THE

LIFE, TIMES,

AND

SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

OE THE SECOND

MARQUIS OP WORCESTER.

TO WHICH IS ADDED, A KEPIUNT OF HIS

CENTURY OF INVENTIONS,

1663,

E 1ST :R Y Z) I R C K S, ESQ.,

CIYIL ENOINEEB, ETC. ETC.

Inventas aut qui vitam excoluere per artes.
Quinque sui memores alios fecere mcrendo.

VIRGIL.

How few men of genius are there who have not been the victims of
misfortune ! SIR EGERTON BRYDGES, BART.

BERNARD QUARITCH, 15 PICCADILLY.
1865.

0

TO

THE MOST NOBLE

Henry Charles FifaRoy,

DUKE OF BEAUFOET,

MABQUIS AND EABL OF WOBCESTEB,

EAEL OF GLAMORGAN, VISCOUNT GEOSMONT,

BARON HERBERT OF CHEPSTOW, RAGLAND, AND GOWER,

BARON BEAUFORT OF CALDECOT CASTLE, AND

BARON DE BATTETCOURT,

ETC. ETC. ETC.

MY LORD DUKE,

THROUGHOUT your Grace's most ancient and
regal line of ancestry it would be impossible to name
a more truly exalted character than EDWARD SOMER
SET, the sixth Earl and second Marquis of Worcester,
father of Henry, created first Duke of Beaufort by
Charles the Second.

This pre-eminence, due to his high intellectual

iv DEDICATION.

gifts in CONSTRUCTIVE INGENUITY, distinguishes him not
only amongst the illustrious descendants of Plantagenet,
but renders it impossible to name his compeer, either
among the highest nobility, or the most eminent scientific
celebrities of Europe, during the last two centuries.
Indeed, it may be justly said, that ancient lineage,
noble descent, illustrious titles, even when crowned
with all the glories of martial deeds, or senatorial
honours, fade into comparative insignificance before
the enduring renown, which it is alone the preroga
tive of original genius to confer on the memory of men
remarkable for their discoveries in arts conducive to
the elevation of mankind in the scale of being.

The History of Science from the days of Archimedes
presents a vast phalanx of men mighty in genius ; but
foremost in this intellectual group ranks the Marquis of
Worcester, the originality, independence, and grandeur
of whose mechanical conceptions have acquired a
world-wide celebrity ; for he it was who first evoked
that Titanic power, which, through successive improve
ments, consequent on the accumulated ingenuity of two
hundred years, has given to the present age the modern
Steam-engine.

It may be freely conceded that, stupendous as he
himself pronounced the parent engine to be, it was,
nevertheless, only as the acorn compared to the time-
honoured monarch of the forest. Just as the existence
of the plant is dependant on that of the seed, so, had
the Engine he constructed never existed, we might
have been unacquainted even to this day with the
mechanical application of steam.

Living at a period when Civil War convulsed this
country, and unhappily brought severe suffering on

DEDICATION. v

all who were conspicuous for tlieir loyalty, the Marquis
of Worcester, in common with the Eoyalist party, had
to succumb to intolerant rulers. For while Cromwell
enjoyed an income of £2,500 per annum, derived from
a portion of his Lordship's princely estates, the Pro
tector proudly granted to THE INVENTOR OF THE STEAM
ENGINE, a weekly stipend of Three pounds !

Unfortunately, the Eestoration of the monarchy con
tributed but little to ameliorate his Lordship's sad con
dition ; while his enthusiasm led him to sacrifice those
personal comforts which his declining years would
seem to have absolutely required • rather than jeopardize
operations depending on his great invention.

In offering for your Grace's approval this first effort
to realize a connected memoir of your Grace's immor
tal ancestor, it is unnecessary to dwell on the fact of
its matter being chiefly derived from very scattered
sources, and often from but fragmentary materials,
though in every instance the very best available autho
rities have been consulted ; among which, the unique
collection of Manuscripts, so freely and obligingly sub
mitted for the present purpose by your Grace, being
given entire, forms the most valuable and interesting
portion. I sincerely regret my own insufficiency to do
complete justice to this comprehensive labour. The
result of my researches, however, may gratify your
Grace's curiosity, and prove interesting in respect to
many early family details. And if my own earnest
ness of purpose, in prosecuting this attempt, does not
mislead me, I may venture to hope, that the Memoir
will not only meet with your Grace's favourable recep
tion, but prove, at the same time, acceptable to the
general public.

vi DEDICATION.

With warm acknowledgments of heart-felt obligation
to your Grace, for the exceedingly handsome and
liberal manner in which manuscripts and paintings
have been placed at my disposal,

I have the honour to be,
My Lord Duke,

Your Grace's most obliged,
And most humble, obedient servant,

HENEY DIECKS.

BLACKIIEATH, KENT,
January, 1865.

PREFACE.

THAT a Memoir of the Inventor of the Steam Engine,
should appear for the first time two hundred years after
his decease, is an occurrence in our literature, which,
of itself, might almost be considered sufficient to arouse
public inquiry in respect to such a production. But far
more solid ground exists for believing that the great
country which gave birth to the Inventor, and his
Invention of one of man's noblest productions in art, will
peruse it with true national pride, when assured of the
amount and strength of the evidence now first adduced
to establish those claims which, although never entirely
doubted, yet have hitherto borne too misty and mythi
cal a character to satisfy common comprehension. The
labour encountered in carrying out the required design
may be appreciated from the fact, that the present
work has been to a great extent the study of thirty
years, although literally completed within only the
last few years. This field of inquiry has been, con
sequently, long open to more ambitious pens, and
sooner or later would, no doubt, have received, as it
demands — the attention of men of letters and of science.

Probably no other country furnishes so singular a fact,
as that of being for two centuries without information
much better than tradition, and accumulated diversities
of opinions freely indulged in, respecting the political
and private character, and inventive talent of one of
its most remarkable, interesting, and glorious bene
factors. And, during so long a period, in consequence

viii PREFACE.

of such defective and conflicting information, producing
the most absurd and unreliable statements, even on
the most ordinary points of individual history. In the
whole range of English biography, within the same
period of time, no important memoir has ever been so
mythical as that of Edward Somerset, second Marquis
of Worcester.

So entirely unacquainted are his countrymen with
the history of his life, that a very plausible work might
be written to disprove both his authorship of the " Cen
tury," and his invention of the steam-engine. Indeed
Scotland has already contributed materials for the
former, and M. Arago, late Astronomer Eoyal of
France, has all but made out the latter ! And such a
production would excite little suspicion and probably
110 hostility of feeling. But this need not cause much
surprise when it is mentioned, that it has not yet been
the good fortune of any writer, touching on the Life of
the Marquis of Worcester, to escape recording a mass of
errors, such as occur in no other biography in our lan
guage ; although the period usually selected seldom
exceeds four or five years, out of a life of sixty-six.
The reader, therefore, who takes up the present volume,
under impressions derived from such dubious sources of
information as those indicated, will find little to con
firm his preconceived opinions. The histories of men
as of nations require facts for their basis, judgment
to guide in their arrangement, discretion to direct a
wise selection, and a knowledge of the whole to perfect
the desired work. The mixed character of the Marquis
of Worcester has ever been a stumbling-block to the
purely classical scholar, the divine, the politician, and
the lawyer ; while, on the other hand, the rapid advances
in science during the last fifty years, have deprived u The
Century" of more than half its interest. Science cannot

PREFACE. ix

hope to be advanced by discussing the automata of the
1 7th century, its fountains, improvements in fire-arms,
bows, keys, stairs, boats, fortifications, and many other
promising inventions. But a Life of the Marquis of
Worcester, without the " Century," would be a drama
without its most important character. It is, therefore,
no act of supererogation to give a commentary on that
little, but perplexing book ; it is something more than
a mere amusement, it is a necessary adjunct, and is not
wholly useless considered as a matter connected with
the history of science. The commentator on the
"Century" may hope to render the biography of its
noble author interesting from another and most import
ant point of view, which would be wholly lost by its
omission, or by treating it as secondary or unimportant.
The " Century" is the exponent of the man ; the
author without his pocket-journal of his life-long
labours is reduced to a nonentity, with nothing higher
left to him to boast of than his descent from royal
blood, the unimpeachable character of his noble line
of ancestry, and his own spotless rectitude of character
— an amiable, unintellectual man !

The " Century," the only work he is known to have
left to posterity, sorely perplexed the fastidious Horace
Walpole, was too much of a mechanical production for
the astute David Hume, and has thoroughly bewildered
the legal acumen of Mr. Muirhead, the biographer of
James Watt. It has challenged the skill of critics of
every degree, from contributors to the Gentleman's
Magazine to those of the Harleian Miscellany, and even
in all sketches of the history of the steam-engine, perco
lating thence through biographies, and popular accounts
of Raglan Castle, to the latest and best illustrated works
on our castles and abbeys. So many writers, so many
minds, whose judgments in a collected form, would afford

I

x PREFACE.

a very discordant and uninviting miscellany, a sad
satire on the material and style of a certain class of cri
ticism, too much encouraged in our current literature.
It is painful to observe its constant want of sympathy
with the pains and penalties which unhappily are the
too frequent lot of lofty, original, inventive genius.
The case might fairly i>e paralleled by supposing
Voltaire and others to have successfully established
a clique against Shakespeare, to misrepresent and
malign the great dramatist up to the present time;
when, suddenly should appear, the^rs^ work, to settle
his literary claims ! Of course it is declared impossible ;
and so it is, with a literary work; but it is not so with
Inventions. The fame of the Marquis of Worcester
rests less on his book than on his Water-commanding
Engine. The book we see and read, but probably not
one man in ten thousand knows anything about the
Engine. Here is the weak point when the tide turns
against the Inventor, against the man, a man politically
and religiously proscribed. A great man for his Engine
but hated by those politicians who side with the Stuart
dynasty, for his luckless association with Charles the
First. And misunderstood by the dilettanti Walpole, a
connoisseur in paintings and works of vertu, but in
matters of science more ignorant of the Marquis of
Worcester's worth, than Voltaire was of Shakespeare's
genius. But we regret there is a third conspicuous
offender in the field, and as he is the latest, so we hope
he is the last of the clan of vituperative critics.

Our largely gifted historian, Lord Macaulay, never
wrote such feeble lines as those in which he attempted
to depict the Marquis of Worcester ; but the historian
is a tower of strength, and his words may here be
quoted without a fear of our object being either mis
taken, or open to misrepresentation. Depreciation is not

PREFACE. xi

our object, and nothing could be a greater folly than to
attempt it on such ground ; we give them in evidence, to
prove how little really is known, even in well-informed
circles, respecting this extraordinary inventor, when so
brilliant a writer as Macaulay could be at fault, from
no other cause than defective information. Speaking
of Charles the Second's reign, he says : — " The Marquess
of Worcester had recently [?] observed the expansive
power of moisture rarified by heat. After many experi
ments he had succeeded in constructing a rude steam
engine, [?] which he called a fire water-work, and which
he pronounced to be an admirable and most forcible
instrument of propulsion. [?] But the Marquess was
suspected to be a madman [?] and known to be a Papist.
His inventions, therefore, found no favourable recep
tion. [?] His fire water-work might, perhaps, furnish
matter for conversation at a meeting of the Eoyal
Society, [?] but was not applied to any practical pur
pose. [?]" These few lines suggest seven inquiries, but
we are satisfied Macaulay could never have written thus
upon the life of any great man of that period, much less
on this illustrious inventor, had the proper materials been
at command. This example is valuable, in as much as
it is well known that Lord Macaulay was master of
much curious reading, particularly of the class refer
ring to that interesting period of our country's history,
and also that he possessed a remarkably retentive me
mory. But he was here dealing with a shattered monu
ment ; its goodly form wholly gone, and its fragments
scattered in every direction ; here ground to dust, there
altogether buried, and so disfigured and dishonoured that
he made the most he could of the faint traces within his
immediate reach, and unquestionably felt satisfied that,
considering the limit of these few lines, he had boldly,
graphically, and truthfully pourtrayed the character

12

xii PREFACE.

he had designed to delineate. How infinitely superior
to this rough draught would have been the sketch, had
Macaulay possessed proper documentary evidence. A
more striking or satisfactory instance than is here
adduced could not be presented for showing the paucity
of information hitherto existing in a collected form ;
and those readers who might otherwise have doubted
the fact, will readily gather from what is here brought
forward, that the story of this singular man's life has
hitherto remained untold.

The life of the Marquis of Worcester affords a tissue
of the most violent contrasts, romantic in many inci
dents, exceeding any that have ever been experienced
by any other descendant of our ancient nobility. He was
a man of rigid honour and probity, remarkable too for
his modesty, virtue, and genius, in an age distinguished
for few excellencies, and notorious for many vices. He
was the favourite of his Sovereign, although in but
little favour at Court, and the very esteem which
raises most men was his certain ruin 5 obliged to flee
his country, he returned only to be imprisoned ; and on
his release, was allowed £156 per annum out of his
own princely but confiscated estates ! As the subject
of Charles the Second, he received back his demolished
castle, without the means to re-establish himself; and,
steeped in debt, he sought royal patronage in vain,
although his genius was perhaps of greater value to
the state, than all the revenues of the Crown ! Neglected
by contemporaries, his memory has been preserved
rather traditionally than by any literary effort (beyond
fitful glimpses of doubtful praise), to raise a monu
ment to the indisputable inventor of the Steam Engine
— that greatest source of our country's commercial and
manufacturing greatness ; and universal, moral and in
tellectual progress. Lord Macaulay has tersely and justly

PREFACE. xiii

remarked that: — "The chief cause which made the
fusion of the different elements of society (in the 17th cen
tury) so imperfect, was the extreme difficulty which our
ancestors found in passing from place to place. Of all
inventions, the alphabet and the printing press alone
excepted, those inventions which abridge distance have
done most for the civilization of our species/' He then
adds, speaking of steam, that it has — "in our day,
produced an unprecedented revolution in human affairs,
which has enabled navies to advance in the face of
wind and tide, and battalions, attended by all their
baggage and artillery, to traverse kingdoms at a pace
equal to that of the fleetest race-horse."

The general reader will be very likely to overlook
one important fact, a golden hinge on which more rests
than at first appears in the following narrative ; and,
therefore, a word of remark may not be altogether
thrown away, in calling attention to the circumstance.
There are very many persons, most intelligent and well
informed on other matters, who have yet to learn that
all invention is progressive in a regular series. There
may be a long series of elementary principles developed
without the occurrence of a single practical result,
practical as regards any useful application to supply
man's wants. Then may arise a series combining these
elements, so to speak, and for the first time producing
a new instrument, machine, or engine. When a new
machine is produced, we do not say, Why it only con
sists of a number of wheels and cylinders, therefore,
surely there is nothing new in it ! All the parts may
be old, and yet the combination be quite new. To
analyse an invention into its several parts, would be equi
valent to finding that a poem was only composed of
the letters of the alphabet, or the words in a dictionary.
But there is another point of view not lightly to be passed

xiv PREFACE.

over. Take this instance of the steam engine. We find a
talented Scotch writer wondering that Englishmen take
the trouble to claim the invention of the steam engine
for the Marquis of Worcester, because of the " doubt
fulness" existing respecting it, at the same time that he
accompanies this statement with a large amount of
evidence, but evidence which he does not fully admit.
He thus places himself very much in the position of a
philosopher, who should adopt as his theory some
peculiar notion to the effect that the letter A, or the
numeral 1, could be dispensed with, in consequence of
some " doubtfulness existing" in respect to its value ;
and that, indeed, to retain either any longer would only
be evidence of a " little national rivalry." Although
this may appear too absurd in this light, something
very similar has been proposed as a kind of compromise
in the contest between England and France, the " little
national rivalry" between which countries might be
settled, would Englishmen but give up all further
advocacy of the Marquis of Worcester's claim. This is
not the reason given, but it is the happy result which
would follow ; and it is urged against the invention,
that there is so much " doubtfulness existing" about it,
that it is a wonder any one takes further trouble in the
matter. So far as we can see, its value is A, or 1, it
is the first of a series, it is the golden hinge, or link, on
which all hangs; take this away, and we sever the
head from the main body. Will any one in future be
found to take up and maintain so foolish a line of argu
ment ? The Marquis of Worcester was unquestionably
the Inventor of the Steam Engine in the first of its
three stages, as a fire engine. Previous to the Marquis
of Worcester, all that had been done, was solely in the
series developing a principle, a mere idea, but still no
invention, in the proper sense of such a term, as applied

PREFACE. xv

to works of practical utility. All other early efforts
were purely elementary or experimental.

Let us take an illustration from another branch of
science. It is not unreasonable to suppose that Elec
tricity, using the term in its most extended sense, will
some day or other supersede steam. We probably only
require to be able to collect it cheaply and to control
it effectually, to employ the artillery of heaven on the
wide ocean, on our network of iron rails, and through
out all our manufacturing establishments. A, we will
suppose, invents the first efficient Electric Engine, which
with fifty horse power is fully at work ; and in the
course of a few years we sit down to write the history
of this engine invented by A. Where shall we start
in our history ? Did not Faraday years ago produce an
electro-magnetic engine ; then of course Faraday in
vented A.'s engine ! But we need not stop here ; we
have the whole history of electricity before us. There
is no end of machines and engines ; and a patent speci
fication may come to light, the nearest possible thing
to A. But we have not done yet, we have to consider
France, &c., where we may find some more elemen
tary electrical models before Faraday, and then of
course before A. So that, on this system, as hitherto
adopted, in attempting to settle a claim for De Caus,
and depreciating the claim of the Marquis of Worcester,
we may venture to predict an analogous fate for the
Electric Engine, hereafter to be invented by some
inventor, A. Here we must plainly see that all that
has hitherto been invented in this electrical line, does
not go beyond model or elementary apparatus, and that
however nearly some of these may approach any plan
hereafter to be invented, it would be ridiculous and
highly reprehensible to set up claims based on no prac
tical value, and only colourably similar in some single
particular, but otherwise of no greater concern than as

xvi PREFACE.

amusing or illustrative scientific toys. De Caus' foun
tain was one of these pleasing toys, and De Caus
himself could never have thought otherwise of it, taking
his own large book and his own few lines of descrip
tion ; although it served the purpose of M. Arago to
assume for it a pre-eminence over the Marquis of Wor
cester's invention, merely because the latter came half a
century later.

The author is not aware of any portion of his work
that is open to controversy, unless it be that relating to
a second visit to Ireland, asserted to have been made
by the Earl of Glamorgan. However, should it be
contended, or proved, that his negotiations refer to a
single visit there, the circumstance would not affect
the main story. The author has, however, had one
essential difficulty to deal with, arising from the
quantity of correspondence and documentary evidence,
which, under the circumstances, he was obliged to
introduce, thus materially affecting the text. It cer
tainly was open to him to throw the greater part into
the Appendix, but with considerable drawbacks to all
readers really interested in such a work. The course
adopted has been to introduce documents, of whatever
kind, in their order of date, and to modernise the ortho
graphy (and that alone) to render them generally readable.
The few pieces admitted in their original style will
satisfy any one how thoroughly unreadable the work
would have become, if largely occupied with such ortho
graphy. The prayer (for example) is a strict copy of
the original, which appears to be in the handwriting of
the Marchioness, with several interlinear corrections
made by the Marquis himself, which certify to its
genuineness.* Every document is given with its own

* I am happy in being able to afford this testimony, were it only to dissipate the
inucndocs of Mr. Muirhead.

PREFACE. xvii

date, and no deviations occur beyond the modern spell
ing of words. The " Century," however, being printed
matter, has been re-produced verbatim, with scrupulous
accuracy.

The general reader will find that the really scientific
portion of this memoir, is restricted to the u Century,"
which has relieved the biographical portion of much
technical detail : no more reference to inventions oc
curring therein than appeared absolutely necessary to
preserve uniformity in the narrative.

It was very desirable in such a work as the present
to steer clear of a controversial strain, whether in
reference to the past or the present. This has been
effected in a great measure, as regards the numerous
detractors that might be cited, who have given false
views, both of the personal character of the Marquis,
and the merit of some or most of his inventions, until
we find the admiring biographer of the celebrated James
Watt, as if blinded by too much light, speaking of the
Marquis in the most disparaging terms. And lastly, it
was impossible to escape recurring to the charge against
Savery ; the dates and facts, now for the first time sup
plied, going far to strengthen the belief, that the engine
reputed to be Savery 's, is identical with that invented
by the Marquis of Worcester.

The materials of the present work are principally
derived from original sources with respect to Manu
scripts ; and from the highest published authorities. All
printed materials are scrupulously acknowledged in two
catalogues, one historical and literary, the other wholly
scientific. Through the kindness and liberality of His
Grace the Duke of Beaufort, the entire collection of
Manuscripts in his Grace's possession, relative to the
Marquis of Worcester, are here given at large. While
at Raglan, on visiting Troy, Osmond A. Wyatt, Esq.,

xviii PREFACE.

was especially obliging in affording information ; as well
as John Cuxson, Esq., of Eaglaii ; and at Badminton,
John Thompson, Esq., materially assisted in procuring
the required manuscripts, and affording facilities for
copying them, for which kindly aid the author can but
insufficiently here express his obligations. The author
is likewise greatly indebted generally to the rich stores
of the British Museum, and the obliging attentions of
its principal officers ; to the State Paper Office, where
he was especially assisted through the kindness of Mrs.
M. A. E. Green, with the uncalendered papers given at
pages 249, 270, 286, and 287, and to John Bruce, Esq.
Also to the excellent Libraries of the Royal Society ;
the London Institution ; and the particularly valuable
scientific collection of the Patent Office. At Oxford,
the privilege of consulting works and manuscripts at
the Bodleian Library, was freely granted, and every
facility afforded. The author would especially notice
among other contributions of information, the able
assistance of Bennet Woodcroft, Esq., F.R.S., &c. To
the Eev. John Webb, of Hay, he is particularly in
debted for the papers at pages 64, 88, and 142, to which
that gentleman directed his attention, and which he
might otherwise have overlooked. He has also received
assistance from the collections of Robert Cole, Esq., and
of the late Dawson Turner, Esq., which are noted where
they occur. When inquiring for the autograph of
" Glamorgan," every possible effort to trace it, although
unavailing, was kindly employed by the Librarian of
St. Cuthbert's College, Durham, and by the Rev. Dr.
Grant, the Roman Catholic Bishop of Southwark.

During the author's visit to Dublin, Sir Bernard
Burke, Ulster King at Arms, very obligingly searched
for any documents referring to the Earl of Glamorgan,
that might be in Dublin Castle, but without success ;

PREFACE. xix

and the author is also much indebted for general
information most courteously given by the Eev. Dr.
Todd, of Trinity College, Dr. E. G. Travers, Marsh's
Library, and the Kev. C. P. Meehan; and likewise,
through correspondence, by the Eev. James Graves, of
Stonyford.

It now only remains for the author to say, that in
the event of any of our nobility or gentry, or other
collectors, possessing any manuscript whatever, even
although only a copy of matter here produced, he would
esteem it a very particular favour to be informed of it
(through his publisher), and to be permitted to examine
any record, bearing either directly or indirectly on this
subject.

H.D.

CONTENTS.

DEDICATION Page iii

PEEFACE vii-xxi

1599—1628.
CHAP. 1. — Marriage of Henry Somerset, Lord Herbert of .Raglan 1—9

1601—1639.

CHAP. II.— Birth, home, education, early career, times, and first mar
riage of Edward Somerset, Lord Herbert . • 10—29

1639—1642.
CHAP. III.— Edward, Lord Herbert's second marriage . 30—36

1641—1642.

CHAP. IV. — Henry, Earl of Worcester — created Marquis of Wor
cester— Eaglan Castle • 37—54

1642—1644.
CHAP. V.— -Lord Herbert in his military capacity . 55—68

1644—1645.

CHAP VI.— Lord Herbert created Earl of Glamorgan — Irish affairs

69—94

1640—1645.
CHAP. VII.— Eaglan Castle— Royal visits . . 95—111

1645—1646.

CHAP VIII.— The Earl of Glamorgan's second visit to Ireland

112—139

1646—1647.

CHAP. IX. -Eaglan Castle; its defence and surrender — Death of
Henry, Marquis of Worcester

1645—1647.

CHAP X —The Earl of Glamorgan's transactions in Ireland, concluded

157—185

xxii CONTENTS.

1646—1650.

CHAP. XI. — The Marquis of Worcester in ex,ile ; resides in France

Page 186—191

1643—1659.

CHAP. XII. — Affairs affecting the Marquis of Worcester's family,
in respect to Worcester House and other property in and near Lon
don ... i . 192—200

1651.

CHAP. XIII. — The Marquis of Worcester's son, and two daughters

201—208

1651—1661.

CHAP. XIV. — His return to England — Imprisonment, and liberation
— his " Century" — pecuniary difficulties — petitions — at Charles the
Second's Coronation— Lord Herbert . . . 209—233

1660—1662.

CHAP. XV. — His prospects at the period of the Restoration — Pro
ceedings in Parliament respecting the Patent to create him Duke of
Somerset— Estates restored, &c. — Parliamentary duties . 234—246

1660—1664.

CHAP. XVI.— His Inventions— further Petitions— publication of his
" Century" — Charles II. visits Lord Herbert at Badminton— Wor
cester House, Strand . .. . . . 247 261

1664-1670.

CHAP. XVII.— His operations at Vauxhall— Petitions and decease—
Caspar Kaltoff and family— M. Sorbiere— Cosmo, Grand Duke of
Tuscany — The Dowager Marchioness of Worcester . 262 308

CHAP. XVIII.— A brief retrospect of the Marquis of Worcester's
Genealogy, and his private, political, and philosophical character;
including his own statement of expenditure during the Civil War

309-342

xxiii

LIST OF ENGRAVINGS.

From Drawings and Sketches made, and Ciphers and Autographs traced,
by the author.

The steel engraved Portraits executed by Mr. J. Cochran, and the Wood En
gravings by Mr. Stevens, and Mr. J. H. Rimbault ; and Coats of Arms by Mr.
Layton.

STEEL ENGRAVINGS.

A Family Group, being Portraits of the MARQUIS OF WORCESTER, with Margaret
his second wife, and their infant daughter Mary. From a painting by Hanne-
man. (See pages 30, 31.) To FACE TITLE PAGE.

Portrait of ELIZABETH LADY HERBERT, first wife of Edward Lord Herbert, after
wards Marquis of Worcester. From a painting by Vandyke PAGE 16.

WOOD ENGRAVINGS.

Armorial bearings of His Grace the
Duke of Beaufort . . iii

Plan of the Castle and Citadel of
Raglan, Monmouthshire . xxiv

Baynard's Castle, from Newcourt's
ancient Map of London, 1658 . 1

Worcester House, 1658 . . 8

H. Herbert (autograph) Hemy, 1st
Marquis of Worcester . .10

E. Worcester (autograph) Edward
4th Earl of Worcester . 12

Water-works side of the Citadel
Raglan Castle . . 20

Distant view of Raglan Castle 49

Ed. L. Herbert (autograph) after
wards 2nd Marquis of Worcester 77

The Earl of Glamorgan's writing
in the address of a Cipher letter 179

The letter written in his Cipher.
[See also page 553.] . . 180

The Tower, Map of London, 1658. 211

Worcester [autograph, 1665-6, of
the Author of the " Century"] 283

St. Cadocus, Raglan Church " .296

— // — east end and plan . .297

Arms of the Marquis of Worcester,
and his two wives . . 298

C. Somerset (autograph) Charles
Somerset, 1 st Earl of Worcester 309

One line of the Marquis of Wor
cester's cipher writing . . 333

PAGE.

Portrait of Edward Lord Herbert,
afterwards second Marquis of
Worcester, from a painting by
Vandyke, in the possession of his
Grace, the Duke of Beaufort . 377
A Cipher Seal . . .389

A one line Cipher . . 392

The Marquis's Cipher . .398

Ancient Paddle Boat . . 408

A Balance Water- work . .417

A Bucket-fountain . .418

A double-drawing Engine . 424

A to and fro Lever . .426

A most easy level Draught . 427

Tobacco-tongs . . .446

A weighted wheel . . 454

A water-flowing and ebbing motion 457
A musketeer, 1643 . .465

De Caus' Fountain . .477

A forcer .... 483
Savery's Engine, 1699 . . 485

Engine to raise weights . . 532

Porta's steam apparatus . .541

A blowing ./Eolipile . .542

A steam blow-pipe . . 543

A fire-blowing ^Eolipile . .543

A weather glass . . . 546

The Marquis of Worcester's Engine 551
—his Cipher Alphabet . . 553

Construction of a water-screw . 554
Christopher Copley(autograph) . 570

KEFEEENCES TO THE PLAN OP THE CASTLE AND
CITADEL OF BAOLAN, MONMOUTHSHIRE.

*#* All other portions are named on the plan.

37. The Buttery.

38. The Minstrels' gallery was probably

raised here.

39. Porch leading to —

40. The great Banqueting hall.

41. Spacious fire place, with centre
window high above.

42. The large, handsome, and well-pre

served bay-window, with a circular
opening or ventilator in the roof.

43. The recess.

44. The arms of the Beaufort Family,
carved in stone, are inserted cen
trally in the lofty wall on this side.

45. The Pantry.

46. Ruined entrance to the wine cellar.

47. End of the Picture Gallery, a narrow
upper apartment of great length,
extending over and beyond the
chapel.

48. Supposed to be the Bell tower.

49. The apartments above and below
here were the ladies' women's rooms.

50. A through passage.

51. High watch tower.

52. An ancient Arbor Vitaa grows in the

Fountain Court at this point.

53. Superior officers' quarters, on the

ground and upper floors.

54. Basin of the fountain.

THE CASTLE.

1. Outer portcullis; 1. A second port

cullis within the arched entrance.

2. Gateway.

3. The gate.

4. 4. Two barbican towers.

5. A guard room.

6. Parlour or ante-room.

7. Stair-cases; all marked 7.

8. The Closet or Library Tower.

9. 10. Sitting Room or Parlour, origi

nally wainscoted with oak, and over
which was the Marquis's Dining
room.

10. Large bay-window looking towards
the moat.

11. Broken porch.

12. Entrance from the courtyard to

the vaults.

13. 13. Broken entrance to cellars.

14. Remains of a staircase.

15. This part is vaulted.

16. Suite of family apartments.

1 7. Gateway to the Bowling-green.

18. Bridge.

19. Bowling-green.

20. 20. Cellars

21. Steps and door leading to —

22. Way to stable-yard.

23. One sipe of the outer wall of the
Paved Court, where the first breach
was made by the Parliamentary
forces, 1646.

24. Ruined tower.

25. The buildings formerly here com
pletely obliterated, having suffered
most during the siege.

26. The bakery and remains of its ovens.

27. Entrance to the Wet Larder.

28. An outside high level walk.

29. Low ground.

30. Pier wall.

31. Deep space.

32. The Kitchen Tower, remarkable for
its great strength, and remains of a
large fire-place.

33. A draw-well.

34. A long, narrow, vertical gap through

former windows and door. The
building probably had a corridor at
top.

35. Ruins of cellar or dry larder.

36. The uppermost window in this part
indicates the situation of the apart
ment occupied by Charles I.

THE CITADEL, OR KEEP,

called

THE MELIN-Y-GWENT, OR YELLOW
TOWER OP GWENT.

A. There was probably a drawbridge

here.

B. B. Two broken bastions.

C. A temporary wooden bridgo.

D. Site of arched bridge to the Keep.

E. The Water-works side of the Keep,

presenting large grooves cut into
the stone work, probably to insert
metal pipes, &c.

F. Stone stair-case to the top, in good

preservation.

G. Outer entrance to F.

H. I. Ruins of the massy walls varying
from 4 to 10 feet high; the upper
portion destroyed in 1646, by order
of Parliament.

L. A well.

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LIFE

OF

THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.

CHAPTEE I.

MARRIAGE OF HENRY SOMERSET, LORD HERBERT
OF RAGLAN.

TOWARDS the close of the sixteenth century there
was a rumour afloat in London, among aristocratic
circles, respecting a marriage in high life. At that
time Blackfriars was as much the seat of fashion, as
St. James's at a later period ; and was conveniently
situated while Queen Elizabeth held her court at Green
wich.

A contemporary cor
respondent, writing in
the usual quaint style of
the day, states in a let
ter dated from Baynard's
Castle, the 23rd of No
vember, 1599 : — " I hear
that the Lord Herbert,
the Earl of Worcester's
son, shall marry Miss
Anne Eussell, and that
it is concluded upon."
This announcement re
lates to no less a person

B.un'8-BT.™WKuoMMAPO»LONDONf1658. tha11 ^ future Marquis

of Worcester, father of

2 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1600.

that Edward, Marquis of Worcester, whose life we shall
hereafter have to detail, and whose prowess was severely
tested by the evil times of his closing career ; it will be
interesting, at this early stage of that eminent noble
man's personal history, to follow this same correspondent
through his future gossiping epistles touching the pro
posed matrimonial alliance.

Writing to Sir Robert Sydney on the ensuing 22nd of
December, he acquaints him : — " This afternoon your
little daughter was christened by Edward, Earl of Wor
cester, the Lady Nottingham, and the Lady Buckhurst.
My Lord of Worcester sent his son, Henry Lord Her
bert, because he himself waited on the Queen, who rode
abroad to take the air. Among the presents were a
very fair bowl and a cover from the Earl."

After a lapse of nearly four months, we have again
news from Baynard's Castle, under date the 19th of
April, 1600, stating that — " The marriage between Lord
Herbert and Mrs. Anne Russell is concluded ; for my
Lady Russell was at court, to desire the Queen's leave,
which is obtained."

But on the 16th of May we are assured — "The mar
riage between Lord Herbert and Mrs. Anne Russell is at
a stay, till it please her Majesty to appoint a day.'7 And
further, that — " It will be honourably solemnized ; and
many take care to do her all the possible honour
they can devise. The feast," it is added, " will be in
Blackfriars, my Lady Russell making exceeding pre
parations for it."

Her Majesty appears to have been somewhat deficient
in considering either the distraction she was occasioning
the lovers, or the disarranged domestic economy of the
several attendants, for another month is allowed to glide
gloomily away, only to find on the 24th of May that—
u My Lord of Bedford is come to town, and his lady to

1600.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.

honour the^narriage of Mrs. Anne Russell ; but the day
is not yet appointed by her Majesty, which troubles
many of her friends, that stay in town to do her service."

Some weeks more pass on, when at length we learn
from Greenwich, under date the 14th of June: — "Her
Majesty is in very good health, and purposes to honour
Mrs. Anne Russell's marriage with her presence. It is
thought she will stay there (at Blackfriars), Monday
and Tuesday. My Lord Cobham prepares his house
for her Majesty to lie in, because it is near the Bride-
house. There is to be a memorable masque of eight
ladies ; they have a strange dance newly invented ;
their attire is this : Each hath a skirt of cloth of silver,
a rich waistcoat wrought with silks, and gold and silver,
a mantle of carnation taffeta cast under the arm ; and
their hair loose about their shoulders, curiously knotted
and interlaced. These are the masquers. My Lady
Doritye, Mrs. Fitton, Mrs. Carey, Mrs. Onslow, Mrs.
Southwell, Mrs. Bess Russell, Mrs. Darcy, and my Lady
Blanch Somersett. These eight dance to the music
Apollo brings ; and there is a fine speech that makes
mention of a ninth, much to her honour and praise.
The preparation for this feast is sumptuous and great ;
but it is feared, that the house in Blackfriars will be
little for such a company. The marriage is upon Mon
day."

Accordingly on Monday the 16th of June, 1600, her
most gracious Majesty Queen Elizabeth, arrived at
Blackfriars in all possible state to grace the marriage
of the Lord Herbert and his wife. The Bride (the
same gossiping authority states) met the Queen at the
waterside, where my Lord Cobham had provided a
Lectica, [used similar to a sedan chair] made like half
a litter, whereon she was carried to my Lady Russell's
by six knights. Her Majesty dined there, and at night,

4 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1600.

went through Dr. Pudding's house (who gave the Queen
a fan), to my Lord Cobham's, where she supped. After
supper the masque came in ; and delicate it was to see
eight ladies so prettily and richly attired. Mrs. Fitton
led, and after they had done all their own ceremonies,
then eight lady masquers chose eight ladies more to
dance the measures.

Mrs. Fitton went to the Queen, and wooed her to
dance.

Her Majesty asked her what she was.

" Affection," she said.

" Affection!" said the Queen; " Affection is false."

Yet her Majesty rose and danced. So did my Lady
Marquis (of Winchester).

The Bride was led to the Church by the Lord Her
bert of Cardiffe, and my Lord Cobham ; and from the
Church by the Earls of Eutland and Cumberland.

The gifts given that day were valued at one thou
sand pounds, in plate and jewels, at least.

The entertainment was great and plentiful, and my
Lady Eussell much commended for it.

Her Majesty, upon Tuesday (following) came back
again to the Court. But the solemnities continued till
Wednesday night. " And now the Lord Herbert, and
his fair lady are at Court," (writes this pleasant corres
pondent on the 23rd of the same month.)28

The bride's portion, as a younger daughter, was said
to be about two thousand pounds in money ; one hun
dred and fifty pounds a year in land ; and a reversion
of one thousand marks.106

Thus was celebrated the marriage of Henry the
young Lord Herbert, son of Edward, fourth Earl of
Worcester, then Master of the Horse, who was emi
nently distinguished alike for his noble and ancient

28 Collins. IOG Wiffiu, v. ii. p. 56.

1600.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 5

lineage and courtly attainments. Greatly was his
son's marriage honoured, not only by the presence of
royalty in the person of a queen of Elizabeth's high-
toned feelings and sentiments, but, if possible, more so
by her condescending to participate in the dance on
that festive occasion.

The particulars afforded by this domestic incident
take us far back to a most interesting period in our
country's history. The great Queen's reign was then
within three years of its close. The Pope had pub
lished his bulls to exclude King James from the throne
of England. On the 19th of November following, was
born at Dunfermline in Scotland, Prince Charles, whose
future reign was destined materially to affect the family
and fortunes of the Somersets, Earls of Worcester.

The social habits of the aristocracy, as here briefly
pourtrayed, evince a peculiarly primitive character.
Three days' feasting shows a singular lustihood of
enjoyment in the revels attaching to such occasions of
festivity. But, notwithstanding we are treating of the
most elevated society, in the most flourishing period of
the Augustan Age of our Literature, as it has been not
inappropriately styled, a comparative grossness of habit
prevailed, occasioning a particular relish for such
carousals, during the period that viands and wine were
served without stint or stay.

Many of the modern common luxuries of the table
were then unknown ; asparagus, artichokes, cauliflowers,
and other edibles were not introduced 5 while the finest
clothing was costly, being of foreign manufacture. Con
siderations like these should check the forming of
hasty judgments in reference to the manners and customs
of olden times.

The lady whom Henry Lord Herbert had thus es
poused was Anne, sole daughter and heir of John Lord

6 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1600-1613.

Russell, eldest son of Francis Russell, Earl of Bedford.
She bore him nine sons, of whom Edward was the
eldest son and heir, and four daughters, making in all
a family of thirteen children.

Sir John Somerset, the second son, married Mary,
daughter of Thomas Arundel, Lord Arundel of War-
dour ; and, as will appear in the sequel, he resided at
Troy House, near Monmouth.

The fifth son, Thomas Somerset, lived at Rome, 1676 ;
and his brother Charles was governor of Raglan
Castle in 1646, and afterwards died a Canon at Cam-
bray in Flanders.

Four other sons died in infancy ; and another, later
in life, died unmarried.

Kennet, the historian, records, in respect of one of
the daughters, that King James reprimanded the Earl,
her father, for his sending her to Brussels to be made a
nun,58 in 1620.

But it will be our chief business hereafter to treat
especially of the life and labours of the first-named son
of this nobleman ; only making such allusions to the
father, and relating such circumstances affecting him,
as serve to throw light on remote particulars of his
son's life.

Of the age of Henry Lord Herbert, at the time of
his marriage, we are afforded indirect evidence through
Wood, who, speaking of him and his elder brother
William (who died unmarried during his father's life
time) being at Magdalen College, Oxford, in 1591,
states the brothers to have been of the respective ages
of 15 and 14 ; so that Henry, being then only 14 years
of age, would have been born on or about the year
1577, and marrying in the year 1600, he would at
that time be in his 23rd year.

68 Keimet.

1603-1616.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER 7

His age has been very variously, and, as it appears,
vaguely stated; originating probably with hasty
printed statements during the Civil War, when no par
ticular purpose had to be served by accuracy on such a
matter. Wood certainly was not likely to be ten years
out of truth in recording the ages of youths. It is also
more likely that his Lordship in his circumstances, and
with his family, had married rather at 23 than at
33 years of age.

. We meet with no accounts of the births or baptisms
of his children, with the exception of his seventh son,
Frederick Somerset, who, according to the Parish
Registers of St. Dunstan's in the West,73 London, was
baptized on the 26th March, 1613, in the house of Lady
Morrison in the Friars, she being related through the
Russells to Anne Lady Herbert.

James I. was proclaimed on the 24th of March,
1603. The same month Lord Herbert was sum
moned to Parliament, being then 26 years of age.
A great plague was at that time raging in the metro
polis, having destroyed 30,000 of the' population, ren
dering his residence in town very perilous.

His Lordship's father was, in 1604, invested with the
Order of the Garter, and on resigning his office of
Master of the Horse, on the 1st of January, 1616,
having retained it fifteen years, he was, on the 2nd of
the same month, made Keeper of the Privy Seal.

In a literary and scientific point of view, this was a
period of great historical interest. In December, 1608,
Milton wras born*, while in April, 1616, Shakspere
died. In 1611 the new translation of the Bible was
published. Lord Napier, in Scotland, invented his
system of logarithms ; the great Harvey was propound
ing his discovery respecting the circulation of the

73 J. B. Nichols, vol. vi. p. 371.

LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1616-1628.

blood; and Sir Hugh Myddleton had completed his
great undertaking of forming the New Eiver. Such
are a few among the prominent facts that mark the
intelligence and enterprise of those times.

It is possible that Henry Lord Herbert's parliamen
tary duties, his attendance at court,
with other circumstances, might
occasion prolonged residence at
Worcester House, in the Strand,
the ancient family town mansion,
a locality which was occupied by
many noble families above two
centuries ago. Nothing transpires
to indicate his presence at Eaglan
Castle at that period.

On the 24th of August, 1621,
died Elizabeth, daughter of Francis
Hastings, Earl of Huntingdon;
and on the 3rd of March, 1627, in
the 79th year of his age, Edward,
fourth Earl of Worcester, the
honoured parents of Henry Lord
Herbert, who succeeded to his father's dignities and
fortune. Their decease happened at their town resi
dence, whence each was conveyed with great funeral
solemnity to Eaglan, where, being interred in the family
vault of Eaglan Church, suitable monuments were
raised to their memory.

Of Henry, now fifth Earl of Worcester, we have less
intelligence as resident in London than as retired to
his magnificent Castle of Eaglan, in Monmouthshire.
On the 13th of March, 1628, he obtained dispensation
to be absent from Parliament,* which appears to have

BIRD'S-EYE VIEW FROM MAP
OP LONDON, 1658.

* Calendar of State Papers. Domestic Series. Charles I. 1628-1629. Edited
by John Bruce. Esq. 8vo. 1859.

1628.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 9

been the commencement of his decreased attention to
public business.

He had then been married twenty-eight years, being
in the fifty -first year of his age. Of his numerous
family he lost five sons and three daughters. Edward,
his first born and heir was probably about twenty-six
years old; Sir John Somerset, his second son, most
likely occupied Troy House, a few miles off, while his
next surviving and sixth son, Charles Somerset, he
installed as Governor of his Castle.

The noble Earl, inclined to a plethoric constitution,
had not uniform good health, being subject to gout,
yet was he of a joyous, hearty, kind, benevolent dis
position. He was too a man of some learning, with
out being distinguished for its application, otherwise
than in some verbal polemical discussions attributed to
him by Dr. Bayly, the last chaplain in his service, who
has preserved many of his witty apophthegms, pre
senting us with indications of his religious and political
sentiments.

Although our interest in this memoir concerns us
less in reference to the father, than to be informed
respecting his son, yet the intelligent reader cannot
fail to discover, that Edward, now Lord Herbert, during
the early years of his life, was necessarily so intimately
associated with all matters of domestic history, affect
ing the large family then resident at Eaglan Castle,
that such relations as can be gathered respecting its
several branches at that early period, are invested with
a degree of interest which they might not under other
circumstances possess.

10 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS | 1GU1-IGU9.

CHAPTEK II.

BIETH, HOME, EDUCATION, EARLY CAREER, TIMES, AND FIRST
MARRIAGE OF EDWARD SOMERSET, LORD HERBERT.

As already related, Henry,* fifth Earl of Worcester,
married in June, 1600, while yet attached to the Court
of Queen Elizabeth, and, therefore, most likely he was
resident at Worcester House, in the Strand, a building
of some importance from its magnitude and position, as
well as from the princely character of the noble pos
sessor of the property.

There, it is reasonable to conclude, was born Edward
Somerset early in 1601, the son and heir whose event
ful history will hereafter mainly occupy our attention,
first as Lord Herbert, afterwards as the Earl of Gla
morgan, and lastly, on succeeding to his father's titles,
as Earl and Marquis of Worcester.

The birth of this Lord Herbert has never before
been attempted to be ascertained, wherefore the pre
sent assumed date requires confirmation. On the 14th
of July, 1609, when he would thus probably be
only eight years of age, we find him associated with
his grandfather and father in a lease of lands in the
manor of Wondy, Monmouth, and of the fishing, or
river of Usk and Carlion, for their lives.")"

His preceptor at Eaglan Castle was Mr. Adams ; but
he does not appear, like his father, to have been at any
college in England; as, however, he travelled much

* The annexed specimen of his
Lordship's autograph, during his
father's lifetime, is from a MS. cer
tificate in the British Museum
dated 21st May, 1604.

t Calendar of State Papers, Do
mestic, 1603-1610. Edited by Mrs. M. A. E. Green. 8vo. 1857, page 529.

1609-1627.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 11

on the Continent at an early period of Ms life, it is
possible lie also finished his education at some foreign
university. In a communication of singular interest,
written late in life, hereafter given in full, he specially
observes : — " Amongst Almighty God's infinite mercies
to me in this world, I account it one of the greatest
that his divine goodness vouchsafed me parents as
well careful as able to give me virtuous education,
and extraordinary breeding at home and abroad, in
Germany, France, and Italy, allowing me abundantly
in those parts." This summary is sufficiently explicit
as regards the circuit of his travels, and the easy,
agreeable circumstances under which it was per
formed, but still leaves it open to doubt whether he had
completed his educational course before entering on his
continental tour. Wood expressly states, in reference
to Lord Herbert's father, that after he had been two or
three years at college he was sent to travel in France,
Italy, &c., where he presumes he changed his religion
for that of Eome.109

During the reign of James I., and while his grand
father was Keeper of the Privy Seal, no mention occurs
of Lord Herbert enjoying any favour at Court, his
courtier life commencing only in that of Charles I.,
according to allusions made in the document before
noticed. On the accession of the latter monarch to the
throne, Lord Herbert might be 24 years of age. In
alluding to his u education and breeding," coupled with
his travels, he adds : " And since most plentifully at my
master of most happy memory, the late King's Court;"
making it almost conclusive that his education was
considered as completed shortly prior to the King's
decease, in 1625.

In 1627 his grandfather was at Worcester House,

109 An. a Wood. Vol. 3, pp. 199—204.

12 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1627.

whence lie wrote to the Earl of Huntingdon on the
llth of June, informing him of his illness and inability
to leave his bedchamber.*

The first year of the reign of Charles I. was an auspi
cious one, therefore, for the young Lord Herbert. His
father, a stalwart, hale man, was in the prime of life,
only 48 years of age, lord of one of the finest castles in
the kingdom, whether considered for the beauty, strength
and importance of its structure and its commanding
situation, or the extent of its parks, pastures, plantations,
and forests ; it was a luxurious place well stored with
paintings, furniture, and plate, while it was surrounded
with every embellishment of fountains, fishponds, sta
tuary, and gardens that art or wealth could command.
Lord Herbert himself was rich in acquired knowledge,
and in whatever way his natural genius then displayed
itself, such a mind as he possessed must have afforded
many evidences of latent talent. One important part
of a young nobleman's education in Elizabeth's time,
and later, was that of horsemanship, particularly in the
tilt-yard, a kind of adjunct to noble residences, sup
posed by many to have existed even at Raglan Castle,
but such an opinion is not even authorised by any
tradition. Some interest he might take in tournaments,
but we easily suspect without aiming at, or succeeding
in that skill in manoeuvres so requisite in the fierce and
fiery jousts appertaining to such knightly contests,
equipped in heavy armour, wielding a ponderous lance,
and mimicking all the maddest encounters of the fellest
enemies. We doubt if his talent lay that way. His
grandfather's horsemanship has been greatly extolled

* Bodleian Library, " Carte Papers — Earl of
Huntingdon's Papers, Temp. Eliz. Car. II. 77.'
No 120. The annexed engraving is a facsimile
of his autograph to the letter in question.

1627.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 13

by all writers, in alluding to his character. In his
youth (it is said) he was remarkable for his athletic
acquirements, distinguishing himself by the manly
exercises of riding and tilting, in which he was perhaps
superior to any of his contemporaries. But we have no
reason to extol the grandson for like success in these
chivalric exercises.

We conceive he was otherwise disqualified, that he
was too light of weight and too short in stature. He
appears to have been of slender figure, and rather
under than above the middle standard in height. In
another point, indirectly perhaps affecting this same
matter, he did not possess that easy, boisterous speech
which armed assailants may often be called on to assume,
to strike terror into a foe, by throwing him off his guard.
He himself acknowledges, later in life, to this vocal
defect, when, in writing to Charles II. he admits that
he takes up the pen, as he says, — " To ease your Ma
jesty of a trouble incident to the prolixity of speech,
and a natural defect of utterance which I accuse myself
of." " The prolixity of speech" any one may imagine,
both from the letter in which this passage occurs, as
well as in the noble lord's general correspondence
throughout his life ; it seems to be a style in which the
close of each sentence, or its matter, suggests the next,
to be followed again in like manner, until the main
subject becomes so overlaid as to be lost in needless
verbose amplification. But he could and did write
tersely enough on occasion. No man could then better
display the admirable art of compressing large mean
ing into small compass. If eloquence in speaking
u troubled" him, eloquent writing assuredly cost him, it
would appear, vastly more trouble in the labour of the
pen. We suspect that concentration of thought was
natural to him, but its elaboration to produce that

14 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1627.

roundness of period assumed necessary for the style of
a courtly gentleman, confused and perplexed him. We
imagine the prosy writer, being conversationally sen
tentious ; perhaps painfully so to the ears of fashionable
society, delighting as it does in the trivialties of such
conversation as that which would principally charac
terise the Court of those days ; rendered perhaps only
the more irksome by his continuance in its fashionable
frivolities for three or more years.

A very fair specimen of the mechanical knowledge
of the period, when Lord Herbert was finishing his
education, is afforded in the work of Henry Peacham,
published in 1627, entitled " The Compleat Gentleman."
In his ninth chapter, treating of Geometry, he says :
u Out of Egypt, Thales brought it into Greece, where
it received that perfection we see it now hath. For by
means hereof are found out the forms and draughts of
all figures, greatness of all bodies, all manner of mea
sures and weights, the cunning working of all tools ;
with all artificial instruments whatsoever. All engines
of war, for many whereof (being antiquated) we have
no proper names 5 as, Exosters, Sambukes, Catapultes,
Testudos, Scorpions, &c. Petardes, Grenades, great
Ordinance of all sorts.

" By the benefit, likewise, of Geometry, we have our
goodly ships, gallies, bridges, mills, chariots and
coaches, (which were invented in Hungary, and there
called Cotzki), some with two wheels, some with more ;
pullies and cranes of all sorts. She (Geometry) also
with her ingenious hand rears all curious roofs and
arches, stately theatres, the columns simple and com
pounded, pendant galleries, stately windows, turrets,
&c. And first brought to light our clocks and curious
watches (unknown unto the ancients) • lastly, our kitchen
jacks, even the ivheel-barrow. Besides whatsoever hath

1627 ] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 15

artificial motion, either by air, water, wind, sinews or
cords, as all manner of musical instruments, water
works and the like.

u Yea, moreover, such is the infinite sub til ty, and
immense depth of this admirable art, that it dares con
tend even with nature's self, in infusing life, as it were,
into the senseless bodies of wood, stone, or metal.
Witness the wooden dove of Archytas, so famous not
only by Agellius, but many other authors beyond ex
ception; which by reason of weights equally poised
within the body, and a certain proportion of air (as the
spirit of life enclosed), flew cheerfully forth, as if it had
been a living dove."

This Cambridge Master of Arts appears much de
lighted with these and certain minute automata, occu
pying two pages in describing Scaliger's ship, to swim
and steer itself by means of the pith of rushes, bladder,
and little strings of sinews ; a wooden eagle " which
mounted up into the air, and flew before the Emperor
to the gates of Nuremberg ;" an iron fly that flew about
a table ; ants and other insects made of ivory, so small
that the "joints of their legs could not be discerned ;"
a four wheeled coach, which a fly could " cover with
her wings ;" a ship with all its sails, u which a little bee
could overspread;" and, " of later times, Hadrian Ju-
nius, tells us that he saw with great delight and admi
ration, at Mechlin, in Brabant, a cherry-stone cut in
the form of a basket, wherein were fifteen pair of dice
distinct, each with their spots and number, very easily
of a good eye to be discerned ;" how " the Ilias of Ho
mer written, was enclosed within a nut ;" while, to
conclude, Scaliger, relates " of a flea he saw with a
long chain of gold about its neck." The account of
these wonders of art, winds up with descriptions of
brazen, glass, and silver models, or planetariums illus-

ifi LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1627-1628.

trating the situations and motions of the heavenly
bodies.

From this serious discourse, by a grave scholar, and
contemporary, relating to the labours of the first mathe
maticians of a bygone as well as of the existing age, we
may form a valuable conception of the state of science,
in its popular character, when Edward, Lord Herbert,
entered upon his own course of practical philosophical
pursuits, affording the ground work of his Century of
Inventions, the accumulated digest of whatever he had
effected during the early, middle, and later years of his
life. Viewed from any other point than the period in
which he lived, the means of information around him,
and the comparatively limited extent of scientific know
ledge, the modern reader would form a serious miscon
ception of his singular abilities, his versatile mechanical
talent and the fecundity of his inventive ingenuity.
There can be little or no doubt but that he was well
versed in the mathematical knowledge of his times,
and that it principally contributed in aiding him to
obtain those mechanical results, to which we conse
quently find him restricting his attention.

Lord Bacon had died but the year before the publi
cation of Peacham's work. Alchemy still ruled and
had its adepts and votaries 5 and Ashmole made a large
collection of alchemical writings, for Chemistry was
but just faintly emerging from the mysticisms of its
precursor, Alchemy.

In the year 1628 Edward Somerset, Lord Herbert,
being then about 27 years of age, married Elizabeth,
daughter of Sir William Dormer, eldest son of Eobert
Lord Dormer of Weng, and .sister to Robert Earl of
Carnarvon.5 She became in 1629 the mother of Henry*

5 Atkyns.

* Henry, Duke of Beaufort, died in 1699, at 70 years of age, so that he must
have been born in 1629.

EOZABETHvXAJJY MEMBSIR

Died 31st May, 16 3 5

FIRST WIFE OF EDWARD SOMERSET. LORD HERBERT
AFTERWARDS SECOND MARQUIS OF WORCESTER

yj&ftfa ?£/&•',

S^<^

by B.J5Taa.ritch..Piccadilly. London ,1864

1628.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 17

Somerset (afterwards created first Duke of Beau
fort) ; and had besides two daughters, Anne, who
married Henry Frederick, third Earl of Arundel of the
Howards; and Elizabeth, who married William
Herbert, first Marquis of Powis.

No contemporary or other hand has recorded any
details of Lord Herbert's marriage, or even any
particulars of his early life ; in the absence of decisive
information, we can only surmise from stray facts
the possibility of his having withdrawn from the Court,
taken up his abode at Eaglan Castle, and there occu
pied himself in those scientific studies and pursuits
which were his special delight at that early period, and
which were indeed the solace even of his declining
years.

Judging from a statement that occurs in his writings,*
it is most likely that in 1628, soon after his marriage,
he engaged the services of u the unparalleled workman
both for trust and skill, CASPAR KALTOFF," of whom
we shall have occasion to speak more at length here
after, and who, he says, was " as in a school under me
employed;"! by which we understand that Kaltoff had
the practical management of those mechanical and other
inventions which, then commenced, became the prin
cipal study and employment of his Lordship's leisure
during the remainder of his life. He must have set up
a complete laboratory or workshop in which to operate
on the many varied ingenious contrivances and experi
ments, of only part of which he has left us a most
interesting catalogue raisonne.

The early genius of Lord Herbert would appear to
have exhibited itself in an attachment to mathema
tical studies, and a singular predilection, in a young
nobleman, for mechanical pursuits. He has himself

Dedication to the " Century."

18 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1628.

mentioned two instances which we consider may fairly
be referred to his earliest continental tour, accompanied
by his tutor. Speaking of a certain contrivance for a
fountain, he explicitly declares : — u This I confess, I
have seen and learned of the great mathematician
Claudius his studies at Rome, he having made a present
thereof unto a Cardinal." And when, alluding to a
peculiar kind of lever, he pointedly remarks : " This I
saw in the arsenal at Venice;"* thus showing how
early his mind was impressed with those studies which
became the distinguishing feature of his writings ;
and all the more surprising in him, considering his
birth, his times, and the originality and fruitfulness of
his inventive talent, which might have found ample
scope in some branch of literature, in agriculture, or
in military works.

His employment of a foreign mechanic was quite in
accordance with the spirit of the age. National and
private undertakings, as well as manufacturing and other
matters requiring engineering skill, were ordinarily
superintended by eminent Italian, Dutch, German,
French, Swiss, or other continental engineers.

During a period of seven years, from the time of his
marriage, his life appears to have borne an entirely
studious and domestic character, spent, most likely,
principally at Eaglan. To the ample leisure and quiet
thus afforded him we may attribute all his lesser inven
tions, such as the numerous schemes for effecting and
conveying secret correspondence, which in early and
troubled times were esteemed as highly useful ; some of
his automata, amusive toys, drawing and other instru
ments and mechanical devices. He appears to have
taken considerable interest in multiplying these compa
ratively minor inventions almost to exhaustion, as it

* " The Century," articles Nos. 21 and 26.

1628-1635.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER 19

were, of the several subjects to which they apply. So
fertile, indeed, was this inventive faculty in him, that
he himself has stated : " The more that you shall be
pleased to make use of my inventions, the more inven
tive shall you ever find me, one invention begetting
still another."*

Among his larger works we must rank his water-raising
engines, in which his earliest efforts are exhibited in
the water-works he erected in connection with the Cita
del or Keep of Raglan Castle ; which, as will be more
minutely explained in a future commentary, belongs
to this period. It probably depended for its operation
on the influence of heat from burning fuel acting on a
suitably constructed boiler containing water, and so
arranged as to be able to apply the expansive force of
steam to the driving of water through vertical pipes to
a considerable elevation, which in this instance is
supposed to have been limited to a large cistern on the
summit of the Citadel or Donjon, known as the Tower
of Gwent. This early work may, in fact, have been the
occasion of calling in the aid of Caspar Kaltoff • and once
thus employed, his after retention by such a master is
readily conceivable. But master, and man, and works
have all disappeared, and no printed, written, or drawn
record or model remains of the waterworks there set
up, to enable us to point distinctly to precise parti
culars of arrangement. All that the inquisitive and
ingenious investigator can find to reward his most
prying curiosity, are certain strange mysterious grooves
in the external wall of the Citadel, on one side facing
the moat and the castle, which point like a hieroglyphic
inscription to the precise place where once stood in
active operation the first practical application in a
primitive form of a means of employing steam as a
useful mechanical agent.

* The " Century," Dedication. O

20

LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1628-1G35.

1635.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 21

The annexed engraving represents a view of that
side of the Citadel which looks across the moat towards
the castle; that is, across the place where a bridge
once stood, and opposite the Fountain Court. Com
mencing from below we observe a gothic doorway,
which was the entrance to the draw and the permanent
bridges. Over the arched interior of this entrance is a
chamber or cell, measuring about seven feet by five feet,
and better than six feet high in the centre. On the out
side front of the cell are seen indications of two square
places ; and above them, one to each, two upright
channels or grooves, each one foot wide and the same
in depth. Adjoining is another groove but termina
ting at bottom in two lesser grooves of four inches and
a half in width, connected a little way up with the large
groove. This second portion has a distinct cell behind
it, less in dimensions than the first. From the summit
of the three large vertical channels to the ground
measures forty-six feet.

Now it would have been quite possible to work a
small steam boiler in each cell, and the pipes from
those boilers might have been enclosed in the grooves
described, entering inwards at top to discharge their
contents into a cistern on the Citadel roof. And the
boilers might have been conveniently supplied with
water from the moat either by hand pumps, or by
forming a vacuum for that purpose. It is here, how
ever, unnecessary to enter upon mechanical details, as
the subject will appear at large when describing his
matured Invention.

That inimitable portrait painter Vandyck, who was
born 1598-9, studied under Rubens, and was an especial
favourite with Charles the First, has undoubtedly left us
a faithful portraiture of the features of both his Lordship
and of Elizabeth his first wife ; the former dating pro-

22 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1635.

bably between 1621 and 1626, the latter between 1628
and 1635.

The portrait of Lady Herbert, three-quarter size, is to be
seen in the dining-room at Badminton House. It displays
an intellectual countenance of a serious, dignified and
most pleasing cast ; her dark auburn hair is combed close
from the forehead backwards, but so as still to leave a
fringe of small curls in front; her hair braided and
knotted behind is entwined with a string of pearls, while
a portion of her tresses from behind falls in abundant
ringlets about her neck and shoulders. She wears a
large plain pearl necklace ; with single pearl-drops as
ear-rings. Her dress is low-bodied, of white satin, with
the usual long tight stomacher, full short sleeves and
large white vandyked frills or cuffs ; on her arms, near
each elbow, are single strings of pearls, like bracelets.
Over her shoulders is thrown a light narrow fur tippet
with long ends terminating backwards in short tails.
The artist has represented her looking slightly aside as
she might appear crossing her drawing-room, in the
highly^ graceful and becoming style which Vandyck
always so happily selected for the subjects of his magic
pencil.

This may have been the period to which his Lordship
later in life fondly looked back as his " golden days."
He was, however, doomed to suffer his first great
bereavement in the decease of his young wife at Wor
cester House in the Strand, on Sunday the 31st of May,
1635. She was buried at St. Cadocus, the parish
church of Eaglan, within the family vault beneath the
Beaufort Chapel. He was thus left a widower with the
charge of his son and heir not above six years of age,
and two daughters.

A singular error, as to the date, occurring in all
genealogies and biographical accounts that mention the

1635.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER, 23

decease of Lady Herbert, renders it tlie more important
to refer to the following certificate obtained from the
Heralds' Office :—

44 The right honourable Lady the Lady Elizabeth, late
wife of the right honourable Edward Somerset Lord
Herbert, son and heir to the right honourable Henry
Earl of Worcester, and daughter of Sir William
Dormer, Knight, eldest son of Eobert Lord Dormer, of
Wing, (which Sir William died in the lifetime of his
father) and sister to the now Earl of Carnarvon,
departed this mortal life at Worcester House in the
Strand, near London, on Sunday the last of May, 1635,
leaving issue, Mr. Henry Somerset, only son, about six
years of age, Mrs. Anne eldest and Mrs. Elizabeth
youngest daughter. Her body was honourably con
veyed to Eagland, in the County of Morimouth in
Wales, there to be interred. This Certificate was taken
by George Owen Yorke, herald, the 1st day of June,
1635, to be registered in the Office of Arms, and testi
fied by the right honourable Lord,

44 EDWARD HERBERT."

Among the family papers is a letter bearing date this
year, alluding to Lord Herbert, but addressed by Se
cretary Coke to his Lordship's father :—

44 EIGHT HONOURABLE,

44 Upon a letter received from your noble son, the Lord
Herbert, whereby he signifieth, that the Deputation is
now come from the Lord President of Wales, I have
according to his Lordship's desire represented his thank
fulness to his Majesty, and have order from his Majesty
to signify to your Lordship that it is not only in this
particular case 5 But hereafter also he will be graciously

24: LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1635.

mindful of your good service done heretofore, in the
Lieutenancies of Glamorgan and Monmouth, and your
willing resigning of them. And he hath also com
manded me to tell the Earl of Bridgewater, that he shall
proceed therein with your Lordship in the same manner
the Earl of Northampton his predecessor did, and not
otherwise : which accordingly I have signified to his
Lordship. And thus having imparted to your Lordship
both his Majesty's gracious favour towards yourself and
your son, who in this business hath performed as much
respect and duty as can be expected from a worthy son,
I humbly take leave and so remain,

" Your Lordship's humble servant,

" JOHN COKE.

" Whitehall, December 3rd. 1635.
To the right honourable THE EARL OF WORCESTER, &c."

It is not at all unlikely that after the funeral his
Lordship returned to Worcester House. London would
afford him many advantages for the gratification of his
scientific pursuits, not to be obtained in the country. It
appears, indeed, pretty evident that about this period he
set up in the Tower his large wheel for exhibiting self-
motive power, which the learned assume to be a me
chanical fallacy, but which no one has yet proved to
general comprehension to be an impossibility. In a
scientific point of view, but particularly in connection
with the life of this remarkable man, a subject of this
nature cannot be lightly passed over. It affects his
reputation more than appears on the surface, as we
shall show in the course of our observations.

It was a machine, consisting of a wheel fourteen feet
in diameter, carrying forty weights of fifty pounds
each,* and is supposed to have rotated on an axle, sup-

* The " Century," Article No. 56.

1639.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER, 25

ported on two pillars or upright frames. His Lordship
has been very precise in describing all the circumstances
under which it was shown. There were present Charles
the First, accompanied by two extraordinary Ambassa
dors, the Duke of Richmond, the Duke of Hamilton,
with most of the Court ; and Sir William Balfour was
at the time Lord Lieutenant of the Tower. Now the
latter circumstance would fix the date as not being later
than 1641, while other facts make it reasonable to sup
pose the experiment took place at least two or three
years earlier. Up to 1638 Charles the First had reigned
for ten years in comparative peace and leisure. May
it not have been during this lull in the portending
storm of public discontent that royalty deigned to in
spect a singular piece of mechanism, supposed to move
of itself without any aid from external agency ? In
1642, Sir John Byron was made Lord Lieutenant of the
Tower ; and Sir William Balfour* was in command of
the Parliamentary forces at Edge-hill.

This wheel experiment may have been made in 1638-9,
prior to the decease of his lady, and during the most
peaceable portion of his Majesty's reign ; and indeed
while his Lordship's own domestic affairs were wearing
their most cheerful and agreeable aspect.

His Lordship has been charged with dealing in para
doxes, and none greater than the one under considera
tion need be sought for. It relates to a problem which
for 2000 years has not only perplexed mathematicians,
but likewise been a stumbling-block to many ingenious
mechanicians during at least five centuries. What
mathematicians fail to prove and what mechanicians
fail to produce, every modern philosopher demands

* It is not certain how long Sir William Balfour was Lord Lieutenant of the
Tower prior to 1641.

26 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1G39.

shall be stamped as an impossibility, as absurd as
it is impossible. Now the dilemma is, How has the
author of the u Century of Inventions" fallen into the
common, vulgar error of believing in the possibility of
perpetual motion • and not only so, but publicly exhi
biting a machine pretending to that character ?

We are not disposed to question either his talent, or
his veracity, hence the difficulty of offering any simple,
direct, satisfactory reply to what otherwise appears to
be an easily answered interrogative. Eminent writers
of the seventeenth and previous centuries maintained
that perpetual motion was possible. Dr. Dee, in his
very curious preface to the first translation of Euclid
into English, wrote favourably on this very topic 5 so
that, however the modern scientific sceptic may blame
his Lordship for want of skill, or, worse, of veracity, his
opinion was quite in accordance with the estimation in
which the subject was viewed in his day. But he goes
a step farther, he speaks of a practical result. Hence
he leaves us no alternative but to declare that he pro
pounds either a truth or a falsehood ; and if false that
he was either himself mistaken, or deceived by others. -
But either way it is difficult to arrive at a thoroughly
satisfactory conclusion, even as to what his Lordship
actually intended and performed in this instance, owing
to the usual vagueness of his own statements.

At 38 years of age Lord Herbert had enjoyed seven
years of matrimonial felicity, and had been during four
years a widower. In 1639, his son Henry would be
10 years old, his two daughters much younger, so that
as well for their education as for the gratification of his
own scientific investigations, he may have continued for
some time to reside at Worcester House : the Strand
and all that neighbourhood being then in the occu
pancy of families of title, wealth and high position.

1639.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 27

During his father's lifetime, the resident housekeeper
was James Redman, Esquire, as we learn from the list
of his household.

The private studies and pursuits in which Lord Her
bert was indefatigably engaged, must have occupied his
attention from an innate love of physical science. The
society in which he moved had no tendency that
way, while the times in which he lived were far from
affording any encouragement for such investigations as
those in which he was principally engaged. The metro
polis in his day was without coaches until 1625, when
they were first used by the gentry, and ten years
later hackney coaches were considered to have arrived
at such a dangerous increase that their plying was
restrained by law ; and London streets were either so
bad, or the treasury so low, that penalties were levied
on all heavy vehicles passing over the highways. It is
characteristic of the state of our laws at that period,
that Dr. Leighton was for his writings sentenced to
barbarous mutilations, as also happened in 1633 to the
unfortunate learned Mr. Prynne, and four years later to
John Lilburn. The pillory, whipping culprits through
the streets, cropping ears and other mutilations and
barbarities were ordinary punishments, and in 1636
the plague was raging throughout the metropolis and
its suburbs, with all its accustomed terrors.

But not in this view alone do we see little to inspirit
him in the ardent pursuit of mechanical employments,
another and more serious obstacle arose from his belong
ing, like his father and ancestors, to the Roman Catholic
faith. The laws against Papists were inconsistently
stringent in England on religious grounds ; and strange
to say, in imperial Rome, the very seat of the papacy,
absurdly severe denunciations were pronounced against
even the free discussion of scientific subjects. On the

28 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1639.

memorable 22nd of June, 1633, Galileo, prosecuted by
the Inquisition at Rome, was compelled to abjure his
astronomical theories and discoveries as heretical ! The
inquiry with its results must have deeply interested
Lord Herbert ; but what could he hope to gain even from
his own party, as the inventor of a u semi-omnipotent
engine?" Thus situated he was surrounded by cir
cumstances nowise calculated to stimulate his mental
activity in the peculiar occupations that employed his
leisure and his fortune 5 but the fact offers an invalu
able proof of the intense satisfaction an inquiring mind
always experiences in the realization of its mental
speculations.

There is every reason to believe that his studies were
completed, his tastes fixed, his experiments pretty well
matured at this period, and that it was, therefore, the
occasion of stamping his future character. He was
then terminating his " golden days," to enter upon a
very different career. While, therefore, most anxious
to avoid every appearance of substituting fictions for
facts, we feel impelled to indulge in an attempt to
account for his long serious devotion to employments
so apparently foreign to either his education, his station
in life, or the necessities of the times ; while, indeed,
on the other hand, all operated against him, owing to
the darkness, ignorance, persecution and prevailing pre
judices of the age.

It appears from his published work that Lord Her
bert was better versed in mathematical than in classical
literature. His mental activity may have been pro
moted by physical causes, assuming that from delicacy
of constitution he may have been thereby disposed to
those studious habits, to which he was ever after so
much attached • the Vandyck portrait of him in his
youth would indicate that he was not constituted for

1639.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 29

undergoing much severity of exercise in the fatiguing
sports and pastimes then in vogue.

In 1639, his confidential workman, Caspar Kaltoff,
would have expended eleven years in constructing models
and machines to establish the practicability of the many
novel schemes which his Lordship had, up to that time,
developed. Meanwhile, his own reading was no doubt
pursued with vigour, and we cannot believe him to have
been unpossessed of the celebrated authorities among
English and foreign writers. He must have studied
with interest Eamelli's very elaborate volume, 1588, on
machines, illustrated with one hundred and ninety -five
large, finely executed copper-plate engravings ; the
popular Spiritalia of Hero of Alexandria ; with even,
perhaps, the works of the engineer and architect
Solomon De Caus, published in 1615; together with
the labours of many kindred writers. Judging, how
ever, from internal evidence, there was one, among
many English authors, whose work especially gratified
his taste, the " Mysteries of Nature and Art," by John
Bate, which went through two editions, dating 1634
and 1635, containing a " Booke of Water-workes,"
treating of " evaporating water, and rarifying ayre."
The peculiarity of such studies was sufficient to separate
him from the fashionable society of Courts, and the
too frequently frivolous society attendant even at
Eaglan Castle. If he then made few enemies, his con
versation and pursuits were little calculated to enlarge
his social acquaintance, and may even have early in
spired a belief in his possessing equal eccentricity and
enthusiasm. His memory, however, cannot fail to be
cherished by posterity as the illustrious possessor of a
highly cultivated intellect, displaying a singularly
powerful, original, protean inventive genius.

30 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1639.

CHAPTER III.

EDWARD, LORD HERBERT^ SECOND MARRIAGE.

IN 1639 Lord Herbert entered a second time into the
matrimonial state, a prudential step as he was then
situated, at the age of 38, having a young family with
out any sufficient guardian. He married the Lady
Margaret, second daughter and co-heir of Henry
O'Brien, Earl of Thomond ; by which alliance he ob
tained some possessions, as well as a connexion with
many of the best and most powerful families in Ireland.
Of this, as of his first marriage, no particulars have been
preserved, not even their date, or where celebrated ;
yet considering that both occurred during his father's
lifetime and greatest prosperity, we can readily believe
that they were accompanied with all the usual demon
strations of joy, ceremony and feasting. They had
but one daughter, Mary, who died during her infancy.
In a family group, painted by Hanneman, a close imi
tator of Vandyck, Lord Herbert is represented as a
Roman general, seated by his lady attired in a modern
costume of pale blue satin, with their child standing
before her in a reclining position. He has a very aged
appearance, although one might presume that the por
trait was executed when he was under forty-five. It is
a very thinly and sketchily painted performance. His
Lordship presents a singular appearance in a toga and
tight fitting hose of deep scarlet, an ornamented leathern
jerkin, and wearing a wig streaming over his breast
and shoulders, sitting in a chair with his right hand
resting on a walking stick, while his left hangs negli
gently over the arm of the chair in proximity with a

1640--1641.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 31

mighty slieatlied sword. His lady in ample folds of
silk, with the usual long, tightly fitting, jewelled
stomacher, has her hair in a fringe of small curls over
her forehead, combed closely back, where it terminates
in a knot from which a few ringlets flow behind 5 she
wears also pearl ear-drops and a pearl necklace, which
ornaments are repeated on her child.

The same year, on the 8th of April, he lost his mother,
Anne, Countess of Worcester, who was buried at
Eaglan. It is possible, therefore, that his marriage
was deferred during her illness, and not celebrated until
some months after her decease.

It was then the 15th year of Charles the First's reign.
Before the close of the year following, the Long Parlia
ment commenced its sittings, when Lenthal was chosen
Speaker. All projectors and monopolists were de
nounced as incapable of holding office, several members,
therefore, withdrew, whose places were speedily sup
plied. What must have been his Lordship's impressions
under the existing aspect of political affairs may easily
be conceived, while as yet " Royalist" and u Bound-
head" could scarcely be called popular terms of party
distinction.

In 1641, that martyr of science, Galileo, died, whose
case so far assimilated with the Marquis's own, that
they were of the same religious persuasion: the one
proscribed at home for the peculiar heretical turn his
genius had taken, the other under the ban of suspicion
for his papistical persuasion and supposed consequent
prejudices.

We now enter on the most critical era in the his
tory of this great and good man. He was then residing
in London, where he continued for some length of
time, with the politic motive of avoiding as much as
possible the suspicion of Parliament ; for through his

32 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1640-1641.

father's liberality lie had already commenced supplying
Charles the First with heavy loans.

In the collection of manuscripts at Badminton, is an
unpublished letter from Charles the First, dated 3rd of
August, 1641, and also copies, in an ancient and probably
contemporary hand, of letters, the originals of which,
according to Birch, form part of the Harleian collection.*
In the first of these, dated 7th of December, 1641, —
Charles the First requires Lord Herbert to repair to
Whitehall, "not only for Ms own particular use, but
likewise for the good of the kingdom" so early had his
Majesty taken him into his confidence and council. He
had then not long returned from Scotland, and soon
after he retreated to Hampton Court. He writes :—

" CHARLES E.

" Eight trusty and right well-beloved Cousin, We
greet you well, — whereas We have heretofore by many
letters and messages signed by us, given you testimony
of Our favour and inclination to reward the good ser
vice of you and yours : These are further to assure you,
that neither the times nor business shall ever make us
unmindful of them : Yet upon occasions when Our good
intentions therein may be really manifested, We desire
to be put in mind that we may readily concur to a
speedy performance, of which you may be ever most
confident. And being [seeing ?] your indisposition
of body is such, that before Our intended journey We
cannot signify the same to yourself in person, We have
thought good to express it by these our Letters, Given
at our Palace of Westminster, 3 day of August, In the
seventeenth year of Our Eeign and 1641."

[Endorsed in an old handwriting, 1641.]
" To Our Right trusty and right well beloved
Cousin, HENRY EARL OF WORCESTER."

* Inquiry, 1756, page 349.

1641-1642.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 33

Next comes the following : —

" HERBERT,

" Yours of the 1st of December has given me
a just reason for your absence but certainly I have
juster cause for your attendance, for it is well known
how that you are to give me account of matters not
only for my particular use, but likewise for the good
of the kingdom ; wherefore I require your repair hither
with all convenient diligence ; And the rather that you
may find out the authors of these lying and scandalous
Pamphlets concerning your father and you, touching
[which] I not only promise you protection to your in-
nocency but justice against those offenders, assuring
you likewise that I shall be so mindful of you that, if
I live, you shall neither be a loser in, nor repent you
for the services you have done me. And so I rest

" Your assured friend,

" CHARLES E.

" Whitehall, the 7th December, 1641.13

" I send you herein the paper that I could not find
when you were with me."

In his journey towards the north, his Majesty, on
arriving at Eoyston, wrote to Lord Herbert as fol
lows : — •

" HERBERT,

u Your services are expressed to me in so noble a
way that I cannot but acknowledge to you under my
own hand, and that I should think myself very unhappy,
if I did not live by real testimonies to express my gra
titude to you. And for your sister, Carnarvon, though
I cannot punctually answer your expectation therein,

13 Birch, gives the date " llth of December, 1641." p 356.

D

34 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1641-1642.

yet I hope you will be satisfied with the answer you
will receive by your cousin Sir John Byron, to whom,
referring myself for many things I have not time to
write. I rest,

" Your most assured constant friend,

44 CHARLES E.

"Royston, 6 March, [1641-2.]"

And again he addressed him a few lines, shortly
before being refused admittance to Hull :—

44 HERBERT,

44 1 entrusted your cousin Byron with the
particular answers to your letter, reserving only to
myself to answer you, that I esteem your services
such as my words cannot express them • but by show
ing myself at all occasions to be

44 Your most assured constant friend,

44 CHARLES R.

"York, 9 May, 1642."

We have here the earliest communications on record
between these two remarkable individuals, whose per
sonal histories have alike perplexed all political, polemi
cal, and philosophical writers.

Before setting out for Scotland, the King appears to
have desired a personal interview with his Lordship,
who seems to have been prevented from complying by
some severe indisposition in July, 1641 ; his Majesty,
therefore, conveys to him in writing, his u favour and
inclination to reward the good service of you and
yours." His Lordship's father had already made to the
needy monarch some of those munificent advances,
which, as long as he could obtain them, he was in the
habit of repaying with ample promises and abundant
flattery.

1641-1642 ] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 35

In his second letter, he alludes to " lying and scan
dalous pamphlets concerning" his Lordship's father,
but what these may have been has not transpired • they
may only have referred to him as connected with the
Roman Catholic party.

In another letter he expresses his " gratitude" for
his Lordship's noble expression of services *, and alludes
to his sister Carnarvon. And in the last of these letters,
he flatteringly informs his Lordship, that, — " I esteem
your services such as my words cannot express them ;"
yet by words alone were they ever, as then, expressed,
only to be as conveniently repudiated.

Up to forty years of age, Lord Herbert had lived as
became a gentleman of ancient nobility, great expecta
tions, and in the enjoyment of the most friendly inter
course with his sovereign. Well educated, travelled,
accustomed to courtly life, devoted to learned studies
and given to scientific pursuits, he has been hitherto
only presented to us, in his domestic relations, as a duti
ful son, a husband and father, having few engagements
to withdraw him from the management of his estates,
or distract him from the enjoyment of country sports and
social intercourse. During this period, he had probably
nothing more serious on hand than an occasional change
of residence, as he passed some portions of the year at
Raglan Castle, and occupied at others the ample accom
modations of Worcester House.

In a statement* he wrote long after, he incidentally
remarks : — " I was not privy, or present with his Ma
jesty at Greenwich [26th February, 1641] when he first
took his resolution for the North, and removed, without
the Queen, to Theobalds ; from which he was pleased
to write me a lamentable letter by the hands of Sir

* See Chapter XVIII.

D 2

36 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1641-1642.

John Byron, averring that he had but £600, and
£300 of which was given to defray his horses, which
the Marquis of Hamilton, then Master of the Horse,
refused to do, fearing to displease the Parliament."

For awhile he was necessitated to act with consum
mate caution to conceal his true political bias from the
Parliamentary party. But the drama of his life has now
to change ; his " golden days" are gone, and hereafter
we view him only in evil times, times so distracted
and turbulent, that the materials they afford us of his
future life, are but like the fragments of a terrible
wreck.

1641-1642.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 37

CHAPTER IV.

HENRY, EARL OF WORCESTER. CREATED MARQUIS OF

WORCESTER. RAGLAN CASTLE.

THE general aspect of public affairs in 1641, fore
shadowed the coming storm. Charles the First had
departed from Whitehall ; civil war raged through the
length and breadth of the land, terminating in fearful
consequences to the monarch and all his wealthiest
loyal supporters.

On the 2nd of November, 1642,88 Henry was created
Marquis of Worcester, being the first of his family
raised to that dignity. He would then be 65 years of
age, but does not appear to have enjoyed uniform good
health ; he was corpulent in body, possessed a vigorous
intellect, and was remarkable for his flow of humour.
It is recorded of him, but without reference to any
authority for the statement,4 that he was singular
for the custom of wearing a coat of frieze, a coarse
narrow cloth much in use ; the term being applied to
garments having long wool, then said to be friezed.
Sanderson speaks of him as a plain man, especially in
his apparel.

His great wealth enabled him to afford Charles the
First early important pecuniary assistance, which, to
gether with his great loyalty, although a papist, secured
him all that esteem and favour, which the peculiar
mental constitution of his royal master, alone best knew

88 Sandford. 4 Annual Register, 1769.

38 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1641-1642.

how to turn to the largest possible amount of personal
profit, without being absolutely necessitated to make
any adequate return other than his word and honour.
If the materials for the personal character of Charles
the First had to be drawn solely from his treatment of
the first two Marquisses of Worcester — the veteran
Lord of Eaglan Castle, and his enthusiastic valorous
son, the Lord Herbert, sufficient evidence would be
found to establish that monarch's perfidious nature,
and the utter worthlessness of his plighted word and
most solemn protestations.

The Parliament took early notice of the proceedings
of both the Earl of Worcester and his son Lord Herbert.
The Journals of the House of Commons* inform us that
on the 29th of January, 1640-41 :-

" Die Veneris, 29 June, 1640.

" Mr. Treasurer acquaints this House, that his
Majesty's pleasure is, that this House do attend his
Majesty this afternoon, at two of [the] clock, in the
Banqueting House, and that he had intimated his plea
sure likewise to the Lords to attend him at the same
time.

" Ordered, That the consideration of the commission
granted to the Earl of Worcester, and his eldest son
the Lord Herbert, and the sub-commissions by them
granted to others, for the levying of forces in several
Counties of England and Wales, and all the circum
stances depending thereupon, be referred to the Com
mittee appointed to draw up the charge against the
Earl of Stratford, &c."

And on the llth of February following, that:—

* 1G40. 16 Car. I. vol. ii. p. 75.

1641-1642J OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 39

" Die Jovis, llo Feb 1640.

" Mr. Keignolds reports from the Committee of the
Earl of Worcester, the substance of that business. * *
* * * * (thus printed in Journal.)

" And then it was resolved, upon the question, That
the particulars reported by Sir W. Erie, Sir Jo. Clot-
worthy, and Mr. Reignolds, shall be the heads of the
Conference to be desired with the Lords, concerning
the disbanding of the new-levied Irish Army, and dis
arming of the Popish Recusants here in England."

Later we find a guard set on his residence in
London.*

"Die Martis, 16o Nov. 1641.

" Mr. Wittacre, Sir John Francklin, Sir John Hip-
pisley, Mr. Wheler, Mr. G. Long, are appointed to go
immediately, and take order to set a good guard upon
the house of the Earl of Worcester ; and to search for
persons suspected of high treason.

" They are to take like care for setting a guard upon,
and searching * * * ; and likewise upon such
other houses, as they shall be informed ; and that they
have power to search all such houses at such times as
they shall think fit.

u . . . . To acquaint their Lordships, what this
House has done for the searching, and setting a guard
upon, the Earl of Worcester's house, and upon what
grounds."

On the 5th of January, 1642, his Majesty addressed
the following letter to the Marquis, in which he says — •

* Journals of House of Commons, 1641. 17 Car. I. vol. ii. p. 317.

40 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1642

" The large expressions which you and your son have
made unto us of your forwardness to a service, shall
never be forgotten"

" CHARLES R.

" Right trusty and right entirely beloved Cousin,
We greet you well. Your son, the Lord Herbert, hath
excused your not writing unto us ; but where we find
so much royalty, there needs not ceremony, and your
last performance of our desires hath crowned the rest.
And we would have you confident that the mentioning
of leaving few forces at Raglan, was not out of any
diminution of our care of you, or meant to lessen any
provision fitting thereto : For we well understand that
there were never any of the forces raised in the county,
applied thereunto more than a private company under
servants of your own. But the Ward of Raglan was
given as a general ward attributive to the country, as
that time we understood it. The . large expressions
which you and your said son have made unto us of
your forwardness to a service, shall never be forgotten.
He now commands in chief in the absence of the Lord
Marquis [of] Hertford, and besides his dutifulness unto
you, our command is, that his power and yours shall
[be] the same, as your hearts are to our service. The
acceptance whereof we shall not fail to make appear on
all occasions, whereof you may rest assured. Given
under and signed at our Court at Oxford, the 5th day
of January, in the eighteenth year of our reign, 1642.*

" To Our Right trusty and right entirely beloved
Cousin, HENRY, MARQUIS OF WORCESTER."

The earliest direct intimation we have of money
passing from the Marquis to the King occurs in two

* From MSS. Badminton.

1642.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 41

letters from Sir John Byron. In his first communication
lie says : —

" MY LORD,

" The King is so oppressed with [a] multitude
of business that he has commanded me to write unto
your Lordship this inclosed letter, not having leisure
himself to write more than a short postscript to give
credit to what I have written. I had thought to have
sent some of my own servants to convey the money
hither, but Mr. Griffin tells me your Lordship would
rather send it by him and some other, whom you should
think fit to trust, and then it may be brought so pri
vately to Newstead, where I shall be ready to
receive it, that none but such as your Lordship trusteth
need to know of it. I humbly desire your Lordship it
may be sent with all possible speed, because his Ma
jesty hath allotted it for a service that must immediately
be gone in hand with all [speed]. I shall not need to
trouble your Lordship any farther, and therefore hum
bly kissing your hands, rest ever,

" Your Lordship's most humble Servant,

" JOHN BYRON.*

"York, July 8, 1642.

" To the EARL OF WORCESTER."

On the 24th of the same month Sir John Byron f
wrote a second letter as follows :—

" MY MOST HONOURED LORD,

" Your Lordship hath honoured me with a title
which I value above any other that can be given me,
and of which I shall ever endeavour to make myself
worthy by all real expressions of faithful and humble
service. It was my misfortune to be from home when

* From MSS. Badminton. t ibid.

42 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1642.

Sir John Somerset came, and though I acquainted his
Majesty therewith (upon whom I then attended), yet he
would not permit me to go to him for a day or two,
having some other service to employ me in by reason
of his journey to Leicester, where it was thought he
would have had some opposition *, but upon his
Majesty's approach, his enemies fled, Hazelrick,* the
chief of them, was said to be lurking hereabouts,
whereupon the King commanded me and some other
gentlemen, to go out and see if we could apprehend
him 5 but, though we used the best diligence we could,
riding both day and night, yet we came short of him.

" This is the cause of the delay in returning your
Lordship an answer, for which I hope your Lordship
will pardon me ; and now, since Sir John Somerset is
come hither, having left the £5000 your Lordship sent
at Newstead, my house, his Majesty hath commanded
me to make use of it for the levying of 500 horse,
and withal, in his name, to return your Lordship all
possible thanks for your seasonable assistance both now
and heretofore, and that he hopes he shall not die in
your debt. These are his own words, and desires to be
excused for not writing himself, by reason of the little
leisure he hath; for my own particular, I humbly
beseech your Lordship to believe that, as there lives
not any body more deeply engaged for real and noble
favours to your Lordship than myself, so no man can
be more sensible of them, or more ready upon all occa
sions to express myself, my Lord,

" Your Lordship's most humble

" and faithful servant,

"JOHN BYRON.

" Leicester Abbey, this Sunday, being
the 24th of July, 1642."

* Sir Arthur Hazilrigge, Bart.

1642.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 43

Still later, and the House of Commons directs its
attention to the disarming of the Earl, and the requiring
of his son's attendance.*

"Die Sabbati, 20 Augusti, 1642. Post meridiem.

" Message from the Lords by Sir Robt. Eiche and
Mr. Page;

" That the Lords had sent them with Three Orders :
1. For the disarming of the Earl of Worcester, and all
Papists ; wherein they desire the concurrence of this
House, &c. &c.

u Answer returned by the same messenger (as to two
of the Orders) ; And as to that of disarming the Earl
of Worcester, will send an answer by messengers of
their own."

And again on the following month : —

" Die Martis, 3o Septembris, 1642.

" That Mr. Speaker shall write his letter to the Lord
Herbert, son of the Earl of Worcester, to appear here,
and attend the House.

" Mr. Grlyn to prepare this letter.

" That the Lords be moved to send for the Earl of
Worcester, to attend the Parliament."

In August, 16 42, had commenced that series of national
disasters, which divided shires and even families into
either Cavaliers or Roundheads — Royalists or Parlia
mentarians — Protestants or Puritans, in short, Tories
or Whigs. It was then, or perhaps somewhat earlier,
previous to his elevation, that the Earl of Worcester
garrisoned Raglan Castle, strengthening his position by
the raising of extensive earthworks on its most approach-

* Journal, House of Commons, 1642. 17 Car. I. vol. ii.

44 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1642.

able side, and maintained there 800 men entirely at his
own expense.

In September, 1642, Lord Herbert was in personal
communication with his Majesty at Nottingham. He
was then, although 41 years of age, a man singularly
inexperienced in the ways either of commerce or of
courts. His studies, pursuits, domestic habits, were
not calculated to foster that spirit of intrigue which
a deep designing mind alone knows best how to
conjure up and apply with consummate art, and the
exercise of which base quality his position would
seem to have frequently demanded. We have now to
peruse a minute report, drawn up by Lord Herbert,
of what passed between himself and the King in re
gard to a further loan.* The cunning and artfulness
of the royal negotiator is mirrored forth in this affair
in most unmistakeable characters. But the whole
document is a striking example of the arts by which
Charles the First could practise on his unsuspecting
victims. It is an engrossed copy — not signed — but has
been endorsed on the back, " Lord Herbert's Message
from the King to be delivered to his father from Not
tingham, Sept. 9th, 1642," and runs as follows: —

" The effect of the message your Majesty desireth
I should deliver to my father for your Majesty at Not
tingham, the 9th of September, 1642.

" That your Majesty with many thanks expresseth
yourself most sensible of the great expense and charge
his Lordship hath been at for your service, far more
than any man else, considering what I have had as
well as Sir John Byron's [expenses], that it is most
true at this time, much lieth at stake both of your Ma-

* From MSS. at Badminton

1642.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 45

jesty's honour and power for want of a little money,
since £20,000, with what you have, would further your
Majesty's designs to a most hopeful condition ; for want
whereof, your Majesty is enforced to dally (though
you will never yield), and at this present you offer that
which is worth £100,000 for £50,000, besides my Lord
Capell, Sir William Savill and others of good estates
do offer also theirs for security 5 — yet no want nor
occasion can make your Majesty to press my Lord, who
hath already done so much, but if he and his friends
could procure £10,000, your Majesty would suddenly
(if it please God to restore you) see it repaid, and would
presently in token of thankfulness send my father the
Garter, to be put on when he pleased, and also having
the Great Seal in your Majesty's own custody you
would pass a patent of Marquis of what title my father
should desire, and keep it private as long as he thought
fitting 5 and to show that this proposition is far from
urging him to his inconvenience, and so much doth
your Majesty acknowledge yourself already beholding
to him, as that even without procuring his Majesty
this unspeakable advantage, your Majesty is graciously
pleased that if he desire either or both these, your Ma
jesty, at my return unto you, will vouchsafe them 5 but
if this could be possibly performed, then the Crown,
which hitherto your Majesty confesseth to stay upon
your head by his assistance, will be then confirmed by
him, and your Majesty ; and your Majesty esteemeth
so much of his understanding, as well as passionate
zeal to your service, that if he will send your Majesty
his advice (upon the relation of the state of business
which your Majesty hath commanded me to make unto
him) your Majesty will as soon follow it as any man's,
and the power you give, or intend to give me is, as I am
subordinate, and most dutiful unto him to whom your

46 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1642.

