-elle conduite avec toute la prudence & la bravoure imaginables. Ila allerent faire leur descente a la Riviere de Mire, on Us s'arreterent qnelque terns, envoyant a la de\:ouverte vers Lvrembeck, Bourg a trois on quatre lieues de la "Ville, encore entier : on leur rapporta que Ton voyoit environ trois cens hommes. Us marcherent a eux ; main les ennemis les voyant approcher brulerent Lorembeck, & se retirerent an fonds d'un Barachois, snr 1'habitation du sieur Boucher, Ingeuieur ; quoiqn'ils s'y fussent retranches, nos gens s'etant renforces de trente Sauvages trouves a Mire, les attaquerent, & leur mirent deux cens trente hommes hors de combat, dont il y en eut cent cinquante de tues & quatre- vingts de blesses. Get 4chec eut ete pousse plus loin, »i la poudre n'eut
53
The number of the enemy, however, increasing constantly, it was necessary to beat a retreat. The Indians returned to station themselves beyond the river.
These Indians are very brave and warmly attached to the French. They hate the English as much as they like us, and give them no quarter. It will be impossible for the English to quell them, and France, if she ever wishes to recover our colony by force, will always find in them assistance all the more invaluable because they are without fear. They are naturally good tempered, but when irritated are none the less dangerous. Full of hatred for the English, whose ferocity they abhor, they destroy all upon whom they can lay hands. Their rage against the English nation is so great that it extends even to its savage allies. We have heard them say that they would kill every Englishman who should dare to venture into the forest.
It was our misfortune not to have had any of these Indians, who would have rendered it possible for us to make frequent sorties; — or, rather, this ought to be added to the number of the mistakes that we made, for it would have been very easy to
561 point manque ; d'ailleurs le nombre II des ennemis augmentoit sans cesse, il fallut faire retraite. Les Sauvages retournerent se poster au- dessus de la Riviere.
Ces Sauvages sont tres-courageux & remplis d'amitie pour les Franqais : autant ils nous aiment, autant haissent-ils les Anglais, ausquels ila ne font nul quartier. II leur sera impossible de les dompter : ainsi la France, si elle veut jamais ravoir notre Cclonie par la force, trouvera constamment en eux des secours d'autant meilleurs, que ces gens-la sont intr^pides. Leur naturel est d'etre bons ; roais ils n'en sont pas moins dan^ereux, quand on les irrite, Pleins d'animosite centre 1'Anglais, dont ils abhor- rent la ferocite, ils en detruisent autant qu'il leur en tombe entre les mains : leur acharnement contre cette Nation est si grand, qu'il s'etend jusqu'aux Sauvages qui leur sont allies ; nous leur avons entendu dire qu'ils tueroient autant d'Anglais qu'il en oseroit se risquer dans le bois. Notre malheur est de n'avoir pas eu de ces Sauvages qui nous auroient 57] mis en etft de faire de fre||quentes sorties ; ou plutot cela doit etre range au nombre des fautes que nous avons faites, parce qu'il nous cut ete tres-facile d'en rassembler tel nombre que nous eussions voulu ; mais il
54
bring together as many as we wished, but it would have been necessary to make this provision before the English arrived or the siege began. Our commanders' excuse, that one of the causes of the surrender was that they had not enough men to make sorties, and dislodge the enemy as they pushed forward new works, is not valid ; upon them lay this responsibility ; they were given advice but paid no heed.
An incident happened in the above action which shows the courage of the Indians attached to our side, and deserves to be narrated. One of them, called Little John, received a gun shot in the breast. His companions thought that he was dead and, having no time to dig a grave, buried him under the thicket. After three days the poor fellow rejoined them at the place to which they had retired beyond theRiverMira,and surprised them very much for they could not believe that he was alive. These Indians have marvellous vigour, are hardened to fatigue, and extremely temperate, going voluntarily for several days with- out food. If, while hunting, they meet a Frenchman and have only a little food, they deprive themselves of it, telling him that, since he does not know how to fast as long as they, he
auroit fallu s'en pourvoir avant 1'arrivee des Anglais, ou avant le commen- cement du siege. L'excnae de nos Commandans n'est done point recev- able, de dire qu'une des causes de la reddition eat de n'avoir pas eu assez de monde, pour faire des sorties, & d^loger 1'ennemi a mesure qu'il faisoit de nouveaux ouvrages ; c'est ce qui avoit dopendu d'eux : quelqu'un en donna le conseil, mais on n'etoit point e'cout^.
II arriva dans 1'action prec^dente, nne chose qui m^rite d'etre racontee, & qui fait voir le courage des Sauvages qui nous sont attachez. Un d'entr'eux nomine Petit-Jean, rec.ut un coup de fusil dans la poitrine. Ses camarades le croyant mort, 1'enterrerent sous des brossailles, n'ayant pas eu le terns de lui faire une fosse. Ce pauvre gargon les rejoignit au bout de trois jours, dans 1'endroit ou ils s'etoient retires, au-dessus de la 58] riviere de Mire\ & surprit fort des || gens qui n'avoient pas lieu de le croire vivant. Ces Sauvages sont d'une vigueur ^tonnante, endurcis a la fatigue, excessivement sobres, & demeurant volontiers plusieurs jours sans manger. S'ils se rencontrent a la chasse avec un Francaia, & qn'ils n'ayent que peu de vivres, ils s'en privent, en lui disant qu'il les faut
55
must keep it for himself. This trait expresses well the gene- rosity of their character. It was not their fault if they were of little service to us during the siege. Notice was not given to them before the means of communication were cut off, and they were thus not able to lend us the help that we should have hoped for. Having sought shelter in the woods, they tried several times to penetrate to the town. Some of the English who had the temerity to ramble about were massacred and sev- eral were killed by a band of from twenty to twenty-five Indians at Gabarus, upon the property of M. Rondeau, pay-master of the Navy, who wished to cut wood for the use of the hostile fleet. The English dreaded them so much that, to guard against surprises, they burned all the woods about Louis- bourg.