Majesty esteemeth it to be given when it is to me ; and
your Majesty doth not only faithfully promise on the
word of a King but of a Christian, that you will punc
tually perform your engagements advantageously to
him and his, and never forsake either, whilst you
breathe, joining his safety with your own, which is, and
ever shall be your Majesty's resolution."

We have here a summary of the interview between
Charles the First and Lord Herbert at Nottingham.
The King was no doubt very gloomy, and the discourse
between them most serious. There was on all occasions
an imperturbable dignity of manner about his Majesty,
although his personal appearance operated against him,
his visage being long, with a narrow forehead, large
nose, grey eyes, thick lips, and peaked beard. He
stammered, too, in his speech, being also somewhat
impetuous and hurried amidst all the apparent coolness
and calmness of his conduct and conversation. Lord
Herbert, on the contrary, in the very prime of life,
was a man of cheerful aspect, with small dark full
eyes, and smooth, oval, delicately formed features.
Both wore the flowing locks in fashion, the one in
ample curls, the other in plain long wavy hair. The
Marquis fastidiously observed all courtly etiquette ;
without the accomplishment of fluency in speech, his
conversation would be deferential, simple, without any
show of boldness other than what conscious integrity
of purpose might naturally inspire *, unaffected, direct,
and straightforward 5 displaying much suavity without
any taint of selfishness, and profound zeal without the
slightest hypocrisy.

We almost see and hear again the wily financier,
(such is the freshness of the reported conversation)
while the meek, unsophisticated Lord Herbert is scru-

1642.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 47

pulously noting each suggestion as it is dictated by his
suppliant royal master, anxious to give in their integrity
the identical honeyed phrases the Sovereign employs in
depicting his obligations, his necessities, his securities,
with the readiest means for extricating the royal cause and
assuredly giving stability to the already tottering crown.
His Majesty is gracious to an extreme $ he will in very
" thankfulness send the Earl the Garter," and having
" the Great Seal" in his " own custody," he offers to
" pass a patent of what title the Earl should desire ;"
nay, should he desire unconditionally to have either or
both " his Majesty will vouchsafe them." It was by
such unworthy arts in diplomacy that Charles the First
drew the loyal, warm-hearted, sincerely attached Lord
Herbert into his toils, inducing him by unremitting
flattery, artfully simulated condescension, and consum
mate sophistry to become instrumental in the ruin of
both himself and his father. There is not the slightest
ground to suppose that from the first to the last advance
of money made by this family to the King, a single
offer in the first instance came direct from either the
Earl or his son ; but there are abundant proofs that his
Majesty held out from time to time every possible in
ducement he could conceive to sap the wealth of the
too-confiding Earl of Worcester. Transparent as the
craftiness of the present transaction must appear to the
reader, it was not so obvious to the peer whom it
interested, for he having once made his election to sup
port the royal cause magnanimously proceeded as he
had begun, until he exceeded even the bounds of
common prudence.

It will be requisite, as we progress, to notice many
particulars which might at first appear irrelevant, as
relating more considerably to the father than to the son ;
but it is important to bear in mind, that Lord Herbert

48 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1642.

becomes intimately associated with events then appa
rently only concerning his father, but which really are
those most seriously affecting that turn in events which
colour all his future history, whether as regards his
early military career or his later cheerless destiny.

Eaglan Castle was then in its glory ; it was often
gay with numerous noble visitors. Lord Herbert re
sided there with his lady, particularly at that disturbed
period ; his father too had a numerous family and
household. Although rather isolated in position, it
must have been a place possessing considerable internal
comfort. The good old Marquis was constituted to
make all around him as happy as circumstances would
permit ; with strong religious and moral principles he
combined the strictest possible sense of honour, of a
gentlemanly and military bearing, with a joyous tem
perament that refused no source of accidental innocent
amusement, turning the very ills of life to sources either
of merriment or moral reflection as the case might be :
which, with his princely means and liberal spirit, must
have largely contributed to the promoting of good
feeling and hilarity within the fortress of Eaglan.

The Castle crowns one of the many broad low ver
dant hills occupying a valley of immense extent in
Monmouthshire. It is at present so embowered in a
forest of ancient lofty trees, as to be all but hid from
view within the circuit of a mile radius. There is
just one point from which may be seen at the same
time towering above the foliage the Tower of Gwent or
Citadel on the right, and the Closet Tower on the left.
The Citadel, which in reality stands outside the Castle,
as being the loftiest object, is visible from the village,
the Warrage, and other points of view. In its palmy
days there were attached to the Castle an extensive,
well-wooded and highly picturesque home-park, with

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.

I ,

1642.] THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 51

a well-stocked red-deer park ; also various gardens,
orchards, lawns, pleasure grounds, and fish-ponds
artfully constructed, affording islands here, fountains
there, and summer houses where they could be most
advantageously placed. Thus were the demesnes of
Eaglan characteristic of its noble possessor's distin
guished position.

The most ancient portions of the Castle itself, were
probably raised in the reign of Henry V., others are of
more recent construction, but not much, if any of it,
dates later than that of Elizabeth. Its mixed styles
of architecture are very obvious. Among its later im
provements were, no doubt, those large windows, which
were better suited for an elegant domestic mansion,
than for a fortress. The grand entrance was secured
by its double portcullis, as likewise by a gate, lead
ing to the paved or pitched court ; a portcullis also
protected the south-eastern entrance, leading from the
fountain court to the pleasaunce or bowling-green, sup
posed by some to have originally been the tilt-yard ;
both of which entrances were further guarded by draw
bridges. The tower of Gwent, citadel, or keep, stands
before, and a little removed from the castle, surrounded
with a broad moat, which it would appear could be
crossed by two bridges ; one permanent, connected with,
and for the special use of the castle, reaching to the
walls of the bastions, whence communication was kept
up by a draw-bridge with the keep itself; the other a
draw-bridge only, in an opposite direction, whereby to
pass over the moat to the sunk walk, for ordinary use.
The tower is of extraordinary strength, its form hexa
gonal, its walls ten and a half feet thick, and its summit
reached by a stone staircase.

The Castle may be described as presenting two
portions, distinguished by two courts and two fortified

E 2

52 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1642.

arched entrances. The grand entrance between two
hexagonal towers leads to the paved court, with the
closet tower or library to the right, a withdrawing or ball
room over head, and the banqueting or stately hall to
the left, which last attracts much notice from its size,
nobleness, and state of preservation. It had a magni
ficent oak roof lighted by a lantern or cupola window at
the top ; at one end is a large stone carving of the arms
of the Beaufort family, with their celebrated motto,
Mutare vel timere, sperno ; at the opposite end rose the
minstrels' gallery. One entire side is occupied with an
ample fire-place, having large windows above, and on
the right hand side a magnificent bay window ; the
opposite side of this great apartment is a mere lofty
blank wall. Eeturning to the court we see the kitchen-
tower, larders, and other domestic offices. Passing to
the second, or Fountain Court, we observe a small
chapel, marked only by its foundation stones. Above
it, on the same level and of no greater width, ran the
picture gallery, which may have been 126 feet long by
13 feet wide. In it were, among others, many family
portraits, particularly one of Charles, the first Earl,
and another of Henry, the second Earl of Worcester.93
The Marquis's private chamber was probably over the
gate 5 but here, the outer walls excepted and the grand
staircase, few remains of the ruin rise above the ground
to distinguish their character.

The vaults and cellars are numerous, but not so
large as is generally supposed, although sufficiently
capacious. Some were undoubtedly used as cells for
prisoners, others for various stores, while certain vaults
are even reputed to have served the purpose of under
ground stables.

The Fountain Court, derives its name from formerly

93 Svmonds

1642.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 53

possessing a handsomely carved fountain which stood
in its centre, supposed to have been supplied with water
by means of water-works erected by Lord Herbert,
in contiguity with the citadel, and sufficiently near for
that purpose, as already noticed.

Such then was Kaglan Castle in the days of its mag
nificence, during the life-time of its last munificent
lordly resident. But the time had arrived to protect
it against the worst consequences of civil war. Its
paved court afforded ample scope for the drilling of
recruits, and the reviews of the regular soldiery, when
the open ground could not be safely taken. A mill
was also erected for the home manufacture of gunpowder,
in which we imagine the combined skill of Lord Her
bert and Caspar Kaltoff was actively exercised. The
clang of arms, the beat of drum, the constant firing of
artillery, with all the noise, the show, and circumstance
of war, soon transformed the once quiet homestead
into a most mortifying scene of discomfort, alarm,
watchfulness, care, anxiety and activity.

Charles, Lord Somerset, the Marquis's sixth son,
officiated as governor of the castle. The garrison,
originally amounting to 300 foot,93 was considerably
augmented to meet the threatening aspect of public
affairs.90

Warfare, as at that time conducted, bore but a slight
analogy to modern practice. The bow and cross-bow,
it is true, were entirely superseded by the use of gun
powder, but that material was comparatively indifferent,
and the ordnance and arms employed of the clumsiest
possible description. Great guns weighing from 3J
tons to half and less that weight were denominated
cannon, demi-cannon, culvering, demi-culvering,
saker, minion, drake, &c. Then for small arms, they
had the musket, carbine, arquebuse, blunderbuss,

Pu Symoudft. 9U Somers.

54 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1642.

pistol, &c. Their weapons were chiefly swords and
pikes. Armour was employed to a considerable extent.
The curious in such military matters may consult with
advantage " The exercise of arms for Calivers, Musketts,
and Pikes," in the masterly executed folio engravings by
Jacob de Gheyne, printed at the Hague in 1607. The
soldiers of the 17th century had to carry immense un
wieldy fire-arms, requiring a crutch or rest on which to
steady them while taking aim, and had to fire with the
ignited end of prepared rope, used as a match for that
purpose, and which for security against accidental ex
tinction was usually kept lighted at both ends.

In respect to the Marquis's wealth, a contemporary
authority informs us in reference to that period, that,
— " His whole estate ubique was esteemed 24 thousand
pounds per annum."93 Indeed he was almost an uni
versal landlord in the county.29 He had then alto
gether raised 1500 foot and near 500 horse, the
command of which he gave to his son, Lord Herbert ;
thus raising the first horse levied by the King.

The writer of a contemporary pamphlet published at
Oxford, entitled — u A short view of the late troubles,"
states : " Moreover, within few days following, one John
Davis discovered [12th Nov.] to the House that the
Earl of Worcester had large stables under ground, at
Eaglan Castle, and a number of light horse in them ;
likewise arms for a hundred and forty horse, and two
thousand men, whereof seven hundred were then in
pay, and ammunition proportionate."90

We learn little more personally affecting the Marquis
of Worcester for about two years, during which his
time must have been both fully and painfully absorbed
in superintending the warlike preparations which envi
roned his domicile.

93 Svmonds. w Corbet. 90 Soiners.

1642.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 55

CHAPTER V.

LORD HERBERT IN HIS MILITARY CAPACITY.

THE sad necessities of the times and the perilous posi
tion in which his tortuous policy had placed him,
obliged Charles the First to court the assistance and
presence of the wealthiest among the nobility, than
whom none then ranked higher than the Marquis of
Worcester, who, as we have seen, his Majesty pressingly
sues, through bis son, Lord Herbert, at Nottingham, for
still further monetary supplies.

It is not surprising then to find Lord Herbert, even
against his better judgment, considering his tastes,
habits and experience, taking an active part in military
affairs, and the mailed philosopher actually setting
forth as an enthusiastic Cavalier.

In one of the political tracts of the day, published
at Oxford in 1642, the writer gives as a reason for the
Marquis of Hertford declining the service in which the
King had employed him : — " For that the King hath
not only given way to the raising of a popish army in
the North, but hath granted commission to the Marquis
of Worcester, a known papist, to be general of the
forces in those parts, where he is ; whose army consists
of profest papists."90

As early as 1640, rumours had been falsely circu
lated against the Marquis of Worcester, charging him
with being concerned in a design to raise a large popish
army in Lancashire, as also another in Ireland. In

90 Somcrs' Tracts, vol. iv. p. 459.

5G LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1642.

1642, however, he did raise a great number of Welsh in
support of the royal cause ;105 and the same year Lord
Herbert was made General of South Wales.95

Thus Lord Herbert, in command of troops raised by
his father, being in favour with his sovereign, and
generally esteemed both for his high nobility and his
wealth, held a most important influential position.
Fully to prepare himself for such a post, it appears most
likely that he commenced the requisite course of train
ing even previous to his second marriage, for so early as
March, 1638, Lady Harley writes to inform her son : —
u They say, my Lord of Worcester's son shall be general
of the horse."46

In his first considerable exploit he appeared before
Gloucester, then in the Parliamentary interest, stoutly
defended by a company of volunteers, who had raised
very extensive fortifications. In February, 1642, it was
summoned by Prince Eupert, and again later, but with
out effect. About the middle of the same month, Lord
Herbert, with a body of about 1500 foot and 500
horse, well armed, attempted the reduction of the garri
son. His eldest brother, Lord John Somerset, com
manded the horse, while Sir Jeremiah Brett was general
of the foot. A third time the city not only refused to
surrender, but received with ridicule the summons from
a Welsh brigade ; the Welsh troops therefore encamped
at Highnam within the distance of one mile and a half,
where they lay still in their camp for five weeks in
mistaken security, not even attacking the outguards, or
attempting any great action, seemingly deluded by ex
pectations of aid from Prince Rupert ; who, however,
could not leave Bristol. Sir William Waller, crossing
the river by means of flat-bottomed boats, advanced on

Whitclock. 95 Thomas — also Clarendon. 46 Ilarlcv.

1642.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 57

them with a body of light troops, numbering about 2000.
The Welsh, without taking the least advantage arising
from their strong position, sounded a parley, and surren
dered on conditions which were readily granted ; in con
sequence of which, 1300 foot and three troops of horse
were led prisoners into Gloucester, where several were
kept for some time under strict confinement. Rushworth
states, under date 19th of March, 1642-3, that Lord
Herbert lost 500 men killed, and above 1000 taken pri
soners. Lord Herbert, we find from his own account,
was not present on the occasion of this defeat, for in
reference to this disaster he says : — " God forgive those
of the King's party, who were the occasion that 1500
gentlemen were surprised, and I not despatched from
Oxford until the day after. Yet at 14 days7 warning I
brought 4000 foot and 800 horse to the siege of Glou
cester." But Rushworth and others erroneously speak
of his escaping to Oxford.87 From first to last the defeat
cost his Lordship, according to his own showing,
£60,000.90 Such was the unpromising result of his
earliest enterprise in his new career, offering a very
gloomy foreboding of the future. He had been untir
ing in his exertions to raise those troops throughout
Monmouthshire, Herefordshire, and adjacent counties,
in which, as also in efforts to obtain sufficient stores for
the garrison at Raglan, he appears to have acted with
extraordinary energy. ||

During the progress of operations against Gloucester,
Lady Harley in her correspondence with her son, on
the 14th of February, 1642, says : — " Nine days past my
Lord Herbert was at Hereford, where he stayed a

87 Rushworth. *> Somers' Tracts, vol. v. p. 312.

Jl Unpin states that after thus relieving Gloucester, Sir William Waller took
first Chepstow, and afterwards Monniouth.

68 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1642.

week. There was held a council of war, what was the
best way to take Brompton [Castle — her residence].
It was concluded to blow it up, and which counsel
pleased them all. The sheriff of Eadnorshire, with the
trained bands of that county, and some of the Hereford
soldiers, were to come against me. My Lord Herbert
had appointed a day to come to Preston, that so his
presence might persuade them to go out of their county.
He had commanded them to bring pay to victuals for
10 days. The soldiers came to Preston, but it pleased
God to call my Lord Herbert another way, for those in
the Forest of Dean grew so strong, that they were
afraid of them."102

We ascertain from his own later statement of expen
diture that from February, 1641, to October, 1642, or
thereabouts, he was actively engaged in dispensing his
father's immense loans in support of the royal cause ;
he says, — u With as much privacy as might be, keeping
good correspondence with the Parliament; remaining
in London, to avoid suspicion, being then trusted both
by King and Parliament. "

Taking amounts as stated by his Lordship, the dates
may be pretty correctly supplied from Iter Carolinum.

90

Between 28th February, and 18th March,
1641, he sent to Theobalds for the "pressing
necessities of his dear master," the sum of . £3,000

About the same time to Huntingdon, after
the King's departure from Theobalds . 3,000

On or after the 19th March, to York . 8,000

On or after 21st July, 1642, to Nottingham,
" where his Majesty set up his royal stan
dard."90 . . / . 4,000

102 Washbourn. 90 Somcrs' Tracts, vol v. ed. 1811, 4to. page 263.

1642 ] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 51)

Officers' expenses to York . . 1,500

Besides, by his Majesty's command, victual
ling the Tower, Sir John Byron being Lord-
Lieutenant, for which purpose, he " sent him
in old plate, under pretence of coining it" . 2,500

And further, obtaining through some pre
tence, leave of absence, from the Parliament,
he proceeded with their pass to York, carry
ing to the King in ready money . . 15,000
And in bills and assurances . . 80,500
For these his Majesty giving his " note for
ninety-five thousand five hundred pounds," his
Lordship returned in two days.

Raising Sir John Byron's regiment of Horse,
the first completed . . . 5,000

Representing a total of £122,500

Annexed to the record of this vast outlay, Lord Her
bert has left us a short piece of autobiography. u Things
being thus set in order, (he says) between his Majesty
and me, I fairly took leave of the Parliament, to go
down to my father; where I no sooner arrived but
there came directed unto me from his Majesty a Com
mission of Array ; whereof I presently, by a servant of
my own, sent word to the Parliament, with a letter to
the House of Lords, which I directed to my Lord of
Holland, and to the House of Commons, to Mr. Pym;
in both which I offered to intercede to his Majesty, and
conceived I should prevail to suspend the Commission
of Array, if they should make an Act that their
Militia should not come into my country. But they
with civil compliments and thanks replied that his
Majesty's [proceedings] was so illegal, and theirs for
the good of the kingdom so just and necessary, that by

60 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1642.

no means would they waive the one for the other. At
which I declared myself irritated, to see that they
durst tell me that anything commanded by my master
was illegal, and professed I would obey his Majesty's
commands, and let them send at their perils. So imme
diately, and in eight days' time, I raised six regiments,
fortified Monmouth, Chepstow, and Eaglan, fetching
away the magazine [of powder and ammunition] from
the Earl of Pembroke's town, Carlyon, and placed it in
Eaglan Castle, leaving a garrison in lieu thereof.
Garrisoned likewise Cardiff, Brecknock, Hereford,
Goodrich Castle and the Forest of Dean, after I had
taken them from the enemy."

We have here a striking instance of his unflinching
loyalty, of his first public expression of his political
sentiments, with a brief sketch of the course he adopted
in his first decisive military measures.

In the month of September several horses, the pro
perty of Lord Herbert, being seized in Gloucestershire,
the same was formally reported, as appears first from
the Journals of the House of Commons,* as follows :

"Die Martis, 130 Septembris, 1642.

UA letter, from the city of Gloucester, from Mr.
Perry, &c. concerning the Lord Herbert, son of the
Earl of Worcester, seven horses of war stayed there ;
and concerning some provisions they desire for the
safety of the city ; was this day read : And

" It is ordered, that Sergeant Wilde do prepare an
Order concerning both these particulars.

" That Mr. Speaker shall write his letter to the
Lord Herbert, son of the Earl of Worcester, to appear
here, and attend the House.

* Journal? of the House of Commons. 18 Car. I. 1642. vol. ii. page 763.

1643.] OE THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 61

" Mr Glyn to prepare this letter.
" That the Lords be moved to send for the Earl of
Worcester, to attend the Parliament."

And further, afterwards, from the particulars afforded
by the annexed document : —

" Die Jovis, 15<> Septembris, 1642.

" Whereas information hath been given to the Lords
and Commons assembled in Parliament, that seven
great horses or geldings, of the Lord Herbert, son of
the Earl of Worcester, were lately brought to the city
of Gloucester, to be by them employed (as is justly
suspected) upon some design against the Parliament ;
and that great endeavours are used by divers commis
sioners of array, and other ill-affected persons, in the
several counties of Hereford, Monmouth, Glamorgan,
Carmarthen, Brecknock, and Radnor, to draw the said
counties by way of association against the Parliament,
and their adherents, and in particular against the said
city, as a place the most advantageous for the further
ance of their malignant designs ; therefore upon the
humble desire of the citizens of the said city of Glou
cester, and for the better preservation of the safety of
the said city, being a place of great importance, and of
the counties and parts adjoining ; it is thought fit and
ORDERED by the said Lords and Commons, that the
Mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, shall
have the use and disposal of the said horses, for the
defence of the said city and parts adjacent, and the
services of the Parliament ; and that, for the same
purpose, they shall have power to raise one or more
troop or troops of horse and men, and to train, exercise,
arid employ the same, and other forces of the said city,
as by the ordinance concerning the militia is appointed ;
and further, that, for their better encouragement and

62 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1643.

assistance in this behalf, some such small pieces of
ordnance shall be forthwith sent down to the said city,
to be used, ordered, and employed for the uses and
purposes aforesaid, as to them shall seem most meet
and expedient ; and that they and every of them, in so
doing, shall be protected and assisted by the power and
authority of both Houses of Parliament."

•The records of Gloucester frequently allude to these
seven great horses, which were afterwards placed under
the command of Lieutenant Backhouse, and kept
together till the close of the war.

In February, Lord Herbert wrote to Prince Eupert,100
as follows: —

u MAY IT PLEASE YOUR HIGHNESS [Prince Eupert],

" Your commands came unto me but the last
night late, and being now upon making my entry into
the Forest [of Dean], I cannot so suddenly execute
the same ; but as soon as it is any way feasible, there
shall be no delay therein. Upon Thursday next, I have
given order, that accordingly as I shall receive intelli
gence from the other side of Severn (which when I have
taken order to receive), there shall be men sent over,
hoping by that time to master all on this side of Severn.
And in what I may I shall ever most readily obey
your Highness' commands, and remain, Sir,

" Your Highness' most affectionately
devoted Servant,

" ED. HERBERT.

"Raglan Castle,
" This Tuesday morning, 7th Feb. 1643."

A contemporary, a clergyman,29 has preserved an
interesting account of Lord Herbert's operations before

100 Warlmrton. » Corbet.

1643.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 63

Monmouth, on the 1st of April, 1643. Sir William
Waller having accepted the invitation of a number of
resident gentlemen, when he came near the town of
Monmouth, where Lord Herbert had begun to place a
garrison, his presence occasioned the precipitate flight
of his Lordship's troops. But Waller, although so far
victorious, failed in obtaining needful supplies, owing to
the devotion of the stream of the people, most of whom
were the Marquis's tenantry.

Lord Herbert afterwards united with Sir John
Winter, the reputed plague of the Forest of Dean,
who had strongly fortified and defended his own
residence ; he was, too, considered a most active enemy,
as well as a chief agent of the popish faction. His
Lordship's horse so materially assisted Sir John's opera
tions as to compel the rebels to quit the forest, having
made a passage over the Severn, at Newnham.

Soon after this affair, rumours were current that
forces were expected from Oxford for Paineswick and
Stroud, while the Irish it was believed were to lie on
one side of Berkeley, Lord Herbert and Sir John
Winter holding the Forest. The same chronicler
assures us that the taking of Monmouth gave a fearful
alarm to the whole country, the Marquis of Worcester
calling in Prince Rupert's horse to their assistance.
The result of these preparations was that Sir William
Blaxton, with his brigade of horse, joined the country
train-bands, with the forces from Raglan and Chep-
stow, making together about 500 horse and 1200 foot.
They fell upon the enemy's horse quarters, where were
lodged two troops and ten musketeers; while 150
musketeers speedily came from Monmouth to their
assistance. With these and further supplies of foot
the Monmouth party routed the cavaliers, of whom
many were slain and threescore taken prisoners.

G4 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1643.

Sir John Winter, despairing of longer subsistence,
at length deserted the Forest, after first firing his house
at Lidney, and somewhat revenging himself for past
disasters by spoiling the Forest itself.29

In June, Charles I. addressed the following letter* to
the harassed Marquis of Worcester, conveying promises
as usual, after a personal interview with his son :—

" WORCESTER,

u I am very sensible of the miseries and dangers
which of late you have been in, and do hope the time
will come when I shall be able to requite all my good
subjects, and none sooner than you ; concerning the
changing of your title, and other particulars, I leave
to your son's relation, who knows my mind therein,
who will ever remain

u Your most assured constant friend,

" CHARLES R."

" Oxford, 19th, June, 1643.

" For the Marquis of Worcester."

Lady Harley, writing on the 13th of June, 1643,
observes : — " My Lord Herbert and Colonel Vavasour,
who is to be Governor of Hereford, is gone up into
Montgomeryshire to raise soldiers."46

On the 25th of July, 1643, Lord Herbert, having
sent a dispatch to Prince Rupert, "f" in which he found
he had omitted some important particulars, after
wards transmitted the same day by letter, dated from
Raglan Castle, to the following effect :

" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR HlGHNESS,

" Since my dispatch to you this morning there
occurs one thing which I then omitted, which I

39 Corbet. * From MSS. Badminton. 46 Harley.

f "Rupert's correspondence, No. 18,980, vol. i.' Brit. Mus.

1643-4.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 05

thought fit to represent to your Highness ; that some
Parliament ships now lie in and about Milford Haven,
which hath hitherunto so far countenanced the county
of Pembroke, that they (dissenting from all Wales
besides) have only showed themselves refractory to his
Majesty's commands 5 and could your Highness so
dispose, that some of the ships late come in might
speedily (before notice be given them there of their
professing themselves for the King) surprise them, or
draw them to their allegiance that county would be
soon reduced to its due obedience, which otherwise by
land will not without much difficulty and loss be
done. One other thing I likewise forgot in my last ;
that in case your Highness became master of the city
of Bristol, and the castle holding out, your Highness
should need pioneers, for undermining the same, which
(the situation considered) will easily be effected, upon
notice from your Highness I shall procure some of the
forest miners, who being very expert at those works
shall speedily attend your pleasure. I wish all fortunate
success in all your attempts as becomes your Highness'
44 Most obedient and humble servant,

UL,D. HERBERT.*

" Ragland Castle, 25th July.

44 After 10 of the clock in the morning."

Lord Herbert (probably immediately after the defeat
at Gloucester) raised a regiment of foot and ten troops
of cavalry, offering, however, according to Sir William
Vavasour, to act only under the command of Prince
Eupert or the King : the former writes : — f

44 Whereas the Right Honourable Henry Marquis of
Worcester hath by his care and expenses long saved

* The letter is in a clerk's writing ; the autograph in a different ink.
f From MSS. Badminton.

66 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1643-4.

the town and county of Monmouth from the hands of
the enemies, and of late regained the said town from
them ; and in regard likewise that the towns of Mon
mouth and Chepstow are belonging to him of inheri
tance, and the interest he hath in the whole county,
my desire is, that the Commander-in-chief of the said
county and the Governors of both or each of those
towns, or of any other garrison within the said county,
should be complying with or observing any desires of
his, intimated unto them : either concerning his
Majesty's service, the good of that county, or the
particular safety and interest of him and his (whereof
I am very tender). As also the High Sheriff, Commis
sioners of Array, Justices of the Peace, or other officers
of the said county, martial or civil (as they tender my
pleasure), and will answer the contrary at their perils.
And for their so doing, the sight of these, or a copy
hereof, attested by that Eight Honourable Henry
Marquis of Worcester, shall be their and either of their
warrant. Given under my hand at Oxford, the 5th
day -of January, in the twentieth year of his Majesty's

reign.

" KUPERT.'

The accounts we have of Lord Herbert's military
operations are extremely meagre ; in a patent hereafter
to be noticed, the sieges and battles at which he was
present are briefly announced ; with what courage and
successful conduct he took Goodrich Castle, the Forest
of Dean, and the city of Hereford ; indeed with what
remarkable good fortune, with what unhoped-for suc
cess, he made himself master of the strongly fortified
town of Monmouth.

* Endorsed in the same hand— " Prince Rupert, his Warrant" And endorsed
by a private hand, — " Prince Rupert's Warrant to the Marquis of Worcester,
Oxford, January 5, 1644."

1644.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. G7

The achievements, as thus recorded, are sufficiently
high sounding, but no contemporary historian seems to
have considered them of sufficient importance to put on
record. Neither his own letters, nor those of his
numerous family and connexions, neither political nor
religious partizans nor opponents give us a glimpse of
our general's skill, bravery, and final successes ; while
the few particulars actually recorded leave but a faint
impression as regards facts, and a most unfavourable
one as regards results. In short, in his military capacity
he bears a most mythical character.

We have his own statement* that, through the means
supplied by his father and himself, the Marquis of Hert
ford, after his defeat in the West, was supplied with
recruits to attend his Majesty at Oxford, at a cost of
£8000. They also raised Sir John Byron's regiment of
horse, at an expense of £5000.

He further expressly alludes to having rendered his
Majesty's army considerable service before Edge-hill, by
the men he furnished. And he was likewise at the
charge, if not personally engaged in the reducing of
Abergavenny and Carlyon to the service of the Crown.

His own troop of Life Guards, consisted of one hun
dred and twenty noblemen and gentlemen, whose es
tates amounted to above sixty thousand pounds per
annum, most of whom he supplied with arms and horses.
This troop he acknowledges to have raised without
consulting his father, who reproving him said : " The
consequence would be that the love and power he had
in the country would be perspicuous, although he should
have thanks from the King, yet others, though his
Majesty's well-wishers, through envy, would hate
him for it." His Lordship adds : — " which I confess
I have found too true, my services having been more

* See Chapter XIX. giving the entire statement.

'

V A>

68 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1G44.

retarded by those who called themselves the King's
friends, than obstructed by his enemies."

It is certain that Lord Herbert acquired no military
celebrity. He was bold, determined, and energetic
when acting on the defensive, but he was not remark
able for any adventurous or brilliant aggressive suc
cesses. His troops were formidable in number, well
paid, and abundantly supplied with every requisite 5
but in all his reputed sieges, in all his encounters with
the foe, we seek in vain for any return of the slain, the
wounded, the prisoners taken, the disasters surmounted
and inflicted, and' the splendid store of spoil acquired.
The red hand and unpitying slaughter of war are only
shadowed forth to us like shapeless forms, creations of
the imagination rather than even faint pictures of
reality. His Lordship's naturally studious habits would
seem to have incapacitated him from entering ardently
into the wanton destruction of human life and the in
fliction of severe injuries on multitudes, regarded by
him more as deluded neighbours than cruel adversaries.
Above forty years having passed over his head in the
experience only of plenteous, peaceful times, and
scholarly pursuits, he was no longer like the pliant
sapling, but partook more of the stability of the sturdy
oak. In perfect agreement with his own noble and
generous spirit, he no doubt expected, as he desired, an
early and complete compromise of the political differ
ences which were then spreading their baleful contagion
over the land.

Nevertheless, it is rather remarkable that operations
on so extensive a scale, prosecuted at a large cost by a
single family, should have obtained comparatively so
little renown in the annals of the civil war: among
which we search in vain for details characterising the
martial deeds of Edward Somerset, Lord Herbert of
Raglan.

1644.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 69

CHAPTER VI.

LORD HERBERT CREATED EARL OF GLAMORGAN.
IRISH AFFAIRS.

ALTHOUGH many successes had early attended the
Royalists' arms, the chances of war in 1643 were inter
minably perplexing to all parties. The royal cause
was becoming desperate, and the King, never over
scrupulous, then endeavoured to obtain speedy assis
tance at all hazards. After taking the sacrament at
Oxford, in sacred repudiation of employing papists, yet
was he privately urging his generals to engage all who
would serve. The fact of the Marquis of Worcester
being of the proscribed religion was no obstacle to his
maintaining correspondence with him, personally com
municating with his son, and constantly draining their
fortunes and other resources.

The impoverished monarch was at least liberal in
promises and niggardly in fulfilling even those referring
to mere dignities in acknowledgment of immense ser
vices, so long as farther demands might thereby possibly
be the better secured • such was his insincerity in all
social relations, and such his intriguing policy in. all his
acts of sovereign power.

At home the battle of Edge-hill had just been fought,
and in Ireland a rebellion had to be suppressed, and
troops to be raised to swell the royal army. The
King must have been much confounded how best to
conciliate friends and enemies, protestants and papists,
until he could fearlessly assert his claims in accordance
with his own construction of regal rights.

70 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1644.

In the early part of the year 1644, the King con
ferred on Lord Herbert, during his father's lifetime, the
dignity of Earl of Glamorgan. " But," says Sir Harris
Nicolas,* " great doubt exists whether the patent ever
passed the great seal." And Mr. Nichols states that, on
reference to the original Docquet Book of grants made
by the King at Oxford, commencing in December 1642,
and ending in June 1646, nothing of the kind occurs
among the numerous grants of Dignities there recorded.74
Yet the title was constantly employed by Charles the
First in his several letters and commissions, and later in
a message to the Houses of Parliament ; and the fol
lowing is a copy of the PATENT he privily granted to
his Lordship on the 1st April, 1644.13

" Charles, by the Grace of God, King of England,
Scotland, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith,
&c. to our right trusty and right well-beloved cousin,
Edward Somerset, alias Plantagenet, Lord Herbert,
Baron Beaufort of Caldicote, Grismond, Chepstow,
Ragland, and Gower, Earl of Glamorgan, son and heir
apparent of our entirely beloved cousin, Henry Earl
and Marquis of Worcester, greeting. Having had good
and long experience of your prowess, prudence, and
fidelity, do make choice, and by these nominate and
appoint you, our right trusty and right well-beloved
cousin, Edward Somerset, &c. to be our Generalissimo
of three armies, English, Irish, and foreign, and Admiral
of a fleet at sea, with power to recommend your lieu
tenant-general for our approbation, leaving all other
officers to your own election and denomination, and
accordingly to receive their commission from you ; will
ing and commanding them, and every of them, you

Synopsis of the Peerage. 74 Nichols. l3 Birch and others.

1644.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 71

to obey, as their general, and you to receive immediate
orders from ourself only. And lest through distance of
place we may be misinformed, we will and command
you to reply unto us, if any of our orders should thwart
or hinder any of your designs for our service. And
there being necessarily great sums of money to the car
rying on so chargeable an employment, which we have
not to furnish you withal ; we do by these empower
you to contract with any of our loving subjects of Eng
land, Ireland, and dominion of Wales, for wardships,
customs, woods, or any our rights and prerogatives ;
we by these obliging ourselves, our heirs and successors,
to confirm and make good the same accordingly. And
for persons of generosity, for whom titles of honour are
most desirable, we have intrusted you with several
patents under our Great Seal of England, from a Mar
quis to a Baronet ; which we give you full power and
authority to date and dispose of, without knowing our
further pleasure, so great is our trust and confidence in
you, as that, whatsoever you do contract for or promise,
we will make good the same accordingly, from the date
of this our commission forwards ; which for the better
satisfaction, we give you leave to give them, or any of
them, copies thereof, attested under our hand and seal
of arms. And for your encouragement, and in token of
our gratitude, we give and allow you henceforward
such fees, titles, preheminences, and privileges, as do
and may belong unto your place and command above-
mentioned, with promise of our dear daughter Eliza
beth to your son Plantagenet, in marriage, with three
hundred thousand pounds in dower or portion, most part
whereof we acknowledge spent and disbursed by your
father and you in our service ; and the title of Duke of
Somerset to you and your heirs male for ever • and

72 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1644.

from henceforward to give the Garter to your arms,
and at your pleasure to put on the George and blue
ribbon. And for your greater honour, and in testimony
of our reality, we have with our own hand affixed our
Great Seal of England unto these our Commissions and
letters, making them patents.

" Witness ourself at Oxford, the first day of April, in
the 20th year of our reign, and the year of our Lord,
One thousand six hundred and forty-four."

Under any ordinary circumstances there would appear
to be no possibility of obscurity respecting this title,
and that any should exist only occasions the more
surprise, when considered in reference to a family so
eminently in favour with Charles the First. But the
subtle Monarch might have his own reasons for favour
ing any source of possible remote obscurity, until
assurance of the Earl of Glamorgan's success in his new
enterprise should embolden him to make his title clear ;
for it has been well observed of him, that he was not only
a most unscrupulous but a most unlucky dissembler.67

This much disputed title is, however, acknowledged
by Charles the Second in a royal warrant, bearing date
the 6th of April, 1661, as one, he is informed, " settled
by our Eoyal Father, of blessed memory."74

His Majesty gave the Earl the following instructions:*

" Oxford, this 2nd of January, 1644. Several heads
whereupon you our right trusty and right well-beloved
Cousin Edward Earl of Glamorgan may securely
proceed in execution of our commands.

67 Macaulay. 74 Nichols. * From Mss< Badminton.

1644.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 73

" First, you may engage your estate, interest and
credit, that we will most really and punctually perform
any our promises to the Irish, and as it is necessary to
conclude a peace suddenly, whatsoever shall be con
sented unto by our Lieutenant the Marquis of Ormond,
We will die a thousand deaths rather than disannul or
break it ; and if upon necessity anything be to be con
descended unto, and yet the Lord Marquis not willing
to be seen therein, or not fit for us at the present pub
licly to own, do you endeavour to supply the same.

u If for the encouragement of the Lord Marquis of
Ormond you see it needful to have the Garter sent him,
or any further favour demonstrated from us unto him,
we will cause the same to be performed.

u If for the advantage of our service you see fit to
promise any titles, even to the titles of Earls in either
of our kingdoms, upon notice from you we will cause
the same to be performed.

" For the maintenance of our army under your com
mands, we are graciously pleased to allow the delin
quents' estates where you overcome to be disposed by
you, as also any our revenues in the said places,
customs or other, our profits, woods, and the like, with
the contributions.

" Whatever towns or places of importance you shall
think fit to possess, you shall place commanders and
governors therein at your pleasure.

" Whatever order we shall send you (which you are
only to obey) we give you leave to impart the same to
your council at war, and if they and you approve not
thereof, we give you leave to reply • and so far shall
we be from taking it as a disobedience, that we com
mand the same.

u At your return we will accept of some officers

74 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1644.

upon your recommendation, to the end no obstacle or
delay may be in the execution of your desires in order
to our service, and our commands in that behalf.

44 At your return you shall have the command of
South Wales, Herefordshire, and Gloucestershire of the
Welsh side returned to you in as ample manner as
before.

14 In your absence we will not give credit or counte
nance to anything which may be prejudicial to your
father, you, or yours.

44 C. R."

Next month his Majesty wrote the following letter :*
44 GLAMORGAN,

44 1 herewith send you the rest of my dispatches
for Ireland, whither I pray hasten, time being most
considerable. I am sensible of the dangers you will
undergo, and the great trouble and expenses you must
be at, not being able to assist you, who have already
spent a million of crowns [£250,000] in my service ;
neither can I say more than I well remember to have
spoke and written to you that already words could not
express your merits, nor my gratitude : and that next
to my wife and children I was most bound to take care
of you, whereof I have, besides others, particularly
assured your Cousin Byron, as a person dear unto you.
4 What I can further think at this point is to send
you the Blue Ribbon, and a Warrant for the Title of
Duke of Somerset, both which accept, and make use of
at your discretion ; and if you should defer the pub
lishing of either for a while to avoid envy, and my

* From MSS. Badminton.

1644.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 75

being importuned by others, yet I promise your anti
quity for the one, and your Patent for the other shall
bear date with the Warrants.

u And rest assured, if God should cross me with your
miscarrying, I will treat your son as my own, and that
you labour for a dear friend as well as a thankful
master, when time shall afford means to acknowledge,
how much I am

u Your most assured, real, constant

u and thankful friend,
" CHARLES E,

"Oxford, Feb. 12th, 1644."

The Earl being from some cause detained at home,
his Majesty wrote in March, as follows : — *

" HERBERT,

u I wonder, you are not yet gone for Ireland ;
but since you have stayed all this time, I hope these
will overtake you, whereby you will the more see the
great trust and confidence I repose in your integrity, of
which I have had so long and so good experience ; com
manding you to deal with all ingenuity and freedom
with our Lieutenant of Ireland the Marquis of Ormond,
and on the word of a King and a Christian I will make
good anything, which our Lieutenant shall be induced
unto upon your persuasion ; and if you find it fitting,
you may privately show him these, which I intend not
as obligatory to him, but to myself; and for both your
encouragements and warrantise, in whom I repose my
chiefest hopes, not having in all my kingdoms two
such subjects; whose endeavours joining, I am confi
dent to be soon drawn out of the mire, I am now

* From MSS. Badminton.

7G LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1644.

enforced to wallow in; and then shall I show my
thankfulness to you both ; and as you have never failed
me, so shall I never fail you, but in all things show
how much I am . . .

" Oxford the 12th of March, 1644."

The newly created Earl of Glamorgan was now just
entering on what afterwards proved to be the most
perilous period of his life. He no doubt felt the weighty
importance of the duties he was undertaking, and one
cannot help imagining that it was under a lively impres
sion of the possible change in his fortune, which, whe
ther for good or for evil, it was past human wisdom to
divine, that he addressed the following most reverential
letter to his honoured father, in August, 1644.*

" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR LORDSHIP,

u Amongst other memorable expressions which
have taken deep root in my heart, I assure your Lord
ship, that those you were pleased to use towards me on
Sunday last, shall never be defaced out of my memory ;
for you were pleased so to interlace terror and comfort,
as that I knew not whether joy or fear possessed me
most, or whether you showed more justice or clemency ;
but at last a tender fatherly affection appeared to steer
your words and deeds which shall be, God willing,
answered with a filial duty and tenderness, and your
unparalleled goodness shall not, with God Almighty's
grace, undo, but strengthen me in my duty to God and
your Lordship, with as much zeal and true-hearted
devotion as can be witnessed, with the uttermost en
deavours of thought, word, and deed, lying in the power
and uttermost abilities which I can at any time attain

* From MSS. Badminton.

1644.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 77

unto, whose ambition is not greater to anything in this
world than really and entirely to appear, my Lord,
" Your Lordship's most dutifully obedient son,
u and most devoted servant,

•'This 13th of August, 1644."

His military career in Wales appears to have ter
minated late in 1644, at which time the Parliament
having protested against the cessation made by the
Marquis of Ormond with the Irish rebels, by the King's
express orders, his Majesty determined not only on a
speedy peace in Ireland, but also on the raising of
troops there to be sent over to England. Difficulties,
however, arising consequent on the demands made by
the Irish Eoman Catholics, the King devised the expe
dient of engaging the services of the Earl of Glamor
gan in that hazardous negotiation. Adopting his
customary narrow policy, he planned and plotted alike
with friends and foes. Ormond was to be flattered and
deceived, next Glamorgan, and in succession all his
ministers, council and court, yea, the very Parliament
and the public were to be hood-winked by a master
stroke of double-dealing. Such a net-work of intrigue
had he woven, before the least of his measures could be
finally executed, that Charles the First's course of con
duct throughout this affair, has confounded early as well
as later and most dispassionate politicians. That the

78 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1644.

King was wavering and uncertain, at least in his deci
sions, is admitted by all, and it is very evident that
expediency was with him a sufficient plea for the most
perfidious treachery, without distinction of parties. He
first wrote to the Marquis of Ormond that well-known
letter, in which he says :25

44 OKMOND,

44 My Lord Herbert having business of his own
in Ireland (wherein I desire you to do him all lawful
favour and furtherance), I have thought good to use the
power I have, both in his affection and duty, to engage
him in all possible ways to further the peace there ;
which he hath promised to do. Wherefore, as you
find occasion, you may confidently use and trust him
in this, or any other thing he shall propound to you for
my service ; there being none in whose honesty and
zeal to my person and crown I have more confidence.
So I rest,

a Your most assured constant friend,
" CHARLES E.

"Oxford, 27 Decemb. 1644.

* u His honesty or affection to my service will not
deceive you ; but I will not answer for his judgment."

In this letter we detect the artful arrangement of its
matter, making Lord Herbert's real mission secondary
to some private business of his own, to the forwarding
of which the wily monarch solicits the kind offices of
his minister. Yet, secondary as was his mission appa
rently, he is much lauded for his 44 honesty and zeal" to
the royal person and crown ; while the same hand adds
a postscript in cipher, — 44 but I will not answer for his
judgment"

25 Carte, Birch and others.

* Several lines of numerals have been deciphered as here given.

1644.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 79

Yet he was not so insufficient in "judgment," but
that the royal adept in deception could purpose his
eventually superseding the Lord Lieutenant, whom he
was thus cajoling meanwhile.

On the 12th of January, 1644, his Lordship received
a Commission under the Great Seal from the King,
empowering him to levy any number of men in Ireland
and elsewhere, with other considerable powers, requir
ing for their exercise a man of 110 ordinary u judgment. "
So that when the King wrote one thing, he meant ano
ther, for his acts reversed his own statement, and offer
-the best proofs of the want of truth, although he might
consider himself obliged to adopt this shallow species
of subterfuge, in such an emergency.

The Commission is as follows : — 13

" CHARLES R.

"Whereas we have had sufficient and ample
testimony of your approved wisdom and fidelity, so
great is the confidence we repose in you, as that what
soever you shall perform, as warranted under our sign-
manual, pocket signet, or private mark, or even by
word of mouth, without further ceremony, we do on the
word of a King and a Christian, promise to make good
to all intents and purposes, as effectually as if your
authority from us had been under the Great Seal of
England, with this advantage, that we shall esteem
ourself the more obliged to you for your gallantry,
in not standing upon such nice terms to do us service,
which we shall, God willing, reward. And although
you exceed what law can warrant, or any powers of
ours reach unto, as not knowing what you have need
of; yet it being for our service, we oblige ourself, not
only to give you our pardon, but to maintain the same

13 Birch and others.

80 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1644.

with all our might and power ; and though either by
accident, or by any other occasion, you shall deem it
necessary to deposit any of our warrants, and so want
them at your return, we faithfully promise to make
them good at your return; and to supply anything
wherein they shall be found defective, it not being con
venient for us at this time to dispute upon them ; for
of what we have here set down you may rest confident,
if there be faith and trust in men. Proceed, therefore,
cheerfully, speedily, and boldly ; and for your so doing
this shall be your sufficient warrant.

" Given at our Court at Oxford under our sign-
manual and private signet, this 12th of January, 1644."

The Warrant his Lordship received from his Majesty,
to treat and conclude with the Irish confederates,
dated 12th of March, 1644, proceeds as follows: — 13

u CHARLES R.

u Charles, by the grace of God, of England,
Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith,
&c., to our trusty and right well-beloved cousin,
Edward Earl of Glamorgan, greeting. We, reposing
great and especial trust and confidence in your
approved wisdom and fidelity, do by these (as firmly
as under our Great Seal, to all intents and purposes)
authorise and give you power, to treat and conclude
with the confederate Eoman Catholics in our kingdom
of Ireland, if upon necessity any be to be condescended
unto, wherein our Lieutenant cannot so well be seen in,
as not fit for us at present publicly to own. Therefore
we charge you to proceed according to this our warrant,
with all possible secrecy ; and for whatsoever you shall
engage yourself, upon such valuable considerations as

13 Birch and others.

1644.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 81

you in your judgment shall deem fit, we promise on the
word of a King and a Christian, to ratify and perform
the same, that shall be granted by you, and under your
hand and seal ; the said confederate Catholics having
by their supplies testified their zeal to our service.
And this shall be in each particular to you a sufficient
warrant.

" Given at our Court at Oxford, under our signet and
royal signature, the 12th of March, in the twentieth
year of our reign, 1644."

It is generally asserted that the visit of the Earl of
Glamorgan to Ireland was of a personal nature, having
by his marriage become allied to some of the first Irish
families ; but no one can doubt that the important com
mission he had received from the monarch swayed all
other considerations. He was then about 43 years of
age. His royal master was profuse in the professions
of the most sincere attachment to the person of his
Lordship ; his acts and words being such as were best
calculated to ensnare an honourable man quite inca
pable of insincerity. But the King, after his own fashion,
had sound reasons for his conduct ; the Marquis of
Worcester was still rich, and might continue his liber
ality; and, as belonging to the Eoman Catholic faith, the
son might promote his measures in Ireland. He only
felt it necessary to flatter without serious meaning1,
and to promise without feeling the duty of performing,
should expediency cause him to change his views.

To Ormond, however, from whom he was not seeking
any favour, yet whose suspicion he desired not to
awaken, the royal diplomatist made light of this visit
to Ireland — u having business of his own" there;
spoke sneeringly of the Earl — u I will not answer for
his judgment ;" and yet employed him on matters of

G

82 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1644.

such vital importance for the success of his own mea
sures, that we at once detect the sophistry of such
language.

The Earl of Glamorgan, it would appear, went to
Ireland at the end of 1644 or commencement of 1645, as
his Majesty addressed the following letters to him in
1645 ;* the first in February : —

44 HERBERT,

44 I am confident that this honest trusty bearer
will give you good satisfaction why I have not in every
thing done as you desired, the want of confidence in
you being so far from being the cause thereof that I
am every day more and more confirmed in the trust
that I have of you, for believe me it is not in the power
of any to make you suffer in my opinion by ill offices,
but of this and divers other things I have given so full
instructions that I will say no more, but that I am

44 Your most assured constant friend,

44 CHARLES R.

" Oxford, 26th Feb. 1645." f

The next in June following : —

44 GLAMORGAN,

44 1 am glad to hear that you are gone to Ireland,
and assure you that as myself is no wise disheartened
by our late misfortune so neither this country ; for I
could not have expected more from them, than they
have now freely undertaken, though I had come hither
absolute victorious," which makes me hope well of the
neighbouring Shires. So that (by the grace of God) I
hope shortly to recover my late loss with advantage, if

* From MSS. Badminton.

f Birch, p. 359, gives the date 28 Feb. 1645.

1644-5.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 83

such succours come to me from that kingdom which I
have reason to expect, but the circumstance of time is
that of the greatest consequence, being that which is
chiefliest and earnestliest recommended you by

" Your most assured, real constant friend,

" CHARLES R.

" Hereford, 23rd June, 1645."

The Earl wrote the annexed letter to the Marquis of
Ormond, dated from Kilkenny in February, 1645 : — *

" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,

" I need not give you a relation of the public
audience given to the Nuncio yesterday by the Assem
bly, nor of his addresses thereunto ; all which (I am
confident) will be at Dublin before this can have the
happiness to arrive with your Excellency. Neither need
I use many words to persuade your Lordship, that the
expectance of a more advantageous peace, wrought by
the powerful hand of her Majesty, soon wipes out the
clandestine hopes of my endeavours to serve this
nation, to which any professions of mine have never
been other, and always in order to the King my
master's service, which my duty commands me ever to
have before mine eyes. And my zeal unto that trans
ports me beyond all other considerations. Neither was
ever anything of vanity in me to be esteemed the
person that should contribute to the satisfaction of this
kingdom, which I have ever aimed more to do than to
seem to do (as the private way of my proceedings may
well testify for me). But the saying is, a burnt child
dreads the fire ; and, therefore, if I be contented to

* Bodleian Library, MS. Vol. "Carte Papers, 1634-57, Ireland," No. 159.

ci 2

84 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1644-5.

withdraw my hands from meddling with concessions, I
conceive it is your Excellency's own dictamen, not only
as you are so great a public Minister of State, but like
wise as your Excellency is pleased in all things to
express yourself my noble friend. And sure I am in
all things you will find me a devoted servant unto you ;
and according unto the freedom that your Excellency
is pleased to give me in order to his Majesty's service,
I must needs deal so plainly with your Excellency, as
to put you in mind how absolutely necessary it is not
to disgust the Nuncio, since that the supplies out of
this kingdom unto the King can be but men. And
certainly, before I can put myself into a handsome
posture to serve the King my master by sea and land,
and in some kind to supply his Majesty's private purse,
I think it will stand me in little less than £100,000,
within three months ; all which whence can I have it
but out of Catholic countries; and how cold I shall
find Catholics bent to this service, if the Pope be
irritated, I humbly submit to your Excellency's better
judgment. And here am I constrained, to your friends
and mine here, absolutely to profess not to be capable
to do the King that service which he expects at my
hands, unless the Nuncio here be civilly complied with,
and carried along with us in our proceedings. Besides
(if there be understanding or reality in me), it is impos
sible to carry this nation, and make them do any nota
ble service for the Kins; my master, against the hair,
and contrary to the Nuncio's satisfaction. And (pardon
me to tell you) he is not a friend to your Excellency
that will persuade to the contrary, knowing very well
that you place your happiness and contentment in serv
ing his Majesty and this kingdom, as far as any great
and public Minister of State and real Protestant can
attain unto. According to which conditions I confess

1 644-5. j OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 85

it is not fit for your Excellency to appear in it yourself;
but if you please to interest myself and some others of
your chief assured friends and servants here (even with
whom your Excellency must give me leave to vie in
reality and zeal to serve you), to deal with the Nuncio,
I am most confident in a few days (if not in a few
hours), we shall bring him so far to comply in order to
his Majesty's service, as may give your Excellency
satisfaction. And for the present I alone have dealt
with him so efficaciously, as that he hath not only given
his consent and approbation for the 3000 men to go
for Chester (for the transporting whereof I shall find
shipping sufficient ready) ; and if that will not serve,
he means to-morrow or the next day to make it his abso
lute business. And I beseech your Excellency to take
what I have said here into your serious and speedy
consideration, as proceeding from me, who am not only
transported with zeal to the King my master's service
herein, but also to manifest myself how much I am

" Your Excellency's, &c.

" GLAMORGAN.

" Kilkenny, the 8th of February, 1645."

To which the Marquis replied from Dublin Castle
on the llth of February :—25

u I hope the supplies your Lordship labours for
with so much diligence will yet come seasonably for
the relief of Chester, notwithstanding the rumours
raised here of the taking of it ; but of this and the rest
of the 10,000 men I can say no more than I lately
have done, in a letter commended to Mr. Browne's

coiivevance."

a3 Carte, vol. vi. p. 353.

86 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1644-5.

And in a letter of the 26th of March, he observes : —

44 By intercepted letters of the 16th (Feb.) of this
month out of the North, I find it confirmed that Chester
held out, and was not delivered on the second, as was
confidently written hither out of North Wales by some
that desired it should not be relieved ; but it will in
fallibly be lost if the succours be not speedily sent."

And also writes desiring to be informed when the
shipping and men will be in readiness.

Again the Earl addressed the Lord Lieutenant on
the 24th :— *

"MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,

44 1 am now setting foot in stirrup for Waterford,
having made an embargo of all the shipping there, at
Wexford, and all other places of that coast, towards
the exportation of six thousand men, and have likewise
sent an express to St. Ives and Falmouth for shipping,
either to convoy or to help to transport these men. And
if your Excellency please to inform yourself what may
be done to forward this business out of Dublin, I shall
not fail to see performed any agreement your Excel
lency shall make, whose zeal to the service I know to
be such as that it were vanity in me to recommend it
unto you. I will, therefore, only desire to know your
Excellency's pleasure as soon as may be, and as it is
my part, so it is my affection always to obey you, and
ever to remain,

44 Your Excellency's, &c.

44 GLAMORGAN.

" Kilkenny, the 24th Feb. 1645."

* Bod. Lib. MS. Vol. "Carte Tapers, 1634-1657, Ireland, 63,'* Nos. 160 and 16L

1645.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 87

These letters seem at variance with the statement
made by Dr. Birch and others, that " the Earl left
Oxford, in March, 1644-5, in company with Sir Brian
O'Neile and some Komish Priests, and went to Wales ;"*22
unless we suppose he went to Ireland in December or
January, and returned to England sometime in Feb
ruary or March, which, although not impossible, yet was
a matter not so easily accomplished in those times and
under existing circumstances.

It is possible, however, that his own private, and the
urgency of public affairs, might induce his setting out
early to arrange the one, and to settle preliminaries in
the other ; for this latter purpose he would certainly
require his commissions of the 6th and 12th of January,
1644-5.

Then in March, 1644-5, being returned from Ireland,
he waits on his Majesty at Oxford, and receives from
him his Warrant of the 12th of March, and on the 1st
of April his extraordinary and ever-memorable patent ;
than which nothing could possibly show more convinc
ingly his Majesty's surpassing confidence in the newly-
created Earl, and his determination to " answer for his
judgment."

But this last favour had to be sent to him, as we find
from his instructions to Edward Bosdon, accompanied
by a letter to his Majesty, dated the 21st of March,
1644.

We are here enabled to clear up a mystery which
has hitherto hung over this portion of his personal
history, through a very humble source, fortunately
preserved in the Letter Book of Sir William Brereton,
now in the British Museum, wherein is the copy of a
letter from John Bythell, apparently the commander of

* Birch's Inquiry, p. 56. 22 Carte.

88 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645.

the " Peter," bound for Dublin. The circumstance is too
interesting to epitomise, and might suffer in graphic
description by any attempt to curtail its minute parti
culars intended to interest his father and family.

From this document we learn that the party left
Carnarvon for Dublin on the 25th of March, 1645 : —

*uJohn Bythell his letter to his father Eich:
Bythell, in Wyre hall. Wherein the much
admired Providence of God is to be observed
in commanding the seas, &c.

" Loving Father and Mother, —

u My duty remembered unto you, and my love
to my brother Peter and my sister. These are to
certify you that I am in health, but am very sorry that
I have such an occasion as this to write to you of. But
I pray you be not dismayed nor discouraged, for I trust
that that God that hath preserved me from my child
hood, and brought me into these troubles, will in his
good time deliver me from them again. For when I
went into a place into Wales, called Carnarvon, with a
small barque laden with corn, intending to go for
Dublin, which [where] it was my fortune to stay some
six weeks for a wind 5 in the interim there came
some great men from Oxford, and pressed the barque
for the King's service to carry them to Dublin, and
said if I did deny they would throw my corn over
board ; and they being of that power forced the barque
to go out with them. There was the Lord Herbert, and
the Lord John Somerset, the Lord Herbert's brother,

* Additional Manuscripts, Brit. Museum, 1 1,331, Pint. CLXXIII. E, 3 vols. folio.
Lettered— " Letter-Book of Sir W. Brereton, 1645." 3 vols. folio. Vol. I. (old
page, 13 ; pencil page, 15.) Indexed — "From John Bythell to his father Richard
Bythell in Wyrehall, wherein the providence of God, in commanding the seas, is
observable."

1645 ] OF THE MAKQUIS OF WORCESTER. 89

and many knights and colonels and captains, all being
strangers to me. But as it seemed, and so it fell out,
God was not pleased to grant them a passage, for we
left Carnarvon upon the 25th day of March, being our
Ladyday, with a very fair wind, although north-east,
and as fair a day as possibly could be. But when we
came over the bar of Carnarvon the wind began to
calm, and to come to the south and south-east. And
when we had not sailed past three or four leagues, but
the wind came to the south-west, and began to blow
very hard about two or three of the clock in the next
morning, so that we could not possibly get the Holy-
head ; and it increased more and more still, insomuch
that when we came to the Skerries the storm grew to
that [remorselessness ?] that the barque had much ado to
recover for being swallowed up in those great waves.
But when we had passed the Skerries the wind grew
greater and greater, and with inuch ado we recovered
the shore with the [ship], but could not possibly gain
any harbour, but were driven to the main sea. And
seeing the danger we were now in, the passengers
threw over some of my corn and cheese, so we lay on
the sea Tuesday and Wednesday ; and on Thursday we
could not gain any land but in the North of England,
at a place called Pillen • there we came to anchor
on Thursday about five of the clock in the afternoon.
But Lord Herbert would not go on shore, nor suffer any
that was in the barque to land before him. But on
the Friday the storm increased more and more, inso
much that no man did expect life, but every man pre
pared himself for death. But God (out of his great
mercy) was pleased to spare our lives for that time
most miraculously ; for about ten of the clock in the
morning, about one hour before full sea, the barque
not being able to ride, we were forced to cast our main-

90 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1045.

mast overboard, and presently after cut both her
cables, and committed ourselves to God's mercy. But
it pleased God we run on a part of the sand called
Cockram Sand, near to Pillen, but she struck many
times before she came near any shore ; but at the last
we recovered shore, but had neither anchor nor cable
to hold her, so she did [lie] all a-dry, and as soon as
she did ebb a-dry all the great men went away that
were papists, and are got to some garrison under the
king's command. But one Mr. Nutterfield and his
wife, and one Mr. Argent and his daughter, and one
Mr. Collour and his wife, and myself, went to Pillen
with some few men more, to comfort ourselves with the
fire and to refresh ourselves. And the next moniing
being Saturday, Mr. Collour and one Mr. Hambleton and
myself hired horses from Pillen to go to the governor
of that place to make him acquainted with our
landing. His name is Colonel George Doddinge,
and when we came to him and told him our
cause, he said he could not do any less than commit
us to Lancaster, where now I am, at a very good place,
one Capt. Rippendshoupe's. The Colonel was pleased to
remove me out of the Castle to his house, a very good
place, where I am well used ; but it has pleased the
Colonel to seize on all my corn, and to take it from me,
so that I cannot tell what course to take ; for all our
names are sent up to the Parliament, and the Colonel
cannot release any till he receives an answer, how we
must be disposed of. The best course that you can take
to have me released will be to make some friends to
Sir Win. Brereton and Colonel More, and to procure
their answer to Colonel Doddinge, and to inform him
where I lived, and that I never took up any arms on
either side, but have lived in Ireland this ten years.
And so I hope that will be answer to procure my en-

1645 ] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 91

largement, for here I am a stranger, and am not known
by anybody, so I desire this truly may be certified, and
by the hands of Sir Wm. Brereton and Colonel More $ and
I hope that will give satisfaction. I desire my brother
Peter to use his best endeavour herein for my liberty,
and to come to see me. The Colonel hath granted Mr.
Collour and me the favour [and me sic] to send to his
friends, being at Namptwich, and the same messing
[messenger ?] to come down from thence to you with my
letter for fear [if] ours were sent before [they] should
miscarry, so we sent letters by the Colonel's directions
to Namptwich from hence on Wednesday, being the
first of April ; my letters were inclosed in Mr. Collour's
letters, and he desired his father-in-law, Lieut.-Col.
Jones, Sir Wm. Brereton, Lieut. Coa, that as soon as
his letters came to his hands^ to send my letters down
to you. But for fear these should miscarry, we have
sent the bearer to you with this letter. I had all my
money taken from me, therefore I pray you to make
shift to procure me four or five pounds, for I have not a
penny but what I do borrow. I pray you to send a
shirt and two or three bands, for I have none left me.
I hope my brother Peter will not fail to come and to
bring these things along with him, that I have written
for ; so desiring you to remember my love to all our
friends, especially to Mr. Glegg and Mrs. Gregg, to
Capt. Edw. and Capt. John Glegg, and to Capt. Kobert,
and to Mr. Wm. and Mrs. Elizabeth and Miss Jones,
and all the rest ; so desiring a happy meeting, I rest,
" Your loving and obedient son, till death,

" Jo. BYTHELL.

"Lancaster, 6 April, 1645.

" I pray you give the bearer hereof, Mary Goadfine,
2s and 6d, and make much of her. But let her make
what haste she can back again to me."

92 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645.

We have next :—

u A list of their names that were aboard the c Peter,'
bound for Dublin and distressed by storms, and cast
upon the coast of Lancashire, and [who] afterwards es
caped to Skipton Castle."

(The name of the Prisoners taken at Lancaster, 1st
April, 1645.)

The Earl of Glamorgan, the Lord Herbert.

The Lord John his brother.

Sir Brian, uncle of Sir Francis Edmonds.

Sir Charles Hay ward, the Duke of Norfolk's grand
child.

Lieut. Vivian Mouelex, a man who was very decrepid.

Col. Cave, Col. Mitchell (Irish).

Mr. F. Flemmia, a Lancashire man.

Captain Mulbrian, Captain Bacon.

Mr. Peters, the Lord Peters' brother, Mr. Poynes.

Mr. Hutton, Col. Pristoe, Captain Butler.

u Some two or three more whose names are not known
to any passenger, but they were men of ordinary qua
lity.

" The Protestants that are now prisoners at Lancas
ter, and went of their own voluntary will, and not taken
by force, and hired horses.

"Mr. Collham, Mr. Jones, James Hambleton, Jo.
Bythell, Mr. Eob. Noterfield, his wife and children and
three servants ; not siding with the papists, Mr. Argent
a gentleman, his daughter, and Boyes, and his maid ;
Mr. Barker, Mr. Floyde, a minister.

" Two of the Lord Herbert's men who were taken in
their escape after their Lordship ; two poor sailors."

* From additional MSS. Brit. Museum, 11,338—3. "Letter Book of Sir W.
Brereton, 1645." 3 vols. folio, Vol. 1, page 69.

1045] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 93

Mr. Carte, in his Life of the Duke of Ormond,22
and Dr. Birch,19 following the same authority, assert
that — " The Earl of Glamorgan, having embarked
on board a small vessel, was near being taken by a
Parliament ship, which pursued him till he took refuge
in a port of Cumberland." This, however, must refer
to his second, and not to his first, attempt to set sail
from Wales.

We can now understand the occasion of delay pre
viously unaccounted for ; thus, Dr. Birch, after inform
ing us through Mr. Trevor's letter of the 9th of April,
1645,* that the Earl has actually " gone into Ireland,"
proceeds in the next page to quote a passage from Lord
Digby's letter, dated Dublin, 8th of May, 1645:-
44 Though I have no full knowledge of what Lord
Herbert was to bring with him ; yet by his letter to me
out of Wales, I guess his missing this place (Dublin)
was a great misfortune to the King's service, even in
relation to the credit I found the Irish were apt to give
to his services and undertakings ; and therefore if he
be where he can get once more to the water's edge, and
will venture over, I am very confident the little frigate I
now send to stay the return of the bearer, will land him
in some safe port of Ireland."

In consequence of this arrangement he at length
arrived at Dublin about the end of July or beginning
of August,22 1645, being a space of about six months
from the time of his leaving Oxford.

An incident with which the Earl of Glamorgan was
connected occurred during his stay in Wales, affords an
amusing episode illustrating the prevailing superstition
of the age, against which his Lordship was by no

Carte. IU Birch. * Birch's Inquiry, p. 58.

94 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645.

means proof. Dr. Bayly states that : " The Earl,
accompanied by officers, knights, and gentlemen of
high rank, all of the red letter, as they were in their
journey for Ireland, quartered in the town of Carnarvon,
a sea-port in North Wales, where they were entertained
with discourse at their table by some of the gentlemen
of the country, who informed them of the fulfilling of
an old Welsh prophecy, at that very time and place."
The legend related to the building of nests in the crown
on the head of King Edward I., over the gate of Car
narvon Castle, and was interpreted as significant of the
times. u Dinner being ended, they all went to the
castle gate." Thereon the Earl of Glamorgan " com
manded the nest to be pulled down, which was done
accordingly ; and being thrown down, they found the
materials of the nest to be such, as wherewith never
any bird did build her nest, viz. with white thorn,
which, for a memorandum or rarity, every one of them
stuck a thorn in his hat-band, and wore it."7

But we must now, however, revert to Eaglan Castle,
to keep in view what had been passing there in the
interim.

7 Bayly, Ap. XIX.

1649-45.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 95

CHAPTER VII.

RAGLAN CASTLE ROYAL VISITS.

WHILE the Earl of Glamorgan was zealously prose
cuting Charles the First's designs in Ireland, he had left
his Countess under his father's protection at Eaglan
Castle. At the commencement of this period the noble
Marquis would be in about the 63rd year of his age,
rather feeble, and a martyr to gout, which his fondness
for claret may have aggravated ; a pleasant story being
related by his chaplain, that on the physician recom
mending abstinence from his favourite beverage, he
declared that he would rather incur the attacks of his
old enemy than abandon his favourite claret.7

Between the years 1640 and 1641 Eaglan Castle
had been strongly garrisoned, when much activity was
evinced in providing and securing stores, arms, and the
munitions of war. It must, therefore, have worn a very
animated and impressive appearance, occupied as it was
by hundreds of soldiers, with a large number of war-
horses. The exercising of the troops would most
likely take place daily in the extensive paved or
pitched court, under full view of the drawing-room
windows, a spacious upper apartment, ranging behind
the hexagonal towers of the grand entrance, all of
which remain to this day.

A contemporary writer93 states that in the hall win-

Bayly . 93 Svmonds.

96 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [_1 640-45.

dows of this princely castle might be seen the ancient
arms : — Argent, a lion rampant, sable, within a garter.
Thomas Lord Morley, died 1416 ; and an old carving
on the outside walls, representing three lions rampant,
impaling, a fess, in chief three martlets.

In the adjoining village of Raglan the old parish
church of St. Cadocus had its large pedestal sun-dial
perfect, its yew-tree flourishing, and its burial-ground
hedged in with trees. Within the sacred edifice, the
Worcester chapel possessed its funeral ornaments in
varieties of fine marble, sculptured with artistic skill.
Against the north wall was the statue of an armed
knight, in parliamentary robes, decorated with the
Garter, in memory of William Somerset, who died 2 1st
of March, 1589, aged 61 years. Another fair monu
ment consisted of two statues, male and female, under
an arch between the chancel and this chapel ; he in par
liamentary robes, garter, badge, sans gloire, an earl's
crown, and the privy-seal purse. Edward Somerset
died 1627-8.93

Dr. Bayly, in his capacity of chaplain to the then
Marquis of Worcester, appears to have resided in the
Castle from 1643 to 1646. His collection of the
Marquis's sayings and family anecdotes, under the title
of u Apophthegms," includes some antecedent matters
related on the authority of others. He expressly re
marks : — " I have lived in Eaglan Castle three years,
and in all that time I never saw a man drunk, nor heard
an oath amongst any of all his servants ; neither did I
ever see a better ordered family."

He describes from hearsay, in his usual gossiping
strain, the ceremony of a mock wedding, which was
conducted as a kind of masque at the Castle some

Symonda.

1640-5 ] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 97

years previously, on the occasion of the marriage of the
Marquis's fourth daughter Elizabeth to Francis Brown,
Viscount Montagu, the particulars of which graphically
illustrate the domestic manners and customs prevailing
in those times, affording also a fair example of the Mar
quis's own peculiar humour, and further offering a scene
in which there can be little doubt that the then Lord
Herbert fully participated : for he would scarcely have
absented himself on so important an occasion as that
of his sister's marriage.

Dr. Bayly expresses himself as not being sure whether
the mock ceremony happened on the occasion of Lord
Herbert's marriage, or on that of his fourth sister
Elizabeth.23 However, it seems that no sooner had the
marriage party been seated at the feast provided for
the occasion, than, as the chaplain states, " Tom Deputy,
an old bachelor, chanced to cast his eye upon a pretty
piece of waiting woman, one of the appurtenances of this
honourable bride. He, this jovial Tom, having whetted
his wits by the sides of the marriage bowl, fixes upon her,
being enabled sufficiently thereby to follow any humour,
as a fit subject to make their lordships some sport ; which
happened to be so suitable to the occasion and so well
performed, that it soon captivated the ears also." Tom,
being informed he may have the lady for asking, makes
that request of the fair bride, remarking, " I protest I will
marry her, and fancy myself to be a lord, and herself
a lady. My mind to me a kingdom is, which shall make
her a sufficient jointure."

u Tom, Tom," said the Marquis, " such men as you
and I, whose joints are enfeebled with the strokes
of many years, must not think to win young maids,
by promising to make them jointures of the mind,

Bayly, Ap. XX.

H

98 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1640-45.

but will you make her Deputy of Deputy Hall ? and
landlady of all the land that is belonging to it? and
mistress of all the stock that is upon the land, and
goods that are within the house, and then you shall
hear what my daughter* and her waiting woman will
say unto you."

u With all my heart," said Tom, " and all the hogs
and poultry that are about the house to boot, and she
shall lie upon six feather-beds the first night."

Matters being arranged after some jocular preliminary
promises, Tom telling the bride that they were
agreed, the lady drank to him, he promising to marry
her after dinner ; the only difficulty appearing to arise
from the want of wedding clothes. The Marquis, willing
to remove that obstacle, told Tom that he thought his
clothes would fit him, and bid him go into his wardrobe,
and take what he had a mind to.

u Give me your key," said Tom ; and receiving it,
went up, and equipped himself with the Marquis's
beaver hat, satin cloak laid with plush, daubed with a
gold and silver lace, suit of the same, silk-stockings,
with roses and garters suitable, inside and outside, cap-
a-pie, all as brave as if he carried a lordship on his
back.

" The lady bride takes her woman aside, and dresses
her in one of her richest and newest gowns, with all
things answerable thereto, not without some store of
slight jewels, and brings her down as glorious as the
morn that breaks from the eastern hill, and chases night
away.

" Tom acted this scene of mirth in the Hall, which
proved to be a thing of that convenience, as if it had
been an act of some set policy to keep the crowd out of

Eli/abeth, bis fourth daughter.

1 640-45. J OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 90

the parlour, that the Masquers might have room enough
to dance in. At last, when the Masque was ended,
and Time had brought in supper, the Cushion led the
dance out of the Parlour into the Hall,* and saluted the
old new-made bridgroom and his lady, leading them into
the parlour to a table which was furnished with the
same allowance that was allotted for all the nobles ;
where they were soon forced to sit down," and were
bountifully served.

u Supper being ended, the Marquis of Worcester asked
the Lady, his daughter, if she had a hundred pounds
about her. No, my Lord, she answered, but I can send
for as much. I pray do, said the Marquis, but it must
be all in gold. She sent for it accordingly, presenting
it to her father, who pulled out another purse of a
hundred pieces ; and put the two hundred pieces in the
basin, saying — 4 Madam, if you do not give earnest,
Deputy will tell you in the morning, that he married
your woman but in jest.' Whereupon some gave fifty,
others forty, some twenty, others ten, the least gave five
pieces, who sat at the table, in all seven hundred pounds ;
the apparel and other gifts amounting to no less value
than one thousand pounds, which so transported the old
man, that he protested, that now he was in the humour,
he would marry all the waiting gentlewomen they had ;
one every day in the week, as long as the wedding
lasted."

Thomas, however, was at that period of the entertain
ment overcome with the potent effects of the good wine
of which he had freely partaken. The Marquis,
desirous of making the practical experiment of trying
whether Thomas could be persuaded that the past was
all a dream ; had him carried to his old lodging in the

The Banqueting Hall. See plan, preceding Chapter I.

H 2

100 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1640-45.

Porter's Lodge, and disrobed of his fine clothes, which
was done accordingly. Next morning the experiment
realized all their expectations ; and the Marquis, after
many good exhortations to both parties, delivered unto
them the money that had been collected.

During the troubles preceding the civil war, a cir
cumstance occurred at the castle which establishes the
early attachment of the Earl of Glamorgan to scientific
and mechanical pursuits, whilst it affords tolerably con
clusive proof of his having actually constructed the
identical invention which has immortalized his name.

Dr. Bayly informs us, to quote his own words, that
" At the beginning of this Parliament (Nov. 1640),
there were certain rustics who came into Raglan Castle
to search for arms, his Lordship being a Papist." The
Marquis met them at the castle gate, desiring to know
whether they came to take away his money, seeing
they intended to disarm him. They stated that they
made the application merely in consequence of his
being a recusant. To which he replied, u he was a peer
of the realm, and no convict recusant, therefore the
law could not in reason take notice of any such things."
Finding some sharp and dubious expressions coming
from the Marquis, they were at last willing to take his
word ; but he, not wishing to part with them on such
easy terms, had before resolved to return them one
fright for another. With that view he conveyed them
up and down the castle, until at length he " brought them
over a high bridge that arched over the moat, that was
between the castle and the great tower,* wherein the
Lord Herbert had newly contrived certain water-works,
which, when the several engines and wheels were to be

* The Citadel, or Yellow tower of Gwent. The bridge crossing the moat was
a gothic arched bridge, terminating with a drawbridge, leading direct from the
tower to the bridge. See Plan of the Castle, preceding Chapter I.

1640 45. J OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 101

set a-going, much quantity of water, through the hollow
conveyances of the aqueducts, was to be let down from
the top of the high tower ; which, upon the first entrance
of these wonderful asinegoes, the Marquis had given
order that these cataracts should begin to fall, which
made such a fearful and hideous noise, by reason of the
hollowness of the tower, and neighbouring echoes of
the castle, and the waters that were between, and round
about, that there was such a roaring as if the mouth of
hell had been wide open, and all the devils conjured
up, occasioning the poor silly men to stand so amazed,
as if they had been half dead; and yet they saw
nothing. At last, as the plot was laid, up came a man
staring and running, crying out, Look to yourselves, my
masters, for the lions are got loose. Whereupon the
searchers tumbled so over one another escaping down
the stairs, that it was thought one half of them would
break their necks, never looking behind them until out
of sight of the castle."23

It was probably not long after the commencement of
the civil war that the occurrence we have next to notice
happened at the castle, affecting the then Lord Herbert,
which is related by the family chronicler in his 48th
Apophthegm thus: — "My Lord Herbert of Eaglan
(eldest son of the Marquis) came into Eaglan Castle,
attended with 40 or 50 officers and commanders ; and
his business with his father being about procuring from
the old man more money for the King, the Lord Herbert
in his request unto his father (unhappily and unawares)
chanced to use the word must; which his father (the
Marquis) laying hold on, asked him, Must you 9 I pray
take it ; and threw him the keys of his treasury, out of
his pocket; whereat his son was wonderfully out of

Bayly, Ap. LI.

102 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1640-45.

countenance, and abashed (being otherwise ever a duti
ful and respectful son to his father) replied : L Sir, the
word was out before I was aware, I do not intend to
put it in force ; I pray will you put up your key again ?'

" To which the Marquis returned his son these words.
4 Truly, son, I shall think my keys not safe in my pocket,
whilst you have so many swords by your side ; nor
that I have the command of my house whilst you have
so many officers in it ; nor that I am at my own disposal,
whilst you have so many commanders.'

" My Lord (replied the son), I do not intend that they
shall stay in the castle, I mean they shall be gone.

u I pray let them (said the Marquis), and have care
that must do not stay behind.

u Whereat, after my Lord Herbert was gone out of
the room, there were some who, as mannerly as they
could, blamed the Marquis for his too much severity to
his son, after that he had seen him express so much of
sorrow for that over-slip; whereupon the Marquis
replied : — ' Hark ye, if my son be dejected, I can raise
him when I please 5 but it is a question, if he should
once take a head, whether I could bring him lower
when I list. Ned was not wont to use such courtship
to me, and I believe he intended a better word for his
father ; but must was for the King.' "23

In August, 1644, Charles the First wrote to the
Marquis, in the following gracious and flattering terms:*

u WORCESTER,

u I am sensible of the great affection which vou
and your son have expressed unto me, by eminent ser
vices, and of the means he may have of doing me
more in that way wherein he is now engaging himself,

83 Bayly, Ap. XLVII1 * From MSS. Badminton.

1644] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 103

that I cannot choose, before his going, but express unto
you, in a very particular manner, the value I have of
you both, and to assure you, that if God bless me, I
will not be behind-hand with either of you. In the
meantime, finding your son so much more desirous that
there should be placed upon you some mark of my
favour, rather than upon himself, I have thought fit to
let you know that as soon as I shall confer the Order
of the Garter upon any, you shall receive it as a testi
mony of my being,

a Your assured constant friend,

u CHARLES R.

" Liskeard, Aug. 2nd, 1644."

And again, the same month, he further assured and
promised him as follows : — *

" WORCESTER,

" Yours and your son's daily endeavours to
serve me, makes me think which way to give you as
surance of my gracious acceptance. And, therefore,
as a further testimony, I have sent you this enclosed,
only known to him and me, and fit, for several reasons
of importance to you and me, to be kept private, until
I shall esteem the time convenient, when, as God shall
enable me, I will show my tender care of you and
yours ; as, by a match propounded for your grandchild,
you will easily judge ; the particulars I leave to your
son, Glamorgan his relation, which I have commanded
him to make to you only ; and you may be confident
that I so much esteem your merits, and your upholding
your son in my service (wherein no subject I have
equals either of you), as that I cannot think anything

* From MSS. Badminton.

104 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645.

too much that lies in my power ; though, as yet, some
considerations hinder me from doing all I would to
wards you and yours. But, by your son's endeavours,
I make no question but in short time to pass them so
over, as that I shall make good the intentions I have,
to manifest that I esteem your services such as my
words cannot express them; nor I, but by showing
myself at all occasions, and in all things to be,

" Your assured friend,

" CHARLES E.

" For the Marquis of Worcester."

Which communication conveyed the following enclo
sure, prepared some time previously.*

"CHARLES E.

" Our will and pleasure is, that you prepare a
bill for our signature, for creating our right trusty and
entirely-beloved cousin, Henry, Marquis of Worcester,
Duke of Somerset, to him and the heirs male of his
body issuing, with all the privileges and immunities
thereunto belonging, and with a grant of an annuity of
fifty pounds yearly, to be paid to him and them, out of
our customs of Swansea, in our county of Glamorgan,
for the support of the said dignity, for which this shall
be your sufficient warrant. Given at our Court in
Oxford, the sixth day of January, in the twentieth year
of our reign.

" To our Attorney or Solicitor-General
"for the time being."

After the fatal battle of Naseby, 14th June, 1645,
the position of Charles the First becoming desperate,
he early sought the repose and security afforded by
Eaglan Castle, with the equally or more important pur-

* From MSS. Badminton.

1645.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 105

pose of stimulating a further drain on the fast dimin
ishing resources of its munificent proprietor. It will be
requisite to relate some particulars in reference to these
royal visits from their connection with this memoir, in
cidentally proving the position and prospects of the
Earl of Glamorgan ; while they account for much of
both his father's and his own misplaced confidence in
the fickle monarch and false friend, whose obligations
to the aged Marquis of Worcester and his noble minded
son were equally of personal as well as political import
ance to him, during the many mischances of his career
at that most critical period of his reign.

On Thursday, the 3rd of July, 1645, late in the after
noon, Charles the First arrived at Raglan Castle, where
he was received with all possible state and ceremony.
We are informed that : — When the King first entered
the castle, the Marquis having kissed the King's hand,
on rising, he saluted his Majesty with the compliment
— Domine non sum dignus. The King replied : — " My
Lord, I may very well answer you again ; I have not
found so great faith in Israel ; for no man would trust
me with so much money as you have done." To which
the Marquis rejoined : — u I hope your Majesty will prove
a defender of the faith."23 He was entertained to supper
on the occasion, remaining at the castle until Wednes
day, the 16th of the same month, when his Majesty left
to proceed to Cardiff.

From a Warrant issued on the 5th of July, 1645, we
learn the losses sustained by and the situation of the
Earl of Glamorgan's regiment of horse. It is a manu
script in the Harleian Collection, as follows : — *

" Whereas the Earl of Glamorgan's regiment of horse
being over at least 200, is now by reason of continual

23 Bayly, Ap. VIII.
* Mus. Brit. Bibl. Harl. 6852. Plut. LXIV. F.

106 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645.

duty, 2 troops taken from it, and 60 : (sic) more lost in
fight, much weaker, therefore it is desired that the re
mainder of this horse may be by order secured in
Colonel Lingen's regiment ; till such time the rest of
the money by the said Earl, appointed for the raising of
his regiment, may be received."

On Friday, the 18th of July, his Majesty returning
to the Castle dined there, continuing his visit until the
22nd, when he set out for a place called The Creek. In
the evening, however, he had supper at the Castle, and
remained there until Thursday, the 24th. He purposed
going to Bristol, but apprehending the approach of the
Scots, on arriving at The Creek, he went thence to
Newport, Cardiff, Eadnor, and Ludlow Castle. After a
lapse of six weeks, his Majesty, on Sunday, the 7th of
September, paid his third visit to Eaglan Castle in time
to partake of supper. He staid until Monday, the 15th
of September,* when he took a final leave of his boun
tiful host. During this last visit his Majesty appears,
on different occasions, to have gone to Abergavenny on
the 8th and llth, attended with his guards.56

Much misapprehension prevails respecting these royal
visits, which it is clear were made on three distinct
occasions, his Majesty staying the first time thirteen
days, on the second six days, and on the last eight days.

A singular instance of the Marquis's freedom in
addressing the King occurs in the following statement
made by his chaplain : — 23

u The Marquis had a mind to tell the King as hand
somely as he could, of some of his (as he thought)
faults ; and thus he contrived his plot against the time
that his Majesty was wont to give his Lordship a visit,

* Symonds in his Diary states that, on " Sunday, 14th [Sep.], About noon his
Majesty left Raglan, and marched to Monmouth ; thence that night to Hereford. '
48 Seiners' Tracts, — Iter Carolinum. 23 Bayly, Ap. XIV.

1645.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 107

as commonly he used to do, after dinner. His Lordship
had the book of John Gower* lying before him on the
table ; the King, casting his eye upon the book, told
the Marquis that he had never seen it before.

" Oh," said the Marquis, " it is a book of books,
which if your Majesty had been well versed in, it
would have made you a King of Kings."

" Why so, my Lord ?" said the King.

"Why," said the Marquis, "here is set down how
Aristotle brought up and instructed Alexander the Great
in all his rudiments, and the principles belonging to a
prince."

u And under the persons of Alexander and Aristotle,
he read the King such a lesson, that all the standers by
were amazed at his boldness ; and the King, supposing
that he had gone further than his text would have
given him leave, asked the Marquis whether he had
his lesson by heart, or whether he spoke out of the
book.

" Sir," the Marquis replied, " if you could read my
heart, it may be you might find it there ; or if your
Majesty please to get it by heart, I will lend you my
book."

u Which latter proffer the King accepted, and did
borrow it.

"Nay," said the Marquis, "I will lend it you upon
these conditions : 1. That you read it; and 2. That you
make use of it."

" But perceiving how some of the new made Lords
fretted and bit their thumbs at certain passages in the
Marquis's discourse, he thought a little to please his
Majesty, though he displeased them, the men who were
so much displeased already, protesting unto his Majesty

Gower, the poet.

108 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645.

that no man was so much for the absolute power of a
King as Aristotle. Desiring the book out of the King's
hand, he told the King he would show him one re
markable passage to that purpose ; turning to that place
that had this verse, viz. :—

" A king can kill, a king can save,
A king can make a lord a knave,
And of a knave, a lord also, &c."

" Whereupon there were divers new-made Lords who
slunk out of the room, which the King observing, told
the Marquis —

" My Lord, at this rate you will drive away all my
nobility."

" I protest unto your Majesty," the Marquis replied,
u I am as new a made lord as any of them all, but I
was never called knave and rogue so much in all my
life, as I have been since I received this last honour ;
and why should they not bear their shares ?"

An incident is related as occurring during one of the
entertainments given to the royal visitor, which is too
characteristic to be omitted. A dessert of Welsh grown
fruit having been provided, had to be presented to the
King. Sir Thomas Somerset, the Marquis's brother,
living at Troy House, five miles from Raglan, delighted
much in fine gardens and orchards, ordering and re
plenishing them with all the varieties of choicest fruits.
He sent his brother a present of fair, ripe fruit, which
the Marquis could not suffer to be presented to the
King by any other hands than his own, the particulars
of which are circumstantially detailed by Dr. Bayly,
who was very likely an eye-witness. He says : — " In
comes the Marquis to the King, at the latter end of the
supper, led by the arm, having such a goodly presence
with him, that his being led became him, rather like
some ceremony of state, than show of impotence ; and

1645 ] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 109

his slow pace, occasioned by his infirmity, expressed a
Spanish gravity rather than feebleness. Thus, with a
silver dish in each hand filled with rarities, and a little
basket upon his arm, as a supply in case his Majesty
should be over-bountiful of his favours to the ladies
that were standers by." Making his third obeisance, he,
in his own peculiar mode of pleasantry, presenting the
fruit, observed : " I assure your Majesty that this present
came from Troy."

The royal reply was no less witty. The King,
smiling, said, u Truly, my Lord, I have heard that corn
now grows where Troy town stood, but I never thought
there had grown any apricots there before.' "23

During his stay at Eaglan the King made the tour of
neighbouring towns. At the Castle he was sumptu
ously entertained ; the apartment he occupied is still
marked by its fine large remaining window, and its
proximity to the picture gallery ; also the Pleasaunce
or Bowling-green, where he sought amusement and
exercise.

It was most likely about or soon after the King's last
visit that the next circumstance occurred we shall have
to record affecting the Earl of Glamorgan, which is
related as follows by Dr. Bayly : — 23

" My Lord Herbert, after that he had sufficiently ex
hausted his father, by all the means he could possibly use,
for his Majesty's relief, and had taken up all his father's
moneys far and near, where he could either prevail
with force or argument, he chanced to hear of a sum
of money to tKe value of £6000, which the Marquis
had committed to the Lord John (his son), his care and
trusty preservation abroad. This money my Lord
Herbert happened to hear of, and acquaints the King
therewith, engaging the King in the business, and tells

» Bajly, Ap. IX. and Ap XLIX.

110 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645.

the King, that if he would send for his brother the
Lord John, to come unto him, and would say but thus
and thus unto him, that he would undertake he might
have the £6000. The King's occasions were then
urgent (being then before Gloucester, and hard pinched
for lack of money) ; through my Lord Herbert's persua
sion, my Lord John was sent for, came, and the busi
ness took effect ; the King promising to repay it by
such a time. When time and suspicion persuaded the
Marquis to call in his money, excuses made delays for
a time, but at last all excuses being set apart, by im
portunity, the Marquis wished his son John to go and
fetch the money, or else never to see his face any more ;
part of which injunction the Lord John performed, but
never the other. Not long after the Lord Herbert
coming to his father, his father received him with
wonted, but unexpected, cheerfulness. It so happened
that my Lord Herbert began to excuse himself unto his
father, concerning this business ; on whom the father
bestowed this language : — ' Son, I pray save yourself the
labour, for I do not blame you at all, neither am I
angry with you ; for I never trusted you with the
money. I love no man the worse for following his pro
fession 5 and you have made it your profession (all
along) to deceive your father, to help the King • but I
do not love a man that will take away another man's
profession from him, and deceive his own father of his
money, and his brother of his calling/ '

In 1650, the chronicler of this anecdote dedicated his
book to the subject of it, in the following strain :—
" The many favours which I received from your noble
family, especially from your Lordship, wrought upon a
disposition, some-deal a pretender unto gratitude, how
it might, in some measure or other, answer the respect
and clear the heart, that had lain charged so long with

1645.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. Ill

benefits." Such expressions seem to qualify the sense
in which the affair just related should be taken, coming
as it does from no unfriendly hand, and certainly could
never have been indited in the way of serious censure
on the prevailing character of Lord Herbert. While
we cannot omit relating so striking a family incident,
it evidently should not be too rigidly construed, when
the recorder of it dedicates the recital to Lord Herbert
himself at a future day, without offering any apology
for introducing a narrative, which, to modern ears,
reads exceedingly harsh and offensive ; but it is clear
that the Sub-Dean of Wells, never contemplated any
unfavourable construction, relying probably on the
generally well known character of his Lordship at the
time of publication.

112 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645-46.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE EARL OF GLAMORGAN'S SECOND VISIT TO IRELAND.

THE Earl of Glamorgan, actuated by private claims
and public business visited Ireland early in 1645, as
already stated. Returning to England lie again set out
for Ireland in March of the same year, but being
defeated in his intentions, he had to delay his departure
until some months later, arriving at length in Dublin
either in July or August.

The Marquis of Ormond had been fully apprized of
his Lordship's mission through Charles the First's letter
from Oxford, dated the 27th of December, 1644, as also
by personal communications with his Lordship during
his first visit. The powers granted by the Crown to the
Earl of Glamorgan and the nature of his patent, dated
1st of April, 1644-5, are matters of history, so remark
able as to have been already made the subject of dis
tinct treatises, and their peculiar features ably discussed
by Dr. Birch and others.

The dates of his Lordship's several commissions
and powers are: — I. On the 6th of January, 1644-5, a
commission, of which a Latin translation is given in the
Nuncio's Memoirs.* II. Another commission dated the
12th of January, 1644-5.J III. Another wan*ant dated
the 12th of March, 1644-5. And IV. a patent granting
him, as Earl of Glamorgan, most extensive and extraor
dinary powers, dated the 1st of April, 1644-5.

* Fol. 713. Also Carte, vol. i. p. 557.
f Nuncio's Mem. fol. 715 ; and Carle, vol. i. p. 554.

1645.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 113

At this period the Marquis of Ormond addressed a
letter to the Earl, as follows : — *

" MY LORD,

" Mr. O'Neill hath with him, to be delivered to
the Commissioners that treated here, two kinds of dis
patches, the one an answer to their paper of the llth of
November, which contains likewise conditional answers
to the several requests made upon the propositions that
were, for the most part, debated on in your Grace's
presence. This is drawn and sent with the full appro
bation of the Council ; the other contains some observa
tions of mine, together with undertakings in some points
wherein I held it unseasonable to press the Council to a
concurrence, considering that, in the paper transmitted
by their advice, there is a clear and full obligation, both
upon them and me, to transmit as bills whatsoever his
Majesty shall hereafter direct for the good of his sub
jects. In these two I have stretched my authority to
the uttermost that, either with safety to the treaty or
myself it will endure, which meeting with equal desires
of accommodation there, I doubt not will produce the
intended effects of seasonable succour to his Majesty ;
and therein of safety to his kingdom. Having told
your Grace that I am at the highest I will venture on
in this great affair, I should beseech your Grace for
accomplishment of those noble ends that induced you
through so great and apparent dangers to undertake
this your journey, now to set all your strength upon
bringing it to a good (that is a speedy) conclusion ; but
my experience of your judgment and indefatigable in
dustry informs me that such a request is needless.

u We have here reports (made I believe without ground
of truth) of the manner of the Italian Bishop's reception,

* From MSS. Badminton.

114 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645.

at Kilkenny ; but though I believe not all here said of
his errand, yet I conceive your Grace may observe
something, the knowledge whereof might direct me
how to govern myself, in the account I take myself
obliged to give his Majesty of the coming of so unbid
den a guest into his kingdom.

" I have not yet had time to put your commands
touching the parties mentioned in your last letter,
received by Col. Fitzwilliams, into a way of execution ;
but I shall not fail to satisfy your Grace, either in
doing the things or in giving such reasons why I could
not, as shall still manifest my being

" Your Grace's most faithful Kinsman,
" and humblest servant,

" ORMOND.

" Dub. Cast. 22 of Novem. 1645."

This communication contains the Marquis's remark
able expression of confidence in the Earl of Glamorgan,
when he says — " my experience of your judgment and
indefatigable industry." Only that courtiers are as
little to be put faith in as princes, one might take this
as sufficient evidence of the King's false estimate of his
Lordship's "judgment," as expressed in his letter to the
Marquis.*

His Lordship's negotiations with the Irish related to
the raising of a body of 10,000 men to be transported
to England in the royal cause ; their first destination
being for the relief of Chester, which measure was to be
promoted through certain arrangements to conclude a
peace with the rebellious party in Ireland : to be mainly
effected through important concessions being made to
the Irish Roman Catholic Clergy, to afford extended
religious liberty to ^heir cause in Ireland.

It had been arrknged that the political articles of

* See pa<re 78.

1G45 J OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 115

peace, to be made with the Lord Lieutenant, should be
published at once ; but other articles, affecting the
Roman Catholic religion, concluded with the Earl of
Glamorgan, were meanwhile to be kept secret, until
ratified by his Majesty himself. The Lord Lieutenant
was disposed to act liberally ; but the Earl of Glamor
gan, from his political and religious bias, combined with
his warm, enthusiastic disposition, was fully disposed
to approve and support demands in which he saw no
extravagance, but, on the contrary, anticipated much
real benefit to his own party.

All his Lordship's negotiations, treaties, plans, pro
mises, all his well laid schemes, and all the plottings of
his party broke down through delays and repeated
disasters, further promoted by the pertinacity with
which the clergy held out to the last for the entire ac
ceptance and complete settlement of their every demand ;
indeed the Nuncio went so far as to insist on the neces
sity of having a Roman Catholic Lord Lieutenant.

On the 24th of December, 1645, the Earl of Glamor
gan went from Kilkenny to Dublin to confer with the
Marquis of Ormond. On the 25th he was received by
the Lord Lieutenant with the greatest possible civility,
and every assurance of regard for his Lordship. But
on the 27th, the whole course of events had changed,
causing his Excellency to adopt a totally different line
of conduct ; an unexpected circumstance having mean
while brought to light transactions of which he was not
previously cognisant, which naturally aroused his worst
suspicions, at so critical a period.

Dr. Birch has very lucidly narrated the particulars.
The Popish Archbishop of Tuam, President of Con-
naught, and one of the Supreme Council at Kilkenny,
going into Ulster to visit his diocese, and put into exe
cution an order for arrears of his Bishopric, granted to

i 2

116 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645.

him by that Council, met with a body of Irish troops
marching to besiege Sligo, and joined with them. When
they came near that town, the garrison made a sally on
the 17th of October, charged the troops, utterly routed
them, killing the Archbishop of Tuam in the encounter ;
among whose baggage was found an authentic copy,
attested and signed by several bishops, of the treaty
concluded with them by the Earl of Glamorgan ; to
gether with an order from the Supreme Council for the
arrears of his Archbishopric ; a bull of the Pope ; and
several letters between the Archbishop and his agents
at Rome, Paris, and other places.*

The result of these disclosures was, that when the
Council was assembled at Dublin on the 2 6th of Decem
ber, 1645, the Lord Digby came to the board, and
charging the Earl with suspicion of high treason, moved
that his person might be secured. This done, he pro
ceeded to substantiate the charge on most irrefragable
evidence ; wherefore the Lord Lieutenant and Council
gave a warrant for the commitment of the Earl to the

custody of the Constable of Dublin Castle, in condition

i/

of a close prisoner.13

We have uninterruptedly, thus far, followed Lord
Herbert, seen him created Earl of Glamorgan, and
eventually engaged by Charles the First in an extraor
dinary and extra-official capacity in Ireland ; where he
was delegated by the King to act in certain matters
intended to promote the royal cause. So secret and so
unheard of was this mysterious affair, that it is without
a parallel in history. A Protestant monarch and a
Koman Catholic nobleman are the sole actors in this
strange drama ; a monarch whose crown was tottering
to its fall consequent on successive losses, opposed to

* Husband's Collection, p. 787, &c. edit. London, 1646, fol. and Kushworth,
Part IV. Vol. I. p. 239. 13 Birch, p. 94.

1645-1646 ] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 117

surprising successes continually accruing to his enemies ;
for the battle fields of Edge-hill and of Naseby were
alone sufficiently disheartening to have paralysed
even a stouter heart ; yet he finds in addition that, to
the surrender of Bristol, he may soon have to add that
of the strong city of Chester. His immediate neces
sities, added to the increasing expenses of the long con
tinued war, were rapidly impoverishing not only his
nobles but the country. While his own and the public
distress thus gradually lessened every prospect of suc
cess, one last ray of hope seemed to present itself to the
unhappy monarch. There was still a chance of succour
from Ireland, the acceptance of which, however, was
fraught with many difficulties. The loyalty of the
Irish, it was quite evident, could only be ensured by
nothing short of conciliatory measures of a more than
ordinary nature, especially if desired to bring over
to his service ten thousand of his Irish subjects.

The King had written from Liskeard, in August,
1644, to the enfeebled Marquis of Worcester, respecting
himself and his son, of u the value I have of you both,"
assuring him, " that if God bless me, I will not be
behindhand with either of you."

The most ordinary delays pressed heavily on his Ma
jesty, whose nerves seem to have been completely un
strung by successive misfortunes and the pitiable state
of his entire kingdom. In June, 1645, he expressed
himself to the Earl of Glamorgan, " I am glad to hear
that you are gone to Ireland;" so keenly alive was he
to the importance of the mission on which he had en
gaged him, and in one short sentence expresses the sin
cere trust of his heart, when he says — " So that, by
the grace of God, I hope shortly to recover my late
loss with advantage, if such succours come to me from
that kingdom, which I have reason to expect, but the

118 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

circumstance of time is that of the greatest consequence,
being that which is chieftiest and earnestliest recom
mended you."

No one better knew than Charles the First himself, that
he was incurring great risk, that he was adopting a
bold, daring course, which success would scarcely pal
liate, which nothing but his own ideas of expediency
could extenuate, and from the effects of which, at best, he
could only hope to escape by artifice or by some strange
amplification of his royal prerogative. Whatever
might be the issue, the King well knew that the means
he had taken would divide the opinions of all classes,
and leave the final decision open to endless litigation.
Such, indeed, has been the result even of its failure,
but the success of the Earl's negotiations would have
brought far more important interests to bear on the
questions involved in such strange transactions, than
has ever yet occupied the pens of historians or biogra
phers.

The plan for realizing this last hopeful event appeared
well arranged. The agent employed was unexception
able, he was eminently loyal, he had laid his fortune in
his royal master's lap, and zealously offered to do his
bidding to the utmost of his power. The King was not
wanting in condescension, affability and every gracious
expression in the acknowledgment of the money and
means raised by, and the energetic operations through
out, of the Earl of Glamorgan. He and his father were
further each offered a dukedom; and a matrimonial
alliance was to rivet their future connexion. But the
King had his confidence in this singular mission strength
ened materially by his intimate knowledge that both
as being in accordance with his religious and political
sympathies, the Earl was the most fitting instrument
he could employ in so delicate an undertaking. In

1645-6.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 119

what respect the Earl of Glamorgan acted inconsistently
or over-zealously in this perilous affair does not appear ;
while, on the contrary, his wonderful tact, patient sub
mission, and judgment throughout make his remarkable
discretion in every act conspicuous.

The Earl of Glamorgan, on the 5th of January,
1645-6, was formally examined before the Lord Lieu
tenant and the Council of Ireland, a copy of which
proceeding the Committee forwarded to Secretary
Nicholas, the nature of which will be understood from
the following copy of interrogations put to him, with
his replies annexed : — *

1. " Did your Lordship enter into Articles of Agree
ment with the Rt. Hon. Richard Lord Viscount Mount-
garret, Donogh Lord Viscount Muskerry, Alexander
McDonnell, and Nicholas Plunkett, Esq. ; Sir Robert
Talbott, Bart ; Dermott O'Bryen, John Dillon, Patrick
Darcy and Geffry Browne, Esqs., for and on the behalf
of his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, and the Ca
tholic Clergy of Ireland, or with any of them, and with
which of them in the month of August last, or at any
time since your Lordship's coming into Ireland, for or
concerning any grants, or commissions, to be made on
behalf of his Majesty, his heirs and successors, to his
Roman Catholic subjects, or their clergy ; or did your
Lordship make any articles or agreement with any
other person or persons, for or concerning any such
grants or commissions?"

Earl of Glamorgan s Answer. " That being at Kil
kenny, he did before Michaelmas last (but knows not
the exact time), enter into Articles of agreement with
the Lord Viscount Mountgarret, and for and on the
behalf, &c. ; for and concerning certain grants or

* Bod. Lib. " Carte Papers, 1634-57, Ireland, 63." No. 150.

120 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645 6.

concessions made on the behalf of his Majesty, &c. ;
and he did not make any Articles or agreements
with any other person or persons for or concerning any
such grants or concessions other than those in this his
examination mentioned, for the matter of which he
refers himself to the Articles ; and that an oath of
secrecy was taken by himself and the others to keep
the said Articles secret, and conceives he hath done
nothing but what he hath warrant for • and done with
out intention of prejudice to his Majesty's peace and
service, or to the Protestant religion, all circumstances
considered."

2. " Was there any counterpart of the said Articles
delivered by the persons above named, or any of them,
or by any other, unto your Lordship ? And if so what
have you done therewith ? Who were the witnesses at
the signing, sealing and delivering thereof; and where
or in whose custody or keeping are the said Articles or
counterpart? And were not John Somerset, Geifry
Baron and Eobert Barry present at the signing, sealing,
and delivering of the said Articles, and subscribed their
names ?"

Answer. " That there was a counterpart to deliver
to him, and it remains among his things at Kilkenny
or Bonretty ; he remembers not all witnesses, but refers
to the counterpart, only he remembers Geffiy Baron
(who was entrusted to write the Articles), signed as a
witness, and so did Lord John Somerset, whom he
called to sign, but he did not read the Articles."

3. u What is the substance of the said Articles ?"
Answer. " He refers to the Articles for the sub
stance."

4. " Did your Lordship grant, conclude, and agree
on the behalf of his Majesty, his heirs, and successors,
to and with the persons in the first interrogatory named,

1645-6.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 121

or any of them, or any others, that the Roman Catholic
Clergy of the said kingdom should and might from
thenceforth for ever hold and enjoy all, and every such
lands, tenements, tithes, hereditaments whatsoever by
them respectively enjoyed within this kingdom, or by
them possessed at any time since the 23rd of October,
1641, and all other such lands, tenements, tithes, and
hereditaments belonging to the Clergy within this king
dom, other than such as are now actually enjoyed by all
his Majesty's Protestant Clergy ; or did your Lordship
make any grant, conclusion, or agreement to the like
effect." '

Answer. " He refers as before, but conceives the
Articles are not obligatory to his Majesty (to which he
afterwards desired might be added these wrords, and
yet without any just blemish of my honour, my honesty, or
my conscience."}

5. " Did the said Richard Lord Viscount Mountgarret
and the rest of the persons above named, or any of them,
or any others agree with your Lordship on the behalf
of the Confederate Roman Catholics of Ireland, that two
parts in three parts to be divided of all the said lands,
tithes, and hereditaments whatsoever mentioned in the
precedent question, shall for three years next ensuing
the feast of Easter, which shall be A. D. 1646, be disposed
of and converted for and to the use of his Majesty's
forces, employed or to be employed in his service ; and
the other third part to the use of the said Clergy re
spectively ; and so the like disposition to be renewed
from three years to three years by the said Clergy during
the wars ? Or, did your Lordship make any agreement
to that or the like effect ?"

Answer. " Refers to the Counterpart."

6. u Did your Lordship agree for and in the behalf
of his Majesty, his heirs and successors, that the Lord

122 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645-6.

Marquis of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, or any
other or others authorised by his Majesty, should not
disturb the professors of the Eoman Catholic religion
in their present possession and continuance of the pos
session of their churches, lands, tenements, tithes, and
hereditaments, jurisdiction, or any other of the matters
aforesaid, until his Majesty's pleasure were signified for
confirming and publishing the said grants ? Or, did
your Lordship make any agreement to that or the like
effect?"

Answer. " That (for aught he knows), he did not
agree for, &c. ; but saith that he promised to use his
best endeavours therein with the Lord Lieutenant."

(And so on to the 15th Interrogatory.)

16. " Did your Lordship take an oath in these follow
ing words, viz. : I, Edward Earl of Glamorgan, do pro
test and swear faithfully to acquaint the King's most
excellent Majesty, with the proceedings of this king
dom, &c."* ^

Answer. " He remembers something to this effect,
but refers to original or copy, which he will produce."

The proceedings involved by this affair, the Earl's
examination before the Council, the documents in evi
dence against him, his own counter-statements, the cor
respondence between parties, and especially Charles the
First, who entirely repudiated and ignored the acts of
his duped agent ; together with the proceedings in
Parliament, and opinions expressed there, with others
published in the political tracts of those agitated times,
have been handled by every eminent historian, and still
afford abundant matter for dispute. Those who take
up the cause of the King, censure the Earl of Glamor
gan in most unmeasured terms : Hume assails his intel-

* See page 124.

1645-6.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 123

lect, Carte charges him with forgery. While those who
see in the whole transaction but another instance of the
King's duplicity, of his contempt of every obligation
(which a Christian feels bound to respect), so long as he
fancies expediency offers him, in his high position, a
sufficient excuse for the boldest tergiversation, exone
rate the Earl from the charge of having acted on his
own responsibility.

Indeed it requires a large amount of credulity to be
lieve that any subject, much less a man of the mild and
honourable tone characteristic of the Earl's whole con
duct, could have acted as he did, otherwise than with a
full and perfect previous understanding with his mis
guided sovereign, and empowered with sufficient proofs,
if even legally insufficient instruments under his hand
and seal to warrant his proceedings. That he had such
powers is well authenticated, and that he did not abuse
them is his highest merit. He did not coin money, or
appropriate property, or commit any other extravagance,
such as a man deficient in "judgment" possibly would
have done, under the grant of similar powers.

We cannot be mistaken as advocates of his acts in the
Irish affairs, by merely showing that those acts were in
strict conformity with the injunctions of the Eoyal will ;
for so long as troops were required, no means were to
be spared that were found absolutely requisite to gain
the desired end. We rejoice that the warm-hearted
Earl did not succeed, that all his negotiations failed,
and that the exorbitant demands made on him destroyed
the measures they were intended to render unbounded
and permanent ; at the same time, as a Roman Catho
lic, the Earl of Glamorgan acted honestly, consistently,
and by no means extravagantly. The folly and blame
and entire shame of the whole affair weighs heavily on
the King's memory.

124 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645-6.

While the death of the Archbishop of Tuam in Oc
tober, 1645, led to this exposure in Ireland, very diffe
rent circumstances conveyed the intelligence to Eng
land.

Sir Thomas Fairfax, having some dragoons at Pad-
stow in Cornwall, boarded a packet boat from Ireland,
and seized Captain Allen, one of the passengers, who
threw a parcel and some loose papers overboard ; among
those recovered were the Earl of Glamorgan's articles of
agreement with the Confederate Irish Eoman Catholics,
and letters from himself. These were published by
order of Parliament, the 17th of March, 1645-643: viz.
a Articles of Agreement made and concluded between
the Eight Honourable Edward Earl of Glamorgan, in
pursuance, and by virtue of his Majesty's authority under
his signet and royal signature, bearing date at Oxori,
the 12th day of March, in the 20th year of his reign,
signed, sealed and delivered by the Earl, 25th August,
1645, in the presence of John Somerset, Jeffrey
Browne, and Eobert Barry."

To this document was appended his declaration as
follows : —

" I, Edward Earl of Glamorgan, do protest and swear
faithfully to acquaint the King's most excellent Majesty
with the proceedings of this kingdom, in order to his
service and in the endearment of this nation, and punc
tual performance of what I have (as authorized by his
Majesty) obliged myself to see performed, and in de
fault not to permit the army intrusted to my charge to
adventure itself, or any considerable part thereof, until
conditions from his Majesty, and by his Majesty, be
performed.

" GLAMORGAN.

"Sep. 3. 1645."

43 Glamorgan.

1645 C.j OF THE MARQUIS OF' WORCESTER, 125

From the same source we have a letter addressed to
Lord Culpepper, in which the Earl says :•—

" MY LORD,

"Having overpassed many rubs and difficulties,
the expected work is at last compassed, which by what
means it was retarded, your Lordship, perhaps, before
hath learned ; and will be more faithfully and amply
related by the bearer, Captain Bamber, whom I have
employed to his Highness the Prince, to give an ac
count of the state of affairs here, and in what a mist
we are for want of intelligence, whereby we might be
ascertained of the Kind's and Prince's condition, which

O i

one Allen, a merchant of Waterford, proposeth to under
take a course for. And — - his Highness desire, which
moved for 300 men for the Prince's Life Guard, which
the Irish party is willing should be sent him, by the
return of such shipping as I have humbly desired
from his Highness, might be sent hither to AVaterford
for to waft over the men, whereof six thousand are in
readiness for the relief of Chester, which yet we hear
holds out, and the other four thousand by the first
of May are to follow. Your Lordship would ex
tremely further the service by your representing to
his Highness the necessity of a course of intelligence,
that we might not [be] as we are now, buried in ignor
ance of his Majesty's and the Prince's being and con
dition : of which I hope your Lordship will vouchsafe
me some light, that our motion may be according there
unto ; by which likewise to be ascertained of your
Lordship's welfare and happiness would be most wel
come news to,

" My Lord,

u Your Lordship's most affectionate
u and humble servant,

u GLAMORGAN.

" Waterford, the 27th of Fcbr. 1045."

120 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645-6.

Also to Lord Hopton lie wrote as follows:—
" MY NOBLE LORD,

" If the report of the many difficulties where
with I have struggled in compassing the designs of his
Majesty's service, have not before this reached you,
a faithful relation of the whole will be made to you by
the bearer hereof, Captain Allen, whom I desire your
Lordship to present unto the Prince his Highness as an
honest man, and one that proposeth a course of intelli
gence to pass between this country and his Majesty's
quarters, whereof there is great need. Now (God be
thanked) the business is brought to that upshot, that the
10,000 men are designed for his Majesty's service,
6000 whereof are ready for transportation • the means
for which are wanting, unless your Lordship will
please to solicit his Highness the Prince for transmit
ting what shipping those parts are furnished with, that
all possible expedition may he used. We hear, God
be thanked, that as yet Chester holds out, to relieve
which the 6000 men are ready are transportation.
This bearer hath intimated the Prince's desire for
having 300 men hence for his Highness' Life-Guard,
which may be transported to his Highness by the re
turn of such shipping as shall be sent hither, for the
aforesaid service. By his return I desire to learn
from your Lordship, the King's present state and being,
that we may shape our designs accordingly. Thereby
I should be most glad to know the Prince's and your
Lordship's good success and prosperity, for which none
can be more solicitous than I who am,

" My Lord,
" Your Lordship's most affectionate

u humble servant,

"W.terford.aJFeb.ms." "GLAMORGAN.

1645-6.1 OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 127

In the same publication appears Fairfax's communi
cation to the Parliament, that he had given Captain
Moulton of the Lyon, cruising on the Irish Seas, inti
mation of the enemy's intentions, which resulted in his
capturing a barque from Dublin, taking her into
Milford Haven, and seizing various letters intrusted
to one of the passengers.

Among these are copies of a long undated letter
from his Lordship to his Lady, the Countess of Gla
morgan, then resident at Raglan Castle. He writes: — 43

" MY DEAR HEART,

" I hope these will prevent any news shall
come unto you of me, since my commitment to the
Castle of Dublin, to which I assure thee I went as
cheerfully and as willingly as they could wish, whoso
ever they were by whose means it was procured ; and
should as unwillingly go forth, were the gates both
of the Castle and Town open unto me, until I were
cleared : as they are willing to make me unserviceable
to the King, and lay me aside, who have procured for
me this restraint ; when I consider thee a Woman, as
I think I know you are, I fear lest you should be
apprehensive. But when I reflect that you are of the
House of Tkomond, and that you were once pleased to
say these words unto me, That I should never, in ten
derness of you, desist from doing, what in honour I
was obliged to do, I grow confident, that in this you
will now show your magnanimity, and by it the greatest
testimony of affection, that you can possibly afford me ;
and am also confident, that you know me so well, that
I need not tell you how clear I am, and void of fear,
the only effect of a good conscience ; and that I am
guilty of nothing, that may testify one thought of dis
loyalty to his Majesty, or of what may stain the honour

4j Glamorgan,

128 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645-6.

of the family I come of, or set a brand upon my future
posterity. Courage (my heart), were I amongst the
King's enemies you might fear ; but being only
amongst his friends and faithful subjects, you need
doubt nothing, but that this cloud will be soon dissi
pated, by the sunshine of the King my Master ; and
did you but know how well and merry I am, you would
be as little troubled as myself, who have nothing that
can afflict me ; but lest your apprehension might hurt
you, especially since all the while I could get no oppor
tunity of sending, nor yet by any certain probable
means, but by my Cousin Breretoris, Master Manner-
ing s, our Cousin Constable of the Castle, and my Lord
Lieutenant's leave : and hope you and I shall live to
acknowledge our obligations to them, there being
nothing in this world that I desire more, than you
should at least hear from me. And believe it (sweet
heart), were I before the Parliament in London, I could
justify both the King and myself in what I have done.
And I pray acquaint my father, who I know so cau
tious, that he would hardly accept a letter from me,
but yet I presume most humbly to ask his blessing,
and as heartily as I send mine to pretty Mall; and I
hope this day or to-morrow will set a period to my
business, to the shame of those who have been occa-
sioners of it. But I must needs say from my Lord Lieu
tenant, and the Privy Council here, I have received as
much justice, nobleness, and favour, as I could possibly
expect. The circumstances of these proceedings are too
long to write unto you, but I am confident all will
prove to my greater honour. And my Eight Honour
able accuser, my Lord George Digby, will be at last
rectified and confirmed in the good which he is pleased
to say he ever had of me hitherto, as the greatest afflic
tion that he ever had, did do what his conscience en-

1645-6.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 129

forced Mm unto ; and indeed did wrap up the bitter pill
of the impeachment of suspicion of high treason in so
good words, as that I swallowed it, with the greatest
ease in the world, and it hath hitherto had no other
operation than that it hath purged melancholy : for I
was not at the present any way dismayed, so have I
not since been any way at all disheartened. So I pray
let not any of my friends that's there, believe anything,
until ye have the perfect relation of it from myself.
And this request I chiefly make unto you, to whom I
remain a most faithful, and most passionately devoted
husband and servant,

" GLAMORGAN.

u Eemember my service to my brother, my cousin
Browne, and the rest of my good friends."

There is also a letter from her Ladyship's relative in
Dublin, Mr. Eoger Brereton, probably very near the
same date, being the 5th of January, 1645-6.43

u MADAM,

" I presume that some rumours of my Lord of
Glamorgan's being confined in the Castle of Dublin for
some matters laid to his charge by the Lord George
Digby have before this time come to your Ladyship's
hearing ; I thought fit therefore by these few lines to
let you know that my Lord is in perfect health, hearty
and very cheerful, not doubting to give a satisfactory
answer to what may be laid to his charge, I have so
much confidence in your Ladyship's accustomed discre
tion, that I know there needs no dissuasive arguments
to your Ladyship from either grieving or taking any
reports you may receive to heart too much, not doubt
ing but his Lordship will ere long see your Ladyship,
when you may partake of all things more fully than

43 Glamorgan.

K

130 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645-6.

may be by writing. My Lord your uncle is in health
at Bunraly, and with him there the Earl of P. my Lord
John and my Lady Honora. I wish your honour all
health and happiness, and am,

44 Your Ladyship's still faithful servant
44 and kinsman,

44 EOGER BRERETON."

Mr. Brereton likewise wrote, as follows, to Colonel
Pigot:-

44 WORTHY COUSIN,

44 1 have here enclosed sent two letters to the
Countess of Glamorgan at Eaglan, her Lord being
lately confined here to the Castle of Dublin ; and lest
her Ladyship may take things too much to heart,
these letters are sent to add some comfort. Both my
Lord and I shall acknowledge our thankfulness unto
you, if you be pleased to use the best and speediest
course you may, for conveying them to my Lady. * * *

44 Yours, &c,

44 EOGER BRERETON.

" Dublin, January 5, 1645-6.''

The King in his message of the 29th of January,
1645-6, to Parliament, as Sir Thomas Fairfax and
others believed, and as Vittorio Siri declares, — 44 thun
dered against the Earl in his Declaration only in
appearance, that he might be thought not to have been
privy to the obnoxious concessions made by the Earl in
his Majesty's name to the Irish Roman Catholics."13

The next day the King addressed a private letter to
the Lord Lieutenant, affording sufficient evidence of the
shifts to which he had recourse to uphold his miserable
policy, which no experience of ensuing hazards and
vexations could induce him to abandon.

13 Birch, p. 121, and p. 124-5.

1645-6.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 1,°>1

"ORMOND,13 25

" I cannot but add to my long letter, that, upon
the word of a Christian, I never intended Glamorgan
should treat anything without your approbation, much
less without your knowledge. For besides the injury
to you, I was always diffident of his judgment (though
I could not think him so extremely weak) as now to
my cost I have found, which you may easily perceive
by the postscript in a letter of mine to you,"f that he
should have delivered you at his coming into Ireland,
which if you have not had, the reason of it will be
worth the knowing ; for which I have commanded
Digby's service, desiring you to assist him. And albeit
I have too just cause, for the clearing of my honour,
to command (as I have done) to prosecute Glamorgan
in a legal way ; yet I will have you suspend the execu
tion of any sentence against him, until you inform me
fully of all the proceedings. For I believe it was his
misguided zeal, more than any malice, which brought
this great misfortune on him and on us all. For your
part, you have in this, as in all other actions, given me
such satisfaction, that I mean otherwise, more than by
words, to express my estimation of you. So I rest

u Your most assured,

u constant, real friend,
" CHARLES R.

"Jan. 30, 1645-6."

On the 31st of January, 1645, Secretary Nicholas
wrote to the Lord Lieutenant and Council of Ireland,
as follows : — 13 25

" MY LORDS,

" His Majesty having, with the Lords of the
Privy Council here, heard and duly weighed your

13 Birch, p. 121, and p. 124-5. 25 Carte, vol. ii. Append. No. xxiii. p. 12..

t Sec page 78. 2i Carte, vol. iii. No. 426, p. 446.

K 2

132 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645-6.

Lordship's [letter] to me of the 5th present, concerning
your prudent and grave proceedings, in the business of
the Lord Edward Herbert of Raglan, so highly import
ing his Majesty, hath commanded me to send your
Lordships his royal thanks, as well for your affectionate
expressions of your tenderness of his honour, as your
just resentment, how scandalous and disadvantageous
such the said Lord Herbert's proceedings might have
been to his Majesty's affairs and service here, and on
that side, if the wise course your Lordships have taken
to vindicate his Majesty, had been deferred. Your
Lordships will, by the King's own letter herewith sent,
receive the particulars of all, that his Majesty can call
to mind or imagine he may have done or said to the
Lord Herbert in that business. And since the Warrant,
whereby his Lordship pretends to be authorised to treat
with the Roman Catholics there, is not sealed with the
signet, as it mentions, nor attested by either of his Ma
jesty's Secretaries, as it ought, nor written in the style
that Warrants of that nature used to be ; neither refers
to any instructions at all ; your Lordships cannot but
judge it to be, at least, surreptitiously gotten, if not worse;
for his Majesty saith, he remembers it not. And as the
Warrant is a very strange one, so hath been also the exe
cution of it. For it is manifest, the Lord Herbert did
not acquaint the Lord Lieutenant with any part of it,
before he concluded with the said Roman Catholics,
nor ever advertised his Majesty, the Lord Lieutenant,
or any of the Council here or there, what he had done
in an affair of so great moment and consequence four
months before, till it was discovered by accident. This
doth not sound like good meaning • and I am sure is
not fair dealing. But his Majesty having, by his letter
to your Lordships, left the charge against the Lord
Herbert, to be prosecuted by your Lordships, I shall
say no more of that unhappy subject."

1645-6.J OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 133

To the Lord Lieutenant he wrote the same day
another and separate letter, viz. — 25 13

44 We are all here much amazed at the news of the
Lord Herbert's imprudent action (to say no more of it)
which hath most extremely prejudiced his Majesty and
his affairs here. Your Excellency, and the Council
there, will herewith receive a full and particular rela
tion from his Majesty, of all that he can call to mind
concerning that business, wherein as the Lord Herbert
hath dealt very unworthily with his Majesty, so it is
believed, that even the Eoman Catholics themselves
will condemn him for his imprudent proceeding therein.
For if his pretended Warrant had been authentic, yet
to do anything thereupon without your Excellency's
privity, was a madness, rather than a folly ; and the
concealing so long what he had done argues something
worse. The King hath commanded me to advertise
your Lordship, that the patent for making the said
Lord Herbert of Eaglan Earl of Glamorgan is not passed
the Great Seal here, so as he is no Peer of this kingdom;
notwithstanding he styles himself, and hath treated with
the rebels in Ireland, by the name of Earl of Glamor
gan, which is as vainly taken upon him, as his pretended
Warrant (if any such be) was surreptitiously gotten.
And I am sure, that honour cannot be conferred upon
him under the signet (as firmly as under the Great Seal,
to all intents and purposes) as his Lordship's pretended
warrant and power is alleged to be, though there be no
signet to it."

In a letter from the King dated Oxford, March 22nd,
1645-6, addressed to the Queen while in France, he
says : — 16

44 DEAR HEART,

* * * u I find that Sir Edw. Nicholas his gloss upon

25 Carte, vol. iii. p. 447. I3 Birch, p. 133. 16 Bruce.

134 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1645-6.

Lord Glamorgan's business hath made thee apprehend
that I had disavowed my hand, but I assure thee I am
very free from that in the understandings of all men
here, for it is taken for granted the Lord Glamorgan
neither counterfeited my hand, nor that I have blamed
him more than for not following his instructions, as
Secretary Nicholas will more at large show thee."

On the 3rd of February, 1645, the King addressed
the Earl himself, by his title, which we have just seen
disputed : —

u GLAMORGAN,

" I must clearly tell you, both you and I have
been abused in this business ; for you have been drawn
to consent to conditions much beyond your instructions,
and your treaty hath been divulged to all the world.
If you had advised with my Lord Lieutenant (as you
promised me), all this had been helped. But we must
look forward. Wherefore, in a word, I have commanded
as much favour to be shown to you as may possibly
stand with my service or safety ; and if you will yet
trust my advice (which I have commanded Digby to
give you freely), I will bring you so off, that you may
be still useful to me ; and I shall be able to recompense
you for your affection. If not, I cannot tell what to
say. But I will not doubt of your compliance in this ;
since it so highly concerns the good of all my Crowns,
my own particular, and to make me have still means to
show myself

u Your most assured friend,

" CHARLES E.*

" Oxford, 3rd Feb. 1645."

But this letter was no doubt written by the King
under some restraint, as it might be read both by

* lliirl. libr. 163, c. 3, 147. Birch, p. 356.

1645-6.J OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 135

Ormond and Digby. Yet no further evidence need be
required of Charles the First's consummate duplicity,
or how thoroughly he could make a convenience of his
subjects to serve his own subtle and deceitful policy.

The tone of these last three letters sufficiently shows
the weakness of the cause in which they were interested ;
if we credit the statements they contain we are re
quired to believe that Lord Herbert presumptuously
assumed the title of Earl of Glamorgan ; and that his
treaty with the Irish Catholic party was without the
privity, much less instructions of his sovereign !

Lingard says, " I have in my possession the original
warrant itself, with the King's signature and private
seal ; bearing the arms of the three kingdoms, a crown
above, and C. R. on the sides, and endorsed in the same
handwriting with the body of the warrant, — c The Earl
of Glamorgan's especial warrant for Ireland.' "62

The Earl's imprisonment created great sensation,
many insisting on his release by force of arms. The
General Assembly of the Confederate Catholics pressed
for his being liberated, as absolutely necessary for the
relief of Chester, then besieged, and in distress ; for
which service 3000 men were reported as being ready
to embark, waiting only for the ships contracted for by
the Earl, for their transport ; the expedition being thus
delayed through his imprisonment, and likewise the
treaty of peace frustrated.

The Earl of Glamorgan was set at liberty on the 21st
of January, on giving up to the Lord Lieutenant the
Instrument by which the Confederate Catholics obliged
themselves to the articles of their treaty ; but he would
not resign the command of the Irish troops, for England,
intended for the King's service ; bail being accepted

6a Lingard, 5th edition, Vol. vii. p. 627.

136 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOUKS [1646.

in £20,000, on his own recognizance, and the Marquis
of Clanricarde, and the Earl of Kildare, for £10,000
each, to appear on thirty days' notice.

Eeturning to Kilkenny, he zealously endeavoured to
obtain from the Confederate Catholics acceptance of the
Lord Lieutenant's offer of terms to conclude a peace ;
but they, persisting in their exorbitant demands, refused
to accept the slightest modification of their own views,
so that the Earl was at length compelled to abandon his
own measures in despair, only to fall under the suspicion
of his own party as well as of his opponents. On the
llth of March, he wrote the following letter to the
Marquis of Ormond : — *

U MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,

" The perfect knowledge I have of your Excel
lency's desire to perform what may be of most advantage
to the King our master's service, makes me confident to
lay before you what I humbly conceive may most con
duce thereto ; rny duty and affection obliging me not
only to adventure my life and fortune therein, but also
plainly to declare my sense thereof ; which being made
known to your Excellency, I shall ever most willingly
and readily submit to your better judgment. I, there
fore, take the boldness to acquaint you, that as I intend
(God willing) to go into France, without which journey
I cannot possibly bring things to that height of advan
tage to his Majesty's service, either in the business of
shipping, ammunition or money, as I have designed to
myself, and can (God willing) infallibly perform ; yet
if, before my own return, and during my abode in any
of those places, the Articles of Peace should be pro
claimed here, and not appear so really advantageous,

* Bod. Lib. " Carte Papers, 1634-1657, Ireland, 63."

1646.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 137

as is by them in other countries expected. It would not
only prove a cooling card to many, whose zeal other
wise would transport them to supply me gallantly in
order to his Majesty's service, but also perhaps render
me incapable thereof ; for which reason of great impor
tance, I should humbly beseech that the cessation should
be continued until about the middle of June next ; yet
so as that the condition of having the residue of the
ten thousand men by the first of May next may be en
forced by your Excellency, against which time, though
I return not myself, yet shipping shall be provided, and
that service no way neglected. But with this motion
of mine I have not acquainted the Commissioners that
are gone to Dublin, nor the Supreme Council, lest in
some I might have raised a spirit I could not lay down:
who might have taken a rise at this my inclination for
the furtherance of his Majesty's service, to countenance
their backwardness in preparing the supplies, or in
their unwillingness to submit to a perfect peace ; than
which nothing is more heartily desired or aimed at by
me, to the end that, under your Excellency's most
judicious and wise conduct, all things may unanimously
proceed to the furtherance of the King my master's
service, and the happiness and contentment of this king
dom. And to receive your Excellency's commands
hereupon I have sent Sir Vivien Molineux, who goes
with me into France. And give me leave to tell you
that the continuance of the cessation upon the terms
above mentioned (without which I cannot resolve to go
myself into France), will be likewise advantageous to
your Excellency and this kingdom ; since during it,
the Nuncio (whose mission is only to the Confederate
Catholics) will plentifully contribute here to the main
tenance of the war against the common enemy. And
your Excellency, giving me a power to engage your

138 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1046.

word with mine, I will promise you at my return, to
bring for the King's service and the good of this king
dom, ten, if not twenty thousand pounds sterling •
which, if managed by you, I conceive will be better than
£60,000, as hitherto moneys have been disposed. And
of this business, if you please, you may acquaint my
Lord Digby, to whom I have intimated something
thereof in my letter. But your Excellency, nor my
Lord Digby, need not be told with what secrecy my
intended journey ought to be kept, though I fear not
the Parliament, since I have bought a gallant ship at
Galway, with 16 pieces of ordnance, and victualled
for two months, manned with 34 good seamen, an ex
cellent captain, and good pilots, of 300 tons, English
built, and a good sailer. And for my return, I intend
(God willing) it shall be with a fleet, which how it is
to be left under your Excellency's command, I hope
you are already well assured, as you may be of any
thing within my power, who am,

44 Your Excellency's, &c. &c.

44 GLAMORGAN.

"Kilkenny, llth of March, 1645-6."

Ormond wrote from Dublin Castle, 4th March, 1645,
naming 44the sad certainty of the loss of Chester," — the
men, long expected, he hopes will arrive 44 seasonably for
some other service ;" and says, 44 there are many reasons
against the prolonging of the cessation till the midst
of June," but especially u the inevitable ruin that must
in the meantime come upon all his Majesty's true ser
vants," promising in his next to send the 44 authority to
engage me for such money as you shall be able, upon
so small an assurance as mine, to get."

On the 29th of September, 1645-6, the Earl addressed
a letter of explanations to the Lord Lieutenant.

1646.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 139

" For to endear myself to some, the better to
do his Majesty service, it is true I did declare a promise
from the King of the assent that after your Excellency's
time he would make me Lord Lieutenant. But it is no
meaning of mine but to keep your Excellency in during
your life, and not really to pretend unto it, or anything
in discrimination of your Excellency's honour or profit 5
or derogating from the true amity and real service
which I have professed, and will ever make good to
wards your Excellency. And my intention was ever
to acquaint your honour herewith, and I once intended
to do it before my going to Kilkenny, but never to conceal
it totally from you, though for some reasons it being
hitherto omitted, I think it not necessary for the pre
sent but as an obligation upon me thereunto. And in
witness of my true intent and meaning, I leave this
sealed in your Excellency's hands this 29th of Septem
ber, 1645, at Dublin.

" GLAMORGAN."

The Earl being thus bound to continue his residence
in Ireland, notwithstanding the unpromising aspect of
affairs, we shall proceed, in order of date, to consider
the position of his father, at Eaglan Castle.

140 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646.

CHAPTER IX.

RAGLAN CASTLE I ITS DEFENCE AND SURRENDER. DEATH
OF HENRY, MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.

FROM the close of 1645 to the middle of 1646 the
military operations within and surrounding the strong
fortress of Eaglan were conducted with untiring energy.
Parties from the castle were continually annoying the
enemy, while they on their part pushing their works
with vigour at several points caused many disasters,
keeping the favourably situated garrison in a state of
constant agitation and watchfulness ; finding their course
of operations gradually limited to acting entirely on the
defensive, not being in sufficient force to disperse the
stronger besieging army, against whom it is next to
a miracle how they maintained their position so long,
Eaglan Castle having held out longer than any other.

The Marquis of Worcester, the last lord of Eaglan
Castle, usually occupied, as is supposed, a handsomely
carved oak wainscotted parlour or sitting room in the
ground floor of the south side of the castle, nearly
the whole side of which was a large, handsome
window looking over the moat towards the tall, massive
tower or citadel. Over that chamber was his dining
room, and from 'his table the various dishes would be
conveyed to the grand banqueting hall, the most com
plete and spacious apartment within the present ruin.

The great state in which the noble Marquis was
accustomed to live may be gathered from the following
authentic account of the order of his household : — *

At 11 o'clock the Castle gates were shut and the
tables laid — two in the Dining Eoom, three in the Hall,

* From MSS. Badminton.

1646.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 141

one in Mrs. Watson's apartment where the Chaplains
eat (Sir Toby Mathews being the first), in the House
keeper's room for the Ladies' women.

The Earl came into the Dining Boom attended by
his gentlemen. As soon as he was seated Sir Ealph
Blackstone, Steward of the House retired, the Comp
troller, Mr. Holland, attended with his staff, the Sewer,
Mr. Blackburn, the Daily Waiters, Mr. Clough, Mr.
Selby and Mr. Scudamore, with many gentlemen's sons,
from £2. to £700. a year, bred in the castle. My Lady's
Gentleman Usher, Mr. Harcourt. My Lord's Gentlemen
of the Chamber, Mr. Morgan and Mr. Fox.

At the first table sat the noble family and such of
the nobility as came there.

At the second table in the dining room sat Knights
and honourable gentlemen attended by footmen.

Sir Ralph Blackstone, Steward.
The Comptroller. The Secretary.

The Master of the Horse, Mr. Delaware.
The Master of the Fish ponds, Mr. Andrews.
My Lord Herbert's preceptor, Mr. Adams,
with such gentlemen as came there under the degree of
a knight, attended by footmen and plentifully served
with wine.

At the second table in the Hall, served from my Lord's
table and with other hot meat — The Sewer, with the
gentlemen waiters and pages, to the number of twenty-
four or more.

At the third table in the Hall— The Clerk of the
Kitchen, with the Yeomen Officers of the House, two
Grooms of the Chamber, &c.

Chief Auditor, Mr. Smith.
Clerk of the Accounts, George Wharton.

Surveyor of the Castle, Mr. Salisbury.
Ushers of the Hall, Mr. Moyle and Mr. Cook.

142 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646.

Closet Keeper.

Gentleman of the Chapel, Mr. Davies.
Keeper of the Record.

Master of the Wardrobe. Master of the Armory.
Master Groom of the Stables for the war horses, twelve.

Master of the Hounds. Master Falconer.

Porter and his Men, two Butchers, two Keepers of the
Home Park, two Keepers of the Eed Deer Park, Foot
men, Grooms, and other menial servants to the num
ber of 150. Some of the footmen were butchers and
bakers.

Out Officers.

Steward of Raglan, Wm. Jones, Esq. Governor of
Chepstow, Sir Mich. Keneys, Bart. Housekeeper of
Worcester House in London, James Eedman, Esq.
Bailiffs thirteen ; two Counsel for the Bailiffs to have
recourse to. Solicitor, Mr. Jos. Smith.

His Lordship appears to have been very indif
ferently informed respecting his son's operations in Ire
land. The conveyance of communications of any kind
was difficult, hazardous, and uncertain. Of this a rather
romantic instance occurs in the relation given of his
adventures, by Allen Boteler, in his documentary
evidence entitled : — " A most true account of my busi
ness from his Majesty at Oxford, intended for the most
honourable the Marquis of Ormond, it being the last
of my [engagements in ?] these employments." It is a
long, prolix account, but sufficiently interesting from the
facts it details to be given in extenso. He states :—

" On Friday night being the 22nd of February, 1646,
I was conveyed to Abbington by Sir George Lisle, and
a party under his command, and from thence near
Cisseter, where I parted from them, took a guide and
went to Sir William Pooles, from whence by night I
was carefully guided to Sir Robert Poyntz's at Acton,

1646.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER 143

which his Majesty conceived to be the safest way ; there
by Sir Eobert was I exceedingly welcomed as coming
from his Majesty, and in that employment, and for the
space of five days I was concealed in Sir Eobert' s house
whilst he did continually employ some of his trusty
servants to endeavour a way for my passage over Severn,
which both by land and water was very strongly guarded;
yet having disguise from him I hired a boat for Black
Eock, and passed as a grazier, and a farmer, a friend
of his with me, to assist me ; but no sooner had we
landed but we had, by a grazier, intelligence that in the
village, and in all that country of the Moors, were
Parliament forces driven by his Majesty's party from
Newport and Carlisle. Thereupon the farmer brought
me to a church on *& rock [a] few yards from the sea
side, into which rock I conveyed my dispatches, and
myself and horse into the porch, whilst the farmer
bought [brought ?] me a guide, a man of his acquaint
ance, well known to the enemy's party but honest to
his Majesty's ; and after night he conveyed me through
their guards by the name of a butcher of Bristol, and
on the break of day, three Parliament officers, newly
landed at Gouldcliffe from Bristol, seeing me riding fast,
charged me in a lane and questioned me who I was for ;
and I answered that it was then no time to ask im
pertinences, by my being here you may judge who I
am for ; I intended for Newport or Carleon in business,
for the States, but my guide tells me that there is my
Lord Charles Somerset with 300 horse, for God's sake
tell me how I shall avoid them. Whereupon they
being as much affrighted with my word, as I with their
summons, hastily pointed me out a way, and ran them
selves another way into the Moors. By this means I
came to Carleon, from whence the King's party were
marched two days before ; and being then within four

144 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646-7.

miles of Raglan I came (as I thought) undiscovered to
Colonel Eichard Herbert's, and finding the passage
full of dangers, by reason of Langibby Castle and many
soldiers quartered in the way, I sent to the Lord Charles,
desiring a convoy, and acquainting him with what
business I was in. His Lordship returned me answer
that by one of the clock, the next day, by a windmill
on Christ Church hill, a party should meet me punctually;
and so there did, but it was of the enemy, who having
foot with the horse made me distrust and betake myself
to a wood adjoining ; and when they were past, no con
voy coming, nor intended, as it appeared afterwards, I
returned to the Lady Mary Herbert's, who then lay
in, and some intelligence being given to the enemy, so
soon as it was dark, a party being sent to take me,
my Lady Mary secured the despatches in or under her
bed, commanded a servant of hers to go with me, called
my horse hers ; and [I] going on foot all night in most
bitter weather and bad way, full of danger, I came to
the Castle about the day's dawning, where I presently
appeared myself to my Lord Charles, made my relation,
and besought him for a present convoy. His answer
was that that house was their own, and not as other
garrisons, they must look on their own securities, and
had done more than they had thanks for, but would
bring me to his father, so soon as he was ready. His
Lordship did so, and in the first place my Lord asked
me whether in my despatches I had any letters from his
Majesty to his son Glamorgan. I answered, not that I
knew of, but there might be within the Lord Marquis
of Ormond's ; on that I delivered to his Lordship his
Majesty's most gracious and comfortable message con
cerning my Lord his son, with thanks for their former
loyal expressions ; unto which my Lord Marquis an
swered that it was the grief of his heart that, he was

1646.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 145

That message i well inforced to say that the King was waver-
remember and so will ing anc[ fickle, and that at his Majesty's

^l^Tsoton^went last being there> he lent Mm a book* to

out of the bed chamber, read in his chamber, the beginning of
which he knows he read, but if he had ended, it would
have showed him what it was to be a fickle prince ; for
was it not enough, said his Lordship, to suffer him, the
Lord Glamorgan to be unjustly imprisoned by the Lord
Marquis of Ormond for what he had his Majesty's au
thority for ; but that the King must in print protest
against his proceedings and his own allowance, and
not yet recall it. But I will pray for him, and that he
may be more constant to his friends, saitli my Lord; and
so soon as my other employments will give leave, you
shall have a convoy to fetch securely your despatches ;
that I daily pressed and expected, sometimes it was
delayed with fair language and sometimes with such
as was very unwelcome to me, both from the father
and the son ; it being invectives against his Majesty and
the Lord Marquis of Ormond, and after fourteen days
delay,| I advised with Colonel Eatcliffe Jarrard, Colonel
Thomas Butler, Major Hugh Butler, and William
Watkins, Eeceiver General for South Wales, being all
Protestants, and of the Council of War, who agreed in
opinion that the delay was of purpose, and caused by
jealousy, conceiving that if I got over before Captain
Bacon who was then attending for a despatch to his
Lord the Lord Glamorgan, my despatch might tend to
the prejudice of his said Lord. On this I took occasion
to wait on my Lady Glamorgan, and remembering her
of the King's gracious intentions towards her Lord, I

* See page 107.

•J- Note opposite sentence commencing " after fourteen days delay."—" After myself,
Colonel Butler and the rest were gone, Lord Charles threatened to take from Mr.
Watkins £800 which was in the Castle (his Majesty's money) or siding with us, as
he now present is ready to testify."

L

146 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646.

besought her assistance, to which she answered that my
going so hastily was not material whatsoever I con
sidered of it, for that there were others gone with dupli
cates of business to her Lady ship's knowledge, of whom
her cousin Will. Winter was one, and he had no rela
tion to the Lord Marquis of Ormond, but was her hus
band's friend. To which I answered that my Lord was
her Lord's very good friend, as I was very much his
servant, but if his Majesty's business be done I care
not by whose hand it is ; but I thank your honour,
for now I know wherefore I am stayed here ; and from
her Ladyship I went to my Lord Charles, and told him
that by his neglect his Majesty might be undone, and
that to acquit myself I must lay the blame on those that
deserved it ; but if his Lordship would yet give way
Captain Spite would undertake to do the business with
twenty horse. His Lordship answered, that he took
my importunity ill, but would impart it to the Council
of War, and take their advice, which he did indeed, but
that caused so general a knowledge, that the country
was laid for me and my business, as I had very good
intelligence ; and thereupon the Protestant party
showed themselves to be much discontented, insomuch
that Colonel Butler, Major Butler, and others quitted
the Castle the next day, being the nineteenth of my
stay there. My Lord sent a party, who bringing the
despatches, I desired my Lord, in obedience to his
Majesty's Warrant to afford me a convoy, or if not, two
guides, one to ride before me to discous [discover or
discourse ?] and the other to direct me in my way,
both which he refused because, as he said, I had no
letters to his brother. Thereupon I went discontentedly
away to Aburgainy [Abergavenny] with Colonel
Eatcliffe Jarrard, Colonel Butler, and Major Butler, with
whom I advised, and sent with their approbation for a

1646.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 147

woman who was continually employed betwixt the
Castle of Denby in North Wales and Raglan in South
Wales. I agreed with her to go to Denby, Conway, or
Harlo Castles, with the letters quilted up in a truss of
linen and tied next to her body, and with her my own
man disguised to receive them from her, and to go over
with them, if I could not make my way to overtake
him, but directed him by the Governors to whom I
wrote. The man and woman were taken and carried
before Howell Gwynn, then High Sheriff; but what
became of the despatches, or how the woman concealed
or made them away, I know not, nor dare enquire,
but she saw the man taken, being a great distance
from her, as I had directed them, to keep in sight one
of the other, but not to go together ; and she was not
taken in two or three hours after, so that by all like
lihood she conveyed them away, otherwise the Parlia
ment pamphlets would have told us of it as they did not,
for with much fear, I expecting it, perused all the diur-
nals for more than a quarter of a year. This is all I
can deliver of it, and the particulars of these will be
punctually justified by those several parties formerly
meant, some of them being now about the Court, and for
the truth of this I am ready to make Oath when I shall
there unto be called.

u ALLAN BOTELER."*

Boteler or Butler's evidence would appear to have
been taken during the Marquis of Ormond's temporary
sojourn in England, after his leaving Dublin in June,
1647, previous to his shortly after going to Paris for
six months, when he returned to Ireland to assume his

* In MS. Index entitled, " No. 145. Boteler's Account of his business at Oxford,
1646. f. 210." The MS. vol. containing above is lettered at back, " Carte Papers,
1604-1660. 30."

L 2

148 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646.

post of Lord Lieutenant.13 The document derives con
siderable interest from its conveying to us the sentiments
of the Marquis of Worcester, in his reflections on the
King's conduct affecting himself and his son. It was
on no light grounds he charged Charles the First with
being " wavering and fickle;" declaring his son to have
been u unjustly imprisoned;" and bitterly lamenting
that the King should, in print, "protest against his
[son's] proceedings;" being no doubt well satisfied
through his Majesty's own discourse and his after written
instructions, that the Earl of Glamorgan had, in every
sense, been most unworthily used from first to last by
his royal master. The upright old Marquis, touched in
a tender part, was not disposed to overlook the injury
done to his family, although coming from so high a
quarter, for he must have felt it as nothing short of a
gratuitous maligning and blackening of his son's cha
racter from the most sordid, selfish motives, reckless of
all risks and hazards. No considerations swayed him
to conceal his utmost anger at the indignity put on
himself and his house, rendered perhaps all the keener
by the presence of the unsuspecting messenger from
that prince who had so utterly deceived him, and that
peer who had aided in his dishonour. The blunt Bote-
ler adds, in a marginal notification, " That message I
well remember, and so will his Majesty; I having
set it down, as soon as I went out of the bed cham
ber."*

The Marquis, a shrewd, observant man, appears to
have expressed his wrath not only by words but acts ;
not caring that the messenger should return with any
favourable account of his reception or dismissal, for

13 Birch, p. 262.
It is generally believed that this chamber was over the south-west gate.

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 149

after having so unequivocally expressed his mind to
him, he is left to shift for himself, is long detained, and
at length departs at his own expense.

The siege of Raglan Castle was maintained by Colo
nel Morgan, Major General Laughorne, Sir Trevor
Williams, Baronet, and Colonel Eobert Kirle, with
about 5000 horse and foot.

It became necessary for the besieged, in their ex
tremity, in the pleasant month of May, 1646, to destroy
every shelter or advantage the enemy might derive
from the houses in the village, or its old church. They,
therefore, levelled the goodly tower of the latter, as
also the houses near, burning likewise whatever might
in any way have been likely to prove available.

Sir Trevor Williams, at the same time, was arrang
ing to blockade Eaglan, garrisoning his men in the
town of Usk. On the other side, Colonel Kirle, with
his force, was stationed within two miles of Eag
lan ; while Laughorne occupied Abergavenny 5 and
Colonel Birch, besieging Gutbridge Castle, left Eaglan
without hope of relief.

In their skirmishes with the enemy, posted in these
positions, the Eoyalists lost 16 killed, and 20 taken
prisoners ; while Sir Trevor Williams seized 80 horses
grazing under the castle walls. Colonel Morgan, then
at Worcester, shortly after, joining the army, made
Landeimy his head-quarters, within a distance of three
miles.

A domestic incident may be here mentioned, not only
as showing the discomfort of the place, but as connected
with the wife of the subject of this memoir ; and also
as characteristic of the Marquis's religious sentiments.
Dr. Bayly states that : —

" One evening, during the hottest period of the can
nonade, there came a musket ball in at the window of

150 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646-7.

the withdrawing room, where my Lord used to enter
tain his friends with his pleasant discourses after dinners
and suppers, which, glancing upon a little marble pillar
of the window, from thence hit the Marquis upon the
side of his head, and fell down flattened upon the table,
which breaking the pillar in pieces, it made such a
noise in the room, that his daughter-in-law, the Countess
of Glamorgan, who stood in the same window, ran away
as if the house had been falling down upon her head,
crying out, L 0 Lord ! O Lord !' But at length, find
ing herself more afraid than hurt, she returned back
again, no less excusing her — as she was pleased to call
it — rudeness to her father, than acknowledging her
fears to all the company. To whom the Marquis said,
4 Daughter, you had reason to run away, when your
father was knocked on the head.' Then pausing some
little while, and turning the flattened bullet round with
his finger, he further said, l Gentlemen, those who had
a mind to flatter me, were wont to tell me that I had a
good head in my younger days ; but, if I don't flatter
myself, I think I have a good head-piece in my old
age, or else it would not have been musket proof.' '

It shows how closely Eaglan Castle was besieged,
when on the 26th of May, about 11 o'clock at night,
some of the Parliamentary soldiers could be drinking
at a public house, but a little distance from the Castle,
having alighted from their horses, and sent a scout to
reconnoitre : who bringing them favourable news, they
refreshed themselves at their ease. Meanwhile, having

O

been observed, 60 or 80 horse were sent from Eaglan
to surprise them, and they succeeded in seizing three or
four of their horses ; but some of the Eoundheads escaped
in a cornfield, while most of their companions quickly
mounted ; some riding off were lost in the darkness,
while the remainder, in a skirmish of half an hour, took

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 151

two prisoners and rescued their lost horses. Many-
fruitless skirmishes appear to have been thus made ;
often as many as 150 horsemen rushing forth, only to
return with the report of bootless labour.83

On the part of the besiegers, Captain Hooper was
employed to conduct the mining approaches, which were
pushed forward with great vigour.

The garrison of Eaglan (estimated when in full force
at 800 strong, in horse and foot) made several desperate
sallies on Colonel Morgan's forces : their bold com
mander often personally encountering the hostile party
with marked gallantry, losing on one occasion a colour ;
and a cornet his life. While on the Eoyalist side a
major and a captain were slain, besides many wounded.
But when General Fairfax, sending reinforcement from
Oxford, had raised Colonel Morgan's regiment of 1500
to 3500 men, such sallies became less frequent.92 The
General, who had been at Bath to recruit his health,
hastening to Eaglan, put life into the siege by his pre
sence, and, on the 7th of August, he sent in his sum
mons to the Castle ; in consequence of which, numerous
messages passed between the Marquis and the General,
the Marquis reminding him in one of his replies how
well he was known u in Henry, Earl of Huntingdon's
time, unto your [the General's] noble grandfather at
York ;" at the same time inviting some propositions to
be made ; specially requiring on his own behalf to have
any acts f of his first approved by the King, through
whom, moreover, he was " above £20,000 out of
purse." The conditions offered, required, among
others, that the Marquis should submit to the mercy of
the Parliament ; while those affecting the garrison and
inmates of the Castle were honourable to all parties. In

83 Raglan Castle. 92 Sprigge.

152 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646-7.

consequence of these negotiations, the Marquis, on the
13th of August, sent out a drum, desiring leave for his
Commissioners to meet the next day, to arrange articles
of peace ; which being approved, the drum was re
turned with safe-conduct for the Commissioners' coming
forth, and orders given for five hours cessation of arms.
The Marquis must have been fully alive to the jeo
pardy in which he was placed, after ten weeks of close
siege, hemmed in on every side, stores fast diminishing,
the cannon ball of the enemy knocking down turret
and tower, and demolishing the weaker portions of his
castle, never originally intended to withstand more than
the ravages of time, with the exception of a very limited
portion, the Citadel itself. The main work of the
enemy's approaches, too, was then within 60 yards of
the garrison's works, and a breach already made in the
eastern wall, near the library or closet tower ; besides
which, four mortar pieces had been advantageously
planted, capable of carrying grenado shells of 12 inches
diameter ; also two mortar pieces in another position,
capable of delivering similar shells. Captain Hooper,
the engineer, expressed his expectation to be in a
few days within ten yards of the castle, with trenches,
which he was constructing very exact and secure ; from
these he purposed making galleries, mines, and numer
ous batteries. The General himself, not only took great
interest in these military works, visiting them daily,
but at that very time had designed a new approach.

On the 15th of August, final terms were to be con
cluded ; for which purpose the meeting of the Commis
sioners was appointed to take place at Keventilla
House, the residence of Mr. Gates, about a mile and a
half from Raglan.84

»4 Kaglan Castle.

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 153

The terms of peace being concluded on the 1 7th of
August, the Castle was to be surrendered to Sir Thomas
Fairfax for the use of the Parliament, the articles of the
treaty, among others, stipulating : — That all the officers,
soldiers, and gentlemen of the garrison, should march
out with horses and arms, colours flying, drums beating,
trumpets sounding, matches lighted at both ends, bullets
in their mouths ; and every soldier with twelve charges
of powder and ball ; with permission to select any place
within 10 miles of the Castle, for the purpose of deliver
ing up their arms to the General in command ; after
which the soldiers were to be disbanded and set at
liberty ; and safe-conduct and protection given to all the
gentlemen and others who had sought refuge within
the walls of Raglan Castle.

Wednesday, the 19th of August, 1646, in conformity
with the treaty, the Castle was taken possession of by
General Fairfax. The Marquis of Worcester, bordering
on 70 years of age, infirm and careworn as he was,
accosted Fairfax in a pleasant, jocose mood ; yet it must
have been but a melancholy cortege by which he was
attended, on abandoning that roof which was soon to
be destined to irreclaimable ruin. It must have ap
peared to the bystanders more like a military funeral
procession than any other conceivable spectacle, in
which, however, the glistening of arms and armour, the
rustling of banners, the blast of trumpets, and the roll
of drums must have been felt by all alike, as though
more in mockery than evincing any cause of exulta
tion.

The Marquis was accompanied by his son, the Lord
Charles Somerset, governor of the Castle ; the Countess
of Glamorgan ; Lady Jones and Sir Philip Jones ;
Dr. Thomas Bayly, the chaplain, who had also acted
as one of the Commissioners from the Castle ; Conimis-

154 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646-7.

sary Guilliam ; together with 4 colonels, 82 captains,
16 lieutenants, 6 cornets, 4 ensigns, 4 quarter-mas
ters, and 52 esquires and gentlemen; including also
his Lordship's numerous visitors, household, and re
tainers.

The General, having thus secured the last stronghold
that had withstood the power of the Parliamentary
army, went to Chepstow to take part the same night in
a splendid entertainment, returning thence the following-
day to recruit himself at Bath.

There were found in Eaglan Castle, a mill for the
manufacture of gunpowder, 20 pieces of ordnance, only
3 barrels of powder, good store of corn and malt, beer,
and various wines ; not many horses, and but little hay
or oats. The apartments, however, were amply sup
plied with rich furniture, and well stored with goods.
All these the General committed to the charge of Mr.
Herbert, the Army Commissioner, and others to be in
ventoried.

Thus far the articles of capitulation were punctually
performed with regard to all matters, except only the
Marquis himself. We are not very precisely informed
respecting his removal, but only assured that he was in
the custody of the Black Eod ; and next hear of him as
being in Covent Garden, probably at that official's
residence, where he was repeatedly visited by his former
chaplain, the loquacious Dr. Bayly.7 It was a base
violation of the conditions in the treaty, on the part of
the Parliament, to keep the Marquis in confinement, and
still worse considering his age, corpulency, and bad
state of health, aggravated no doubt by the excessive
toils and troubles of the last few years, together with
the more recent fatigues of his journey from Wales to

Bayly.

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 155

London. Harassed, afflicted, and a prisoner, he died
within the space of four months, in the custody of the
Parliament's Black Eod, in Covent Garden, on the -
of December, 1646.88

The House of Commons, on the 20th of December,
proposed allowing £500 I05 for the funeral, out of the
Marquis's estate; the votes being 168 for, and 92
against so much liberality. It was resolved — u That
the £500 be raised out of the plate and other goods, of
the Earl of Worcester, brought up by Mr. Thomas
Herbert ; and that the disposing of it be referred to his
care, to be accountable for it to the House ; and espe
cially to take care that the said Earl of Worcester may
be buried according to the Directory, and not other

wise." 57

In dedicating to the son his collection of the
father's "Apophthegms," Dr. Bayly observes — "I laid
your noble father in his grave, with my own hands."
He was interred in the "vault of the Chapel of our Lady,
now known as the Beaufort Chapel, in St. George's
Chapel, Windsor Castle, near his great ancestor, William
first Earl of Worcester.

Among the property at Eaglan Castle, the most in
teresting to the biographer was that respecting which
an order passed the House of Commons, on the 25th of
August 1646, to the effect: — "That Mr. Thomas Her
bert be enjoined to deliver all the letters and papers
found at Eaglan Castle, and remaining in his hands,
to the Committee of the Army: Who have hereby
further power to send for all such other letters and
papers, found at Eaglan Castle, which they shall have
information of to be in the hands of any other Com-

Saudford. 105 Wkitelock states ^J1000.

57 Jo. Ho. of Comm. Vol. V p, 20.

156 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646-7.

mittee or persons ; and are to report the whole to the
House."

The fate of Eaglan Castle was decided by an order
of the House the same day, when it was resolved :—
" That the Castle of Eaglan, the works about it, and
the house and buildings thereof, be forthwith pulled
down and demolished." And further, "That it be re
ferred to the Committee of the county of Monmouth, to
take care that the same may be totally demolished, and
all the materials thereof sold and disposed of for the
best advantage of the state ; deducting the charges for
pulling it down ; and a due account rendered for the

same.'7

Various orders were passed regarding the sale of
estates, and disposition of the funds, sometimes to raise
money for the service of Ireland, at others for repara
tion of losses through depriving certain noblemen of
the Court of Wards, with other and numerous demands.
But we must return to review the closing scene of
affairs in Ireland.

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 157

CHAPTER X.

THE EARL OF GLAMORGAN'S TRANSACTIONS IN IRELAND —

CONCLUDED.

WE left the Earl at Kilkenny after his enlargement.
That his own confidence in his position was not mis
placed all his acts clearly prove, and no attempt has
been successfully made by his adversaries to show him
in any other light than that of being a too ready instru
ment in the hands of his prince to work out his mysti
fied political schemes.

It requires considerable calmness and consideration
on the part of the biographer while undertaking to be
come the apologist of the Earl's conduct, particularly
when wholly differing in political and religious views.
But sincerity will always command respect. That he
was strictly conscientious in all his conduct there can
not be the shadow of a doubt ; nor can he be accused of
rather tempting the monarch than being tempted by
him, a man open and most anxious to adopt any
measures to regain his despotic authority over the
people. Charles the First was all things to all
men who offered him service ; he was a Catholic to
the Catholics, and a Protestant to the Protestants ; and
it was this duality of character, united with unbounded
selfishness and a fatal attachment to secrecy, that
perplexed his most discreet ministers. No man's life
or property was safe in his hands. No engagements
were held sacred or inviolable, all being artfully con
trived to conceal some mental reservation, which expe
diency always found it convenient to be shifting to
serve some opposite purpose or other. All this subtle

158 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [164G-7.

strategy was perfectly consistent with the possession of
the most distinguished domestic affections and habits,
and tastes most refined for art and literature, which,
after all, may have been but the consummation of that
all-grasping selfishness which shows but little integrity
beyond the confines of self and home. His Majesty
united so many inconsistencies of character that he com
pletely deluded not the Earl alone but the entire Eoman
Catholic party throughout the land. He had succeeded
in draining the Marquis of Worcester of his enormous
wealth, and had not blushed to degrade his son, the
Earl, by a public accusation (which his private conduct
repudiated) to give colour to his own sophisms.

A letter written by the Earl to the Nuncio, in Feb
ruary, together with the oath he afterwards took, are
not a little remarkable.13

U MOST ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST REVEREND LORD,

" There is no occasion for me to employ any
further protestations to persuade your Lordship, how
sincerely I desire that the whole glory of the advan
tages, which this nation and we poor Catholics of Eng
land may attain, should, as it ought, be ascribed to his
Holiness, through your Lordship's intervention; whom
I beseech to consider the authority granted your Lord
ship by his Holiness, and to recall to your memory the
letter written by the King my master to your Lordship,
and my powers for treating with your Lordship.
These things being laid down as a foundation, let us
not sleep over our cause, but finish all the conven
tions made or to be made between his Holiness and our
Queen (though without suffering them to be published),
till your Lordship shall have received the original
instruments themselves, or till an answer shall be re-

13 Birch, p. 175.

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 159

turned from the King by means of my brother, who
shall be sent to his Majesty in the name of your Lord
ship and myself. During which interval, though there
be only a cessation of arms, yet our peace will be secure,
and depend only on such conditions, as shall be accepta
ble to his Holiness ; for it will not be such a peace, as the
Pope disapproves of in his letters, but the same which
your Lordship desires. But while the articles are agreed
upon and concluded between your Lordship and me,
and no change is made in the government, or in any other
respect, till the peace shall be published, and the rati
fication transmitted hither by the King from England,
no danger will arise either on your Lordship's or my
part, since the seven thousand soldiers will not pass
over into England, till the peace be concluded and pub
lished, nor ever depart, till I shall return from Italy,
and there shall be a certainty concerning his Holiness'
pleasure."

He proceeds to suggest the conclusion of the peace
at the end of three ^months 5 the signing of the articles
by the Nuncio and himself, on the part of the Pope
and the King respectively; thus satisfying the Irish,
while affording the King security, the articles not being
published ; the safety of the kingdom ensured, and the
Nuncio at ease in having thus conformed to the Pope's
instructions.

He afterwards signed, on the 18th February, 1646, an
engagement to the Nuncio ; and the next day took the
following oath.13

" I, Edward Earl of Glamorgan, promise and swear
to your most illustrious and most reverend Lordship,
that I will adhere to your party, not only against the
Marquis of Oraiond, and all his relations and favourers,

1U Birch, p. 182 ; Nuncio's Memoirs ; andSiri, Mercuric, Vol. viii.

160 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646-7.

but likewise against all others, who shall oppose the
Pope's treaty and your measures for the good of the
Catholic Religion, and the service of the King my mas
ter, to supply your Lordship with—
200,000 crowns,
10,000 arms for foot,
2,000 cases of pistols,

800 barrels of powder,
and 30 or 40 ships well provided, over
which your Lordship shall name an Admiral. For I
esteem your cause to be the cause of God, and of the
King my master, in whose name I make all the conces
sions agreed upon between your Lordship and me ;
and am therefore ready, if your Lordship pleases, to
confirm this my resolution before the most holy sacra
ment. In the mean time I subscribe my name, and
affix my seal, this 19th day of February, 1646.

u GLAMORGAN."

The Earl, in conformity with the power granted him
on the 1st of April, by the King, agreed with the
Nuncio to create, at his recommendation, one Earl, two
Viscounts, and three Barons, hoping thereby to gratify
the Irish.

But previously, on his arrival in Waterfbrd, he wrote
to the King:87 13-

" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAJESTY,

u I am now at Waterford, providing shipping
immediately to transport 6000 foot ; and 4000 more
are by May to follow them. I hope these will yet
come opportunely to the relief of Chester. What hath
been the occasion of so long delays, and yet suffers

87 Rushworth, Part IV. vol. I. p. 249. 13 Birch, Inq p. 184.

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 161

not your Majesty's service herein to proceed with that
advantage it might do, I conceive not so fit to commit
to paper ; but I will shortly send my brother, who shall
fully inform your Majesty with all particulars, and
thereby rectify your opinion, and give you true know
ledge, who are your faithful servants. I hope long
ere this Captain Bacon hath arrived with you since
my enlargement ; and, therefore, I need only tell your
Majesty that, my further services intended for you will,
I hope, without further crosses, be suffered to go on ;
though strange is the industry used by many seeming
friends to hinder me therein. But I am confident it
shall not lie in their power, your Majesty remaining still
constant, as I doubt not but you will, to your favour
able opinion, and right interpretation of my poor en
deavours ; which, if they may take place, will procure
you to be a gracious and happy prince, I having no
other ends, but to approve myself,
u Sir, your sacred Majesty's

" Most dutiful, obedient subject,
" and passionately devoted servant,

" GLAMORGAN.

"Waterford, Feb. 23, 1645-6."

The same month, however, Chester surrendered to the
Parliamentary forces, after a stubborn siege ; while in
March following news arrived at Kilkenny of his Ma
jesty's message of the 29th of January, addressed to
the Parliament, denying any participation in and
unreservedly disavowing all knowledge of the Earl's
treaty of the 25th of August, 1645. The Eoman Catho
lics were astounded ; all their labour and expense,
all their negociations at once appeared worse than vain,
being only calculated to arouse public indignation.

But the Parliamentary party appeared pretty well
satisfied that the Earl's imprisonment was a merely

M

102 LITE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646-7.

colourable affair, suspecting that the King was merely
sacrificing a devoted friend to clear himself and appease
the public wrath.

Notwithstanding this state of affairs in Ireland, the
Earl was, on the 4th of March, 1646, created " Duke of
Somerset and Beaufort," which title he afterwards re
signed, but the original patent, still existing at Badmin
ton, is translated as follows : —

" Charles, by the grace of God of England, France,
and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, &c. To all
our Archbishops, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Viscounts,
Bishops, Barons, Knights, Governors of Towns, Free
men, and all other Officers, Ministers, and subjects to
whom these Presents shall come Greeting.

" We esteem the greatness of our Royal Dignity not
only to be highly adorned but even to be augmented
and enlarged when men eminent for their nobility and
virtue, who have deserved well of their country, and
by notable achievements and particularly by trophys
and other monuments of military valour acquired at
home and abroad and distinguished and adorned by any
illustrious accession of Honour, Dignity, or Titles.—
And Whereas our right trusty and well beloved Cousin
Edward Somerset, alias Plantagenet, Knight of the
most noble order of the Garter, Earl of our County of
Glamorgan, son and heir apparent of our right trusty
and well beloved Cousin Henry Earl and Marquess of
Worcester, Baron of the Honours of the castles of Rag
lan, Chepstow, and Gower, a man eminent for the
nobleness of his blood, and his approved attachment
and fidelity to us, (by always furnishing the most ready
supplies out of his own fortune to us in these most cala
mitous times) Hath in a special manner recommended
himself to our favour: as he is rendered illustrious by
a long train of noble ancestors, and by the high

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 163

nobility transmitted by paternal succession from John of
Gaunt Duke of Lancaster, and his son John Plantagenet
Duke of Somerset, from the place of his nativity sur-
named Beaufort — and by other connections of blood with
the Eoyal Houses of Lancaster and York, to Charles the
first Earl of Worcester ; All which dignity of birth and
accumulated honours he hath himself greatly surpassed
by his own personal virtues and inviolable fidelity to Us.

" For with what integrity, with what constancy, with
what expense, he did execute the royal command of
President of the six counties of South Wales and the
places adjoining to the Severn coast ? He was present
at sieges and battles. — With what courage and suc
cessful conduct did he take Goodridge Castle, the Forest
of Dean and the city of Hereford ? In short, with what
remarkable good fortune, with what unhoped for success
he made himself master of the strongly fortified town
of Monmouth ? And not content with the confined
limits of one kingdom, go to the most distant places
beyond the seas, through the midst of hostile forces and
the dangers of shipwreck, yet at his own private expense,
regardless of all dangers, at the loss of his own private
fortune, that he might raise succours for the support
of the tottering crown of his King. These things, &c."

Endorsed—" 1646, 4 March. 21 Charles I. Crea
tion of Edward, Earl of Glamorgan, Duke of Somerset
and Beaufort, 4 March, 1646, and 21 C. I."

This patent, worthless as it proved for confirming the
title it was intended to convey, may well serve to seal
the duplicity of the monarch who could thus intend to
honour one whom he charged with treasonable acts, if
not with absolute forgery of warrants in his own name.

In March 1646, the Earl committed to writing the
following memorandum : — 13

13 Birch, p. 188.

M 2

164 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646-7.

" Considerations and conclusions concerning the
present state of my affairs, 29 March, 1646.

" 1. As the King has published such a Declaration, I
think myself at present incapable of serving him. Yet
I am persuaded, that he has done this unwillingly, and
through the violent impulse of others, and on account
of the bad situation of his affairs. For which purpose,
I am desirous to send express to him a person of rank,
and my relation ; by whose means I shall propose to
his Majesty a method, by which he may enable me,
under the authority of the Great Seal, to proceed further,
both in promoting the interest of this nation, and his
Majesty's own, in such a manner, that his forced renun
ciation shall not be openly touched upon, and yet my
justification, as far as it shall conduce to the good of this
kingdom, so sincerely desired by me, may attain its
wished-for effect. The safety even of the lowest person
of this nation, is so truly at my heart, that I would not
expose the life of one man to danger on my own account,
nor press the transportation of the soldiers, till the return
of the messenger to be sent to the King.

" 2. As T have received such instructions from the King
as these, viz. If by any unfortunate accident we should
be involved in any counsels, in appearance contrary to
the powers given by us to you, you shall make no other
account of them, but by putting yourself in a condition
to help us, and set us free ; I do not find any more ex
peditious way of relieving his Majesty from his distress,
than by taking no notice of anything which he has
done through compulsion, and by supporting this nation.
But if the Supreme Council will engage to adhere firmly
to me, I will likewise oblige myself to employ the ships
and money, which I had before designed for England,
to the assistance of this nation, and devote my labours
and endeavours to the service of this kingdom, till we

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 1G5

can all jointly succour his Majesty in England. I desire,
that the most illustrious and most reverend Nuncio of
the Apostolic See will first of all subscribe this treaty
of ours.

" But in this affair, I require nothing of the Supreme
Council, but their private faith, till I shall return, by
God's blessing, with all things necessary. And though
I am sensible, how little this concerns my own interest,
yet my zeal prompts me to it. But I am extremely
desirous, that General Preston should march the troops,
designed for me, into Munster, to compose the commo
tions there, as well as to take care of this kingdom,
whose safety is greatly concerned in it, as that when,
through God's blessing, I return with the subsidies, I
may find an army ready. I desire, that our mutual
engagement may be committed to writing, and signed
and sealed, and kept under the most profound secrecy."

The Earl of Glamorgan had designed a visit to Eome,
anticipating important assistance there, as well as the
especial favour of the King in that matter. But the
Supreme Council, wearied by the expense of keeping a
large army, intended for the relief of Chester, finding no
vessels were supplied from England for that purpose,
and being further discouraged by his Majesty's recent
proceedings, finally resolved against sending any troops
out of Ireland. The critical state of affairs had be
come so acutely distressing to the Earl, that in a letter
addressed to Father Bobert Nugent at Kilkenny,
he expressed the bitterness of his anguish in the
most unrestrained language, such as we find no
example of in any other portion of his varied cor
respondence.

To Father Eobert Nugent, he thus wrote : — i3

13 Birch, p. 192.

1G6 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1G4C-7.

u EEVEREND SIR,

" I return you thanks for the messenger sent
me on purpose, and your letter ; and desire you to sig
nify to the Nuncio, that if all the devils on earth and
in hell had not conspired against me, I should not have
been reduced to these difficulties and distresses ; and
that the loss of life itself would have been more toler
able to me, being now tired of it on account of the
present difficulty, and I can think of nothing but re
deeming myself ; assuring you, that the misfortunes of
my whole life have not perplexed me so much as this :
to remedy which, though I am pressed by letters and
most urgent business to go to Limerick, I still continue
here. I swear to you, that I have been disappointed of
seven thousand pounds sterling, which I thought as
entirely my own as if the money had been actually
paid to me ; and all this since the resolution was pub
lished against sending the soldiers to England. I do
not think it necessary to remind the Nuncio, that my
enemies in Ireland are exasperated against me, because
they perceive me so warmly and sincerely affected
towards him, and know, that I shall always continue
so 5 and because I should not hesitate to expose my
life and fortune to the utmost danger, in order to bring
to an iss.ue his commission and business in this kingdom.
This seems to me to deserve, that some pity and tolera
tion should be shown towards me, especially in an event
unforeseen by me, and forced upon me, and which has
given me a vexation, than which I can imagine nothing-
more severe to me.

" I remain, in great affliction,

" Your affectionate Cousin and Servant,
" GLAMORGAN.

"Waterford, 3 May, 1646."

His operations in Ireland were virtually terminated,

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 107

every measure had signally failed, and he was without
hope, after the Parliamentary publications, of regain
ing confidence with any party. Much as has been
written on this subject, and ably as it has been investi
gated by Dr. Birch and other writers, it must be admit
ted that we gain little from the mass of evidence accu
mulated to enlighten us in respect to the personal cha
racter of the Earl of Glamorgan, beyond entire satis
faction that he acted solely as his sovereign's agent, at
his instigation, and entirely under such authority as he
could alone give him under all the circumstances of such
an important secret mission. Charles the First's confi
dence in him was by no means misplaced, and he had
no doubt well weighed his character before taking him
into his confidence. For this inquiry he had sufficient
opportunity while the Earl was at his court, and again
while himself a guest at Eaglan. He well knew the weak
side of the father and the son, the one expectant that his
Majesty would be " a defender of the faith," the other
warm-hearted, and generous, to an extraordinary and
enthusiastic degree. Not alone were the Marquis and
Lord Herbert deceived by the machinations of the wily
monarch, but so likewise were the whole Roman Catho
lic community. Had it been otherwise we might suspect
undue measures would have been adopted, but wherever
such were carried into effect they were on the side of the
Crown and not of the subject. Charles the First's duality
of character in this respect has never been, nor can be,
successfully refuted. Embarking, therefore, in his
Majesty's cause, in Ireland, we cease to be surprised
that the Earl of Glamorgan should, consistently with
his faith, be in constant consultation with the Nuncio
and conform to proffered oaths. In short, had he
adopted any other course than that which he pursued,
his negociations would from the first either have ceased,
or merged into the dilatory measures attending the

168 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOUKS [1646-7.

Lord Lieutenant's previous course, which it was ex
pected by the King that the Earl would be able to out
run and overmatch. But his utmost diplomatic skill was
insufficient to grapple with and satisfy the grasping
party on his own side ; and he was equally unsuccess
ful placed in opposition to such practised politicians
as Ormond, Digby, and others. And above all, a su
preme difficulty must have been, the condiicting of his
entire system to accord with the subtleties and secrecies
of the King's personally communicated and private
counsels. He was thus placed in many painful straits,
but which his ardent, vigorous temperament determined
him to overcome. In his position, however, the Earl
felt a compulsory necessity to maintain great secrecy ;
negociating with many mental reservations. He had
to satisfy the King, while he did not wish to dis
oblige Ormond, and although there was a natural
bond of sympathy between himself and the Eoman
Catholic party, he could neither wholly accede to the
Nuncio's measures nor satisfy the Council. To the
best of his ability he consistently and conscienti
ously employed the vast powers delegated to him for
the good of his King and his country through his
own party ; so that no historian, not his most bitter,
sarcastic enemies, can point to any single fact that
could cast the slightest taint on the rectitude of his con
duct throughout the unfortunate and unhappy transac
tions into which it was his misfortune to be drawn
by a too sanguine, hopeful, but helpless monarch.

On the 3rd of April the Earl wrote to the Marquis
of Ormond : — *

" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,

•' With many thanks for your letter delivered me
by Sir Vivien Molineux, give me leave to congratulate

* Bod. Lib. " Carte Papers, 1634-1637, Ireland, 63." No. 172.

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 169

your Excellency's happy escape from the mischievous
intentions against you by the wicked enterprise for the
taking of the castle of Dublin. And as nobody joys
more in your deliverance than I do, so cannot any one
wish more heartily than I, that all the warnings which
your Excellency hath had might prevail to persuade
you, in whom you might totally best confide, and of
whom to beware ; and then with a stedfast resolution
to adhere to your truest and most real friends. Amongst
whom, if your Excellency afford me not a place, I dare
boldly say that it is not for want of having already
endeavoured to deserve the same by serving you, with
as great expressions, both public and private, as my
wish and will could possibly obtain unto. Neither
shall my future actions be inferior to what is past, but
shall (God willing) enact those things wherein my good
will only can yet be seen : for upon the ground work of
my professed reality and affection unto your Excellency,
and of your noble and friendly acceptance thereof, have
I ever thought to build a fabric of my future services
to his Majesty and most real friendship to yourself,
whose subsistence I tender as mine own. And if your
Excellency's first begotten and expressed confidence in
me had not been retarded by some unknown means
unto me, though I humbly and thankfully acknowledge
you never suffered it to be extinguished ; give me leave
to aver with truth, that your Excellency ere this should
have seen the remarkable effects thereof. But this is
so copious a theme, as that I fear already I have been
too prolix, I will therefore abridge myself, and not ex
tend unto the latitude, which the truth of this subject
prompts me unto.

" And to the second part of your Excellency's letter,
give me leave to thank you for your tenderness in not
accepting the £2500 from me ; but also your Excellency
may know, that it is upon a reliance thereon, that the

170 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOUES [1646-7.

Council offered you the £3000, and for the performance
thereof I am enforced to this journey, without which
against the prefixed time I could not have supplied
them with the money. Now to the latter part of your
letter, wherein you promise I should at large hear
farther from you, as upon Friday last ; but yet have
received.no other your commands, which I expected,
before I thought it necessary to answer yours of the
24th of March. But receiving no other your directions,
I think it opportune to let your Excellency know, that,
of three vessels which I sent for a convoy unto the
Prince, Sir Nicholas Crispe, and Mr. Hasendanke, the
merchant, I have but one return, Captain Allen being
taken and stript. And I hear a packet of your Excel
lency's, as well as letters, thrown overboard without
weight, were taken up ; which I look for shortly to
have in print.*

" By the sole return which came unto me, I received
notice from the Prince and those about him, in how ill
a condition he was enforced to retire into the Isle of
Scilly, where he now is ; and made use of Hasendanke' s
frigates to transport himself, whereby I was not only
disappointed of what I hoped for by the Prince, but
also of his.

" Sir Nicholas Crispe indeed offers to send me three,
but they were not then with him, and he desires a
return from me first, so that only my Lord of Antrim's
frigates are come ; and a ship with 18 pieces of ordnance,
which is hourly expected, and bought by me at Galway.
Two Hollanders there are likewise at Waterford, and
two frigates likewise of Captain Antonio's, and the
Spanish agents, which carry ordnance. These are all
of force, and truly I conceive, might, for so short a cut,
be a sufficient convoy, were not Chester taken, the
Prince in so bad a condition, and some defeat of my

* See page 124.

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 171

brother's forces in Glamorganshire spoken of. But
upon these considerations, how hazardous it will be to
send away a part of the army only. I humbly offer to
your Excellency, not speaking anything of a great dis
heartening and discouragement some take at a pretended
declaration of his Majesty against me, though I myself
value it so little, as that, could I, without shortening
much more advantage to his Majesty's service, go my
self in person with 6000 men, I should no ways boggle
thereat. And as it now stands, to give testimony that
my zeal is not lessened to his service, and that you may
have further assurance of my care to your person, I
make this offer, that if you please to join, and together
with the Supreme Council assure me, that against my
return I may have 10,000 men in readiness for his Ma
jesty's service, I will immediately go and bring back
with me twenty sail of good shipping at the least, well
furnished for men of war ; £40,000 ready money ;
10,000 musquets, 2,000 case of pistols, 800 barrels of
powder, and a gallant train of artillery.* For I shrink
not at this instant from pain and expenses out of dimi
nution of zeal to his Majesty's service, as by the present
difficulties propounded may perchance be surmised by
others, though not by your Excellency, who (I am
confident) will make a right construction, and how I
only would willingly retire myself from further present
charge, as a ram doth to take a greater vease. For I
am not so much frightened at the bugbear declaration,
but that, if I could go myself with a considerable force

* This statement agrees pretty nearly with that occurring at page 160, and in
" The Earl of Glamorgan's instructions to me, to be presented to your Majesty,"
signed by Edward Bosden, 21st of March, 1644, viz. : —

" That, God willing, by the end of May or beginning of June, he will land with
6000 Irish, &c. &c.

" That to advance these his undertakings, he hath £30,000 ready, 10,000 muskets,
2000 case of pistols, 800 barrels of powder, besides his own artillery ; and is ascer
tained of £30,000 more, which Avill be ready upon his return." See the " King's
Cabinet opened," 4to. 1645. And Birch's Inquiry, 1756, p. 57.

172 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646-7.

and provisions, it should not any ways deter me, from
the confidence I have in his Majesty's justice and good
ness. It is true that two days since I have sent to take
myself off from paying demurrage, which would have
amounted to one hundred or two hundred pounds a day.
But the shipping are still under an embargo, and the
soldiers designed for England no other ways disposed
of, who may in the interim until my return be useful
unto this kingdom, assisted by the Nuncio's purse. If
therefore your Excellency resolve upon my journey, I
pray send me immediate word by this messenger, whom
I have sent of purpose, assuring that the shipping I
speak of shall also attend this coast. And if (which
God forbid) the King should be already joined with the
Parliament, and that my services for him there be con
sequently rejected, I shall endeavour to serve his Ma
jesty at my return in preserving your Excellency and
this kingdom for him ; and nothing but an extraordinary
confidence in your Excellency's goodness, and an infinite
zeal unto my master's service, could make me take this
resolution ; which I humbly submit to your better
judgment, and ever remain,

" Your Excellency's, &c.

" GLAMORGAN.

" Waterford, the 3rd of April, 1646."

The reply made by the Marquis of Ormond,* to this
noble offer, only three days after, shows that he did not
esteem it as being in any way extravagant or impossible ;
he writes : —

" MY LORD,

u I receive your gratulations and devices for my
future security as evident testimonies of your continued
favour to me; and I am much joyed to find, that the
accidents fallen out concerning your Lordship have not

* Bod. Lib. " Carte Papers, 1634-1637, Ireland, 63." No. 175.

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 173

left any impression on you, to the prejudice of the real
affection you give me to bear you.

44 My Lord, I had, according to my promise, given you
a larger account of things here 5 but that, at the conclud
ing of the articles, we found ourselves so straitened
in time, that many material parts of the agreement
were fain to be put in another way than was first thought
of; and at this instant I am so pressed with important
despatches from Kilkenny, that I shall be able but
shortly and confusedly to give you a return to the
main parts of your Lordship's [letter] of the 3rd of this
month, which came to my hands yesterday about noon.
Touching the noble and large offer you are pleased to
make of shipping, arms, ammunition, and a train of
artillery for the King's service, in case you may receive
assurance from those in power among the confederates,
and from me, that ten thousand men shall be ready
against your return, to be transported to serve the King
in England. I return your Lordship this answer, that
I shall, and by this letter do, cheerfully oblige myself
for as much as shall lie in my power, either in my public
or private capacity, to have that number of men in the
readiness you expect ; and to compass it, am contented
all the remainder of my fortune should stand engaged.
If your Lordship can procure as much as this from the
other party, I conceive you will proceed in your intended
voyage with satisfaction, and return (I hope) with
success ; which is earnestly wished by

44 Your Lordship's, &c.

44 ORMOND.

"Dublin Castle, the 6th of April, 1646."

The following letter from the King, dated the 20th
of July, 1646,* originally written in cipher, while it

* A Latin copy is in the Nuncio's Memoirs, and in Italian in Vittono Liri's Mer
curic, Vol. vii. p 97, 98. Translation in Birch's Inquiry, 8vo. 1756, p. 244.

174: LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646-7.

shows the estimation in which he justly held the Earl of
Glamorgan, only throws a darker shade on his own
mysterious and inexplicable line of policy. The Earl's
zeal and unbounded confidence in his Royal Master
(determining rather to die in his service than to break
faith with him), served, as they well might to continue
him in his favour : —

" GLAMORGAN,

" I am not so strictly guarded, but that if you
send to me a prudent and secret person, I can receive a
letter, and you may signify to me your mind, I having
always loved your person and conversation, which I
ardently wish for at present more than ever, if it could
be had without prejudice to you, whose safety is as dear
to me as my own. If you can raise a large sum of
money by pawning my kingdoms* for that purpose, I
am content you should do it ; and if I recover them, I
will fully repay that money. And tell the Nuncio, that
if once I can come into his and your hands, which ought
to be extremely wished for by you both, as well for the
sake of England as Ireland, since all the rest, as I see,
despise me, I will do it. And if I do not say this from
my heart, or if in any future time I fail you in this,
may God never restore me to my kingdoms in this
world, nor give me eternal happiness in the next, to
which I hope this tribulation will conduct me at last,
after I have satisfied my obligations to my friends, to
none of whom am I so much obliged as to yourself, whose
merits towards me exceed all expressions, that can be

used by

" Your constant Friend,

" CHARLES R.

" From Newcastle, July 20th, 1646."

On receipt of this letter in Ireland, a copy of it was
sent to the Pope, who is related to have shed tears, with

* Being empowered by the King's Commission of the 1st April, 1644.

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 175

mingled feelings of gratification and sorrow, the King's
circumstances being so desperate ; while at the same
time his determination to favour the Irish and English
Roman Catholics in all their demands was, to all appear
ance, proportionably increased. The Earl of Glamorgan,
on his part, sent his suggestions and devised a plan for
his Majesty's safe conduct to Ireland ; but the scheme
either failed or was abandoned.

On the 30th of August, the Earl addressed a long
letter to the Lord Lieutenant,* when he must have been
unaware of the fate of Eaglan Castle : —

" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,

" I have this long time expected your commands,
which to receive, having sent two expresses, I verily
believed would have come ere this into my hands;
trusting likewise to Mr. Walsingham's solicitations ; but
as yet I have neither heard from him nor your Excel
lency, one word since his departure, and receiving an
earnest desire from the Nuncio to speak with me; as
understanding likewise how prejudicial it might be to
me, and especially to my brother who is in Italy, if the
dean whom he hath sent thither, should depart without
satisfaction from me of so pressing an occasion, as was
by my Lord Nuncio pretended unto me. I repaired
thither on Saturday last, with so much the more content
ment as that I persuaded myself that your Excellency
would be at Kilkenny, and I so much the nearer to kiss
your hands ; but I now return to the county of Clare,
there to expect your commands. Yet let me not forget
to give you an account of the business I was sent for.
The rumour being spread that the Concessions (which
some call mine) were to be printed and published at

Bod Lib. " Carte Papers, 1634 1637. Ireland, 63." No. 202.

17G LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646-7.

Kilkenny, as I have absolutely disowned any such
thing to my Lord Nuncio, and denied to patronise the
same 5 so I think myself bound to acquaint your Excel
lency, and by your means the Council Table, how
mindful I am of the favours I there received, so as not
to incur the least censure of yours and theirs by enacting
anything, for which I had already a check. And cer
tainly it cannot be imagined that the Supreme Council
which was, could expect or desire any such thing at my
hands, since they never urged to take off my recogni
zance, which through innocency I also neglected, and I
joy to be disengaged from so perilous a business, pro
testing before Almighty God, that since that time I have
entered into no new engagements unto them ; and what
hath passed before (conditions not having been held
with me), none of the Commissioners themselves can
think them obligatory, all other reasons also considered.
Besides, when they had first thought to make use of
them, it was resolved, that after the completing of con
ditions with your Excellency, they might bear a true
date subsequent thereunto ; and how invalid they are
without the same is sufficiently evident, abstracting from
the King's declaration, which (though enforced upon
him), I esteem it yet a waming for further proceedings
therein, and fit only for great persons, who can maintain
the same, to go contrary to the intimation of his Majes
ty's pleasure, though never so compulsorily granted.
For as I never have, nor will esteem, and be frighted
at the contradiction of any others, when the intimation
of his Majesty's pleasure continues to me in any parti
cular unrevoked ; so, on the contrary, can I never be
drawn, for any man's pleasure, to go immediately con
trary to what proceedeth from him, deeming it not my
part to enter into dispute which way his Majesty is
induced, when I see his positive act extant. Let this,

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 177

therefore (I beseech your Excellency), give you and the
world satisfaction, that I no ways countenance the
standing upon any articles heretofore treated of by me,
who am no more tied to make anything thereof good,
than any man is to deliver up the possession of his lands
for which he never received the consideration agreed
upon. Besides, in order to the King's subsistence, one
man was then more considerable than three now. In
fine, having washed my hands of that business, verify I
will that proverb that the Child burned dreads the
fire. And those noble Lords, who stand my bail, may
be confident, I shall never deservedly put them in fright,
or myself in danger to save them further harmless ; or
to show such ingratitude to your Excellency and the
Council as to own those concessions which they so much
endeavoured to prevent. And thus fearing to have been
too tedious, I abruptly kiss your Lordship's hands and
ever remain

" Your Excellency's, &c.

" GLAMORGAN.

" Waterford, the 30th of August, 1646."