When M. Kol returned and gave an account of his expedi- tion, and of the manner in which the Indians had supported him, there was a discussion about sending munitions of war to them at once, both for themselves and for certain other Indians who it was thought would come from Acadia. A boat carrying five barrels of powder and thirty hundred weight of ball was sent
garder pour lui, qui ne scauroit faire diette aussi long-terns qu'eux. Ce trait exprime bien la bonte' de leur caractere. Ce n'est pas leur faute, s'ils ne nous ont rendus que de mediocres services durant le Siege. On ne les avoit point avertis, avant que les passages f uasent fermes ; Us n'ont done pu nous preter 1'appui que nous en aurions du esp^rer. Refugies dans les bois, ils ont plusieurs fois cherche a penetrer dans la Ville. Quelques Anglais qui ont eu la temerit^ de s'^carter, en ont ete massacres ; & vingt a vingt-cinq Sauvages en tuerent plusieurs i Gabarus, sur 1'habi- tation du sieur Rondeau, Tresorier de la Marine, qui vouloit faire du bois pour le service de la Flotte ennemie. Les Anglais les craignent si fort, 59] que pour se garantir de leurs surprises, ils ont II brule tous les bois qui 4toient aux environs de Louisbourg.
Le sieur Kol etant de retour. rendit compte de son expedition, & sur le recit qu'il fit de la maniere dont les Sauvages 1'avoient second^, on delibera de leur envoyer sur le champ des munitions de guerre, tant pour eux que pour quelques autres Sauvages qu'on s'imaginoit devoir venir du cote de 1'Acadie. II fut done expedie une chaloupe chargee de cinq barils
56
off and taken through the woods to an island in the River Mira, where three men remained on guard, but we heard not a word of the Indians. Here again was seen one of the mistakes so familiar to us. For a long time the scarcity of powder had been complained of, yet upon the slightest pretext and for pure uncertainties we deprived ourselves of some of our supply. Nothing could better show how our heads were turned. What could the Indians have done then, even if they had come? The enemy no longer doubted about the final outcome; since the Vigilant was taken they had reason to be convinced that we could not escape and our loss of this vessel, in reducing us to extremities, placed them in a position to keep everything waiting upon their initiative. 15 To make things worse, on the loth a squadron of six war- ships from London reached the English. These, together with the frigates, cruised about in view of the town without firing a single shot. We have, however, since learned that if we had delayed capitulating, all the vessels would have brought their broadsides to bear upon us (se seroient embosser31) and we should
91 Embosser, a naval term which signifies to make fast; BO that a ship embossee is a ship at her moorings and at Anchor.
de poudre, & de trente quintaux de balles, que Ton conduisit dans le bois, sur un Islot de la riviere de Mire, & trois homines y demeurerent pour garder ces munitions : mais nous n'avons point oui parler de ces Sauvages. C'^toit encore-li une de ces fautes qui nous etoient si familieres. On se plaignoit, il y avoit long-terns, que nous manquions de poudre : cependant nous nous en privions, des qu'il se presentoit le moindre pretexte, & sur de pures incertitudes. Rien n'est plus capable de montrer a quel point la tete nous avoit tourne. Qu'eussent pu faire alors ces Sauvages quand ils 60] seroient venus. L'ennemi ne balangoit plus II sur sa destinee & la notre : depuis la prise du Vigilant, il devoit etre convaincu que nous ne pouvions lui echaper, et ce Vaisseau en nous reduisant a 1'extremite, 1'avoit mis dans une situation a lui faire tout attendre de son entreprise. 15 Pour sur croit d'infortune, il arrive aux Anglais le 15. une Escadre de six Vaisseaux de guerre, venant de Londres. Ces Vaisseaux croiserent devant la Ville, avec les Fregattes, sans tirer un seul coup. Mais nous avons sc,u depuis que, si nous eussions tarde a capituler, tous les Vais- seaux se seroient embosses,21 & nous auroient fait essuyer le feu le plus
21 Embosser, tenne de Marine, qui nignifie Amarrer; ainsi un Navire , est un Navire sur ses amarres & a 1'ancre.
57
have had to undergo a most vigorous fire. Their arrangements were not unknown; I will report the order that they were to keep.
The enemy had not yet used red hot bullets, but on the ig 18th and 19th they did so, with a success which would and have been greater had there not been prompt action on *' our part. Three or four houses took fire, but it was quickly extinguished. Promptitude in such emergencies was our single resource.
It was without doubt the arrival of the squadron which caused this new greeting on the part of the land army, the General, who wished himself to have the honour of conquering us, being very desirous of forcing us to surrender before the fleet should put itself in a position to compel us.
The Admiral on his side was anxious to secure the honour 21 of reducing us. ( On the 21st an officer came to propose, on the Admiral's part, that, if we must surrender, it would be better to do so to him, because he would show us a consideration that, perhaps, we should not find with the commander of the land force. All this shows very little co-operation between the two generals, and sufficiently confirms the remark which I have
vif. Leurs dispositions n'ont point et4 ignorees, je rapporterai 1'ordre qu'ils devoient tenir.
Les ennemis ne s'etoient encore point avises de tirer a boulets 18. rouges ; ils le firent le dix-huit & le dix-neuf, avec un succes qui auroit <0 61] ete plus grand, sans le prompt secours qui y II fut apporte. Le feu ly- prit & trois ou quatre maisons, mais on 1'eut bien-tot eteint. La prompti- tude en ces sortes d'occasions, est la seule ressource que Ton puisse avoir.
L'arriv^e de 1'Escadre etoit, sans doute, 1'objet de ce nouveau salut de la part de-l'Arm^e de terre ; son General qui vouloit avoir 1'honneur de notre conquete, 6tant bien aise de nous forcer a nous soumettre, avant quo 1'Escadre se fut mise en devoir de nous y contraindre.
L'Amiral de son cot£ songeoit a se procurer 1'honneur de nous 31 reduire. Un Officier vint pour cet effet, le vingt-un, nous proposer de sa part, que si nous avions a nous rendre, il seroit plus convenable de la faire a lui, qui auroit des egards que nous ne trouverions peut-etre pas dans le Commandant de terre. Tout cela marquoit peu d'intelligence entre les deux Generaux, & verifie asses la remarque que j'ai ci-devant
58
already made; in fact one could never have told that these troops belonged to the same nation and obeyed the same prince. Only the English are capable of such oddities, which nevertheless form a part of that precious liberty of which they show themselves so jealous.