Ormond replied under date, Dublin Castle, the 2nd
of September, 1646, saying — " I must profess myself
exceedingly satisfied with the prudence of your Lord
ship's carriage at Waterford, and with the wisdom of the
resolution you have taken in the particular of those things
now endeavoured to be fastened upon you;" ..... and
which course he designates " a thing so much to your
Lordship's honour and advantage."

Under date of llth of September, the Earl again
addressed the Lord Lieutenant :*

* Bod. Lib. " Carte Papers, 1034-1637. Ireland 63." No. 207.

N

178 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646-7.

" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,

" I think myself very happy in that the resolu
tion which appeared in my letter unto you proved so
acceptable, as by the noble expressions of your letter
and of my Lord Digby's I find it is, and do humbly
acknowledge infinite thanks for your Excellency's great
desire of seeing me ; and had the self-same letter in
formed me of any service I could have done you, I
should have been far from taking the resolution which
I now have put on, correspondent unto my expressions
in my last unto your Excellency, and unto the sense
for which the commendations given me by you (I con
ceive) do proceed : which was to keep myself free from
having any part in those most unfortunate and newly
occasioned distractions, from which the further I with
draw myself, and the sooner, suits best with my dispo
sition. Besides, my intentions wherewith I came into
this kingdom were first to serve his Majesty and it ;
and next to serve your Excellency above all his sub
jects, and my own friends, which being now frustrated,
that part only remains which can only die with myself,
which is Omnibus viis et modis, to endeavour to pro
mote his Majesty's service, finding myself more capable
and more probable for to do it elsewhere for this pre
sent, than in this kingdom. I hasten towards the sea
side, where I am informed some conveniency of ship
ping will afford ; . . . yet I could not omit to send
a person of trust and confidence, by whom your Excel
lency may send unto me before my departure such
notions as perhaps you may think not fit to put to
paper. And if, either by word of mouth or writing sent
by so trusty a person as Mr. Joyner (by whom I have
sent you the reasons, that debar me of the happiness
to kiss your Excellency's hands in transitu], I find my
self thought capable by you to serve his Majesty or

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 179

your Excellency longer in these parts, and more advan
tageously than what I am now going about, you may
be confident to receive such a return from me as may
best stand with my duty to his Majesty and my affec
tion to your person, to whom my professions have been
ever real ; and had my ambition and only thoughts
taken place, I dare boldly say, I should have vied with
the nearest person in blood or affection you have in
Ireland, in the reality of being ever,

" Your Excellency's most really
" affectionate kinsman and
" devoted servant,

u GLAMORGAN.

"Limerick, the llth of September, 1646."

Among the Carte MSS. in the Bodleian Library, from
which the foregoing letter is taken, there occurs a
curious undated letter written in cipher, which it is just
possible may be the writing above named u sent by so
trusty a person as Mr. Joyner." The annexed engrav
ing is a facsimile of an endorsement at the back of it

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180

LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646-7.

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1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 181

in the Earl's own hand- writing, affording the only
specimen approaching to an autograph exemplifying
his use of the title of Glamorgan* yet made public :
every effort to obtain it in any other form having
proved unavailing. And on page 180, an exact copy
is given of the letter itself, as traced from the original.
The Nuncio wrote from Kilkenny on the 21st of
September, 1646, to Cardinal Pamphilio at Eome,| as
follows : —

" Among other patents and commissions signed
by the King, and brought by the Earl of Glamorgan
from England, there is one, appointing him Lord Lieu
tenant of Ireland, upon the expiration of the Marquis
of Ormond's term of holding that post, or in case the
Marquis should, by any fault, deserve to be removed
from it. For this reason, I was of opinion, that the
Earl, who had designed to go to Rome, should stay for
the present in this kingdom, imagining, that a way
might perhaps be opened for accomplishing this affair.
And in fact the way seems open for us, since the
Marquis of Ormond is now publicly negotiating with
the Parliamentarians, and consequently making a treaty
with the King's enemies. Upon which occasion, the
Earl, being desirous of advancing himself to the Mar
quis's post, has begun to solicit the consent of the
kingdom, and believes, that he has the interest of the
two Generals, and all the Congregation of the Clergy
and the New Council. I have thought it the more
proper to promote this affair, since when Dublin shall
be taken, it will be immediately necessary for the king-

* The autograph of Glamorgan is said by Dr. Lingard to have attested a copy
of his Wai-rant of 12th January, 1644 ; possibly the one originally handed by him
to the Marquis of Ormond. It is no*, however, among his papers at St. Cuthbert's
College, Durham.

f Nuncio's Memoirs, fol 1376-1379. Birch, Inq. p. 253-256.

182 LIFE, TIMES. AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1646-7.

dom to provide a Lord Lieutenant. And it is a point
of no small importance to the present situation of
affairs, to begin with appointing to that post a Catholic,
so highly beloved by this kingdom and the King him
self. Besides it is to be considered, that the King's
inclination and pleasure concurs with this design ; for
though his Majesty has appointed the Earl by his lesser
seal only, yet that is sufficient for the Irish, since they
have just reason to consider that appointment as legal
and valid. Add to this, that as the Confederates of Ire
land have it in their view to transport the Holy Faith
into England by their arms, no person appears to be
more fit for the execution of such a purpose, than the
Earl, in whom two characters are united, that of a
faithful servant to the King, and a perfect Catholic ;
and who, the winter before, was ready to carry over to
the King from that country ten thousand men for the
same purposes. Some, and those but a few, oppose this
design, upon this single consideration, that the Earl
being both an Englishman and of a very mild temper,
will not be favourable enough to Ireland, nor exert the
firmness necessary in this case. But I believe no better
choice can now possibly be made, and that the ap
pointment of a Catholic Lord Lieutenant, who is in so
many respects attached to the Apostolical See, and
bound to it by oath and promises, which the Earl
has a hundred times repeated to me, is sufficient to
weigh down every other doubt."

And about the 28th of the same month the Earl took
the following Oath* to the Nuncio :—

" I, Edward Earl of Glamorgan, &c. faithfully
promise and swear, that I will do nothing of moment

* See his previous Oath, page 159.

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 183

without the consent and approbation of the most illus
trious Nuncio ; and if I shall happen to do anything
imprudently, which shall not be approved by him, I
will correct my error upon the first intimation of his
pleasure, and obey his commands. If it should be more
conducive to the praise and glory of God, the splendour
of the Catholic Church, and the happiness of this king
dom, that the post of Lord Lieutenant be conferred
upon another person rather than myself; I swear, that
I will readily and without reluctance resign it, at the
command of the most illustrious Nuncio. And in all
things I vow a perfect, voluntary, and religious obedi
ence to his Holiness, saving any secular obligations
towards my most serene King. And if I fail in any
part of the oath taken by me, I consent, that the said
oath be published, and myself exposed ; otherwise the
said oath shall be communicated only to the Bishop of
Femes, Chancellor of the Congregation, and Father
Eobert Nugent, Superior of the Jesuits in Ireland. In
confirmation of this oath voluntarily taken by me, I
have written all this with my own hand, subscribed iny
name, and affixed my seal, the 28th of September, 1646.

" GLAMORGAN."

These various letters and documents make us fami
liar with the Earl of Glamorgan's Irish treaties,* and
to a great extent with the cause of their failure : a most
happy and provident circumstance for himself, his
^imily, and above all for his country. His conduct
throughout, notwithstanding the many temptations in
his way, and his own naturally enthusiastic conduct in
every enterprise in which he engaged, bears none of the
distinguishing traits of intolerant bigotry. The King

* Sec his own explanations, given in a letter to the Earl of Clarendon, dated 1 1 th
June, 1660.

184 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1G46-7.

had already sapped the Earl's available property,
and was continually tantalising him with the prospect
of coming fortune and ample honours. He fawned
on the old Marquis and flattered his son ; inducing the
one to place his wealth, and the other his honour and
happiness at his disposal. Perhaps in the whole course
of his political scheming he never succeeded so com
pletely, as in this instance, in thoroughly victimising
any single noble family.

On the 1st of October, 1646, the House of Lords
ordered, That a pass be granted to the Lady Herbert,
Countess of Glamorgan, into Ireland, with thirty of her
menial servants, etc.*74 So that from August, when she
left Eaglan Castle, with the other inmates, to this period,
she must have been a wanderer.

Towards the close of the year 1646, it was decided
between the Earl and his own party, to send his
brother, the Lord John Somerset, a zealous Catholic,
on a mission to the Pope. The Earl's complicity with
the clergy in these affairs, which had been conducted
with great secrecy, occasioned much suspicion, creating
for him many enemies among the Protestant party.

In August, 1647, the Marquis of Ormond, leaving
Ireland, waited on Charles the First at Hampton
Court: Dublin being besieged, and likely to fall into
possession of the English Parliament.

While affairs were in this distracted state the Earl
was apprised of his father's decease, in December, 1646 ;
and as Marquis of Worcester, he wrote from Galway
to the titular Bishop of Femes : — 26

"My NOBLE LORD,

" Although the place whither I go be now
changed upon serious consideration, and my Lord Nun-

* Lords' Jour. VIII. 507. 74 Nichols. M Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 380.

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 185

cio's concurrence therein, as most advantageous super
totam materiam, yet are my intentions the same they
were when I left your Lordship ; and I hope a shorter
way contrived to them than I then imagined, having
found a probable (I may call it even a certain) way to
bring the Queen about to befriend this nation. In the
interim, I beseech your Lordship, together with the Lord
Bishop of Clogher and Mr. Eochfort, to be mindful of
your promises to me, and to be sure that General 0'
Neile dissent not from the letter which you approved ;
the contents whereof I have not failed accordingly to
recommend to his Majesty : and if I should deceive
him therein, I must betake myself unto your Lordship's
advice and approbation, given thereupon. The copy of
the original letter, together with the Nuncio's recommen
dation, are to be delivered to General O'Neile by Father
Definitor; and I have no more to say than that your
Lordships (as I have said before), with Mr. Eochfort are
the Triumvirate and the pillars upon whom I build,
making no question of the goodness of that foundation ;
and I hope none of you do of my affection, which is
not only devoted to yourselves, but as you shall fur
ther apply it to such persons as may be useful to God's
service, the King my master's, and the good of this
kingdom. And so, with my service to you all, I ever

"My Lord,

u Your Lordship's most humble
u and devoted Servant,

u WORCESTER.

" Galway, 12th Oct. 1647."

His Lordship ultimately left Ireland in company with
Father George Leyburn, a Eoman Catholic priest, with
whom he went to France in March, 1647-8.61

61 Leyburn, p^ 61.

18G LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1040-7.

CHAPTER XL

THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER AN EXILE ; RESIDES IN

FRANCE.

THE Earl of Glamorgan, succeeding to his father's
title and honours in December, 1646, while he was yet
in Ireland, very soon after, as we have seen, went to
France, a voluntary exile. His countrymen had heaped
on him (in common with the entire Eoman Catholic
adherents to the royal cause) all the acrimonious abuse
which political and religious intolerance is always too
ready to disseminate, with a zealous ardour which defies
discrimination. His fate, it is true, was the general fate
of hundreds of noble families, condemned in like manner
to suffer for their loyalty. While we are prone to praise
what is gained by a rebellion, we are apt to overlook
whether the civil war entered upon for effecting it,
might not have been avoided ; and while lauding times
which bring to light some great military and naval
spirits or still greater statesmen, we overlook entirely
the possibility of altogether destroying the mental
energies of men of brighter intellects, doomed to fall
in the flower of their age on the field of battle.
The blessings of good government all readily admit,
but sad indeed is it, when wholesome changes in a state
have to be effected through convulsions that paralyse a
nation's advance in civilization.

It is clear, on a retrospect, that much has been
delayed, much missed, and more possibly lost that other-

1646-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 187

wise might have arisen from energies sacrificed, alas !
to the sword, and fortunes turned into other and waste
ful channels. In this nineteenth century we can calmly
look with some wonder and astonishment on the in
difference of the seventeenth, in failing to realize at
least some of the Marquis of Worcester's remarkable
Inventions, of which we shall shortly have to treat more
at large.

On the 18th of September, 1646, the House of Com
mons " Ordered, That the Lady Herbert, wife of the
Lord Herbert of Kaglan, shall have Mr. Speaker's pass
to go into France, only according to the pass given her
by Sir Thomas Fairfax." From this it is probable that
Henry, Lord Herbert, the Marquis of Worcester's only
son, was already in France.

Mr. Carte, 24 in his life of the Duke of Ormond, inci
dentally alludes to the Marquis of Worcester, as being
at Paris a few months before March, 1648 ; he says : —

" In 1648, the Duke of Ormond considered the Par
liament was grown jealous of him, and wanted a pretext
to seize his person. He had notice likewise given him,
that a warrant was actually issued out for that purpose,
though in breach of the articles.* Upon this advertise
ment, he quitted Acton — ten miles from Bristol, where
he was then residing, — and crossing the country to
Hastings in Sussex, he took shipping for France, and
landed happily at Dieppe in Normandy. From thence
he went in the beginning of March [1648] to Paris,
there to wait upon the Queen and Prince, and assist
with his advice in the present conjuncture of affairs,
when matters of the greatest consequence, the most in-

24 Carte, vol. 2. p. 16.

* He had liberty by his articles to stay twelve months in England — but the
Parliament was jealous of his doing them a disservice.

188 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1647-9.

tricate nature, and the most embroiled circumstances,
were under their consideration, and resolutions to be
taken therein for his Majesty's service :" — he having just
previously escaped from the Isle of Wight.

" The Earl of Glamorgan* had come to Paris a few
months before him, recommended by the Nuncio Einuc-
cini to Cardinal Mazarine, and to the Pope's Nuncio in
that place, on account of his attachment to the Holy
See, though unfortunate in all his undertakings, and not
endued with that prudence which was necessary to the
post he desired. His business there was to solicit the
Queen to make him Governor of Ireland, but he met
with so ill a reception at Court, that he soon despaired
of succeeding. His Lady, to whom the Marquis of
Ormond had once made his addresses, (before he had
hopes of marrying his cousin, and uniting the estate of
his family) resented the neglect shewed of her Lord, and
imputed it, as well as his imprisonment at Dublin, to
the influence and power of the Marquis. She carried
her resentment so far, that when he waited upon her
after his arrival at Paris, and offered to salute her, she
turned away her face with great disdain. The Marquis
thereupon made her a reverence, and with great presence
of mind, said, 4 Really, Madam, this would have trou
bled me eighteen years ago ;'f and then went to the next,
the company present being of his acquaintance, and
much pleased with what he had said."

We may here pause to remark that, from the close of
the year 1640, when the Long Parliament commenced
its memorable sittings, the prominent events affecting
the history of art and science in England are compa
ratively meagre, as might be expected, while the public
mind was being perpetually distracted and disturbed

* Sec Nuncio's Memoirs, fol. 1818. Ireland, iii. 100.
f Sec her Marriage in 1639, page 30.

1647-9.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 189

not by intestine war alone, but also by plague and
pestilence in fearful forms.

Of remarkable events of the period we especially
notice the fortifying of London in 1643, and the deli
vering up of Charles the First to the Parliament by
the Scots in January 1647, followed by his execution
on the 30th of January 1649, the establishment of the
Commonwealth on the 6th of February following, and
of the Protectorate under Cromwell in 1654.

Under the new regime, public taste either was greatly
changed, or was to be compulsorily directed into new
channels, for, in 1647, theatrical performances were pro
hibited, actors were declared rogues and vagabonds,
and all places usually employed for theatrical perfor
mances were ordered to be demolished. Such was the
narrow-minded and furious puritanical zeal of the then
governing power.

Charles the Second held his Court at Paris, where
alone the Marquis of Worcester associated with the
libertine monarch • at least no circumstance occurs to
show that he ever removed with the Court in its several
changes to Cologne, Bruges, Brussels, and other conti
nental towns.

Sir Eichard Browne, ambassador at Paris, in his cor
respondence with John Evelyn, when writing from Paris,
the 3rd of August, 1648, incidentally observes in a
postscript : — " Our Court wants money, and lives very
quietly at St. Germains : where no peer appears but my
Lord Jermiii. The Marquis of Worcester, the Lords
Digby and Hatton, though yet in France, yet live for
the most part in Paris."'

'37

^ Evelyn. The Editor of the Diary erroneously indexes the Marquis as—" Henry
Somerset, &c ," instead of "Edward Somerset, &c."

190 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1649.

The Marquis had been little more than a year in
France, when he seems to have written to the exiled
King, then at Jersey, for some confirmation of his titles ;
to which request he received the following courtly
compliments and vain empty promises :—

" MY LORD WORCESTER,

u I am truly sensible of your great merit and
sufferings in the service of the King my father, and I
shall never be wanting to reward and encourage as well
that kindness to his person as that zeal to his service
which you have expressed in all your actions, and
which I doubt not but you will still continue to
me. I fear that in this conjuncture of time it will not
be seasonable for me to grant, nor for you to receive
the addition of honour you desire ; neither can I at this
time send the order you mention concerning the Garter,
but be confident that I will in due time give you such
satisfaction in these particulars and in all other things
that you can reasonably expect from me, as shall let
you see with how much truth and kindness I am

" Your affectionate friend,

" CHARLES E.

" I do not send the letter to Monsieur Monbrun till I
understand more particularly from you what the inten
tion of it is, which I do not yet well understand.

"Jersey, 21/31 of Octob. 1649.
" For the MARQUIS OP WORCESTER."

The Marquis was probably for four or five years a
refugee in France, intimately associated with the exiled
Court; "Paris and indeed all France (says Evelyn37),
being full of loyal fugitives," in 1650. Many vague sur
mises have originated with different writers to account for

From MSS. Badminton. 37 Evelyn.

1649-50.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 191

the manner in which he passed his time abroad, all alike
fallacious, being inconsistent with facts. It is certain
that his finances were equally straitened with those, not
only of the nobility around him, but likewise of the
King himself. He could have had but few, if any, oppor
tunities for leisurely engaging in his usual studies,
much less for any practical pursuits in experimental
natural philosophy. That he was not wholly idle,
however, we may well conceive ; yet it is more consis
tent to suppose that it was a period in his life which he
would most likely employ to investigate the works of
those writers whose labours he most affected, rather
than engage himself in productions which might only
add to the danger as well as the difficulties of his un
certain journey ings, surrounded as the Court was with
political spies.

During the Marquis's absence on the continent, we
proceed to trace the progress of events at home.

192 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1G43-50.

CHAPTER XII.

AFFAIRS AFFECTING THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER'S FAMILY,
IN RESPECT OF WORCESTER HOUSE AND OTHER PROPERTY
IN AND NEAR LONDON.

WORCESTER House, in the Strand, was of course early
in possession of the Parliament, who used it for the state
paper and other public offices. The mansion had gar
dens to the water-side.* In the reign of Henry VIII. it
had belonged to the see of Carlisle ; it was after
wards inhabited by the Earls of Bedford, being then
known as Bedford and Eussell House, from whom it
came to the Earls of Worcester, when it assumed their
name. It also figured as the temporary residence of
the great Earl of Clarendon,37 who is represented to
have paid for it a rental of £5002 per annum, probably
taking it furnished.

On the 21st of April, 1643, the House of Commons
had57 ordered, " That the iron seized in Worcester House,
be forthwith sold ; and the proceeds delivered to the
collectors in the county of Middlesex, appointed by the
ordinance for seizing the estates of Papists, and noto
rious malignants ; to the end that they may be account
able to the Committee for it : And that no Committee,
or other person, do grant out Warrants for seizing the
estates of malignants, without the knowledge of that
Committee ; in regard there is an ordinance settled to

37 Evelyn. 2 Allen's London. *7 Jo. H. C. Vol. iii. p. 54.

* See engraved view, page 8.

1643-50.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 193

that purpose, and a Committee armed with power for
the execution of the said Ordinance, in all the points
and circumstances hereof."

In pursuance of an Ordinance of Parliament,* passed
the llth of September, 1646, contracts were concluded
by the Government with various purchasers of houses,
stables, sheds and plots of ground, the joint property
of the Marquis of Worcester and his brother, Sir John
Somerset, some situated in the parish of Clements
Danes in the Strand, a part in Drury Lane, and smaller
tenements in Fish-Street Hill, Cross Lane, and Coppings
Court, in the City • together with a house, farm and
land in Stepney, " alias Stebunheath ;" also the manor
of Acton, with its farm-house, buildings, and 805 acres
of land ; the whole for the sum of £12,584. 12s. —
Nearly half this amount arose from the purchases of
" William Pennoyer and Eichard Hill of London, mer
chants," to whom the Government was indebted in the
sum of £9,402. 5s. — which was to be paid out of such
sales of this property, and any amount remaining was
to bear u interest after the rate of £8. per centum for a
year." And they had further the option of claiming
any purchases of the property not paid for within ten
days 5 so that either out of purchases or by forfeitures
they were secured for their balance of £3,199. 13s. over
and above their own purchases.")"

That Worcester House became a depot for the secu
rity of treasure seized by the Parliament, we learn
from a Resolution passed by the Commons5 on the 10th
of January, 1650.

u Eesolved, That Colonel Berksted be, and is hereby,
required to appoint four of his soldiers to lodge every

* See " Ordinances of Parliament," 1641-46, 4to. Brit. Mus. 517, K. 11—30.

57 Jo. H. C. Vol. vii. pp. 523, 533.
f See also Miscellaneous MSS Brit. Mus. No. 5501.

O

194 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1656-7.

night at Worcester House ; and four other of his sol
diers to lodge every night at Guildhall ; for the better
securing the treasuries there, from time to time, as the
Treasurers at War shall appoint."

On the llth of February following, the House,57
among other business —

44 Ordered, That it be referred to the Council of State,
to dispose of Worcester House, and the yards and gar
dens thereunto belonging, for the best carrying on of
the public service of the Commonwealth."

The Marchioness of Worcester, being deprived of
other sources of property, petitioned the Parliament in
respect to the only likely means of obtaining pecuniary
consideration. A copy of her petition, being a printed
folio fly-leaf, probably as then in use for members
of the House, preserved in the Library of the British
Museum, has upon it the MS. date " October 1654,"
but it is more probable that it was not presented to
Parliament before the end of 1656 or early in 1657.
It is as follows : —

44 To the Parliament of the Commonwealth of Eng
land, Scotland, and Ireland.

44 The humble Petition of Margare[t Somerset]
Countess of Worcester.

44 Sheweth,

44 That your Petitioner having been married to
Edward, now Earl of Worcester, in the year 1639, with
a considerable ..portion, to the value of twenty thousand
pounds, and not having received out of the whole estate
but four hundred pounds these nine neares [years],
in lieu of jointure, fifths, or thirds. Notwithstanding
her claim and four years' attendance : and finding now

47 Jo. II. C. Vol. vi. pp. 523, 533.

1657.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 195

only Worcester House unsold, and in pursuit to discover
some other little thing.

u Your Petitioner humbly prayeth your Honours, to
grant her the benefit of the said House, and such
other things as may be discovered.

" And your Petitioner shall ever pray, &c."

Every circumstance connected with this petition
acquires interest from the peculiar position of the times,
and of all parties interested. The Marquis of Worces
ter had rendered himself highly obnoxious to the domi
nant party, he was beyond their power, a recusant and a
papist, and here was his noble Lady petitioning the
Cromwellian Parliament in respect to her rights, a
papist demanding her fifths at the hands of her hus
band's bitterest enemies. We need, therefore, offer
no apology for tracing rather more particularly than
might otherwise seem requisite, the course pursued in
this simple affair.

On Monday, the 30th of March, 1657, Mr. Burton22
reports from the Committee, to whom the Petition of
Margaret Countess of Worcester was referred ;

" A Bill for settling the messuage in the Strand, called
Worcester House, on Trustees, for the life of Edward,
Earl of Worcester, in trust, for Margaret, Countess of
Worcester, in lieu and satisfaction of the arrears of her
fifths, was this day read the first time ; and, upon the
question, ordered to be read the second time, on Thurs
day morning next."

On Saturday, the 2nd of May, 1657.

" The Bill for settling Worcester House upon Margaret
Countess of Worcester, and some discoveries, in lieu of
the arrears of her fifths, was this day read the second

22 Burton.

o 2

196 LIFE, TIMES,- AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1657-8.

time ; and, upon the question, committed to Mr. Natli.
Bacon, Mr. Franc. Bacon, Mr. Burton, and 29 other
members, to meet on Tuesday next."

On Friday, the 16th of June, 1657, " a Bill for settling
of Worcester House upon Christofer Copley, Esquire,
and William Hawley, Esquire, during the life of Ed
ward, Earl of Worcester, and also such monies as were
due to the said Earl or Margaret his Countess, from
Barnaby, Earl of Thomond ; in trust for the said Coun
tess, was this day read the third time.

" The humble petition of Barnaby, Earl of Thomond,
was this day read :

" A Proviso was tendered to this Bill, in these words ;
viz. c Provided that this shall not impeach or invalid
the sale of the Gate-house of the said Worcester House,
by the trustees appointed for the sale thereof.'

" Which was read the first and second time ; and, upon
the question, agreed to be part of the Bill.

" And the said Bill, with the Schedule annexed, being
put to the question, passed.

" Ordered, That this Bill be tendered to the Lord Pro
tector, for his consent."

After other business, the Speaker, with the whole
House, repaired to the Painted Chamber, to present the
Bills to his Highness, who gave his assent to this, along
with other Bills.57

After much delay, from unexplained postponements
and references, it was at length, on the 24th of March,
1658-9, resolved, to agree with the Committee's recom
mendation.22 We, therefore, find on the 14th of April,
1659,57 after prayers—

" Mr. Terill reports from the Grand Committee of the

57 Jo. H. C. Vol. vii. p. 512, 529, 576. M Burton.

1659.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 197

House of Grievances, the state of the case, upon the
petition of Margaret, Countess of Worcester, concerning
her interest in Worcester House in the Strand.

" Eesolved, &c. That Margaret, Countess of Worcester,
have the actual possession of Worcester House in the
Strand delivered up to her on the 25th day of March
next : and that, in the meantime, the rent of £300 be
paid to her for the said house, for this year, commencing
from the 25th day of March last, out of the receipt of the
Exchequer, half yearly, by equal portions, if her interest
therein shall so long continue.

u Eesolved, &c. That the sum of £400 be paid to Mar
garet, Countess of Worcester, or her assignees, out of
the receipt of the Exchequer, in recompense of all
demands for the detaining of Worcester House from her
since her title thereto, by virtue of the late act of Par
liament, until the 25th day of March last.

" Sir George Booth, Sir William Wheeler, Mr. Ealeigh,
Sir William Doyley, Mr. Annesley, or any three of
them, are appointed a Committee to wait on his High
ness, the Lord Protector, from this House, to desire his
Highness to give direction for a Privy-Seal to be issued
for the payment, as well of £400 allowed to the
Countess of Worcester, for her recompense of all
demands for detaining of Worcester House from her
since her title thereunto, by the late act of Parliament ;
as of the rent of £300 appointed to be paid to her for
this present year, for the said house, to end on the 25th
of March next.

" Eesolved, &c. That it be referred to a Committee, to
consider how to remove, and where to place, the con
veyances, records, and other writings, now remaining
at Worcester House, so as they may be disposed for their
safety, and the service of the Commonwealth.
" A Committee accordingly appointed."

198 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1659.

" Tuesday, the 19th of April, 1659.*

" Mr. Annesley reports from the Committee appointed
to attend Ms Highness about the payment of £400 to
the Countess of Worcester, in satisfaction of all demands
due to her, for the use of Worcester House, till the 2 5th
day of March last ; and of £300 more for the rent of
the said house for this present year, to end the 25th
day of March next ; that the Committee had attended
his Highness, and acquainted him with the Orders of
this House in that behalf : that his Highness was pleased
to give the Committee this answer, That he assured
himself the House had considered of her interest ; and
that himself was therewith satisfied ; and did take notice
of the Orders ; and would give speedy direction for her
satisfaction accordingly. ' '

" Saturday, August 20th, 1659.f

" Ordered, That the sum of £6 by the week shall be
paid unto Margaret, Countess of Worcester, or her
assigns, so long as Worcester House shall be made use
of by the Commonwealth 5 to be paid to her, or her
assigns, out of the contingencies of the Council of State :
and the acquittance of the said Margaret, Countess of
Worcester, testifying the receipt thereof, shall be a suf
ficient discharge in that behalf.

" Ordered, That the Commissioners for removing of
obstructions, trustees, contractors, and other officers,
at Worcester House, do quit the said house, as soon as
they can conveniently, without prejudice to the service
of the Commonwealth : and that when the said house
shall be quitted, that the same shall be settled upon the
Countess of Worcester, or upon trustees to her use,
during the life of Edward, Earl of Worcester : And it is

* Page 642. f Page 763.

1659.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 199

". Ordered, That it be referred to a Committee, to set
out some rooms in Worcester House, for the use of the
said Countess of Worcester in the meantime : And it is
further —

" Ordered, That the said Committee do also examine
whether it is necessary for the Commonwealth to con
tinue to make use of Worcester House for the service of
the Commonwealth • or whether it be best to take some
other course for the accommodation of the said Commis
sioners, &c. at Worcester House, &c."

" Wednesday, 14th March, 1659. Afternoon.*

" An act for settling Worcester House in the Strand
upon trustees, for the use of Margaret, Countess of
Worcester, during the life of Edward, Earl of Worcester ;
and also such monies as are due to the said Earl or
Countess, from Barnaby, Earl of Thomond, was this
day read the first time.

" Ordered, That the pension of six pounds a week
formerly ordered to Margaret, Countess of Worcester,
be continued until the Parliament take further order 5
and that the same be forthwith paid, with all arrears
thereof, from the time of the granting thereof unto her
the said Margaret, Countess of Worcester, or her assigns,
out of the contingencies of the Council of State : And
that the Council of State be, and are hereby, authorized
and required forthwith to pay the same, accordingly :
And that the Council of State be repaid the same money
out of the public revenue of the Exchequer.

u Ordered, That the possession of Worcester House in
the Strand, in the county of Middlesex, be forthwith
delivered up to Margaret, Countess of Worcester : And
the Council of State are hereby authorized and required,

* Page, 875.

200 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [165^.

to take care, that the possession of the said house be
delivered up to her, or her assigns, accordingly."

" Wednesday, 14th March, 1659. Afternoon.*

" A Bill empowering the trustees for sale of lands
forfeited to the Commonwealth for treason, to convey
Worcester House to trustees in trust for Margaret,
Countess of Worcester, was this day read the first and
second time ; and, upon the question, passed."

Thus it occupied above two years to obtain anything
approaching an equitable arrangement of the Countess'
very obvious claim, concluding at last with a " pension
of six pounds a week," — a pension in arrear in March,
1659, but to be u continued until the Parliament take
further order."

Page 876.

1651.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 201

CHAPTEE XIII.

THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER S SON, AND TWO
DAUGHTERS.

WITH a view to giving completeness to the preceding
domestic narrative (affecting the Marchioness of Wor
cester, in respect to Worcester House), our remarks
have extended to the early part of the year 1659, thus
going some years beyond the time of the Marquis of
Worcester's flight to and residence in France.

We come next, in the order of family claimants, to
consider the several petitions, first of his son, Henry
Lord Herbert ; and next of his daughters, Ladies Anne
and Elizabeth.

On Wednesday, the 23rd of April, 1651, the humble
petition of Henry, Lord Herbert, was read in the House
of Commons,57 when it was —

44 Ordered, That it be referred to a Committee, to
consider what interest the Petitioner hath in any of the
lands, late the Earl of Worcester's, settled by Act of
Parliament on the Lord General, and the value thereof,
and to report the whole state of the business to the
Parliament. And, in case they find the Petitioner hath
any good title to any of the said lands, that then they
bring in a proviso, for excepting out of sale, by this
Act, so much of the lands of the said Earl, now in the
power of the Parliament to dispose of, as may be of

57 Jo. H. C. Vol. vi. p. 565.

202 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1651.

like value ; to be disposed of as the Parliament shall see

cause."

After naming a Committee —

" Ordered, That the business of the delinquency of
the Lord Herbert of Baglan, MS to the matter of fact,
be referred to this Committee ; to send to the Commis
sioners at Goldsmiths' Hall, for what evidence they
have against him ; and to report the state of the busi
ness touching the delinquency charged on the said
Lord Herbert, to the Parliament."

This was succeeded, on Wednesday, the 21st of May,
1651,* by an inquiry into the state of the case of the
Lord Herbert of Eaglan, reported as follows : —

" Manors and lordships of Tidenham in the county
of Gloucester ; Chepstow Barton, and Hardwick Chep-
stow, Burgus, and Fry th wood, in the county of Mon-
mouth ; the seigniory of Gower in the county of Gla
morgan; by force of two several indentures, one of
them dated 3° Junii, 3° Caroli, the other dated 10° No-
vembris, 1631, for good and valuable considerations,
in the said indentures mentioned, were settled upon the
Earl of Worcester, for and during his life only; the
remainder thereof to the said Lord Herbert, and the
heirs male of his body ; with divers remainders over ;
which said lordships and manors are, by Act of this
present Parliament, settled upon the Lord General
Cromwell and his heirs ; and are of the yearly value of
one thousand seven hundred and seven pounds, fifteen
shillings and two pence.

u And that the manors of Monmouth, Wisham, Pel-
leny, Purcasseck, Trellacks Grange, the demesnes of
Grosmond, Skewfreth, and Monmouth, Bettus, and Per
Lloyd, in the county of Monmouth, the manor of Crook-'

* Page 577. The same inquiry also supplied an interesting notice of Lord
Herbert's early life.

1651.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 203

ham in the county of Berks, the manor of Kendall in
the county of Westmorland, the manor of Shopden in
the county of Hereford, by force of several conveyances
thereof made, are settled upon the Earl of Worcester,
and the heirs males of his body ; with divers remain
ders over ; all which said manors and lands are for
feited, for treason of the said Earl ; and are in the
power of the Parliament, to settle or dispose of; and
are of the yearly value of one thousand seven hundred
pounds, twelve shillings and sixpence.

MONMOUTHSHIRE.

£. s. d.

The manors of Monmouth and Wyesham 186 0 10
The manor of Pellenny . . . . 38 18 0
The manors of Purcasseck, and Trellecks

Grange 443 0 8

The demesnes of Grosmont, Skenseth, and

Monmouth 160 0 0

Bettus and Per Lloyd . . . . 110 0 0

BERKS.
The manor of Crookham . . . 392 6 10

WESTMORELAND.
The manor of Kendal .... 220 6 6

HEREFORD.
The manor of Shobdon 150 0 0

Sum £1700 12 10

" Lands disposed of by the Parliament to my Lord
General Cromwell, and entailed on my Lord Herbert : —

GLOUCESTER.

£. s. d.
The lordship of Tyddenham . . . 356 3 11

204 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1651-

MONMO UTHSHIRE.

£. S. d.

The lordships of Chepstow Barton, and

Hardwick 510 1 10

Chepstow Burgus G8 13 8

Frithwood, near unto Chepstow, conceived

to be equivalent to £100 per annum . 100 0 0

GLAMORGANSHIRE.
The seigniory of Gower . . . 672 15 9

Sum £1707 15 2

" The question being put, That the House do take
into debate the business of delinquency, concerning the
Lord Herbert of Eaglan.

"It passed with the negative.

" Eesolved, That it be sent back to the Commissioners
for compounding, to proceed touching the point of de
linquency charged on the Lord Herbert of Eaglan • and
give judgment therein ; and to report their judgment,
and the grounds of it, to the Parliament, forthwith."

Again, on Thursday, the 30th of October, 165 1.57

" The humble Petition of Henry, Lord Herbert, of
Eaglan, was this day read.

" Ordered, That this Petition be referred to the for
mer Committee, touching the Lord Herbert, to consider
of this business ; and if they find the Petitioner hath
just title to the land, to present some lands to the Par
liament for the Petitioner's satisfaction, in consideration
thereof.

Ordered, That it be referred to the same Committee,

u

57 Jo. H. C. Vol. vii. p. 33.

1651.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 205

to consider of the lands settled upon Mr. Peters, to
which the Lady Anne Somerset maketh title ; and if
they find her title thereunto to be just, that then the
said Committee do present some other lands to be settled
upon the said Lady, in lieu and satisfaction of her title
to those lands."

And on Friday, the 9th of January, 1651-2.*

" Mr. Say reports from the Committee, to whom the
business touching the Lord Herbert of Eaglan was
referred, several resolutions of that Committee, as fol-
loweth : —

" Resolved, That the houses and lands conveyed by
Act of Parliament unto Mr. Pennoyer and Mr. Hill,
were, by indenture, dated 3° Caroli, conveyed by Ed
ward, then Earl of Worcester, unto the Petitioner and
his heirs, after the decease of Edward, now Earl of
Worcester, who is but tenant for life thereof.

" Resolved, That the yearly value of the said houses
and lands are, and were, before the beginning of these
wars, £786.

" Resolved, That it be humbly presented to the Par
liament, as the opinion of this Committee, That the
several manors and lands, the inheritance whereof is
by this present Parliament settled upon the Petitioner
and his heirs, and are of the yearly value of £1700;
that the present possession thereof be granted unto the
Petitioner, he paying" to the trustees for sale of delin
quents' lands, the sum of £800.

" Resolved, That it be presented to the Parliament,
as the opinion of this Committee, that the trustees and
contractors for sale of delinquents' lands, do convey
the said manors and lands to the said Petitioner, during

* Page 67.

20G LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1651.

the life of Edward, Earl of "Worcester ; the said Peti
tioner paying to them therefore the said sum of £800.

" Resolved, by the Parliament, That in satisfaction
and discharge of the title and claim of the Lord Her
bert of Raglan unto the houses and lands settled by
ordinance of Parliament on Mr. Pennoyer and Mr. Hill,
the trustees for sale of several lands and estates forfeited
to the Commonwealth for treason, be authorized and
required to convey unto the said Lord Herbert of Rag
lan, and his assigns, all the manors and lands, the
inheritance whereof is, by this present Parliament, by
an Act, intituled, An Act for Sale of several Lands and
Estates forfeited to the Commonwealth for Treason,
settled on the said Lord Herbert, and his heirs, during
the life of Edward, Earl of Worcester ; the said Lord
Herbert paying for the same, to the Treasurers of the
receipt, the sum of £800. And that the present pos
session of the said manors and lands be thereupon
delivered unto the said Lord Herbert : And that the
Commissioners for compounding be authorized and
required, upon a certificate of the said Treasurers, to
take off the sequestration thereof."

The Marquis's two daughters were, like their mother-
in-law, petitioners to Parliament for the restoration of
their rights in their proportionate share of their father's
property. On the 17th of March, 1647, after other busi
ness before the House of Commons, " The humble petition
of Anne and Elizabeth, daughters of Edward, Earl of
Worcester, was read." And it was ordered, " That this
petition be referred to the consideration of the Com
mittee, where Mr. Wheeler has the chair."

On the 9th of July, 1649, after a lapse of two years
and a quarter, this matter was again before the House,
when, u The humble petition of the Ladies Anne and
Elizabeth, daughters of the Earl of Worcester, was read :—

1651.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 207

" Whereas, according to an order of the Committee
of Lords and Commons for sequestrations, of the 17th
of March, 1646, the Committees of Monmouth, Breck
nock, Glamorgan, Gloucester, and Berks, have sent out,
and assigned, unto the Petitioners, a fifth part of their
father's estate in those counties, towards their respective
maintenance : It is ordered by the Commons assembled
in Parliament, That the Petitioners shall have and re
ceive the profits of the said fifth part, so allotted unto
them, from the time of their demand, according to the
said order of the Lords and Commons, until this House
take further order : And the several Committees of the
said counties are hereby authorized and required forth
with to pay the same, or permit the Petitioners to receive
the same accordingly."57

The period from the surrender of Eaglan Castle in
August, 1646, down to the close of 1651, extending
over five years, must have been one of the most galling
and trying nature to the Marquis of Worcester. From
a state of ease and affluence he was suddenly plunged
into a condition the most mortifying possible to a noble
and independent mind ; without any other than the
barren consolation that his Prince, the Court, and men
of all ranks shared a similar fate. He did not stand
alone, a monument of ruin amidst plenty. In Septem
ber, 1649, Charles the Second had quitted the Continent
for Jersey, and the next year he arrived in Scotland ;
in 1651, his romantic career in England terminated, and
in November he was once more in France, without
credit, as Clarendon asserts, to borrow twenty pistoles.

The Marquis's extensive property in Middlesex and
in Wales enabled the Government to discharge many
heavy claims ; but among its claimants, its very good

57 Jo. II. C. Vol. v. p. 504; vi. p. 256.

208 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1651.

friends, its warmest and most needful supporters had
first to be considered ; while charitable acts, and the
asserted claims of persons related to recusants, and per
sons specially proscribed by Parliament, and all who
were even remotely related to them would have to
submit to long delays and hard wrung submissions,
when the object was to obtain the least assistance from
an already depressed treasury.

That the Marquis's wife and family received any as
sistance whatever, through appeals to the Common
wealth Parliament, is significant of the high estimation
in which he himself must have been held, simply for
his moral worth, and his not overstrained political bias :
marking his acts with extreme humanity in war, and
good sense in avoiding the risk of launching into any of
those extraordinary measures, for which the late King
had granted him the ample powers already considered.
Indeed the Nuncio,* as early as 1646, had correctly
estimated his Lordship's character, designating him " an
Englishman of a very mild temper."

* See page 182.

1651-2.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 209

CHAPTER XIV.

ITIS RETURN TO ENGLAND IMPRISONMENT, AND LIBERA
TION — HIS "CENTURY" — PECUNIARY DIFFICULTIES —

PETITIONS — AT CHARLES THE SECOND'S CORONATION
LORD HERBERT.

WE find that in the House of Commons, on the 14th
of March, 1648, uThe persons reported to be banished,
and their estates confiscated, being fourteen in number,
were every one particularly put to the question;" when
it was resolved, &c. " That Charles Stuart, eldest son of
the late King, be one of that number ; also James Stuart,
his second son ;" then follow the Earls of Bristol, and
Newcastle, along with Witherington, Digby, Musgrave,
Langdale, Greenvill, and Dodington. After which it
was —

" Kesolved, &c. That the Earl of Worcester be one
other of that number." Likewise were added the names
of Winter, Culpepper, Byron, the Duke of Buckingham ;
and finally, " all that have been plotting, designing, or
assisting, in the Irish rebellion," shall be proscribed, as
enemies and traitors to the Commonwealth ; and shall
" die without mercy, wherever they shall be found within
the limits of this nation ; and their estates employed for
the use of the Commonwealth."57

It appears, on the authority of Dr. White Kennet,58
the historian, that while Charles the Second was a
refugee in the Court of France, the King of France,
Louis XIV., was in himself disposed not only to assist,

57 Jo. H. C. Vol. vi. p. 165. 58 Kenuet.

P

210 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1651-2.

but if possible to restore the royal family of England.
His commanding minister, the Cardinal Mazarine,
however, was always averse to any such measure ; so
that all the exiled prince could do was to send abroad
his envoys and agents, to solicit for justice and relief,
although without effect, as the result proved. He sent
to England, says Kennet, u the noble Marquis of Wor
cester for .private intelligence as well as for supplies ;
but the Marquis was taken up prisoner in London, and
committed to the Tower in September [?] ; where he
was threatened with a speedy trial, and worse punished
with a long confinement."

We are brought by this circumstance to an interest
ing period in the adventurous life of the Marquis of
Worcester. His visit to England was every way ex
traordinary for its boldness or apparent recklessness ;
as he was a marked man, one who could have no
reason for expecting to be able to conciliate the reign
ing power, which had already stigmatized him as an
u enemy and traitor to the Commonwealth," his estates
to be confiscated, and himself, wherever taken, doomed
to u die without any mercy whatever."

The Marquis's son sat in the Cromwellian Parliament ;
Cromwell enjoyed the Monmouthshire estates of the
Marquis, to the value of £2500 per annum, and allowed
Lord Herbert a pretty liberal income. From Edinburgh,
Cromwell wrote on the 12th of April, 1651, a letter to
his wife : — " My dearest, Beware of my Lord Her
bert his resort to your house ; if he do so may occa
sion scandal, as if I were bargaining with him : indeed
be wise ; you know my meaning."")" 23

The Marquis might have some private object in view,
equally with that of serving his prince, and might have

Brit. Mus Cole MSS. Vol. xxxiii. p. 37. 23 Carlyle.

1652-4.]

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.

211

been better assured than history determines, that his
life, at all events, would be safe. It is stated in the
History of the Tower,6 in noticing the Marquis of Wor
cester being added to the number of distinguished
persons confined there in 1652, that the wants and dis
tresses to which he had been subjected on the continent
had driven him to seek shelter in his own country.

BIRD'S-EYE VIEW FROM MAP OF LONDON, 1658.

On the 28th of July, 1652, the House of Commons,
immediately after prayers, " Resolved, That the Earl
of Worcester do stand committed to the Tower of
London, in order to his trial." And, " That it be re
ferred to the Council of State to consider, in what way
the Earl of Worcester may be tried, and who hath har
boured him ; and to consider of all circumstances in his
business, and to report their opinion thereon to the
House, on Friday morning next."

Bay Icy.

P 2

212 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1654.

A year later, being on the 29th of August, 1653,
Colonel Eous reports from the Committee of Petitions,
u The most humble Petition of Edward Somerset, Earl
of Worcester, now prisoner in the Tower.

" As also, the humble Petition of Margaret, Countess
of Worcester ; which were both read."

Followed, on the 3rd of October, by repetitions of the
same report, when it was " Eesolved that this Petition
be laid aside."

While, on the 5th of October, 1654, one year later,
after other business, the Earl's petition was again read,
and it was thereon " Eesolved, That the Earl of Wor
cester have his liberty for the present upon bail, until
the Parliament take further order. And that the
Lieutenant of the Tower do take sufficient bail : And
that a Warrant do issue under Mr. Speaker's hand, to
that purpose." 67

In Burton's highly valuable and interesting Diary of
Oliver Cromwell's Parliament, when noticing the fore
going business in respect to the Marquis's petition, it is
added : — " The Petitioner was alleged to be a papist, in
arms in England, who had headed a party in Ireland,
making a most dishonourable peace there, and had done
many other disservices, for which he was excepted
from all mercy and pardon ; his whole estate ordered
to be sold, and all such to be banished. Yet, it was
urged, he was an old man, had lain long in prison, and
the small-pox then raging under the same roof where
he lay. And he had not, as was said, done any actions
of hostility, but only as a soldier ; and in that capacity
had always shown civilities to the English prisoners
and protestants. It was, therefore, ordered, that he
should be bailed out of prison.'3

'522

57 Jo. H. C. Vol. vii. pp. 309, 373. 22 Burton.

1655.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 213

Consequently lie was a close prisoner for at least
two years and a quarter, assuming that he was then
liberated ; which is the more likely, as we find that a
Warrant was given by Cromwell, dated the 26th of
June, 1655, to pay his Lordship the sum of three
pounds a week, for his better maintenance.* He would
be about or verging on 53 years of age, and must have
suffered very seriously from fatigue, disease, and severe
mental disquietude, prolonged through at least eight
years passed in every diversity of honour and disgrace,
wealth and poverty, high hopes and aspirations, termi
nating in blank disappointment ; he thus united in his
own person and history the most violent contrasts,
enough to have broken down and utterly destroyed any
enthusiasm less than is due to the conscious possession
of surpassing mental wealth. It would be difficult to
find in the voluminous history of scientific biography
a parallel case of so much self-reliance on the prompt
ings of a great and noble mind, under anything like
such an unmitigated burden of uncontrollable evils, as
fell to the share of this extraordinary man in the very
decline of life, when tired nature seeks calm, repose,
and competence.

It would seem as if, while still a prisoner, he was
treating for Vauxhall, where we shall find he was after
wards actively engaged with his Water Engine ; for
Samuel Hartlib, well known from his acquaintance
with Milton, writes to the Honourable Eobert Boyle on
the 8th of May, 1654, signifying that, the Marquis is
buying Vauxhall from Mr. Trenchard.14

The next incident we meet with, of which any
record occurs, after his enlargement, is a melancholy
evidence of his extreme necessities and indeed absolute

* Appendix F. u Boyle, Vol. v. p. 264.

2H LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1655.

poverty. It consists in the following, taken from the
original acknowledgment : — *

u Eeceaved and borrowed of my Honored friend
Sr David Watkins the full somme of Twenty pownds
sterling wch I faythfully promise to repaye at or before
the second day of February next ensueing to wch I
oblige myselfe my Hayre Executor Administrator or
assign in a dubble somme or forfeiture Witnesse my
hand and scale this eight of De : 1655.

« Witnessed by LANCELOT HODSHON." WORCESTER.

We have thus far traced the career of the Marquis
of Worcester from youth to manhood ; the scholar,
husband, father, general of armies, a wealthy nobleman,
an impoverished exile, in danger of his life by war and
shipwreck, twice imprisoned, now a freeman, oppressed
by pecuniary difficulties and earnestly striving against
the pressure of his own misfortunes and the weight of
public prejudice, to which his political life and religious
persuasion subjected him : sometimes through court
intrigue, but mostly from the rooted bigotry of those
gloomy times.

Whatever interest the history of the life of the Mar
quis of Worcester may derive from other sources, the
philosopher will dwell alone with delight on that period
which divulged the extraordinary inventive mental
capabilities of such a singular scholar and early man
of science. He now first produced, as he himself states,
his remarkable little work, of which the full title runs
thus : — " A century of the names and scantlings of such
Inventions, as at present I can call to mind to have
tried and perfected, which (my former notes being lost)

Robert Cole, Esq. bad the original receipt lithographed in facsimile.

1656.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 215

I have, at the instance of a powerful friend, endeavoured
now, in the year 1655, to set these down, in such a way
as may sufficiently instruct me to put any of them in
practice." That small book, then only in manuscript,
and not published until eight years afterwards, has
sealed his fame ; for through all time the u Century"
will be regarded as a great curiosity in scientific litera
ture, for its variety of subjects, and its author's versatility
of genius in pursuits then but little cultivated.

The first year of his release, appears, therefore, to
have been mainly distinguished by this valuable con
tribution, as he says, " at the instance of a powerful
friend." We think that ih&t friend was no other than
Colonel Christopher Coppley, or Copley,* who had
served in the Parliamentary army of the North, under
the command of General Fairfax ; a sufficient reason
for the author omitting to particularize him by name.
That he and the Marquis were, however, on terms of
close friendship, is evident from the annexed letter ;98
alluding to previous kind offices accorded by his
44 powerful" now his " dear" and his " honoured friend."

FRIEND,

" I know not with what face to desire a courtesy
from you, since I have not yet paid you the five pounds,
and the main business so long protracted, whereby my
reality and kindness should with thankfulness appear ;
for though the least I intend you is to make up the
sum already promised, to a thousand pounds yearly,
or a share amounting to far more, which to nominate,
before the perfection of the work, were but an indi-
viduum vagum ; and, therefore, I defer it, and upon no

* See Appendix E.

98 Walpole. Mr. Bliss' states that he discovered the MS. among the papers of
Wni. Wilcox of St. John's College, Oxford.

216 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1656.

other score. Yet, in this interim, my disappointments
are so great as that I am forced to beg if you could
possibly, either to help me with ten pounds to this
bearer ; or, to make use of the coach, and to go to Mr.
Clerke, and if he could this day help me to fifty pounds,
then to pay yourself the five pounds I owe you out of
them. Either of these will infinitely oblige me. The
alderman has taken three days' time to consider of it.
Pardon the great troubles I give you, which I doubt
not but in time to deserve by really appearing,
a Your most thankful friend,

u WORCESTER.

" 28th of March, 1656. To my honoured friend,
" COLONEL CHRISTOPHER COFPLEY."

This epistle the Colonel endorsed, " My Lord of
Worcester's letter about my share in his engine." What
was the result of these negociations remains untold ;
but eight months later it would seem that, for some
reason or other, he entered into a solemn obligation
with the Colonel, in the terms following : — *

" I, under written, do confess and acknowledge
to have received of Colonel Christopher Copley so great
civilities and obligations as that I do take him into so
strict bonds of kindness, as that, if at any time the
adventure of my life and fortune may bestead him,
I do, upon the word of a gentleman, and the faith of a
Christian, engage myself not to stick thereat, but cheer
fully to run the same fortune with him. And upon the
same ties I vow never to deceive or delude him in thought,
word, or deed ; and to declare the truth at all times unto
him, using neither hyperbole nor equivocation concerning
my water-work ; or any promise made or to be made

From MS. collection of the late Dawson Turner. Esq., of Yarmouth.

1656-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 217

between us ; which, as I am a gentleman, a Christian,
and Eoman Catholic, I will even keep inviolable, and
that (if I should do any thing to the contrary), I may
appear a most dishonest and perjured person ; I have
signed these with my hand, and affixed on them my
seal at Sterns (?), the 18th day of November, 1656,

" WORCESTER."

On the 28th of December, 1656, he wrote a short
letter to Mr. Secretary Thurloe. Politicians have gene
rally supposed that it had reference to some great state
secret, which he was bargaining to disclose ; while,
how contrary must have been his views is now trans
parent, from seeing what really was the one absorbing
subject of his daily meditation, arising out of his arduous
endeavours to obtain assistance, and to carry out the
working of his " water-commanding engine." The
letter is in every sense remarkable and interesting, both
from the mistiness that has for so long a time clouded
its meaning, and from the circumstances under which
it was dictated. The Marquis writes :— f

" 28th of December, 1656.

" EIGHT HONOURABLE,

u I do confess, that the old saying is, that
proffered service is not valued, and in that respect I
wonder not to have my endeavours so little set by. In
a word, I am very well pleased to acquiesce, if his
Highness nor your Honour think me not worthy of one
quarter of an hour's audience ; yet I must needs say,
that if esteemed of, I am able to do his Highness more
service than any one subject of his three nations ; and
though, after a message by Mr. Noell, and a letter of

Bod. Lib. « Thurloc's Papers, Vol. xlv."— " Rawl. MS. A. 45."

218 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1656-7.

mine delivered by my own hands to Mr. Owng, and as
he told me, by him to your Honour, I cannot get a
time assigned me to wait upon you. I here send you
a true copy of Don Alonzo, his answer to me, and do
assure you, that I have in readiness a person whom you
yourself will confess Don Alonzo cannot except against :
so that there only resteth needful your approbation.
When your Honour shall have read this, and the copies
of the Don's letter, I have entreated and enjoined Mr.
Noell to bring them me back, and in his presence I will
burn them, and remain silent for the future in anything
of this nature, but in all things else, your Honour's
most affectionate friend and humble servant,

" WORCESTER."*

The noble inventor's proceedings could have been no
secret at Court, surrounded by spies of every description
to report all his operations ; and his principal object
being one of a large and costly character, would be
better known for its nature than its construction. It
would also become known from the manuscript of his
Century, copies of which seem to have been privately
circulated, that his inventions extended to improvements
in fire-arms, cannon, and general naval and military
improvements. Now it is not in the least improbable
that some foreign party or parties communicated with
him in reference to some particular invention, but
particularly his much commended novelty of a u water-
commanding engine," while the Marquis might feel it
a delicate as well as an imprudent act on his part, to
make arrangements with foreigners before he had con
fided his secret and rendered it available in his own

* This letter is dated 28th of December, but might be mistaken for 18th. See
Thurloc's Papers.

,1657.] OF THE MAEQUIS OF WORCESTER. 219

country. That his object in desiring an interview with
Cromwell, or with his haughty Secretary, bore no
political cast, is next to self-evident, from their perfect
indifference to his communication; while for any political
ends, either would have shown some tokens of regard,
and not have left the author of the slightest thread
of interested intelligence craving for a few minutes'
audience. Besides, we have the inferential evidence
that the communication referred to scientific inventions,
rather than to political intrigues, from the context —
u proffered service is not valued, and in that respect (he
says) I wonder not to have my endeavours so little set
by." And what could those endeavours be, at that
particular crisis more than any other, but the possible
requirement of patronage from the Protector, and
probably also the Parliament, before committing himself
to foreigners for that aid which he rightfully considered
he would soon merit from his countrymen. But he
still further says, u I am able to do his Highness more
service than any one subject of his three nations."
Will any one pretend to assume that such language
had reference to political plottings, of which he pos
sessed the secret knowledge to such an extent of national
importance, without being either listened to, or at once
seized and consigned to the dreaded chambers of that
fortress, from which he had been only three years
released ? Admit that the language is inflated, it still
would be very significant if it bore at all on the state
of public affairs at home or abroad. But its true
significance may be found in its counterpart in the
Dedications appended to the first edition of the " Cen
tury," printed in 1663. The promise to burn the
returned copies of papers, in the presence of Mr. Noell,
would seem merely another way of showing, that, come
what might of the matter, he would break off all nego-

220 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1658-9.

ciations with others than his countrymen. The com
munication can only be read as alluding to one subject,
and not as introducing anything forced and irrelevant.
It can only be reconciled as being wholly political, or
wholly affecting his special scientific engagements.
Besides, had it been otherwise, it would not have
escaped the historian, or some court spy to record the
wonderful discovery of a plot of frightful magnitude,
with all particulars. But no plot ever came to light ;
and the Marquis never did Cromwell or the Common
wealth any sendee beyond anything accomplished by
the humblest citizen. We must, therefore, for ever
abandon the opinion of there being any political cha
racter attached to this supposed mysterious communi
cation.

The Marquis of Worcester's son and heir, Lord Her
bert, married Mary, Lady Beauchamp, on the 17th of
August, 1657. The following certificate on a small
square piece of parchment is preserved among other
family documents at Badminton House : —

" These are to certifie : It being desired by the p'ties
concerned, that, Henry Somerset Lord Herbert and
Mary Lady Bochampp, both of the parish of St. Cle
ments Danes, Middlesex, were Legally married before
me Eichard Powell of Clerkenwell, Middle Sq : one of
the Justices for the said County, authorized soe to doe
by vertue of an Act of Parliamt bearing date the ffower
and twentieth day of August 1653. There then being
pre'te Charles Price and Edward Gibbes, dated this
Seaven tenth day of August 1657.

" EICHARD POWELL."

The Marquis of Worcester's private affairs were year
by year growing more and more desperate, we contimi-

1659-60.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 221

ally find him and the Marchioness petitioning the Parlia
ment for pecuniary assistance out of the confiscated
estates. He seems to have been on friendly terms with
John Lenthall, Speaker of the House of Commons, from
whom we find the following letter : — *

44 MY LORD,

" I will ever acknowledge that your Lordship
hath dealt most honourably with me, and with all
hearti[ness] I will profess that to all ; and will endea
vour to show my thankfulness to your Lordship, and to
your honourable Lady ; and do assure you both that, if
I may do you any service to my brother speaker, about
your business in Parliament, I will endeavour my utter
most to act for you. My wife takes your promise of
half a buck exceeding thankfully, and also some great
belles here. We shall all endeavour to make a requital ;
and I shall ever acknowledge myself to be

44 Your Honour's most humble Servant,

"JOHN LENTHALL.

" 8th July, 1659.

44 1 have received from your Lordship 20 marks in full
of all your Lordship's fees, which I hereby acknowledge,
and acquit your Lordship of that and all other demands
at this day.

" To the Right Honourable the

LORD MARQUIS OF WORCESTER— these presents."

His manuscript of his wonderful 44 Century" had been
four years written, copies passing probably from hand to
hand, and himself urging the great and noble of the
land to patronise his efforts. In the British Museum is
the only MS. of the Century extant, having on the top
of its title page the dates u From August ye 29th to Sep.
ye 21st, 1659," which may, however, merely refer to the

* From MSS. Badminton.

222 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1660.

date of copying, or to a period granted for lending it.
The 88th article alludes to a Coining Engine, while in
the printed edition this is omitted and a Brazen Head
substituted; there are also some slight verbal differ
ences ; only an abbreviated title page 5 and no dedi
cation.

Among other petitions a rough draft exists of one
evidently prepared by the Marchioness herself; whether
sent or not cannot now be ascertained, but of its authen
ticity as a family record of distress there can be no
doubt whatever. It is so negligently and imperfectly
written, that an entire copy cannot be advantageously
given. It runs thus : —

" Master Speaker, I beseech you not to stand so
much upon an order of the House as to forget God
Almighty 's precepts, to do as you would be done by.
Most of the honourable House I conceive have wives,
and if any of you would be contented his wife should
suffer as I do, then let me still endure ; if otherwise,
be pleased to consider me, if not according to my sex
or quality "- —yet, "in consideration of seven years at
tendance, and millions of court sueings, and my heart
almost broken with supplications and vain promises to
them, and at last instead of many thousand pounds," out
of the estates, " all now ending in a ruined house, and
that but for an uncertain time, not for my own life,
rather but this poor pittance for his life, who is near
three score." She also seems to allude to fever, and
the breaking up of his health, concluding, " I, therefore,
most humbly seek this honourable House to make an
end of it."

We find the Marquis with noble perseverance con-

* Brit. Mus. Harleian MS. No. 2428.

1660. J OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 223

tending against every difficulty, evincing an elasticity
of mind that cannot but excite surprise.

Writing to the Earl of Lotherdale,* he says : —

UMY THRICE HONOURABLE LORD,

" The two predominant powers which reign over
my soul, and do chiefly guide and govern my actions,
are love and gratitude ; the one begotten in me towards
your Lordship by the knowledge I had in the Tower
of the virtues and excellent parts, the other by a certain
and most true information of some passages vouchsafed
by your Lordship in your servant's behalf, and even in
his absence yesterday, before his Majesty at Hampton
Court. The particulars I set not down, because (?)
they seemed so obliging to me as that Colonel Charles
Groger, telling them me but at nine of the clock this
night, yet I could not defer till morning this most
humble acknowledgment ; but before I go to rest, as a
little token of great thankfulness, I promise your Lord
ship a box, with such conveniences and rarities as that
which you saw had, and though it were presumptuous
in me to say, I would give a subject a better qualified
present than I gave my Sovereign ; yet the King must
pardon an humour I have, never to be contented to
produce any invention the second time without appear
ing refined ; this doth not also content me, but I do
likewise engage myself that as soon as with security
and satisfaction, by Act of Parliament, I may put in
practice the greatest gift of invention for profit that I
ever yet heard of vouchsafed to a man, especially so
unworthy and ignorant as I am (I mean my water-
commanding engine). I offer to your Lordship's dis
posal the accruing benefit of five hundred pounds ; and
that your Lordship may not think it improbable to rise

* From MS. collection of the late Dawson Turner, Esq. of Yarmouth.

224 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1660.

thence, I beseech you to vouchsafe to read over, but to
keep it to yourself, this enclosed, which shall be made
good to a tittle by me,
" My Lord,
" Your Lordship's most really affectionate

u and ever obliged servant,

" WORCESTER.

" Saturday night, 26th of January, 1660,
" be therefore pleased to pardon the scribbling,

" and regard but my real meaning.
" For the RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF LOTHERDALE, &c. these."

(Copy of the enclosure:')

" The name and the truly significant definition of a
most admirable and most stupendous invention, through
the providential dispensation of the Almighty God's
infinite mercy and goodness, found out, and perfected
by the sole expenses, ingenuity, knowledge, and mathe
matical insight of the Right Hon. Edward Somerset,
Marquis of Worcester, and by his Lordship deservedly
termed, and pithily defined to be —

" An Imperial, or a Water-commanding Engine,
boundless for height and quantity, and requiring no
external, nor even additional help, or force to be set,
or continued in motion, but what intrinsically is
afforded from its own operation, nor yet the twentieth
part thereof, and the engine eonsisteth of these following
particulars : —

" 1. A perfect counterpoise for what quantity of water
soever.

" 2. A perfect countervail for what height soever it
is to be brought unto.

" 3. A primum mobile, commanding both height and
quantity, regulator- wise.

U4. A vice-gerent, or countervail, supplying the
place, and performing the full force of man, wind, beast,
or mill.

1660.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 225

" 5. A holme, or stern, with bit and reins, wherewith
any child may guide, order, and control the whole
operation.

" 6. A particular magazine for water, according to
the intended height and quantity.

" 7. An aqueduct, capable of any intended quantity,
or height of water.

" 8. A place for the original fountain, or even river,
to run into, and naturally of its own accord to incorpo
rate itself with the rising water, and at the very bottom
of the same aqueduct, though never so big or high."

This communication affords the earliest distinct refer
ence to the Water-commanding Engine, and renders it
reasonable to suppose that similar written copies of the
" Definition" were in circulation at the same period, if
not earlier.

The letter itself is peculiarly interesting for the
insight it gives us into a distinguishing trait in his
mental constitution, when he observes : — " a humoiir I
have, never to be contented to produce any invention
the second time without appearing refined" He seems
to have had no idea of cessation in invention. It was
in this self-same spirit that he dedicated his " Century"
to the Houses of Parliament : — " The more you shall be
pleased to make use of my inventions, the more inven
tive shall you ever find me, one invention begetting still
another."

It is rather remarkable that, with this exception, his
inventions are never named either in his own or his
family's correspondence ; indeed the latter may have
considered the circumstance as more marking his mis
fortune, than calculated to bring him enduring fame.

The death of Cromwell, the short reign of his son,
and the proclamation of Charles the Second on the
8th of May, 1660, followed by his triumphal entry into

Q

226 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1660.

the metropolis on his birth-day, the 29th of the same
month, must have had their influence on the Marquis
in his most distressing condition. He was, no doubt, one
among the privileged to congratulate his Majesty in
private, at Whitehall, while bonfires blazed, fireworks
glared, and cannon roared ; what conflicting emotions
must have revelled in his own breast, broken down
as he was by disasters on every hand, which through
more than thirteen years he had borne with magnanimous
fortitude.

His son, Lord Herbert, resided at Badminton House,
Gloucestershire, but being in London, on his way to
Dover, after the proclamation, he wrote to his wife, as
follows : — *

" MY DEAR HEART,

u We have this night received our instructions,
and to-morrow begin our journey towards the King,
whom we are commanded to acquaint with what great
joy and acclamation he was here proclaimed 5 and to
let him know that the Parliament hath enjoined all
ministers in England and Ireland to pray for him, the
Duke of York, and the rest of the Eoyal progeny ; and
ordered that the Arms of the Commonwealth, wherever
they are standing, be taken down, and that his Majesty's
be set in the place. We are further to beseech his
Majesty to return with speed to his dominions and
government; and finally, to acquaint him that the
Parliament hath given order to the Admiral to obey
his commands with the navy, and to desire that he will
please to signify to us when and where he will land,
and whether he will come from Dover by land, or to
London by water ; where lodged, and how his pleasure
is to be received.

" I hope we shall soon return with him we go for,

* From MSS. Badminton.

1660-1.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 227

and so have nothing wanting for my particular satis
faction (as when he is here, there will not be to the
general). I desire you would begin and come this way
some time next week, that I may find you here at my
return, in order to which I have given order that lodg
ings, such as can be found, be taken, where you may
be till you can choose yourself a house to your mind,
for I cannot be anywhere with my contentment without

you,

44 Your most affectionate husband,

44 HERBERT.

" London, the 9th of May."

Charles the Second had not been many days on the
throne, when the Marquis of Worcester wrote a long
letter to Lord Clarendon,* 26 explanatory of his instruc
tions from his late Majesty, and the powers he granted
to him to negotiate with the Irish Eoman Catholics.
It very fully and lucidly explains the w^hole of that
affair, showing how completely he was in the King's
confidence ; and it was, no doubt, written to answer all
doubts that his Lordship might entertain. It bears
internal evidence of coming from a strictly conscien
tious character, and its truthfulness has never been
disproved.

44 The Marquis of Worcester (late Earl of Glamorgan),
to the Earl of Clarendon.

44 MY LORD CHANCELLOR,

44 For his Majesty's better information, through
your favour, and by the channel of your Lordship's
understanding things rightly, give me leave to acquaint
you with one chief key, wherewith to open the secret
passages between his late Majesty and myself, in order
to his service ; which was no other than a real exposing
of myself to any expense or difficulty, rather than his

* i6 Clarendon, Vol. ii. p. 201.
Q 2

228 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1660-1.

just design should not take place ; or, in taking effect,
that his honour should suffer. An effect, you may
justly say, relishing more of a passionate and blind
affection to his Majesty's service, than of discretion and
care of myself. This made me take a resolution that
he should have seemed angry with me at my return out
of Ireland, until I had brought him into a posture and
power to own his commands, to make good his instruc
tions, and to reward my faithfulness and zeal therein.

" Your Lordship may well wonder, and the King
too, at the amplitude of my commission. But when
you have understood the height of his Majesty's design
you will soon be satisfied that nothing less could have
made me capable to effect it ; being that one army of
ten thousand men was to have come out of Ireland
through North Wales; another, of a like number at
least, under my command-in-chief, have expected my
return in South Wales, which Sir Henry Gage was to
have commanded as Lieutenant-General ; and a third
should have consisted of a matter of six thousand men,
two thousand of which were to have been Liegois,
commanded by Sir Francis Edmonds, two thousand
Lorrainers to have been commanded by Colonel Browne,
and two thousand of such English, French, Scots, and
Irish as could be drawn out of Flanders and Holland.
And the six thousand were to have been, by the Prince of
Orange's assistance, in the associated counties ; and the
Governor of Lyne, cousin-german to Major Bacon,
major of my own regiment, was to have delivered the
town unto them.

u The maintenance of this army of foreigners was to
have come from the Pope and such Catholic Princes
as he should draw into it, having engaged to afford and
procure £30,000 a month ; out of which the foreign
army was first to be provided for ; and the remainder
to be divided among other armies. And for this pur-

1660-1.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 229

pose had I power to treat with the Pope and Catholic
Princes, with particular advantages promised to
Catholics, for the quiet enjoying their religion, without
the penalties which the statutes in force had power to
inflict upon them. And my instructions for this pur
pose, and my powers to conclude and treat thereupon,
were signed by the King under his pocket signet, with
blanks for me to put in the names of Pope or Princes,
to the end the King might have a starting hole to deny
the having given me such commissions, if excepted
against by his own subjects ; leaving me as it were at
stake, who for his Majesty's sake was willing to undergo
it, trusting to his word alone.

u In like manner did I not stick upon having this
Commission inrolled or assented unto by his Council,
nor indeed the seal to be put upon it in an ordinary
manner, but as Mr. Endymion Porter* and I could
perform it, with rollers and no screw-press.

t: One thing I beseech your Lordship to observe, that
though I had power by it to erect a mint any where,
and to dispose of his Majesty's revenues and delinquents'
estates, yet I never did either to the value of a farthing,
notwithstanding my own necessities, acknowledging
that the intention of those powers given me, was to
make use of them when the armies should be afoot ;
which design being broken by my commitment in
Ireland, I made no use of those powers ; and conse
quently, repaying now whatever was disbursed by
any for patents of honour, as now I am contented to
do, it will evidently appear that nothing hath stuck to
my fingers, in order to benefit or self-interest ; which I
humbly submit to his Majesty's princely consideration,
and the management of my concerns therein to your
Lordship's grave judgment, and to the care of me,

* One of the King's attendants, who had formerly accompanied him to Spain.
Clayton's Charles II. Vol. i. p. 136. 1859.

230 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1660-1.

which your Lordship was pleased to own was recom
mended unto you by the late King, my most gracious
Master, of glorious memory: And the continuance
thereof is most humbly implored and begged by me,
who am really and freely at your Lordship's disposal,
first, in order to his Majesty's service, and next to the
approving myself,

" My Lord,
" Your Lordship's most really affectionate,

" and most humble servant,

" WORCESTER.

"June, llth, 1660."

Within a fortnight after writing this letter, no doubt
encouraged by the Lord Chancellor's reception of it, he
petitioned the Crown as follows :—

" To HIS MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY, &C.

" The most humble petition of Edward Somerset,
Earl and Marquis of Worcester, &c.

" Sheweth, — That your Petitioner's father and himself,
having in ready money expended incomparably more
for the service of the Crown than any subject of England,
for which your Petitioner is possessed of sundry promises
of extraordinary reward and satisfaction, as well under
the Great Seal of England, as likewise voluntarily under
his late Majesty the King, your Majesty's father of
blessed memory, his own handwriting and private signet
set down in a most gracious ample and kind manner, it
being all that in those necessitous times his Majesty,
your Petitioner's most graciously obliging master, could
afford or be rationally demanded from him, yet in these
perhaps may not be so f i t to be ratified, lest they should
draw upon your Petitioner the envy of others, and
prove prejudicial to your Majesty.

* Cal. of State Papers, Doin. Series, 1660-61. Edited by Mrs. M. A. E. Green,
8vo. 1860.

1660-1.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 231

" Your Petitioner, therefore, most willingly layeth all
these grants and promises to his father, or to your
Majesty's Petitioner made (as far as they concern him
self) at your Majesty's feet, without any the least capitu
lation, expecting no more in his own behalf for his
loyalty therein than that your Majesty will be graciously
pleased (in consideration of his dutiful zeal thereby
manifested) effectually and through your Majesty's
innate and transcending goodness, feelingly to recom
mend to your Majesty's most dutiful Houses of Parlia
ment the speedy re-investing of your Petitioner in his
due and proper estate, according unto the laws of the
land, and so by your Majesty's most gracious assistance,
this his Petition of right (as he humbly conceives) shall
be by your Petitioner most really acknowledged as a
grant of favour and remunerating grace from your
sacred Majesty.

u And he shall ever pray," &c.

The Marquis, in November, 1660, signed what appears
to be a circular note to certain of his creditors, of which
the following is one written in an official hand, but
concludes, " Your most humble servant, Worcester," in
his own handwriting : —

" MADAME,

" Those Commissioners whom I have appoynted
to take care of my affayres are now enquiringe into ye
state of my debts, and I have given directions to the
bearer to wayte upon you and receive your propositions
about what is due unto you from him who is,

" Madame, Your most humble servant,

" WORCESTER.

" November 22, 1660."

Mr. Secretary Nicholas, writing to Sir Henry Bennet,
3rd of January, 1660, states : " The King joins the Queen

232 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1660-1.

and Princess at Guildford, and in two days they go to
Portsmouth. On New Year's day, the ceremony of
christening the young Earl of Cambridge — for this is to
be his title — was performed at Worcester House ; the
King and Duke of Albemarle godfathers ; the Queen
and Marchioness of Ormond godmothers. The Duke
and his Duchess then came to Court, and the Queen
received them very affectionately. The Coronation is
deferred to St. George's day."*

The Lord Bishop of Peterborough,79 in his ecclesias
tical and civil register and chronicle of the period,
records the following particulars in reference to the
order of proceedings at the Coronation of Charles the
Second, April the 23rd, 1661 : " The Marquis of Dor
chester, the Marquis of Worcester, in their robes, with
their coronets in their hands."

Then as to the homage paid by the nobles ; after the
oath given by the Archbishop of Canterbury ; and other
Bishops, saluting the King ; among others came up the
Marquises of Worcester and Dorchester.

That even at the Eestoration the Marquis's religion
presented some obstacles to his progress may be inferred
from the resolution of the House of Lords, that the
indulgence to be granted to the Eoman Catholics should
not be extended to the Jesuits. Whereupon that Society
drew up a paper, entitled, u Reasons why the Jesuits
hope that they should partake of the favours shown to
other priests, in taking away the sanguinary laws."
And it is noticed that, " As for noble persons who lost
great estates, and endured much hardship for his Ma
jesty, the late Duchess of Buckingham, the late Marquis
of Worcester,! and the late Earl of Shrewsbury were
Penitents of the Society, as other prime nobility yet in
being."79

* Cal. State Papers, Dom. Scries, Charles II. 1660-1661, Vol. xxviii. p. 466.
79 Peterborough. f Henry Somerset.

1660-1.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 233

For some reason or other it now became the son's lot
to be committed to the Tower, of which, however, he
makes very light, as will be seen by his letter to his
Lady announcing his position ; which, however, has no
other immediate interest than as making us acquainted
with the last occurrence of the kind affecting this noble
family. He writes : — *

44 MY DEAR,

44 1 have now sent according to your desire to
let you know of my being safely arrived at London. I
was last night examined, and am now in the Tower.
I have already so well satisfied you of my innocence
that I am sure my being lodged here cannot fright
you, neither can I imagine my restraint should be long,
for I think I only owe it to my Lordship. I desire you
would not resolve upon your journey hither till you
hear further from me, for I hope yet you may lie in,
in the country, and not have the trouble of any journey
to bring us together. If these hopes fail me, and that
I see myself like to continue longer than I can yet
fancy, I will let you know it, and send the coach down
for your women, and (if you think fit) your children to
come up in ; to whom in the meantime I send my
blessing, and remain

44 Your most affectionate husband,

44 HERBERT.

"Aug. the 20th.

" For my dear wife the Lady Herbert."

It does not fall within our province to enter particu
larly into any circumstances relating to Lord Herbert,
but it may not be out of place to mention here that, he
was then about 23 years of age, and had not long been
constituted Lord Lieutenant of Gloucestershire.

From MSS. Badminton.

234: LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1660.

CHAPTER XV.

HIS PEOSPECTS AT THE PERIOD OF THE RESTORATION-
PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT RESPECTING THE PATENT

TO CREATE HIM DUKE OF SOMERSET RECOVERY OF

ESTATES, ETC. PARLIAMENTARY DUTIES.

CHARLES the Second was only thirty years of age when
he ascended the throne, the Marquis was verging on
sixty. Charles, gay, lively, accomplished, and fascinating
in his manners, well knew from bitter experience the
pain of leading a courtly life on straitened means;
and the Marquis had been too closely associated with
him on the continent, not to be aware of his exact posi
tion then, and his now brilliant change of circumstances.
The Marquis of Worcester too, was one of those happily
constituted men who do not grow misanthropic on every
fresh instance of the world's ingratitude. His own
nobleness and goodness of heart found a thousand
excuses for the cold, callous, calculating society around
him ; and with his enlarged views, and greatness and
purity of mind, he never despaired that the day would
arrive, when he should be able to move at least in ease, if
not in plenty. As regarded his Majesty, he enjoyed
the fullest confidence in his behaving towards him with
more than ordinary consideration 5 he might not be
able to be magnificent, but at the very least he dared
not to doubt that the word of the King would be rea
lized, who had written to inform him* — " I am truly
sensible of your great merit and sufferings in the ser-

See page 1 90.

1660] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 235

vice of the King my father, and / never shall be wanting
to reward and encourage as well that kindness to his
person as that zeal to his service which you have ex
pressed in all your actions." But he was then only
nineteen years of age, unseared by the eleven years of
profligacy, the expiration of which found him on the
throne of his ancestors.

The Marquis's political position had been unpopu
lar, making him many enemies, which even altered
times could not wholly obliterate. It was not merely
a question whether he was justified in acting in concert
with the late King, but it was manifestly imprudent
and unwise, to say the least, his becoming the champion
of his church in so dangerous an enterprise as that in
which he engaged in Ireland. Consequently he found
comparatively few who sincerely sympathised in his
sufferings, amidst the crowd of suffering humanity dis
tinguishing those unhappy times.

On the 9th of May, 1660, being the day after the
King's proclamation, the House of Lords had before
them a petition from the Marchioness of Worcester,*
the subject of which was strange enough, being no
other than to complain u That Colonel Christopher
Copley, doth undermine Worcester House." Wherefore
it was ordered, " That stop be made to further pro
ceedings therein."

His Lordship early solicited the kind offices of Lord
Clarendon, offering him gratuitously the use of his
mansion in the Strand.26 He says : —

" MY LORD CHANCELLOR,

u The world speaks you to be a person of honour,
and I know your Lordship to be so, and that if you

* Jo. II. of Lords, Vol. xi. p. 19. 26 Clarendon.

236 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1660.

say the word your Lordship will make good the same.
My humble suit, therefore, to your Lordship is, but to
tell me freely whether you will be my friend in all
things honourable, just, and fitting ; and when I ask
of your Lordship anything contrary to either of these,
then do not only deny it me, but spit in my face,
having afforded me only patience first to give you my
reasons.

" Nothing, I am confident, can set an obstacle to
your Lordship's granting me this reasonable request,
but an apprehension of the obnoxiousness of my reli
gion, as for that, such are my abilities to serve not only
my Prince but the whole kingdom, that when once
known in Parliament, and his Majesty looking but as
favourably upon me as the tenth part of my deserts
(pardon me if I say so) doth require, I will undertake,
within few days, there shall be a vote in the very House
of Commons to make me capable of any service where
of I may be thought worthy. Another Eemora doth
perhaps forcibly lie in the way, which is my son the
Lord Herbert's underhand working by false sugges
tions ; but I shall soon blow them over. In a word, if
your Lordship please to accept of me, I am the most
real and affectionate servant, and as a little token of
it, be pleased to accept of Worcester House to live in,
far more commodious for your Lordship than where
you now are, though not in so good reparation ; but
such as it is, without requiring from you one penny
rent (yet that only known between your Lordship and
me). It is during my life at your service, for I am but
a tenant in tail ; but were my interest longer, it should
be as readily at your Lordship's command, and I be
lieve I may serve you in some things of ten times the
value; yet I never desire word or deed from your
Lordship other than according to what I first began

1660.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 237

with. Be but pleased to deal plainly with me, and I
desire to show your Lordship in the King's presence or

if you please, what I intend to produce

or say, having had a dearly bought experience what
it is to trust to Princes alone. So preventing your
Lordship further trouble, and asking pardon for what
I have put your Lordship unto, I only desire to receive
a verbal answer by this most deserving person, Mr.
White, my ancient acquaintance, into whose hands I
would deposit the greatest imaginable treasures untold,
and intrust the greatest secrets, without other tie than
his acceptance of them.

" My Lord,

" your Lordship's,

" Most really affectionate and humble servant,

" WORCESTER.

"June 9th, 1660.

" For the Right Honourable the LORD CHANCELLOR, present these."*

It is painful to find the Marquis of Worcester com
pelled by the theological tendencies of that age, to allude
in his letter to " the obnoxiousness of his religion." But
it is in just accordance with all that we have seen of his
progress through life, his u having had a dearly bought
experience what it is to trust to princes alone," — that
is, without witnesses or other sufficient legal evidence.
This last observation is called forth by his " desire to
show" Clarendon, as he states — " what I intend to pro
duce or say." This might possibly have reference to
his long written statement of his losses, amounting to

* The Lord Chancellor was at this time occupying Dorset House, in Salisbury
Court, once the residence of the Bishops of Salisbury, one of whom alienated it to
the Sackville family.

Notwithstanding this offer (free of rent), it is stated by Lord Clarendon, that
he paid for Worcester House a yearly rent of £500. (T. II. Lister's Life of Edward,
first Earl of Clarendon.)

238 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1660.

£918,000, intended for the King's inspection, if not
also to form the basis of an address to the House of
Lords, as given in the last chapter. If this surmise
is correct, it would clearly establish how severely
pressing were his pecuniary affairs, the King having
then only been eleven days at Whitehall ; so early,
would it seem, was he a suitor for the royal favour.

The House, on the 20th of June,* upon the reading
of the Marquis's Petition, " That he hath been dispos
sessed of his estate in the late unhappy wars, and hath
undergone many pressures in the same," — ordered,
" That he be put into possession of his estate, which is
not sold ; and a stop and stay of waste, and cutting wood
upon his land sold ; and the rents to be stayed in the
tenants' hands ; and to have a view of the writings and
evidences which concern him, which are in the custody
of the trustees at Drury Lane."

And further, on the llth of September,")" the said
order was ratified and confirmed, with the exception
that, it was not to " extend to any manors or lands
sold unto or enjoyed by Henry Lord Herbert, son and
heir apparent of the said Marquis."

But previously, on the 9th of July,;}: the House of
Lords, " Upon information given, That Elizabeth Crom
well, widow, the relict of Oliver Cromwell; Richard
Cromwell, Esquire; and Henry Lord Herbert, have
many deeds, evidences, and writings belonging to the
Lord Marquis of Worcester," — it was ordered that " all
such deeds, evidences, conveyances, court-rolls, surveys,
patents, fines, recoveries, rentals, plates, papers, memo
rials, and writings, whatsoever," in their hands, should
be delivered up unto his Lordship.

* Jo. II. of Lords, Vol. xi. pages 70 and 302.
f Ibid. Vol. xi. J Ibid. p. 85.

1660.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 239

Among other purchasers of his estates under the
authority in power, in 1651, was one Ann Tisser, a
widow, whose husband had become possessed of the
Gatehouse attached to Worcester House. On the 2 7th
of July the House had ordered possession to be given
up, but Ann Tisser refusing, another order was issued on
the 20th of August, requiring possession within two
days, but with no better effect ; so, on the 29th, the
refractory widow " was brought to the Bar, to hear
what she can say, why she does not deliver up the Gate
house." To which she answered, " She bought it of the
trustees that did sell the Marquis of Worcester's lands
in 1651." Her plea, however, was only met by the
House directing the Lord Chancellor to inform her,
" That the House expected that she should deliver up
the said Gatehouse forthwith 5 or else she must expect
to undergo the displeasure of the House, for contempt
of their Lordships' order." Three days were allowed
her to obey this mandate, and as we hear no further
account of Ann Tisser, she, like many others in the same
pitiable plight, was doubtless speedily ejected.

In August, 1660, the House of Lords* discussed the
subject of his Patent creating him Duke of Somerset,
declared to be in prejudice to the Peers ; and therefore
the following particulars will prove interesting, taken in
connexion with the copy of this Patent given at page 162.

On the 18th of August, " upon information to the
House, by the Marquis of Hertford, that a patent is
granted to the Marquis of Worcester, which is a preju
dice to the Peers : —

"It is Ordered, That the consideration of the said
Patent is referred to the consideration of these Lords
following :—

* Jo. H. of Lords, Vol. xi. p. 133.

240 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1660-

D. of Gloucester. Comes Scarsdale.

Marq. of Winton. Comes Berks.

Marq. of Dorcester. Comes Elvers.

L. Steward. Viscount Stafford.

Comes South' ton. Viscount Paget.

L. Chamberlain. Viscount Fynch.

L. Great Chamberlain. Viscount Lucas.

Comes Derby. Viscount Arundel.

Comes Portland Viscount Eobertes.

Comes Peterborough. Viscount Seymour.

Comes Bolingbrooke. Viscount Mohun.

Comes Bristol. Viscount Wharton.

Comes Devon. Vis. Howard de Charlt.

Comes Winchilsea. Viscount Tenham.
Comes Dorset.

" Their Lordships, or any five, to meet on Monday
next, in the afternoon, at 3 of the clock ; and to have
power to send for such persons as they think fit, to give
them information concerning this business ; and to
send for the Patent."

On the 20th of August, it was ordered, " That the
Lord Chancellor and Mr. Attorney General do attend
the Lords Committee, which are to meet this after
noon, to advise them, in point of law, concerning
the Marquis of Worcester's Patent."* Then on the
23rd of August, the Marquis of Dorchester reports
from the Committee, " That the Marquis of Worcester
confessed to their Lordships, that a Patent was made,
and left in his hands, by the King, to create him Duke
of Somerset, upon certain conditions, which never yet
were performed ; that he made no use of it ; that the
said Patent is in the hands of his son the Lord Herbert ;

* Jo. II. of Lords, Vol. xi. p. 135.

1660.] OF THE MAKQTJIS OF WORCESTER. 241

and his Lordship is willing to deliver it up to his
Majesty."

A message was sent to the House of Commons, by
Justice Tyrrell and Justice Turner :

u To let them know, that the Marquis of Worcester
hath acknowledged that the Patent of the Dukedom of
Somerset was made to him upon conditions on his part
to be performed, which he hath not performed ; and
that therefore he hath not assumed the place or title,
and is willing to submit it to be surrendered, or other
wise disposed, as the King should appoint ; but that it
is in the hands of his son the Lord Herbert, who is a
member of the House of Commons ; and therefore to
desire that the Lord Herbert may deliver it up to the
Marquis of Worcester."* Then it was on the —

1st of September, " Ordered, That the Committee
formerly appointed to examine the business concerning
the Marquis of Worcester's patent do meet on Monday
next, in the afternoon, peremptorily : And these Lords
following are added to that Committee :—

Comes Bristol. Viscount Petre.

Comes Bridgwater. Viscount Culpepper.

Comes Clare. Viscount Clifford.

Viscount Montagu. Viscount Craven.

Viscount Maynard.

" The Marquis of Worcester is to have notice hereof;
and if his Lordship be not present in the House on
Monday morning, then witnesses are to be examined
upon oath in the business, by the Committee. "f

On the 1st of September it was " Ordered, That the
said Committee do meet on Monday next in the Prince's
lodgings ;" but in repeating the names the Earl of
Bristol was omitted.

* Jo. H. of Lords, 1660. 12 Car. II. f Ibid- P- 152-

R

242 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1661.

On the 3rd of September, the Lord Arundel of Warder
signified to the House, " That the Marquis of Worcester
hath delivered up the patent to his Majesty, for the
Dukedom of Somerset." When it was —

"Ordered, That the same Committee prepare a Bill,
that all patents and grants obtained since the begin
ning of the late wars shall be brought within a short
time to be limited, or else the same to be vacated/'

In consequence of this order, on the 5th of Septem
ber, Lord Eoberts reported the Draught of a Bill for
bringing in of grants and patents, which was twice
read and committed ; and being read a third time on
the 6th, it was duly passed.

It is very humiliating to find the Marquis of Worces
ter stripped, not only of his great wealth, but of even
empty titles; and this latter act not by professed
enemies, but through his peers conjointly with his very
sovereign ! There is something so utterly contemptible
in the whole proceedings, which deprive without sub
stitution, and sap the wealth of any man without an
adequate effort at remedial measures, that we feel per
plexed how to account for treatment so heartless and
discreditable; whether considered in reference to Charles
the First, or his son and successor, or the reformed Par
liament. In all the relations of private life the conduct of
Charles the First was as commendable as that of his son
was reprehensible ; and if Charles the Second had viewed
the Marquis's case only in respect to his father's private
debts, he must have felt bound in honour and in common
gratitude to assist and uphold the Marquis of Worces
ter in every way and by every means consistent with
existing circumstances. It is true that his property was
restored along with the very deeds held by Cromwell,
but his Castle was an untenantable ruin, and his estates
denuded of their wood ; so that without fortune, and in

1661.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 213

debt, his possessions were almost valueless. Besides, the
Marquis was remarkably modest and fastidiously con
siderate in all he urged 5 yet he sought royal patronage
in vain, for the gay monarch was not to be won from
his levity by the philosopher's most plausible petitions.

On the 14th of December, 1661, Lord Herbert and
other members brought a message to the Lords, with
several Bills, one being u An Act for confirming the
Marquis of Hertford to the Dukedom of Somerset,"
which had passed the House of Commons ; and on the
1 7th, having then been read a third time, it also passed
the House of Lords.

As Courthope70 observes, although the Marquis of
Worcester thus resigned his claim on the Dukedom of
Somerset he still retained the titles of Earl of Glamor
gan and Baron Beaufort, as will be seen hereafter in the
copy given of his funeral certificate.

The Marquis seems to have attended the House of
Lords for the first time after the Eestoration, on the
13th of June, 1660, continuing very regularly for some
months. The only others of his rank were the Marquises
of Winton, Hertford, Dorchester, and Newcastle, and
later, the Marquis of Winchester, seldom more than one
or two of these being present on the same occasion.
Between this date and the 30th of August, he sat in the
House on thirty-seven days. Then after an absence of
more than two months he is again present on the 6th of
November, from which to the 24th of December he at
tended twenty -five meetings, the King being in the chair
on the last occasion. He was not again in his place until
the 29th, when his Majesty in person adjourned the
House ; which, meeting again on the 8th of May, " his
Majesty, being arrayed in his regal robes with his crown

70 Nicholas.

R 2

244 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1661

on his head, ascended his seat of state, the Peers being
in their robes. On the right hand of his Majesty
stood the Lord Great Chamberlain of England, the
Marquis of Winton, bearing the cap of state, and on
his left hand stood the Earl of Brecknock, Lord Steward
of his Majesty's household, bearing the sword.

u And the Commons being below the bar, his Ma
jesty made a short speech, declaring the cause and the
reasons for his summoning this present Parliament."

In all this august assembly the Marquis of Worces
ter, robed as were the other Peers, claims our special
notice. He sat there in strange contrast with that
gorgeous company, and the formalities which marked
every process of action or language. Was it possible
for him to be too expectant, seeing what he then saw
and hearing what he then heard ? Here was one who
was no obscure individual, no questionable professor, or
undeserved claimant on the patronage and smallest
available favours often solicited by him from the crowned
monarch in whose presence he then sat.

We again miss his attendance until the llth of May,
and the 8th of June, from which time he attended twenty-
nine meetings, the last being on the 30th July, when his
Majesty in person adjourned the House, and again re
called it on the 20th November, when the Marquis was
present, as before.

He again attended in his place on the 26th of Novem
ber, 1661, from which time to the 17th of May, when Par
liament was prorogued, until the 18th of Feburary, 1662,
he attended thirty-two meetings with much irregu
larity, being on one occasion absent for above a month ;
and he did not appear on the re-opening of Parliament,
when the House being called, he was declared absent ;
wherefore, it would seem he attended on the next meet
ing of the House, on the 25th of the same month, when

1661-2.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 245

he was elected one of a Committee to report on Peti
tions, occasioning his further more regular attendance.

These particulars satisfactorily show his residence in
or near London, while they likewise account for the
nature of a large share of the employments that then
engaged his active mind. But a change in the Go
vernment had brought him little if any alleviation in a
pecuniary point of view, for on the 2nd of July, 1661,
his petition was read in the House of Peers,* showing
" That he having contracted many debts in the service
of his late Majesty's wars, and some of his creditors
have obtained judgments against his estate, and are now
extending his lands, being contrary to the privilege
of Parliament, he being a Peer of this Eealm.

44 It is Ordered, That there shall be no further pro
ceedings, by any of the Marquis of Worcester's said
creditors, against him, during the time of the privilege
of this Parliament : And hereof all counsel, attornies,
and solicitors herein employed, or to be employed, are
to take notice, and yield obedience to this Order, as
the contrary will be answered to this House."

And as affecting his property, on the 7th of August,
1660, he had leave granted him by the House to bring
in a Bill,* " for restoring him to his estate, as other
Lords have." Accordingly, on the 13th of that month
an Act for the same was read. But in consequence
of the petitions of certain creditors, his Lordship
had leave granted him on the 28th of Feburary, 1661-2,
to withdraw his Bill ; and on the 10th of March follow
ing he brought forward an amended Bill, entitled —
" An Act on the behalf of Edward, Marquis of Worces
ter, and of the creditors of the said Marquis, for vesting

* Jo. H. of Lords, Vol. xi. p. 296.
f Ibid, pages 119, 125, 149, 150, 348, 386, 393, 3»5.