We answered the officer, whom Admiral Warren had sent with this message, that we had no reply to give him, and that we should see which party it would be well to avail ourselves of when we should arrive at such an extremity. This swagger would have made any one laugh who had seen our real embar- rassment. It could not have been greater ; the officer must have perceived it notwithstanding the bold countenance which we assumed, since it is difficult for the face to conceal the emo- tions of the heart. Councils were held more frequently than ever, but with no better results ; they met without knowing why, and knew not what to resolve. I have often laughed at these meetings where nothing happened that was not ridiculous, and which only revealed confusion and indecision. Care for our defence no longer occupied us. If the English had known how to profit by our fright they would soon have mas-
faite : on n'eut jamais dit en effet, que ces Troupes fussent de la meme Nation & sous I'ob&ssance du meme Prince. Les Anglais sont les seuls 62] peuples capables de ces bisarreries, qui font cependant II partie de cette precieuse liberty dont ils se montrent si jaloux.
Nous repondimes a 1'Officier, par qui 1'Amiral Warren nous avoit fait donner cet avis, que nous n'avions point de reponse a lui faire, & que quand nous en serions a cette extremity, nous verrions le parti qu'il conviendroit d'enibrasser. Cette fanfaronade eut fait rire quiconque auroit et6 temoin de notre embarras en particulier : il ne pouvoit Stre plus grand : cet Officier dut s'en appercevoir, malgre^ la bonne contenance que nous affections. II est difficile que le visage ne decile les mouvemens du coeur. Les Conseils 6toient plus frequens que jamais, mais non plus salutaires ; on s'assembloit sans trop savoir pourquoi, aussi ne sgavoit-on que resoudre. J'ai souvent ri de ces assemblies, oil il ne se passoit rien que de ridicule & qui n'annongat le trouble & 1'indecision. Le soin de notre defense n'6toit plus ce qui occupoit. Si les Anglais eussent SQU profiler de notre 6pouvante, il y auroit eu long- terns qu'ils nous auroient
59
tered us, sword in hand. But it must be granted, to their credit, that they were as much afraid as we were. Many a time all this has reminded me of the fable of the Hare and
the Frogs.* *L» Fontaine,
Book II.,
The object of our numerous Councils was to draw up Sable XIV'— articles of capitulation. This occupied until the twenty- 27 seventh, when an officer, M. Lopinot,'*' went out to carry them t According to to the commander of the land forces. It was hoped that #
the terms would be more agreeable to him than to the Admiral. Mi8,?ffi£er was but they were of so extraordinary a character that, notwith- elle- (Co\l- de
Manus.. m.,
standing the anxiety of this General that we should capi- 254.)— ED. tulate to him, he had scarcely the patience to listen to them. I remember that in one article we demanded five pieces of cannon and two brass mortars . Such propositions were little in accord with our situation.
In order to succeed with one side or the other, the same conditions were proposed to the Admiral. This negotiation was entrusted to M. Bonaventure, company captain, who intrigued a great deal with Mr. Warren and, although most of our articles were rejected, obtained, nevertheless, terms suffi- ciently honourable. The capitulation was then decided on the
emportes, 1'epee a la main. Mais il faut convenir a, leur louange, 63] qu'ils II avoient autant de peur que nous. Cela m'a plusieurs fois rappelle la fable du Lievre & des Grenouilles.
Le but de nos frequens Conaeils etoit de dresser des articles de capitu- 27 lation. On y employa jusqu'au vingt-sept, que le sieur Lopinot, Officier, sortit pour les porter au Commandant de terre. L'on se flatoit de les lui faire mieux gouter qu' a 1" Amiral. Mais ils etoient si extraordinaires, que malgre 1'envie que ce General avoit de nous voir rendre a lui, il se donna a peine la patience de les ecouter. Je me souviens que nous demandions par un article, cinq pieces de canon, & deux mortiers de fontes. De pa- reilles propositions ne quadroient gueres avec notre situation.
Afin de reussir d'un cote ou d'autre, on envoya proposer les memes conditions a 1' Amiral. Cette negociation avoit 6te confiee au sieur Bonna- venture, Capitaine de Compagnie, qui s'intrigua beaucoup aupres de M. Warren, & qui, quoique la plupart de nos articles fussent rejettez, en obtint pourtant d'asses honorables. On arreta done la capitulation telle
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terms which have been publicly reported. It was announced to us by two cannon shots from the Admiral's ship as M. Bonaventure had been instructed. We were reassured a little by this news, for we had reason to apprehend the saddest fate. We feared at every moment that the enemy, awaking from their blindness, would press forward to carry the place by assault. Everything invited them to do so. There were two breaches, each about fifty feet wide ; one at the Dauphin Gate, the other at the Spur, which is opposite. They have since told us that it had been decided to attempt the assault the next day. The ships were to support them and to bring their guns to bear in the following manner: — Four war ships and four frigates were intended for the Dauphin bastion; the same number of war ships and frigates, including the Vigilant, were to attack the La Grave battery, and three other vessels and as many frigates were ordered to keep close to the Island at the entrance. We should never have been able to answer the fire of all these vessels, and at the same time to have defended our breaches, so that it would have been necessary to yield, no matter what efforts we made, and see ourselves reduced
64] que les nouvelles publiques 1'ont raj|port6e. Elle nous fut annoncee par deux coupa de canon tires a bord de 1'Amiral, ainsi qu'on en avoit donne 1'ordre au sieur Bonnaventure. A cette nouvelle, nous reprimes un peu de tranquillity ; car nous avions sujet d'apprehender le sort le plus triste. Nous craigniona a tout moment, que les ennemis, sortant de leur aveuglement, ne se presentasstnt pour nous enlever d'assaut. Tout les y convioit : il y avoit deux breches de la longueur d'environ cinquante pieds chacune, 1'une a la porte Dauphine, & 1'autre a 1'Eperon, qui est vis-a-vis. Us nous ont dit depuis que la resolution en avoit e'te' prise, et 1'exe'cution renvoyee au lendemain. Les Navires devoient les favoriser, & s'embosser de la maniere suivante.
Quatre Vaisseaux et quatre Fregattes etoient destines pour le bastion Dauphin : un egal nombre de Vaisseaux & de Fregattes, parmi lesquels e'toit le Vigilant, devoit attaquer la pieee de la Grave : & trois autres Vaisseaux et autant de Fregattes, avoient ordre de s'attacher a 1'Isle de 1'entree. Nous n'eussions jamis pu repondre au feu de tous ces Vais- 6B] seaux, || & defendre en meme terns nos breches : de facpn qu'il auroit fallu suscomber, quelques eBorts que nous eussions pu faire, & nous voir
61
to seeking clemency from a conqueror whose generosity there was reason to distrust. The land army was composed only of a crowd brought together without subordination or discipline, who would have made us suffer all that the most furious inso- lence and rage can do. The capitulation did not keep them from doing us considerable injury.