24fi LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1662.

and settling upon the feoffees, in trust, certain manors,
lands, and tenements, for payment of the debts of the
said Marquis." In fact, the estates were heavily en
cumbered, the petitioners, among others, alleging, that
" They have bought lands and houses of the Marquis of
Worcester, for which they have as good assurances as
the law can give ;" and being heard by counsel at the
bar of the House, they succeeded in their object, as just
stated.

It was in the midst of such distractions as these
Parliamentary details serve to illustrate, that this
talented inventor and noble benefactor to his species,
had to maintain his social position 5 and at the same
time, struggle to convince a bigoted age that he was
master of a power of such magnitude for the abridging
of human labour, as the mind of man had never before
conceived.

1645-6.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 217

CHAPTER XVI.

HIS INVENTIONS — FURTHER PETITIONS — PUBLICATION OF
HIS CENTURY CHARLES II. VISITS HIS SON AT BAD
MINTON WORCESTER HOUSE, STRAND.

THE preamble of an Act for awarding £60,000 to
poor cavaliers sets forth, that " Whereas there was a
loyal party which through all hazard and extremities
in the defence of the King's person, crown, and dignity,
the rights and privileges of Parliament, the religion,
laws, and honour of the English nation, did bear arms
by command of his late Majesty of ever blessed memory,
according to their duty, and the known laws of this
land, and did with an unwearied courage, faith, and
constancy, with their lives and fortunes, oppose the
barbarous rebellion raised against his most excellent
Majesty in the year 1642, &c. &c."* But means so
inadequate could really benefit few, particularly so large
a claimant as the Marquis of Worcester, who had sacri
ficed more than fifteen times the whole amount of that
fund.

And although he received back a large portion of his
estates, the very deeds held by Cromwell being at this
day in the family's possession, his own debts had accu
mulated to a most ruinous extent, less from improvidence
on his own part, than from the precarious course of

Bod Lib. " Carte Papers. Lord Wharton's Papers, 81."

248 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1661-2.

life his necessities had obliged him to lead, especially
during the last ten or twelve years.

But his indomitable spirit rose superior to every
calamity, whether public or private, and we find him in
the midst of all his personal grievances having a patent
sealed on the 15th of November, 1661, for four several
inventions; 1. a watch or clock; 2. guns or pistols;
3. an engine applicable for giving security to a coach ;
and 4. a boat to sail against wind and tide. No
description is afforded to guide the mechanic in con
structing such inventions, being a mere statement of
their nature and properties, as detailed probably in the
first written copy of the Century in 1655, and still pre
served in the printed edition. There is not the slightest
connection between these inventions, and their incon
gruity would rather dishearten than encourage modern
enterprise, variety of employments being contrary to
the proverbial recommendation of all traders. It may
be as well, therefore, to remark that this brief and
strange assemblage of inventions in the same inventor,
and in his single patent, was customary long before and
after this period ; so that, considered in this respect
alone, the circumstance wore no air of singularity in
the 17th century. Nothing occurs to throw the least
light on the effect of this first publication of these inven
tions, we are consequently led to suppose that they
proved of but little value to him, as regarded watches
or firearms ; and in respect to coaches and paddle-boats
we should certainly have heard more about them had
the one perambulated the streets or the other sailed on
the Thames.

He appears, previous to his patent, probably imme
diately after his release from the Tower, to have circu
lated a written statement of such of his inventions as

1662.] OF THE MAKQUIS OF WORCESTER. 249

he conceived most likely to attract public notice. In
the Library of the British Museum* there is a small
quarto half sheet of paper, closely written on both
sides in a clerk's hand, bearing the title of " Inventions
of ye Earle of Worcestr," enumerating eight subjects,
viz. improvements in a watch, vessel, artificial bird,
hour ball, coach engine, raising weights, raising water,
and to stay motion.')"

A matter of slight consequence at the time makes us
acquainted with a small matter passing in reference to
the recovered estates. Sir Eobert Mason writing, on
the 10th of November, 1661, to Mr. Secretary Nicholas,
states that the person whom he has taken into custody
is Edward Herbert, late of the Grange, near Magor,
Monmouth, where he was Cromwell's tenant of part of
the Marquis of Worcester's estate ; but since the Mar
quis had power to recover it, he retired to Bristol. He
further says, that he was Cromwell's right hand, and is
an Independent.^:

The Marquis of Worcester must have been very
fully occupied at this time, with the various incidents
portending a change in his domestic affairs, yet he
appears never to have forgotten, or considered it any
trouble, to assist and relieve the necessities of others.
In this humane spirit we find him addressing two long
letters to the Secretary of State, the first in respect to
Captain William Foster, a prisoner in the Tower ; the
other relating to the Captain's servant. They derive a
further interest from the allusion he makes to his own
former captivity in the same fortress : — §

* Brit. Mus. Birch MSS. No. 4459. t See Appendix B.

J Col. State Papers, 1661-1662 ; Domestic Series. Edited by Mrs. M. A. E.
Green, page 141. 8vo. 1861.

§ Col. State Papers, Dom. Series, 1662. [Nos. 28 and 60. Vols. 63 and 64.]

250 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1662,

u EIGHT HONOURABLE,

u Though I bear as great a reverence to the Act
of Oblivion as any, yet methinks justice also requires it
at my hands to make a great difference between those
who in their then actings carried a respect and afforded
kindness to us their poor prisoners for his Majesty's
cause ; I think myself therefore bound in honour and
gratitude to give such a testimony in Captain William
Foster's behalf to my own knowledge, and was an eye
witness thereof to the very saving some prisoners of
quality and merit [from?] their greatest hazards, who I
believe (if they were in town, or present with you) would
not deny it : the favour he only begs, and I in his behalf,
is, that upon sufficient bail, he may follow his own
calling, and provide for many children of his wife's
relict, of one once a soldier for his Majesty ; and some
little ones of his own, now by her ever a most Lady
Cavalier. And if my intercession may be of stead to him,
and of value to you, I shall take it for a good obligation
upon one who am confident his accusations are of some
priest animosities, and will prove so when rightly under
stood : for before his Majesty's happy restoration his
commission was upon that account taken from him to
his damage, and that he should now likewise suffer for
his Majesty does seem very hard. But I submit all this
to your Honour's best judgment towards him, and create
an obligation from you upon me, though not very
personally known to you, yet a great admirer of your
great parts and merit ; and shall ever approve myself

" Your Honour's
" most affectionate and most humble servant,

u WORCESTER.

"November 18th, 1662.
" For the Right Honourable Sir Henry Bennett,

One of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, these."

1662-3.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 251

And the month following he wrote : —
"EIGHT HONOURABLE,

" Had not my indisposition hindered my attend
ance at Court, I should in one of the first places waited
upon you to give humble thanks for your extended
favour upon my letter, in taking bail for Captain Foster's
servant ; and I hope his Honour is now satisfied so well
at the sessions, as not to detain him any longer, in whose
behalf, had I thought him in the least guilty, I should
rather have suffered myself than have appeared for him ;
but my six years' experience of him during my imprison
ment in the Tower, made me confident, and if you please
now to crown your favour to me by his despatch, it
shall be, ere long, most thankfully acknowledged by
me, who do not long for any one reason more to be at
Court, and haste thither, than to be an eye-witness of
so bright a star showing there ; and that I may have
occasion to appear

" Your Honour's

" most humble and obliged servant,

"WORCESTER.*

" December 13th, 1662.

" For the Right Honourable Sir Henry Bennett,
" One of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, these."

We learn from the latter communication that he
was in attendance at Court, though at the time, through
indisposition, obliged to discontinue. His expres
sion — "my six years' experience of him, during my
imprisonment in the Tower," will bear two or three
constructions, unless certain particulars are well noted.
He may be considered to have been a state prisoner

This and the former letter are holographs.

252 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1662-3.

from July 1652, to May 1660. But lie may have been
confined in the Tower only from July 1652, until 5th of
October 1654, when an order passed for his liberation
on bail, but yet virtually a prisoner. As we have for
the longest period the term of nearly eight years,
the preceding " six y ears' ' acquaintance may have
commenced only shortly before his discharge on bail,
which appears to be the most reasonable construction,
as he is not speaking of the precise term of his own
imprisonment but of that of his u experience of him
during my imprisonment." From the time of his
enlargement to the termination of the Protectorate was
five years and seven months, still leaving five months
to accomplish the acquaintance within the precincts of
the prison, and which he might fairly date to the period
of Charles the Second's accession, as the full term of
his u imprisonment," whether within or without its
precise locality ; for he was certainly not at liberty, like
any other subject of the Commonwealth, to leave the
kingdom. It has generally, however, been supposed
that he suffered many years of absolute close confine
ment, and most romantic fictions have grown out of the
interesting fable of a philosopher incarcerated in some
dungeon-like chambers within the Tower, experiment
ing on culinary vessels, led by the explosion of a pot-
lid to study the nature of steam, thereon applying his
great discovery to practice, and forthwith writing a
book, a true picture of science struggling under the
most excruciating difficulties. The fable lost nothing
of interest by repetition, being of a nature which left
much to the imagination whether of readers, writers,
or artists, all of whom have exercised almost unlimited
indulgence in picturing the Marquis of Worcester,
under circumstances purely mythical and absurdly
ingenious.

1662-3.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 253

We now approach the great event of the Marquis of
Worcester's life, that for which alone, through all time,
he will be distinguished, as pre-eminent among the
luminaries who have advanced those branches of science
which have most contributed to promote and extend the
necessaries, conveniences, and comforts of mankind,
thereby giving a decided impulse to civilization.

The new reign was marked by highly favourable
circumstances connected with the advance of science,
giving rise to the institution of the Eoyal Society, in
1660, for "improving natural knowledge," which was
incorporated by Eoyal Charter two years later.

As early as January 1660-61, the Marquis had inti
mated his intention to proceed practically to work, so
soon, as he expresses himself, — u as with security and
satisfaction, by Act of Parliament, I may put in prac
tice the greatest gift of invention for profit, that I ever
yet heard of vouchsafed to a man, especially so un
worthy and ignorant as I am (I mean my Water-com
manding Engine) . ' ' °

Two years later the House of Peers, and afterwards
the House of Commons, had this subject before them,
and therefore, in a matter which has grown to be one
of national importance, we shall proceed to afford the
fullest particulars of what transpired, to obtain for the
Marquis the long contemplated Act.

In the House of Lords, on the 16th of March, 1662-3,
the Marquis of Worcester being present, his Bill was
read the first time, for — u An Act to enable Edward
of Worcester to receive the benefit and profit of a
Water-commanding Engine, by him invented; one
tenth part whereof is appropriated for the benefit of the
King's Majesty, his heirs and successors, "f

* See page 222. f Jo. H. of Lords. Vol. xi p. 493, 494.

254 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1663.

It was read a second time, and committed on the
19th following, his Lordship again attending, when a
Committee of 14 members was appointed.*

" His Lordship was again present on the 28th of
March, 1663, when the Bill was reported with amend
ments and recommitted ; and he also attended on the
30th, when the Eeport was received with a proviso,
which was read twice, agreed to, and the Bill ordered
to be engrossed. And on the 31st of the same month
it was read a third time and passed."!

On the 2nd of AprilJ the House of Lords sent the
Bill, with the following message, to the House of Com
mons, by Sir Thomas Bennett and Sir Justinian Lewyn,
Knights : —

" Mr. Speaker, The Lords have sent you down a Bill
to enable Edward Marquis of Worcester to receive the
benefit and profit of a Water-commanding Engine, by
him invented ; one tenth part whereof is appropriated
for the benefit of the King's Majesty, his heirs and
successors; to which they desire the concurrence of
this House."

After other business, in the House of Commons, § on
the 4th of April, the Bill was read a second time and

* It was " Ordered, That the consideration of this Bill is committed to these
Lords following ; videlicet,

Lord Privy Seal. Bp. London. Ds. Pagett.

Marquis of Dorchester. Bp. Winton. Ds. Chandos.

Comes Bridgwater. Bp. Ely. Ds. Hunsdou.

Comes North'on. Bp. Sarum. Ds. Craven.

Comes Bollingbrooke. Bp. Petriburgh. Ds. Loughborough.

Comes St. Albans. Bp. Carlisle. Ds. Byron.

Viscount Say et Scale. Ds. Berkeley dc B. Ds. Colepeper.

"Their Lordships, or any other five, to meet on Saturday next, in the afternoon
at three of the clock, in the Prince's Lodgings."

f Jo. H. of Lords, Vol. xi. p. 499, 501, 502. J Ibid. p. 504.

§ Jo. H of Com. Vol. viii. p. 464.

1663.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER 2-55

committed, and it was recommended to the Committee*
to provide, " That after the death of the Lord Marquis,
the benefit of the Water-commanding Engine may come
to the Lord Herbert his son."

44 And they are to meet on Tuesday next, in the Ex
chequer Chamber, at two of the clock in the afternoon :
And to send for persons, papers and records.' '

The Commons' Committeef reported on the 5th of
May following, through Mr. Hungerford, " That the
Committee had accordingly prepared a proviso for the
purpose aforesaid: which he read in his place; and
after, delivered the same in at the clerk's table.

44 The said proviso being twice read ;

" Eesolved, &c. That the words 4 raising and' be
inserted in the proviso, after the word ' the,' and before
the word ' carriage,' in the fourth line of the proviso.

44 Which was done accordingly.

44 The proviso, thus amended, was read the third
time.

44 Eesolved, &c. That the pi-oviso, so amended, be
agreed to.

* The following Members were on the Committee : —

Lord St. John, Sir Tho. Tompkins, Mr. Gaudy,

Sir Geo. Probert, Mr. John Vaughan, Mr. Fridcaux,

Sir Robert Atkyns, Sir Rich. Braham, Sir Tho. Littleton,

Mr. Clifford, Sir John Birkinhead, Sir Humphrey Bennet,

Sir John Goodrick, Mr. Wren, Colonel Gilby,

Sir Tho. Meres, Sir Rowland Berkley, Sir TV m. Fleet wood,

Mr. Wm. Sandis, Colonel Fletchvile, Sir Solomon Swale,

Mr. Chichley, Sir Geo. Downing, Mr. Geo. Montague,

Sir Tho. Ingram, Mr. Westphaling, Mr. Moricc,

Mr. Crouch, Mr. Waller, Sir John Low,

Mr. Culleford, Sir Cha. Harbord, Sir John Holland,

Serjeant Charlton, Mr. Wm. Montague, Sir Roger Bradshaigh,

Lord Herbert, Colonel Windham, Sir Nich. Steward,

Lord Bruce, Mr. Hungerford, Mr. Whorwood,

Mr. Hen. Coventry, Mr. Sprye, Sir John Denham,

Sir Lane. Lake, Sir Wm. Lewis, Sir John Norton,

Mr. Birch, Sir Rich. Onslow, Mr. Cornwallis.
f Jo. II. of Com. Vol. viii. p. 47*, 47G.

256 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1663.

44 Kesolved, &c. That the Bill, with the amendments
and proviso, agreed to, be returned to the Lords, for
their concurrence.

44 And the Lord Herbert is to carry the same up to
the Lords."

In the House of Lords,* on the 7th of May, u A mes
sage was brought from the House of Commons, by
the Lord Herbert and others : To return a Bill formerly
sent down, concerning the Lord Marquis of Worcester's
Water Engine ; wherein they have made some amend
ments and alterations, and desire their Lordships' con
currence therein.'7

On the 8th of May, after other business : — " Next, was
read the alterations and proviso brought up from the
House of Commons, which are to be added to the Bill
concerning the Marquis of Worcester's Water-command
ing Engine ; and being thrice read over, and considered
of-

44 The question being put, 4 Whether this Bill, with
the alterations and additions now read, shall pass ?'

44 It was resolved in the affirmative."

On these three last occasions the Marquis was like
wise present.

On the 12th of May* their Lordships, in their mes
sage,! by Sir William Child and Sir Toby Woolrich,
to the House of Commons, acquainted them that they
agreed to their alterations; and, on the 3rd of June,
the royal assent was given to 44 An Act to enable the
Marquis of Worcester to receive the benefit and profit
of a Water-commanding Engine, by him invented,
&c." — in these words: —

44 Soil fait come il est desire"

* Jo. H. of Lords, Vol. xi. pages 517 and 519.

f Jo. II of Lords, Vol. xi. p. 522 and 533 ; and Jo. H. of Com. Vol. viii. p. 480.

1663.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 257

But the Marquis was not in attendance, as on former
occasions, to watch the proceedings.

We have thus traced the progress of this remarkable
Act through Parliament ; from the 16th of March to
the day of its receiving the royal assent on the 3rd of
June. It will have been remarked that the Marquis
was in constant attendance, and that it was his son who
was deputed by the Commons, on the 3rd of May, to
present the amended Bill to the Peers. It is impossible
to imagine what might have been the feelings of the
Marquis himself throughout the period of these pro
longed proceedings, but he unquestionably had set his
mind on this measure as the palladium of his inventive
rights and the forerunner of brighter prospects.

In a memorandum relating to various grants, among
others, occurs one to the Marquis of Worcester, thus
noticed: — "March, 166|. That by Act of Parliament
his Invention of a Water-commanding Engine, granted
him for ninety-nine years, one tenth reserved to the
King. The King remitted the tenth to the Marquis
upon a surrender of a Warrant dated at Oxford, 5th
Jan. 20 Car. I. by which his then Majesty did grant
the Marquis lands to the value of £40,000, in considera
tion of a debt due to the Marquis from his Majesty. "*|

The prospect of better days had now fairly set in ; he
had at least succeeded in securing his invention to him
self and to his family after him, as a property in the
value of which he felt unbounded confidence, roundly

* See Calendar of State Papers, 1663-1664. Domestic Series, Charles II edited
by Mrs. M. A. E. Green, referring to Vol. 95, and papers between Nos. 101 and
102. The same memorandum, in another form, appears also in Domestic Corres
pondence, Feb. 1664. Vol. 93, No. 83,— thus :—

"Water Engine Invented. The tenths of the benefit remitted to the Marquis
of Worcester, the Inventor, in lieu of lands to the value of £40,000, granted by
warrant from his Majesty for that sum disbursed in his service."
t See Appendix F.

S

258 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1663.

estimating it at not less than £400,000. Shortly after
the passing of this Act he published his ever memorable
and extremely curious and ingenious little work, entitled
UA Century of the names and scantlings of Inventions."15

* Mr. Thomas Baker, a talented engineer, and withal a poet, has very gracefully
epitomized the character of the Century in his poem on " The Steam Engine ; or
the Powers of Flame," published in 1857. As the work is now extremely scarce,
and not likely to be met with by the general reader, the following extract may
prove acceptable : —

THE VISION OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.

WITH hopes now high, now with despair oppress'd,

As Phoebus sunk, he also sunk to rest ;

When lo ! uprose before his mental view

A HUNDRED ENGINES of devices new !

In slow procession he their forms survey'd ;

In each recondite fabric were display 'd

Rare works of art, and such as far surpass

Ought erst beheld in iron, steel, or brass ;

While gems with gold and silver's polished sheen

Blended their hues in this artistic scene :

# * * * *

Resplendent seals were there in groups arranged,
Which by a touch their rare devices changed,
And secrets in all languages convey'd
From man to man, nor once their trust betray 'd.
Such were the seals to Eastern Magi known,
By which of old their wond'rous feats were shown.

Nine engines next in slow succession came,
Explosive from the slightest touch of flame,
Replete with missiles, used in various ways :

* » * # *

A floating garden, gay, with verdant bowers,
And redolent with blooming trees and flowers,
Drew its own moisture, moved its pleasing form,
Spontaneous met the sun, and shunn'd the storm ;
Such scenes of fair delight, are wont to smile
From age to age in Hainan's palmy isle 1

Nine splendid founts their varied forms display 'd,
Whence cooling streams, abstrusely winding, stray'd ;
In one, tall jets bright Iris' colours show'd ;
In one, the waters ever ebb'd and flow'd :

» » • • *

Next there came forth a vast abstruse machine,
Where motions of ten thousand worlds were seen ;
TV sethereal vault around was wide display'd,
As by bright Phoebus from his car survey'd ;

1663.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 259

It is dedicated to Charles the Second, and also to both
Houses of Parliament; in addressing the latter he
expresses himself as being — " by the Act of the Water-
commanding Engine (which so cheerfully you have
passed) sufficiently rewarded ;" and as the work bears
date on the title page, 1663, it must have been published
after the passing of the Act, in May, that year. This
edition, only duodecimo size, consisting of 98 pages, is
now very scarce, but it has been frequently reprinted.
This small volume was most likely only intended for
private distribution, particularly among members of

Here scenic splendour and rich art outshone
All Orreries to modern science known !

A new variety, in number vast,
Of ever-changing forms before him pass'd :
Not Proteus' self could with their antics cope,
Nor modern scenes of gay Kaleidoscope :
Their graceful symmetry and rainbow-hues
A rapt'rous wonder o'er his mind diffuse !

To vary these abstruse artistic scenes,
There pass'd along a group of fresh machines ;
Many there were that in these days impart
Essential aid to various schemes of art :
One was a globe buoy'd by a crystal well,
Which night or day the passing hour could tell,
With the elapsing minutes, seconds too ;
And, like the dial, to the heaven true ;
The famed Clepsydra, in its artifice,
Was but a bauble when compared with this !

Martial designs came next, in size immense,
Adapted for attack, and for defence :

» * * * *

To crown these shows of wonder and delight,
A BEING rose of superhuman might :

* * * * *

At every motion from his nostrils came
A mounting vap'rous breath like subtle flame !
At once it beam'd on Worcester's mental eye,
That STEAM alone might this great power supply
And lo ! as 'twere this' thought to realize,
He saw it, fuming, from vast cauldron rise ;
From whence this prodigy his spirit drew,
Achieving thus what met the wondering view !

s 2

260 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1663-4.

Parliament, and persons whose support might be soli
cited ; for it is generally believed that a company was
being organised for bringing the invention into public
use.

During this state of affairs in London an agreeable
episode was being enacted at Badminton House, Glouces
tershire, the seat of his son, Lord Herbert. In Septem
ber, 1663, Charles the Second and his Queen visited
Bath, Badminton, Cirencester, and other places, in their
progress to Oxford. Mr. Godolphin, writing from Bath
on the 1 8th of September, 1663, to his brother, says : — •
" We were waiting on the King to Badminton, a house
of my Lord Herbert of Eaglan, where the King dined,
and was handsomely entertained." From Oxford, he
again writes to his brother, on the 28th September, 1663,
in which he informs him that, among other matters, he
will " receive the account promised of our progress
through Bath, hither." A news-letter, dated " Oxford,
28th" [1663,] which is no doubt the one alluded to,
commences : —

" On Tuesday, the 22nd instant, . [?] the King and
Queen left Bath, and at their entrance into Gloucester
shire were met by the High Sheriff; and a little after
by the Lord Herbert of Eaglan, Lord Lieutenant of
that County, with a brave appearance of the gentry of
that County, who all conducted their Majesties to the
Lord Herbert's house, at Badminton, where their
Majesties were nobly entertained at dinner."

They went thence to Cirencester, where they supped
at Lord Newburgh's, and lodged that night.

An obvious discrepancy occurs in the two accounts
of the dinner, Mr. Godolphin on the 18th writes of it
as having taken place, whereas the Oxford news-letter
names the 22nd.

From 1660, we find Lord Clarendon making a tern-

1664-5.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 261

porary residence of Worcester House in the Strand,
where, in December, the same year, Evelyn paid a visit
to the Lord Chancellor's newly married daughter. And
four years later he dined there, being afterwards taken in
their coach by the Chancellor and his Lady, to see their
palace, building at the upper end of St. James's Street.37
The Marquis's own residence never transpires, but it
is more than probable he would reside near to, or within
easy access of Vauxhall, where we have next to trace
his very different, exceedingly arduous, and most trying
undertaking.

37 Evelyn.

262 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1664

CHAPTER XVII.

HIS OPERATIONS AT VAUXHALL PETITIONS AND DECEASE

CASPAR KALTOFF AND FAMILY — M. SORBIERE COSMO,

GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY THE DOWAGER MARCHIONESS

OF WORCESTER.

IN the second Dedication to his " Century" the Marquis
of Worcester expressly alludes to u the experiments
extant, and comprised under these several heads, prac
ticable with my directions, by the unparalleled workman
both for trust and skill, Caspar Kaltoff s hand, who hath
been these five and thirty years as in a school under me
employed; and still at my disposal, in a place by my
great expenses made fit for public service, yet lately
like to be taken from me, and consequently from the
service of King and kingdom, without the least regard
of above £10,000 expended by me through my zeal to
the common good."

We have thus the fact on record, that Kaltoff was
employed by him in the execution of his mechanical
experiments from 1628 to 1663, commencing with the
period of his first marriage, when he was about twenty-
seven years of age.

In 1664, M. Samuel Sorbiere, historian to the King
of France, published in Paris a small work entitled —
" Eelation d'un voyage en Angleterre, &c." As he ap
pears to have interested himself in scientific matters,
as much or more than in any other single subject, no

1684.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 263

apology need be offered for quoting his entire remarks ;
because, although perhaps in one sense they appear
irrelevant, yet they acquire interest here, as proving
that he was not an incompetent authority in reference
to his most important remarks resulting from a visit to
Vauxhall. Besides, it is not a little remarkable that
Dr. Sprat, a Fellow of the Eoyal Society, as well as
its historian,* in a book of equal extent to that written
by this contemporary authority, addressed to Dr. Wren,
Professor of Astronomy, under the title of " Observations
on M. Sorbi&re's Voyage into England,"91 not only passes
over these remarks, but ridicules his short experience
of only u three months ;" and, u that when he declares
he came into England to content his curiosity, to see
all rare things and men amongst us, yet he scarce
mentions the Duke of York !" This last omission,
however serious a one it might have been in 1665, the
lively Frenchman has amply compensated for, by the
substitution of matter that has a far greater interest for
posterity. Sorbiere says : —

"M. de Monconis showed me his journal, which was
so curious, and where he had collected so exactly all
that was passing among the learned men of the Eoyal
Society of London, that his industry has made me neg
ligent in collecting afresh for myself the things found
there. We shall see some day all that he has said in
it, for if he believes me he will lay before the public
that, as well as his other journal of Egypt and Jerusa
lem. He speaks of several new inventions, which
would be very difficult to believe, if not tried. One is a
self-registering instrument to mark atmospheric changes

» History of the Royal Society of London. By Thomas Sprat, Bishop of Ro
chester, 4 to. 1667.
91 Sprat.

2G4 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS f 1664.

which happen every 24 hours, effected by a pendulum
clock. A thermometer ; a compass ; a self-registering
weather-cock • a means by which Mr. Willis causes a
piece of iron by exposure to moderate heat to calcine,
without the help of a corrosive, and dissolve on being
plunged into water; of a deaf and dumb person at
Oxford, who Mr. Willis has taught to read by showing
the different inflexions of the voice necessary for articu
lation ; a new manner of exploding ships in the water ;
a way by which several short beams can be made into
a plain flat surface, by placing them one on the top of
another without being supported, nailed, or grooved
one into another ; of a furnace or stove by Dr. Kuffler,
in the style of Drebble's, which I saw some time ago
at La Hague, and which was so successful at Arnheim,
with self-acting registers ; another kind of furnace which,
for five sous worth of wood, cooked a large quantity of
bread ; a way of distilling salt-water to make it drink
able, where for five sous you can distil water enough
for 100 persons to drink*, an instrument to design and
draw every description of object by a person who has
never learnt."

He adds : — " One of the most curious things I wished
to see was a Hydraulic Machine, which the Marquis of
Worcester has invented, and of which he has made an
experiment. I went expressly to Vauxhall, the other
side of the Thames, a little below Lambeth, which is
the Palace of the Archbishop of Canterbury, in sight of
j London. This machine will raise to the height of 40
feet by the strength of one man, and in the space of one
minute of time, four large buckets of water, and that
by a pipe or tube of 8 inches. But what will be the
most powerful help to the wants of the public is the
work which is performed by another ingeniously con
structed machine, which can be seen raised on a wooden

1664.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 265

tower on the top of Somerset House, which supplies
that part of the town with water, but with some difficulty,
and a smaller quantity than could be desired. It is
somewhat like our Samaritane water-work on the Pont-
Neuf ; and on the raising pump they have added an
impulsion which increases the force ; but for what we
obtain by the power of the Seine, they employ one or
two horses which incessantly turn the machine, as the
tide of their river changes its course twice a day, and
the spring or wheels which are used for the ebbing tide
would not do for the flow."

M. Sorbiere's Dedication of his narrative to the King
is dated 12th December, 1663, so that it is possible the
Century had been published previous to the visit he has
just described, and it is worthy of notice that he ex
presses no difficulty in obtaining access to the exhibition
of the machine, which gives colour to the belief that it
was on public view, for the purpose of establishing a
company to carry out the invention on a large scale.

Vauxhall, as it is now called, was variously designated
Fox-hall, Faukeshall, Fulke's Hall, corruptions of a
derivation from Fulke de Breaut6, who built a mansion
in the manor of South Lambeth, long known as Fulke' s-
hall.94 In 1652, the Parliament having determined that
Vauxhall-house, which had been reserved by a former
order, should be sold, it was purchased by John
Trenchard of Westminster. After the Eestoration it
was leased to Henry Lord Moore, afterwards Earl of
Drogheda, together with the demesne lands of Kenning-
ton for 31 years; with a proviso, that if his Majesty
should think fit to make use of the house, or any part
thereof, it should be surrendered upon a proper allow
ance being made for the same. The King, availing

94 Tallis.

206 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1664.

himself of this proviso the year after the lease was
granted, settled Casper Kaltoff, a Dutchman, at Vaux-
hall, who was employed in making guns and other
warlike implements for government service.65

By an Act of the House of Commons, 1 7th of July,
1649, for the sale of the houses, &c. of the late King,
Queen, and Prince, it is provided that " it should not
extend to the house called Vaux Hall, nor to the
grounds, houses, buildings, models, utensils, or other
necessaries for practical inventions therein contained; but
that they should remain for the use of the Common
wealth, to be employed and disposed of by the Parlia
ment, as they shall think fit."3 Now the mention of
inventions and models, taken in connection with recent
facts, would lead to the inference that the Marquis of
Worcester might have been much earlier associated
with practical experiments at Vauxhall than at first
appears. On this point he was always reserved, even
in his Century only cautiously alluding to Kaltoff as
being "in a place by my great expenses made fit for
public service, yet lately like to be taken from me."

Among the manuscripts of the Royal Society is a
letter from Samuel Hartlib, the author of works relat
ing to Husbandry, addressed to the Honourable Robert
Boyle,14 dated Amsterdam, May the 18th, 1649, in which
he remarks :104 — " Fauxhall is to be set apart for public
uses, by which is meant making it a place of resort for
artists, mechanics, &c. and a depot for models and phi
losophical apparatus." It is further proposed, that
" experiments and trials of profitable inventions should
be carried on," which, says Hartlib, "will be of great
use to the Commonwealth." Adding that the late
King (Charles I.) " designed Fauxhall for such an use."

65 Lysons. 3 Allen. 14 Boyle. 10< Weld.

1664.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER, 267

After a lapse of five years, lie writes another letter to
Boyle,14 on the same subject, furnishing us, incidentally,
with the following curious and important details: —
" The Earl of Worcester is buying Fauxhall from Mr.
Trenchard, to bestow the use of that house upon Gaspar
Calehof [Kaltoff] and son [son-in-law], as long as
they shall live, for he intends to make it a College of
Artisans. Yesterday (he adds) I was invited by the
famous Thomas Bushel to Lambeth Marsh, to see part
of that foundation."104

Hartlib was a generous-hearted man, who projected
many schemes for public benefit. Evelyn styles him
an "ingenious person, honest and learned;" that he
deserved the latter distinction we may infer from the
fact of Milton having addressed to him his treatise u Of
Education."

These particulars serve to show a very early con
nection on the part of the Marquis of Worcester with
Vauxhall, making it still more probable that he had
established a laboratory or workshop there, years
before the Civil War broke out ; that from its extent it
was proposed to retain it for the benefit of the State ;
and that on his own release from the Tower he sought
to regain possession of the premises, but possibly, for
politic reasons, in the name of his faithful workman
Caspar Kaltoff.

During 35 years there would be a large accumula
tion of models for one hundred inventions and several
hundreds of experiments, as well as a considerable
quantity of tools and machinery. He would certainly
choose some place as near as possible to the great mart,
where alone he could obtain, within any reasonable
time, the numerous articles and materials constantly

11 Boyle. 10 » Weld.

268 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1664.

required in experimental employments; and desiring
to be near London, when we find him at Vauxhall
in 1663, who can doubt, that he rather continued,
than selected for the first time, the locality where
we now find the indefatigable noble inventor and
his veteran "unparalleled workman," engaged on
the first public example of the u Water-commanding
Engine."

Pressing as were his personal necessities, he continued
untiring in maintaining the practical working of the
new engine set up under protection of the Act he had
obtained in 1663. But, like all novel enterprises,
people were sceptical as to its real value. He appears
to have been wholly neglected by the first scientific
authorities of his day, who yet could not be otherwise
than aware of the remarkable performance of the
engine erected by him at Vauxhall. We find him
making sufficient allusion to its nature and properties in
his Century, published in 1663; then, in 1664, Sorbiere
published his account of his visit to England, further
describing what he had seen of the water-works at
Vauxhall; while Dr. Sprat, by the severe strictures
he wrote on the Koyal-Hydrographer's book, in the
letter he published, addressed to Dr. Wren, at Oxford,
must have spread the intelligence, and served to call
attention to Sorbi&re's statement. What benefit the
Marquis of Worcester really received through the
intervention of friends or the public, beyond temporary
loans of money, does not transpire, and, judging from
the following documents, his financial position was
reduced to the lowest state possible. The original
papers are fortunately preserved at Badminton House.
The first is endorsed, " Copy of the letter which was
sent by my Lord Duke of Albemarle to the Lord
Arlington."

1664.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 269

44 MY LORD,

44 The sad condition of my Lord Marquis of
Worcester, after his so great merits from the Crown of
England, as few can imagine, but now discovered by
sure hands unto me, inclined me to write such a letter
to his Majesty, as I find by him that your Lordship
hath been acquainted with 5 but reflecting, that if it
should be presented to the King, it might seem against
some resolutions of mine, not to importune his Majesty
for things of the like nature, as are therein mentioned,
I choose rather to desire my Lord Marquis to suspend
my endeavours to serve him. therein with his Majesty,
till I have the honour personally to attend him ; yet, in
the meantime, if your Lordship find an occasion to
incline the King thereunto, I shall not fail to second
your Lordship therein, or any other who may be instru
mental to get from his Majesty a due consideration of
my Lord Marquis, his just pretensions to as much favour
and recompense as any subject I know ; and I make no
question but when your Lordship hath thoroughly
known him, you will be of the same opinion, and if
that be any value with you, I do profess that in oblig
ing my Lord Marquis of Worcester, you will also
exceedingly oblige,

44 Your Lordship's, &c."

The next is a Draft Petition in the Marquis's hand
writing, written with more care than usually occurs in
his letters : —

44 DREAD SOVEREIGN,

44 Although I know very well that were the wise
and politic Cornelius Tacitus living, he durst not whis
per unto your Majesty as he did to other Princes,
prone to hear him, when he said : — 4 Eo usque grata

270 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1664-5.

sunt beneficia quam diu solvi posse videantur ubi semel
antevenere pro gratia odium vedditur.' I am, notwith
standing, very loth to trouble your sacred Majesty in
order to myself, not but I am sufficiently necessitated
to importune you, even as much as any poor subject
your Majesty hath; and warranted by as good a title
unto it (if, after an opulent and flourishing condition to
become an object of pity, through my zeal and ser
vices to the crown you wear, may challenge any
esteem) ; but my very nature abhors anything that may
seem self-interest, though indeed whatever I have or
do ambition, be it of favour or benefit from your Ma
jesty's most gracious self, it hath been, really is, and
shall be ever, but to make me able the more eminently
to serve your matchless Majesty, whose advantage is
my greatest comfort ; and, in earnest, my very heart's
objectum adgequatum. Think of me whatever others
please to suggest, yet such shall your Majesty ever find
me, and unless your Majesty command me to speak, I
shall still say nothing, but seeing a coldness in your
Majesty, I shall continue dumb and speechless : — Leves
loquunter curse ingentes stujescunt. Yet, animated by
your Majesty's cheerful commands, I shall ingenuously
lay before you the truth and nothing but the truth, and
(though to mine own confusion) I will as candidly
shrive me to your benign self, as to a ghostly father,
and I will make your most excellent Majesty my sole
judge, as well spiritual as temporal, that is to look into
my inward man, as well as my outward actions and
deportment."

In November we have another petition in respect to
a large claim on his estate, and a report thereon, as
follows : — *

* MS. Public Record Office, in course of being calendared by Mrs. M. A. E. Green.

1665.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 271

" To the King's most excellent Majesty, the humble
petition of Edward Marquis of Worcester.

u SHEWETH,

" That whereas your Petitioner and his late
father did heretofore lend to serve his then late Majes
ty's urgent necessities the sum of two hundred thousand
pounds and upwards, (ninety-five thousand pounds
whereof appears under his late Majesty's hand and seal,
and the rest the Petitioner, if permitted, will make
appear), besides other great sums the Petitioner employed
in other his Majesty's service, by which means your
Petitioner's estate was encumbered, and continued en
cumbered with vast debts, insomuch that to the Petitioner
and his family there is left but a small pittance for a
mean livelihood ; the Petitioner's estate being charged
with the debts so contracted for his late Majesty's service,
and your Majesty's, as aforesaid.

" That the Petitioner by bond from himself and others
(his sureties) in 1643, amongst other engagements,
became bound in six thousand pounds to Henry Hall,
Esq. ; which bond was sued in his Majesty's Exchequer
by John Hall, Esq. administrator of the said Henry
(not only against your Petitioner, but also against his
sureties, the Lady Lingen, and Charles Price, Esq.
whom the Petitioner is bound to save harmless, great
sufferers for their loyalty in his Majesty's service), who
thereupon hath obtained judgment against your Peti
tioner for six thousand pounds, and as particular receiver
of some part of your Majesty's revenue hath assigned
the same as debtor unto your Majesty, whereupon an
extent is in the sheriff's hands (by the said Mr. Hall's
prosecution) to extend your Petitioner's estate for the
use of your Majesty, whose prerogative intervening,
that extent (as your Petitioner is advised by counsel)
will take place (although subsequent in time of all

272 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1665.

former encumbrances), by which means not only the
Petitioner's other creditors will be defeated of their
respective debts, but the small remainder of your
Petitioner's (once considerable) now shattered estate
will by your Majesty (to pay a debt to your Majesty)
be swallowed up, and your Petitioner and his other
creditors wholly deprived thereof.

" The Petitioner therefore most humbly prays, that in
regard your Majesty's name is made use of against your
Petitioner, and since that this debt (being subsequent
in time to other encumbrances) could not affect your
Petitioner's estate, but by your Majesty's prerogative,
your Majesty will be graciously pleased to supersede
the said Mr. Hall's prosecution, and order him some
other satisfaction ; the Petitioner being absolutely dis
abled by those vast sums in his late Majesty's service
expended as aforesaid.

u And your Petitioner shall ever pray."

" At the Court of Oxford, Nov. 24th, 1665.

" His Majesty is graciously pleased to refer the con
sideration of this petition to Mr. Attorney, or Mr. Soli
citor-General, to consider how far his Majesty may fitly
gratify the honourable Petitioner, of whose condition he
hath a just sense, but sees not what he can do in this
particular for his satisfaction, till he receive Mr. Attor
ney's or Mr. Solicitor's opinion upon it.

" ARLINGTON."

Agreeable to the preceding reference the following
report was made :—

" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAJESTY,

" The Petitioner hath been pleased to show me
the sign-manual of your royal father, acknowledging
£95,000 to be due to him, for so much advanced by his
father and himself in his late Majesty's service.

1665.] OE TFIE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 273

" The Petitioner dotli further allege that the six thou
sand pounds [£6000] owing by him to Mr. Hall, and for
which Mr. Hall hath obtained a judgment against the
Petitioner, is part of that very £9 5,000 advanced in the
service of your royal father.

" I find likewise that Mr. Hall hath assigned this judg
ment to your Majesty, and all the time of that assign
ment was indebted to your Majesty five or six hundred
pounds.

" But I am humbly of opinion, that though your Ma
jesty may by your prerogative release this judgment
thus assigned, yet it will not be fit for your Majesty to
do it as this case is, because then your Majesty will
stand obliged to make good to Mr. Hall so much money
as would remain due to him after your Majesty's debt
[is ?] satisfied, which is in effect to put your Majesty in
the Petitioner's place for payment of Mr. Hall's debt.

"Nevertheless the Petitioner's case being very worthy
of relief, I do humbly consider it fit for your Majesty
to reserve the consideration of his satisfaction to some
better occasion.

"HENEAGE FINCH."

Among family documents at Badminton House is the
following draft, which may relate to the foregoing
petition : —

u The Case of Edward Marquis of Worcester, &c.

" Edward, Marquis of Worcester is indebted £6000
unto John Hall, Esq. the Eeceiver for the Counties of
Gloucester, Monmouth, and Hereford, &c.

u John Hall assigns this judgment to the King, whose
prerogative interfering, John Hall's debt of £6000 will
affect the Earl of Worcester's estate, and obstruct the
other creditors from their respective satisfactions, by
the former settlement of my Lord of Worcester's.

274 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1*65

" The Lord of Worcester petitions the King in regard
he had expended, and lent towards his late Majesty's
service the sum of £92,500, for which and his other
very many and considerable losses, to the utter im
poverishment of himself and family, he never yet
received any compensation or satisfaction. His Ma
jesty would be pleased to take the state of the Petitioner
into his gracious consideration, &c.

u His Majesty is graciously pleased to refer this peti
tion unto Mr. Attorney or Mr. Solicitor. Mr. Solicitor
reports to his Majesty matter of fact in the petition
mentioned to be true, and further adviseth it is not safe
for his Majesty either to supersede or discharge the
said judgment, but that likewise the Earl doth justly
merit his Majesty's just and favourable consideration, &c.

" Whereupon the Earl of Worcester prayeth, that in
regard what he petitioned for, was for the satisfaction
merely of creditors, and not to his mediate or imme
diate advantage, and his fortune totally disposed of to
his Majesty's service, other than what is settled as afore
said to the payment of his many creditors, which in
honour (his only livelihood now left him), he is bound
to see satisfied, the which as the present case standeth
with my Lord cannot be, without his Majesty extend-
eth his favour, either by payment of the money, or some
other means equivalently satisfactory, &c.

" His Majesty will be graciously pleased to confer the
honour of Baron on J. B. being fitly qualified, and whose
estate suits in proportion with the charge that dignity
requireth, by which means his Majesty will not be out
of purse and the Petitioner indemnified."

On Christmas day the Marquis wrote a long epistle
(but to whom is unknown) requesting the favour of a
letter by means of which he could obtain the services
of Lord Arlington and Lady Castlemaine, probably to

1665.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 275

obtain some protective influence over his property, then
much jeopardized : — *

" HONOURED SIR,

a You have by God's infinite providence not
only befriended my wife and me in Cromwell's time,
but likewise by his great mercy and goodness, I think,
reserved to do the like in his now Majesty's reign • in
whose happy memory [he] was pleased to say, even to
his Queen, now dowager, that next to his own children
and her, he was obliged to take care and recompense
me ; so can you not do now a greater act of charity,
nor loyalty, than to set your concurring hand to procure
from her Grace, and her unparalleled deserving husband,
the favour of setting their hands each to a letter I shall
be bold to present to your perusal first, and then your
favour to their Graces ; which done, my Lord Arlington
and my Lady Castlemaine undertake to perfect my most
humble request to his Majesty; so that they shall incur
no risk of denial, and yet by the same obliging hand of
yours which promotes my most humble suit, I shall
present a thousand pieces to the Duchess, to buy her a
little jewel to what she deserves to wear every day of
the week. And if it please God I live but two years, I
will, out of the profits of my Water-commanding Engine,
appropriate five hundred pounds yearly, for ever, to her
Grace's, and two hundred pounds yearly, likewise, to
your disposal ; and in present forty pieces to buy you a
Nogge ; all which, as I am a gentleman and a Christian,
shall be faithfully and most thankfully performed,
though the benefit I pretend to by my petition, will
not amount to what my gratitude obliges; yet the
satisfaction which it will be to my mind, and my credit

From MSS. Badminton.

T 2

276 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1665.

therein at stake, I value at ten times as much. And
this will enable me to place my Water-commanding
Engine, where I am a certained [assured ?] an hundred
pounds a day profit, without further troubling the King
or any body. And that done the greatest of my am
bition will be to show my gratitude and pay my debts ;
confessing not to owe to any person living more real
acknowledgment of thankfulness than to her Grace,
who hath been pleased, in my absence and my wife's,
to be a champion for us, which draws upon herself in
part this trouble, with more than confidence to receive
from her more than gracious hands and princess-like
disposition this further favour, which my wife and I
shall never forget, and thankfully to acknowledge to
her Grace, and your most worthy self, whose further
trouble it is time to prevent in subscribing myself as
you shall ever find me,

" Sir, your most real affectionate friend,
" and humble servant,

" WORCESTER.

" Christmas Day, 25th of Dec. 1665.

" Because the profit accruing from my Water-com
manding Engine may seem uncertain, I humbly offer in
lieu thereof and in token of my gratitude, a judgment
of ten thousand pounds for the payment of one thousand
pounds a year for four years, at the disposal of her
Grace, and two hundred pounds per annum at yours ;
so their Graces be pleased cheerfully to sign the letter,
and positively to own them and me to be their perpe
tual servant, not doubting then to find ways more
efficaciously to testify my reality and devotion to them
if accepted of, and thus obliged to them and you.

" WORCESTER."

Whether the following is the draft of a letter, pro
posed in the preceding communication, is uncertain ; it

1665.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 277

is however in a contemporary handwriting, and, there
fore, may be the very letter he offered to submit for
approval.* It runs thus : —

U MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAJESTY,

" Upon my Lord of Worcester's speaking to my
husband for his letter to your Majesty, and laying open
his sad condition, there comes into my mind a petition
from his Lady to the Speaker ready to adjourn the
House in Cromwell's time, without relief to her, but
upon her petition, as here enclosed, Worcester House
was granted her. God forbid a greater hardness should
possess your Majesty's heart, our most gracious King,
than did those regicides to one they took for their
enemy • and I do, therefore, with more than confidence
in remembrance of my Lady's former pressures and
miseries make myself a party with my Lord Marquis,
in his most humble suit to your Majesty, in my Lord
Powis his behalf, that he may not be frustrated of
what the last King entitled him, of being created Earl,
because it came through my Lord Marquis his hands,
but further likewise to bestow a Baron's patent upon a
friend of my Lord Marquis, for both which I become a
suitor with his Lordship, and beg pardon if I become
more importunate to your Majesty in this case, than for
myself in anything, who do already acknowledge most
thankfully many great favours done to me,

" Your Majesty's most humble servant."

The following letter it would appear was addressed
to the Duke of Albemaiie : —

" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR GRACE,

u The objections you were pleased to make
against the owning and subscribing the letter to his

From MSS. Badminton.

278 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1665.

Majesty were as I humbly conceive your Grace's resolu
tion not to trouble the King for money business even
in your own behalf, much less in another's ; and secondly
that as for Creations you had absolutely promised his
Majesty you would not importune him again. To the
first I answer that this is to save the King's coffers,
since certainly if either honour or conscience should
take place his Majesty ought to save me harmless from
the six thousand pound confessed and proved to be the
Crown's debt ; so happily now upon his head by your
Grace's no less prudent and valorous, than dutiful en
deavours, blest by Divine Providence, never intending
the ruin of his best deserving subjects, and the only
promoting of his rebels, which the child unborn may
rue if not timely prevented ; and as a wise Privy-Coun
cillor your Grace's part is to mind his Majesty so of, as
not totally to dishearten, I will not say disgust his
good subjects well deserving, yet that as far as loyalty
and religion will give them leave ; and I am sorry his
Majesty should bid adieu to works of supererogation
and love in his subjects, and most certainly they are
not his best counsellors who advise him to it ; and your
Grace will be most commendable in doing the contrary,
and at long running the King will love you best for
it, so that this objection of your Grace I humbly con
ceive to be totally solved.

" As for the second, your Grace's promise not to speak
for any more Creations, be pleased to understand it
rightly, and you are no motioner of this ; you do but
lay before him my reasonable petition therein, such as
my Lord Chancellor was pleased to think so fitting as
he once undertook it for me, and I am confident will
thank your Grace for reviving of it, and in my con
science so will the King too in granting of it ; for I
cannot have so mean a thought of his Majesty but that

1665.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 279

against the liair he hath been forced to bestow honour
to the highest degree upon five member men, and * * *
upon earth, as subscribed to his father of happy memory
his death, and that he will think much to countenance
him who only assisted his late Majesty to fly from their
compulsion of him, to agree to such acts as would have
left himself our now gracious King the successor of a
title of a King of three kingdoms, but to the substance
of no one of them. It was I furnished his Majesty with
money to go (to) Theobalds to go to York, when the then
Marquis of Hambleton refused to pay three hundred
pounds for his Majesty at Theobalds only to deliver him
to the Parliament, as he had done the Earl of Straff ord,
and to * * * the * * * Parliament. It was I carried
him money to set up his standard at York, and procured
my father to give the then Sir John Byron five thousand
pounds to raise the first regiment of horse, and kept a
table for above twenty officers at York, which I under
hand sent thither to keep them from taking conditions
from the Parliament, and so were ready to accept his.
It was I victualled the Tower of London, and gave five
and twenty hundred pounds to the then Lieutenant, Sir
John Byron, my cousin-german by my first wife's
side. It was I raised most of the men at Edge-hill fight,
and after I was betrayed at ***** when so many
gentlemen of quality were taken, and of twenty-five
thousand men first and last by me raised, eight thou
sand men dispersed by the contrivance of such as called
themselves the Bang's good subjects, and some of them
rewarded for it ; they were my men weekly paid, with
out taking a farthing contribution, because the country
tottered ; who took ********* m the forest of
Dean, Goodridge Castle, Monmouth, Chepstow, Car-
lyon, and Cardiff from the Parliamentary forces; in
which, and the garrison of Raglan, I can bring proof of

280 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1665.

above an hundred and fifty thousand pounds expended ;
and in ready money first and last to the King's own
purse above as much more ; and of above thirty-five
thousand pounds received by my father and me
comunely armes, in forty, forty-two, and forty-three, I
have not now five and twenty hundred, and that clogged
with twenty thousand pounds crying debts, that keep
me not only from a competent maintenance, but even
from sleep. I speak not here of above three hundred
thousand pounds which it hath cost the noblemen,
knights, and gentlemen, which rode in my Life-Guard
* * for * * * their comporting, they making amongst
them above threescore thousand pounds yearly, of land of
inheritance ; and I, upon my interest with seven counties,
had begun an engagement of above three hundred thou
sand pounds yearly land of inheritance against my return
with men from beyond the sea ; in which endeavours my
charges have been vast, besides hazard by sea even of
shipwreck, and by land of deadly encounters, I do not
trouble your Lordship with, but all this being true to a
tittle, as upon my word and honour, dearer to me than
my life, I avouch it ; I cannot doubt but your Grace will
call for a pen to sign the letter, and if you please send
this together with it, and rest assured that if the King
refuse my request, I will never importune you more,
nor ever set my foot into his Majesty's Court again,
unless expressly commanded by him for his service ;
otherwise I will only heartily pray for him, but never
hereafter shall I or any friend of mine engage for him
further, than the simple duty of a loyal subject sitting
quietly at home, no ways break the peace, or disobeying
the wholesome laws of the land, and God send him
better and more able subjects to serve his Majesty than
myself; willinger I am sure he cannot, and I beseech
your Grace to pardon me if passion hath a little trans-

1655.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 281

ported me beyond good manners, and lay what penance
you please upon me, so I tend not to lessen your Grace's
belief that I am

u Your Grace's most really devoted friend
" and servant ever to obey you,
" WORCESTER.

"Dec. 29, 1665."

" My dear Lord, my heart is yet full fraughted, and
I can say much more for myself, were I not ashamed
of giving your Grace so great a trouble with my scrib
bling, which I will thus end, promising to smother as
long as may be, my deplorable condition, and worse
usage, but it will at last fly over the whole world to the
disheartening of all zealous and loyal subjects ; unless
such a true-hearted Englishman and faithful servant as
your Grace do awaken his Majesty out of the lethargy
my enemies have cast him into, not to be sensible of
what I have done or suffered. Cardinal Mazarine
presented me to his King with these words, 4 Sire, who
soever hath loyalty or religion in recommendation, must
honour this well-born person ;" and the Queen-mother,
now Dowager, hath often said to have heard her hus
band say, that next to her and his children, he was
bound to take a care of me, of whom it may be now
verified, qui jacet in terra non habet unde cadet, I am
cast to the ground, I can fall no lower."

This month the Marquis appears to have obtained
the loan of £200, for which a draft receipt* is extant,
as follows : —

" I, Edward Somerset, Earl and Marquis of Worcester,
do confess and acknowledge to have received and bor-

* From MSS. Badminton.

282 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1665-6.

rowed of * * * * the fall sum of two hundred pounds
sterling, for the assurance thereof I do constitute him
the said * * * to be receiver of two hundred pounds,
payable from the Eight Honourable the Lord High
Chancellor of England, the Earl of Clarendon, at
Michaelmas next, which shall be in the year of our
Lord 1666, and therewith to repay himself the said
two hundred pounds. Witness my hand and seal, this
30th day of Dec. 1665.

" WORCESTER.

" Signed, sealed and delivered
" in presence."

From 1662 to 1665, the Marquis of Worcester
appears to have been pretty regular in his attendance
at the House of Peers. But the last we hear of him
was on the 31st of October, 1665. When the House
met on the 1st of October, 1666, the Marquis was absent,
being " excused,'7 possibly from the state of his health,
as he was never present afterwards.*

About the same time we have his Petition for the
appointment of a Committee of Inquiry : — f

"To the King's Most Excellent Majesty.— The most
humble Petition of Edward, Marquis of Worcester : —

44 SHEWETH,

"That your Petitioner overwhelmed with the
very, very much he hath to say, and fearful too long to
detain your sacred Majesty therewith from more serious
affairs, humbly prayeth that you will be pleased to
refer him to be heard by the Lord High Chancellor of
England, the Lord Privy Seal, the Duke of Albemarle,
the Earl of Lotherdale, the Lord Arlington, the Lord

* On the 10th of October, 1667, his son occupied his place, as Marquis of Wor
cester.

f From MSS. Badminton.

1665-6.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER 238

Ashley and Mr. Secretary Morrice, or to such of them
or other persons as your Majesty shall think fit, and
that upon their report your Majesty will vouchsafe to
do with your Petitioner, or to your Petitioner, what
they in the Petitioner's behalf, and congruous to your
service shall find reasonable, and consonant with your
Petitioner's merits or demerits; the Petitioner most
entirely submitting to your will and pleasure : Casting
himself upon your Majesty's goodness, no ways stand
ing upon his deserts, though really found never so
many not thought of, or hitherto kept from your Ma
jesty's knowledge, your Petitioner doth not say through
envy or malice, since perhaps through ignorance,
such ignorance, notwithstanding, as the Divines call
ignorantia crassa. But whatsoever in quality or
number his services were, they were but due to such a
gracious King and Master as your Majesty's father,
of happy memory, was to your Petitioner, and to your
incomparable self; and, therefore, acknowledge th they
fall far short of his true loyalty and devotion to either ;
and being once rightly made known and presented to
your sacred Majesty, your Petitioner promiseth himself
no less encouragement for the future from your
Majesty, nor less abilities in himself to become as
useful as formerly ; and as disinterestedly to serve you.
Neither shall anything for the future dismay, or in any
kind deter your Petitioner from that his resolution,
but from the bottom of his heart

" He shall ever pray, &c.

284: LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1665-6.

" At the Court, at Hampton Court, Jan. 29th, 1665/6.

" His Majesty is graciously pleased to refer and
recommend the Petitioner to be heard by the within
named Lords, referees, or to any four or more of them,
and they to give their report to his Majesty as soon as
conveniently may be.

a ARLINGTON/'

The next letter is without date or address, but appears
both to belong to the present period and to relate to
the same business as the foregoing ; he says : — *

"My NOBLE LORD,

44 1 must and ever will most thankfully and
humbly acknowledge your Lordship's civil and obliging
language and carriage towards me, your humble servant.
But pardon me if I cannot conceive how my Lord
Arlington, Principal Secretary of State, and as well of
the Bourne [?] as Cabinet Council, and that most
deservedly, can, notwithstanding, miss of an oppor
tunity to acquaint and receive his Majesty's answer to
the meanest of his Majesty's subjects ; praying but a
reference to the chiefest of his Privy Councillors, and
by them only to be heard for the King's service, as well
as his own concerns. His Majesty little thinks what
he hath, or doth daily lose for not suffering himself to
be disabused of a premeditated opinion concerning
me ; nor doth your Lordship imagine what services I
do intend to your Lordship's most worthy self, and that
the King will have cause to thank you for any service
you may please to afford me whose aim (I take God to
witness) is in chief more really to the King's advantage
and service than mine own interest, who could not
want forty or fifty thousand pounds yearly beyond

* This is a holograph letter, from MSS. Badminton.

1666.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 285

seas, and do as good as want bread at home, where
I was born to five and thirty thousand pounds, land of
inheritance, and two hundred thousand pounds in cash
left me by my grandfather, which, for so good a cause
as I have lost it for, I joyfully renounce.

" Monsieur La Sual told me that Germany, France,
Spain, and Italy censured England very much for so ill
requiting my services and sufferings, and being so little
sensible of my yet abilities to serve it ; and yet those
Kings and Princes know not the quarter, and mine
own King the least of all, or the least sensible and
persuaded, as well not to understand what I can yet
perform, as not to reflect upon what is past.

44 My dear Lord, look once more upon both my peti
tions ; and if the King thinks me not worthy of common
justice to be heard, or you deem them fit, and me, to be
laid aside, I will gladly acquiesce, and I will not further
trouble the King, nor importune your Lordship, but,
fair and far off, ever quietly without more importunity
remain,

44 My Lord, your Lordship's

44 most faithful and most humble servant,

44 WORCESTER."

In the April of this year, the plague had commenced
its appalling ravages in the metropolis, the stagnant air
of which was partially purified by means of large
bonfires, to promote circulation, the air having, it was
supposed, become noxious through unusually prevalent
calm sultry weather. The unhealthy state of the town
may have had its influence on the Marquis, contributing
to weaken a constitution already sufficiently harassed ;
yet so far from relief of any kind coming to solace him
in his afflictions, we next find him compelled to petition

LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

[1666.

for protection of his public works, which (as noted
three years before, in his Century), were again being
similarly nearly taken from him, " without (as he ob
serves) the least regard of above ten thousand pounds
expended by me, and through my zeal to the common
good." His application is endorsed — u 10 Jan. 1666.
The Marquis of Worcester's Petition for a Fee and
Farm of Works House at Foxe Hall :"* — and is as
follows : —

" To the King's Most Excellent Majesty. The humble
Petition of Edward, Lord Marquis of Worcester.

"HUMBLY SHEWETH,

" That the Petitioner (over and above great sums
of money lent by him to his late Majesty of blessed
memory) did expend in building of a house called
Fauxhall, for an operatory for engineers and artists to
work public works in, £9000 and upwards, as appears
by the bills of the workmen that built the house.

" That the Petitioner hath expended above £50,000
trying experiments and conclusions of arts, in that
operatory, which may be useful to his Majesty and his
kingdoms.

" That there being a grant made by your Majesty,
under the Great Seal of England to the Lord Moore, of
the manor of Kennington, (within which manor the
said Fauxhall is situated and being) the Petitioner
applied himself to your Majesty, and acquainted your
Majesty with the Petitioner's equitable right to the
said Fauxhall, that thereupon your Majesty was gra
ciously pleased to recall the said Patent, and to cause
an exception to be made therein as to Fauxhall, which
was done, whereby your Majesty might gratify the

Cal. State Papers, Dom. Series. Ch. II. 1G67. No. 101.

1666.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 287

Petitioner therewith, but the Petitioner hath not hitherto
desired the same.

u The Petitioner humbly prayeth that your Majesty
will be graciously pleased, in consideration that the
Petitioner hath built the said house, at so great a charge,
to serve your Majesty,

" That you will be pleased to grant it to the Peti
tioner at some fee farm rent, as your Majesty shall think
fit.

" And the Petitioner shall pray."

This document divulges at least one important secret
in regard to the Marquis of Worcester's personal history,
in connection with his practical mechanical pursuits.
We now find that he actually built suitable premises
as workshops at Vauxhall,* for " engineers and artists
to work public works in." That in that " operatory,"
or laboratory, he had " expended above £50,000,
trying experiments and conclusions of arts." And
that on the building alone he had laid out above £9000.
It is, however, only by bearing in mind the enormous
amount that these sums of money represent, considered in
reference to the value they bore two hundred years ago,
that we become fully alive to the princely expenditure
of this great scientific experimentalist, whose patron
age and encouragement of experimental philosophy,
for practical designs, is without a parallel in any other
age or country.

The very next month his Lady was necessitated to
petition in the following terms, in regard to Worcester
House.')"

" To the right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and
Temporal, now assembled in Parliament.

* Appendix G. | Cal. State Papers, Dom Series. Ch. II. 1667. No. 33.

288 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1666.

" The humble Petition of Margaret, Marchioness of
Worcester, wife of Edward, now Marquis of Worcester.

" HUMBLY SHEWETH,

" That the said Marquis for his services to his
Majesty did expend many vast sums of money, and
thereby contracted great debts ; that although the said
Marquis, since his Majesty's happy restoration, hath
paid above fifty thousand pounds of those debts so con
tracted, as aforesaid, yet there remains so many great
debts, that the said Marquis his estate is all seized on
by his creditors upon judgments, statutes, and recog
nizances, insomuch that the said Marquis is deprived of
his whole estate; and nothing left for his and your
Petitioner's support and maintenance.

" That in particular the said Marquis his estate was
extended by one Mr. John Hall* in March last, upon a
judgment of six thousand pounds for money borrowed
by the Petitioner's husband in 1642, to pay the garrison
of Monmouth, then in a mutiny.

" That the said extent is assigned now to the Lord
John Somerset, who now threatens (having got most
part of the estate) to turn the Petitioner out of Worcester
House, so that she will be destitute of an habitation
and maintenance.

" The Petitioner humbly prayeth your Lordships'
consideration of the Petitioner's most necessitous con
dition, and to find out a way for her relief, and also
your Lordships' recommendation of her case to the
Eight Honourable the Lords and Commons of England.

" And your Petitioner shall pray.

" WORCESTER."

"Die Jovis, 7 die Febr. 1666.

" Upon reading the humble Petition of the Lady
Marchioness of Worcester, it is ordered by the Lords

Sec page 271 and 27«J.

1666.J OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 289

Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled, that
the Duke of Albemarle, the Lord Chamberlain of his
Majesty's Household, the Earl of Anglesey, the Lord
Arundell of Warder, and the Lord Howard of Charlton,
be appointed a Committee to wait on his Majesty and
represent unto him the sad condition of the said Mar
quis and his Lady.

"Jo. BROWN,

" Cleric. Parliament."

From the Marchioness' petition we obtain a further
acquaintance with the deplorable situation in which the
Marquis was placed, even seven years after the Bestora-
tion, when he had recovered his estates, and possessed
whatever he may have received as gifts from the Crown •
and by the way of loans from friends, from secured
money-lenders, and for assigned portions of interest
in the profits to arise from working his " Water-com
manding Engine."

In a report made to the Duchy of Cornwall* (although
two years later) full particulars are furnished of the
nature and extent of the property in which the
Marquis was interested, as stated in his preceding
petition. The Surveyors General say : — " Foxhall
house is parcel of the manor of Kennington and
Duchy of Cornwall, and the use thereof was lately
allowed by his Majesty unto Mr. Jaspar Calthoff, who
was employed in the making of guns and divers engines
and works for his Majesty's service, since whose death
part thereof hath been granted by his Majesty to Peter
Jacobson (the said Jaspar Calthoff's son-in-law) for his
life, and the residue is enjoyed by this Petitioner (widow
of the said Jaspar) in favour of her said late husband's

* Duchy of Cornwall Office. Report H. 1. 1665-8. (April, 1668.) See Appendix G.

U

200 LITE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1G66-7.

services for his Majesty; containing in the whole
within the brick walls, two acres and 28 perches of
ground, divided into divers parcels, whereof the furthest
part S. contains about 214 feet in length from E. to W.
and about 66 feet in breadth at the W. end, nearest the
Thames, and about 109 feet in breadth at the end next
the highway, leading from Lambeth Church towards
Kingston ; and hath a dwelling house thereon erected
at the S.E. corner thereof, containing about 40 feet in
length, and 24 feet in breadth, and several sheds both
at the E. and W. ends of the said piece, all which are
affirmed to be let together to one John Collins, at £16
per annum.

" And one other part of the said ground next adjoining
N. used for a great garden, containeth in length, on the
E. side thereof next the said highway, about 238 feet,
and on the W. side next the Thames about 213 feet,
and in breadth at the S. end about 192 feet.

" And other part of the said ground still more N. used
for a yard or garden, containeth in length from the
last mentioned great garden to the mansion house of
Foxhall, about 144 feet, and in breadth from a range
of pales, dividing this and the said Jacobson's part, to
the said highway about 98 feet. — On the E. side
whereof (next the said way) is erected a long range of
building, used for a working house, containing in length
about 132 feet, and in breadth (from out to out) about
20 feet, two stories high, besides garrets.

" At the N. end of which working house there is a
cross building erected, of the same height, part used
for a forging house, and the rest for dwelling ; extending
from the said highway W. about 46 feet in breadth
from out to out.

" Still more W. is the chief mansion house, extending
W. from the last mentioned building about 46 feet

[1666-7. OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 291

more in length, and about 24 feet in breadth, three
stories high, besides garrets and cellars, with a stair
case built out cross on the N. side thereof about 18 feet
square. "

The remaining portion of the report concerns property
on the north side let to another tenant ; to stables, and
to outhouses ; concluding with an opinion that the
whole, when repaired, would render a lease for 31 years
worth £100 per annum.

We thus ascertain that the " Working house," as it is
here called (the " Operatory" named in the petition),
where Caspar Kaltoff and his engineers worked, and in
or near which the first great public exhibition of the
" Water-commanding Engine" was consummated, occur-
pied a considerable space of crown property. It was no
exposition of questionable utility that was there offered
to public view. And that it was public is every way
certain, and, indeed, there could be no reasonable occa
sion for its being otherwise, after being fully protected
for ninety-nine years by Act of Parliament. Besides, in
no other way would it have been possible to obtain a
sufficient proprietary, such as was evidently sought by
the publication made by the Act itself, and apparently
also by the distribution of large posting bills ; of which
latter a curious specimen still exists in the archives of
the British Museum.*

It was the Marquis of Worcester's misfortune, being
involved in heavy debt, to be necessitated to seek pecu
niary benefit from his great invention. What means
were particularly adopted, beyond setting up a practical
illustration at Vauxhall, it is impossible to ascertain,
but he would most likely engage the services of one or

* It is very similar to the Draft, page 224; and the " Definition" in Appendix C.

u 2

292 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1666-7.

more active business agents. That a public company
was intended to be carried out by means of several
shareholders, is also highly probable, judging from
remarks occasionally made by himself, and from the
dispersion of placards and similar written statements,
headed a " Definition" of the Engine.

Now it is assuredly a matter of surprise that an
invention so singular and novel in character, promising
unheard of advantages, should not have attracted the
general attention of all patrons and promoters of science.
The only instance of a passing remark from a scientific
source is anything but gratifying. Dr. Hook, writing
to the Honourable Eobert Boyle about the early part
of 1667,14 reports certain experiments with glass tubes
then being carried on at Gresham College, after which
he says : — u Sir R. Moray presented the Society with
an engine sent them by Prince Eupert ; being for raising
water, such a one as, I am sure, you have seen and taken
notice of in Scottus his mechanics, whose contrivance
is, continually to raise water, by turning round a cylin
der with a sliding board in it, included in another
hollow cylinder, or barrel. The Engine has not been
tried, but it will be the next Wednesday. But I find
that it goes exceedingly hard with the several grating
and sliding motions that it has, so that it is more likely
to prove a pretty curiosity than a useful engine. But
this gave an occasion for producing the definition or
description of the Marquis of Worcester's Water-com
manding Engine, which is so purely romantic that it
would serve one rarely to fill half a dozen pages in the
History of Fortunatus his Wishing Cup. A transcript
of some of the most observable passages, because I

14 Boyle, Vol. v. page 532.

1666-7.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 293

could not procure the book itself to send you, I have
here enclosed, which if it should chance to perform but
the least part of what is therein specified, my Lord
Brereton is likely to pay £5 towards the revenue, that
is to accrue thereby to the Marquis, he having wagered
so much against him. I was since my return to London to
see this engine, where I found Caltrop his chief engi
neer, to laugh at it ; and as far as I was able to see it,
it seemed one of the perpetual motion fallacies. Of which
kind Caltrop himself, and two or three others, that I
know, are labouring at this time in vain, to make, but
after several ways; and nothing but costly experience
will make them desist."

The prejudices created against monopolists in the
reign of Queen Elizabeth, were not without foundation,
in consequence of the absurd rights conceded to paten
tees of imaginary inventions 5 amounting to the legal
izing of extortion of the most unquestionable and ag
gravating kind, without any chance of remedy. Eeal
inventions were few, and impositions were everywhere
practised with bold effrontery. There was nothing in
the public character of the Marquis of Worcester to
bespeak public favour. Who could ever dream that
the Earl of Glamorgan was suddenly to assume a new
character? The few inventions that were regarded as
wonders of art were of ancient origin, slowly perfected,
and in 1663 were considered to have reached almost
the acme of perfection. Yet here was a nobleman,
unheard of, except for his share in Charles the First's
design to punish his rebellious subjects with the aid of
an Irish army, suddenly proposing to supersede all
ancient approved and improved methods of elevating
water ; and to perform many other surprising me
chanical feats. And not only was he an inventor, but
an innovator on old custom and a monopolist, not by

294: LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1666-7.

patent alone, but b y Act of Parliament for ninety-nine
years ! Even Dr. Hook could not view the Marquis other
wise than by the common standard of public opinion,
acknowledging that he only went to see the wondrous
engine at Vauxhall to laugh at itT And he could even
condescend to report of his fellow inventor's labour,
that, — u as far as I could see it, it seemed one of the
perpetual motion fallacies." So that its very regularity
and remarkable continuity of operation were alone,
considered enough to condemn it ! Dr. Eobert Hook
was deservedly esteemed as a mathematician, and he
was also distinguished for his mechanical ingenuity ;
but he was a man of very peculiar habits and singular
disposition, being excessively jealous and cynical. This
splenetic philosopher appears to have set out for
Lambeth in no disposition to form a dispassionate
opinion on the work of a rival inventor. A few lines
of description, however meagre, would have been
invaluable, whereas his cynical remark leads to the
unfavourable supposition that his disingenuous state
ments had their influence on Boyle and other Fellows
of the Eoyal Society, to check any further inquiry
respecting the supposed mechanical marvel.

The Marquis might well allude in his Century to
" the melancholy which had lately seized upon him ;"
his sole desire being to pay his debts and possess u a
competency to live according to his birth and quality 5"
yet every way frustrated, month by month, year by
year, even after his last ray of hope was realized in the
return of the exiled sovereign. He makes slight
allusion to enemies, and none to public neglect. The
enemies must have existed, Papist as he was, when so
late as November 1666, the King had published a
declaration to banish all priests and Jesuits, on pain of
punishment if found in the kingdom after the middle of

1667.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 295

the next month ; the public neglect, from his aristocratic
sympathies, he might not choose to recognise. It is
certain he had been abundantly persecuted for his poli
tical acts, and was being neglected with a degree of
callousness for which it is difficult at this remote period,
and in the absence of needful intelligence, to account,
so as fairly to reconcile the many incongruities and
inconsistencies in the statement of his devotion to
Charles the First, the coolness of Charles the Second,
the Marquis's own firm clinging to a Court which used
him so basely, and the utter oblivion into which his
efforts fell among all classes of men esteemed patrons
of art, literature and science.

Amidst plague, and intestine troubles, and surrounded
with domestic calamities of the most poignant character,
this great and good man, this glorious genius deceased
on Wednesday, the 3rd of April, 1667. Where he
died is nowhere recorded, and no incident of his latter
days affords the slightest information. It is not unrea
sonable to suppose that he had resided at Lambeth, if not
indeed at the mansion then called Faux-hall. He was
conveyed with funeral solemnity from London to his
barony of Eaglan, in the county of Monmouth, where he
was buried in the family vault within the Parish Church,
on Friday the 17th of the same month, near to the body
of Edward, Earl of Worcester, Lord Privy Seal, his
grandfather, the following inscription being engraved on
a brass plate : —

" Depositum Ulustrissimi Principis Edwardi Marchionis
& Comitis Wigornice, Comitis de Glamorgan, Baronis
Herbert de Raglan, Chepstow, & Gower, nee non Serenis-
simo nuper Domino Eegi Carolo primo, Southwallice
Locum-tenentis : Qui obiit apud Lond. tertio die Aprilis,
An. Dom. M.DC.LXVII."

296

LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

[1667.

1667.]

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.

297

EAST END VIEW AND PLAN OP RAGLAN CHURCH.

In the above view of Eaglan Church, a correspond
ing plan is given, showing, by the letter A, that portion
of the chancel beneath which is situated the family
vault of the Beaufort family. The flagged area has a
font in the centre, pews in one corner and at the sides,
with a window at one end, and at the other a door
opening to the church-yard.

Although Francis Sandford, Pursuivant at Arms, in
noticing heraldic particulars, when alluding to his
funeral, adds, u which myself had the honour to attend/'
he makes no comment of a personal or interesting cha
racter, beyond the customary genealogical details. From
Sandford' s remark one is led to siippose he attended as
a personal friend. He was a native of Wicklow, of
humble origin and moderate education, long resident

298

LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

[1667.

in London. He was therefore a person likely to be in
timately acquainted with the Dowager Marchioness of
Worcester's Irish connexions, and to take a more than
usual interest in the circumstances relating to the death
and funeral obsequies of the Marquis.*

On the 24th of the same month the following
funeral certificate was attested by his son Henry, Mar
quis of Worcester, at the Herald's College : —

44 The Right Honble Edward Somerset Marquess and
Earle of Worcester, Earle of Glamorgan, and Baron
Herbert of Raglan, Chepstow, and Gower departed
this mortall life upon Wedensday the third of Aprill
1667, and was conveyed with ffunerall Solemnitie from
London to his Barony of Raglan in the County of
Monmouth (accompanied with many Gentry of ye

* I am the more particular in naming these facts, as it is singular that there
should be any doubt thrown on the place of his sepulture. Yet in a copy of " The
Baronage of England, by William Dugdale," containing his own manuscript cor
rections, he substitutes for " Ragland," to read " Windsor, near to the tomb of
Charles of Worcester his ancestor." This copy is in the Bodleian Library, and I
have not only examined it very carefully, but also the Register at St. George's Cha
pel, and the tombs in the Beaufort Chapel, Windsor, without being able to confirm
Dugdale's manuscript emendation. — D.

1667.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 299

County's of Gloucester and Monmouth aforesaid) and
there interred in his Lordships Chappell in the Parish
Church, neare to the body of Edward Earle of Worces
ter Lord Privie Seale, his Grandfather (in a vault arched
with stone) on fry day the 19 day of the same month.
His Lordship married to his first wife Elizabeth Dor
mer daughter of Sir William Dormer Knight that dyed
in the lifetime of his father, and sister unto Eobert
Earle of Carnarvon by whom he had issue his only son
Henry Lord Herbert, now Marquess of Worcester at
the time of the takeinge of this Certificate, who, mar
rying with Mary daughter of that most loyall Nobleman
Arthur, Lord Capell, beheaded by the rebells upon the
9th day of March 1648 (Sister to Arthur Earle of Essex,
&c. (and Widdow to Henry Seamour, Lord Beauchampe
that dyed in the lifetime of his father, by whom she
had issue William now Duke of Somerset aged 15 years
and Frances and Mary, dead, and Elizabeth Seamour
third daughter now liveing, had by the said Mary also
issue Henry Somerset his eldest son dead, and buried
at Windsor ; Charles Somerset second son and heire,
now Lord Herbert about 6 years old ; Edward Somer
set 3d son, dead also, and was interred at Eaglan;
and Henry Somerset the yonger 4 sonne who departed
this world about two dayes before his Grandfather and
was buried at Eaglan ; Elizabeth Somerset elder
daughter dyed young and was buried at Eaglan, and
Lady Mary Somerset, younger daughter is now liveing
about a yeare and halfe old. Lady Anne Somerset
elder daughter to the defunct was married to Henry
Howard second sonne of Henry Earle of Arundell, and
brother and heire to Thomas Duke of Norfolke, and by
him hath issue Henry Howard, Thomas Elizabeth and
Frances. Lady Elizabeth Somerset younger daughter
to the defunct is the wife of William, Lord Herbert of

300 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1667.

Powis and by him hath issue William Herbert his only
son and five daughters.

u The said Edward Lord Marquess defunct married to
his second wife the Lady Margaret O' Bryan daughter
and coheire of Henry Earle of Thomond, and by her
had issue one only daughter named Mary, who dyed an
Infant, and was buried at Raglan. This Certificate was
taken upon the 24th day of Aprill 1667 by Ffrancis
Sandford, Rouge Dragon, who, served for Sr Edward
Walker K*. Garter Principall King of Armes, and the
truth thereof attested by the subscription of the Right
Hoble< Henry Marquesse of Worcester

" Examd. F. R. S. D. WORCESTER/'

It is, throughout, very observable that the invention
of the Water-commanding Engine was no imaginary
scheme, no merely ingenious idea, but a realized fact,
of the nature and importance of which the late Marquis
had been fully sensible. And it affords a striking proof
of his high estimation and correct knowledge of the
magnitude of his discovery, that he should have bowed
himself before his Maker in humble adoration, acknow
ledging in a simple yet solemnly sublime strain, his
sense of obligation to the supreme Source of all intel
ligence, for permitting him to become instrumental
in the development of so great a mystery of nature.

The following is from the original manuscript at
Badminton : —

" The Lord Marquesse of Worcester's Ejaculatory and
extemporary thanksgiueing prayer when first with his
corporall eyes, he did see finish d a perfect try all of
his Water-commanding Engine delightfull and usefull
to whomsoeuer hath in recomendation eyther know
ledge, profit, or pleasure.

1667.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 301

" Oh ! infinitry omnipotent God whose mercyes are
fathomlesse, and whose knowledge is immense and
inexhaustible next to my Creation and Kedemption I
render thee most humble thanks even from the very
bottome of my heart and bowells, for thy voutchchafe-
ing me (the meanest in understanding), an insight in
soe great a secret of nature beneficial to all mankind
as this my Water-commanding Engine. Suffer me not
to be puff'd upp, 0 Lord, by the knowing of it, and
many more rare and unheard off, yea unparaleled
Inventions, Tryals, and Experiments, but humble my
haughty heart, by the true knowledge of myne owne
ignorant, weak, and unworthy nature, proane to all
euill 0 most mercifull Father my creator, most com-
passionatting Sonne my Eedeemer, and Holyest of
Spiritts, the sanctifier, three diuine persons and one
God ! grant me a further concurring grace with forti
tude to take hould of thy goodnesse, to the end that
whatever I doe, unanimously and courageously to serue
my King and Countrey, to disabuse, rectifie, and con
vert my vndeserved yet wilfully incredulous* enemy es,
to reimburse thankfully my creditors, to reimmunerate
my benefactors, to reinhearten my distressed family,
and with complacence to gratifie my suffering and
confiding friends may, voyde of vanity or selfe ends,
only be directed to thy honour and glory euerlastingly.
Amen."

With Caspar Kaltoff to superintend the work at Vaux-
hall, the engine would no doubt be kept in operation, for
the benefit alike of the Dowager Marchioness and all
interested, most likely including Colonel C. Copley.

* This had been written " wilfully malicious" — but " malicious" has been struck
out, and " incredulous" substituted. This with other corrections are in the Marquis's
own handwriting.

302 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1669.

In the travels of Cosmo de Medici the Third, Grand
Duke of Tuscany,30 through England,* among other
matters that attracted his attention in the metropolis,
it is recorded that on the 23rd of May, 1669 :— " His
Highness went to see an hydraulic machine upon a
wooden tower, in the neighbourhood of Somerset House,|
which is used for conveying water of the river to the
greater part of the City. It is put in motion by two
horses, which are continually going round, it not being
possible that it should receive its movement from the
current of the river, as in many other places where the
rivers never vary in their course ; but this is not the
case with the Thames, owing to the tide ; consequently
the wheels, which serve at the ebb, would not be able
to do their office when the tide returns."

On the 29th following, his Highness was entertained
by the Earl of Devonshire, when a sumptuous banquet
was provided.

" His Highness, that he might not lose the day use
lessly, went again after dinner to the other side of the
city, extending his excursion as far as Vauxhall, beyond
the palace of the Archbishop of Canterbury, to see an
hydraulic machine, invented by my Lord Somerset,
Marquis of Worcester. It raises water more than forty
geometrical feet by the power of one man only ; and
in a very short space of time will draw up four
vessels of water through a tube or channel not more
than a span in width ; on which account it is considered
to be of greater service to the public than the other
machine near Somerset House."

30 Cosmo.

* Being this portion only of his Travels, derived from two large folio MS. volumes,
narrated by the celebrated Count Lorenza Magalotti, preserved in the Laurentian
Library, Florence,

f See Sorbierc's Account, pnge 265.

1670.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 303

Up to September next year we still find the u Water-
commanding Engine," engaging the attention of the
Dowager Marchioness, who was fully alive to the im
portance of so wonderful an invention ; not only as
enhancing her late husband's fame, but also as affect
ing her own interest, with that of the other parties
who had assisted in its promotion. She seems to have
acted with a persevering and noble spirit under all the
disadvantages of her situation, oppressed as she was
in fortune, her heart lacerated by the accumulated
wrongs she and her husband had through life en
dured, and now alone, neglected, and with but this
one hope left, of which his prophetic views must have
left a lively impression on her heart.

But the Marquis's surprising invention was doomed
to another, and a more novel persecution than could
"well be conceived possible, one which assuredly might
very justly be doubted, had we not the written record
before our eyes. Among the other manuscripts at
Badminton House is the letter of a Eoman Catholic
priest, dated 6th of September, 1670, addressed to the
Marchioness " at her house in Lincoln's Inn Fields."*

As her spiritual adviser, he says : — " Almighty God
hath, Madam, put you into a happy and flourishing
condition, fit and able to serve God, and to do much
good to yourself and others ; and your Ladyship makes
yourself unhappy, by seeming not to be contented with
your condition, but troubling your spirits with many
thoughts of attaining to greater dignities and riches."

He next declares that she is in danger '" to lose the
right use of her reason," all arising from disposing her
self for great dignity and wealth — " by getting of great

* Her being there 3^ years after the decease of the Marquis, makes it probable
she had removed from Lambeth, or wherever she had previously resided.

304: LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1670.

sums of money from the King to pay your deceased
Lord's debts, and enriching yourself by the great
Machine [the Water-commanding Engine] and the like."

To deter her from proceeding in this course, he
points out, as ill effects, " the danger of losing her
health and judgment," and " the probability of offend
ing Almighty God." That she is under " great
temptation" he considers certain, " yet I confess (he
adds) that the devil, to make his suggestion the more
prevalent, doth make use of some motives that seem
plausible, as of paying your Lord's debts, &c." For
her future government he recommends her Ladyship —
" To seek after eternal riches and honours, which your
age doth assure you are not far off ; for which you may
dispose yourself, before death conies, by retiring into
the country for some time, from the distractions of the
Court, where you may have the advice and directions
of some learned priest, in whose virtue you may wholly
confide, for your internal quiet and security." With
this view he recommends a lady's house at Hammer
smith, where, " by Almighty God's blessing, you may
recover from that most pernicious distemper of body
and mind, into which every one sees you to be very
near approaching."*

He claims " the candour of his intentions," as a plea
for this extraordinary interference, in a matter of per
sonal and strictly honourable conduct of a wholly
private nature."}"

We lose after this all intelligence regarding the
Vauxhall Water Engine, and it is in vain to enter
on mere conjectures as to what may have been its fate.
It is certain, however, that great disadvantages in

* See Appendix D.

f She afterwards married Donough O 'Kearney, and died 26th July, 1681.

1670.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 305

exhibiting, and in manufacturing or repairing, would
ensue on the decease of the Marquis's right hand man
"both for trust and skill."

In 1670-71, letters patent were granted to the late
Marquis's son, Henry, Marquis of "Worcester, remitting
payment of certain sums due to the Crown at the time
of his father's decease.*

And on the 1st of August, 1672, letters patent were
obtained, in respect to property at Vauxhall, which state
that the same are granted by Charles the Second " from
grace and favour towards Jasper Calthoff and Martha
Calthoff, lately deceased." From the same document we
learn in reference to their children, that there were then
living, Catherine, married to Claude Denis,
Jasper Calthoff, and
Isabel Calthoff.

And we find from letters patent, bearing date 22nd
March, 1667-8, that Peter Jacobson (married to another
daughter) is named as the "son in law," So that it would
appear that, in 1672, four children were living, one son
and three daughters. The Peter Jacobson, here named,
was a sugar baker, holding a portion of the Vauxhall
estate for carrying on his business, at a trifling rental,
during the term of his natural life.f

Beyond all question the Marquis of Worcester's
prime invention, the Water-commanding Engine, was
erected and at work from 1663, to the year 1670,
during which time it had been made the subject of an
Act of Parliament ; had been published in the Century,
in brief outline; also noticed in a separate pam
phlet, copies of which are exceedingly rare ; and

* Appendix G.

t Duchy of Corn wall Office. See Index to Reports— 1GGO-1684. A. to T. 1.
And Report II. 1. 1GC5-8. And Appendix G.

X

306 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1670.

likewise in large posting bills. Besides which a model
was deposited with the Chancellor of the Exchequer as
required by the Act. It was also the subject of
much correspondence. That it excited the attention of
intelligent sight-seeing travellers we ascertain from the
Diaries published first by M. Sorbiere, and five years
later by Cosmo de Medici. And after the noble inven
tor's decease, his warm-hearted and enthusiastic widow
brought herself under priestly censure for her active
endeavours " to enrich herself by the great Machine ;"
on which, alas ! both had built reasonable, but such as
were at that time considered extravagant, expectations
of present fortune and future fame.

With the Marquis of Worcester this invention was
no idle fancy, no mere experiment, no amateur work,
no casual, doubtful trial, and was not lightly estimated
by himself. He had by practice so thoroughly satis
fied himself, that, long after 1655, amidst all his
troubles, without his notes, and to oblige a friend, he
wrote off, con amore, three distinct accounts of his
invention, under the titles of, u A fire water-work 5" u A
semi-omnipotent engine •" and lastly, u A stupendous
water-work."

How it happens that the Marquis of Worcester
should have been wholly unnoticed for his inventions
by contemporaries it is difficult to offer anything like a
sufficiently reasonable or satisfactory conjecture. But
surprise might seem to vanish when such diarists as John
Evelyn and Samuel Pepys, with all their curiosity and
all their apparent pleasure in recording scientific novel
ties, although they name the Marquis, notice Worcester
House, and mention Vauxhall, never so much as hint
at one invention by the Marquis of Worcester. When
these gossips had nothing to say, conjecture may well
cease to promise a satisfactory solution.

1670.] OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 307

But it must be remembered that the means for giv
ing publicity to any matter were then comparatively
limited ; and it is possible that the Water-commanding
Engine was little known beyond a certain aristocratic
circle, who afforded the chief support of the affair
pending other arrangements. Even this supposition very
indifferently accounts for the dead silence on the
subject at home, when it seems apparent that the
invention was looked on by foreigners as in striking
contrast with a much inferior mode of raising water at
Somerset House, performed by machinery worked by
two horses. One would suppose that of all inventions
an engine of superior capabilities for supplying the
city with water, would have excited attention in every
qiiarter. The inventor, and all concerned with him,
might see certain difficulties in meeting any demand
adequately remunerative, until works and machinery
were provided ; not so much to make the engines, but to
provide certain requisite articles and materials, well
understood in modern times, but wholly unknown two
centuries ago. The Marquis was in fact creating a
demand for iron plates, wrought and cast iron cylinders,
metal rods, and all manner of tools and novel kinds of
workmanship, so completely was this wonderful man
in advance of the age he might have adorned.

Charles the Second, in the midst of all his gaiety and
all his poverty, had it in his power to benefit the
Marquis by, at least, affording him some countenance.
He had every reason to be grateful to him, but his
ruling passion gained the sway over all other
considerations. What Samuel Pepys relates of him, as
happening on the 1st of February, 1663-4, is charac
teristic of what may have been his utmost estimate of
even the Marquis himself. He says : — " I to Whitehall,
where, in the Duke's chamber, the King came and

308 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS [1670.

stayed an hour or two, laugliing at Sir W. Petty, who
was then about his boat ; and at Gresham College [the
Boyal Society] in general, which he mightily laughed
at, for spending time only in weighing of air, and doing
nothing else since they sat."78

Our great historian has given a masterly miniature of
the volatile monarch, observing : — " To do him justice
his temper was good; his manners agreeable; his
natural talents above mediocrity. But he was sensual,
frivolous, false and cold-hearted, beyond almost any
prince of whom history makes mention."* His neglect
of the Marquis of Worcester had the effect of retarding
the full development of the Steam Engine in this country
for above half a century ; and thus he, who had never
been known to say a foolish thing, lost the chance of
performing a wise one, that would have evinced the
existence of at least one redeeming quality in his
character.

Pepys. * Macaulay's Essays.

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 309

CHAPTER XVIII.

A BRIEF RETROSPECT OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER'S
GENEALOGY, AND HIS PRIVATE, POLITICAL, AND PHILO
SOPHICAL CHARACTER ; INCLUDING HIS OWN STATEMENT
OF EXPENDITURE DURING THE CIVIL WAR.

THE ancient and honourable family of Somerset is
descended from John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster,
son of Edward the Third.

1. Charles,* the only natural son of Henry Beaufort,
third Duke of Somerset, in that line (eldest son of
Edmond, Duke of Somerset), assumed the surname of
Somerset. He, in consequence of the devastating wars
of the Eoses, was, on the accession of Henry the Seventh
to the throne, the only remaining representative of that
monarch's illustrious ancestors, and he, therefore, con
siderably distinguished him. In addition to his other
honours, he was created a Knight of the Garter;
and in the succeeding reign elevated to the dignity of
Earl of Worcester, on the 1st of February, 1514.

In right of his first marriage with Elizabeth Herbert,
only child of William Herbert, Earl of Huntingdon,
he bore the titles of Baron Herbert, Lord Herbert of
Eaglan, Chepstow and Gower. After the decease of

* The annexed
autograph of this
great ancestor of
the Marquis of
Worcester, is ob
tained from a do
cument in the British Museum. Cotton. MSS. Vesp. F. xiii. fol. 78.

310 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

his first wife lie was twice married ; first, to Elizabeth
West, daughter of Thomas, Lord la Warr ; and on her
decease to Eleanor Button, daughter of Edward Button,
Lord Dudley. He died on the 15th of April, 1526,
leaving her a widow.

2. He was succeeded by his eldest son Henry,
second Earl of Worcester, who died 26th of November,
1549.

3. And he was succeeded by his eldest son, William,
third Earl of Worcester, and a Knight of the Garter,
who died the 21st of February, 1589.

4. Being succeeded by his only son, Edward, fourth
Earl of Worcester, and a Knight of the Garter, who
died 3rd of March, 1628.

5. And was succeeded by his second son, Henry (his
eldest son William having died during his father's life
time). Charles the First created him Marquis of Wor
cester, by patent dated at Oxford, 2nd of November,
1642 (which dignity was repudiated by the Common
wealth Parliament). He was the fifth Earl and first
Marquis of Worcester, and died December, 1646.

6. When he was succeeded in his honours by his
eldest son, Edward, the subject of this memoir; but the
latter never enjoyed any portion of the vast estates until
after a lapse of fourteen years, when, at the Restoration
in 1660, he recovered a large portion of his landed
property, as already set forth.

He bore the second or family title of Lord Herbert,
from March, 1628, to the end of March, 1643 ; being
on the 1st of April following, created Earl of Glamorgan
(during his father's lifetime) by Charles the First,
he was best known by that title, from the part he
took in Irish affairs during the civil commotions from
1644, until the decease of his father in 1646 ; when,
in consequence of the Cromwellian Parliament refusing

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 311

to acknowledge any of the King's later creations of
Peers, he was uniformly styled Earl of Worcester ; but
at the Restoration in 1660, his proper style of Marquis
of Worcester was fully recognized. These latter party
distinctions now materially serve to fix or limit the
dates of some documents, not otherwise to be ap
proximated.

Until the 27th year of his age we meet with little
respecting his education, travels, and pursuits. With
his marriage commenced his engagement with that
artificer Caspar Kaltoff, whom he employed in pro
moting his own practical course of studies in a branch
of inquiry which had never before, and has never since,
been so assiduously examined and tested. The pursuits
then commenced and indefatigably pursued, as well for
instruction as amusement, combined with a strong
natural bias for such occupations, may have served at
a later period, under less favourable circumstances, to
lighten the tedium of exile and imprisonment.

He enjoyed but seven years of married life, being
then left with three children, and remained a widower
for three years ; when, in 1639, he married a second
time, having but one child by his second marriage,
who died an infant. In the family group, painted by
Hanneman (now first engraved), the artist has drawn
him seated beside his wife and child ; but when this
work was executed is unknown, although it most likely
dates between 1639 and 1641.