Thus, by the visible protection of Providence, we warded off a day which would have been so full of misery for us. What, above all, caused our decision was the small quantity of powder which we still had. I am able to affirm that we had not enough left for three charges. This is the critical point, and upon this it is sought to deceive the public who are ill-informed ; it is desired to convince them that twenty thou- sand pounds still remained. Signal falsehood ! I have no interest in concealing the truth, and ought the more to be believed because I do not pretend by this entirely to justify our officers. If they did not capitulate too soon, they com- mitted mistakes enough to prevent their acquittal of the blame which they incurred. It is certain that we had no more than thirty-seven kegs of powder, each of one hundred pounds ; this is trustworthy, as is not all that is told to the contrary.
reduits a recourir a la clemence d'un vainqueur, de la g4n^rosit6 duquel il y avoit a se d^fier. L'Arm^e de terre n'etoit composee que de gens ramasse's, sans subordination ni discipline, qui nous anroient fait eprouver tout ce que 1'insolence & la rage ont de plus f urioux. La capitulation n'a point emp6ch6 qu'ils ne nous ayent bien fait du mal.
C'est done par une protection visible de la Providence, que nous avons preVenu une journee qui nous auroit 6t^ si funeste. Ce qui nous y a le plus determine, est le peu de poudre qui nous restoit : je puis assurer que nous n'en avions pas pour faire trois decharges. C'est ici le point critique, & sur lequel on cherche le plus a en imposer au public mal instruit : on youdroit lui persuader qu'il nous en restoit encore vingt milliers. Faus- sete insigne ! Je n'ai aucun interet a d^guiser la v^rite" ; Ton doit d'autant plus m'en croire, que je ne pretens pas par-la jnstifier II 66] entierement nos Officiers. S'ils n'ont point capituW trop tot, ils avoient commis assez d'autres fautcs, pour ne le» pas laver du blame qu'ils ont encouru. II est constant que nous n'avions plus qae trente-sept barih de poudre, a cent livres chacun : voila ce qui est veritable, & non pas tout
62
At first even we found only thirty-five ; but our further searches procured two others, hid, apparently, by the gunners, who, it is known, are everywhere accustomed to this pilfering. The articles of capitulation granted by Admiral Warren provided in effect that the Garrison should march out with arms and flags, which should afterwards be given up, to be restored to the troops after their arrival in France ; that, if our own ships did not suffice to transport our persons and effects to France, the English would furnish transport as well as the necessary provisions for the voyage ; that all the commissioned officers of the Garrison and also the inhabitants of the town should be allowed to reside in their houses, and to enjoy the free exercise of their religion without molestation, until they could be removed ; that the non-commissioned officers and the soldiers should be placed on board the British ships imme- diately after the surrender of the town and the fortress, until they also should be taken to France ; that our sick and wounded should receive the same care as those of the enemy ; that the Commandant of the Garrison should have the right to take out two covered wagons which should be inspected by one
ce qu'on raconte de contraire. Nous n'en trouviona meme d'abord que trente-cinq ; mais lea recherches qu'on fit nous en procurerent deux autres, caches apparemment par les Canoniers, qu'on sgait etre partout accoutumus a ce larcin.
Los articles de la capitulation accorded par le Chef d'Escadre Warren, portoient en substance : Que la Garnison sortiroit avec armes & drapeaux qui seroient remis ensuite, pour etre restitues aux troupes apres leur arrivee en France : Que si nos propres Vaisseaux ne suffisoient pas pour trans- porter nos personnes & effets, qu'il en seroit fourni de la part des Anglais, ainsi que les provisions n^cessaires pour le voyage : Que tous les Officiers a Brevet de la garnison & les habitans de la Ville pourroient demeurer 67] II dans leurs Maisons, & joiiir du libre exercice de leur Religion, sans qu'il fut permis de les molester, jusqu' a ce qu'ils pussent etre transportes : Que les Bas-Officiers & les Soldats seroient mis, immediatement apres la reddition de la Ville & de la Forteresse, a bord de quelques Vaisseaui de S. M. Brit, jusqu'a ce qu'ils fussent pareiUement transportes en France : qu'on auroit le meme soin de nos malades & blesses, que de ceux des ennemis : que le Commandant de la garnison auroit la liberte de faire sortir deux chariots cou verts, qui ne seroient visites que par un Officier
63
officer only, to see that there were no munitions of war ; that, if any persons of the town or garrison did not wish to be recognized by the English, they should be permitted to go out masked.
These conditions were assuredly favourable ; more so than we could have promised ourselves considering the grievous condition to which we were reduced. Nothing could show better that the enemy were not yet cured of their fear. They dreaded our fortifications and in this had abundant reason to excuse them. Their mistake was in not having sufficient insight to detect our want of ammunition. An able and experienced enemy would soon have discovered this.
There were certain other articles added by Mr. Warren ; namely, that the surrender and execution of each portion of the things mentioned above should be done and accomplished as soon as possible ; that, for guaranty of their execution, the Island battery, or one of the batteries of the town, should be delivered up, with all the artillery and munitions of war, to the troops of His Britannic Majesty before six o'clock in the evening ; that the vessels lying before the harbour should be free to enter
geulement, pour voir s'il n'y avoit aucune munition de guerre : Que si quelques personnes de la Ville ou de la Garnison, ne vouloient point etre vues des Anglais, il leur seroit permis de sortir masqu^es.
Ces conditions Etoient assurement favorables, & plus que nous n'aurions du nous le promettre de 1'etat facheux ou nous 6tions reduits. Rien n'est plus propre a prouver que les ennemis n etoient encore point 68] gueris de leur crainte. Us redoutoient II nos fortifications, & avoient en cela plus.de raison qu'il n'en faut pour les excuser. Leur tort est de n'avoir pas SQU pen^trer le manque de nos munitions de guerre. C'est ce qu'un ennemi habile & exp^rimente auroit bien-tot eu decouvert.