The breaking out of the Civil War would seriously
interfere with the Marquis of Worcester's scientific
investigations ; he would no longer be able to settle
down to the serious study of his favourite authors ; his
models and mechanical experiments would be in abey
ance ; and there was no alternative left for him but
to unite himself to the cause either of the King or the

312 LITE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

Parliament. His loyalty led him to choose the former
course, and his association with Charles the First,
combined with that unfortunate monarch's unhappy
situation and disposition, eventually worked the entire
ruin of the Marquis of Worcester. But apart from the
ordinary occurrences of the war, it was his misfortune
to be selected by the King to act as his emissary in ne
gotiating a peace with the Eoman Catholic party in
Ireland, on terms contrary to the established religion of
the realm and irrespective of the laws. That he should
have listened to the urgent demands of his sovereign is,
under any circumstances, not very remarkable ; and we
are the less disposed to be surprised at his being
won over by the King's solicitations, considering that
he was not a practised statesman, arid that the proposed
measure was preceded by his being created Earl of
Glamorgan, and that it was represented as offering
enlarged privileges to his own church and party, as well
in Ireland as in England. A more cautious politician
might have suspected some ulterior design beneath this
promising external appearance, might have questioned
the possibility of some extraordinary exercise of the
royal prerogative, and at length concluded that no
measure was safe, coming from a sovereign who
actually seemed to imagine that divine right was
delegated to him to annul any obligation whatever,
however freely tendered by himself, provided he
could satisfy his own conscience that his so acting
would be to the advantage of the Crown. But
the Marquis was no grovelling worldling ; he had left
the study for the battle-field, and for awhile abandoned
the path of philosophy to become the King's agent in
Ireland. It was thus that his loyalty and his zeal,
uniting with his religious sentiments and his sovereign's
gracious conduct toward him, and seeming sincerity,

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 313

combined effectually to plunge himself, his family, and
his posterity into a series of disastrous losses in
fortune and property.

He had not been many months a refugee in France,
when he received a very welcome and highly gratifying
acknowledgment of his past services, from the exiled
Queen, in a present of valuable jewels, accompanied
with a testimonial, empowering him to make what use
he might please of the regal gift. The original, written
in French and sealed with the royal arms, is translated
as follows : —

" HENRIETTA MARIA E.,

u We, Henrietta Maria of Bourbon, Queen of Great
Britain, have, by the order of the King our very
honoured Lord and Husband, caused to be delivered
into the hands of our dear and well beloved cousin,
Edward Somerset, Count and Earl of Worcester, a
necklace of Eubies, containing ten large Eubies and one
hundred and sixty pearls set and strung together in gold ;
among the said Eubies are likewise two large diamonds
called the Sancy and the Portugal, acknowledging
that besides the great expenses made by him for the
said King our very honoured Lord, he has supplied us
with three hundred and seventy thousand Livres
Tournois,* exclusive of the very great services at least
of equal consequence, which up to the present time,
even, he has rendered us, in regard to which we make
known that the said necklace and diamonds belong
entirely to him, so that he may either sell or engage
them without any interference on our part, or that of

* According to the old money system prevalent in France before the Revolu
tion, accounts were kept in Livres Tournois of 20 Sous or Sols. — Dr. Patrick

Kelly's Universal Cambist, 4to. 1811, page 146.

314 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

any other, or seeking after or troubling any person, who
may buy them, or lend money on the ten jewels here
tofore mentioned, in faith of which we have signed this
present and put thereto our Eoyal Seal in our Court
at St. Germain en Laye, this 20th day of May, one
thousand six hundred and forty-eight."
(EOYAL ARMS.)

The lamentable fate that befel Charles the First,
effectually terminated all expectation of relief; and
therefore, from the year 1647, when the Marquis left
Ireland, to 1660 the period of the Eestoration, about
13 years, was, if possible, the most unhappy and gloomy
of his eventful life. He was about five years in exile,
about three years and a quarter a prisoner in the Tower,
and nearly five years a state prisoner at large, most
likely under strict surveillance.

The year of his Lordship's release from the Tower,
1655, will ever be memorable for his having then
written his u Century of Inventions," which was pub
lished eight years later.

There is every reason to believe that the Marquis
of Worcester pursued his scientific inquiries both in
secrecy and seclusion. This might arise from his
early domestic habits, particularly during his married
life, commencing in 1628, when he first engaged
Caspar Kaltoff. We never find him associated with, or
mentioned by, men of his time, which, therefore, leads
to the supposition that he was naturally of a recluse
and retiring disposition. But, on the other hand, we
have nothing to guide us in forming an opinion of the
origin, the nature, and the progress of his experimental
operations. They may have been commenced for the
simple gratification of a mind desirous to satisfy itself
in every particular of whatever it undertakes. In

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 315

his early travels, when at Venice, he had observed in
the arsenal there a peculiar employment of the lever ;
and when at Eome his mathematical studies had led
him to a knowledge of a particular kind of fountain.
After his return he had undertaken the erection of
water works at Eaglan Castle, in connection also,
no doubt, with the fountain set up in one of its adjacent
courts. The young engineer may have been deeply read
in Eamelli's elaborate work, and may have determined,
with the assistance of Kaltoif, to adopt, what he long
after expressed, as " a humour I have, never to be con
tented to produce any invention the second time,
without appearing refined/'* Once started on an
inquiry so peculiarly suitable to his taste, he may have
pursued it almost without design, and continued it only
because it interfered with no more serious employment.
Being drawn into the designing of novel inventions, and
further encouraged by his workman's production of
excellent models, it seems natural enough that, in the
seclusion of Eaglan, immersed in the scientific literature
then available, and possessing as he did a remarkably
inquisitive and inventive genius, he should grow up an
inventor almost without taking cognizance of his own
progress. It is certain that it was peculiar to him
to take nothing on trust, but to reduce everything to
the test of absolute experiment. There was perhaps
never any contrivance of which he thought or read,
that he did not reduce to a model; and his was
the experience of a great practical mechanic, whose
information was founded on known results; whether
of success or failure. It was thus that he required the
services of Kaltoif through nearly forty years, together
with many assistants employed under him. The great

* Sec page 225.

316 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

ingenuity, perfection, and variety of his Lordship's
inventions are traceable to this laborious and expensive
practical process.

When at length, in 1655, he commenced in earnest
to make known among a select number of persons his
determination to bring out his inventions for public
advantage, he had a difficult task before him. The
recluse philosopher was about to assume a new cha
racter, offering to submit for approbation, to an igno
rant and prejudiced public, his mechanical marvels,
the product of nearly thirty years7 study ! At fifty-four
years of age, without the least practice in trading trans
actions, bred to no profession, and known only as a
high-minded but ruined nobleman, he sues for public
patronage !

Among his manuscripts we find a slip of paper
which has all the appearance of having passed through
many hands,* and suggests the idea that it was one of
many similarly written, to enable others to make known
among their friends what the Marquis had to offer,
seeking their encouragement therein, of what they
chose to select. It reads thus : —

1. Intelligence at a distance communicative & not

limitted to distance, nor by it the time p'long'd.

2. Ffountaines of pleasure, with artificiall snow or

haill or thunder, & quantity not limitted.

2. Oft suteing [shooting] peerds, controuleable, in

one plane, either for number or time.

3. Discourse to be had by a Lamp.

4. A Brass head, capable to Eeceave at the Eare a

Whisper & the mouth thereof to Kender An-
swere in any Language to the Interrogator.
There is a somewhat similar but fuller MS. list of eight

* From MSS. Badminton.

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 317

of his inventions, evidently issued between 1655 and
1660, from its being headed, u Inventions of ye Earl of
Worcester,"* as he only bore the title of Earl during the
Commonwealth. By these means, a small select
circle of friends would become acquainted with the
singular mechanical skill of the Marquis ; but, with what
success for the desired end is problematical. He would
unquestionably astonish all, while it is but too likely
he would convince very few indeed. Besides, his ulti
mate views were beyond the scope of the ordinary
trader, and could only be effectually realized through
government influence ; particularly in an age when the
common manufacturing resources of the country were
but sparingly developed, and when trading enterprise
was monopolized by special corporate bodies. Here
was a spectacle to behold; one of our country's
brightest ornaments, and its unquestionable glory,
degraded to this hopeless drudgery; deprived of his
princely property, and allowed a pittance of £3 per
week!

When, in 1661, Parliament passed " An Act for distri
bution of £60,000 amongst the truly loyal and indigent
commission-officers, &c." the following was the appoint
ment of Commissioners named therein for Monmouth :
— " Henry, Lord Herbert f of Raglan, eldest son of

* Appendix A.

f Between the 14th of July, and the 21st of Angust, 1G84, being then Duke of
Beaufort, he made his progress through North and South Wales, as Lord President of
Wales, and Lord Lieutenant of the counties of Gloucester, Hereford, and Monmouth,
accompanied by " T. D. gen." that is " T. Dineley," who left the particulars thereof
in a manuscript of some length, containing many interesting anecdotes, inscriptions
of arms, and pen sketches of scenery and antiquities, now very curious.

At Worcester, on Wednesday — " After divine service his Grace was attended in
great order with drums, trumpets, the city-waites, haut-bois, flutes, and other wind
music, together with harps, Welsh and Irish, viols, violins, and other stringed in
struments, to the Town Hall." His Grace was numerously and handsomely
attended, being himself" in glorious equipage." While at Troy, near Monmouth,

318 LIEE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

Edward, Lord Marquis of Worcester; Sir Anthony
Morgan, Sir George Probert, Knights ; William Jones
of Lanarth ; Thomas Morgan of Lansoan ; Miles Mor
gan ; William Morgan, one of his Majesty's household ;
Charles Hughes ; Eoger Williams of Kentild, Esquire ;
James Progers, Esquire."

Also, " For the county of Gloucester, and the city
and county of the city of Gloucester, Henry Lord
Herbert of Eaglan, &c." along with 21 other Commis
sioners.

The Marquis of Worcester had every reason to expect
an agreeable change of fortune on the accession of Charles
the Second to the throne. He made a full declaration
to Lord Clarendon of the powers under which he had
acted for the late King in Ireland. He recovered a
large portion of his estates. He had given up all claim
to the promised title of Duke of Somerset. He was
granted an Act of Parliament for his Water-command
ing Engine, in 1663 ; and immediately after he printed
the first edition of his " Century of Inventions." But he
was entirely neglected by the frivolous monarch on
whose consideration and patronage he had calculated,
with his usual confiding sincerity of heart.

Worn out by three years' delay, without any prospect
of improvement, he seems to have concluded on an
appeal in person to the House of Lords. But his first

on the 20th of August, his Grace viewed the County Militia Regiment ; " several
of the principal gentry" on the occasion " placing themselves in the front of the
stand of pikes. Doublings, countermarches, wheelings, variety of exercise, and
good and close firings were made."

He returned to Badminton after nine weeks' absence, " extremely satisfied with
the good order in which his Grace found the militia," also " with the reception and
entertainments in all places of the progress."

The MS. has been printed for private circulation, under the title of " An account
of the progress of his Grace, Henry the First Duke of Beaufort, through Wales,
1684. And Notitia Cambro-Britannica. By T. Dineley. Edited by Charles
Baker, Esq. 4to. 1864."

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 319

course was to submit a draft of his proposed discourse
to his Majesty, agreeable to an understanding at the
Hague, when his Majesty was in exile, that he should
so act, previous to consulting any of his ministers.
The document now at Badminton, is most likely his
Lordship's own copy of the one forwarded to the King,
who seems either to have discouraged its being brought
forward, or to have given it no further attention. It is
in every sense a remarkable production, whether as re
gards its matter, its style, or the extraordinary evidence
it affords of his Lordship's unbounded confidence in and
devotion to Charles the First. The MS. is endorsed —

u Statement of the Marquis of Worcester's expenses
for his King and country ;" and is as follows : —

" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY.
" SIRE,

u To ease your mind of a trouble incident to the
prolixity of speech, and a natural defect of utterance
which I accuse myself of, I have presumed here to set
down summarily in writing what I desire (if your Ma
jesty approve thereof) to speak in the House of Lords,
whereby your Majesty may gather how far (some things
being rectified) I am confident of myself to serve you,
praying your Majesty's favourable construction of
what I shall endeavour candidly to submit unto your
Majesty.

" In the first place, according to your most gracious
commands laid upon me at the Hague, when I offered to
make my Lord Chancellor privy to what I should at
any time presume to offer to your Majesty's trans
cendent judgment, having sufficiently suffered for
treating with the late King, of happy memory, alone •
to which request of mine you were pleased to give this
most gracious and never-to-be-forgotten reply, that,

320 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

notwithstanding you would have me first to acquaint
yourself therewith, and then only such as your Majesty
should consent unto, and think proper for it : In pur
suance whereof I most humbly offer this following
discourse, which I shall with a most ready and implicit
obedience augment, diminish, or alter, as your Majesty
shall think fittest ; disputing nothing, much less waiv
ing anything, that your Majesty shall command either
as to substance or circumstance.

"My LORDS,

" Amongst Almighty God's infinite mercies to
me in this world, I account it one of the greatest that
his Divine goodness vouchsafed me parents as well
careful as able to give me virtuous education, and
extraordinary breeding at home and abroad, in Ger
many, France, and Italy ; allowing me abundantly in
those parts, and since most plentifully at my master of
happy memory, the late King's Court, by which means,
had it not been my own fault, I ought to have become
better able and more capable to serve Almighty God,
my King and country, which obligatory ends of theirs
have I always had in my eyes, as drawing and sucking
them thence, it being certainly the greatest and surest
portions parents can leave to their children; since
breeding and knowledge cannot be taken from them,
when as riches and possessions are fading and perish
able, witness my own case, my Lords. Yet, by dear-
bought experience and their great expenses, for which
I honour the happy memory of my most beloved parents,
more than for my very life, drawn from them, they
giving me by the one but my being, and by the other by
bene esse. Whereby I find nothing more certain than
that the way to make oneself considerably useful to his
Prince and nation, is the surest means for him to become

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 321

cherished by them, which they then do for their own
sake, not his, though he had spent and lost above
7, or £800,000, sterling ; and narrowly escaped several
times, both by sea and land, imminent dangers, and long
and close imprisonment, and a scaffold, threatening
death, as I have done, Experte Crede Roberto, my Lords ;
yet happy is this day unto me, wherein I have the honour,
sitting amongst your Lordships, to express from my
heart that I have not the least repining thought within
me, though I had suffered ten times more for so good a
cause, and so gracious and obliging a master as the late
King, of happy memory, was unto me. And for so
majestical and promising a Prince as my new sovereign
is, whom God long preserve ; and, morally speaking,
cannot do amiss, whilst he hearkens to so wise a great
Council, and so tender of his good and welfare as your
Lordships, assisted by so discreet, experienced, and well-
affected persons as sit now in the honourable House of
Commons, the whole kingdom's representatives. And
may your Lordships be ever as tender of your innate
privileges, members, and birthrights, as they of theirs,
and both of you equally likewise tender of his Majesty's
just and undoubted prerogatives, upon which two
hinges, or rather bases (that is, our most gracious King's
prerogatives and the birthright of his subjects), this
excellent government of King and Parliament outvies
and excels all other in the world. Let them, therefore,
my Lords, hold together as the surest props of a settled
kingdom ; his Majesty's power consisting in nothing
more than in the greatness of your Lordships, who are,
as well by Divine Providence as human policy, allotted
to be as it were the medium between the King and
the people 5 that is, to interpose yourselves as mediators
if the King's supreme authority should become severe,
which cannot be feared from so gracious a Prince ; as

322 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

also to be curbers of the people's rustic stubbornness, if
they should prove insolent, which cannot likewise
happen to a nation that hath so lately smarted for such
inconveniences, as, had the Lords' former greatness
and power been continued in them, could never have
happened ; for, as I hold with the old saying, No Bishops,
no King, so may I boldly aver that no power of
temporal Lords being extant, there will be neither
Bishop nor King. But I am too tedious, my Lords ; yet
what I further shall presume to say, will need no
eloquence, being upon a theme pleasing, as I humbly
conceive, to the minds of all your Lordships, there
being none of you whose birth brings you unto this
place, but so much generosity possesses your hearts,
that you conclude and harbour a firm resolution to
believe and follow that noble and heroic maxim—
Beatius est dare quam accipere, since Beneficium accipere
est libertatem vendere, a thing beneath your Lordships.
According, then, to which maxim, as having the honour
to be a member of this House, esteeming in the first
place the right of Peerage, even before the titles of
Earl, Marquis, or Duke • as a Peer, therefore, I say of
this House, I shall (with your Lordships' approbation)
humbly offer a present unto his most excellent Majesty,
our most gracious Sovereign, a present, my Lords, which
cannot be done without you, and fit to be owned by a
House of Lords, it being no less than to raise an auxili
ary troop for his Majesty's Life-guard, of an hundred
horse, and commonly called in France an hundred
Meistres ; that is, each Cavalier to keep a servant with
a led horse, as well as his own, and one of them to be
worth £100. The whole troop shall amount the first
day unto upwards of ten thousand pounds, besides arms
and equipage accordingly ; nay, my Lords, every one
of this troop shall be of that quality and power as to

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 323

be capable to raise at his Majesty's command an hundred
men in 14 days ; and at the entering into the troop,
shall furnish into his Majesty's store-house a 100 foot
arms, two parts fire-arms, and the third pikes, at his
own proper cost and charges, and marked by him, there
to be kept till his Majesty's occasions be to raise men
accordingly: but God long preserve his Majesty from
needing of them; yet if, at any time, then will his
Majesty have in readiness at a fortnight's warning
10,000 men, without costing his Majesty or the kingdom
sixpence, till they be raised and armed. And that
most worthy nobleman, the Earl of Northampton, who,
according to the Spanish saying, So many brothers
united so many castles* hath approved himself to be
such in gallantry and strength for his King and king
dom's defence, is desirous and willing through his zeal
to his Majesty's service, to be but lieutenant to the said
troop. But the whole troop, consisting of such persons
qualified as above-mentioned, volunteers, and not
serving for pay or gain, will deservedly require not to
be put upon common services, and not to be commanded
but by his Majesty, or his most deserving general the
Duke of Albemarle ; and they themselves not to be
tied to daily duties, but to have liberty to substitute
some gentleman of quality, or an experienced officer,
to serve for him at any time when his Majesty requires
not his personal appearance, and that the Captain of the
troop gives way unto it. I presume, my Lords, to
nominate my Lord of Northampton but as second to me,
because his goodness and zeal to his Majesty's service
makes his Lordship contented to give me the precedence
as Captain, though far less worthy, and shall indeed be
but a servant to his Lordship and the rest of the troop,

* The Earl of Northampton, who fell at Hopton Heath, left five sons in arms
for the King. The young Earl fought as gallantly as his father for the cause.

Y 2

324 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

in order to his Majesty's command, and the welfare of
his tenderly beloved people. The rest of the troop
shall be nominated when your Lordships shall approve
of the motion, and his Majesty vouchsafe an acceptance
thereof. They shall all of them be approved persons
in zeal, loyalty, and allowed by you, and do ambition
the honour of being called a troop of the House of Lords,
and being so termed, and most of them of your members,
I dare without vanity affirm that no King in Christen
dom but may boast of such a troop ; and it will not
only be a safety to his Majesty's person, but an honour
to the whole nation ; and an evident testimony of your
Lordships' constant loyalty and zeal to both King and
kingdom, and will keep up the honour of this House,
and not subject [it] again to be thrust out of doors ; and
I beseech your Lordships that I may be rightly under
stood, for it is my duty to his Majesty, and the honour
I bear to this House, and not the ambition of being
Captain of the said troop, that makes me to motion the
raising thereof ; for as I acknowledge that there are
many greater persons in the House, as well titular as
real, in merit and power, any of whom, if they please
to undertake it, I shall with more joy and readiness serve
as a trooper therein, than to have the command thereof.
" My second humble offer, disposable by your Lord
ships, is at my own cost and charges, but under your
Lordships' name and approbation, and out of the
accruing profits of my Water-commanding Engine, to
cause to be erected a competent ordinary, affording as
well wine as meat, for one meal a day, for forty indigent
officers, such as the calamity of the late times has
brought to so pressing necessities, as none of your
Lordships, I am confident, but is very sensible thereof,
especially of such persons who (had not their zeal to
their King and country transported them) might have

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 325

lived plentifully of their own ; yet if your Lordships'
commiserating eyes look not speedily upon them, may
follow the destiny of some others of quality, yea colonels,
and never were under my command ; yet I never made
distinction when his Majesty's honour or service was
interested, or his well-deserving subjects suffered, and
were within my power of relief, for whose burials it
hath been my good fortune to pay ; they not leaving
behind them to the value of an angel ; and I humbly
conceive this act of charity, worthy your Lordships'
owning, since your Lordships' cheerfully passing the
act of my Water-commanding Engine enableth me
thereunto ; and I most humbly offer this little testimony
of gratitude, to be under your name thus employed.
And I intend there shall be so good order given therein,
within 6 months, as that there shall be a stipend given
to a person to read unto them during their meals, either
of military affairs or history, the better to avoid frivo
lous discourse tending to quarrels and quaffing.

" Thirdly, in favour and benefit of the commonalty
as well as your Lordships, and for the general good
and honour of this most famous City of London, I most
humbly offer, under your Lordships' name and protec
tion, to cause a fair causeway to be made, upon which,
without disturbance, two carts may pass one by the
other for 2 miles together, at 4 of the greatest avenues
to the City, as the Lord Mayor and Aldermen shall
best advise ; and at the end of each of the four cause
ways, an Hospital and House of Correction to be
erected and endowed, with a perpetuity of £500 a year
to each house; and this pious work to begin within
two years, and to be finished within seven.

" Fourthly — and, indeed, I should have begun with it,
according to the true rule — a Jove principium — I do
humbly offer, in honour of this House, to cause £1000

326 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

a year, for ten years, from Michaelmas come twelve
month, to be allotted towards the building of Paul's,
according as his Grace the Lord Archbishop of Can
terbury, and the Bishop of London, and now Bishop of
Winchester, together with the Dean and Chapter of
Paul's shall set forth, and may continue : — a memorable
gift from the House of Lords. And thus, I humbly
conceive, to have offered an acknowledgment of thank
fulness both to his Majesty, and to your Lordships,
Spiritual and Temporal, and for the Honourable House
of Commons, for passing the Act of my Water-com
manding Engine ; and to improve this my humble
thankfulness, shall be my daily exercise and study, no
ways meaning that what here I suffer shall set a period
thereunto, so as your Lordships will be pleased to set
your helping hands to remove some misconstructions
and personal inconveniences, which, if not diverted
from my mind, and from a too generally received opi
nion, though upon false grounds, and not appearing
otherwise than false ; I beseech your Lordships to be so
tender of a member of yours, as to contribute to the
vindicating of me therein, whereof no ways doubting
but that your Lordships will remove such an absolute
remora to all my intended services ; and, therefore, I will
presume to lay my case openly and cheerfully before you,
not doubting but that at your Lordships' intercessions,
his most gracious Majesty (having given way that I
should speak thus before your Lordships) will vouch
safe a concurrence, and suffer himself to be disabused, and
such false and malicious opinions to be eradicated out of
his princely mind, as have been endeavoured, by either
envy, malice, or ignorance, to be rooted therein, and so
certainly have obstructed the natural influence of grace
and favour, which could not otherwise but have been
the effects of so great a Sun as shines within a throne of so

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 327

much goodness and majesty. Now, whether my merits
have been considerable, I beg leave here to set down
not as a trumpet to proclaim them, but narrative-wise,
modestly, yet truly, for your Lordships' better informa
tion, accusing myself in some things with the same
candour and freedom as to vindicate myself, in others,
desiring to stand or fall by your Lordships' just judg
ment, and his Majesty's gracious proceeding thereon ;
no further relying even upon his Majesty's most gracious
act of general pardon, than in compliance with others,
his Majesty's subjects, have taken it out, yet with so
great a reluctance, through the clearness of my heart,
not to have deserved for it, that the Lord upon the
Woolsack was forced to chide me to it, through his
tenderness of my good, and, as I humbly conceive, a
further apprehension than I could have of a necessity
thereof; for which his tender care I acknowledge
thankfulness, yet, at the same time, I must humbly ask
leave to stand upon my justification, humbly praying
to be rightly understood, for I do it not out of pride or
vain glory, but purely — Me defendendo, — and if any body
• — Se defendendo, — kills another, the law quits him, much
more will your Lordships pronounce me not guilty of
arrogance, though I should arrogate to myself a praise
worthy desert, and not, through too much modesty, be
mealy-mouthed, and not discover what of right apper
tains to the blessed memory of my dead father, and
even my own commendations, crying with Virgil, — -
Sic vos non vobis nidificatis aves ; sic vos non vobis vel~
lera fertis oves ; sic vos non vobis fertis aratra loves ;
sic vos non vobis mellificatis apes. Know, then, my
noble Lords, that herein I speak not to derogate from
the merit of the Eoman Catholics from their duty and
love to their Sovereign, we having all of us, with an
unanimous resolution, nemine contra dice nte^ that is

328 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

to say, no one gentleman of quality throughout the
whole nation, but has stuck to the cause, adventuring
his life, and lost his whole fortune therein ; yet give
me leave to aver it, boldly, that all the Catholics of
England assisted not my father, or me, to the value of
£5, without real security for it, and such, indeed, as at
this time lieth heaviest upon me ; and this I aver as in
the presence of Almighty God and your Lordships.
In the second place, my Lords, how came the then
Marquis of Hertford, after his defeat in the west, with
recruits to his Majesty at Oxford, but by my father's
means and mine. The forces that I sent with him had cost
me £8000 ; and £2000 my father lent him, ready money.
How came Sir John Byron's regiment of horse to be
first raised, but by £5000 in gold, given him by my
father ? How came the Forest of Dean to be reduced ;
Goodrich strong castle to be taken ; Monmouth itself,
with its garrison, to be surprised ; Chepstow, Newport,
and Cardiff to be taken, and secured for his Majesty,
but by my forces and my father's money ? How came
Eaglan Castle to be first fortified and last rendered,
but by £50,000 disbursed therein by my father ?

u How came his Majesty's army to be considerable
before Edge-hill fight, but by the men I brought, and
how was his Majesty recruited at Gloucester side, even
after the defeat given by Waller to my men ? God for
give those of the King's party, who were the occasion
that 1500 were surprised, and I not despatched from
Oxford until the day after; yet, my Lords, at 14
days warning I brought 4000 foot and 800 horse to the
siege of Gloucester, paying them £6000 down upon
the nail at Gloucester, besides my troop of Life-guard,
consisting of 6 score noblemen and gentlemen, whose
estates amounted to above 3 score thousand pounds
a-year, most of whom I furnished with horse and arms,

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 329

which of a sudden they could not do themselves ; for I
was then master of 34 horses in my stable, for the
worst of which I have refused £100, and above 40
others lonely worth £50 a horse. I kept a table for
the said troop, not only at Gloucester side, but all the
way to the west, without so much as making use of
free quarter, but all upon the penny ; for General Eaven
complained of me to the King, who graciously and
smilingly reprehending me publicly, I desired to know
my accuser, and called my Lord-General Raven, after
wards made Earl of Bradford, before his Majesty, who,
objecting that it was of ill example and made them to
be thought the more burdensome ; my humble reply
was, that I yielded to his Excellency to be the better
soldier, but still to be a soldier of fortune, here to-day
and God knows where to-morrow, and therefore he
needed not care for the love of the people ; but though
I were killed myself I should leave my posterity behind
me, towards whom I would not leave a grudge in the
people, but whilst I could serve his Majesty upon my
own purse and credit I would really do it, and after
wards leave it to such as his Lordship.

" I confess I raised this troop without my father's
consent first asked; his Majesty's peremptory com
mands and the shortness of time requiring, and I con
fess his Lordship checked me for it, and said 'I had
undone myself thereby, and [I] replied that 5 or
£6,000 would not undo me ; the horses being all my own
already, and the arms, by accident coming to Bristol
afforded a sudden and cheaper means for it. My father
answered, that he did allow that 6 nor £16,000 would
not undo me, but the consequence would be that the
love and power I had in my country would be per
spicuous ; although I should have thanks from the King,
yet others, though his Majesty's well-wishers, yet,
through envy, they would hate me for it : which I

330 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

confess I have found too true, and my services have
been more retarded by those who called themselves the
King's friends than obstructed by his enemies.

" Pardon me, my Lords, if I detain you a little longer,
descending to some particulars as near as I can call to
mind ; and beginning first to tell your Lordships that
I was not privy nor present with his Majesty at
Greenwich, when he first took his resolution for the
North, and removed without the Queen to Theobalds,
from which he was pleased to write me a lamentable
letter by the hands of Sir John Byron, averring that he
had but £600, and £300 of which was given to defray
his horses, which the Marquis of Hamilton, then Master
of the Horse, refused to do, fearing to displease the
Parliament ; but upon such a lamentable complaint,
and pressing necessities of my dear master (yet no
ways advising him unto the journey), I sent him to
Theobalds. £3,000

" To Huntingdon, after his departing from
Theobalds .... 3,000
" To Nottingham . . . 4,000

" To York ... 8,000

" And took order for a table, to be kept for
several experienced officers, who by this means
were kept from taking arms for the Parliament,
and were ready for the King's service, and the
defraying of their debts here, their journey into
York, and their table there, which none of them
but 2 knew it came from other hand than the
King's privy purse, yet stood me in . 1,500

"And these sums, with as great privacy as may
be, keeping good correspondence with the Par
liament, and myself present at London, to avoid
suspicion, being then trusted both by King and
Parliament. For victualling the Tower of Lon
don, by his Majesty's command I sent to the

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 331

then Lieutenant, Sir John Byron, in old plate,
under pretence of coining it . . 2,500

" B j a feigned pretence getting leave of the
Parliament (the circumstance being too tedious
to relate to your Lordships, but yet notable in
itself), I went with their pass to York, and
carried to his Majesty in ready money . 15,000

" In bills and assurances. . . 80,500

" For both which sums I had his Majesty's
note, yet extant, for ninety-five thousand 5
hundred pounds. Which done, in two days,
his Majesty's further commands received, I re
turned to the Parliament, with a plausible
answer to a message sent from them by me, and
I agreed with Parliament to remove the maga
zine of powder and [ammunition] for [from ?]
Monmouth, which was a town of my own, to
Carlyon, a town of the Earl of Pembroke, a
professed adherent unto them, which they took
kindly at my hands, though done by design by
me, who could not have pretension to take it from
the town of Monmouth had it been still there.

"For the raising of Sir John Byron's regiment
of horse, being the first completed . 5,000

" Things being thus set in order between his
Majesty and me, I fairly took leave of the Par
liament to go down to my father ; where I no
sooner arrived but there came directed unto me
from his Majesty a Commission of Array ; where
of I presently, by a servant of my own, sent
word to the Parliament, with a letter to the
House of Lords, which I directed to my Lord of
Holland, and to the House of Commons, to Mr.
Pym ; in both of which I offered to intercede to
his Majesty, and conceived I should prevail to

332 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

suspend the Commission of Array, if they should
make an Act that their militia should not come
into my country ; but they, with civil compli
ments and thanks, replied, that his Majesty's
[proceeding ?] was so illegal, and theirs for the
kingdom so just and necessary, that by no means
would they waive the one for the other. At
which I declared myself irritated to see that
they durst tell me that anything commanded by
my master was illegal, and professed I would
obey his Majesty's commands, and let them send
at their perils. So, immediately, and in 8 days'
time, I raised 6 regiments, fortified Monmouth,
Chepstow, and Raglan ; fetching away the maga
zine from the Earl of Pembroke's town, Carlyon,
and placed it in Raglan Castle, leaving a gar
rison in lieu thereof. Garrisoned likewise
Cardiff, Brecknock, Hereford, Goodrich Castle
and the Forest of Dean, after I had taken them
from the enemy.

" To the then Lord Marquis of Hereford, in
Wales, as many forces as cost me the raising and
arming . . ;., . *[8000?]

" Lent him to prosecute that expedition, in [2000 ?]
raising of forces in Wales, first and last, [to
the ?] number of twelve thousand men, and
[maintaining] them, whilst the country was
tottering, [also providing?] them weekly for
fifteen months : . . [plainly ?] speaking, "i
and it shall be made good. . * t 1 1~1 30 ^00 91

" Brought to Oxford and delivered [ '•
[with my ?] own hands . . I J

* See page 328.

t The MS. being defective on this side, the particular sums of money cannot be
ascertained.

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 333

" My journey to Ireland with levies and inci
dent [al expenses?], there as well at sea as at
land.* I * * * *

/

\ / //

" The furnishing of troops of 6 score [gentle
men with ?] arms, and most of them with horses,
some of them of an hundred pounds price, and
many of £50 ; for though the gentlemen betwixt
them made above £60,000 per annum land of
inheritance, yet being unexpectedly raised in 8
days, and could not furnish themselves, which I
did according to their quality, together with
their servants to the number of 200, keeping a
constant table for them the whole journey, all
along from Gloucester into the West ; whereat
they never wanted wine, that being carried along
with us, but oftentimes beer 5 together with
£6,000 in ready money, paid my foot soldiers
at the raising of the siege of Gloucester : which,
all modestly rated, came unto above . 25,000

" The keeping of the garrison of Eaglan,
towards which, till the very last cast, there was
never a penny contribution raised or exacted,
amounted to, at the least . . 40,000

The total £318,000

" Besides the garrison of Monmouth, both town
and castle, Chepstow, Goodrich with Hinan, and
the Forest of Dean, recovered from the enemy,
all at my charge till Sir William Vavasour came,
who hath had of me 500 twenty shilling pieces at

* The cipher follows on the same line, and agrees in character with the cipher-
writing on page 180. Sec Comment on Article No. 5, in the " Century."

334: LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

a time, to encourage him to go on at Glou
cester ; besides, likewise, the charge of reducing
of Abergavenny, Carlyon, and Newport to his
Majesty's obedience.

44 Furthermore, for seven years, both in
England and Ireland, I allowed twenty pounds
each meal, to which all officers and gentlemen
were welcome ; and I believe the charges in
these particulars, not to be inserted or charged
on this account, amounts to one-half as much
as the former sums. I never received a farth
ing towards it as General or [otherwise], nor
a penny out of my estate in 20 years. These
times came unto upwards of sumebus viis et
modis, which alone amounted unto . 600,000

44 These sums added together balance the
accounts and make good that I have spent,
lent, [and lost ?] for my King and country,
revera . . . . £918,000

44 My Lords, being conscious of this, and many things
forgotten by me to set down, I was become proof against
anything the King's enemies could do against me,
since by their principles I knew I deserved it ; but,
since his Majesty's return and happy restoration it hath
almost stupified me to have been so laid by as not to have
had any promise made good to me, for which I had his
Majesty's royal word, hand, or even the Great Seal of
England ; but, of the contrary, I humbly beseech your
Lordship's leave to set down what, with all submission
to his Majesty's will and pleasure, flesh and blood cannot
but resent, yet so far only as shall stand with the duty of
a loyal subject and the unquenchable zeal of my real
heart towards my King and country, and a most humble
submission to your Lordships' better judgment, casting

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 335

myself wholly at your disposal and favourable con
struction of what I shall set down, according to the old
saying, that — losers may have leave to speak"

In this proposed address to the House of Peers, the
Marquis of Worcester offers some introductory remarks
bearing on his parentage, education, and travels ; but
the burden of his speech is a detailed account of the
severe losses himself and his family sustained, con
sequent on the Civil War, combined with his father's
and his own liberality to Charles the First personally.
His proposed plan of laying his case before the House
is prefaced with a singular offer on his own part, under
four different heads : —

1st. He proposes to raise an auxiliary troop for his
Majesty's Life-guard.

2nd. To cause to be erected a complete ordinary
for forty indigent officers.

3rd. To cause a fair causeway to be made, for two
miles together, at four of the greatest avenues to the
city.

And 4th, to cause £1,000 a year, for ten years, to
be allowed towrards the building of St. Paul's.

Then follow items of the various and vast sums
expended in the Royalist cause.

His allusion to the Act obtained for his Engine, in
1663, fixes the date of this document at or soon after
that period. The amount expended in the Royal cause
by his father and himself was so enormous, that it is
difficult to understand on what ground he considered he
bettered his claim to some compensation, by burdening
his statement with four separate offers, .calculated to
absorb far more than he could ever expect to obtain
through a monarch so needy, extravagant, and disso
lute as Charles the Second.

336 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

Whatever may have been the Marquis of Worcester's
previous private engagements, there is every reason to
believe that from the time he was protected by Act of
Parliament, he vigorously put forth all his energies to
promote the works at Vauxhall, where, aided by Caspar
Kaltoff, he soon had one of his u stupendous" engines
in operation.

James Bollock, an " ancient servant of his Lordship's"
(as he styles himself), who made some pretence to being
a poet, wrote " a Latin Elogium and an English Pane-
girick, both of them composed through duty and gra
titude." He informs us that, he " hath for forty years
been an eye-witness of his great ingenuity:" adding,
" I think it not amiss to give further notice in his Lord
ship's behalf, that he intends within a moneth or two to
erect an Office, and to intrust some very responsible
and honourable persons with power to Treat and Con
clude with such as desire at a reasonable rate to reap
the benefit of the same Water-commanding Engine."*
About the same time would also appear to have been
issued large posting bills, one rare and curious specimen
of which may be seen in the Library of the British
Museum,| setting forth a short address to the King,
followed with the usual " definition" of " A stupendous
or a Water-Commanding Engine, boundless for height
or quantity." We have thus very clear evidence that he
was employing every possible means at command to
impress his claim on public notice.

Then, as regards the Engine itself, it was required by
the Act of Parliament, " that a model thereof be deli
vered to the Lord Treasurer or Commissioners for the
Treasury for the time being, at or before the 29th day
of September, 1663," and the same to be " put into the

* '• An Exact and true Definition, &c." Appendix C.
f Brit. Mus. 12. El. 75.10.

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 337

Exchequer and kept there ;" a requirement which he
was certain to obey punctiliously, not only to avoid
dispute, but because nothing was easier for him to
perform, through the agency of Kaltoff.

Another remarkable point referring to his Engine is
that he concludes the 98th article of his Century, which
alludes to it, by saying : — " I call this a semi-omnipotent
Engine, and do intend that a model thereof be buried
with me"

And lastly, there was his practical demonstration on a
large scale. As early as May 1654, we have an intima
tion of his being in treaty for works at Vauxhall. Not
long afterwards we find his workman Kaltoff settled
there, and in one of his Petitions he explicitly men
tions having spent u £9,000 on buildings and im
provements," and at least " £50,000 in trying expe
riments and conclusions of art in that Opera tory :"*
thus actually curtailing his personal comforts to fulfil
his engagements with all those persons who confided
in his promises to perfect his novel undertaking.

His works and Engine were examined and noticed
in 1663, by the French traveller M. Sorbiere; in 1666
or 1667 by the eminent mathematician Dr. Eobert
Hook, whose cynicism unfortunately thwarted his judg
ment; in 1669, by the Grand Duke, Cosmo de Medici;
and we find it still in existence in September, 1670,
being then alluded to in a letter written by Walter
Travers, a Eoman Catholic priest. f

We have, therefore, certain evidence that the Mar
quis of Worcester's Engine was in full operation for at
least seven years, and that one of the conditions of the
Act of Parliament obliged him to deposit a model in
the Exchequer. His own estimate of its value may

* See page 287. f Appendix D.

f^

338 LIFE. TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

be judged by his gladly giving up for the promised
tithe of it to the King, his claim on Charles the First
equal to £40,000, in lieu thereof.*

His Lordship's invention was never offered by him
as a merely amusing trifle ; it was not a curious model
which might or might not possess some practical ad
vantage ; and it was not of a nature of which he was
but partially aware, and which it was left to others to
apply. It is even possible that as early as 1628 he had
set up his Engine in its most simple form of applica
tion ; and that, improved upon through thirty -five years
of study and experimenting, the Engine of 1663 was
a master-piece of workmanship and contrivance for
that age. His invention was no longer a secret, he
had done all that any inventor could possibly be
required to perform to establish his claim to be con
sidered as a true and first inventor. His right did
not depend on the vague notice first put forth in his
Century, but on the actual Engine made, and, for not
less than seven years, constantly worked for public
inspection at Vauxhall. Any one so disposed could
have obtained the same examination of it that was
conceded to Sorbiere and to Cosmo de Medici. Dr.
Hook does not condescend to state what he saw of
it ; he set out for Lambeth with the intention of
going to Vauxhall, but the laughing philosopher may
have settled the problem in his own mind, to his own
entire satisfaction, without taking any trouble on a
supposed foolish errand. We speculate in vain whether
among the visitors stimulated by curiosity, or invited
by intending shareholders, there were such men as
Sir Samuel Morland, the King's Master of Mechanics ;
Eupert, Duke of Cumberland ; Dr. Sprat, the historian
of the Eoyal Society ; Bishop Wilkins, the author of

* See page 257, and Appendix F.

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 339

" Mathematical Magic" ; the Honourable Eobert Boyle,
Sir William Petty, Lord Viscount Brouncker, and other
distinguished personages.

Without positive facts to guide us we are ever
in danger of misjudging a bygone age, and in the
present instance it would be imprudent to hazard an
opinion on what is no less true than strange, that the
Marquis of Worcester entirely failed to arouse public
inquiry into the merits of his invention : being treated
throughout with an indifference, which, to modern
apprehension, appears wholly inexplicable. Yet, so
inconsistent is human nature, that the same age which
burned and drowned so-called witches, which believed
in the transmutation of base metals into gold, put faith
in the curative effect of sympathetic powders, and the
King's touch for bodily distempers, saw portents in
meteoric phenomena, and considered astrology a sound
science, could yet look with stolid indifference on this
germ of the steam-engine, unimpressed by what was
publicly exhibited, written, printed, and for at least
four years made the subject of its inventor's daily
conversation. Books and pamphlets were constantly
being published, filled with mysticism, gravely re
cording the day-dreams of fanatics and impostors, and
letters lent their aid to promulgate such fables ; yet here
was a new agent at work, of such potent power that its
like had never been seen, which nevertheless men saw,
heard, and listened to in dumb astonishment, with the
infantile simplicity of the poor Indian, ignorant of the
value of the gold or diamonds strewn in his path.

The early associated scientific men may have been
perplexed on finding an individual coming forth, in the
sixty-second year of his age, to propound a new doc
trine. The suspicion was natural ; the cause appeared
evident ; his project might be a chimera, or an absolute
delusion. No one ever so remotely suspected his

z 2

340 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS

own want of wisdom. Had the Marquis suddenly
dropped from the clouds, or sprung from the earth, he
could not have been in himself a much greater pheno
menon than he appeared to the virtuosi (as the learned
were called) of his day. Such a prodigy had never been
heard of, and perhaps will never again appear, as that
of a secluded scholar, studying all his life, suddenly
coming to light with unheard-of knowledge. If true,
he was a Leviathan, and compared with him all must
have acknowledged a sense of painful inferiority. The
Marquis on his part appears to have acted with unsus
pecting confidence and modesty, as one quite uncon
scious of the intellectual disparity between himself and
the professors of mechanical science in his day.
However, he neither sought nor formed new acquaint
ances ; he seems to have rested satisfied with his early
associates, or his own immediate connexions ; so that
no one was gratified by his condescension, or induced
to proffer advice, through any application on his part.
Indeed he mainly looked to the Crown for efficient
support ; but the luxurious and gay monarch sought
only youth and beauty, the banquet, the ball-room,
or the tennis-court, and was not to be disturbed
in his pleasures by aged philosophy propounding
mechanical experiments, and smoky steam-engines. The
King carried " Hudibras" in his breast, and might
perchance have a copy of the " Century" in some remote
cabinet. Need we be surprised that his Lordship's
confidence in succour from such a source was every
way misplaced ? His treaties with the business world,
it is to be feared, ran counter to all accepted forms, the
talented philosopher being no plodding trader ; so that
act as he might for the best, it nevertheless appears to
have been his uniform misfortune neither to acquire
friends nor conciliate enemies, a posture of affairs not
uncommon to fallen greatness.

OF THE MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 341

It is most unfortunate that he did not survive to
complete his intended publication of a larger work
than the " Century," presenting his hundred inventions
with illustrative engraved plates. But in common can
dour let it never be overlooked, that we have before us a
promise published in 1663, long preceding the devastat
ing plague, which almost depopulated the metropolis in
1665, and the terrible conflagration of 1666, which
laid waste the city of London ; and that it was in the
midst of such accumulated public calamities his health
appears to have suddenly given way, aged, harassed,
disappointed, and dismayed, when he was prematurely
called to his long rest.

Neglected by contemporaries, modern writers have
rested satisfied with a detail of some three or four years
of his political career in Ireland, and a notice that
he possibly possessed some mechanical ability, as
giving a sufficiently comprehensive view of his cha
racter through a life extending over sixty-six years.
This lax course, on the part of his biographers, has
favoured the opinion expressed on the Continent, that
the invention of the steam-engine is not of English, but
of French origin ! And this statement has been long
colourably supported by means of a forged letter, the
subject of which has been graphically represented by
the painter, and copied by the lithographer ; all attest
ing the prevailing zealous ardour of France to honour
native genius. Thus, as though it were not a sufficient
infliction to be ruined, dishonoured, oppressed, and
neglected while living, it would almost seem as if
events conspired to lessen, if possible, the lustre of his
memory by the dark shades of apocryphal history.*

The Marquis of Worcester, considered in his true

Appendix II.

34:2 LIFE, TIMES, AND SCIENTIFIC LABOURS.

character, was in every sense a learned, deep-thinking,
studious, amiable, and good man. He was a Roman
Catholic wholly free from religious prejudices, and
a most loyal subject without displaying under an ad
verse change of circumstances any appearance of undue
party zeal. In all his public conduct he was invari
ably consistent, scrupulously conscientious, and strictly
honourable and humane. In scientific acquirements
he stood grandly alone, not from pride, but rather as
the result of a naturally modest retiring habit, probably
constitutional, but certainly confirmed by long continued
close study, favoured by his early domestic course of
life. When at length he was forced to come before
the public, he proved himself one of the most ex
traordinary mechanical geniuses of the seventeenth, or
any preceding century ; yet he was neither understood
nor appreciated in his own day ; his surpassing mental
endowments were probably lost for want of earlier
and fuller exhibition ; while the influence of com
bined prejudice and ignorance served further to obstruct
his rising in public estimation. It is, however, the glori
ous privilege of genius to leave on all its works the sure
impress of mighty intellect. The " Century of Inven
tions," gradually increasing in public estimation through
two hundred years, owes its vitality to its remarkable
ingenuity and its concentration of thought ; and it cannot
fail to happen that each succeeding age will inquire,
with increasing interest, into every particular of the
singular and touching history of its noble author.

END OF THE LIFE.

THE

CENTURY OF INVENTIONS,

WEITTEN IN 1655 ;

BY

EDWARD SOMERSET, MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.

BEING

A VEEBATIM EEPEINT

OF

THE FIRST EDITION, PUBLISHED IN 1663.

Pie was a man, take him for all in all,
We shall not look upon his like again."

WITH

Jin Jntrodurfion and (fy

BY HENRY DIRCKS, ESQ.,

CIVIL ENGESTEEB,
AUTHOR OF "PERPETUUM MOBILE, OR HISTORY OF THE SEARCH AFTER

SELF-MOTIVE POWER;"
"CONTRIBUTION TO THE HISTORY OF ELECTRO-METALLURGY;"

AND "THE LIFE OF SAMUEL HARTLIB;" ALSO

INVENTOR OF THE " DIRCKSIAN PHANTASMAGORIA," PRODUCING THE OPTICAL
ILLUSIONS POPULARLY CALLED " THE GHOST !"

ff

INTRODUCTION.

THE Middle Ages are usually considered to have
closed between 1490 and 1500, only one century pre
vious to the birth of that Marquis of Worcester to whom
posterity is indebted for his ever memorable publication,
the " Century of Inventions,'7 of which a reprint is now
before the reader. It records the earliest full, though
brief, sketch of a practically working Steam-Engine ;
an invention which, whether in relation to the age
in which it was produced, or the difficulties under
which it was wrought out, cannot be considered other
wise than as a marvellous effort of ingenuity. The
literature and science of that era, as compared with
the progressive stages of improvement distinguishing
the two succeeding centuries, were barren and meagre
indeed. Hallam justly observes : u Learning, which is
held pusillanimous by the soldier, unprofitable by the
merchant, and pedantic by the courtier, stands in need
of some countenance from the ruling powers before
whom all three bow down." But even at that early
period Leonardo da Vinci, born 1452, had anticipated
Lord Bacon in the universally accepted principle, that
experiment and observation must ever be the only sure
guides to the forming of just theories in the investiga
tion of nature.

The " Century of Inventions" derives its name rather
from the circumstance of the work containing one hun
dred articles, than the same number of inventions. Its

3:16 INTRODUCTION

noble author may have had in mind the Centuria di
Secreti Politici, CimicM, e Naturali, by Francesco Scari-
oni of Parma, duodecimo, printed at Venice in 1626,
when he fixed on the quaint title of his own remarkable
production.

Among the Harleian Manuscripts in the British
Museum Library is a manuscript copy of the " Century,''
the title of which omits the words " at the instance of a
powerful friend," also the motto, date, dedications, and
author's name. It also differs in other respects from
the printed edition, by introducing " A stamping En
gine" as the 88th article, in place of which its author
has printed his account of "A Brazen Head;" the
concluding article likewise varies, especially in closing
with a short notice of " three sorts" of other inventions
" set down in cypher," but which do not appear. The
top of the title page has written on it " From August ye
29th to Sept. ye 21st 1659," probably by the copyist, to
notify the time occupied in writing.

The first edition was printed in 1663, during the au
thor's lifetime, as he died in 1667 ; and the last edition,
with notes by Mr. C. F. Partington, is dated 1825. This
last edition professes on the title page to be " from the
Original Manuscript" ; and, at page 6, alludes to " a
manuscript in the Marquis's handwriting, having been
preserved in the Harleian Collection, appended to an
original copy of the Century of Inventions." Now, as
no other manuscript is known to exist, it is important
to state distinctly that the Manuscript Century in ques
tion is neither original nor yet in the handwriting of
the Marquis ; it is evidently no more than one of those
copies, which it was then a common practice to circulate ;
and the MS. bound up in the same volume with this in
teresting document, relating to a method of u Cypher
writing," is not in the Marquis's handwriting.

TO THE CENTURY. 347

So far, therefore, from u The Century of Inventions
of the Marquis of Worcester, from the Original MS."
being what it thus distinctly professes, it is an amalga
mation of the Harleian MS. copy, and the first printed
edition. This obliges the introduction of two Nos. 88 5
but unfortunately there is neither mark, note, nor obser
vation to guide or guard the reader even as to the editor's
numerous emendations ; and the result has been such
as to render this the most unreliable of all the reprints
of the " Century," which will appear more evident by
the unauthorised readings, marked P, in the notes.

The " Century" remained in manuscript from 1655,
the period of its author's release from the Tower, until
1663, the date of the first printed edition 5 the title page
of which repeats the date of its composition, adding,
" my former notes being lost ;" as he was, however,
the inventor of many ciphers or kinds of short-hand,
it is probable his lost notes would be written so as to
be unreadable without the key. It was printed soon
after the passing of the Act for his " Water-commanding
Engine," which his mentioned in the Dedication to the
Houses of Parliament.

It has been frequently reprinted singly, as well as
produced entire in larger works, of all which publica
tions a list is hereunto annexed.

We subjoin the title pages of the " Century" : —

From the Harleian MS. in the Bri
tish Museum.

"From August ye 29th to Sept. ye From the printed edition of 1663.

21st, 1659.

4 ' A Century of the names ' ' A Century of the Names
and scantlings of such In- and Scantlings of such In
ventions as att present I ventions, As at present I
can call to mynde to have can call to mind to have
tryed, and perfected ; (my tried and perfected, which

318 INTRODUCTION

former notes being lost) I (my former notes being-
have endeavoured to sett lost) I have, at the instance
these downe in such a way, of a powerful Friend, en-
as may sufficiently instruct deavoured now in the year
me to putt any of them 1655, to set them down in
in practice havinge where- such a way as may suffi-
with to doe it." ciently instruct me to put

any of them in practice.

" Artis et Naturae prole."

The peculiar term " Scantlings/' here employed, is
no doubt derived from escliantillon, a pattern or
quantity cut for a particular purpose, a certain small
quantity serving as a sample of some similar larger
piece of work ; the " Century " being intended by its
author as but the precursor of his proposed ample,
finished, descriptive and illustrated production.

No one unacquainted with the state of scientific
knowledge between 1601 and 1667, can justly estimate
the character and value of the Marquis's labours.
Properly to understand him the reader must place him
self as much as possible in his actual condition, peruse
the books that he might have read, and consider the
existing state of society and science. No commentator
has yet done this, and consequently a serious difficulty
has been thrown in the way of the purely classical
scholar, who, though he might fairly estimate the Mar
quis's character on points of history, learning, or theo
logy, could in no way turn to account his one hundred
extraordinary inventions. When Walpole composed
his "Catalogue of Eoyal and Noble Authors," the
capricious cynic was sorely perplexed how to treat such
a literary production as the " Century." It has been
said of the wit that he had so disparaged all things in
his own eyes, that nothing appeared to him worthy

TO THE CENTURY. 349

of admiration, respect, or emulation ; and it is no won
der, therefore, that he should cover his own ignorance
on scientific matters by declaring the book he affected
to criticise, "an amazing piece of folly;" closing his
flippant strictures with the sapient remark, " But per
haps too much has been said on so fantastic a man ; no
wonder he believed transubstantiation, when he believed
that himself could work impossibilities !"

David Hume was equally at fault in comprehending
the mechanical skill of the Marquis of Worcester, for we
find the eloquent historian, in his History of England,
in perfect simplicity and ignorance, observing, " That
the King judged aright of this nobleman's character,
appears from his Century of arts or scantling of inventions,
which is a ridiculous compound of lies, chimeras and
impossibilities, and shows what might be expected from
such a man !" That the " Century" shows " what might
be expected from such a man,'7 as its author, all must
willingly admit ; but that Hume's pungent tirade pre
sents any logical sequence, all must as strenuously deny.
Never surely did two talented writers, in different
departments of our literature, figure so unfortunately
and contemptibly as Walpole and Hume in their
unseemly efforts thus to misrepresent and malign their
country's noblest mechanical geuius.

Verstegan, in his u Restitution of decayed Intelli
gence," printed at Antwerp in 1605, treating in the
second chapter of Germany as it was of old, exclaims :
" And as touching the knowledge of the people, what
learning or skill is there among men that they exceed
not in." And proceeds — " Sundry most rare inventions
have had their original and birth among them. Where
of the noble art of printing, and the use of Artillery,
are of most note." He then goes on to enumerate
u the heaven of silver," a piece of exquisite workman-

350 INTRODUCTION

ship which it took twelve men to carry ; and the won
derful flying "eagle made of wood."

We in the 19th century are ever liable to misunder
stand the inventions of the 17th century. Either the
inventions often appear puerile, or their authors seem
perplexed on very small occasions of difficulty. Many
have no doubt hastily formed opinions in regard to the
automata and other curiosities of the " Century." But
such judgments can only emanate from persons not
versed in our history and literature from Elizabeth to
Charles the Second's reign. A few brief illustrations may
be advantageously offered here, to show that within a
very short period after the death of the Marquis of
Worcester, scientific men, in mechanical matters, not
only seldom rose above very slight improvements, but
were at the same time delighted with every species of
amusing mechanical device.*

The late Marquis's nephew, then Lord Herbert, being
on the Continent, writes from Blois, 18th July, 1674 :f
— " We are again settled here for this summer.
In our passage from Aix we saw at Lyons the most
curious closets of Monsieur Cervier, which for mathe
matical Inventions and Machines (all his own handy -
work) are the most surprising and astonishing, I
believe, in the world. His many pretended Perpetual
Motions, Hydraulic Dials, various Clocks and Hour
glasses, his Engines of Sympathy and Antipathy ; but
above all his device to discover the most predominant
quality in every spectator, are past my comprehension
and conception. These, and a hundred other things

* See, at page 263, M. Sorbiere's enumeration of inventions considered exceed
ingly curious in 1 663.

f A letter from Lord Herbert, to Mon. Grubendol, London. MSS. in the
Library of the Royal Society. His Lordship alludes to M. Grollier de Serviere's
Cabinet, of which a Catalogue was published at Lyon, 1719.

TO THE CENTURY. 351

there, might be well worthy a journey in this long vaca
tion for one of your experimentators."

In the 21st volume of the Eoyal Society's Transac
tions, for 1685, Dr. Papin, describes the external appear
ance, and the performance, of a small hydro-pneumatic
fountain, which is represented in an engraving, as being
enclosed by a cylindrical glass, under a glass shade.
The Doctor states that it might be seen at his house,
in operation on his mantel-piece, where Dr. Hook had
watched it for half an hour, and other visitors for four
hours together. The secret had been communicated to
Mr. Boyle, but, with a view to excite the speculations
of the ingenious, was not made public ; for it was the
pleasure of the learned to puzzle each other with such
paradoxes.

The Diaries of John Evelyn and of Samuel Pepys
offer numerous instances of the possession of similar
cabinets of mechanical curiosities.

In the Life of Baron Guilford,* we have a fuller
notice of scientific society about the same period, of
which the following extracts will suffice to give a clear
idea. It is evident that, except as relates to the most
ancient, approved appliances, then in common use in
the mechanical arts, all mechanical improvement be
yond these was in its non-age ; so much indeed was
this the case, that no invention was too simple, and
scarcely any too outrageous or absurd, to be esteemed
unworthy of being submitted to the attention of the
learned.

" His Lordship was no concealed virtuoso ; for his
diffused acquaintance and manner of conversation, made

* The Life of the Rt. Hon. Francis North, Baron of Guilford, Lord Keeper of the
Great Seal, under King Charles II, and King James II. By the Hon. Roger
North. 2nd ed. 2 vols. 8vo. 1808. Vol, 2, p. 251.

352 INTRODUCTION

him known and esteemed, as a professor of most polite
arts, and given to scientific inquiries. This brought
upon him an importunity to be admitted a member of
the Koyal Society. But his Lordship never counte
nanced the proposal ; and at length, gave his positive
denial. He esteemed it a species of vanity for one,
as he was, of a grave profession, to list himself of a
society which, at that time, was made very free with by
the ridiculers of the town : and he could not discover
what advantage of knowledge could come to him that
way, which he could not arrive at otherwise.'7

Among his acquaintance were " Sir John Werden —
very far gone in the mystery of algebra and mathe
matics. —

" One Mr. Aubrey of Surrey, a professed virtuoso,
and always replete with new discoveries.

" One Mr. Weld, a rich philosopher, lived in Blooms-
bury. He was single, and his house a sort of knick-
knack-atary. Most of the ingenious persons about
town, sometimes visited him; and, among the rest, (his
Lordship) did suit and service there.

" His Lordship was once invited to a philosophical
meal, at the house of Mr. Evelyn at Deptford. The
house was low, but elegantly set off with ornaments
and quaint mottos at most turns ; but, above all, his
garden was exquisite, being all boscoresque.

" He had a great value for Sir Jonas Moor, a capital
mathematician, knowing well his worth and honesty,
(he) once invited his Lordship to dine with
him in the Tower, and, after dinner, presented Mr.
Flamstead . . . the star-gazer (who was) invited
to come and see him."

He " had another virtuoso acquaintance in the
Temple, one Mr. Ball . . . one in the list of his
Lordship's ingenious acquaintance."

TO THE CENTURY. 353

44 And once, upon an invitation, his Lordship dined
with Sir Samuel (Morland) at his house ; and though
his entertainment was exquisite, the greatest pleasure
was to observe his devices ; for every thing showed art
and mechanism, as — 1. A fountain in the room. — 2. A
cistern in his garret — supplying all parts of the house.—
3. His coach was most particular. — 4. A portable
engine, moved by watch-work — it had a fire-place and
grate, — cost £30. He took it with him in his own
coach, and, at inns, he was his own cook."

These notices afford a glimpse of the early progress
of mechanical science. To return to our remarks on the
44 Century ;" two of the articles the Marquis borrowed,
No. 21, a A Bucket fountain," of which he obtained
information at Eome ; and No. 26, 44 A to and fro
Lever," which he saw at Venice. A great- number refer
to Cipher writing and means of holding secret corres
pondence, many of which contrivances depend on very
slight modifications, so that, although only twenty-three
are set down, he might very easily have enlarged this
one subject tenfold, only to arrive at still more extended
conclusions. His engine is noted under the articles
Nos. 68, 98, and 100, as, afire water-work ; a semi-omni
potent engine; and a stupendous water-work. So that
discarding 2, and reducing these three to one, will
leave 96 inventions emanating from the Marquis.
But a further reduction might be made, if we strike out
the additions made to the list, thus : No. 9 is 44 a ship
destroying engine," but No. 10 is only the means
whereby to fasten it ; and No. 11, a mode of preventing
the operation of the engine, in the hands of an enemy.
Now in strictness the whole can only be considered as
one invention. So likewise, in his improvements on
Fire-arms ; No. 61, is a way for Muskets, No. 62, for
Harquebusses, and No. 63, for Bakers, &c. which again

2 A

354: INTRODUCTION

can but be taken as representing one invention vari
ously applied. These examples would remove four
other inventions from the list, thereby reducing the
number of inventions, due to the Marquis of Worcester
in the Century, to 92. But this rather explains the
plan adopted in indicating the several inventions, and in
no way detracts from the value of the work.
The Inventions may be thus classified :

3 refer to Seals and Watches.

2 ... Games

2 ... Arithmetic and Perspective.

6 ... Automata.

23 . . . Ciphers, Correspondence, and Signals.
10 . . . Domestic affairs

9 ... Mechanical appliances.
32 . . / Naval and Military affairs.
13 . . . Hydraulics and the Water Engine.

Too

The very incongruous character of these matters is
suggestive of their having occurred to the inventive
mind of the Marquis at very different times, at remote
intervals, and under varied circumstances $ they might
occasionally have resulted from his reading, his studies,
or his experiments. He evidently availed himself of
every suggestion that either reading, accident, expe
rience, or travel threw in his way. His domestic life
led to light, amusive, and mechanical exercises ; while
his military operations drew him to consider improve
ments in ordnance, fire-arms, and military and naval
affairs generally.

All we know regarding the origin of the work itself
is derived from the author's title page, wherein he
states that it was written in 1655, his "former notes"
then u being lost." He consequently sets down " at

TO THE CENTURY. 355

the instance of a powerful friend," only those inven
tions he " can call to mind to have tried and perfected.'"
This explicit language admits of no doubtful construc
tion, yet he has been maligned by the envious as
recording dreams and fancies. The Century closes
with the remarkable declaration of his " meaning to
leave to posterity a book, wherein under each of these
heads the means to put in execution and visible trial
all and every of these inventions, with the shape and
form of all things belonging to them, shall be printed
by brass-plates.'7 An intention which his premature
decease rendered unavailing, yet sarcastic writers have
not been wanting to stigmatize the u Century " as though
its author had offered it to public approbation as a com
plete work ; making no allowance for the circumstances
under which it was produced, as a mere syllabus of the
intellectual treasures he possessed, or the sad occurrence
to which alone the non-completion of his promised
publication with engravings of his several designs can
be attributed.

Some of his inventions he specially notices to
signify their practical development. Thus No. 56, he
performs at the Tower before Charles I, most of his
Court, and the Lieutenant, Sir William Balfour.

No. 64, an improvement on fire-arms, was "tried
and approved before the King (Charles I.), and an hun
dred Lords and Commons."

Nos. 59 to 67, further improvements on fire-arms
and cannon, occasion his particularly stating that : — •
u by several trials and much charge I have perfectly
tried all these."

No. 77, his scheme for flying, whatever it might
have been, whether a balloon, wings, or a machine, yet
even of this he says — "which I have tried with a little
boy often years old."

2 A 2

356 INTRODUCTION

Lastly, No. 100, a water- work is spoken of as " by
many years experience and labour, advantageously
contrived. " And connected with this water-raising
subject we may take No. 68, of which he says : —
" I have seen the water run like a constant fountain-
stream forty feet high." This is not the language of a
speculative theorist. It is experimental, practical, and
demonstrative.

Considering the vast sums expended by the Mar
quis on his experimental and on his practical works,
the immense variety of his inventions, and the
extreme novelty and singularity of many, it is rather
surprising that no account of any of them has come
down to our time, through some of the many channels
of information then open to receive any accounts of the
marvellous. Our next surprise is that none of the
many cabinets of the curious seem to have possessed
any model or any curious work of his production ; not
even the indefatigable Tradescant, although his museum
was at Lambeth, bought by Ashmole, and given by him
to the Bodleian Museum at Oxford. The Marquis did,
however, present a peculiarly constructed box to Charles
the Second, and he offered an improvement on it to the
Earl of Lotherdale,* remarking: — "I promise your
Lordship a box, with such conveniences and rarities as
that which you saw had, — though it were a presumption
in me to say, I would give a subject a better qualified
present than I gave my Sovereign.'7 The invention
might refer to the Cabinet mentioned in article No. 79,
of the Century, as well as include some of his ingenious
escutcheons, keys, and locks.

We cannot but suppose that the Marquis was inti
mately acquainted with the published works of the

See page 223.

TO THE CENTURY. 357

renowned Eoger Bacon, born in 1212, and who died
at Oxford in 1292, celebrated for his proficiency in
mathematics, mechanics, and chemistry. In his " Dis
covery of miracles of Art," published 1659, there occurs
the following passage : — u A man may easily make an
instrument, whereby one man may, in despite of all
opposition, draw a thousand men to himself, or any
other thing, which is tractable/'

The Marquis has left in manuscript a list of nine
inventions, due to the " Quint-essence of Motion," by
means of which, he says in the 8th section, — " I can
stop any other man's motion, and render it null, since
from any point of the compass, I can forcibly and
effectually cause a counter-buff, or absolute obstruction
to such motion, which way I please ; all ways being
indifferent to me, to work a perfect resistance, and to
countermine their intentions, or to force their motions
a clear contrary way."*

What may be the meaning of either statement it is
difficult to imagine ; or even to decide whether they
be really allied to each other, for although in some
respects alike, each is very enigmatical.

We have also given in the " Life," at page 216, a copy
of a MS. list of heads of some inventions, among which
occurs : — " Intelligence at a distance communicative, and
not limited to distance, nor by it the time prolonged."
The wording of which article as clearly as possible ex
presses what in modern times has actually been attained
by the magnetic and the electric telegraph. The " not
limited to distance," and the " time not prolonged" ap
pear conclusive. Wires, tubes, or other mechanical means
of communication would necessarily be " limited to
distance;" and that which alone we believe to be

* Appendix A.

358 INTRODUCTION

illimitable through, any human agency is electricity.
Truly the Marquis of Worcester was a man of no ordi
nary stretch of mind.

The " Century " has but slender claims to our notice
as a literary performance. Some persons have even
imagined that it would have been fortunate for the
character of its noble author had it never been written.
This is a mistaken view of the subject. In the absence
of his elaborated work, it is fortunate that this precious
relic has come down unmutilated to our time. It is but
as a sketch compared with the finished picture, but we
realize the master-hand in the brief outline, and feel
conscious of the intelligence and versatile genius of the
mind that could conceive, work out, and minutely
register the forming of alphabets, automata, ordnance,
and finally " a semi-omnipotent engine." His work
has two dedications, one addressed to Charles the
Second, the other to both Houses of Parliament, com
posed in a quaint but courtly style. He mingles classic
lore with every-day proverbs. He re-entitles his book
as a u summary collection," and a " Century of summary
heads of wonderful things," as " experiments extant
and comprised under these heads practicable with my
directions," and is convinced of " The treasures buried
under these heads both for "War, Peace and Pleasure
being inexhaustible';" concluding that it is a " Century
of Experiences perhaps dearly purchased" by him.

He also touches on his pecuniary position, offering,
in case he is assisted with the patronage and support
sought, " to outgo the £6 or £700,000 already sacri
ficed;" alludes to " the melancholy which hath lately
seized" upon him; and to his work-place at "great
expenses made fit for public service," amounting to
about £10,000, " yet lately like to be taken" from him.

He assures Parliament that his several inventions are

TO THE CENTURY. 359

" practicable with my directions, by the unparalleled
workman both for trust and skill, Caspar Kaltoff's hand,
who hath been these five and thirty years as in a school
under me employed." So that, dating from 1663, when
he made this statement, we are thus carried back to
the year 1628, about the period of his first marriage,
and the whole comprises a space of time from the 27th
to the 62nd year of his age. How had he employed the
peaceable portion of those 35 years ? It seems to have
been peculiar to the noble experimenter to keep his
favourite workman fully employed in putting into prac
tice whatever was known, and in that way establish
his own improvements. We can find some analogous
device in old scientific writings for the greater part of
the subjects he investigated; and it is no disparagement
of his ingenuity to say that his refinements may often
be traced to the crude efforts made by others to
attain similar results. Italy, Germany, Holland, and
France abounded in authors whose works we may
easily imagine formed a favourite portion of his library,
Vitruvius, Vegetius, Hero, Pamelli, Branca, De Caus,
Fludd, Besson, Van Etten, Schwenter, Porta, Lana,
and other similar tomes replete with engraved brass,
copper, and wood-engravings. But the English press
likewise produced such works, as Bourne's Inventions,
1578 ; Lucar's Lucar-solace, 1590 ; Bate's Mysteries of
Art, 1634; Wilkins' Mathematical Magick ; Porta's
Natural Magick, 1658 ; De Caus' New and Eare Inven
tions, 1659, &c. Of all these we are disposed to think
that Bate's Mysteries of Nature and Art was an early
favourite; the second edition appeared in 1635, when
the Marquis was 34 years of age. The first portion of
the work on " Water-works" opens with the observa
tion : " It hath beene an old saying amongst Philo
sophers, and experience doth prove it to bee true, Non

360 INTRODUCTION

datur vacuum, that is to say, Nature will not admit of
any vacuity or emptinesse. For some or other of the
Elements, but especially Ay re and Water, doe insert
themselves into all manner of concavities, or hollow-
nesses, in, or upon the earth, whether they are such
as are formed either by Art or Nature." Through
82 pages the same subject of Water-works is carefully
examined, and at page 57, is a description with
engravings of " the Watermill or Engine neare the
North end of London Bridge.'7

In the composition of the "Century," we notice
several peculiarities which may sometimes be accounted
for by the writer having caught the style of certain
English authors. In a letter dated 30th of August,
1646, he quotes the proverb, " a child burned dreads the
fire," and in the " Century" we find the word "child!'
occurring six times to indicate little power or strength
being required. The word " conceited" is used three
times in the sense of ingeniously contrived. All these
modes of expression are also peculiar to Bate, Plat, and
the translation of Van Etten. The " twinkling of an eye"
is an expression used twice. The article No. 15, is
" A boat driving against wind and tide ;" in Humane
Industry, 1661, appears — " a way to drive their ships
without oar." The term " admirable" is common to
Bate and to the Marquis 5 and so is another, that of the
word "force" peculiarly used in article No. 68, when
he speaks of the " vessels" being " strengthened by the
force within them:" really meaning no more, as
appears, than some kind of pump-force or plunger
acting the part of a valve to diminish any superabun
dant steam pressure ; and not, as is perplexingly sup
posed, that he had some contrivance for making the
expansive force of the steam within the boiler act
of itself to strengthen the vessel !

TO THE CENTURY. 3G1

When we read in article No. 56, the expression, " A
most incredible thing if not seen," and find Dr. Dee, in
his preface to Euclid, expressing himself on a kindred
subject, that it is — " A thing almost incredible," we
cannot refuse to believe from internal evidence that the
author was from natural inclination well acquainted
with that early English translation. The range of
such studies as he delighted in, taken from the reign
of Elizabeth to the troubled times of Charles the First,
or even later, was very restricted ; therefore a course
of scientific reading would soon be exhausted by an
indefatigable inquirer, who would then probably settle
down to being satisfied with a small but chosen collec
tion of his favourite authors. It is not only in traits
of language that we see a resemblance in such early
authors, but equally do we find a certain agreement
in their matter. John Bate, for example, mingles the
great with the small, the serious with the ludicrous ;
he has philosophical experiments, a great water-work,
amusive toys, pyrotechny, drawing, and medical re
cipes arranged in four books ; and the several editions
appear to have enjoyed an amount of popularity which
has made any of them very scarce in a perfect form.

A careful perusal of the " Century" will satisfy the
reader that its contents relate principally to the prac
tical and useful, notwithstanding that some appear of
doubtful value, and some even paradoxical. The
variety of cannon and musquetry is singular, the
improvements in ships and fortifications quite surpris
ing, and in various mechanical appliances remarkably
ingenious. But, after all, what was the special design
of its author ; what was he principally seeking to
establish through this wide course of investigation ? It
is evident he sought some mechanical power to super
sede ordinary wind, water, and animal power. He
tried weights and springs, screws and levers, and

362 INTRODUCTION

finally he filled a piece of a cannon three-quarters full
of water, which, after making a fire under it, " burst
and made a great crack." The aim and object of all
his laborious experiments was now attained, and from
the day when he thus burst the cannon, steam power
was realized, its application pursued, various kinds of
machines constructed, and the strangeness, novelty, and
power of the new engine were such that he declared, as
in an ecstacy of delight, " I call this A Semi-omnipotent
Engine, and do intend that a model thereof be buried
with me." Nay, more, he bowed down^ in adoration
before his Maker, rendering him most humble thanks
for vouchsafing him u an insight in so great a secret
of nature."

It is worth remarking, that the very form of the
u Century" was rather due to a custom among scientific
inventors than to any whim on the part of its author.
In the 13th century, Wilars de Honecort had given a
statement of fourteen inventions. In like manner
Leonardo da Vinci, of ten various schemes for bridges,
ditches, fortifications, and others, military and naval.
So again Ealph Rabbards in 1574, Edmund Jentill in
1594, and Henry Marshall in 1595, gave notices of
their several discoveries in medical waters, fire-works,
and mechanical devices. In 1583, appears a MS. note
of twenty u sundry sorts of engynes. In 1596, Lord
Napier wrote concerning his four " secret inventions,"
concluding : — " These inventions, besides devices of
sailing under water, with divers other devices and
stratagems for harming of the enemies, by the grace of
God, and work of expert craftsmen, I hope to perform."
In James the First's reign was published a tract entitled,
u Cornu-Copia : a miscellaneum of lucriferous and most
fructiferous experiments, observations, and discoveries,
immethodically distributed ; to be really demonstrated
and communicated in all sincerity." The suggestions,

TO THE CENTURY. 363

amounting to seventeen, are chemical, medicinal, agri
cultural, and mechanical. In 1632, Thomas Greiit
patented six inventions, not one of which is otherwise
described than after this manner : — " First. An instru
ment very profitable when common windes doe fail,
for a more speedy passage of calmed shipps, or other
vessels upon the sea or great rivers, which may be
called the wind's mate." In 1G36, Sir John C. Van Berg
patented eight inventions, specified after this manner : — •
(First) " Diverse mechanicke instruments and frames
operating by waights, soe to bee fitted and ordered that
the force and strength of them may bee augmented or
diminished either in regard of the instruments them
selves, or in respecte of the number of workmen to be em
ployed aboute them accordinge as occasion or necessitie
shall require; &c." In 1646, Captain Bulmer gave
Emanuel College, Cambridge, a certificate of four
hydraulic and mechanical inventions. In 1659, an
account of Roger Bacon's " admirable artificial instru
ments" was published, relating to ships, chariots, flying,
scaling ladders, diving bell, &c. So that there was no
lack of precedents for the form adopted in treating the
multifarious subjects recorded in the " Century." But,
indeed, had no other existed, he had a sufficient example
in the vague patent specifications that his predecessors,
and he himself (in 1661), lodged as sufficient and
valid instruments to secure a right in the matters therein
specified. And in confirmation of this we have only to
place in juxta-position the fore-named patent of 1661,
and the " Century," to see at once the close resemblance
between the two ; thus No. 1, is the 78th article, No. 2,
the 58th, No. 3, the 19th, and No. 4, the 15th article of
the " Century," copied almost verbatim.* We, therefore,

See Appendix B.

364 INTRODUCTION

find that the one hundred articles are as explicit as any
of the patent specifications of, and prior to, the reign of
Charles the Second. Yet men of unquestionable
literary taste, but unacquainted with these simple facts,
have charged the Marquis of Worcester with mystify
ing his statements, by writing too enigmatically, without
considering his promise, had he lived, " to leave to
posterity a book" containing " the means to put in
execution all these inventions ;" and without the indul
gence of awarding him at least the merit of writing his
very syllabus with all the amplification required by law
for the enrolment of a Patent Specification.

While the Marquis was struggling to obtain royal
and state patronage, he had a powerful rival in Sir
Samuel Morland, a gentleman of the Privy Chamber
and Master of Mechanics, to Charles the Second. It
has never been noticed that, simultaneously with
the Marquis, he was projecting plans of novel means
for draining mines, and it is very improbable that, while
so engaged, he could view disinterestedly the various
efforts of the Marquis of Worcester. In the " Calendar
of State Papers, Domestic Series for 1661-1662, edited
by Mrs. M. A. E. Green," octavo, 1861, we find the
following particulars under the respective dates, viz : —
"Dec? 1661. No. 36. Petition of [Sir] Samuel Mor
land to the King, for a patent for the sole use
of his invention of an Engine for raising water
out of mines or pits, quicker and ^better than
before practised.

" Dec. 11. Whitehall. Warrant for a grant to Sir
Sam. Morland of the sole use for 14 years of
his invention for raising water out of pits, &c. to
a reasonable height, " by the force of powder
and air conjointly."

TO THE CENTURY. 365

" Dec. Whitehall. Vol. 46. No. 49. Warrant for a
grant to Sir Sam. Morland of the sole making of
an Engine invented by him for raising water in
mines or pits, draining marshes, or supplying
buildings with water."

The annexed reprinted title page is a facsimile for
size and letter-press within the gothic frame, employed
to enlarge it. The smallness of the work was by no
means unusual, indeed the first edition, in the British
Museum, is bound in a volume uniform with the dis
courses of Sir William Petty, and of Dr. Grew, before
the Royal Society, in 1674, issued by its own printer.
Although more than ten years later the quaint style
reminds one of the Dedications to the " Century/' as
when Sir William says he was commanded to print his
discourse — " Because, as drapers cut patterns of their
whole cloth out of an end, not because the end is better
than the rest, but because it may be best spared ; so (I
suppose) the Society are content, that this exercise pass
for a sample, pro tanto, of what they are doing.7' And
of his second part he observes that it is " To excite the
world to the study of a little Mathematics, by showing
the use of Duplicate Proportions in some of the most
weighty of human affairs, which notion a child of 12
years* old may learn in an hour." Lastly, the Epistle
Dedicatory informs us that : — " Falsity, disproportion,
and inconsistence cannot be rectified by any sermoci-
nations, though made all of figurate and measured
periods, pronounced in tune and cadence, through the
most advantageous organs ; much less by grandiosonous
or euphonical nonsense farded with formality ; no more

* The Marquis, in the 19th article of the " Century," twice alludes to "acMd ;''
and patenting his invention, which applied to Coaches, he introduces the expres
sion in the 3rd article of his patent of 1661 :— " a child of six years old may secure
roin danger all in the coach," and " the child being able" to loosen the horses.

3G6 INTRODUCTION

than vicious wines can be remedied with brandy and
honey, or ill cookery with enormous proportions of
spice and sugar : Nam Res nolunt male administrari"
One example from Dr. Grew's epistle to his discourse
will suffice, where he says : — " I know, my Lord, that
there are some men, who have just so much understand
ing, as only to teach them how to be ambitious : the
flattering of whom, is somewhat like the tickling of
children, till they fall a dancing."

The annexed Commentary has for its object to
show the several sources from which it is not
less probable than possible that the Marquis derived
a certain amount of information for his guidance in
endeavouring to advance and refine on the same by his
own efforts at improvement. Many intelligent persons,
particularly classical scholars, and men of purely
literary tastes, whose reading has not embraced the
study of the literature of science, have supposed that
the whole or greater part of the Marquis of Worcester's
inventions emanated solely from his own unguided
inventive skill ; and not a few may have imagined it
would be derogatory to the originality of an inventor
to suppose him walking in the steps of others, however
much he might outstrip their attainments in the same
branch of inquiry. But all invention is progressive-
first, laws of nature are discovered, then applications are
invented, and last follow divisions and sub-divisions of
endless great, small, and minute improvements. The
Marquis originated many improvements, but assuredly
only one pre-eminent invention, his great " fire water-
work.^ It would have been easy for us to make the
commentary consist of essays on modern improvements,
more or less traceable to the suggestive character of the
" Century." But we stop where the Marquis laid down
his pen, preferring rather to show that materials

TO THE CENTURY. 3G7

existed from which he might derive the several classes
of subjects therein noted, which many have so far
doubted as to believe they originated wholly with
himself; as by adopting the other course, we should only
satisfy the public of the great use the " Century" has
been to others, a matter which has never been doubted.

We thus see that the " Century" is but the epitome
of a greater work, designed to have been published
with suitable explanatory engravings, which the prema
ture decease of the author alone frustrated. During
two hundred years the subjects of the various inventions
and improvements it calendars have been long super
seded, so that there is not one, perhaps, that would in the
least assist the modern engineer, however minutely it
could be described. Yet the history of the Steam
Engine, of Inventions, and of Inventors would be
incomplete indeed without a Memoir of the Marquis
of Worcester, and some account of his inimitable
" Century of Inventions."

Much might be written on the conflicting opinions
expressed by historical, biographical, and scientific
writers, regarding the intellectual capacity and inge
nuity of the Marquis as well as of their adverse statements
on various historical points. But instead of adopting
such a thoroughly controversial strain, which after all
would only lead to a very doubtful result, another and
very different course has been adopted in the present
work, by supplying facts in place of conjecture. The
writer, who is strongly imbued with political, theolo
gical, or scientific views, cannot write otherwise than
as directed by the natural effect of such influences.
But as a rule the arena of scientific discussion is neutral
ground ; and the biographer and commentator, in the
present instance, does not feel swayed by any party
prejudice, and certainly not by any peculiar scientific

368 INTRODUCTION

views. It has been his wish to associate himself as
much as possible with the Marquis and with his times,
irrespective of modern taste, changed customs, and
enlarged knowledge, as contrasted with a period about
the middle of the seventeenth century. Here the critic
rises in importance with the information he possesses of
a bygone age. But it has been so uniformly the misfor
tune of the Marquis of Worcester to be examined solely
through a modern medium, that it is almost surprising
his antiquated costume, and style of writing, should have
escaped the generally reckless course of censure be
stowed on the precious relics that alone remain to attest
his amazing genius.

Every work descriptive of the Steam-engine, gives
some historical notice, awarding a certain amount of
dubious merit to the Marquis of Worcester, among
other early inventors, but it would be impossible to
point to a single instance savouring of any national
pride in the inquiry. It seems incredible, and might
be believed to be so, had we not the fact before our
eyes, that the true history of the origin of the Steam-
engine is only now emerging into light in the form best
calculated to place the fact beyond dispute.

Like all other great inventions, the improvements in
the Steam-engine have been progressing from 1663 to
the present day. Its history presents three eras: — 1st,
the period when the parent engine and its immediate
successors were called " fire engines ;" — 2nd, from New-
comen's time, when that stage of improvement was
designated the " atmospheric-engine ;" and, Brdly, its
last form, the true " steam-engine" of Watt. We
cannot destroy one link in this mystic chain without
serious hazard, without deranging the natural consan
guinity of these children of the brain. But while we
consider it unnecessary to deal singly with each work

TO THE CENTURY. 369

contributing an apocryphal history to the origin of the
steam-engine, a solitary instance occurs, within the last
five years, the publication of which demands special
notice.

Nowhere should we less expect to find a want of
sympathy with the amiable character and astonishing
scientific abilities of the Marquis of Worcester than
in the pages recording the life of James Watt; for
there we might hope to be supplied, as from a fountain-
head, with the pure stream of most authentic informa
tion ; an elaborate, careful, and comprehensive digest
of the best materials that learning and influence could
accumulate ; at once clearing up many doubts, and for
ever dissipating the groundless surmises of a multitude
of superficial writers. We should never expect a less
careful procedure, or in its absence other than the most
respectful allusion to the true inventor of the steam-
engine — that engine from which Watt's is lineally
descended.

Had the Marquis of Worcester and his " Century,"
together with his Engine, been unknown, and conse
quently also his untiring representation and advocacy of
its wonderful properties, where would have been the
justly-admired models of Savery, Newcomen, and Watt ?
The inveterate prejudice against the employment of
any new engine with which the Marquis had to contend,
was not wholly extinct even in the days of Watt's early
career ; and it was the all-powerful influence of large
capital alone that secured for him what Charles the
Second blindly withheld from the great engineer's noble
predecessor.

We are far from advocating any undue devotion
either to a theory or to a hero. But, certainly, if the
rhetorical flourishes of M. Arago can justly be summoned
to eulogize the hot-water fountain of De Cans, in pre-

2 B

370 INTRODUCTION

ference to producing his own clear, simple description ;
then, assuredly, in common fairness Mr. Muirhead
should have felt bound to a somewhat similar advocacy
of the Marquis of Worcester's invention. If M. Arago's
example is to be quoted, showing how much could be
advanced in favour of De Caus's little metal sphere,
then surely Mr. Muirhead should have exerted himself
to represent and distinguish the superior properties of
the Marquis's Water-commanding Engine, raising four
vessels of water, forty feet high, through a tube a span
wide.*

But Mr. Muirhead hazards no opinion decidedly
favourable to either the Marquis or his inventions ; while,
on the contrary, his observations suggest unfounded diffi
culties, and raise unnecessary doubts, contributing to
increase the existing confusion found in our current lite
rature, in relation to the great inventor and his projects ;
an instance is even adduced of the pseudonymous
writer, Eobert Stuart, who, in his " Anecdotes," and his
" History," flatly contradicts himself; and frequently
what one compiler only conjectures, another takes up
as a fact. But this vicious system of writing is not to be
corrected by following in the same track and proposing
new speculative views, offered too in a strain seriously
derogating from the Marquis's character for honour,
integrity, consistency, and consummate ingenuity.

In quoting the " Century" Mr. Muirhead notices that
it concludes with the promise of a more finished work,
which only elicits the sinister remark : " that he either
was unable, or never seriously intended to make such a
further publication." This is indeed unjust, and severe
enough. And what he quotes from the " Century"
about the Engine, is only to tell what "posterity

* Sec page 302.

TO THE CENTURY. 371

supposes" about it ; and to note that, in respect to it,
44 there has always prevailed a great diversity of
opinion." But here is no attempt made to trace and
analyse that " diversity of opinion," or to dissipate the
cloud. The Marquis's captivity in the Tower is mis
stated ; and the luckless 44 pot-lid" story enlarged and
improved upon, for it is concluded that hence — 44 so
runs the story — arose the 4 Century of Inventions/
with its steam-engine all ready — made and acting ; —
at least in the mind of its contriver !" This undignified
view of the case of the imprisoned, ruined, neglected
inventor of the steam-engine, never deserved to be
enrolled in the volume devoted to the life of his
glorious but remote successor.*

* We meet with the following singular passages recorded by his biographer, as
introductory to the Inventions of James Watt, in the second edition of his Life,
1859. At page 145, it is remarked : —

" When we consider the whole of the contrivances invented by Savcry, as des
cribed by himself in ' The Miner's Friend,' we cannot but accord to him the praise
of very great ingenuity, independent of the merit of having made THE FIRST WORK
ING STEAM ENGINE, (if he was not preceded in that by the Marquis of Worcester) ;
but, at all events, of having been the first who introduced it into use."

We give this passage as printed, and proceed to the next, at page 156. which is
not recorded either in the Contents or Index, only distinguishing certain words : —

" We think it right to add that the language used by Savery in his ' Miner's
Friend,' in treating of the advantages, whether ascertained or prospective, of his
invention, presents a strong contrast, in point of plainness, simplicity, and modesty,
to the more high-flown phrases in which the Marquis of Worcester magnifies the
performances of his 'semi-omnipotent' engine. Savery was evidently a practical
man, possessed of great [1] common sense as well as of [2] ingenuity ; and
although it would probably be wrong to deny to Lord Worcester the possession of a
good deal of the second of those qualities, it may well be doubted how far he is
entitled to the claim of any very considerable share of the ^r,^" [common sense] !

We believe that the author of this strange composition is a Scotch Advocate of
some standing ; now it is far from being the character of the legal profession, as a
body, to commit to paper such reckless reproach of even the dead ; but assuredly
it does not require the caution induced by a knowledge of common law to point out
the propriety of treating with respect the memory of a man of high birth and
untainted reputation, such as was the Marquis of Worcester. But this is not all,
we are introduced to a " FIRST ENGINE," at the risk of a second " first/' as declared
by the same pen ! And without fear of contradiction we say the last should be
first, and the first last in this category.

2 B 2

372 INTRODUCTION

Although, however, we have been presented with a view
of De Cans as elevated through the medium of Arago's
eloquent Eloge, when endeavouring with true national
zeal to claim the honour of the invention of the steam-
engine (even on this slender proof) for his own country •
this position seems only to have been assigned to him
in the present instance, to make his downfall the more
signally complete ; for Mr. Muirhead most dispassion
ately observes : — u Considering the uselessness of the
contrivance of De Caus, and the doubtfulness existing
as to that of the Marquis, it is, perhaps, rather sur
prising that ' the invention of the steam-engine' should
have been attributed to either of them, with such
great confidence as both English and French writers
have alternately shown.'7 Unfortunately for this anti
thesis, the one invention is not " worthless," and the
other is not properly to be charged with " doubtfulness."
It may be justly said, in one sense, that all the engines
preceding those made in Watt's time are " worthless,"
—but we have here a wide range. In 1615 De
Cans' s invention was not a worthless" although its
worth was limited to its demonstrating one simple
mode of applying an important elementary principle.
And the vast amount of accumulated evidence
relating to the Marquis of Worcester's Engine indis
putably removes all " doubtfulness" as to its actual
accomplishment and general construction, so far as
words, irrespective of absolute models and drawings,
can supply information ; and the absence of these latter
accessories is traceable solely to the lapse of time,
combined with the indifference of the public to designs
that went beyond general information on such matters,
as well as from their exceeding the common manufac
turing skill, and not captivating the small commercial
enterprize of that age.

TO THE CENTURY. 373

We must estimate the Marquis of Worcester by his
general character. His natural taste and domestic
habits led him into mechanical studies, while his large
fortune enabled him to retain a paid mechanic in his
service for nearly forty years, expending many thou
sands of pounds in experimental and practical trials of
engines, machines, automata, naval and military works,
and great guns and fire-arms. In his private life he
was strictly honourable, virtuous, consistent, and free
from all narrow or bigoted views, either in politics or
religion. So adverse, however, did the course of events
prove to him, that his loyalty and his religion com
bined, can alone be named against him as his greatest
misfortune. His u Century" has been preserved to
these times, but all his other works which might have
thrown a fuller light on his inventions have perished.
Whether books and papers belonging to him were pro
cured and burnt, according to the story relating to such
an incident, is now past discovery ; but it is abundantly
evident that the great scarcity of information which
exists, has led to the propagation of many unfounded
statements, and given undue weight to others purely
conjectural. That which cannot be established by
producing positive evidence, is too often only compli
cated by hazarding opinions irrespective of reasonable
evidence, or worse, in the face of reasonable grounds
for contrary statements. The " Century" stands alone
in the languages of the civilized world, the strange
monument of a strong mind, seeking its full develop
ment in a prejudiced age, striking into new paths
which society could not comprehend, and which it
therefore would not patronise.

H. D.

Blacklicath, Kent, November, 1864.

374

EDITIONS OF THE CENTURY.

1663. London : Printed by J. Grismond in the year 1663.
small 12mo.

1746. London : Printed in the year 1663. Reprinted and sold
by T. Payne, in Round-Court in the Strand, 1746.

1 748. No particulars. A copy was sold, according to Lowndes's
Bib. Man. with MS. additions.

1763. No particulars. Query — 1663.

1767. Glasgow: Printed byR. and A. Foulis, 1767.

1778. Dated "Kyo, near Lanchester [co. Durham], June 18,
1778," with an " Appendix containing an Historical ac
count of the Fire-Engine for raising water."

1778. A reprint agreeing with above, except in having no name
or date. It repeats the Title of the first edition, 1663,
and at the end gives the foregoing ' ' Appendix : con
taining an Historical Account of the Fire-Engine for
raising water." 8vo. In the latter, Dr. Desagulier's
Lectures, 1 744, are quoted, so that this may possibly be
an edition short only of a leaf, bearing the same place
and date as the preceding.

1 786. Glasgow, Printed. London : Reprinted by W. Bailey,
Proprietor of the Speaking Figure, now shewing, by
Permission of the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor, at No. 40,
within Bishopgate, 1786. Sq. 16mo.

1813. Newcastle; Printed by S. Hodgson, Union Street, 1813.
8vo. pp. 53. Title page : — " The Marquis of Worces
ter's Century of Inventions, to which is added, An
Appendix containing an historical account of the Fire-
Engine, for raising Water ; which invention originated
from the above work. By John Buddie." [The Preface
is dated " Kyo, near Lanchester, June 18, 1778/' — in
the North West of Durham. See edition 1778.
copy of this reprint is in the Library of the Patent Office.]

1813. The Title page is a reprint of 1663, and on the bad
appears " Reprinted by J. Adlard, 27, Bartholomew Close,
1813." [London.] Sq. 16mo.

EDITIONS OF THE CENTURY. 375

1813. [It would appear from a MS. note by Mr. P. Bliss, in an

interleaved edition of "Walpole's Royal and Noble

Authors/' Brit. Mus. that this year there was another

edition of "The Century, &c." viz.] —
London, sold by R. Triphook, 37, St. James's Street; J.

Major, West Smithfield; and R.Priestley, 143, High

Holborn.

[12mo. price 4s. sewed; 100 copies printed, 1813.]
1825. The Century of Inventions of the Marquis of Worcester.

From the Original MS. &c. By Charles F. Partington.

London: John Murray, Albemarle Street, 1825. 12mo.