II y avoit quelques autres articles, qui furent ajout^s par M. Warren ; scavoir, que la reddition & 1'execution de chaque partie des choses ci- deasus mentionnees, seroient faites & accomplies aussi-tot qu'il seroit possible : Que pour suret^ de leur execution, la batterie de 1'Isle, ou 1'une des batteries de la Ville, seroit delivree avec toute I'artillerie & les muni- tions de guerre, aux troupes de S. Maj. Brit, avant six heures du soir : Que les Vaisseaux qui etoient devant le Port auroient la libert^ d'y entrer,
64
immediately thereafter, and whenever the Commander-in-Chief should deem proper ; that none of the officers, soldiers, or inhabitants of Louiabourg, subjects of the King of France, should take up arms against England or any of her allies, during a year, to be reckoned from the day of signing the capitulation ; lastly, that all the subjects of His Britannic Majesty held as prisoners in the town or on the Island should be delivered up.
29 In consequence of this capitulation, signed " P. Warren " and "William Pepperrell," the war vessels, merchant ships, and transports entered the harbour of Louisbourg on the 29th. We have nothing but praise for the polished and engaging manners of the Admiral, who had his men well under control, and showed us all the attentions that one could expect from an enemy, generous and compassionate. Mr. Warren is a young man, about thirty-five years old, very handsome, and full of the noblest sentiments. That he sought to gratify us in everything we had proof at our departure ; we had need of a surgeon on the Linceston, the ship which carried us to Roche- fort, and he obligingly gave us the surgeon of the Vigilant.
immediatement apres, & lorsque le Commandant en chef le jugeroit & propos : Qu'aucun des Officiers, Soldats, ou habitans de Louisbourg, sujets du Roi de France, ne pourroient prendre les armes centre 1'Angle- terre ou aucun de sea allies pendant un an, a compter du jour de la signa- 69] ture de la capitula||tion : Enfin, que tous les Sujets de S. M. Brit. detenus prisonniers dans la Ville ou dans 1'Isle, seroient delivres.
En consequence de cette capitulation, signee P. Warren & Guil- 29 laume Pepperdl, les Vaisseaux de guerre, ceux de charge & de transport entrerent dans le Havre de Louisbourg, le vingt-neuf. Nous n'avons que lieu de nous louer des manieres polies & engageantes de 1'Amiral, qui a sou contenir les troupes qui lui etoient soumises, & qui a eu pour nous toutes les attentions que Ton doit attendre d'un ennemi genereui & com- patissant. M. Warren est un jeune homme d'environ trente-cinq ans, d'une tres jolie figure, & rempli des plus nobles sentimens. U n'a chercW qu' a nous faire plaisir en tout, nous en avons eu la preuve a notre depart ; il nous falloit un Chirurgien sur le Linceston, Vaisseau qui nous a amen6 a Bochefort, & il nous aecorda obligeamment celui du Vigilant.
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We have, however, much to complain of respecting the com- mander of the land forces, who had not the same consideration for us, and allowed us to be pillaged by his troops, in violation of the good faith due to our capitulation, and of the public security. What could we expect from a man who, it is said, is the son of a shoemaker of Boston? The Governor, whose favourite he was, had given him this command to the prejudice of better men, who had murmured loudly about it. The officers of the men-of-war had only open contempt for him ; those who served under his orders did not respect him more. To punish us for not surrendering to him, he did not cease to persecute us ; we can only' impute to him all the harm which was done us. Constantly, ineffective complaints were carried to him against his men, who, after they were free to enter the town threw themselves into our houses and took what pleased them. Our lot was little different from that of a town given up to pillage.
We have another grievance against our conquerors. One of the articles of capitulation provided that we should use our own vessels to carry us and our effects to France, and that, if these
Mais nous avons beaucoup a nous plaindre du Commandant de terre, 70] qui n'ayant pas pour nous les memes II egards, nous a laisse piller par sea troupes, contre la foi due a notre capitulation, & la surete publique. Que pouvions-nous esperer d'un homme que Ton dit etre fils d'un cordon- nier de Baston 1 le Gouverneur, dont il etoit le favori, 1'avoit gratifio de ce Commandement, au prejudice des plushonnetes gens, qui en ont haute- ment murmured Les Officiers des Vaisseaux de guerre n'avoient pour lui qu'un m^pris eclatant : ceux qui servoient sous ses ordres, ne le respec- toient pas davahtage. Pour nous punir de ne nous etre point rendus a lui, il n'a cesse de nous persecutor : nous ne pouvons que lui imputer tout le mal qui nous a ete fait. On lui a toujours porte d'inutiles plaintes contre ses gens, qui, des que 1' entree de la Ville leur a ete libre, se jetterent dans nos Maisons, & y ont pris tout ce qui les accommodoit. Notre sort n'a gueres ete different d'une Ville abandonnee au pillage.
Un autre grief contre nos Vainqueurs. II etoit stipule par un des articles de la capitulation, que nous nous servirions de nos propres 71] Vais||seaux pour nous transporter en France, avec nos effets, & que
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did not suffice, the enemy would furnish us with ships, as well as with provisions, for the voyage ; yet, by the most glaring injustice, they refused us the ships in the harbour, on the ground that they belonged to some merchants of France, as if we had not treated for all that was in the place. What was more mortifying, they had the malice to let us get these ships ready for sea, and it was only on the eve of sailing that they committed this unworthy chicanery. Upon this fine pretext, which was at bottom only the law of the strongest, they seized the cargoes of some of these same ships, in which we should have found provisions for the voyage, instead of being compelled nearly to die of hunger. The captains were compelled to buy their ships back again.
This strange proceeding, which the Court of France is interested in avenging, shows how little the word of an enemy like the English can be depended upon, especially in those distant countries where honour is among the things unknown. Here is another proof. There had been a capitulation at Canso,
•Captain Her- bv which M. Brastrik, the officer in command there * could not on was in com- •
mand at Can- serve before the month of June ; nevertheless, this officer so, where
had^ "hip. 8>^s ne suffisoient pas, 1'ennemi nous en fourniroit, ainsi que des provisions
Collection de pour faire ie voyage ; mais, par la plus criante de toutes les injustices, on
IIl!T*202-3' nous a refuse les Navires qui se trouvoient dans le Port, sous pretexts
(Quebec,1884). qu'ilg apartenoient a des Negocians de France, comme si nous n'avions pas
agalnst^rls- *rait6 Pour tout ce qii etoit dans la Place. Ce qu'il y eut de plus morti-
triok of viola- ftant, on avoit eu la malignite de nous laisser mettre ces Navires en etat
is^epeated'by de naviger, & ce ne fut qu'a la veille de faire voile, qu'on s'avisa de nous
the Governor chicanner aussi indignement. Sur ce beau pretexte, qui n'etoit au fond
K- 25*.— ED! 1ue 'a l°i du P^us ^ort' on se saisit des cargaisons de quelques-uns de ces
memes Navires, ou nous aurions trouve des vivres pour nous nourrir
pendant la traversed, au lieu que Ton nous a presque fait mourir de faira.