REPRINTED IN THE FOLLOWING WORKS : viz. —

1789. The Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. 18. 8vo.

1801. The Philosophical Magazine. By Alexander Tilloch.
Yol. 12. 8vo. pp. 43 to 57.

1802. The Repertory of Arts, Manufactures, and Agriculture.
Vol. 1. Second Series. 8vo.

1809. The Harleian Miscellany : a collection of scarce Pamphlets
and Tracts, &c. By Oldys and Park. Vol. 4. 4to.

1815. A Treatise of Mechanics. By Olinthus Gregory, L.L.D.
&c. 3rd edition. Vol. 2. 8vo.

1822. The Mechanic; or, compendium of Practical Inventions.
By James Smith. 2 vols. 8vo. p. 403.

1824. The Kaleidoscope. Liverpool. Vol. 5. 4to. No. 212
to No. 219.

1825. The Mechanics' Magazine [London.] Vol. 3. 8vo.
p. 18.

1827. One thousand Notable Things. London, T. Tegg ; and
Glasgow, Griffin and Co. [Appended to this reprint of
the original work, 12mo. by " Thomas Lupton," B.L.
1586. 4to.]

1833. Mechanics' Magazine. New York. Vol. 1. 8vo. pp. 82
to 92.

1856. Weale's Quarterly Papers on Engineering. Vol.5. 4to.

CENTURY

OF THE
Names and Scantlings

OF SUCH

INVENTIONS,

m I As at prefent I can call to mind to
have tried and perfected, which

^NJ- (my former Notes being loft) I
have, at the inftance of a power
ful Friend, endeavoured now in
the Year 1655, to fet thefe
down in fuch away as may fuffi-
ciently inftruft me to put any of
them in pra&ice.

Artis & Nature proles.

LONDON :

Printed by J. Grifmond'm the year 1663.

TO THE

KINGS
Most Excellent MAJESTY.

SIB,

SCIEE meum nihil est, nisi me scire hoc sciat alter,
saith the Poet, and I most justly in order to Your Majesty,
whose satisfaction is my happiness, and whom to serve is
my onely aime, placing therein my Summum bonum in
this world: Be therefore pleased to cast Your gracious
Eye over this Summary Collection, and then to pick and
choose. I confess, I made it but for the superficial satis
faction of a friends curiosity, according as it is set downe ;
and if it might now serve to give aime to Your Majesty
how to make use of my poor Endeavours, it would crowne
my thoughts, who am neither covetous nor ambitious, but of
deserving Your Majesties favour upon my own cost and
charges ; yet, according to the old English Proverb^ It is a
poor Dog not worth whistleing after. Let but Your
Majesty approve, and I will effectually perform to the
height of my Undertaking : Vouchsafe but to command,
and with my Life and Fortune I shall chearfully obey,
and maugre envy, ignorance and malice, ever appear
YOUR MAJESTY'S

Passionately-devoted, or
otherwise dis-interested
Subject and Servant,

WORCESTER.

To the Eight Honourable
THE LORDS SPIRITUAL AND TEMPORAL ;

And to the KNIGHTS, CITIZENS, AND BURGESSES of the Honourable
House of Commons ; NOW assembled in Parliament.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

BE not startled if I address to all, and every of you,
tliis Century of Summary Heads of wonderful things,
even after the Dedication of them to His most Excel
lent Majesty, since it is with His most gracious and
particular consent, as well as indeed no wayes deroga
ting from my duty to His Sacred Self, but rather in
further order unto it, since your Lordships, who are His
great Council, and you Gentlemen His whole Kingdoms
Representatives (most worthily welcome unto Him)
may fitly receive into your wise and serious considera
tions what doth or may publickly concern both His
Majesty and His tenderly -beloved People.

Pardon me if I say (my Lords and Gentlemen) that
it is joyntly your parts to digest to His hand these en
suing particulars, fitting them to His palate, and order
ing how to reduce them into practice in a way useful
and beneficial both to His Majesty and His Kingdom.

Neither do I esteem it less proper for me to present
them to you in order to His Majesty's service, then it is to
give into the hands of a faithful and provident Steward
whatsoever dainties and provisions are intended for the
Masters diet; the knowing and faithful Steward being best
able to make use thereof to his Masters contentment and

382 DEDICATION

greatest profit, keeping for the morrow whatever should
be overplus or needless for the present day, or at least
to save something else in lieu thereof. In a word, (my
Lords and Gentlemen) I humbly conceive this Simile
not improper, since you are His Majesty's provident
Stewards, into whose hands I commit my self, with all
properties fit to obey you ; that is to say, with a heart
harbouring no ambition, but an endless aim to serve
my King and Countrey : And if my endeavours prove
effectual, (as I am confident they will) His Majesty shall
not onely become rich, but His People likewise, as
Treasurers unto Him ; and His Pierless Majesty, our
King, shall become both belov'd at home, and fear'd
abroad ; deeming the riches of a King to consist in the
plenty enjoyed by His People.

And the way to render him to be feared abroad, is to
content his People at home, who then with heart and
hand are ready to assist him ; and whatsoever God
blesseth me with to contribute towards the increase of
His Eevenues in any considerable way, I desire it may
be imployed to the use of His People ; that is, for the
taking off such Taxes or Burthens from them as they
chiefly groane under, and by a Temporary necessity
onely imposed on them; which being thus supplied
will certainly best content the King, and satisfie His
People ; which, I dare say, is the continual Tend of all
your indefatigable pains, and the perfect demonstrations
of your Zele to His Majesty, and an evidence that the
Kingdoms Trust is justly and deservedly reposed in
you. And if ever Parliament acquitted themselves
thereof, it is this of yours, composed of most deserving
and qualified Persons; qualified, I say, with your
affection to your Prince, and with a tenderness to His
People ; with a bountiful heart towards Him, yet a
frugality in their behalfs.

TO THE CENTURY. 383

Go on therefore chearf'ully (my Lords and Gentle
men) and not onely our gracious King, but the King of
Kings, will reward you, the Prayers of the People will
attend you, and His Majesty will with thankful arms
embrace you. And be pleased to make use of me and
my endeavours to enrich them, not my self; such being
my onely request unto you, spare me not in what your
Wisdoms shall find me useful, who do esteem my self
not onely by the Act of the Water-commanding Engine
(which so chearfully you have past) sufficiently re
warded, but likewise with courage enabled to do ten
times more for the future ; and my Debts being paid,
and a competency to live according to my Birth and
Quality setled, the rest shall I dedicate to the service
of our King and Countrey by your disposals: and
esteem me not the more, or rather any more, by what
is past, but what 's to come ; professing really from my
heart, that my Intentions are to out-go the six or seven
hundred thousand pounds already sacrificed, if coun
tenanced and encouraged by you, ingenuously confessing
that the melancholy which hath lately seized upon me
(the cause whereof none of you but may easily guess)
hath, I dare say, retarded more advantages to the
public service than modesty will permit me to utter :
And now revived by your promising favours, I shall
infallibly be enabled thereunto in the Experiments
extant, and comprised under these heads practicable
with my directions by the unparallel'd Workman both
for trust and skill, Caspar Kaltoffs hand, who hath
been these five-and-thirty years as in a school under
me imployed, and still at my disposal, in a place by
my great expences made fit for publick service, yet
lately like to be taken from me, and consequently from
the service of King and Kingdom, without the least
regard of above ten thousand pounds expended by me,

384 DEDICATION

and through my Zele to the Common good ; my Zele, I
say, a field large enough for you (my Lords and Gentle
men) to work upon.

The Treasures buried under these heads, both for
War, Peace, and Pleasure, being inexhaustible; I
beseech you pardon me if I say so ; it seems a Vanity,
but comprehends a Truth ; since no good Spring but
becomes the more plentiful by how much more it is
drawn, and the Spinner to weave his web is never
stinted but further inforc'd. The more then that you
shall be pleased to make use of my Inventions, the
more Inventive shall you ever find me, one Invention
begetting still another, and more and more improving
my ability to serve my King and you ; and as to my
heartiness therein there needs no addition, nor to my
readiness a spur. And therefore (my Lords and Gen
tlemen) be pleased to begin, and desist not from
commanding me till I flag in my obedience and
endeavours to serve my King and Country.

For certainly you'lfrnd me breathless Jirst t' expire^
Before my hands grow weary, or my leys do tire.

Yet abstracting from any Interest of my own, but as a
Fellow- Subject and Compatriot will I ever labour in the
Vineyard, most heartily and readily obeying the least
summons from you, by putting faithfully in execution,
what your Judgments shall think fit to pitch upon
amongst this Century of Experiences, perhaps dearly
purchased by me, but now frankly and gratis offered to
you. Since my heart (methinks) cannot be satisfied in
serving my King and Country, if it should cost them
any thing ; As I confess when I had the honour to be
neare so obliging a Master as His late Majesty of happy
memory, who never refused me his Ear to any reason
able motion : And as for unreasonable ones, or such as
were not fitting for him to grant, I would rather to

TO THE CENTURY. 385

have dyed a thousand deaths, then ever to have made
any one unto him.

Yet whatever I was so happy as to obtain for any
deserving Person, my Pains, Breath and Interest im-
ployed therein satisfied me not, unless I likewise
satisfied the Fees ; but that was in my Golden Age.

And even now, though my ability and means are
shortened, the world knows why my heart remains
still the same ; and be you pleased (my Lords and
Gentlemen) to rest most assured, that the very com
placency that I shall take in the executing your
Commands shall be unto me a sufficient and an
abundantly-satisfactory reward.

Vouchsafe therefore to dispose freely of me, and
whatever lieth in my power to perform ; first, in order
to His Majesty's service ; secondly, for the good and
advantage of the Kingdom ; thirdly, to all your satis
factions, for particular profit and pleasure to your
individual selves, professing that in all and each of
the three respects I will ever demean my self as it best
becomes,

My Lords and Gentlemen,

Your most passionately-bent Fellow-Subject in
His Majesty's service, Compatriot for the
publick good and advantage, and a most
humble Servant to all and every of you,

WOKCESTEE.

A CENTURY

OF THE

Names and Scantlings of
Inventions by me already
practised.

[*#* The numerals refer to variations in the reading, afforded by the Harleian
MS. ; except when marked P, to distinguish the unauthorised and other alterations
made by Mr. Partington, in his edition of 1825.]

I.

Several sorts of Seals, fome Shew
ing by femes, others by gages, faft-
ening or unfaftening all the marks
at once ; others by additional points
and imaginary places, proportionable
to ordinary1 Efcocheons2 3 and Seals
at Arms, each way palpably and
punctually fetting down (yet private
from all others, but the Owner, and
by his aflent) the day of the Mo-
neth, the day of the Week, the
Moneth of the Year, the Year of
our Lord, the names of the Wit-

1 Escoelicon is the old heraldic term. 3 Escucheons. MS. 3 Escutcheons. P.

2 o 2

388 THE CENTURY,

nefles, and the individual place
where anything was fealed, though
in ten thoufand feveral places, to
gether with the very number of
lines contained in a Contract, where
by falfification may be difcovered,
and manifeftly proved, being upon
good grounds fufpe6ted.

Upon any of thefe Seals a man
may keep Accompts of Receipts
and difburfments from one Far
thing to an hundred millions, punc
tually fhewing each pound, {hilling,
peny or farthing.

By thefe feals likewife any Letter,
though written but in Englifli, may
be read and underftood in eight
feveral languages, and in Englifli it
felf to clean contrary and different
fenfe, unknown to any but the
Correfpondent, and not to be read
or4 underftood by him neither, if
opened before it arrive unto him ;
fo that neither Threats, nor hopes
of Reward, can make him reveal
the fecret, the Letter having been
intercepted, and firft opened by the
Enemy.

4 nor to be.

WITH NOTES. 389

\_Seals abundantly-significant^ Under this title
the present article is referred to in the u Index," given
by the Marquis, at the end of the first edition of his
a Century," while the articles themselves are only dis
tinguished by consecutive numerals. Therefore, with
out deranging the original form of the u Century,"
the designation of the several articles will appear
throughout, as above, at the head of each comment.

The author, never having met with any attempt to
elucidate the mechanical arrangement here suggested,
communicated a plan that occurred to him in 1829,
soon after reading the foregoing, which was as follows: —
A Cipher Seal. Amidst the variety of inventions
for giving security to property, few improvements
have been made in seals or signets. I shall proceed
to describe a cipher seal, which, though not, perhaps,
so "abundantly significant" as those described by
the Marquis of Worcester, might, nevertheless, be
applied to very important uses, inasmuch as the face
of the seal may be varied at pleasure.

Fig. 1. A, the seal handle ; B,
• mJI the seal made moveable on the

pivots at c c.

Fig. 2. Ts a section of the
seal. It consists of two metal
plates, B B, and D D, having a
c number of corresponding holes
€ ipoooQQooooojl drilled through them, as at a a a a,
HB~ and b b b 5, into which the ends

2 B | JHMhJmm tl n °f smaU rollers, ab,ab, are made

to fit and turn exactly. When

all the holes are supplied with rollers, the plates, B B,
D D, are retained at a proper distance by a metal rim,
soldered to the edges of the plates. The ends of the
rollers being thus exposed, and ground level with the

QOQOOOQQQOQ I

390 THE CENTURY,

surface of each plate, are to have a groove cut in each,
similar to a screw head ; this is to be effected by cutting
lines from end to end of the plate, as shown at e e, e e,
Fig. 1. With a graver a small dot is next to be made,
all to the right on one plate, and all to the left on the
other ; or, vice versa, of each line occupying the small
circular end of each roller. It is now evident that, by
using a small chisel-shaped steel instrument, or key,
with which to turn the roller, the small dotted line on
its end, may be so varied as to form any alphabetical
arrangement.

The position of the dotted line admits of sufficient
variety to take in 24 letters, distinct enough to the
eye, without increasing the size of the seal. In this
alphabet only three variations are supposed to be made
from the horizontal and perpendicular, one very slight
on either side, the other greater, and the third at an
angle of 45°. It only requires a transposition of the
letters to produce a correspondence which shall be
private between two persons. The use of two faces
to the seal is obvious, one serving to compose on, and
the other, being a reverse, to make an impression on the
wax. Were this not the case, a sentence would have
to be written from right to left. Its use might be mul
tiplied by making each cipher refer to an entire word
or sentence; as, if a, stood for men"; £, for horses;
c, food; d, money; and so forth: a mode which it
would be next to impossible for any third party to
decipher. — See Mechanics' Mag. vol. x.

2.

How ten thoufand Perfons may
ufe thefe feals to all and every of
the purpofes aforefaid, and yet keep

WITH NOTES. 3(J1

their fecrets5 from any but whom
they pleafe.

5 secrets private.

\_Seals private and particular to each owner.'] The
present is one of those articles of a nature already
noticed in the introduction, which can scarcely be
classed as an independent invention ; it is in fact little,
if any, more than some intricate application of the
foregoing, a mere step beyond the more obvious
employment of such seals. We may consider the first
as the instrument, and No. 2 as an ingenious table, by
the aid of which to construct alphabets, words, or
sentences.

3-

A Cypher and Character so con
trived, that one line, without returns
and6 circumflexes, Hands for each and
every of the 24. Letters ; and as
ready to be made for the one letter
as the other.

6 or— for and.

[An one-line Cypher.~\ A line to be continuous, and
yet capable of signifying a series of letters, must be
curved. A method of performing this occurred to the
author some years ago, which affords a very simple key,
being composed from the Circle and the Ellipsis, and
can be, therefore, very readily kept in mind. The
first affords only one figure, the second can be varied
to one vertical and two inclined figures, and all can
be again varied as to size, but for convenience only
three gradations are recommended, as four or more
would increase the difficulty of writing accurately.

392 THE CENTURY,

These varieties are shown in the annexed diagram —

t v w x y z

where each is described three-fold, with a horizontal
line through the centre. Each figure thus affords three
varieties of size above, and three below the line, making
six figures each, or twenty-four in all, as curvilinear
signs for letters. These taken in rotation, may be
extended as above, or in any arbitrary order, and each
employed, as in short-hand, to signify letters, syllables,
or words. In practice it is only requisite to bear in
mind the three gradations of size, so as never to mis
take the middle semicircle for the outer ones. This is
to be avoided by invariably making the small figure as
small as possible, and the greater figure as large as space
will permit.

4-

This invention refined, and fo
abreviated that a point onely fhew-
eth diftin&ly and fignificantly any
of the 24. letters ; and thefe very
points to be made with two pens,
fo that no time will be loft, but as
one finger rifeth the other may
make the following letter, never
clogging the memory with feveral

WITH NOTES. 393

figures for words, and combination7
of letters ; which with eafe, and
void of confufion, are thus fpeedily
and punctually, letter for letter, fet
down by naked and not multiplied
points. And nothing can be lefs
then a point, the Mathematical de
finition of8 being Cujus pars nulla.
And of a motion9 no fwifter imagi
nable then1 Semiquavers or ReleJJjes,
yet applicable to this manner of
writing.

7 combinations. P.

8 of it. MS. and P. 9 motion, equally as swift as semiquavers. P.

1 than what expresseth even.

[Reduced to a Point."] A man of the Marquis of
Worcester's ingenious cast of mind could readily have
made up the entire "Century" out of these systems of
alphabets and secret writing. He may have been
acquainted with "Traict6 des Chiffres, ou Secretes
Manieres d'escrire, par Blaise de Vigenere, Bourbon-
nois." 4to. Paris, 1586 — now very scarce ; but indeed
there were many learned works on the subject, among
which Trithemius's " Libri Polygraphia VI," 1600,
was conspicuous. The long disuse of such methods of
secretly conveying information, has reduced the cle
verest of these systems of Cryptographia in public
estimation. But, at the same time, these inventions
were quite consistent with the early times in which the
Marquis flourished. We shall see, in the next article,
what probably illustrates this proposed use of a mere
point or dot.

394 THE CENTURY,

5-

A way by a Circular motion,
either along a Rule or Ring-wife,
to vary any Alphabet, even this of
Points, fo that the felf-fame Point
individually placed, without the leaft
additional mark or variation of
place, {hall Hand for all the 24.
letters, and not for the fame letter
twice in ten fheets writing ; yet as
eafily and certainly read and known,
as if it flood but for one and the
felf-fame letter conftantly iignified.

[Varied significantly to all the 24. letters. ~\ This
and the former article may certainly be taken in con
nection with each other ; and the cipher engraved in
No. 3, would seem to anticipate the present proposal
of " a circular motion along a rule/' The " ring-wise"
method may have been no more than a substitution
for the octagon or any other figure. We fortunately find
among the Harleian MSS. in the British Museum, No.
2428, a probable clue to this particular method of
writing, which we shall give entire. It forms the first
portion of the small oblong folio volume containing
the Manuscript Century at the end, with many inter
vening blank pages between them. It is as follows : —

u An explanation of the most exact and most com
pendious way of short writing. And an example given
by way of Questions, and Resolves upon each significant
point, proving how, and why, it stands for such and such
a letter, in order Alphabetically placed in every page.

WITH NOTES. 395

u A. Q. How is a point made to signifie an A. Resol.
By being placed between the constant center
of the square and the right side thereof in a
streight line not touching it. [See diagram at the
end].

It is proved by drawing a line from the said
center towards, and not to touch the right
side line, and then you will finde the line
placed under an A of the Alphabett in each
page.

44 B. Q. How is a point made to signifie a B. Ees.
By being placed between the center of the
square, towards the right corner upper angle of
the Octagon, or square devided in to eight
Angles, not touching the line thereof.

It is proved by drawing an oblique line from
the center, towards the right corner upper
angle, yett not touching the line thereof, and
then you will finde it to bee the line placed
under a B, in the Alphabett of each page.
In like manner lett there be a Question, and a
Proofe made of all the other Letters in order
and you will finde —

a G. The C. to bee placed in a streight line from the
center upwards, but not arriving to the upper
side line of the square.
44 D. The D. in an oblique line towards the left upper

corner line but not touching it.
44 E. The E. in a streight line between the center of

the left side line, butt not touching it.
44 F. The F. in an oblique line downwards, towards

the left angle line, butt not touching it.
41 G. The G. in a streight line downwards from the
center, likewise towards the lower line of the
square not touching it.

396 THE CENTURY,

44 H. The H. in an oblique line downwards towards

the right angle line, butt not touching it.
44 1. The I. in a streight line from the center to the

midle of the right side line.
44 K. The K. in an oblique line from the center to the

right upper angle touching it.
46 L. The L. in a streight line from the center upwards,

and touching the upper line.
"M. The M. in an oblique line from the center

towards the left upper corner line touching it.
44 N. The N. in a streight line from the center to the

midle of the left side line.

44 0. The 0. in an oblique line from the center down
wards, towards the left corner touching the line

thereof.

44 P. The P. in a right line from the center down
wards touching the lower side line.
44 Q. The Q. in an oblique line downwards towards

the right corner touching the line thereof.
44 K. The K. in a streight line from the center to the

outside, and furthest line of the right midle and

opposite chequer touching it.
44 S. The S. in an oblique line from the center, and

passing the right upper corner line.
44 T. The T. in a streight line from the center and

passing the upper-side line of the square.
44V. The V. in an oblique line from the center

upwards passing the left upper corner line.
44 W. The W. in a streight line from the centre to the

left outside and furthest line of the left midle

and opposite chequer.
44 X. The X. in an oblique line downwards passing the

left lower corner line.
44 Y. The Y. in a streight line downwards passing the

lower side or bottome line.

WITH NOTES. 397

" Z. The Z. in an oblique line downwards passing the
right corner line of the square.

u The Chequers are five in number, which
of either outside show the vowells, and each
Chequer haveing two corners inwards of each
side make tenn, those towards the preceding
square may conteyne of the 24 letters, and the
opposite corners as many Alphabetically, and
the centers of the two upper Chequers square,
and of the two lower shew the other 4 letters;
The 20 in the Chequers are noted by a separa
tion of a corner in the printed Alphabett, and
the 4 by the rnidde points.

"It is for curiosity and secresy to bee deservedly
observed that whether in squares or chequers single
points only stand for letters, and they being varyed att
pleasure, it is in any ones power to keepe his secrett
from me or any other not made acquainted with the
denominations by him given to the severall points, and
accordingly by him marked in the 24 blank squares,
and rowes of chequers placed under the Alphabett in
his private explanation easily to be framed by him
mutatis mutandis, only that is making the questions
and resolves according to his points as they represent
the letters to his owne fancy keept private from others
without his consent.

" The points are to bee written, and reade as they
precede, or as they are the one above the other, unlesse
they have a sequell distinction made by takeing the
penn of the paper thus v without further losse of tyme,
and such as are soe marked, must be written and read as
the others they being soe made, but for husbanding
of paper, the word being soe conteyned in lesse roome,
the e at the end of most words prolonging butt the
sillablc. and all needlesse and unsounding letters are to

i O

398 THE CENTURY,

bee omitted ; I will not trouble you with more rules
leaving the rest to practice."

The preceding description is written on small oblong
pages, which measure Hi by 7i inches, the whole
surface of the unwritten portions being covered with
an engraved pattern, of which Fig. 1 is but a portion of

-H-

-H+

the top left-hand corner, and therefore proceeds no
further than letter A, which ends the application of that
particular figure.

Fig. 2. Gives the next form for 8 other
similar situations, commencing at i. And —
Fig. 3. Is again 8 more, commencing at r ;
making in all 24 characters or letters.

We thus see how, whether by a dot, or a
short line of three gradations in length, an
entire alphabet may be obtained.

On page 180 of " The Life of the Marquis of Wor
cester," is the facsimile of a letter written by his
Lordship about 1646-7, apparently adopting this very
cipher. It occurs in a volume, entitled u Carte Papers,
1634-57. Ireland, No. 63," in the Bodleian Library.

It is worth remarking here, that the foregoing des
cription, with its accompanying brass-plate engravings,
looks exceedingly like an instalment of his promise,
conveyed to us in the concluding lines of the 100th
Article.

WITH NOTES. 399

6.

How at a Window, far as Eye
can difcover2 black from white, a
man may hold difcourfe with his
Correfpondent, without noife made
or notice8 taken ; being, according
to occafion given and means afford
ed, Ex re nata, and no need of Pro-
vifion before-hand ; though much
better if forefeen, and means pre
pared for it, and a premeditated
courfe taken by mutual confent of
parties.

2 discern. 3 noise— for, notice. P.

7-

A way to do it by night as well
as by day, though as dark as Pitch
is black.

\A mute and perfect discourse by colours.~\
[To hold the same by night J]

These two may be ranked as the same system, . the
one used by day, the other illuminated to be conspicuous
at night. As early as 1658, John Baptista Porta, in
his u Natural Magick," entitled the last chapter of his
16th Book, " By night we may make signs by fire."

We have here a simple system of telegraphy, the
only examples afforded by the "Century," of this
particular mode of correspondence.

400 THE CENTURY,

8.

A way how to level and fhoot
Cannon by night as well as by day,
and as directly; without a platform
or meafures taken by day, yet by a
plain and infallible rule.

[_To Level Cannons by Night.~] In 1587 was pub
lished, " The Arte of shooting in great Ordnaunce" by
William Bourne. Among other matters in the table
of contents are the following : — •

44 The 10th Chapter showeth how to mount a mortar
piece, for to lay the shot at any distance appointed.

44 The 13th Chapter is, how to give level at a mark
upon a hill or valley with a quadrant.

44 The 24th Chapter is, how for to batter the walls of
any town, as well by night as by day.

44 The 25th Chapter doth declare how to plant ord
nance by night, to batter the walls of any town, or
displace any ordnance in any bulwarks, or any such
other like, as well by night as by day." And —

44 The 26th Chapter doth declare how for to keep a
haven, or river, on the sea coast, for to sink a ship, as
well by night as by day in all points."

On the subject of levelling great guns, Fludd's
44Historia Macrosmi," 1618, would afford abundant
suggestions, with three copper-plate engravings, show
ing the operation of using the quadrant.

9- I

An Engine, portable in ones
Pocket, which may be carried and
fattened on the infide4 of the great-

4 the side.

WITH NOTES. 401

est Ship, Tanquam aliud agens, and
at any appointed minute, though a
week after, either of day or night,
it (hall irrecoverably fink that Ship.

[A Ship-destroying Engim.~] In 1578, William
Bourne, in his " Inventions or Devices," had in the
1 7th article, suggested, " How for to sink a ship that
hath laid you aboard, without shooting of ordnance."

And again in his " Arte of shooting in great ord-
naunce," published in 1587, the 56th Chapter, suggests
a mode " to sink a ship."

The whole passage in the " Century" is abundantly
obscure. The smallness of the Engine suggests some
explosive missile, connected with clock-work, as the only
means to insure its being compact and operating on a
precise day at a stated point of time. But his inventive
faculty once stimulated, even by the notices of Bourne,
would speedily lead him to many ingenious contrivances.

IO.

A way from a mile off to dive
and fallen a like Engine to any
Ship, fo as it may punctually work
the fame effect either for time or
execution.

[How to be fastened from aloof and under water. ~\ The
wording of this article so far differs from the title as to
allude only to diving, or a kind of submarine navigation,
but gives no intimation of the fastening "aloof;" so
that this latter may refer to any part of the ship's
sides above her water-line.

" Mersennius," observes Bishop Wilkins, " doth
largely and pleasantly descant concerning the making

2 D

402 THE CENTURY,

of a ship, wherein men may safely swim under water."
He further declares, that " such a contrivance is feasible,
and may be effected, is beyond all question, because
it hath been already experimented here in England
by Cornelius Dreble." He next considers various
schemes, and mentions as one of the advantages of
such a submarine vessel, that, u It may be of very
great advantage against a navy of enemies, who by
this means may be undermined in the water and blown
up."— Math. Magick, 1648, p. 178.

Among the Sloane MSS. No. 4159, in the British
Museum, is one for a means of destroying an entire fleet
with one ship. It is endorsed, " A proposition sent to
Mr. Augier, from Paris," and the folio wing is a copy : —
" A person who makes profession of honour, and saith
he hath had the good [fortune ?] to have been known
of Sir Oliver Flemming during his public employments
abroad, doth propound to a friend of yours that by a
secret he hath he can, with one ship alone, break
what naval army or fleet, &c."

In 1596, the celebrated John Napier, of Merchiston,
wrote a statement of four " Secret Inventions," con
cluding with the remark : " These inventions, besides
devices of sailing under the water, with divers other
devices and stratagems for harming of the enemies, by
the grace of God, and work of expert craftsmen, I hope
to perform." The original MS. anno 1596, is in the
Lambeth Library, No. 658.

There is an article in Tilloch's " Philosophical Maga
zine," Vol. 18, for 1804, reviewing a Memoir of Lord
Napier of Merchiston. On his device for sailing under
water, the writer observes: — u The famous Dutch
philosopher, Cornelius Drebell, the reputed inventor
of the microscope and the thermometer, constructed for
James I. a subaqueous vessel, which he tried on the

WITH NOTES. 403

Thames, and which carried twelve rowers, besides some
passengers, for whom the effete air was again rendered
respirable by a liquor, the composition of which Drebell
never would communicate to more than one person,
and that person told Mr. Boyle what it was." The
Marquis, might, likewise, even be acquainted with
Napier's statement of his secret inventions.

Evelyn, in his Diary, informs us on the 1st of August,
1666, "I went to Dr. Keffler, who married the
daughter of the famous chymist, Drebbell, inventor of
the bodied scarlet." On which his editor, Mr. Bray,
remarks, u Cornelius Van Drebbell, born at Alkmaar,
in Holland, in 1572 ; but in the reign of Charles I.
settled in London, where he died in 1634. He was
famous for other discoveries in science — the most im
portant of which was the thermometer. He also made
improvements in microscopes and telescopes; and
though, like many of his scientific contemporaries,
something of an empiric, possessed a considerable
knowledge of chemistry, and of different branches of
natural philosophy." — Diary, vol. ii. p. 9.

Pepys, in his Diary, under date the 14th of March,
1662, says : " This afternoon came the German, Dr.
Kimffler, to discourse with us about his engine to blow
up ships. We doubted not the matter of fact, it being
tried in Cromwell's time, but the safety of carrying
them in ships *, but he do tell us, that when he comes
to tell the King his secret, for none but the Kings,
successively, and their heirs must know it, it will
appear to be of no danger at all."-— Pepys' Diary, ed.
1858, vol. i. p. 264.

Dr. Robert Hooke, in his " Philosophical Collections,"
published in 1679, has " an account of Jo. Alphon.
Borellius's De Mo. Animalium," two volumes quarto,
containing, among other things, " A way to make a

2 D 2

404 THE CENTURY

submarine vessel, whereby several persons may pass
together from place to place under water, accommo
dated with two ways to move it to and fro, and to
make it rise and sink in the water, &c. It is supposed
it may be much like that which Mersennus long since
published."

The American engineer, Robert Fulton, turned his
attention to this subject, and published "Torpedo War,
and Sub-marine Explosions," 4to. New York, 1810.

I I.

How to prevent and fafeguard
any Ship from fuch an attempt by
day or night.

[How to prevent both.~] Some armour or alarum is
probably proposed, which should be either invulnerable,
or when struck indicate the presence of the enemy's
" portable pocket engine," intended " irrecoverably to
sink the ship ;" not by merely perforating a single hole,
but by a powerful disruptive explosion, rending asunder
all the timbers. But the whole passage is so abundantly
obscure that all opinion on the matter goes for very
little.

12.

A way to make a Ship not pof-
fible to be funk though ihot4 an
hundred times betwixt wind and
water by Cannon, and fhould5 lose
a whole Plank, yet in half an hours
time ihould be made as fit to fail as
before.

4 shot at. P. 3 she lose. P.

WITH NOTES, 405

\_An unsiiikable Ship.~\ As early as 1583, appeared
" A Note of sundry sorts of Engines," without the
author's name. The 20th and last of these is : — u To
preserve a boat from drowning and the people that be
therein/' See J. O. Halliwell's Eara Mathematica.

Considering the state of ship-building in 1655,
the foregoing plan must have been some very primitive
scheme ; but, rendering vessels unsinkable, has long
been a favourite subject with inventors.

How to make fuch false Decks
as in a moment fhould kill and take
prifoners as many as fhould board
the Ship, without blowing the6
Decks up, or deftroying them from
being reducible, and in a quarrer7 of
an hours time fhould recover their
former fhape, and be made fit for
any imployment without discover
ing the fecret.

0 the real. P. 7 read quarter.

[False destroying DecJcs.~\ William Bourne, in his
" Inventions of Devices," 1578, devotes the u Third
device" to show — u How to use a plain or open deck
hatches, that it is not possible to enter the ship without
spoiling of the enemies."

14.

How to bring a force to weigh
up an Anchor, or to do any forcible
exploit in the narroweft or8 loweft

8 and — for, or.

406 THE CENTURY,

room in any Ship, where few hands
{hall do the work of many; and
many hands applicable to the fame
force, fome ftanding, others fitting,
and9 by virtue of their feveral helps
a great force augmented in little
room, as effectual as if there were
fufficient fpace to go about with an
Axle-tree, and work far from the
Centre.

9 and yet.

[Multiplied strength in little room.'] We shall have to
allude to the ambiguous use of the word u force" in
the same sentence, as indicating " strength, power, &c."
or, " a pump, or pump plunger," in John Bate's, and
other old works on mechanics. Now if we were to
read this, " How to bring the force [or plunger of a
pump] to weigh up an anchor, &c., and many hands
applicable to the same force [or pump], &c." — we
should have a statement strongly indicating the modern
contrivance of the hydraulic press. The concluding
portion of the sentence only serves to strengthen this
suggestion. See " force" used in No. 21.

In 1594, Edmund Jentill, writing to Lord Burghley,
mentions, as his fourth invention : — " A devise whereby
two men may be sufficient to weigh the weightiest
anchor in her Majesty's navy, with greater expedition
than it is now done with the number now used." Also,
" The like device is found for the hoisting of the main-
yard with the like expedition." — MS. Lansdown, 113,
Art. 4: and, " Letters on Scientific Subjects," edited by
J. 0. Halliwell, F.E.S. 8vo. 1841. '

WITH NOTES. 407

J5-

A way1 how to make a Boat
work it felf againft Wind and Tide,
yea both without the help of man
or beaft ; yet2 fo that the Wind or
Tide, though dire£lly oppofite, fhall
force the Ship or Boat againft it felf;
and in no point of the Compafs, but
it fhall be as effectual, as if the wind
were in the Pupp,3 or the ftream
actually with the courfe it is to
fleer, according to which the Oars
shall row, and neceflary motions
work and move towards the defired
Port or point of the Compafs.

1 A way — omitted. 3 but — for yet. 3 poop. P.

[_A Boat driving against wind and tide.~\ The word
ing of tliis article is varied as follows in the MS. of
certain of his Inventions. See Appendix A. He
therein states : —

" By this (his quintessence of motion), I can make a
vessel, of as great burden as the river can bear, to go
against the stream ; which, the more rapid it is, the
faster it shall advance. And the moveable part that
works it, may be, by one man, still guided, to take the
best advantage of the stream ; and yet to steer the boat
to any point. And this engine is applicable to any
vessel or boat, whatsoever, without being, therefore,
made on purpose ; and work these effects : — It roweth ;
it draweth ; it driveth, if need be, to pass London bridge
against the stream, at low water. And a boat lying

408

THE CENTURY,

at anchor, the engine may be used for loading or
unloading."

He made this invention one of the four subjects in
his Patent of 1661 (see Appendix B), which again varies
the reading ; but this last plainly indicates the motive
power as having been a mill. He proposes in his patent
specification : — " To make a boat that roweth, draweth,
or setteth even against wind or stream, yea, both, and to
any part of the compass which way soever the stream runs
or wind blows, and yet the force of the wind or stream
causeth its motion, nothing being required but a steers
man ; and whilest the boat stayeth to be loaded or
unloaded, the stream or wind shall perform such work
as any water-mill or wind-mill is capable of."

Among the Harleian MSB. in the British Museum,
there is an Italian book of sketches on parchment, No.
3281, attributed to the 15th century, entitled, " Deli-
neationes Machinarum ;" from one of the pen and ink
drawings of which the annexed engraving is a reduced
copy. It is a paddle boat of a very primitive form, to
be operated by men working at two crank handles.
The Marquis seems to have had a very similar idea,
only employing the mechanical arrangements of a
suitable wind or water-mill.

WITH NOTES. 409

In that fine work, " Vitruvia de Architectural' folio,
Como, 1521, there is an engraving of a large vessel
propelled by paddles, worked by animal power;
therefore, so far as such a mode of propulsion is
concerned, paddle-wheels are of very ancient origin.
In 1574, Ealph Kabbards* presented to Queen Eliza
beth, through the medium of the venerable Lord Burgh-
ley, a list of twenty-five inventions. The 24th is : — " The
rarest engine that was ever invented for sea service.
A vessel in manner of a galley or galliotte to pass upon
the seas and rivers without oars or sail, against wind
and tide, swifter than any that ever hath been seen ;
of wonderful effect both for intelligence, and many
other admirable exploits, almost beyond the expectation
of man."

William Bourne, in his " Inventions or Devices,"
published in 1578, most of which he claims to be his
own projects, yet acknowledging some to have been
borrowed, offers the following in the 19th Device
without comment : — " And furthermore you may make
a boat to go without oars or sayle, by the placing of
certain wheels on the outside of the boat, in that sort,
that the arms of the wheels may go into the water, and
so turning the wheels by some provision, and so the
wheels shall make the boat to go."

This is followed by another application, being the
20th Device : — " And also, they make a water-mill in
a boat, for when that it rideth at an anchor, the tide or
stream will turn the wheels with great force, and these
mills are used in France, &c."

In 1583, proposals were made for 20 different inven
tions, but the author's name does not appear. The

* From the Lansdown MSS. 121. Sec also Letters Illustrative of Science.
Edited by J. O. Halliwcll, F.K.S. &c. 8vo. 1841.

410 THE CENTURY,

19th is : — " To make a boat to go fast on the water with
out oar or saile ;" but this is all we learn of his project.
See " Kara Mathematica," edited by J. 0. Halliwell,
F.E.S. &c. 8vo. 1841.

In 1594, Edmund Jentill addressed to Lord Burgh-
ley two communications respecting his inventions.
The last he names thus: — u A device wonderful strange
is also found out, whereby a vessel of burden may easily
and safely be guided both against wind and tide." MS.
Lansdown, 113, Art. 4; and " Letters on Scientific
Subjects," edited by J. 0. Halliwell, F.R.S. &c. 8vo.
1841.

Cressy Dymock, in his letter published by Hartlib in
the u Legacie ; or an enlargement of the Discourse of
Husbandry," 4to. 1651, describing what he saw at
Wicklesen, mentions — u a pretty kind of Pinnace
with ordinance, somewhat like a close litter, but flat-
bottomed 5 which rowed with wheeles instead of oares,
imployed it seemes formerly with admirable successe,
for the taking in of Crowland, and which gave me a
proofe of what I for many years have thought possible,
and of very great use and service, and still think it of
unknowne value, if it were skilfully indeed framed, and
applyed as it might be." [p. 110.]

Samuel Cotton, on the 28th of January, 1619, ob
tained a patent for making and erecting mills upon
barges or lighters in the river Thames.

David Eamsey and Thomas Wildgoose, on the 17th
of January, 1618, patented, among various other inven
tions, one u to make boats for the carriage of burthens
and passengers run upon the water as swift in calms and
more safe in storms than boats full sailed in great
winds."

David Ramsey includes in his patent of 21st of
January, 1630, his invention " to make boats, ships,
and barges to go against the wind and tide."

WITH NOTES. 411

And Dr. Thomas Grent, on the 20th of July,
1632, patented a plan " for a more speedy passage of
calmed ships."

In 1640, Edward Ford, patented his invention,
whereby he can make all boats, &c. u go faster against
wind and tide than now they use to do, with half the
men they have formerly used."

It is stated in " Frier Bacon's discovery of the Mira
cles of Art, &c." published in 12mo. 1659, that— " It is
possible to make engines to sail withal, as that either
fresh or salt water vessels may be guided by the help
of one man, and made sail with a greater swiftness,
than others will which are full of men to help them/'
Chap. iv. p. 1 7.

In "Humane Industry," 1661, chap. 10, p. 154, it
is noticed — " The ancients had a way to drive their
ships without oar or sail, so that they could never be
wind bound." And at page 155, it is observed that —
" Scaliger doth aver, that he could make a ship that
could steer herself."

Thomas Togood and James Heyes, in 1662, pa
tented their invention for the making of ships to sail
without the assistance of wind or tide.

16.

How to make a Sea-caftle or
Fortification Cannon-proof, and4
capable of a thoufand men, yet fail-
able at pleafure to defend a paffage,
or in an hours time to divide it felf
into three Ships as fit and trimm'd
to fail as before : And even whileft

1 and — omitted. P.

412 THE CENTURY,

it is a Fort or Caftle they shall be
unanimoufly fteered, and effectually
be driven by an indifferent ftrong
wind.

[A Sea-sailing Fort.] Vitruvius, Vegetius, and
many ancient writers supply a variety of schemes to
direct an inventor's ingenuity. The idea of such a
construction, to divide into three or more sailing vessels
is likewise suggested, in many early designs, although no
doubt very different in some details. But the peculiarity
hitherto unnoticed, of the present invention, consists in
the propelling and steering by means of an artificial
current of air. It is very clear that the Marquis had
discovered some pneumatic mode of propulsion. There
is no inconsistency in the idea of the same means
being adapted for both steering and propelling alter
nately. Even within the last few years extensive ex
periments have been made, in which air-pumps were
used to compress the air beneath an inclined plane
under the stern, which in flowing upwards gave
motion to the vessel.

How to make upon the Thames
a floting Garden of pleafure, with
Trees, Flowers, Banquetting-Hou-
fes, and Fountains, Stews for all
kind of fishes, a referve for Snow
to keep Wine in, delicate Bathing-
places, and the like ; with mufick
made with5 Mills : and all in the

5 by— for with. MS. and P.

WITH NOTES. 413

middeft of the ftream, where it is
moft rapid.

[A pleasant floating Garden.'] There appears to be
little more invention here than in the contrivance of so
much variety, and the selecting of " the stream where
it is most rapid," to give motion to the water-mills to
work the bellows for producing the promised music ;
as well as to raise water high enough to obtain a pres
sure of it for making the snow. The whole offers one of
those raree-show designs in which our great-grandfathers
delighted, and the descriptions of which formed the
staple of their scientific discussions in polite society.

1 8.

An Artificial Fountain, to be
turned like an Hour-glafs by a child,
in the twinkling of an eye, it6 hold
ing great quantity7 of water, and of
force sufficient to make fnow, ice
and thunder, with a8 chirping and
fmging of birds, and fhewing of
feveral shapes and effe&s usual to
Fountains of pleafure.

6 yet—for it. MS. and P. ' quantities. P. 8 the— for a. MS. and P.

[An Hour-gl'isse Fountain^] In a MS. among the
Marquis's papers, the foregoing appears to be the inven
tion indicated under the title : — u Fountains of pleasure,
with artificial snow or hail, or thunder, and quantity
not limited." [See p. 316.]

Kircher, Schottus, and others give descriptions,
with engravings of fountains, having the external
appearance of the hour-glass. The process of turning

414 THE CENTURY,

may have been facilitated by the machine resting on
two central pivots. But it must have been of con
siderable size to produce an efficient hydraulic pressure
engine to give forth snow and ice. The thunder, &c.,
would depend on plans well understood for producing
stage effects, and their introduction here, with the
music of birds, &c. [see Article 46.] is similar to other
automatic arrangements which were the wonder and
delight of that age, and a much later period.

In 1755, an engine of peculiar construction, to raise
water from an Hungarian mine, was erected by M. Hoel,
at Chemnitz, which generated intense cold as the water
and air rushed out together, under great columnar pres
sure, causing the formation of artificial hail, projected
with amazing force 5 the effect being very analogous
to the suggestions offered by the present articles, Nos.
17 and 18.

I9' .
A little engine within a Coach,

whereby a child may ftop it, and
fecure all perfons within it, and the
Coachman himfelf, though the hor-
fes be never fo unruly9 in a full
career ; a child being sufficiently
capable to loofen1 them in what
pofture foever they should have put
themfelves, turning never fo short ;
for a child can do it in the twink
ling of an eye.

9 and running. J unloose. P.

[A Coach-saving Engine.~\ We have two other
readings of this article ; the first is the 5th article in

WITH NOTES. 415

his list of a portion of his Inventions, (see Appendix A.)
as follows : — " By this (his quintessence of motion)
I can make a child, in a coach, to stop the horses
(running away), and shall be able to secure himself, and
those that be in the coach ; having a little engine
placed therein, which shall not be perceived, in what
posture soever the horses draw. A child's force shall
be able to disengage them, from overturning the coach,
or prejudicing anybody in it."

The second reading is in his patent of 1661, (see Ap
pendix B.) wherein he offers : — "To make an engine
applicable to any coach, by which a child of six years
old may secure from danger all in the coach, and even
the coachman himself, though the horses become never
so unruly, the child being able in the twinkling of an
eye to loosen them from the coach, in what posture
soever they draw or turn, be it ever so short, or to
either hand." By means of a T-ended lever, two or four
bolts could be simultaneously drawn inwards, and the
horses thereby released with the greatest possible ease
and certainty.

20.

How to bring up water Balance-
wife, fo that as little weight or force
as will turn a Balance will be onely
needful, more then the weight of
the water within the Buckets, which
counterpoifed2 empty themfelves
one into the other, the uppermoft
yielding its water (how great a
quantity soever it holds) at the felf3-

a counterpoise, and empty. MS. and P. 3 self— omitted. P.

416 THE CENTURY,

fame time the lower-moft taketh it
in, though it be an hundred fathom
high.

[A Balance Water-work."] It is to be regretted that
we have nothing at present to aid us in offering a de
scription at all approaching the singular construction of
this hydraulic machine. There are some curious designs
given in the description of M. Grollier de Servi&re's
cabinet, 1719, but we have never seen any plan fully
realizing the effect above indicated.

21.

How to raife water conftantly
with two Buckets onely day and
night, without any other force then
its own motion, using not fo much
as any force, wheel, or fucker, nor
more pullies then one, on which
the cord or chain rolleth with a
Bucket faftened at each end. This,
I confefs,4 I have feen and learned5
of the great Mathematician Claudius^
7 his ftudies at Rome, he having
made a Prefent thereof unto a
Cardinal ; and I desire not to own
any other mens8 inventions, but if
I fet down any, to nominate like-
wife the inventor.

confess to have seen. 5 in the great Mathematician's study, Clauius at Home.
6 Clauius. 7 Clavius's Studies at Koine. P. 8 man's. MS. and F.

WITH NOTES.

417

[A Bucket-fountain^] In the present and preceding
articles the water is elevated by means of buckets,
and it was only while these pages were passing through
the press that the author perceived those precise marks
of distinction between the two methods of employing
the buckets which enables him now to offer the following
explanation of each.

As regards No. 20, it seems, at first, absurd to expect
to raise water which is to be in a balance and pass
from one bucket to the other. But let us suppose an
arrangement, as in the subjoined engraving, where
A, B, is a strong vertical wooden frame carrying six

metal or wooden pipes
C, C, which can be
moved simultaneously
up and down on centres,
a, a, being connected
by the iron rods, &, b ;
these pipes are united
with the top of six buc
kets at D, D', and with
the bottom of six other
buckets at E, E'. The
buckets D, D7, are also
connected at the bottom
with six other pipes F, F, each open at the end F, F,
and so arranged that the topmost pipe passes over a
pulley c, but the other five pipes with guide rods d, d,
at their ends, enter the top end of the five uppermost
buckets on the side E ; the pipe F, passing over c,
delivers the contents of bucket D, while the lowermost
bucket E', is being replenished, " thus the uppermost
yielding its water at the same time when the lower
most taketh it in." In the present position of the
machine the pipes C, C, are inclined, and the pipes
F, F, are horizontal, but when the bucket E' is ele-

2 E

418

THE CENTURY,

vated, then these pipes will all reverse their positions,
being connected with the buckets by means of flexible
leather hose, or suitable jointed metal tubing.

We have next to consider the present article No. 21.
The conditions stated require the use of but one pulley,
one cord, and two buckets, without any "force" or
pump plunger, or " any wheel, or sucker.'7 An arrange
ment so simple seems only possible to be attained by
some such plan as that exhibited in the illustration
given below. We have here an endless chain or cord,

A B, passing over the pulley C,
with a bucket D, at the upper
end 5 and another bucket E, at the
lower end ; the first in the act of
discharging its contents into the
trough G-, the second re-charging
with water at the level E. This
endless chain is further supplied
with a series of conical or other
shaped buckets, #, «', set on the
endless cord in a reverse direction,
so as to receive water conveyed
from an upper stream by the
spout F, by which means the
side B, of the cord will descend,
and the side A, ascend, " without any other force
than its own motion," and that "with two buckets
only, day and night." On the side «', the conical
buckets reverse and empty themselves, thereby lighten
ing the ascending side A, of the endless chain or cord.

22.

To make a River in a Garden to
ebbe and flow conftantly, though
twenty foot over, with a childs force,

WITH NOTES. 419

in fome private room or place out
of fight, and a competent diftance

from it.

[An ebbing and flowing Biver.~\ In reference to this
invention Mr. Partington has quoted Peter Bogaerts'
ingenious method of a canal lock, so contrived that, in
a model, a weight of seven pounds was made to raise
ten hundred weight of water more than four feet in a
few seconds.

But still the process of ebbing and flowing is not
made out ; it does appear, however, that its operation
requires the constant services of a boy or other
attendant, probably to keep alternately opening and
closing certain sluice arrangements, placed somewhere
concealed from view 5 the whole affording a water-
work to amuse and surprise, and forming a variety on
the usual strange schemes attached to grottos, caves,
&c. spouting water in every variety of form.

See further the comments on article No. 57, which
very probably includes the principle here employed by
the Marquis.

There is no communication in this article of fact s
requisite to direct an engineer or inventor in the ad
justment of any special kind of machinery to obtain the
desired ebbing and flowing river ; which is a novelty,
in this respect, peculiar to the Marquis of Worcester's
ingenuity. He was evidently not copying or improv
ing any anterior system of water- work. The next
article is but an application of this new system ; and
it is not until he has taken us through descriptive hints
of thirty-three totally different designs or devices, that
in No. 57, he offers " A constant water-flowing and ebbing
motion." We think the three may be taken together,
that is, No. 57, refers to the principle and mechanism,
of which Nos. 22 and 23, are mere simple applications.

2 E 2

420 THE CENTURY,

Thus, referring to what we have stated under No.
57, the purpose named in the present article might
be attained by means of two domed or bell-shaped
vessels, placed like gasometers, but otherwise immove-
able, partially immersed in a pond, or other artificial
piece of water ; which being arranged so that, by admit
ting a steam pipe into each, the contained air could be
driven out thereby, condensation would naturally
follow, or might be accelerated ; and one vessel imme
diately filling with water, while the other was emptying,
the surface of the pond or river would be kept in a
continual state of agitation, and the water might be
said to " ebb and flow constantly, though 20 feet over."

No reason is assigned for proposing this modifica
tion of water work, no advantage is pointed out, the
Marquis doubtless depending on its apparent impos
sibility for its exciting and stimulating inquiry. He
knew how the promulgation of such a wonder would
have affected his own mind, and never imagined but
that the public would feel equally inquisitive. His in
comprehensible truths are, however, often denounced,
without investigation, as though they were false.

23-

To fet a Clock in9 a Caftle, the1
water filling the Trenches about it ;2
it3 fliall fhew by ebbing and flowing
the Hours, Minutes and Seconds,
and all the comprehenlible motions
of the Heavens, and Counterlibation4
of the Earth, according to Copernicus.

9 as within a. MS and T. ' and the. 2 about it shall show the hours,

minutes, and seconds by ebbing-. 3 which— for it. P. 4 couutcrlibration.

WITH NOTES. 421

\_An ebbing and flowing Castle-clock.~\ John Bate, in
his " Mysteries of Nature and Art," 1635, at p. 45,
describes — u A water-clock, or a glasse showing the
hour of the day," by three different arrangements.

This article is further noticed in commenting on No. 57.

24.

How to increafe the ftrength of
a Spring to fuch an height,5 as to
fhoot BumbaiTes and Bullets of an
hundred pound weight a Steeple-
height, and a quarter of a mile off
and more, Stone-bow-wife, admirable
for Fire-works and aftonishing of
befieged Cities, when without warn
ing given by noife they find thern-
felves fo forcibly and dangeroufly
furprifed.

5 degree— for height. P.

[A Strength-increasing Spring.'] The technical term
BUMBASSES, or probably bombasses, here used, has
escaped the attention of all compilers of Archaic
Dictionaries. By the context we may presume it was
applied to the large stones usually fired from bombards,
and differing only from bullets in these last being made
of lead or iron.

Ancient cannon appear to have consisted of two
kinds ; a large one for discharging stones, called a
Bombard, and a lesser one for darts. In 1388, a stone
bullet, weighing 195 pounds, is related, according to
Meyrick, to have been discharged from a Bombard,
called the Trevisan. Such stone missiles may have
been of the kind called by the Marquis "bumbasses,"
and would be perhaps more properly named bombasses.

422 THE CENTU11Y,

The Stone-bow was the Prodd ; probably the
Slurbowe was furnished with a barrel through a slit,
in which the string slided, when the trigger was
pulled. Three kinds are mentioned by Du Cange.
See Fosbroke's Encyclopaedia of Antiquities, 8vo. 1840.

Bishop Wilkins, treating on Catapultee in his Ma-
tJiematicall Magick, 1648, observes that their usual form
was u after the manner of great bows placed on car
riages, and wound up by the strength of several
persons ;" adding : " These were sometimes framed
for the discharging of two or three arrows together/'

As the Marquis wrote the Century in 1655, only seven
years after Wilkins' publication, it is not at all unlikely
that he seriously contemplated the contriving of a
most useful warlike implement ; and this appears the
more reasonable when we find the worthy and learned
prelate advancing, as it appeared to him, cogent
reasons in his 19th chapter, in favour of the " Military-
offensive engines used amongst the ancients," as com
pared to cannon ; gravely summing up his observations
with the remark — " that the force of these Engines does
rather exceed than come short of our gun-powder
inventions." Then again on the ground of expense
he shows an advantage in favour of Ballistae and
Catapultee. Thus : " the price of these gun-powder
instruments is extremely expensive." This is proved
from "a whole Gannon weighing commonly 8,000
pounds, a half Cannon 5,000, a Culverin 4,500, a
Demi-culverin 3,000," which " must needs be very
costly," amounting " to several hundred pounds," for
which sum " at least 10 of the ancient timber made
engines might be purchased"!

Then their transport was a serious matter, for " a
whole Cannon does require at the least 90 men, or 16
horses," and so in proportion for others. But the

WITH NOTES. 423

timber made engines are light, and their " materials to
be found everywhere."

Then the gun-powder is costly; aa whole Cannon
requiring for every charge 40 pound of powder, and a
bullet of 64 pounds," and in proportion for lesser can
non ; whereas those other engines may be charged only
with stones. So that only for the superior force of
cannon "those ancient inventions" he conceives to be
44 much more commodious than these later inventions."

Among questions propounded and agreed upon, in
January, 1660, to be sent to Teneriffe by the Lord
Brouncker and Mr. Boyle, the fifth was, — 44 Try the
power of a stone bow, or other spring, both above and
below (the hill), and note well the difference." — Weld's
Hist. Eoyal Society, Vol. i. p. 98.

25.

How to make a Weight that can
not take up an hundred pound, and
yet fliall take up two hundred pound,
and6 at the felf-fame diftance from
the Centre ; and fo proportionately
to millions of pounds.

8 and— omitted.

[A double-drawing Engine for weights^] The articles
Nos. 25, 27, and 29 can only be taken as descriptive
of elucidatory models, demonstrative of the applica
tions of a certain principle, the result of condensa
tion. For some unaccountable reason there has
been a prevalent opinion that the Marquis was ignorant
of condensation. If such an opinion is grounded on
his not expressly alluding to it in the 44 Century," then
by the same rule it might be doubted whether he

424

THE CENTURY,

understood anything about steam ! But as the " Cen
tury" was written to remind himself, and not to inform
others of the modus operand^ it was sufficient for his
purpose to particularise only the results. We can
usually distinguish where he treads a beaten track,
the result of reading, and where his course deviates
into his " fire-water-work" experiments. The former
generally has its parallel in some old author ; but when
the same rule is attempted to be applied to measure the
others, we find we are dealing either with a new order
of things, or else with sheer paradoxes of the most
chimerical character. While, on the other hand, follow
him in his own new track of experimental research, and
we are rewarded at every step with a full and clear
exposition of the wonderfully ingenious processes of
inquiry by which he attained the perfection ascribed
by him to his u Water-commanding Engine."

In the present article it is required that a weight
shall take up double its own weight, not by the old
rule of leverage, but u at the self-same distance from the
centre.'7 In the subjoined diagram
we have two cylinders C, B, con
nected at the lower end with a steam
pipe, supplied with the steam-cock
A. A cord passing over the drum
wheel D, is connected at its ends
with the pistons B, C; and the
whole stands in a trough E.
Steam having been admitted to B,

and then cut off, condensation has

ensued, the piston B has descended
and C has been raised, and along
with it a quantity of water. Here we may take the two
pistons as representing u one hundred pound" each, and
although they balance, yet we thus find " how to make

WITH NOTES. 425

a weight" under such circumstances, nevertheless, take
up " two hundred pounds," that is, including the water.
A very similar kind of piston to the one here shown,
is suggested by Fludd, Besson, and others, to be worked
by a spiral spring, which being drawn to the bottom
of a cylindrical vessel, water may be poured in above
it, and being then tightly covered, with a lid having
either an open jet or a tap in the centre, on releasing the
spiral spring, the false bottom rising, and pressing the
liquid, causes it to escape in a jet d'eau, gradually
diminishing as the spring relaxes. The contrivance
is elaborately illustrated in the the 18th folio engraving
of Besson's " Theatrum Instrumentorum et Machina-
rum," 1578 ; the Marquis, therefore, had only to substi
tute steam for the spiral spring.

26.

To raife weight as7 well and as
forcibly with the drawing back of
the Lever, as with the thrufting it8
forwards ; and by that means to lofe
no time in motion or ftrength.
This I faw in the Arcenal at Venice?

7 so — for as. 8 of it. 9 at Venice in the arsenal.

[A to and fro Lever.~\ William Bourne offers the
following as his 112th Device, "touching the making
of engines to thrust from or pull to you with great
force or strength." He says, u And furthermore, you
may make an engine to thrust from you or to pull unto
you, to lift vp or to presse downe with great force,
eyther to goe with wheeles as before is declared, or
else to goe with skrewes or to goe with both, as to
thrust open huge and strong gates, or else you taking
good hold, to pull them open vnto you wards, and will

426

THE CENTURY,

make but little nojse in the doyng thereof, but you
must be sure to set the engine fast, if to thrust from, to
be strongly and well backed, and to pull to them it
must be strongly bolstered before, sufficient to be of
force to scrue the turne."

The Venetian arrangement may be described, as
shown in the annexed engraving, where A, B, C, is a

frame, the two upright sides of which D E, are pro
vided with a series of clicks, appearing in the drawing
like the serrated edge of a saw, and each is so placed
secured by a pin on which it moves, as always to in
cline to fall outwards. F, F, is a long lever, having a
stout short cross bar in the centre, and is represented
on the point of taking up on a click at a, while it leaves
one on the opposite J, such being the to and fro
motion required, thereby losing " no time in motion or
strength."

WITH NOTES.

427

27.

A way to remove to and fro huge
weights with a moft inconfiderable
ftrength from place to place. For
example, Ten Tunne with ten
pounds, and lefs ; the faid ten pounds
not to fall lower then it makes the
ten Tunne to advance or retreat
upon a Level.

[A most easie level DraugJit.~\ The weight is in this
case to be moved " with a most inconsiderable strength."
Ten pounds, or less, are to be capable of moving
22,400 pounds. And the precise conditions are — " the
said ten pounds not to fall lower than it makes the ten
ton to advance" The annexed engraving shows, as in
No. 25, two cylinders B, C, with their steam-pipe and

428 THE CENTURY,

valve at A, having above a platform G, on which is a
loaded truck F, attached by a cord a, at one end pass
ing over a pulley, and the drum wheel D, to the piston
B ; and a second cord at the other end passing over a
pulley at a', attached in like manner to the other piston
C. Steam having been admitted to B, on its condensa
tion the piston descending draws along with it the
weighted truck F, while the piston 0, ascends, drawing
in air at E.

We thus attain the strict letter of the conditions set
down, \hefall and the advance being equal.

28.

A Bridge portable in1 a Cart with
six horfes, which in a few hours
time may be placed over a River
half a mile broad, whereon with
much expedition may2 be tranfport-
ed Horfe, Foot and Cannon.

1 upon a. MS. and P. 2 there may be.

\_A portable Bridge.'] The great painter, Leonardo
da Vinci, born in 1452, and who died at 67 years of
age in 1520, was a man of singularly inventive talent.
Among his other projects, he declares : — " I have the
means of constructing light bridges, easy of carriage,
and equally adapted to pursue or escape an enemy,
secure from fire ; and as easy to remove as to replace ;
and also the means of destroying those of the enemy."
See an interesting Memoir of him by J. W. Brown.
12mo. 1828.

Bourne's 94th Device promises, "How you may
make a bridge upon a sudden, that a whole army of
men and their carriages may pass over any river or

WITH NOTES. 429

haven, if that it be of not too great breadth." — See his
Inventions or Devices, 1578.

Sir Hugh Plat, in his "Jewel House of Art and
Nature,1' 1653, shows, in article No. 22, " How to erect
or build over any brook, or small river, a cheap and
wooden bridge of 40 or 50 feet in length, without
fastening any timber work within the water."

A portable Fortification able to
contain five hundred fighting men,
and yet3 in fix hours time may4 be
fet up, and made Cannon-proof,
upon the fide of a River or Pafs,
with Cannon mounted upon it, and
as complete as a regular Fortifica
tion, with Half-moons and Counter-
fcarps.

3 yet — omitted. * able to be — for, may be.

[_A moveable Fortification.~\ Vegetius, in uDe re
militari," 1535, offers many similar schemes but less
ambitious than the present one ; which is, after all,
little if any more than an extension and improvement
on what had previously been more or less practised.

In his "Naturae simia seu technica," dated 1618,
Eobert Fludd, at page 421, gives a folio engraving
of a triangular fort, with six pieces of cannon and
three gunners. It appears to be on wheels, and is
pushed along by a beam running on three wheels,
having four horses yoked to it ; literally the cart before
the horse.

430 THE CENTURY,

30.

A way in one nights time to raife
a Bulwork twenty or thirty foot
high, Cannon-proof, and Cannon
mounted upon it, with men to over
look, command and batter a Towne ;
for though it contain but four Pieces,
they fhall be able to difcharge two
hundred Bullets each hour.

[A Rising Bulwork.~\ Grose, in his " Military Anti
quities," Vol. I. page 385, notices a moveable tower,
the use of which was revived by the Eoyalists in their
attack on Gloucester, during the Civil War.

In 1644, Edmond Felton, gentleman, published a
pamphlet entitled, " Engins invented to save blood and
moneys ;" the nature of which he " discovered unto
the Committee for the fortifications of the City of
London." The Honourable Major General Skippon
attested in respect of it, that the engine " was of three
tiers often muskets in a tier, to shoot arrows withal."
The inventor satisfied the Committee, " how an engine
will secure the foot from the horse, and the soldiers
from musket shot, which engine in fair ways two men
may manage at pleasure."

He complains of a piracy of his invention, observing,
" There was about twenty of the said engines made at
Oxford, and from thence carried to Gloucester, to go
up to the walls. And had not his Excellency the Earl
of Essex so happily arrived to raise the siege as he did,
it was reported by some of the army, the city was in
great fear to be taken thereby ; most of which said
engines the besiegers burnt, because they should not be
taken."

WITH NOTES. 431

In the second volume of " Bibliotheca Gloucestrensis :
a collection of scarce and curious tracts, by John Wash-
bourn, jun. Gloucester. 4to. 1825," there is a reprint
of " Corbet's Historicall relation of the Military
Government of Gloucester, 1645," which contains this
passage : u Wherefore besides their mine and battery,
they framed great store of those unperfect and trouble
some engines to assault the lower parts of the city. Those
engines ran upon wheels, with planks musket-proof
placed on the axle-tree, with holes for musket-shot and
a bridge before it, the end whereof (the wheels falling
into the ditch) was to rest upon our breast works."
Page 54.

And in the reprint of " A briefe and exact diurnall
of the siege before Gloucester, by John Dorney, Esquire,
1643," we meet with the following: — "Munday, Sep
tember 4. We understood likewise that the enemy had
by the direction of that Jesuitticall Doctor Chilling-
worth, provided great store of engines after the manner
of the Romane Testudines cum Pluteis," with which
they intended to have assaulted the parts of the city,
between the south and west gates. These engines ran
upon cart wheeles, with a blinde of plankes musquet
proofe, and holes for foure musquetiers to play out of,
placed upon the axeltree to defend the musquetiers and
those that thrust it forward, and carrying a bridge
before it ; the wheeles were to fall into the ditch, and
the end of the bridge to rest upon our brest-workes,
so making severall compleat bridges to enter the city.
After the raising of the siege, we tooke all these engines,
and brought them into the towne." — Page 225.

In the first volume of this work there is a note on the

two preceding passages, in which the editor observes :

— u The plan of these machines was borrowed from

the ancients. Various contrivances of this kind were

also employed in the middle ages, before and for a con-

432 THE CENTURY,

siderable time after the invention of fire-arms. Some
times they used them for undermining the walls. At the
siege of Ribadavia in Spain, during the reign of Richard
II. similar moveable machines were used. See Frois-
sart, viii. c. 26. Such an engine is also mentioned by
the Marquis of Worcester in his Century of Inventions."

' . 31-

A way how fafely and fpeedily
to make an approach to a Caftle or
Town-wall, and over the very Ditch
at Noon-day.

[An approaching Blinde.~\ Vegetius, in " De re mili-
tari," 1535, depicts and describes several kinds of these
ancient military blinds, screens, and other contrivances
and machines for protecting the attacking party. At
page 15 he shows a ponderous advancing screen or shield
on four wheels, and at two pages further a side view of
the same, covering a large body of soldiers. Some
have raised, hinged platforms, to be lowered for cross
ing a ditch.

Grose says : — " The cattus, cat-house, gattus or cat,
was a covered shed, occasionally fixed on wheels, and
used for covering soldiers employed in filling up the
ditch, &c." — Military Antiquities, 4to. 1801.

• : 32- . ' .

How to compofe an univerfal
Chara£ter methodical and eafie to
be written, yet intelligible in any
Language ; fo that if an Englilh-man
write it in Engliih, a French-man,5
Italian, Spaniard, Iriih,6 Welih,7

4 man — omitted. c Irish and. or Welclimau. P.

WITH NOTES. 433

being Scholars ; yea, Grecian or He-
britian {hall as perfectly underftand
it in their owne Tongue, as if they
were perfe£t8 English, diftinguishing
the Verbs from the Nouns, the
Numbers, Tenfes and Cafes as pro
perly exprefled in their own Lan
guage as it was written in English.

8 perfect — omitted. P.

[An universall Character.'] In 1668, the Royal
Society ordered the printing of " An Essay towards a
real Character, and a philosophical language $ by John
Wilkins, D. D. Dean of Eipon, and F. R. S.," folio.
It is dedicated to the president, William Lord Viscount
Brouncker, and consists of a treatise of 454 pages, to
which is appended a dictionary of 155 pages. The
very extent of such a work is almost fatal to its
acceptance, and we must admit that it is questionable
whether, with all its learning and ingenuity, it
affords a single hint calculated to promote the intended
object.

In relation to this subject, the reader, desirous
of enlarged information, could not do better than
consult the recently published " Lectures on the
Science of Language," by Professor Max Muller, M. A.

It would be highly interesting to possess any clue
whatever to the ideas of the Marquis on this subject.
He was so truthful in his statements, that he must have
made a considerable advance in the discovery of means
for obtaining the end proposed, although he may have
over-estimated its application, according to our judg
ment.

Of early publications on this topic we would espe
cially notice, u Le Caractere universe!, par lequel

2 F

434: THE CENTURY,

toutes Nations peuvent comprendre les conceptions 1'une
de 1'autre en lisant par une escriture commune, a toutes
leurpropre langage maternelle. Par Cave Beck. M. A."
London, 1657, 12mo. Also " Joh. J. Becheri Spirensis
character, pro Notitia Linguarum Universal!." Franc-
fort, 1661. And "Ars signorum, vulgo character
universalis et lingua philosophica," by Georgius Dal-
garno: a small 12mo. volume in Latin. 1661.

A system of a universal alphabet has been recently
proposed for telegraphic purposes, by means of which
it is believed all the sounds of the human speech may be
recorded and transmitted ; mastering all the sounds
which the human voice is capable of uttering in
any language. The proposed scheme is even said
to have been severely tested by many eminent lin
guists. It is to be hoped that the announced discovery
will be found to realize all it promises, and remune
rate the ingenious inventor.

33-

To write with a Needle and
Thred, white, or any9 colour upon
white, or1 any other2 colour, fo that
one flitch shall lignificantly shew
any letter, and as readily and3 as
eafily shew the one letter as the
other, and fit for any Language.

8 any other. P. ! or upon. a other— omitted. 3 and as. MS. and P

\_A Needle-alphabet.~]

34- 1

To write by a knotted Silk firing,
fo that every knot shall fignifie any

WITH NOTES. 435

letter with Comma, Full point, or
Interrogation, and as legible as with
Pen and Ink upon white Paper.

[A knotted String -alpTidbet.~\

35-
The like, by the fringe of Gloves.

[A Fringe-alpJiabet.~]

36-

By ftringing of Bracelets.

[A Bracelet-alphabet. J

\ 37-

By Pinck'd Gloves.

\_A Pinck'd Glove-alphabet.']
I . 38. ' !

By holes in the bottom of a Sieve.

[A Sieve-alphabet.~\

|| 39-

By a Lattin or4 Plate Lanthorn.5

4 or candlestick lantern. P. s plate candlestick Lanthorn.

[A Lanihorn-alphabet.~\

40.

By the Smell.

41-
By the Tafte.

2 F 2

436 THE CENTURY,

.'- ; • 42. '

By the Touch.

By thefe three Senfes as perfe£Uy,
diftinftly and unconfufedly, yea as
readily as by the fight.

\_An alphabet ~by the — Smell ; Taste ; Touch.']

43-

How to vary each of thefe, fo
that ten thoufand may know them,
and yet6 keep the underftanding
part from any but their Correfpon-
dent.

6 yet — omitted.

[A variation of all and each of these.'] We have
here ten Alphabets, concluding with a variation on
each, which, had it been given, would have at least
increased the number to twenty, but that was by no
means the limit. Cipher Alphabets are the least
interesting portion of the " Century ;" we imagine we
trace in them some of the Marquis's earliest studies,
and fancy that later in life they were retained from
fond recollections of the past.

These secret methods of corresponding are no longer
of any service, and have no interest beyond what may
attach to them in connection with the history of short
hand writing, wherein the object is rather dispatch
than secrecy. Among early writers on the art of
Senigraphy, and Stenography, are Bright, 1588, Bales
1590, Arnold Bostius, Trithemius 1600, Willis 1618,
Dix 1633, Wilkins 1641, Cartwright 1652, Rich 1654,

WITH NOTES. 437

Falconer (" The Art of Secret Information/7) 1685, with
others.

John Baptista Porta, a Neapolitan of considerable
eminence, born 1445, and who died in 1515, wrote
" De Occultis Literarium Notis, Libri quinque," Argent.
1608, octavo, in which he gives no less than 180 dif
ferent methods of secret writing.

The learned and ingenious Bishop Wilkins in 1641,
published his " Mercury, or the Secret and Swift Mes
senger."

Of line alphabets he says — "Who would mistrust
any private news or treachery to lie hid in a thread,
wherein there was nothing to be discerned, but sundry
confused knots or other the like marks ?" It is, how
ever, easily effected by each party having like tablets
marked at top with the alphabet, and having hooks
down each side for the passing and holding of a
thread worked backwards and forwards, in which
action it is to have a knot made on it for the desired
letter above ; making altogether words and sentences.

Chapter 6, is on " Secret writing with the common
letters, by changing of their places/'

In chapter 11, " Of writing by invented characters,"
he says : u There have been some other inventions of
writing by points, or lines, or figures."

Chapter 13 is, u concerning an universal character
that may be legible to all nations and languages,"
concluding with observations on " The benefit and
possibility of this."

In chapter 17, we are told u of secret and swift infor
mations by the species of sound." Among others he
names " Bells," as a species which " may be a sufficient
means, whereby to communicate the thoughts;" and in
chapter 18, he treats "concerning a language that
may consist only of tunes and musical notes, without

438 THE CENTURY,

any articulate sound." And lastly, in chapter 20, we
have " Of informations by significatory fires and
smokes."

Among the " variations" the sense of Seeing may be
employed, as proposed by Sir Hugh Plat in his " Jewel
House of Art and Nature," 1653, in which he describes
" How to speak by signs only without uttering of any
word" — using the fingers and motions with them
and the hands, which he calls a " conceited alphabet." —
Page 41.

Those who are curious in such matters, may see
more at large in Dr. W. Hooper's Eational Eecreations,
ed. 1794, 8vo. different methods of writing in cipher,
commencing at p. 143, of 1st Vol. — thus: —

To communicate intelligence by a pack of piquet
cards. — The musical dial. — The corresponding spaces.
—The musical cipher. — Eules for deciphering. — Exam
ple of a cipher written in arbitrary characters, and the
words separate from each other. — Visual correspon
dence ; and, Correspondence by bells.

44-

To make a Key of a Chamber
door, which to your light hath its
Wards and Rofe-pipe but Paper-
thick, and yet at pleasure in a mi
nute of an hour {hall become a per-
fe£t Piftol, capable to Ihoot through
a Br eft-plate commonly of Carabine-
proof, with Prime, Powder and
Firelock, undifcoverable in a ftran-
gers hand.

WITH NOTES. 439

[A Key-Pistol.~\ This mere piece of ingenuity, so
pleasing to certain mechanics in working out mechani
cal trinkets, might be effected by causing the removal
of the key handle to expose a sufficiently strong pistol
barrel, while the "rose pipe but paper thick" would
answer to receive, and perform the office of retaining
the key handle securely, by which to hold it while
firing this key-pistol. The next part of the contrivance
would be, to make the u wards'7 serve to conceal the
pistol pan, cock, &c. The description is well calcu
lated to mislead the reader, under the impression that
the barrel itself is " but paper-thick/'

45-

How to light a Fire and a Candle
at what hour of the night one awa-
keth, without rifmg or putting ones
hand out of the bed. And the
fame thing7 becomes8 a ferviceable
Piftol at pleafure ; yet by a ftranger,
not knowing the fecret, seemeth
but a dexterous Tinder-box.

7 to be a. P. 8 becomes to be.

[A most conceited Tmder-box.~\ The following note
from " Humane Industry," 1661, appears highly sug
gestive of such an instrument, although the Marquis's
invention is more elaborate. " Andrew Alciat the great
Civilian of France, had a kind of Clock in his chamber,
that should awake him at any hour of the night that
he determined, and when it struck the determined
hour, it struck fire likewise out of a flint, which fell
among tinder, to light him a candle : it was the inven
tion of one Caravagio of Sienna in Italy."

440 THE CENTURY,

46.

How to make an artificial Bird
to fly which way and as long as one
pleafeth, by or againft the wind,
fometimes chirping, other times ho
vering, ftill tending the way it is
defigned for.

[An artificial BirdJ] The third article in his list of
a portion of his inventions supplies a different reading,
thus : u By this (his 4 quint-essence of motion') I can
make an artificial bird to fly which way, and as long
as I please." [Appendix A.]

The Marquis, not to be behind the curious and in
genious men of ancient times, has here and in article
No. 18, emulated John Muller of Nuremberg, better
known as Eegiomontanus, who was born in 1436.
He is celebrated for this species of rara avis ; a self-
moving and flying eagle, and an iron fly have afforded
much matter for romantic and no doubt exaggerated
accounts of their performances; the one flying a
good way in the open air and returning ; the other
flying from the philosopher round a table and coming
back to his hand. He evinced a genius of the first
order as a great inventor, and also as a promoter of the
advancement of science.

In Ramelli's great work on various machines, folio,
1588, the 187th figure offers a detailed represen
tation of a handsomely furnished apartment, in which
a large carved sideboard sustains a gigantic vase
containing a flowering shrub, in the branches of which
six birds appear in the act of singing. The vase being a
sectional drawing, various pipes can be seen, also the
performer behind, who is blowing through a single
pipe into the body of the vase.

WITH NOTES. 441

But the highly popular work of Hero of Alexandria
promulgated several similar schemes. He shows how
to make an artificial bird sing by flowing water, or
alternately sing and be silent. See Mr. WoodcrofVs
handsome edition of Hero's Pneumatics, 4to. 1851.

William Bourne, also, in his " Inventions or Devices,"
1 578, treats of " birds of wood or metal made by art to
fly," and of others, " to sing sweetly at certain hours
appointed."

Bate, in his " Mysteries of Nature and Art," 1635,
treats, at page 24, " How to make that a bird sitting on
a basis, shall make a noise, and drink out of a cup of
water, being held to the mouth of it ;" and further,
a Advice whereby several voices of birds chirping may
be heard."

So again Isaac De Caus, in his u Eare Inventions of
Water Works," folio, 1659, at page 20, gives instruc
tions — " To counterfeit the voice of small birds by
means of water and air." And in Plate XIV. " To
represent divers birds which shall sing diversly when
an owl turns towards them ; and when the said owl
turns back again they shall cease their singing."

These later examples show that the Marquis was
neither altogether original nor singular in attempting
improvements in these automatic toys, which from the
time of Hero of Alexandria were accounted sufficiently
wonderful evidence of mechanical ingenuity to attract
the serious attention of even the most talented engi
neers of the last century. Of such mechanical achieve
ments of the ingenious a full account may be read in
Montucla's edition of Ozanam's " Mathematical Kecrea-
tions."

Volant automata, as he calls them, did not escape
the attentive consideration of Bishop Wilkins, and he
says enough on this class of mechanical curiosities to

442 THE CENTURY,

have stimulated the mechanical ingenuity of even a less
enthusiastic inventor than the Marquis of Worcester,
as of the wooden dove of Archytas, and the wooden
eagle and iron fly of Eegiomontanus.

The Marquis, if he ever perused the little treatise
just quoted, would be keenly alive to the truthfulness
of the remark that — " it is none of the meanest dis
couragements, that any strange inventions are so
generally derided by common opinion, being esteemed
only as the dreams of a melancholy and distempered
fancy ; for that saying of Virgil,

" Dem ens qui nimbos et non imitabile fulmen," &c.

" hath been an old censure applied unto such as ven
tured upon any strange or incredible attempt." — See
Math. Magick, 1648, p. 198.

The Rev. Dr. Powell, in the last chapter of his
" Humane Industry," 1661, treats of various minute
automata as — " Certain sports and extravagancies of
art," for which he offers an ingenious apology, observ
ing : "As nature hath her ludicra, so art hath hers
too ; that is, some pretty knacks that are made, not so
much for use, as to show subtil ty of wit, being made de
Gaiete de Cceur, and for pastime as it were ; yet the
workmanship and elegancy of these may justly deserve
admiration ;" concluding—" art, as well as nature, is
never more wonderful than in smaller pieces." After
describing small chains, locks, chariots, ships, clocks,
and insects, he remarks : — " though these knacks are
but little useful, and take up more time than needed to
be lost, yet they discover a marvellous pregnancy of
wit in the artificers ; and may be experimenta lucifera,
if notfrvgifera hints of greater matters."

It will not appear strange to find the inventor of the
steam engine engaged toying with an artificial bird, an
imprisoning chair, a brazen head, or a riding horse,

WITH NOTES. 443

when it is remembered that for a hundred years later
such automata were highly prized by the nobility and
gentry, and proved extemely lucrative to the public
exhibitors of such mechanical imitations of life. M.
Vaucanson's inventions were of this chararcter, attract
ing admiring audiences among the learned and the
vulgar, on the Continent and in England. A learned
society received his communication in Paris, while in
London it had the unquestionable honour of being
translated by Dr. Desaguliers, who says in his preface,
" In giving this paper an English dress, I am still
acting in my province, which has been for many years
to explain the works of art, as well as the phenomena
of nature ;" and his translation is given under the
following elaborate title : —

" An account of the mechanism of an automaton or
image playing on the German Flute : as it was pre
sented in a memoire, to the gentlemen of the Eoyal
Academy of Sciences at Paris. By M. Vaucanson,
Inventor and maker of the said machine. Together
with a description of an artificial Duck, eating, drink
ing, macerating the food, &c. As also that of another
image, no less wonderful than the first, playing on
the tabor and pipe ; as he has given an account of them
since the memoir was written. Translated out of the
French original, by J. T. Desaguliers, LL.D., F.E.S.,
Chaplain to his Eoyal Highness the Prince of Wales,
4to. 1742." [24 pages, and an engraved frontispiece.]

47-

To make a Ball of any metal,
which thrown into a Pool or Pail
of water Ihall prefently rife from
the bottom, and conftantly fhew by

444: THE CENTURY,

thejuperficies of the water the hour
of the day or night, never rifing
more out of the water then juft to
the minute it fheweth of each quar
ter of the hour ; and if by force
kept under water, yet the time is
not loft, but recovered as foon as it
is permitted to rife to thejuperfictes9
of the water.

9 surface. P.

\_An Hour Water-ball.~\ The 4th article of his
selected list of his inventions supplies the following
varied reading : —

" By these (his quintessence of Motion) I can make
a ball of silver or gold, which thrown into a pail, or
poole of water, shall arise again to the perfect hour of
any day or night. The superficies of the water shall
still show the hour distinctly ; even the minutes, if I
please.'7 See Appendix A.

Many curious specimens of these Horologies occur in
the description of M. Grollier de Servi&re's cabinet,
published 1719.

48.

A fcrued Afcent, inftead of Stairs,
with fit landing places to the beft
Chambers of each Story, with Back-
ftairs within the Noell1 of it, conve
nient for Servants to pafs up and
down to the inward Rooms of them
unfeen and private.

1 Nocll, in the MS.

WITH NOTES. 445

\_A seru'd ascent of Stairs. ,] This title does not
strictly agree with the text, for there is a material dif
ference between " a screwed ascent, instead of stairs,"
and aa screwed ascent of stairs;" the former alto
gether dispenses with stairs, giving the idea of an in
clined ascent without steps, such as is employed in the
construction of the Observatory of Copenhagen ; the
width being sufficient and the ascent so gradual, that
a carriage and four may easily be driven up to the top
circular gallery.

According to this improvement there are " back-stairs
within the noell" that is, the Noel, Nowel, Noyau, or
Newell, a term applied to the centre round which the
stairs of a circular staircase wind, and which may be
either a solid column, or an open space. Such stairs
are said to be neweled.

The great labour and expense bestowed on some
kinds of staircases is well exemplified by Evelyn in his
tour of France, who describes going to Blois, in 1664,
and seeing there a palace built by Francis the First,
the staircase of which, consisting of 2 74 steps, is men
tioned by Palladio ; he notices it as a wonderful piece of
work, from its construction having occupied 1800 work
men during twelve years. " The stayre-case (he says) is
devised with, four entries or ascents, which cross one
another, so that though four persons meet, they never
come in sight, but by small loopholes, till they land."
— Memoirs of John Evelyn, 2nd edit. 4to. vol. i.
page 59.

49.

A portable Engine, in way of a
Tobacco-tongs, whereby a man may
get over a wall, or get up again

446 THE CENTURY,

being come down, finding the coaft
proving2 3 unfecure unto him.

2 proveth insecure for him. P. 3 proveth.

[A Tobacco-tongs Engine.'] The designation here
given, when published in 1663, was doubtless generally
understood, but the smallness of the u engine," its very
nature, and not less, its long discontinuance of use,
now renders the passage obscure. It so happens,
however, that a scientific experiment, in which this
humble instrument was employed by the Honourable
Eobert Boyle, has preserved, for our information in this
matter, the true figure of the " tobacco-tongs." In the
3rd Volume of Boyle's Works, folio, published in 1744,
is recorded his pneumatical experiments on the falling
of bodies in vacuo. Treating of "New experiments
physico -mechanical, touching the spring of the air,"
illustrated by the well-known experiment of drop
ping at the same time a guinea and a feather within
an exhausted glass receiver, he says : " We so fas
tened a small pair of tobacco-tongs to the inside of the
receiver's brass cover, that by moving a turning key,
we might by a string tied to one part of them open the
tongs, which else their own spring would keep shut."
In an illustrative engraved plate, accompanying
his description, the fourth figure therein is
designed to show the tobacco-tongs," which
appear in the form of a figure of 8, as in the an
nexed diagram, where #, is the top or hand por
tion, being the largest oval, while the lower
oval J, is not above one third its size, at which point
this steel spring instrument was cut through, to form the
tong or nippers. We imagine that a side view would
be like the dotted figure 0, d, where J, shows how the
ends of these nippers were probably elongated a little,
the more readily to take up and part with the tobacco

WITH NOTES. 447

or other material. The least pressure on the oiitside
of the large oval, will extend the nippers &, d, which
again close when such pressure is removed.

But there may have been another form of such tongs,
like the letter X, or two such figures combined ; and by
increasing the series we should produce the instrument
known as the lazy -tongs, which collapse into a very
small space, yet will extend to a great distance.

50.

A complete light portable Ladder,
which taken out of ones Pocket,
may be by himfelf fattened an hun
dred foot4 high to get up by from
the ground.

4 feet. P.

\_A Pocket-ladder. ~\ There are many curious and
ingenious designs for portable scaling ladders, offered
by Vegetius in " De re militari," 1535, but which would
require to be very considerably modified to become
pocketable; however, they occur in every variety at
page 35, in short pieces, each with a screw at one end,
and a socket at the other ; at p. 59, as a neat rope ladder ;
at p. 113, on the principle of the lazy-tongs ; and at p.
162, a method of connecting short poles is exhibited.

Eobert Fludd, in the second book of his works, pub
lished in 1617 and 1618, folio, page 414, gives a large
copper-plate engraving of a very ingenious form of
ladder. Each step is of wood, and the two sides of
rope. The ingenuity of the invention consists in each
step having a ferrule at one end, and the opposite end
tapered sufficiently to fit into each ferrule of the adjoin
ing step ; by this means the whole can be put together
like an ordinary fishing rod, and the top step terminat-

448 THE CENTURY,

ing with a hook, it can easily be attached to any ele
vated place, and on pulling the pole, each part separates,
falling at once into the form of a ladder with rope sides.
Bourne's 62nd Device, in his " Inventions, or Devices,"
1578, is — " How for to make a scaling ladder."

Van Etten, 1653, gives for his lllth Problem, "To
make a Ladder of Cords, which may be carried in ones
pocket : by which one may easily mount up a wall, or tree
alone." It consists simply of two pulleys, with " a cord
of an half inch thick (which may be of silk, because it
is for the pocket)," having a staff at one end to sit upon.
The author gravely concludes, " This secret is most ex
cellent in warre, and for lovers, its supportablenesse
avoids suspition." See page 248.

Among Friar Bacon's inventions, the following is re
corded in the fourth chapter of his u Discovery of the
Miracles of Art, Nature and Magick," 12mo. published
in 1659 : — " It is possible to invent an Engine of a
little bulk, yet of great efficacy, either to the depress
ing or elevation of the very greatest weight ; which
would be of much consequence in several accidents $
for hereby a man may either ascend or descend any
walls, delivering himself or comrades from prison ; and
this engine is only three fingers high and four broad."

51-

A Rule of Gradation, which with
eafe and method reduceth all things
to a private correfpondence, moft
ufeful for fecret Intelligence.

\A Eule of Gradation^] Probably some scheme
which appeared to be capable of indefinite multiplica
tion, the object of the secret correspondent always being

WITH NOTES. 449

to elude the utmost skill of an expert decipherer.
Twenty-six lines of 26 letters of the alphabet each, would
form a square ; and supposing the letters placed in
different order on each line, we might produce 26 linear
alphabets, and 26 columnar alphabets ; or change these
by diagonal or other lines. These, and similar varia
tions appear interminable, but it is questionable whether
they would not delay rather than defy detection.

How to fignifie words and a per
fect Difcourse by5 jangling of6 Bells
of any Parifh-Church, or by any
Mufical Inftrument within hearing,
in a feeming way of tuning it ; or
of an unfkilful beginner.

4 by the. 6 of the.

[A my sticall jangling of Bells. ~\ There occurs at page
185, of Van Etten's Math. Recreat. 1653, among the
several heads of Problem 84, " Of changes in Bells."
He inquires : " Is it not an admirable thing to consider
how the skill of numbers doth easily furnish us with
the knowledge of mysterious hidden things ?" He
says : " It is often debated — what number of changes
there might be made in 5, 6, 7, 8, or more bells ;"
observing thereon, " that a childe which can but multiply
one number by another, may easily resolve it." Not
only have we here a kindred subject discussed, but
also in language very analogous to that employed by
the Marquis, particularly in the use of the words " mys
terious," " admirable," and " a child;" the latter being
a favourite similitude.

2 G

450 THE CENT UK Y,

53-

A way how to make hollow and
cover a Water-fcrue as big and as
long as one pleafeth in an eafie and
cheap way.

[An hollowing of a Water-scrue.~] This was probably
no more than an ingenious piece of carpentry, to obtain
an object which was then most likely of considerable
importance. Three of his inventions refer to the
Archimedian screw, so that the Marquis seems to have
given the subject more than ordinary attention.

54-

How to make a Water-fcrue tite,
and yet tranfparent, and free from
breaking ; but fo clear, that one
may palpably fee the water or any
heavy thing how and why it is
mounted by turning.

[A transparent Water-scrue.~\ This invention does
not appear to be offered as one of any other use than
for pleasure and instruction, to " see the water or any
heavy thing, how and why it mounteth by turning."
Was it not by such models that he had early informed
his own mind ?

If the transparent covering was not to be glass or
horn, the Marquis may have used the material proposed
by Sir Hugh Plat in his " Jewel House of Art and
Nature," 1653, in which is given, at page 72, a recipe :
" To make parchment clear and transparent to serve
for divers purposes. This I commend, (lie says) before

WITH NOTES. 451

oiled paper, because it is more lasting" — when employed
for windows.

55-

A double Water-feme, the inner-
moft to mount the water, and the
outermoft for it to defcend more in
number of threds, and consequently
in quantity of water, though much
fhorter then the innermoft fcrue,
by which the water afcendeth, a
moft extraordinary help for the
turning of the fcrue to make the
water rife.

[A double Water-scrue.~] The arrangement of this
simple invention is so clearly and amply set forth, that
it is a wonder it could ever have been misunderstood ;
yet it so baffled Mr. Partington, that he classes it among
" extraordinary sleight of hand discoveries."

M. Pattu, a French engineer, in 1815, published his
account of a double water-screw of this description
which he had invented, capable of being applied in
three different ways, the construction, however, in all
being the same. In one arrangement, the enlarged end
of the screw is about one-eighth part that of the entire
length of the internal or lesser screw, and it surrounds
the " innermost" screw, the spirals winding in a reversed
direction. The top of the shorter or " outermost" screw
may be on a level with a stream of water " for it to
descend" therein, to promote " the turning of the screw"
(of greater length and smaller diameter) " to make the
water rise," from a lower stream.

2 G2

452 THE CENTURY,

In a second application, the long screw may be used
to propel the short one, to raise water a moderate height.

Or, thirdly, the enlargement may form the upper end,
and be used to propel from above, instead of from be
low, as at first described.

56.

To provide and make that all the
Weights of the defcending fide of a
Wheel fhall be perpetually further
from the Centre, then thofe of the
mounting fide, and yet equal in
number and heft to7 the one fide as
the other. A moft incredible thing,
if not feen, but tried before the
late king (of8 blefled memory) in
the Tower, by my directions, two
Extraordinary Embaffadors accom
panying His Majefty, and the Duke
of Richmond and Duke9 Hamilton,
with1 moft2 of the Court, attending
Him. The Wheel was 14. Foot3
over, and 40. Weights of 50. pounds
apiece. Sir William Balfore^* then
Lieutenant of the Towerf can juf-

7 of— for to. MS. and P. 8 of happy and glorious. MS. and P. 9 of, omitted.

1 and— for with. 2 most part. 3 feet. P. « Belford. MS. and P.

5 and yet living can.

* Among the Additional Manuscripts in the British Museum occurs No. 6176,
a MS. volume, containing at folio 16, Z>, a " Certificate of the Armory in the Tower,"
signed among others by " W. Balfour," Lieutenant of the Tower, " 17th Dec.
1040."

. WITH NOTES. 453

tifie6 it, with feveral others. They
all faw, that no fooner thefe great
Weights paffed the Diameter-line
of the lower7 fide, but they hung a
foot further from the Centre, nor
no fooner paifed the Diameter-line
of the upper8 fide, but they hung a
foot nearer. Be pleafed to judge
the confequence.

6 testify— for justify. P. 7 upper— for lower. MS. and P.

8 lower — for upper. MS. and P.

[An advantageous change of Centres.'] This is the
most minutely as well as circumstantially noted of all
the Marquis's inventions ; yet we have no evidence of
his ever afterwards recurring to it. The mention of Sir
William Balfour makes it probable that the exhibition
of this great weighted wheel took place between 1638
and 1641. [See Life, Times, &c., page 25.] Dr. John
Dee, in his celebrated preface to Sir Henry Billingsley's
first English edition of Euclid, published in folio, 1570,
speaks of such a machine, as not only possible, but as
having been actually constructed, and " a thing most
incredible if not seen ;" this, compared with the lan
guage used by the Marquis, would lead to the supposition
that he had not only read but copied the passage.

It is difficult to reconcile the statement he has here
made, with the declaration on the title page, of his
inventions having been " tried and perfected." In this
single instance, he leaves the reader to " Be pleased to
judge the consequence."