Les Capitaines ont et^ contraints de racheter leurs Navires.
Cet etrange precede, que la Cour de France est interessee a vanger, fait voir combien il faut peu compter sur la parole d'un ennemi 72] comme II 1'Anglais, sur tout en ces Pays eloignes, ou 1'honneur est au rang des choses inconnues. En voici une autre preuve. II y avoit eu une capitulation a Canceaux, par laquelle le sieur Brastrik, Officier qui y com- mandoit, ne pouvoit servir que dans le mois de Juin ; cependant cet Officier
07
ventured to take up arms in the month of May. If the court acted wisely, it would practice reprisals, and make use at once of the troops which we have brought home, unless the English court should give satisfaction for an outrage on the laws of war recognized by all civilized nations.
Such is the description of the siege of Louisbourg, which, notwithstanding our fortifications, would not have lasted so long had we been attacked by an enemy better versed in the art of war. No complaint can be made of the settlers, who served with the same precision as did the troops themselves, and had to bear the greatest fatigues. The regular soldiers were distrusted"22 so that it was necessary to charge the inhabi- tants with the most dangerous duties. Children, ten and twelve years old, carried arms, and were to be seen on the ram- parts, exposing themselves with a courage beyond their years. Our loss scarcely reached one hundred and thirty men, and it is certain that that of the English was more than two thou- sand. Yet their force was so great that for them this loss was inconsiderable. They had, at disembarking, as many as from
sa A French soldier was hanged during the siege for projected treason ; he was found with a letter which he was carrying from a prisoner to the English general.
a ose prendre lea armes des le mois de Mai. Si la Cour faisoit bien, elle useroit de repre'sailles, & employeroit nos troupes des-a present, a moins que la Cour d'Angleterre no lui fasse raison d'un attentat aux loix Mili- taires regues parmi toutes les Nations Policees.
Telle est la description du Siege de Louisbourg, qui n'auroit pas dure si long-terns, malgre nos fortifications, si nous eussions ete attaques par des ennemis plus instruits dans 1'Art de la guerre. On ne peut rien reprocher aux habitans, qui ont fait le service avec autant d'exatitude que les troupes memes, & surqui ont roule' les plus grandes fatigues. On 73] se deficit des soldats," ainsi il fal||loit que 1'habitant se chargeat de ce qu'il y avoit de plus perilleux. Des enfans de dix & douze ans avoient pris les armes, & on les a vu sur le rempart s'exposer avec un courage au-dessus de leur age. Notre perte ne s'est gueres montee qu'a cent trente hommes, & il est sur que celle des Anglais va a plus de 2 mille. Mais leurs forces etoient si considerables, que cette perte a ete mediocre pour eux. Us avoient plus de huit a neuf mille horn, de debarquement.
22 Un Soldat Francais a e'te pendu durant le sie'ge, pour avoir voulu nona trahir : On le trouva nanti d'une lettre qu'il portoit au General Anglais de la part d'un prisonnier.
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eight to nine thousand men. We should have done them more injury if we had been able to make sorties. I have told the causes which prevented our doing this. The bombs and bullets of the enemy caused frightful desolation in our poor town ; most of our houses were demolished, and we were obliged to remove the flour from the general magazine to expose it to the weather in the King's garden ; we feared that it might be burned by the enemy, as most of the bombs fell upon this magazine. More than three thousand five hundred must have been fired against us. I do not know exactly how much flour remained to us still, but I know that there was a large quantity, and there were other provisions in proportion. These, however, could not take the place of the munitions of war, which were absolutely exhausted. We had no more bombs, and if we had had any they would have been perfectly useleas, for our mortars had cracked, after some shots had been fired. All misfortunes were ours at once.
The enemy caused all to embark and did not wish to allow any settler to remain upon the island. They would have driven out even the Indians if that had been in their power. This conduct proves that they desire to keep it. But if we
Nous leur eussions fait plus de mal, si nous avions pu faire des sorties ; j'ai dit les raisons qui nous en ont empeche\ Les bombes & les boulets des ennemis avoient mis notre pauvre Ville dans une affreuse desolation : la plupart de nos maisons etoient rasees, & nous avions et^ obliges de retirer les farines du Magazin General, pour les exposer i 1'air dans le jardin du 74] Roi ; nous apprehendions que 1'ennemi ne les brulat, la plus grande II partie des bombes tombaut sur ce Magazin. II faut qu'il nous en ait e'te' jette plus de trois mille cinq cens. Je ne sgais pas au juste combien il nous restoit encore de farines, mais je sgais qu'il y en avoit une grande quantite, & d'autres vivres a proportion. Mais cela ne pouvoit remplacer les munitions de guerre, qui manquoient absolument. Nous n'avions plus de bombes, & quand nous en aurions eu, elles eussent 6t^ entierement inutiles, puisque nos mortiers etoient creves, apres en avoir tire" quelques coups. Nous avons eu tous les malheurs ensemble.
L'Ennemi a tout fait embarquer, & n'a jamais voulu permettre qu'aucun habitant demeurat dans 1'Isle. II en auroit chasse jusqu'aux Sauvages, si cela eut ete en son pouvoir. Cette conduite prouve qu'il a envie de s'y
69
succeed in taking Acadia* I see no difficulty in our getting *An exi>edi- Cape Breton from them. It appears that the English court is sending great forces thither ; this ought to awaken the atten- tion of the French court and to lead it to increase its force on the sea, with a view to opposing the enemy's designs against ~ED- Canada. When we came away they assured us that they would be masters of it next year. We ought to make sure that they have not a similar success in this enterprise, which would give the last blow to our commerce. Would it be possible that it should sustain so great a reverse under the invincible Louis XV., and that, while so valiant a Monarch makes the Powers which dare to oppose him tremble, he allows his subjects in the colonies to be exposed to the violence of his enemies, and to be the only ones who succumb to the fortune of war ? Are we less his subjects ? We should be very sorry to depend upon any other Power.
I will finish this sad and unhappy narrative, which makes me weep, by saying that the court should extend its charity to an immense number of unfortunates who, if not succoured, will die of hunger in France. We, the inhabitants of the town,
conserver : mais, si Ton parvient i prendre 1'Acadie, je ne faia nulle diffi- cult6 qu'on vienne i bout de lui enlever 1'Isle-Royale. II paroit 4ue la Cour d'Angleterre y fah passer de grandes forces ; ce qui doit reveiller 1'attention de la Cour de France, & 1'engager a augmenter les siennes II 75] par mer, afin de s'opposer au projet qu'ont forme les ennemis sur le Can- ada. Us nous ont assures, en partant, qu'ils en seroient maitres 1'annee prochaine. Nous devons faire ensorte qu'ils n'ayent pas le memo succes dans cette eritreprise, qui acheveroit de porter les derniers coups a notre commerce. Seroit-il possible qu'il essuiat de si grands revers sous 1'in vin- cible LOUIS XV. Et que tandis qu'un si vaillant Monarque fait trembler les Puissances qui osent lui resister, il souffre que sea sujets des colonies soient exposes a la violence de ses ennemis, & les seuls qui succombent sous la fatalite des Armes 1 Sommes-nous moins ses sujets 1 Nous serious bien faches de dependre de toute autre Puissance.
Je finirai ce triste & malheureux recit qui m'arrache des larmes, par dire que la Cour doit etendre sa charite sur un nombre infini de miserables, qui vont mourir de faim en France, si on ne les secoure. Nous autres habi-
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owing to the terms of capitulation, however badly executed.have still preserved something from the ruin of a fortune sufficiently limited, but those who dwelt in the country have lost every- thing, as they were exposed to the first fury of the enemy. I have seen numerous families (for there is scarcely a country in the world that we have peopled as we have our northern col- onies) embark without having anything to cover them, and wring compassion from even the English themselves. I have succoured as many of them as my means have permitted, and several others have followed my example. The court will not leave those to perish whose fidelity has caused their mis- fortune.
Our commander, M. du Chambon, behaved very well after the reduction of the place. He protected us with all his power against insolence on the part of our conquerors, and he wished to be the last to leave the colony, but the English forced him to embark. He left an officer to represent him, and to see that the settlers were allowed to have what they had a right to carry off, under the terms of the capitulation.
This, my dear friend, is a detailed narrative of this unhappy
tans de la Ville, nous avons encore conserve quelque chose des debris d'une 76] fortune asses mince, a la faveur de la capitulation, quoique II mal exe'- cute'e : mais les habitans de la campagne ont tout perdu, comme ayant dt6 exposes .\ la premiere fougue des ennemis. J'ai vu de nombreuses families (car il n'est gueres de Pays au monde, ou Ton peuple tant que dans nos colonies Septentrionales) s'embarquer sans avoir de quoi se couvrir, & arracher de la compassion aux Anglais memes. J'en ai secouru autant que mes faucultes me 1'ont permis, & plusieurs personnes ont unite mon exemple. La Cour ne laissera point perir des gens dont les fide'lite' a fait le malheur.
Notre Commandant, Mr. du Chambon, en a tres-bien agi apres la reduction de la Place. II nous a protege de toutes aes forces contre 1'insolence de partie de nos vainqueurs, & il ne vouloit quitter la colonie que le dernier ; mais les Anglais 1'ont force de s'embarquer. II a laisse un Officier pour le representer, & avoir soin qu'on rendit aux habitans tout ce qu'ils avoient droit d'emporter, en vertu de la capitulation.
Voila, mon cher ami, une relation de'taille'e de cette malheureuse
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affair, of which such diverse accounts are given. I can protest to you that I have suppressed nothing of all which could come to my knowledge, and I am inviolably bound to tell the truth, without wishing to injure anyone through a desire for revenge or anything else. The same motive compels me to render to
the Minister* the justice which is his due. I hear that he is * The well- known Comte blamed for some of the disaster to our colony, as if he could be de Maurepas,
responsible for the faults of those to whose care he entrusted official life it. If you share this popular mistake, the detailed account 1781.— ED. which I have given can save you from it. Can we, indeed, yield to notions so little in accordance with the foresight of this great Minister, to whom the navy owes much, and to whom it would owe still more if he were given the power to restore it to its ancient lustre? One must be ignorant of what is going on to make such a mistake. Let him be listened to ; let him be the only one upon whom depends the strength of this potent support of our glory and splendour ; let him be given sufficient sums to build as many ships as we need, and let that no longer be regarded by the court as a thing in- different which deserves, perhaps, the chief and the most
77] affaire d'ont on parle si diversement. II Je vous puis protester que je n'ai rien tu de tout ce qui a pu venir a ma connoissance, que je m'y suis inviolablement astraint a dire la v^rite\ sans dessein d'offenser personne, par esprit de vengeance, ni autrement. Le m§me motif m'oblige a rendre au Ministre la justice qui lui est due. J'entens qu'on lui attribue en partie le d^sastre de notre colonie, comme s'il pouvoit gtre responsable des fautes de ceux a qui il en avoit confie le soin. Si vous etcs dans cette erreur populaire, le detail dans lequel je suis entre1 est capable de vous en tirer. Peut-on en effet, se livrer a des iddes si peu conformes a la pr6- voyance de ce GRAND MINISTRE, a qui la marine doit beaucoup, & a qui elle devroit encore davantage, s'il 6toit le maitre de lui restituer son ancien lustre ? 11 faut Stre peu au fait de ce qui se passe, pour donner dans ce travers. Faites qu'on 1'ecoute, qu'il soit le seul de qui depende le nerf de ce puissant soutien de notre gloire & de notre splendeur, qu'on lui accorde des sommes suffisantes, pour construire autant de Vaisseaux 78] qu'il nous en faudroit, & qu'on ne regarde pas en II Cour, un objet indifferent, ce qui m^riteroit peut-etre la principale & la plus s^rieuse
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serious attention. I warrant you that then you would soon see the navy upon the old footing that it had formerly under Louis XIV. But as long as his hands are tied and he gets only small and ineffective grants of money, and attention is turned away from this motive power of our greatness and strength, every penetrating and impartial mind will take care not to blame him for the blows levied at our maritime com- merce, to which the state is more indebted than is imagined.
Believe it as perfectly true that Louisbourg had been suffi- ciently furnished with provisions and munitions of war ; that the Minister had reason to rely upon his own wisdom and care in this respect, and that the want of economy and the waste- fulness of those placed in charge are what should be blamed. Could he foresee that they would foolishly consume K the pro-
2 s What did most to consume our powder were the privateering armaments which were planned from the time that we knew of the declaration of war. The officers were interested in the Privateers and this procured for the settler as much powder as he wished. I will say here that trade was controlled by the officers, that they purchased the cargoes as soon as they arrived, and that they obliged the inhabitants to buy their goods by their weight in gold. They have, however, an excuse in the small salaries which the Court paid them.
attention : Je vous reponds qu'alors vous verres bien-tot la Marine sur cet ancien pied, ou elle a ete quelque terns sous LOUIS XIV. Mais tant qu'on lui liera les mains, qu'il n'obtiendra que des secours d'argent foibles et impuissans, qu'on detournera les yeux de dessus ce mobile de notre grandeur & de notre Puisance : tout esprit clairvoyant & impartial se donnera de garde rejetter sur lui les coups portes a notre commerce Maritime, a qui 1'Etat est plus redevable qu'on ne pense.
Croyez comme une chose des plus vrayes que Louisbourg avoit ete suffisamment pourvu de vivres & de munitions de guerre ; que le Ministre avoit lieu de se reposer sur cette partie de sa sagesse & de ses soins ; & que c'est au defaut d'osconomie, & a la dissipation de ceux qu'il avoit charges d'y veiller, qu'il faut s'en prendre. Pouvoit-il preVoir que Ton 79] consommeroit23 || follement des provisions consacrees pour les
53 Ce qui a le plus servi a consommer notre poudre, ce sont les armemens en course, dont on s'avisa des qu'on eut S9U la declaration de Guerre. Lee Officiers <$toient inteVesses dans les Corsaires ; ce qui en a prpcur<5 a 1'Habitant autant qu'il a voulu. Je dirai a cette occasion, que les Officiers e'toient les maitres du commerce, qu'ils achetoient les cargaisons des qu'elles arrivoient, & qu'il falloit que les Habitant leur payassent les marchandises au poids de 1'or, Mais ils one une excuse dans les modiques appoiutemens que la Cour leur donne.
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visions devoted to the needs of a useful colony ? And if he had suspected it, how could he have acted otherwise than as he did ? As soon as he learns that Cape Breton is menaced, and is noti- fied of its condition, he sends instantly a ship of sixty-four guns to carry thither all that would be necessary for the longest resistance. The event has shown that she could get in ; must he have divined that imprudence would put her in the power of the enemy ? It is said that she ought not to have been sent alone ; it is easy to say this but it was not so easy to do otherwise. For a long time the condition of our marine has been such that an expedition could not be undertaken the instant the occasion offered ; time is necessary to make prepar- ations, and if the fleet which left Brest under the orders of M. du Perier was intended, as is believed, to come to our aid, then it is evident that the Minister neglected nothing to save us from the misfortune which has overtaken us. It was known in France that this was merely an enterprise of one colony against another, that England had not yet sent out any fleet (for that which went started only very late). One, there- fore, could not imagine that the Vigilant would be taken and
besoins d'une Colonie si utile ? Et quand il 1'auroit devine, que pouvoit-il faire autre chose que ce qu'il a fait ? Des qu'il apprend que 1'Isle-Royale est menaced, qu'il a avis de 1'etat ou elle se trouve, il depeche sur le champ un Vaisseau de soixante & quatre pieces de canon, afin d'y porter tout ce qui ^toit necessaire pour la plus longue resistance. L'evenement a justifi^ que ce Vaisseau pouvoit passer : Falloit-il done qu'il devinat aussi que 1'imprudence le mettroit au pouvoir des ennemis ? On dit qu'il ne devoit pas etre envoye^ seul : cela est ais6 a dire, mais n'est pas 80] aussi || aise a faire ; 1'etat de notre Marine ne permet plus, depuis long-terns, d'entreprendre une expedition dans 1'instant qu'elle se pre- sente, il faut du terns pour en faire les preparatifs ; & si 1'Escadre sortie de Brest, sous les ordres de M. du Perier, etoit destinee a nous secourir, comme on le croit, il est done evident que le Ministre n'a rien neglige pour nous garantir de 1'infortune qui nous est arrivee ? On scavoit en France que ce n'etoit-la qu'une entreprise de Colonie k Colonie, que 1'Angleterre n'y avoit encore envoye^ aucune Escadre. (car celle qui y est allee, n'est partie que fort tard) On ne pouvoit done s'imaginer, & que le Vigilant seroit pris, & que nous nous rendrions si-tot. Ainsi, pour peu 6
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that we should surrender so soon. Thus, on slight reflection, it is clear that the Minister is not in the least to blame, and that it is unjust to charge that his prudence deserted him on this occasion. It is the more blameworthy to think this of him since the fortifications of Louisbourg are the pro- duct of his wise insight, and he has always endeavoured to keep up a colony whose importance he realized. Is it reason- able to imagine that he has wished to lose the product of so much care and expense?
In saying all this I have paid only the respect which I owe to truth.
Adieu, my dear friend ; love me well always, and rely upon the fondest return and the liveliest gratitude.
I am, etc.
B. L. N.
At ... August 28th, 1745.
qu'on refl^chisse, il est clair que le Ministre n'a pas le moindre tort ; & qu'il y a de 1'injustice de taxer sa prudence de 1'avoir mal servi en cette occasion. On est d'autant plus blamable d'en avoir la pens^e, que les fortifications de Louisbourg sont 1'ouvrage de sa sage penetration, qu'il 81] s'est toujours applique a maintenir une Colonie dont il sen||toit 1'importance. Est-il raisonnable de presumer qu'il ait voulu perdre le fruit de tant de soins & de depenses ? C'est I'hommage que je devois a la verite.
Adieu, mon cher Ami, aimez-moi toujours bien, & comptez sur le plus tendre retour & la plus vive reconnoissance.
Je suis, &c. B. L. N. A Ce28. Aotit 1746.
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Louisbourg in 1745
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