Dr. Desaguliers, in a memoir, published by the Eoyal
Society, vol. 31, 1720-21, quoting the foregoing article,
ventures the reply : " Now the consequence of this,
and such like machines [assuming them to be as above

454: THE CENTURY,

described,] is nothing less than a perpetual motion.'7
Of course he does not admit even the possibility of such
an arrangements of parts, he only allows that if that
could be executed, the other would follow. But Desa-
guliers admitted too much, for 'it may easily be demon
strated that the conditions stated may be mechanically
produced, without any resulting motion. Let the an
nexed diagram represent a wheel of 14 feet in diameter,

having 40 spokes, seven feet each, and with an inner
rim coinciding with the periphery, at one foot distance,
all round. Next provide 40 balls or weights, hanging
in the centre of cords or chains two feet long. Now
fasten one end of this cord at the top of the centre spoke
C, and the other end of the cord to the next right hand
spoke one foot below the upper end, or on the inner ring ;
proceed in like manner with every other spoke in suc
cession ; and it will be found, that, at A, the cord will
have the position shown outside the wheel ; while at B,
C, and D, it will also take the respective positions, as
shown on the outside. The result in this case will be,
that, all the weights on the side A, C, D, hang to the
great, or outer circle, while on the side B, C, D, all the
weights are suspended from the lesser or inner circle.

WITH NOTES. 455

And if we reverse the motion of the wheel, turning it
from the right hand to the left hand, we shall reverse
these positions also, (the lower end of the cord sliding
in a groove towards a left hand spoke) but without the
wheel having any tendency to move of itself.

His notice of this exhibition was not written by the
Marquis until 1655, from 14 to 17 years after its occur
rence, and he may have then hesitated to say that it
was not a success ; but he may have persuaded himself
that he was at last in possession of the secret that was
at first wanting. Besides, we are not to infer that the
company described as being present had gone to the
Tower purposely to see the Marquis's wheel ; it being
far more probable that, Charles the First and the
foreign ambassadors were there to view that fortress
with all its treasures and curiosities.

According to the state of knowledge in 1663, the
Marquis of Worcester was not singular in entertaining
this subject, and all we can make of the present article
is, that he has left it open to doubt whether he himself
did not consider that his experiment required con
firmation. " Perpetuum Mobile ; or a history of the
search for self-motive power," 1862, is a work which
may be taken as an elaborate note on this article, for
it was the perusal of it that led the author, to com
mence the compilation of that work, more than thirty
years ago.

Before the publication of the " Century " Samuel
Hartlib had, (on the 10th of August, 1658,) written to
Mr. Boyle on the subject of a perpetual motion invented
by the ingenious and celebrated John Joachim Becher,
an account of which was to be printed at Frankfort.
—Boyle's Works, fol. 1744, p. 280.

Charles the Second was favoured with the exhibition
of another scheme of this sort, by John Evelyn, a

456 THE CENTUKY,

Fellow of the Royal Society at the time, and therefore
not likely to participate in any matter which the
scientific world of his day repudiated. But learned
men of his time rather approved of all wonder-working
automata than otherwise. Evelyn says in his Diary,
under the date of 14th July, 1668, that during an inter
view with the King : — " I showed his Majesty the
perpetual motion sent to me by Dr. Stokes from
Cologne/'— Vol. ii. p. 37, ed. 1859.

57-

An ebbing and flowing Water-
work in two Veffels, into either of
which the water Handing at a level,
if a Globe be caft in, inftead of rifing
it prefently ebbeth, and fo remaineth
untill a like Globe be caft into the
other Veffel, which the water is no
fooner fenfible of, but9 that1 Veffel
prefently ebbeth, and the other
floweth, and fo continueth ebbing
and flowing untill one or both of 2
the Globes be taken out, working
fome little effe£l befides its own
motion, without the help of any
man within fight or hearing : But if
either of the Globes be taken out
with ever fo fwift or eafie a motion,
at3 the very inftant the ebbing and
flowing ceafeth ; for if during the4

9 but that the. P. l the— for that. 2 of— omitted. MS. and P.

3 at that instant. P. 4 that— for the.

WITH NOTES. 457

ebbing you take out the Globe, the
water of that Veflel prefently return-
eth to flow, and never ebbeth after,
until5 the Globe be returned into it,
and then the motion beginneth as
before.

5 unless — for until.

[A constant Water-flowing and ebbing motion.'] We
are very much mistaken if this is not the result of one
of the Marquis's early experimental model demonstra
tions, and a happy illustrative example for the lecture-
table of raising water by the condensation of steam.

A, B? represents two water tanks or cisterns, perma
nently connected by the water-pipe C, and having
within, D, D, two perforated shelves or false bottoms ;

E, is a main steam-pipe, with a four-way steam cock at

F, branching into the form shown at G, G', and pass
ing through the bottom of each tank, rises vertically to
the level of the false bottoms, where each is supplied
with a valve at the top end, to prevent the ingress of
water. G', is shown receiving steam from E. H, I, are
two hollow metal globes, surmounted with a small
crown ornament to conceal a spring valve, to which
a floating weight is suspended by a chain, as at X' ;
but floated upwards at X, where it operates to open
the spring valve within the crown. In the above

458 TPIE CENTURY,

diagram, it is obvious that water placed in A, will
flow onward to B, and stand at the same level in both
cisterns. The valve in each globe requires to be so
arranged, that when forced open its spring will prevent
its closing until acted on by a weight, which weight
must hang to the inside of the valve by means of a
chain, and be able to float on the surface of the water,
and it will be requisite to adjust the chain to such a
length that when the water is at a certain level it shall
have no influence on the float-weight of the valve,
which will then close.

With this apparatus, the operator can conceal the
connection between the two cisterns, and that between
the bottoms to admit steam. The water is now seen
at the same level in u two vessels," and with a perfo
rated shelf about an inch below the surface of each.
We may now find, " if a globe be cast in," the water
"instead of rising, it presently ebbeth, and so re-
maineth," doing nothing further " until a like globe
be cast into the other vessel ; which the water is no
sooner sensible of, but that vessel presently ebbeth, and
the other floweth." For it must be observed, the first
globe was placed in the centre, over a steam pipe, its
nozzle protected with a valve, and on letting in the
steam, being otherwise empty and the valve purposely
opened for the escape of steam and air, but which its
weight closed as soon as permitted to act, and thereon
condensation followed, the water flowed into that
vessel, but ebbed in the other. We then insert a
second globe, in the second cistern, under like condi
tions; and as soon as the rising water has opened
the top valve of the first globe, this second globe will
repeat the operation, " and so continueth ebbing and
flowing until one or both the globes be taken out."
And this ebbing and flowing, this rising, and these

WITH NOTES. 459

changing heights in the water in the two tanks or
cisterns, may easily be adapted for " working some
little effect besides its own motion, without the help
of any man within sight or hearing," and of course too
far off to be the acting agent in such additional
" working of some little effect,'5 some see-sawing action,
to work automata or like " little effects" for the delecta
tion of the ingenious and the delight of all the lovers
of the marvellous. And note "if during the ebbing,"
when that globe and that cistern is all but empty, u you
take out the globe, the water of that vessel presently
returneth to flow," showing that the globe thus removed
was quite empty ; and therefore would be shown as part
of the miracle, the same empty globe had been per
forming such strange motions in the water. But let
" the globe be returned (empty as it was before) into it
[the cistern], and then the motion beginneth as before."

If we are correct in this conjecture, the principle
involved would easily account for the inventions
couched in the terms of articles No. 22, An ebbing and
flowing river ; and No. 23, An ebbing and flowing
Castle Clock.

The present article, viewed in any other light than
as illustrative of the peculiar properties of the great
principle with which he was operating, and which
he was incessantly investigating, and varying its appli
cations, is altogether incomprehensible. But it was very
natural for him to preserve in this simple but striking
form the sure signs of greater applications. In the
present example, we have no attempt, in this philoso
phical demonstrative model, to cater to the popular
taste, although the fertile genius of the noble inventor
could not permit the suggestion to escape his pen that
the rise and the fall of the water might be made to
operate — shall we say bellows, mills and the like, and

460 THE CENTURY,

cause birds to chirp, and fountains to play ? Thus
" working some little effect besides its own motion" of
soberly ebbing and flowing. But this is a mere
parenthetical, gratuitous offer to dash the concealed
purpose, and give colour to the supposition that it had
no higher design. There is generally something to
serve for amusement, or to answer some practical
purpose, observable in all the 100 articles, but who
could assign the use of two globes, in two vessels of
water, causing the same to flow and ebb ? Viewed in
dependent of the object here suggested, it bears a
most purposeless character ; and in no other way than
as illustrative of the results of the condensation of
steam, set forth in a merely experimental apparatus, can
we conceive it possible of receiving either a scientific
or any other reasonable explanation.

For adjusting the apparatus it would be necessary
to fill the troughs or cisterns until the water was level
with the perforated false bottom, and next to add as
much more water as would be equal to the contents of
one globe, when the water altogether would cover the
false bottoms. The globes should be heavy enough not
to overturn either on the admission of the steam, or the
expulsion of steam and air from beneath. While steam
is entering, the top spring- valve is kept closed by the
float- weight, but when condensation commences, the
external pressure performs the same duty; so soon,
however, as the rising water has elevated the float to
the underside of the spring- valve, its pressure against it
and the action of the spring, cause it to open, and then
the column of water will at once commence descending.
As a matter of detail, the float would require a guide
rod, or some similar contrivance to direct and keep its
course uniformly under the valve, so as to open it.

The whole experiment is one of mere matter of fact

WITH NOTES. 461

and not of excellence. It is simply to develope a
principle and not to carry out any express piece of
curious workmanship ; there is not, therefore, any
statement of its possessing surprising qualities, the
utmost proposed is u a constant water-flowing and
ebbing motion," without any condition as to degree,
quantity, or extent of its effect. This and no more
would the apparatus here described demonstrate on its
trial.

This article of the " Century" strikingly illustrates
how truly the Marquis wrote it as he says — " in a way,
as may sufficiently instruct me to put any of them in
practice ;" or, rather to repeat the practice of them,
for he has only a line or two before told us, they
are such of his inventions as " I can call to mind
to have TRIED and PERFECTED •" and what he wrote
he meant, let sceptics and superficial critics pervert his
words as they may to uphold their own narrow
conceits. The reader of articles, Nos. 22 and 23, is
informed of effects without the least intimation of a
means ; he is then amused with springs, weights,
levers, portable bridges, fortifications, stenography, keys,
automata, stairs, ladders, cochlea, and so forth, to the
number of 33 inventions, and then, after losing sight
of No. 22, and No. 23, he is invited to examine the
machine by which the " ebbing and flowing" effects
are produced. All this is perfectly legitimate, but,
nevertheless, well worthy of notice, as opening to view
the peculiar tact and skill of the writer ; and the
extreme necessity of exercising cautious judgment in
our estimate of " The treasures buried under these
heads, both for war, peace, and pleasure."

It is when we refer back to No. 22, that we become
convinced, beyond what No. 57 alone might persuade
us of, that by no means short of the condensation

462 THE CENTURY,

of steam could the proposed ebbing and flowing be
effected on a river " twenty feet over/' and be managed
by " a child's force," as in article No. 100.

58-

How to make a Piftol to difcharge
a dozen times with one loading, and
without fo much as once new Pri
ming requifite, or to change it out
of one hand into the other, or flop
ones horfe.

[An often-discharging Pistol.~\ About the year 1575,
a description was given of the operation and advantages
of a certain newly invented engine of war, whereby
twenty-four bullets could be discharged from one piece
at a time. And it appears that at that period there
were in the Tower 200 of the engines and 3000 bullets.
-Cal. State Papers, Vol. 106.

About 1580 (?) John the Almain of Walsyngham,
recommends one of his countrymen, who had invented
an harquebuse, u that shall contain ten balls or pelletes
of lead, all the which shall go off, one after another,
having once given fire ; so that with one harquebuse
one may kill ten thieves or other enemies without
recharging."- - Cal. State Papers, Vol. 146.

Porta, in his " Natural Magick," folio, English edi
tion, 1658, gives an account, in the 12th Book, how " A
brass gun once fired, may discharge ten times." He
says, u It is a new invention, that a great brass-gun, or
hand-gun, may discharge 10 or more bullets one after
another without intermission. Make a dark powder,
such as I used in the precedent part, and fill it thus : —
First, put in a certain measure of gunpowder, that

WITH NOTES. 463

being put in, may discharge the ball, but a small one,
that it may go in loosely, and that the powder put in
upon it may come to touch the gunpowder : then pour
in this dark powder two or three fingers deep ; then put
in your gunpowder and your bullet ; and thus in order,
one after the other, until the gun seems to be full to
the very mouth. Lastly pour in some of your dark
clammy powder : and when you have levelled your gun
to the place appointed, put fire to the mouth of it ; for
it will cast out the bullets, and then fire for so long
time as a man may discharge a hand-gun at divers
shoots. And thus with one brass-gun you may dis
charge many times." — (p. 293.)

59-

Another way as faft and6 effectual,
but more proper for Carabines.

6 and as.

[An especial way for Carbines^] The Carabine or
Carbine was a short gun for bullets of twenty-four to
the pound.

60.

A way with a Flafk appropriated
unto it, which will furnifh either
Piftol or Carabine with a dozen
Charges in three minutes time, to
do the whole execution of7 a dozen
(hots, as foon as one pleafeth, pro-
portionably.

7 of 12.

[A Flask-charger.'] His patent of 1GG1 gives the

404 THE CENTURY,

following altered reading to his improvements applying
to guns, thus : — " To make certain guns or pistols, which
in the tenth part of one minute or an hour, may, with
a flask contrived to that purpose, be recharged, the
fourth part of one turn of the barrel, which remains
still fixed, fastening it as forcibly and effectually as a
dozen threads of any screw, which in the ordinary and
usual way require as many turns." — See Appendix B.

'. 61.

A third way, and8 particular9 for
Mufquets, without taking them from
their Rests to charge or prime, to
a like execution, and as faft as the
Flafk, the mufquet containing but
one Charge at a time.

8 and — omitted. 9 particularly. P.

[A way for Musquets.~\ The heavy firearms of the
seventeenth century afforded the Marquis fine scope for
the exercise of his versatile ingenuity. Muskets were
originally matchlocks $ long, heavy, and requiring a
tall forked rest to steady them in firing. Eventually
their bore was reduced for bullets of eighteen to the
pound. It is curious to observe the difference between
the drill practice of those times compared with the
present. In " The compleat Gentleman," by Henry
Peacham, M.A., published in 1627, among his other
" Military Observations," he gives the following: " The
postures of the Musquet. 1. March with your Musquet
and Eest shouldred ; 2. Prepare your Eest ; 3. Slipp
your Musket ; 4. Pease your Musket ; 5. Joyne your
Eest and Musquet ; 6. Take out your Match ; 7. Blow
your Match ; 8. Cock your Match ; 9. Try your Match ;

WITH NOTES.

4G5

10. Guard your Pann ; 11. Blow your Match ; 12. Open
your Pann ; 13. Present ; 14. Give Fire," &c.

Then, U25. Open your Charge; 26. Charge your
Musket; 27. Draw out your Scouring Sticke; 28.
Shorten your Scouring Sticke ; 29. Earn your Powder ;
30. Withdraw your Scouring Sticke;" &c.

Thomas Smith, in his " Additions to the Book of
Gunnery, both pleasant and profitable," published in
quarto, 1643, black letter, mentions " certain short
muskets of an inch, or very near an inch bore, out of
which you may shoot either chained bullets, or half a
score pistol bullets, or half a dozen harquebus bullets
at one shot, or you may shoot out of the same fire
arrows made with strong shafts, feathered with horn,
or with common feathers, glued and bound on with
thread. When you are to shoot a fire arrow out of any
of these pieces, you must not give the piece her full
loading of powder." He further notices that " The
string made fast to the end of the fire-work is to keep
the arrow straight in his passage."

2 H

406 THE CENTURY,

A graphical sketch of the soldier accompanies these
remarks (as in the facsimile annexed), which appears
almost a caricature, but it must have been seriously
approved as a good illustration, by our author, the
u Souldier of Berwick-upon-Tweed."

Mr. Hewett gives the following table in his " Ancient
Armour and Weapons," page 715.

Length of Barrel.

Number of Bullets
to the pound.

Nature of lock.

Musquet
Harquebus
Carbine . .

4ft.
2£ ft.
2| ft.

10
17
24

Match
Wheel
Flint

62.

A way for a Harquebufs, a Crock,
or Ship-musquet, fix upon a Carri
age, ihooting with fuch expedition,
as1 without danger one may charge,
level, and difcharge2 them fixty times
in a minute of an hour, two or three
together.

1 as that. 2 level and discharge — omitted.

[A way for a Harquebus, a Crock.'] Arquebuse, cor
rupted to Harquebus — a firearm requiring a forked rest
placed in the ground, on which to steady the heavy
barrel, which carried a ball of 2 ounces, or for fortresses
83- ounces.

Arquebuse & croc — a small piece of ordnance placed
on a stock or club, fired by a match. We find among
the records of the State Paper Office the following
notice in the Calendars, viz. : — John the Almain* writes

* Almain engineers seem to have been in much repute.

WITH NOTES. 4G7

to Walsyngham, recommending one of his countrymen,
who had invented an harquebuse " that shall containe
ten balls or pellets of lead, all the which shall goe off,
one after another, having once given fire, so that with
one harquebuse one may kill ten theeves or other
enemies without recharging." — Cal. State Papers, Dom.
Series, 1547-1580. Edited by E. Lemon, F.S.A., 8vo.
1856, p. 696.' No. 45.

A fixth way,3 moft excellent for
Sakers, differing from the other, yet
as fwift.

8 way — omitted.

[For Sakers and Minyons.~\ Sakers were cannon, 5
to 8 pounders ; and Minion, long 4 pounders, or short
3 pounders.

64.

A feventh, tried and approved
before the late King (of ever blefled
memory) and an hundred Lords
and Commons, in a Cannon of 8.
inches half quarter,4 to flioot Bullets
of 64. pounds weight, and 2 4. pounds
of pouder, twenty times in fix mi
nutes ; fo clear from danger, that
after all were difcharged, a Pound of
Butter did not melt being laid upon
the Cannon-britch, nor the green

* a quarter. P.

2 H 2

468 THE CENTURY,

Oile difcoloured that was firft anoint
ed5 and ufed between the Barrel
thereof, and the Engine, having
never in it, nor within fix foot, but
one charge at a time.

5 it and.

[For the biggest CannonJ] This article affords a
further example of the practical working out of another
invention of the Marquis, and possibly at the Tower,
previous to 1641.

As early as the 16th century cannon had been
undergoing gradual although slight improvements.
The Marquis had many opportunities for obtaining the
best information, and his active mind must have long
been on the alert, both at home and abroad, to ascertain
all that was then known on the subject of their manu
facture, with their best form and dimensions. We have
very early intelligence on the subject of Engines of
War among the valuable records of our State Paper
Office, from which we have selected the following : —

1575? No. 74. Description of the operation and
advantages of a certain newly invented engine of war,
whereby twenty-four bullets can be discharged from
one piece at a time.

No. 75. Notes by the inventor touching the engines
of war, with the expense of making a few at a time.
It would require above 100 engines to be employed at
once. Desires a yearly pension in consideration of his
invention.

No. 76. A note of the effects already performed by
the engine of war ; of which there are 200 engines and
3000 bullets already delivered into the Tower for ser
vice. — Cal. State Papers, Dom. Series, 1547-1580.
Edited by R. Lemon, F.S.A., 8vo. 1856, page 513.

WITH NOTES. 469

In the Bodleian Library there is a folio volume of the
MS. papers of General Mountagu, or the Earl of Sand
wich, lettered on the back " Carte Papers, 1604-1684.
Letters to Earl of Sandwich, &c. 74," in which is the
following : " Invention for Cannon to doe extraordinary
execution. (No. 123.) Canon that shall shute more then
400 paces, a bulett of four fadem longe to destroy the
Eiggings of any ship, the which bulett must necessarily
goe a twart, and cannot come perpendicularly, as other
chayne buletts, and other such like, who by that means
may misse the intended effect and passe through the
cordage or Eiggings.'7

Among the Sloane MSS. in the British Museum is one,
No. 2497, with rude drawings of cannon, &c. viz.: a
fauconet ; a faucon 5 a minnion 5 a saker 5 a demi-culve-
ringe ; a culvering ; a demi-cannon ; a cannon ; a
cannon-peuterer ; a cannon-rial ; each with its proper
ball, ramrods, &c.

Eobert Norton, Engineer and Gunner in " The gun
ners dialogue with the art of great Artillery, " a black
letter quarto, accompanying " The Arte of shooting in
great ordnance," by William Bourne, 1643, gives the
names, &c. of ordnance, thus : —

Cannon of 8 . weighing 8,000 Ibs.

__„_ of 7 . . . . 7,000

Demi-Cannon .... 6,000

Culvering .... 4,500

Demi-Culvering . . . 2,500

Saker 1,500

Minion . . . . . 1,200

Among other inquiries in the course of the dialogue
occur the following: — " If you were to make a shot in
the night, at a mark showed you in the day, how would
you prepare for it?" And : — " How would you make a

470 THE CENTURY,

shot at an enemies light, in a dark night, not having
any candle, lanthorn, or other light by you?"

David Papillon, in his u Practical Art of Fortification,"
4to. 1645, enumerating the ordnance and ammunition
of a garrison, observes: — ufora towne of two English
miles circumference, of these sorts, six cannons, six
demi-cannons, six long culverins [or double for a sea
port], twentie sacres [or less for a sea-port], and twelve
drakes, and one hundred thousand [pounds ?] weight of
powder." -P. 97.

In " Mathematical Magick," 1648, Bishop Wilkins
incidentally remarks — " the greatest cannon in use, does
not carry above 64 pound weight," page 126. And
in the 19th chapter of the same work he states the
charge to be 40 Ibs. of powder.

John Greaves, Geometry Professor of Gresham Col
lege, who was born in 1602, and died in October, 1652,
made experiments for trying the force of great guns,
at Woolwich, 18th of March, 1651, which were pub
lished in the 15th volume of the Philosophical Transac
tions, 1685.

The following extracts are given, from their specify
ing the description, weight, and sometimes the size of
the cannon used, with the charge of powder and weight
of shot.

The great ordnance tried were : —

1. " An iron demy Canon, of 3500 Ibs. weight, and
having a cylinder bore, the bullet 32 Ib. of iron, the
powder 10 Ib.

2. " An iron demy Canon, having a taper bore, and
being 3600 Ibs. in weight, and 4 inches longer than the
former, the iron bullet 32 Ib.

3. " Experiment with a whole Culverin in brass, of
5300 Ibs. in weight, 11 foot one inch in length, with a
taper bore, being intended for a chase piece to the

WITH NOTES. 471

frigate called the Speaker ; the iron bullet was 18 Ibs.
in weight, the powder 10 Ibs.

4. " A whole Culverin in brass, made at Amsterdam,
for the French, with this mark 3580, being 10 foot
long, and not very thick in the breech, 18 Ib, bullet,
and 9 Ib. of powder.

5. " An iron Demy Culverin, 9 Ibs. iron bullet, and
4 Ib. of powder. This half Gulverin was shot eight times.

6. " A brass Demy Culverin, the breech 13f inches,
the mouth 9f , 9 Ib. iron bullet, 4 Ib. of powder."

A way that one man in the Cabin
may govern the6 whole fide of Ship-
mufquets, to the number (if need
require) of 2. or 3000. {hots.

8 a— for the. MS. and P.

[For a whole side of Ship-musquets.~\ The list of five
inventions, which appears in the " Life, Times, &c.,"
page 316, refers to a similar improvement, viz. : " Oft
shooting peards, controlable in one plane, either for
number or time."

The 43rd Device, given by Bourne in his " Inven
tions or Devices," 1578, is entitled, u How to make any
piece of Ordnance go off at any hour or time appointed,
by itself, and no person there."

Again, in the 44th Device, we have, " How to make
a piece go off when you list, and no person there."

' ' . 66. .

A way that againft7 feveral Adve-
nues8 to a Fort or Caftle, one man

7 the. MS. and P. 8 avenues. P.

472 THE CENTURY,

may charge fifty Cannons playing,
and flopping when he pleafeth,
though out of fight of the Cannon.

[For guarding several advenues to a Town.~\ This
would appear to be no more than an extended applica
tion of the preceding invention. We can imagine that
Caspar Kaltoff executed a very beautiful model of this
piece of machinery, with its 50 little brass guns, 50
ramrods, &c., all worked simultaneously by a man
below, "out of sight of the cannon;" but it is very
unlikely that the Marquis would have recommended
its adoption ; it shows, however, how he persevered in
endeavours to abridge human labour.

! - 67.

A rare way likewife for musquet-
toons fattened to the Pummel of
the Saddle, fo that a Common
Trooper cannot mifie to charge
them, with twenty or thirty Bullets
at a time, even in full career.

When firft I gave my thoughts to
make Guns Jhoot often, I thought
there had been but one only exquijite
way inventible, yet by fever al trials
and much charge I have perfectly
tried all thefe.

[_For Musquettoons on horseback.'] The remark which
forms a postscript to this article, naturally leads to the
conclusion that the improvements in guns were among
the later inventions of the Marquis, perhaps about or

WITH NOTES. 473

after 1641, when his own active services promised soon
to be required in the field. His improved firearms are
chiefly recommended for effecting rapid firing. It may
have been one of the results of his experiments, that
Caspar Kaltoff became engaged at Vauxhall in such
manufactures for the government.

The Marquis would obtain little assistance from
Vegetius, although he would find some extraordinary
applications of u Mirabilis Machina." We see there
the " Tormentuin," with its great stone ball, and fire
issuing from muzzle and touch-hole, manipulated after
an extraordinary fashion, bristling down the sides of
an angular frame ; whirled round on a circular table
like a capstan ; eight placed crosswise ; or two placed
breech to breech, one horizontal, the other vertical, to
be fired from behind a goodly target. But the Marquis
went far beyond these ancient military weapons, for
gunpowder was then beginning to be understood and
applied with a degree of effect that startled and sur
prised the enemy, while it only disgusted the humane
portion of our forefathers of that day, who, in case of
dire necessity alone, favoured the use of balista, cata-
pulta, bows, and pikes, in the conduct of military and
naval engagements.

Musketoons were the same ras the blunderbuss, being
of large bore to fire with a charge of twenty or more
pistol bullets, of from seven to seven and a half ounces
of lead, among a multitude, to disperse the crowd.

The arms offensive and defensive of the old militia,
described by Grose, in his " Military Antiquities," 1801,
as applying to a trooper, with the furniture for his
horse, were as follows : — " The defensive armour, a
breast, back, and pot (or scull cap without vizor or
bever), pistol proof; the offensive arms, a sword, and a
case of pistols, the barrels not under 14 inches in length ;
the furniture for the horse, a great saddle, or pad, with

474 THE CENTUIiY,

burs and straps for affixing the holsters, a bit and
bridle, with a pectoral and crupper : for the foot, a
musketeer had a musket, the barrel, not under three feet
in length, and the guage of the bore for 12 bullets to
the pound, a collar of bandileers, with a sword."
(Vol. 1.)

Abraham Hill, a Fellow of the Eoyal Society,
patented, 3rd of March, 1664, among other inventions,
one for guns and pistols, with several devices for
the speedier and more effectual discharge of them;
also a new kind of powder horn.

We shall close these observations on improvements
in firearms with the following miscellaneous illustra
tions respecting the several kinds then in use.

In " The Exercise of Armes for Calivers, Musketts,
and Pikes, after the order of his excellence Maurits
Prince of Orange, &c. Sett forth in the figures by Jacob
de Gheyn. Printed at the Hage," folio, 1607:— the
instructions commence with an engraved illustration of
the soldier, showing how he should stand and " carry
his caliver, matche, and rapier;'7 and proceeds to
observe, " he shall also hold the match burning or kin
dled at both the endes, betwixt the two least fingers of
the same left hand." He is thus represented, holding
a piece of smouldering touch-rope of two or three feet
long, lighted at both ends, and has other similar reserve
cords at his belt.

In the splendid work on " Ancient Armour and
Arms," by Sir S. E. Meyrick, 2 vols. folio, 1830, nu
merous illustrative plates of firearms occur in the fol
lowing order: — Arquebus, plate 114, figure 5. — Blun
derbuss, a snaphaunce, from the Dutch donderbus,
thunder-gun, p. 119, f. 10. — Carabine, a wheel-lock, p.
116, f. 1.— 117, and 119, f. 9.— Carabineers, p. 43.—
Cross bow, p. 94; 95; 98.— Flask for powder, p. 123;
124.— Musket, p. 117; 119.— Musketeer, p. 36.

WITH NOTES. 475

- ' ; i 68, " < • ''-. " • -

An admirable and moft forcible
way to drive up water by9 fire, not
by drawing or fucking it upwards,
for that muft be as the Philofopher
calleth it, Infra1 fph&ram acthitatis,
which is but at fuch a diftance.
But this way hath no Bounder, if
the Veflels be ftrong enough ; for I
have taken a piece of a whole Can
non, whereof the end was burft,
and filled it three quarters full of
water,2 Hopping and fcruing up the3
broken end ; as alfo the Touch-hole ;
and making a conftant fire under it,
within 24. hours it burft and made
a great crack : So that having a4
way to make my Veflels, fo that
they are ftrengthened by the force
within them, and the one to fill
after the other.5 I have feen the
water run6 like a conftant Fountaine-
ftream forty foot7 high ; one Veflel
of water rarified by fire driveth8 up
forty of cold water. And a man
that tends the work is but to turn
two Cocks, that one Veflel of wa-

9 with — for by. l " Intra"— in printed edition, 1663. But " Infra" in MS. and P.

2 of water— omitted. MS. and P. 3 that- for the. 4 found a.

5 other, have seen. P. 6 to run. 7 feet. P. 8 driving 40 of.

476 THE CENTURY,

ter being confumed, another begins
to force and9 re-fill with cold water,
and fo fucceffively, the fire being
tended and kept conftant, which
the felf-fame Perfon may likewife
abundantly perform in the interim
between the neceffity of1 turning
the faid Cocks.

9 and that to refill. 1 necessity of — omitted,

[A Fire Water-work^ This is that great invention
which has popularized and preserved the fame of the
Marquis of Worcester in the public mind. Had the
whole of the Century been destroyed, with the exception
of this 68th article, enough would have remained to
satisfy any engineer, that the Marquis had achieved a
grand discovery.

We shall proceed to notice what information books
and the patent records would afford, to stimulate his
inquiries into the possible practical application of the
effects, resulting from the action of fire on water in
close vessels.

The work which has, from being often quoted, ac
quired especial notice on this subject is, " Les Eaisons
des forces Mouvantes avec diverses Machines. Par Salo
mon de Caus," folio, published at Frankfort, 1615, in
which, at page 4, theorem V, under the title, " L1 eau
montera par aide dufeu, plus Jiaut que son niveau" it is
illustrated and described as follows : — " Le troisiesme
moyen de faire monter, est par 1'aide du feu, dont il se
peut faire diverses machines, i'en donneray icy la
demonstration d'une. Soit une balle de cuiure marquee
A. bien soudee tout a lentour, & laquelle il y aura
un souspiral marque* D, par ou Ion mettra lean,
et aussi un tuyau marque* B, C, qui sera soude* en

WITH NOTES.

477

haut tie la balle, et le bout C, aprochera pres du fond,
sans y toucher, apres faut emplir ladite balle d'eau par
le souspiral, puis le bien rebouclier et le mettre sur le
feu, alors la clialeur donnant contre ladite balle, fera
monter toute lean, par le tuyau B, C." See also Figuier's
" Exposition et Histoire des principales decouvertes Sci-
entinques Modemes." Tome premier. Paris, 1862, p. 25.
The adjoining engraving is exactly traced from the
original, of which it is, in every respect, a faithful copy.

DC Cans' Fountain.

478 THE CENTURY,

It represents a globular metallic vessel A, with a jet and
stop-cock at B, and another stop-cock at D, through
which water can be injected by means of a syringe. The
jet B, is the top end of a pipe C, which nearly touches the
bottom of the inside of the hollow sphere. Supposing
the globe to be half or two thirds full of water, and
placed on a fire, the heat will presently raise a quantity
of steam, which, as it increases in quantity, will occupy
the upper empty space of the sphere, and by its pressure
on the surface of the boiling water, cause the same to
rise rapidly up the vertical pipe C, and produce the
jet-d'eau above B, the instant the stop-cock is opened.
And this operation will continue so long as any water
remains for the bottom end of the pipe C, to dip into ;
after which it can only be renewed by refilling the
vessel, and re-boiling the fresh supply of water.

De Caus, in his large folio work, in which varieties
of fountains are explained by elaborate copper-plates,
and minute descriptions, satisfies himself with the above
brief explanation of the simple woodcut figure, which
we have here reproduced ; from which we infer that he
laid no claim to its being his own invention, or at all
events that he presented it to his readers as a gratuitous
offering, for its curious and amusing results. It is not
likely that the author of a considerable work, amidst
recondite descriptions and sumptuous engravings of com
paratively common affairs would consign his own most
valuable contribution to a few lines of bare description
and a coarsely engraved diagram. It is obvious, there
fore, that De Caus himself, set no great store by this
toy fountain ; he saw no great scope in its application,
and certainly never assumed it to be of greater value
than as an amusing experimental fountain. To claim
more for an Inventor, than an Inventor claims for
himself is mere infatuation. To sav that De Caus had

WITH NOTES. 479

only to add another pipe, and only to make another
arrangement or two, and then this petite fontaine would
somewhat resemble a steam engine, is neither sound nor
admissible. An inventor must be judged by his own aim
and object, and the example he offers us, without any
additions or subtractions at other hands. What De
Caus desribes, therefore, is not a continuous but an
intermittent fountain ; not self-feeding, but to be re
filled by a syringe ; not emitting cold, but boiling hot
water ; and the difficulties and delays in the use of which
materially increased in proportion with its dimensions.

But there was shortly afterwards published another
highly suggestive work, on a mechanical application of
steam, in " Le Machine," by Giovanni Branca, 4to.
1628 ; in which the 25th figure represents the opera
tion of pounding, the pestles being acted on by pulleys
and cog-wheels set in motion by a jet of steam issuing
from a pipe against the vanes of a horizontal wheel.
The boiler is in the fanciful form of the bust of a
negro, with the steam pipe issuing from the mouth.

On the 21st of January, 1630, a patent was granted
to David Ramsey, for, among other inventions, one " to
raise water from low pits by fire." But unfortunately,
like all patents of that period, it is unaccompanied by
any description.

John Bate, in his " Mysteries of Art and Nature,"
1635, 4to. has " a conceited lamp, for forcing water or air
through the figure of a bird/' A minute description is
given for constructing a small boiler in the form of a
crown, surmounted by a bird, and enclosing various per
forated pipes and valves, capable of being turned in
various directions; the whole is set over a circular
lamp, with several cotton wicks. Water being put in the
boiler, Bate observes — " Then the water being by little
and little converted into ay re, by the heate of the lights

480 THE CENTURY,

that are underneath, will breathe forth at the mouth of
the cock ;" but, on being partially turned, " then there
being no vent for the ay re to breath out at, it will
presse the water, and force it to ascend the pipe, and
issue out where the air breathed before/' In con
clusion he shrewdly remarks : — u Oilier devices and
those more strange in their effects, may be contrived from
hence." (p. 33, 34.)

In the " Eecreation Mathematique" of H. van Etten,
1629, 12mo. of which there were translations in several
editions, as 1633, 1653, and others, the 67th problem is
descriptive " Of the properties of ^Eolipiles or bowels
to blow the fire." In the course of the article on this
subject it is observed : " Vitruvius, in his first book of
Architecture, cap. 8, approves from these engines,
that winde is no other thing than a quantity of vapours
and exhalations agitated with the aire by rarefaction
and condensation ;" a remark curious enough, if only
for the last word " condensation!7 The article con
cludes — " Now it is cunning and subtiltie to fill one of
these ^Eolipiles with water at so little a hole, and
therefore requires the knowledge of a philosopher to
finde it out ; and the way is thus : — Heat the ^Eolipiles
being empty, and the aire which is within it will
become extreamely rarefied ; then being thus hot throw
it into water, and the aire will begin to be condensed :
by which meanes it will occupie lesse roome, therefore
the water will immediately enter in at the hole to
avoide vacuitie : thus you have some practicall specula
tion upon the ^Eolipile."

Here we have " condensation" a second time ad
verted to, while the whole experiment proves the folly
of attributing to Savery a similar result as a novelty
leading for the first time to a knowledge of the pro
perty of " condensation," to the disparagement of the

WITH NOTES. 481

Marquis and his predecessors, assuming their total
ignorance of what is here so clearly and graphically
described.

Again, Van Etten in the fifth section of Problem
LXXXV. treats — u Of a fine fountaine which spouts
water very high, and with great violence by turning
of a cock." page 193. "Let there be a vessel made
close in all its parts, in the middle of which let a pipe
open neare the bottome ; and then with a squirt squirt
in the water (stopped above by the cock or faucet)
with as great violence as possible you can, and turne
the cock immediately. Now there being an indifferent
quantity of water and aire in the vessel, the water keeps
itself in the bottom, and the aire which was greatly
pressed, seeks for more place, that turning the cock
the water issueth forth at the pipe, and flyes very high,
and that especially if the vessel! be a little heated.7' The
concluding sentence would no doubt afford a mind like
that of the Marquis of Worcester's abundant matter for
experimental trial, if ever consulted by him, either in the
original, or in the translation of 1G33.

The following extract from Van Etten's 83rd Pro
blem, " Of Cannons or great Artillery," affords strong
presumptive evidence (taken along with other extracts)
of the Marquis's acquaintance with the work. The
Problem is divided into two parts, of which the first
alone need be noticed, namely, — " How to charge a
cannon without powder." It is observed — " This may be
done with aire and water, only having thrown cold
water into the cannon, which might be squirted
forceably in by the closure of the mouth of the piece,
that so by this pressure the aire might more condense,
then having a round piece of wood very just, and oiled
well for the better to slide, and thrust the bullet when
it shall be time. This piece of wood may be held fast

2 i

482 THE CENTURY,

with some pole, for feare it be not thrust out before his
time : then let fire be made about the trunnion or hinder
part of the piece to heat the aire and water, and then when
one would shoot it let the pole be quickly loosened, for
then the aire searching a greater place, and having
way now offered, will thrust out the wood and the
bullet very quick : the experiment which we have in
long trunkes [tubes] shooting out pellats with aire
only, sheweth the verity of this Probleme." (page 173.)

The words italicised are a complete description of the
Marquis's experiment, although made with a widely
different object, but both afford evidence of the force
obtainable from a small quantity of heated water,
the one in an imperfectly closed, the other in a well
closed cannon. It is remarkable how near this experi
ment comes to the steam-engine cylinder, piston, and
safety valve ; and we can scarcely believe that such
applications would escape the Marquis's observation,
when repeated and varied as was his customary course
in pursuing his own inquiries.

We have thus, from 1615 to 1653, shown, what
sources were open to afford suggestions to the Marquis
of Worcester's wakeful and watchful mind, alive and
on the alert to seize on every hint promising some
enlarged and useful application. We come next to that
part of his own statement, where he says : u so that
having found a way to make my vessels, so that they
are strengthened by the FORCE within them, and the one
to fill after the other, &c." u Vessels" may here apply to
cistems, receivers, boilers, &c., in short whatever ap
pliances were used. But it is usually supposed to mean
the boiler only, and hence the difficulty to understand
how its safety should increase with the increased inter
nal expansive force of the steam. But allowance must
be made for the general vagueness throughout the

WITH NOTES. 483

" Century," and we must bear in mind that its language
was not arranged to inform the public in respect to
construction, but, as its author explicitly states, the
several inventions are " set down in such a way as
may sufficiently instruct me to put any of them in prac
tice." Now there is good ground for believing that the
Marquis had a special meaning for the word u force,"
as here applied, a word then used indifferently in its
ordinary and in a technical sense, in the same sentence.
This is particularly worth illustrating ; firstly, because it
shows a probability that the Marquis had, before 1655,
designed some kind of safety-valve ; and secondly, to
remove the common supposition of the foregoing inven
tion being utterly paradoxical.

It has already been stated, that there is sufficient
evidence to prove, that John Bate's u Mysteries of
Nature and Art," had attracted the especial notice
of the Marquis. He would be about 33 years of
age on its first publication, and he wrote his Century
about 20 years after its appearance, we may, therefore,
readily see how likely it would be for him to adopt even
its very style and language. John Bate says, at page
11:-

u A forcer is a plug of wood exactly
turned and leathered about 5 the end that
goeth into the barrel, is semicircularly concave; p. 57.
Forces may be made to move either horizontally or
perpendicularly, according unto the convenience of the
work, or the invention of the artist and engineer ; p. 59.
(Describing ' the water mill or engine near the north
end of London Bridge.') These two barrels must be
bound fast unto two posts of the frame, with two strong
iron bands, as T T ; unto each of these must be fitted a
force well leathered, and in the tops of the forces must
be set two pieces of wood."

48i THE CENTURY,

Then again, at page 66 : — " K K, L L, the barrels of
the forces, which force the water ;" p. 67. " E, a barrel
of brass or wood fastened in the well, K, a force fitted
into it." Again, " the force must be very heavy;"
p. 71. " B, a barrel of iron or brass, fastened in the
midst of the cistern, with a force fitted unto it ;" p. 72.
" The force is linked, and it is noted with the letter D,"
(in the engraving.) Again, u F, the barrel of the force,
fastened within two or three inches of the bottom of the
cistern ;" p. 73, " C, a force, D, the forces barrel."
Again, " the force draweth the water out of the cistern
B, into the barrel D ;" p. 74, " another strong iron bar
as I I, unto each end whereof must be linked a force ;
K K. the two barrels of the aforesaid forces"

In the 21st volume of Philosophical Transactions,
published in 1700, there is a description, with an
engraving, * being, " An account of Mr. Thomas
Savery's engine for raising water by the help of fire."
It states that Mr. Savery, on the 14th of June, 1699: —
u Entertained the Royal Society with shewing a model
of his Engine for raising water by the help of fire,
which he set to work before them ; the experiment suc
ceeded according to expectation, and to their satisfaction.
The Engine may be understood by the draughts of it,
where Fig. 1 is the front of the Engine for raising
water by fire ; and Fig. 2, the side prospect of the
Engine.

" A, is the furnace ; B, the boiler ; C, two cocks
which convey the steam from the bottom in order to
discharge it again at the top ; D, the vessels which
receive the water from the bottom in order to discharge
it again at the top ; E, valves ; F, cocks which keep up

* The original drawing is preserved in the archives of the Royal Society, coarsely
executed on paper, measuring 24 by 27 inches.

WITH NOTES.

485

the water, while the valves on occasion are cleaned ; G,
the force pipe ; H, the sucking pipe; and I, the water."

FIG. I.

Neither at the time nor afterwards does the inven
tion appear to have attracted any further notice in
that quarter. The next account we have of it is afforded
by u The Miners Friend, or an Engine to raise Water by
Fire," by Thomas Sa very, Gent, 1702; in which the in
vention appears with two furnaces, instead of one, and
with other details. In his description he refers to two
vessels, marked P, No. 1, and P, No. 2, which correspond
with the two receivers above, marked D, D.

Remarking on these, in In the above 68th Article,
" The Miners Friend," the Marquis of Worces-

486

THE CENTURY,

Savery says : — u So that
P, No. l,is by the ex
ternal pressure of the
atmosphere, immediate
ly refilled, while P, No.
2, is emptying; which
being done, you push the
handle of the regulator
from you, and throw the
force onP, No. 1, pulling
the condensing pipe over
P, No. 2, causing the
steam in that vessel to
condense, so that it fills
while the other empties.
The labour of turning
these two parts of the
engine, viz. the regula
tor and water-cock, and
tending the fire, being no
more that what a boy's
strength can perform for
a day together * * *
yet, after all, I would
have men. * * *

We do not purpose to press any charge against
Savery, but simply to relate what is on record respect
ing the engine he put forward ; and to notice here the
remarkable coincidence between his description, and
that given by the Marquis 32 years before. The
Marquis writes in the singular number of " the fire"
thereby indicating a single furnace ; and in Savery's
first drawing we find the model represented with one
furnace. Then in " The Miners Friend," we have parts

ter says : — " A man that
tends the work is but to
turn two cocks, that one
vessel of water being con
sumed, another begins to
force and refil with cold
water, and so succes
sively, the fire being
tended and kept con
stant, which the self
same person may like
wise abundantly perform
between the necessity of
turning the said cocks."

And in No. 100, he says,
" a child's force br'mgetli
up an hundred feet high,
an incredible quantity of
water."

WITH NOTES. 487

described agreeing precisely with the preceding article,
No. 68. And at the particular point just quoted, we
have even a closer analogy, in the use of the very same
words in reference to the same parts — turning and
tending. And while, in No. 100, the Marquis informs
us what ua child's force" can perform; here Savery
speaks of " a boys strength" which is enlarged on,
however, by recommending a man's services.

The next earliest notice we find of this engine is
given by Richard Bradley, F.R.S., in his " New
Improvements of Planting and Gardening," 8vo. 1718,
who, in the third part, at page 175, supplies an engrav
ing of " the late Mr, Savory, F.R.S.,"* his engine, as
set up by him " for that curious gentleman Mr. Balle
of Cambden House." It is represented as a spherical
boiler, capable of holding forty gallons, supported on
a tripod, with a fire on the ground underneath. It is
connected with a bell-shaped receiver of thirteen gallons
capacity, supplied below with a pipe sixteen feet long,
and above with a pipe to elevate the water, forty-two
feet. The steam pressure is stated to be capable of
discharging fifty-two gallons per minute, the pipes being
of three inches bore; and the original cost of the
whole was £50.

In 1729, Stephen Switzer published his "Introduc
tion to a general system of Hydrostaticks," in two
volumes quarto. He says : —

u Amongst the several Engines which have been
contrived for the raising of water for the supply of
houses and gardens, none has been more justly surpris
ing than that of the raising of water by fire ; the par
ticular contrivance and sole invention of a gentleman,

* Savery is supposed to have died in 1715, but no particulars are on record
respecting his death and burial.

488 THE CENTURY,

with whom I had the honour long since to be well
acquainted ; I mean the ingenious Captain Savery, some
time since deceased, but then a most noted engineer,
and one of the Commissioners of the Sick and Wounded.
This gentleman's thoughts (as appears by a preface of
his to a little book, entitled, L The Miners' Friend'),
were always employed in Hydrostatics and Hydraulics ;
and the first hint from which it is said he took his
engine, was from a tobacco pipe, which he immersed to
wash or cool it, as is sometimes done ; he discovered by
the rarefaction of the air in the tube by the heat or
steam of the water, and the gravitation or impulse of
the exterior air, that the water was made to spring-
through the tube of the pipe in a wonderful surprising
manner ; though others say, that the learned Marquis
of Worcester, in his 4 Century of Inventions,' (which
book I have not seen), see page 68, gave the first hint
for this raising water by fire."- -Vol. ii. p. 325.

Thirty-four years later, Dr. J. T. Desaguliers, F.K.S.,
and Chaplain to His Eoyal Highness, Frederick, late
Prince of Wales, &c., published his u Course of Experi
mental Philosophy," in two volumes, quarto, 1763.
His 13th section is a discourse on the u Fire-engine,"
as the steam-engine was then designated. And the
following lecture treats largely on the Marquis of Wor
cester's present article in the u Century," which he
quotes and then observes :—

" Captain Savery, having read the Marquis of Wor
cester's book, was the first who put in practice the
raising Water by Fire, which he proposed for the
draining of mines. His Engine is described in Harris's
Lexicon (on the word Engine), which being compared
with the Marquis of Worcester's description, will easily
appear to have been taken from him ; though Captain
Savery denied it, and the better to conceal the matter.

WITH NOTES. 489

bon glit up all the Marquis of Worcester's books that
he could purchase in Pater- Noster-Rolo, and elsewhere,
and burned them in the presence of the gentleman his
friend, who told me this. He said that he found out
the power of steam by chance, and invented the follow
ing story to persuade people to believe it, viz., that
having drank a flask of Florence at a tavern, and
thrown the empty flask upon the fire, he called for
a bason of water to wash his hands, and perceiving
that the little wine left in the flask had filled up the
flask with steam, he took the flask by the neck, and
plunged the mouth of it under the surface of the water
in the bason, and the water of the bason was imme
diately driven up into the flask by the pressure of the

air."

Desaguliers doubts the veracity of this bottle story,
and we may well agree with him, when we find that
in another version the discovery is attributed to a
tobacco-pipe.

He proceeds : — " Captain Savery made a great many
experiments to bring this machine to perfection, and
did erect several, which raised water very well for
gentlemen's seats ; but could not succeed for mines, or
supplying towns, where the water was to be raised
very high, and in great quantities : for then the steam
required being boiled up to such a strength, as to be
ready to tear all the vessels to pieces. I have known
Captain Savery, at York-Buildings, make steam eight
or ten times stronger than common air ; and then its
heat was so great, that it would melt common soft
solder ; and its strength so great as to blow open several
of the joints of his machine : so that he was forced to
be at the pains and charge to have all his joints soldered
with spelter or hard solder."— Pp. 464-467.

The serious accusation made against Savery of deriv-

490 THE CENTUIiY,

ing all his information from the Marquis of Worcester's
invention, and destroying all he could procure re
lating to the Marquis, rests solely on the authority
of Desaguliers, to whom it was related by one of
Savery's friends! In 1699, the Marquis's Act had
yet 63 years unexpired, had the Duke of Beaufort
felt disposed to investigate how far Savery's engine
interfered with his father's invention ; but no such
interest was excited, nor had Savery at any time
so much success as to induce such an inquiry. But,
in 1699, the Marquis had only been dead 32 years,
and we have proof that his engine was in existence
in 1670, reducing the space of time to 29 years ; by
no means an unlikely period for Savery to find parts
of the large engine, or models of a small one, or
drawings, or MS. descriptions, or verbal details from
eye-witnesses, from among some of the many visitants
to Vauxhall, if, indeed, not directly from descendants
of the u incomparable workman," Kaltoff.

Savery's connection with the mining interests of the
country would appear to have first drawn his attention
to the value of a scheme, proposing to raise vast bodies
of water by the aid of a most stupendous power. He
might, when a mere youth, have heard enough of the
Marquis's invention, however vaguely communicated,
to excite his curiosity, and decide him on a course of
action whenever an opportunity should occur.

After a lapse of more than a century and a half,
Savery's claim is not likely to be materially disturbed ;
but it will always be a matter of interest to observe
the close similarity there is between the simple model
he exhibited before the Koyal Society, and the Marquis
of Worcester's brief summary of the parts and nature
of his own engine. And it is not very favourable to
a belief in Savery's independence of the Marquis's

WITH NOTES.

invention, that the former should be the sole inventor
of a single marvellous production of ingenuity, without
producing any novelty either before or afterwards, or
displaying any particular inventive ability to improve
on this early effort, which he left as at first produced.
" The Miners Friend" is not unlike an imitation of
the " Exact and true definition of the most Stupendous
Water-commanding Engine 5" for example :—

The MARQUIS'S invention S AVERT recommends the

is recommended u to

every individual, if he

either have surrounded

Marsh-ground to drain,

or dry land to improve."
" Thus whole cities may be

kept clean, delightful,

Engine

"As

he proposes : —
4. " As for draining fens
and marshes," &c.

3. " Nothing can be more
fit for serving cities and
towns with water."

6. " For draining of mines
and coal pits, the use of
the engine will suffi
ciently recommend itself
in raising water so easy
and cheap."

2. "It may be of great use
for palaces, for the no
bilities, or gentlemen7 s
houses ; for by a cistern
on the top of a house
* * * which water in
its fall makes you what
sorts of fountains you
please."

Savery says : — " And though my thoughts have been
long imployed about water-works, I should never have

and wholesome."
" Or, if he have (I further
say), Mines wherewith
to enrich himself withal."

" Houses to be served, or
gardens to be beautified
by plentiful fountains,
with little charge, yet
certain in ever so dry a
Summer."

492 THE CENTURY,

pretended to any invention of that kind, had I not
happily found out this new, but yet a much stronger
and cheaper force or cause of motion than any before
made use of. But finding this of rarefaction by fire,
the consideration of the difficulties the miners and
colliers labour under by the frequent disorders, cumber-
somness, and in general of water-engines, incouraged
me to invent engines to work by this new force, that
tho' I was obliged to incounter the oddest and almost
insuperable difficulties, I spared neither time, pains,
nor money till I had absolutely conquer 'd them."

Savery is reputed to have died in 1715, therefore he
was very probably between 40 and 50 years of age in
1699 ; and he might have commenced his investiga
tions into the existence of the Marquis's inventions,
models, books, papers, drawings, and traditional state
ments at 25 or 30 years of age, still leaving him from
15 to 20 years to complete his search for information.
If he died at 60 years of age, he would be 12 years old
when the Marquis died. At all events he had ample lei
sure, and the period was promising for such an inquiry.

In his time neither writers nor inventors were very
scrupulous in their adoption of the labours of others ;
the wholesale literary plunder then practised by com
pilers, would not be permitted in modern times, nor
would it be attempted by any author of moderate
reputation. Invention, on the contrary, has always been
a doubtful sort of preserve, the rights of which have
been contested with fearless impunity by every poacher
down to the present period. In the 16th and 17th
centuries particularly, no rights were so ill defined as
those of the inventor, even in the face of patents, and
Acts of Parliament. But the rights of a deceased in
ventor were still less sacred in public opinion, and there
never has been, at any time, an organized body in-

WITH NOTES. 4U3

terested in detecting and exposing unjust assumptions
of being a true and first inventor.

Savery claimed perfect independence of the Marquis
of Worcester, and promulgated a story to parallel that
of the pot-lid, usually related in reference to his prede
cessor's invention, while (as is pretended) he was a pri
soner in the Tower. Let us now compare certain dates
and circumstances to see how far they favour Dr. Des-
aguliers' charge.

On the 25th of July, 1698, Thomas Savery, Gen
tleman, had granted to him a 14 years' patent for
" A new Invention for raising of Water and occasioning
motion to all sorts of Mill Work by the impellent force
of fire."

Within six months afterwards, on the 21st of January,
1699, died the only son and heir of the Marquis of
Worcester, Henry Duke of Beaufort, at 70 years of
age.

Within three months after his Grace's decease
Savery had a Bill brought into the House of Lords,
which, on the 6th of April, was reported to the House
of Commons, and passed on the 25th of the same
month. This private Act extended the patent privi
lege over 21 years further, making 35 years.

On the 14th of June following, it is stated in the
Royal Society's Transactions, u Mr. Savery entertained
the Society with shewing the model of his engine for
raising water by the help of fire." (See page 485.)

Dr. Hook was then living, but died on the 3rd of
March, 1702. Above 38 years had elapsed since
his visit to Kaltoff, to see the engine at Vauxhall ; and
he could have spoken to the merits of Savery 's engine,
as compared with what he had earlier seen, had his age
and health permitted, or his inclination prompted him
so to act.

494 THE CENTURY,

On the decease of Dr. Hook, there was published
" The Miners Friend," (1702), by Thomas Savery,*
Gentleman. He there speaks of his model shown
to the Eoyal Society, " June the 14th, 1699," thanking
the Society for " your kindness in countenancing this
invention IN ITS FIRST APPEARANCE IN THE WORLD;" that
is, within six months after the death of the Duke of Beau-
fort.

The Patent of 1698, like all patents of that period,
contains no more account of Savery 's engine than the
mere title, or designation of the nature and intention
of the invention 5 therefore, when the Act of Parliament
was applied for and obtained, there had still been no
publication indicating the modus operandi. It was not
until the 14th of June, 1699, that the Invention made
its first appearance in the world, in the rooms of the
Eoyal Society. And it was not until 1702, that
Savery published any account of his invention, and we
then expect to learn something interesting in regard to
the wonderful discovery. But all he has to say on the
matter is in these few lines : u And though my thoughts
have been long employed about water-works, I should
never have pretended to any invention of that kind, had I
not happily found out this new , but yet a much stronger
and cheaper force or cause of motion than any BEFORE
made use of. But finding this of rarefaction by fire, the
consideration of the difficulties the miners and colliers
labour under by the frequent disorders, cumbersomeness,
and in general of water-engines, encouraged me to invent
engines to work by this new force, that though I was
obliged to encounter the oddest and almost insuperable
difficulties, I spared neither time, pains, nor money, till
I had absolutely conquered them."

* His address "To 'the Gentlemen Adventurers in the Mines of England," is
dated " London, Sep. 22, 1701."

WITH NOTES. 495

This stoicism and total absence of the least ray of

mental enthusiasm are the first remarkable circumstances

to strike our observation. Here, after a lapse of three

years, some encouragement, and writing on the matter

of a great discovery, the precious jewel is treated as if

it were of the nature of the most ordinary pump. " And

though my thoughts have been long employed about

water-works," yet we are to presume that he never

heard of the great u Water-commanding Engine" at

Vauxhall, 30 years previous. He believes in his having

" found out this new, but yet a much stronger and

cheaper force than any before made use of," yet never,

even remotely, declares how or in what way he came by

it. " But finding this of rarefaction by fire/' as he says, we

on our part naturally ask, And pray where and how

did you find it ? He names the considerations that

" encouraged him to invent engines to work by this

new force •" but from the time of producing the model

of 1699 to the last improvement of 1702, there was no

essential difference ; the invention remained the same

throughout. The only difficulties in his way were,

in his own words, "the oddest and most insuperable,"

but we are left to guess in what their oddness consisted.

He finally states, in his first chapter : — " I may
modestly affirm that the adventurer or supervisor of the
mine will be freed from that perpetual charge, expence,
and trouble of repairs which all other engines ever yet
employed in mines for the raising of water are continu
ally liable unto."

In Article No. 100, of the " Century," however, it is
shortly but expressly urged, as one important point,
that the engine works, " with little charge, to drain all
sorts of mines, &c."

It appears from documents dated 1664, relating to
Vauxhall, that Caspar Kaltoff is named therein

496 THE CENTUKY,

as "lately deceased/'* So that in 1699 Thomas
Savery was left in full possession of the field he
had entered upon. The facts and dates now fur
nished, are not very favourable to the genuineness of
Savery' s Invention. For it is not likely that all trace of
the u Water-commanding Engine" would have been lost
between 1670 and 1699, when Kal toff's family were
still living, as also many persons who had witnessed
the performance of the great engine at Vauxhall. It
is true that the last we hear of it is not later than 1670,
but it was then the property of the Dowager Marchio
ness, who died in 1681, and her Ladyship would most
likely, from respect, as well as from personal interest
in the matter, not permit the engine to be sold or
destroyed. Then from 1681 to 1699, reduces the pro
bability of its existence up to a period within 18 years,
taking the dates to the uttermost limit, although we
can easily understand that for the whole or a large
portion of those 18 years Savery was in possession of all
the facts he would require for coming before the public
on the decease of Kaltoff, the Dowager Marchioness
of Worcester, and the Duke of Beaufort ; the latter being
the last party interested in the invention, and likely,
during his life, to frustrate such a design.

But what papers could he procure at Paternoster
Row for destruction ? 1. There was a pamphlet, being
the Definition and Act, the latter printed in black
letter. 2. There was the " Definition" itself, printed
in the form of a posting bill. And, 3, there was the
" Century." All these were printed 1663 to 1664, and
are editions which are now remarkably scarce. There
are only about three copies of the Act, and one of the
u Definition," known to exist, while the few copies of

* See Appendix G.

WITH NOTES. 407

the " Century" of 1663, are rarely indeed to be found
in private collections. But, besides these, it was quite
possible to 'procure, within 15 or 20 years after his
decease, even manuscripts, drawings, and books, the
property of the deceased Marquis, more or less referring
to his great invention.

Even admitting that Savery was an independent in
ventor in 1699, notwithstanding so many conflicting
circumstances pointing to a different conclusion, he
could not have been working many years at York
Buildings in the Strand, without hearing of the Engine
at Vauxhall, invented by the proprietor of Worcester
House in the Strand. This very propinquity alone was
sufficient to excite in the mind of some intelligent,
inquisitive, and observant visitor the fact, which so
singular a coincidence would obviously suggest.

While, however, everybody else is viewing the engine
of Savery's reputed invention with astonishment,
Savery himself is present to our mind only as a cold
calculating man, proud, not of being a Captain over
Mines, but of being designated u Gentleman ;" and
while thus precise to inform the world of his gentility,
he leaves us in perfect ignorance of his mental acquire
ments, or the origin of the marvellous engine. It may
appear to some, that his exhibiting of the model before
the Royal Society is at once evidence of straightforward
ness and uprightness of conduct. But this view is
open to the objection, that he had never before shown
the model, and he thanks the Eoyal Society for " coun
tenancing this Invention on its first appearance in the
world" From the 25th of July 1698, to the 14th of
June 1669, he had been nursing the invention in secret.
What doubts could remain in his mind, when all per
sons likely to be most interested were no longer in
existence ? Men of science alone remained, who might

2 K

498 THE CENTURY,

possibly disturb his claims, and what means could be
found more likely to set this doubt at rest, than a
bold appeal to that learned body ? And come of it
what might, there would still remain to him the ques
tion of improvements; supposing the grand claim to
originality to become a matter of dispute. But to
Savery's great satisfaction, if not to his greater surprise,
so far from a word of dissent being raised, there was
(contrary to all precedent) a certificate given in favour
of the invention at Savery's request.

Savery's career may be taken as commencing in
1699, thirty-two years after the decease of the Marquis
of Worcester, thirty-six years from the date of the
44 Century of Inventions," or thirty-nine years after the
establishment of the Eoyal Society, and yet his opera
tions made slight impression on the public, and scarcely
any on scientific society. This circumstance removes
much of the surprise we might otherwise seriously en
tertain respecting the occasion of the Marquis of Wor
cester's own publications and personal labours, during
four arduous years of excessive mental and physical
activity, leaving little behind to attest the extent
of his operations and the precise nature of the difficul
ties with which he had to contend. Great strides must
have been made in arts, manufactures and trade, during
the intervening thirty-two years, all in favour of Savery's
progress, and yet, with the exception of Dr. Papin, scien
tific men were not attracted by the remarkable results
which Savery prominently placed before the public;
and Savery's own exposition before the Eoyal Society is
abridged to a single copper-plate engraving, and the
shortest possible printed reference to its several details.
Thus was this true mechanical prodigy of the age
treated as though it were of little or no interest.

When we compare this long continued apathetic feel-

WITH NOTES. 499

ing, this absence of forecast to form some strikingly
favourable judgment of the value of the novelty thus
published, although in its earliest stage, with the supe
rior knowledge on the subject evinced by the writings,
labour, and conduct of the Marquis of Worcester, at
least thirty-six years before Savery ; it is then, and
then only, perhaps, that we become fully alive to his
almost prescient judgment, that could, as if inspired,
prognosticate so truthfully as he did the future benefits
of his invention to mankind.

69.

A way how a little triangle2
fcrued Key, not weighing a Shilling,
{hall3 be capable and ftrong enough
to bolt and unbolt round about a
great Cheft an hundred Bolts
through fifty Staples, two in each,
with a direct contrary motion, and
as many more from both fides and
ends, and at the felf-fame time fhall
faflen it to a place beyond a mans
natural ftrength to take it away :
and in one and the fame turn both
locketh and openeth it.

a triangle and. MS. and P. 3 not weighing a shilling - omitted. MS. and P.

[A triangle Key.~\ This ingenious trifle may be really
only one part of another instrument, just as we see in
the cutting portion of a centre bit, which, if its operation
were attempted to be described after the same fashion,
would afford a perplexing and seemingly paradoxical

2x2

500 THE CENTURY,

statement. Yet no doubt the little triangle key was
capable to the full of performing the duty here stated.

70.

A Key with a Rofe-turning pipe,
and two Rofes pierced through end-
wife4 the Bit thereof,5 with feveral
handfomly-contriv'd Wards, which
may likewife do the fame effects.6

4 endwise ; together with. P. 5 together — for thereof. 6 effect.

[A Bose-Key.~]

7T-

A key perfectly square, with a
Scrue turning within it, and more
conceited then any7 of the reft,8 and
no heavier then the triangle-fcrued
Key, and doth the fame effects.

7 either — for any. P. 8 other — for rest.

\_A square Key with a turning scrue.~] These two
contrivances are simply variations on Article No. 69,
and may depend for sufficient leverage on some source
purposely kept out of view.

72.

An Efcocheon9 to be placed be
fore any of thefe Locks with thefe
properties.

i . The owner (though a woman)
may with her delicate hand vary the
wayes of coming to open the Lock

9 A Schuchion. MS. escutcheon. P.

WITH NOTES. 501

ten millions of times, beyond the
knowledge of the Smith that made
it, or of me who invented it.

2. If a ftranger open it, it fetteth
an Alarm a-going, which the ftranger
cannot ftop from running out ; and
befides, though none fhould be with
in hearing, yet it catcheth his hand,
as a Trap doth a Fox ; and though
far from maiming him, yet it leaveth
fuch a mark behind it, as will dif-
cover him if fufpefted ; the Efco-
cheon9 or1 Lock plainly {hewing
what monies2 he hath taken out of
the Box to a farthing, and how
many times opened fince the owner
hath been in3 it.

9 Scuchion. MS. escutcheon. P. * or the. 2 money. P.

3 at it. MS. and P.

[An Escocheonfor all Locks."] Stow, in his Annals
of Queen Elizabeth, has particularly distinguished Mark
Sealiot as a clever blacksmith ; and Dr. Eobert Plot, in
his " Natural History of Staffordshire," 1684, especially
notices the elaborate, ingenious, and expensive locks
made by several eminent Staffordshire locksmiths. He
observes : — u The greatest excellency of the blacksmith's
profession, that I could hear of in this county, lies
in their making locks." He then explains at large a
certain kind of locks with a master's key, and inferior
keys for the servants ; and supposing any servant to trifle
with such locks, the master or mistress can " certainly

502 THE CENTURY,

tell how many times that servant has been in, at any
distance of time ; or how many times the lock has been
shot for a whole year together." He also says : u I was
told of a very fine lock made in this town (Stafford)
sold for twenty pounds, that had a set of chimes in it,
that would go at any hour the owner should think fit."

73-

A tranfmittible Gallery over any
Ditch or Breach in a Town-wall,
with a Blinde and Parapit Cannon-
proof.

[A transmittible Gallery. ~\ The perusal of the ela
borately illustrated works of Vegetius, Vitruvius, Fludd,
and other writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, would abundantly furnish the Marquis of
Worcester with hints to show what had been done in
such warlike machinery, and to stimulate him to make
improvements. Such an invention as the present one,
with others of a like magnitude, he probably never
proved practically beyond satisfying himself by means
of well made models, that whatever modifications he
proposed to introduce were mechanically practicable.

74-

A Door, whereof the turning of
a Key, with the help and motion of
the handle, makes the hinges to be
of either fide, and to open either
inward or outward, as one is to
enter or to4 go out, or to open in
half.

* to — omitted.

WITH NOTES. 503

[A conceited Door.'] Van Etten, in his Mathematical
Recreations, offers as Problem XV. u How to make a
Door or Gate, which shall open on both sides." It is
represented that " All the skill and subtilty of this,
rests in the artificiall disposer of four plates of iron."
The description, which is very imperfect, concludes —
" the gate will open upon one side with the aforesaid
plates, or hooks of iron ; and by the help of the other
two plates, will open upon the other side." [Oughtred's
ed. 1653, page 30.] The Marquis may have conceived
his own plan to be a most decided improvement upon
this primitive design.

75-

How a Tape or Ribbon-weaver5
may fet down a whole difcourfe,
without knowing a letter, or inter
weaving any thing fufpicious of
other fecret then a new-fafhioned
Ribbon.6

5 riband- weaver. P. 8 riband. P.

[ A Discourse woven in Tape or Ribbon.'] This article
should have followed article No. 43, of which it seems
to be one of the " variations" therein contemplated.

76.

How to write in the dark as
ftreight as by day or candle-light.

[To write in the dark.~] This would appear only to
require a box of any form, the top or lid of which being
of ground glass, it could be illuminated by means of a
small night-light placed below, within the box ; when

504 THE CENTURY,

it would be possible to write on paper laid on the
glass, in a totally dark room. Such a device might be
useful to an inexpert artist for making a tracing of any
drawing.

77.

How to make a man to fly ; which
I have tried with a little Boy of
ten years old in a Barn, from one
end to the other, on a Hay-mow.

\A flying man.'] One feels disposed to believe, on
reading this article, that the Marquis, in multiplying
his experiments with fire and water, might have tried
in different ways the effects of heating air, and
actually gone far to anticipate Montgolfier in producing
a balloon.

However, it was confidently believed in the 17th
century that flying was possible, provided proper
machinery could be invented. There is a curious little
work on this subject, " De arte Volandi," by Frid.
Hermannus Flayder, small 12mo. 1627.

Milton, in his " History of Britain/' 1670, speaking of
the prognostications of Elmer, a monk of Malmsbury,
during the reign of Harold, mentions that — " He in his
youth strangely aspiring, had made and fitted wings to
his hands and feet ; with these on the top of a tower,
spread out to gather air, he flew more than a furlong ;
but the wind being too high, came fluttering down, to the
maiming of all his limbs ; yet so conceited of his art,
that he attributed the cause of his fall to the want of a
tail, as birds have, which he forgot to make to his
hinder parts/' See also Kennet's History of England,
1st vol. 1706, fol.

In u Friar Bacon's discovery of the miracles of Art,

WITH NOTES. 505

Nature, &c." published in 12mo. 1659, treating " Of
admirable artificial instruments," the following occurs
among other inventions : " It is possible to make
engines for flying, a man sitting in the midst whereof,
by turning only about an instrument, which moves
artificial wings made to beat the air, much after the
fashion of a bird's flight." Chap. iv. page 17. He states
that he has seen all his other named inventions,
u excepting only that instrument of flying, which I
never saw, or know any who hath seen it, though I
am exceedingly acquainted with a very prudent man,
who hath invented tlie whole artifice"

The learned Dr. Eobert Hooke, Professor of Geometry
at Gresham College, in 1655, made many ineffectual
trials to accomplish this object, which he communi
cated to the celebrated Bishop Wilkins, who considered
his plans were very ingenious.

Lord Bacon was not above recommending experi
mental investigation of means for flying. And Bishop
Wilkins suggests, that the most obvious way for effecting
the desired purpose is " by wings fastened immediately
to the body, this coming nearest to the imitation of
nature ;" and further, a this is that way which Frederi-
cus Hermannus [Flayder], in his little discourse, De
Arte volandi, doth only mention and insist upon."

In 1679, Dr. Eobert Hooke, while Secretary of the
Eoyal Society, published " Lectiones Cutlerianae, a
collection of Lectures made before the Eoyal Society,"
4to. consisting of a series of pamphlets, among
which, No. 1 of the " Philosophical Collections," con
tains eleven articles, the fourth being, " An account of
the Sieur Bernier's way of Flying," as follows : —

" Having lately seen an account from France of a
person there, who, with some considerable success, has
attempted to raise and sustain himself, and so to move

506 THE CENTURY,

and fly in the air by the help of mechanical or artificial
wings, agitated only by his own strength, without the
assistance of any other either animate or inanimate
power ; I thought it might not be unacceptable to the
curious to receive some (though imperfect) account
thereof.

44 It is, I confess, no new design, since there has
hardly been an age wherein some one or other of these
Daedalian engineers have not been trying the strength
of their invention about it. The story of Daedalus and
Icarus might have its ground from the attempts of some
persons about this matter, though poetic relations have
made it seem romantic. What the performances of
Simon Magus were is uncertain ; they might have
[been] somewhat mechanical. That attempt of one of
our English kings is delivered to us for true history :
whether so or no, I determine not. But without doubt,
it was believed possible, and attempted also in the time
of our famous Friar Eoger Bacon, who lived about 500
years since. Now, though he was believed a magician
or conjuror, and to have performed what was related
of him by the help of diabolical magic, yet from the
perusal of several of his excellent works yet extant, I
esteem him no such person ; but I rather find him to
have been a good mathematician, a knowing mechanic,
a rare chemist, and a most accomplished experimental
philosopher, which was a miracle for that dark age.
This man affirms the art of flying possible, and that he
himself knew how to make an engine,* in which a man
sitting, might be able to carry himself through the air
like a bird. And affirms that there was then another
person who had actually tried it with good success.
The stories of Architas his wooden dove, and Eegio-

* On the contrary, he expressly declares he had never seen such an engine. —H. L>.

WITH NOTES. 507

montanus his wooden eagle, are not much doubted of.
Questionless, those persons did make some kind of
engines to perform what was considerable in this art
of flying. Busbequius his story of the Turk at Con
stantinople, that attempted to fly, is not doubted. Nor
are other relations of late attempts made in Germany,
and elsewhere disbelieved. We have not wanted late
instances, even here in England, of several ingenious
men who have employed their wits and time about this
design. Particularly, I have been credibly informed,
that one Mr. Gascoyn did about 40 years since try it
with good effect ; though he since dying, the thing also
died with him. And even now there are not wanting
some in England who affirm themselves able to do it,
and that they have proved as much by experiment.

" But of all these, we have little or no account of the
ways they have taken to effect their designs, and
therefore conjectures will be much at random ; only we
may conclude them defective in somewhat or other,
since we do not find them brought into common use,
which the desirableness and usefulness of any one that
should succeed would certainly cause it to be. I shall
desist therefore from inquiry further concerning them,
and acquaint you with two ways lately published in
print, and more particularly described, which pretended
to some considerable performance of this kind/'

The first is inserted in the " Journal des Scavans"
of the year 1678.

Then follow a letter on the subject, and an account
of Lana's flying chariot. The latter is like a boat with
wheels and sails ; the former was the invention of
of Sieur Besnier, a smith of Sable in the county of
Maine. The engraving represents a nude figure with
two poles held horizontally on each shoulder, about
the centre, and having at each end flags or wings, in

508 THE CENTURY,

form of folio book backs, with the two back ends of the
poles attached by strings to the feet ; affording alto
gether a very feeble attempt to obtain the desired
object.

The privilege of flight by any mechanical means is
denied to man; his figure, weight, muscular constitution,
all operate against his imitating the bird, which, ad
mirably proportioned, light in frame, yet concentrating
powerful muscular strength in its wings, well adapt it
for enduring prolonged aerial flight, although the me
dium in which it floats is eight-hundred times lighter
than water.

If flight in the air is ever to be mechanically
attained, it will be by a machine, worked independently
of man's power, and which possibly will neither be so
safe nor so manageable as the common balloon, with
all its hazards and wayward guideless journeyings.

78.

A Watch to go conftantly, and
yet needs no other winding from
the firft fetting on the Cord or
Chain, unlefs it be broken, requiring
no other care from one then to be
now and then confulted with con
cerning the hour of the day or
night ; and if it be laid by a week
together, it will not erre much, but
the oftener looked upon, the more
exa£t it flieweth the time of the day
or night.

\_A continually -going Watch. ~] A watch having the
dial enclosed under a metal case, as in hunting watches,

WITH NOTES. 509

is no doubt to be so contrived that the opening and
closing of such case, to ascertain the time, shall act
more or less to wind it up. A room door has been thus
made to transmit power through attached levers to keep
a clock constantly wound little by little, every time on
opening and closing the door.

His list of certain of his inventions gives a different
reading to this article ; as follows : — " I can render an
ordinary watch, which, being once wound up, will go
constantly during a man's life, being used but once in
24 hours ; and, though oftener looked on, it is still the
same ; and though not looked on for a week, still the
same, if not bruised." — See Appendix A.

And in his patent of 1660, we have again a third
reading, viz : — u To make a watch or clock without
string or chain, or any other kind of winding up but
what of necessity must follow, if the owner or keeper
of the said watch or clock will know the hour of day
or night ; and yet if he lay it aside several days or
weeks without looking or meddling with it, it shall go
very well, and as justly as most watches that ever were
made." — See Appendix B.

In "Humane Industry," chapter I, occur the following
remarks, "On Dials," page 8 : — " The wit of man hath
been luxuriant and wanton in the inventions of late
years ; some have made watches so small and light, that
ladies hang them at their ears like pendants and jewels ;
the smallness and variety of tools that are used about
these small engines, seem to me no less admirable
then the engines themselves; and there is more art
and dexterity in placing so many wheels and axles in
so small a compass (for some French watches do not
exceed the compass of a farthing) than in making clocks
and great machines." It is also stated at page 9, that
" In some towns of Germany and Italy, there are

510 THE CENTURY,

very rare and elaborate clocks to be seen in their
Town Halls; wherein a man may read Astronomy,
and never look up to the skies." We are next in
formed: " But the exactest clocks and watches that are,
are defective, and want correction ; for in watches,
the first half hour goes faster than the last half, and
the second hour is slower than the first, and the third
then the second." Page 12.

79-

A way to lock all the Boxes of a
Cabinet, (though never fo many) at
one time, which were by particular
Keys appropriated to each Lock
opened feverally, and independent7
the one of the other, as much as
concerneth the opening of them,
and by thefe8 means cannot be left
opened unawares.

T the— omitted. 8 this— for these.

[A total locking of Cabinet-boxes. ~] The fact that
by this means no one of the several cabinets can u be
left opened unawares," exposes the source of security,
namely something like a long key-rod to take hold of
each, or a bar extending down one side to overlap,
when each cabinet drawer or door is closed.

80.

How to make a Piftol Barrel no
thicker then a Shilling, and yet able
to endure a Mufquet proof of Pow
der and Bullet.

WITH NOTES. 511

[Light Pistol-barrels, ,] One might almost suppose
the Marquis contemplated a method similar to that
recently introduced by Mr. Longridge, of winding the
barrel with wire.

See also article No. 44, which may, or not, refer to
the same description of barrel.

81.

A Combe-conveyance carrying
of9 Letters without fufpicion, the
head being opened with a Needle-
fcrue drawing a Spring towards
them1 ; the Comb being made but
after an ufual form carried in ones
Pocket.

9 of— omitted. * one— for them. MS. and P.

[-4 Comb-conveyance for Letters^] The entire inge
nuity of the kind of conveyance proposed consists in
the skill of the workman to provide a receptacle in so
small an article, not open to suspicion when handled by
a spy.

82.

A Knife, Spoon or Fork in an
ufual portable Cafe, may have the
like conveyances in their handles.

[A Knife, Spoon or Fork-conveyance.^ William
Bourne's 73rd Device is — " How for to convey letters
secretly." One means is to be found in a Dog's collar.
Another in a water-tight metal case, to be inserted
within a bottle of wine. " Inventions or Devices," 1578.

512 THE CENTURY,

83.

A Rafping-mill for Harts-horn,
whereby a child may do the work
of half a dozen men, commonly
taken up with that work.

[A Rasping-mill.~\ This description of mill is largely
in use for rasping dye-woods, and has undergone a
great variety of modifications.

84.

An Inftrument whereby perfons2
ignorant in Arithmetick may per
fectly obferve Numerations and
Substra6lions3 of all Summes and
Fractions.

a a person. 3 numeration and substraction. MS.

[An arithmetical Instrument^ There is in the British
Museum a manuscript description, with a large engrav
ing, of the serpentine scale invented by Thomas
Browne, of Fenchurch Street, London, in 1631, by
means of which " instrument all kinde of questions in
Arithmetike, Geometry, &c. are speedily resolved/'
Brit. Mus. Birch MS. No. 4407.

Sir Samuel Morland, in 1672-3, published a small
treatise, being — " The description and use of two
arithmetick Instruments ;" a second title mentions,
" A new and most useful Instrument for Addition and
Substraction of pounds, shillings, pence, and farthings,"
which he . " invented and presented to his most
excellent Majesty, Charles II. 1666."

WITH NOTES. 513

85- ^

A little Ball made in the fhape of
a Plum or Pear/ being dexteroufly
conveyed or forced into a bodies
mouth, fhall prefently fhoot forth
fuch and fo many Bolts of each fide
and at both ends, as5 without the
owners Key can neither be opened
or6 filed off, being made of temper-
-, ed Steel, and as effectually locked
as an Iron Cheft.

4 which being. 5 as that. 6 nor. MS. and P.

[An untootlisome Pear.] It is difficult to understand
the intended use of this proposed instrument, but it is
more likely to have been suggested from a feeling of hu
manity than from any other motive. A desperate and
ferocious enemy, thus rendered helpless before being
manacled, would assuredly be less dangerous than he
could otherwise be considered ; and it would not,
therefore, be requisite to take his life, for personal
safety ; once thus secured he would be likely to listen
to any terms of mercy.

, . 86.

A Chair made a- la-mode, and yet
a ftranger being perfwaded to fit in't,
fhall have immediately his armes
and thighs lock'd up beyond his own
power to loofen them.

\_An imprisoning Chair. ~\ In the " Memoirs, illustra
tive of the life and Writings of John Evelyn, F.R.S."

2 L

5U THE CENTURY,

&c., edited by William Bray, 2 vols. 4to. 1819, occurs
the Diary of his continental travels in 1644. On the
17th Nov., Evelyn being at Eome went to the "Villa
Borghese, a house and ample garden onMons Pincius."
In one of the chambers, he says, " are divers "sorts of
instruments of music ; amongst other toys that of a
satyr with so artificially expressed a human voice, with
the motion of eyes and head, that it might easily
affright one who was not prepared for that most ex
travagant sight. He showed us also a chair which
catches any one who sits down in it so as not to be able
to stir out, by certain springs concealed in the arms and
back thereof, which at sitting down surprises a man on
the sudden, locking him in by the arms and thighs, after
a true treacherous Italian guise." — Vol. i. p. 106-107.

M. de Blainville, in his travels, 1757, relates, in pass
ing through Italy, arid describing the Villa Borghese,
raised under the Popedom of Paul V. uncle of Cardinal
Scipio Borghese, that, " In the fourth room of the apart
ment, on the south side, called the room of the Three
Graces, there stands a remarkable chair, said to have
been formerly used to very evil purposes, by one of the
Borghese family. The machine is very artfully con
trived, and strangers who are not acquainted with the
trick are infallibly caught, as in a trap, when they are
prevailed upon to sit in this chair. By this stratagem
the housekeeper gets a good many fees, which the
enticed people are obliged to pay him for their
deliverance out of captivity. In all appearance, these
innocent deceits were the only thing intended by this
piece of machinery.'' — Vol. iii. page 34.

87. I

A Brafs Mold to caft Candles,
in which a man may make 500.

WITH NOTES. 515

dozen in a day, and adde an Ingre
dient to the tallow which will make
it cheaper, and yet fo that the Can
dles fhall look whiter and laft longer.

[A Candle-mold.~\ This invention seems to include
some recipe to whiten the tallow. When the idea of
improving candle-moulds suggested itself, the Marquis
had probably been over some manufactory, and on
seeing the customary mode of candle-making, the pre
sent suggestion may have occurred to him. We have
placed it among the few others (only nine in number),
in his numerous list, as belonging to the Domestic
Class, of wrhich it is the last.

j?: 88.*

How to make a Brazen or Stone-
head, in the midft of a great Field
or Garden, fo artificial and natural,
that though a man fpeak never fo
foftly, and even whifpers into the
ear thereof, it will prefently open
its mouth, and refolve the Queftion
in French, Latine, Welfh, Irifh or
Englifh, in good terms uttering it
out of his mouth, and then fliut it
untill the next Queftion be afked.

[A Urazen head.'] In a MS. list of five Inventions,

* The Harleian MS. " Century" has for Article No. 88, " A Stamping Engine,"
io lieu of the " Brazen Head." Mr. Partinglon alters this to " A Coining Engine."

51G THE CENTURY,

uLife, Times, &c." page 316, the present article is
briefly stated to be : — " A brass head capable to receive
at the ear a whisper, and the mouth thereof to render
answer in any language to the interrogator."

In uThe famous History of Frier Bacon," [1630?] a
black letter quarto of 24 leaves unpaged, the fifth article
relates, " How Frier Bacon made a brazen head to
speak, by the which he would have walled England about
with brass." He and Friar Bungcy, it is stated, "with
great study and pains so framed a head of brass, that
in the inward parts thereof there was all things like
as in a natural man's head."

The same account may be read at length in the
modernised edition of " Early English Prose Romances,"
edited by W. J. Thorns, F.S.A., first volume, 12mo.
1858, page 205. The unfortunate head only survived
to speak thrice, and then fell to pieces !

See also " Miscellanea Aiitiqua Aiiglicana," London,
Printed for Robert Triphook, 1816, 4to. Vol. I.

In the " Inventions or Devices," by William Bourne,
1578, "The 113th Device is, as touching the making
of strange works, as the brazen head that did seem to
speak, or birds of wood or metal made by art to fly,
and birds made of wood or metal to sing sweetly at
certain hours appointed, &c., which the common people
doth marvel at." He then proceeds to say :—

" As touching the making of any strange works that
the world hath marvelled at, as the brazen head that
did seem to speak: and the serpent of brass for to
hiss : or a dove of wood for to fly : or an eagle made
by art of wood and other metal to fly ; and birds made
of brass, tin, or other metal to sing sweetly, and such
other like devices, some have thought that it hath been
done by enchantment, which is no such thing, but that
it hath been done by wheels, as you may see by clocks,

WITH NOTES. 517

that do keep time, some going with plummets, and
some with springs, as those small clocks that be used
in tablets to hang about men's necks. And as the
brazen head, that seemed for to speak, might be made
by such wheel work, to go either by plummets or by
springs, and might have time given unto it, that at so
many hours' end, then the wheels and other engines
should be set to work : and the voice that they did hear
may go with bellows in some trunk of brass or other
metal, with stops to alter the sound, may be made to
seem to speak some words, according unto the fancy of
the inventor, so that the simple people will marvel at
it. And for to make a bird or fowl, made of wood or
metal, with other things made by art, to fly, it is to be
done to go with springs, and so to beat the air with the
wings, as other birds or fowls do, being of a reasonable
lightness, it may fly : and also to make birds of metal
to sing very sweetly, and good music, it may be done
with wheels, to go at any hour or time appointed by
plummets, and then to have pipes of tin or other fine
metal, to go with bellows, and the pipes to have stops,
and to go with a barrel, or other such like device, and
may be made to play or sing what note that the inventor
shall think good when he doth make it ; and also there
may be divers helps to make it to seem pleasant unto
the ears of the hearers, by letting the sound or wind of
the pipes pass through or into water, for that will make
a quavering as birds do, &c. And also you may make
a small puppet, either like a man or woman, to seem
to go by wheels and springs, and shall turn and go
circular, according unto the setting of the wheels and
springs, and also the birds made to fly by art, to fly
circularly, as it shall please the inventor, by the placing
of the wheels and springs, and such other like inven
tions, which the common people would marvel at,

518 THE CENTURY,

thinking that it is done by enchantment, and yet is
done by no other means but by good arts and lawful."
Thomas Tymme, in 1612, published "A Dialogue
Philosophical!,7 ' written in the form of a Dialogue
between Philadelph and Theophrast. In the third
chapter, the former observes : — u I have heard and
read of many strange motions artificiall, as were the
inventions of Boetius, in whose commendation Cassio-
dorus writeth thus: you know profound things and
shew mervailes, by the disposition of your Art, mettals
doe lowe in sundrie formes : Diomedes picture of brasse,
doth sound a trumpet loude : a brasen serpent hisseth :
birds artificiall, sing sweetly. Very strange also was
the moving of the Images of Mercuric: The brasen
head which seemed to speake, made by Albertus Mag
nus: the Dove of wood, which the Mathematician
Architas, did make to flie, as Agellius reporteth. Deda-
lus strange Images, which Plato speaketh of: Vulcans
selfe-movers, whereof Homer hath written : the Iron fly,
made at Noremberge, which being let out of the Arti
ficers hand, did as it were flie about by the guests that
were at the Table, and at the last, as though it were
weary, returned to his masters hand againe. In which
Citie also an artificiall Eagle was so ordered to flie aloft
in the ayre toward the Emperour coming thither, that it
did accompany him a mighty way." — Page 63.

It is mentioned in Evelyn's Memoirs, that when in
Italy, in 1644, he visited the Villa Borghese at Eome,
where he saw the figure of a satyr, that " artfully ex
pressed a human voice." — See Note, Article 86. And
in his Diary, he records :—" 13 July, 1654. We all
dined at that most obliging and universally curious Dr.
Wilkins's, at Wadham College [Oxford]. He had
contrived a hollow statue, which gave a voice, and
uttered words by a long concealed pipe that went to

WITH NOTES. 519

its mouth, whilst one speaks through it at a good
distance." He also entertained his visitors with
"many other artificial, mathematical, and magical
curiosities.'7

Bishop Wilkins, in his "Mathematical! Magick,"
1648, observes : — " There have been some inventions
also which have been able for the utterance of articu
late sounds, as the speaking of certain words. Such
are some of the Egyptian idols related to be. Such
was the brazen head made by Friar Bacon, and that
statue, in the framing of which Albertus Magnus
bestowed thirty years, broken by Aquinas, who came
to see it, purposely that he might boast, how in one
minute he had ruined the labour of so many years."
Proceeding further to consider such inventions, he says,
" Walchius thinks it possible entirely to preserve the
voice, or any words spoken, in a hollow trunk, or pipe."
—P. 176, 177.

Dr. W. Hooper, in the second volume of his " Ea-
tional Eecreations," has an article on " The Conversive
Statue," requiring the employment of two concave
mirrors, a statue, and an interlocutor. In regard to
this arrangement, it is remarked : — " This recreation
appears to be taken from the Century of Inventions of
the Marquis of Worcester ; one of those men of sublime
genius, who are able to perform actions infinitely
superior to the capacity, or even the comprehension, of
the mere scholar or man of business ; and though his
designs, at the time they were published, were treated
with ridicule and neglect, by the great and little vulgar,
who, judging by their own abilities, are ever ready to
condemn what they cannot comprehend, yet they are
now known to be generally, if not universally, prac
ticable."— Edit. 1794, pp. 220—223.

The "Athenaeum" of the 6th December, 1862,

520 THE CENTURY,

announced that — UA very remarkable talking auto
maton is exciting the curiosity of the Parisians. It has
been constructed by M. Faber, late Professor of Mathe
matics at a German university, and is stated by our
contemporary, ' Cosmos,' to be by far the most suc
cessful effort that has been yet made to imitate the
human voice. The figure, which is that of a woman,
is exhibited on the Boulevard Magenta.'1

We may here add the following comment on —

\_A Stamping Engine^] u An engine, without ye least
noyse, knock, or use of fyre, to coyne and stamp 100 Ib.
in an houre, by one man." — See Harleian MS. No. 2428.

In " Humane Industry," published 1661, at page 36,
it is observed, that, " At the Mint of Segovia, in Spain,
an engine that moves by water, distendeth an ingot of
gold."

The Coining Mill, or Press, was first introduced from
France into England during Elizabeth's reign, but was
shortly after abandoned for the old hammer process of
stamping with two dies. The invention of the mill is
ascribed to an engraver, who used it in 1553 for coining
the French king's counters. The new process of
coining was completely established in France in 1645,
but not in England until 1662, the year before the
" Century'7 was published, which sufficiently accounts
for its author not printing the present article.

According to the Eev. Eogers Euding, in his " Annals
of the Coinage," 1840, no improvement was attempted
for upwards of a century, the modern coining-mill
having been invented by Mr. Boulton, in 1788.

89.

White Silk knotted in the fingers8
of a Pair of white Gloves, and fo

8 finger.

WITH NOTES. 521

contrived without fufpicion, that
playing at Primero at Cards, one
may without clogging his memory
keep reckoning of all Sixes, Sev
ens and Aces which he hath dif-
carded.9

9 without foul play. MS. and P.

[Primero Gloves^] Although we cannot give a clue
to this contrivance for registering reckonings in card-
playing, it is worth noticing the old game indicated : — •

Primero, according to Dr. Johnson, is derived from
the Spanish, which Minsheu, coupling with the Italian,
thus explains, "primum et primum visum, that is, first,
and first seen, because he that can show such an order
of cards, wins the game." He then quotes as ex
amples : —

"I left him &\, primero with the Duke of Suffolk."— Henry VIII.

" The Spaniard is generally given to gaming, and that in excess ; their common
game at cards is primera." — HoweWs Letters, i. iii. 32.

" Give me your honest trick, yet, at primero, or gleek."— Ben Jonsovfs Al
chemist.

Mr. S. W. Singer affords some curious information
on Primero, in his excellent uEesearches into the
History of Cards," quarto, 1816. It appears to be
uncertain whether it is of Italian or Spanish origin.
Primero, prime, and primavista, are the same game,
differently designated. It was very popular in the
reign of Queen Elizabeth; and, as we have seen, is
mentioned by Shakespeare ; indeed, it is supposed to
have been one of the earliest played card games in
England.

90.

A moft dexterous Dicing Box,
with holes tranfparent, after the

522 THE CENTURY,

ufual fafhion, with a Device fo dex
terous, that with a knock of it
againft the Table the four good
Dice are fattened, and it1 loofeneth
four falfe Dice made fit for his2 pur-
pofe.

1 it — omitted. 8 this— for his. P.

\_A Dicing -box.~\ It would be doing deep injustice to
the Marquis of Worcester, to judge him in all respects
rigidly by modern fashions, customs, and habits of
thought. The modern critic, in simple ignorance of
the age, might exclaim with just indignation against
the promulgating an invention to cheat at dice. We
have many examples to prove, that the Marquis was
not singular in proposing so questionable an invention,
and we can only consider such schemes put forth as
marvels in themselves and warnings to the unwary.

We find, as early as 1594, that Sir Hugh Plat, in his
"Jewel House of Art and Nature," describes u A per
spective ring that will discover all the cards that are
neere him that weareth it on his finger 5" an effect
produced by a hollow crystal stone or glass, with a good
foil on the concave part, to act as a mirror. The
apology he offers for publishing this scheme, will well
apply also in the present instance ; he says : — " I have
discovered this secret rather to discorage yong novesses
from card-play, who by one experiment may easily
ghesse, how mannie sleights and cousenages, are dayly
practised in our dicing and gaming houses, not doubting
but that the general publication thereof will make the
same so familiar with al men, as that I shall not justly
be charged of anie to have taught old knaves new-
schoole pointes."

WITH NOTES. 523

John Bate, in his u Mysteries of Nature and Art,"
1634, page 151, or the edition of 1635, page 242, gives
directions, " How to make five or six dice of the ordi
nary bigness of dice, such as you may game withal,
and such as would be taken by their looks to be
ordinary dice, and yet all of them to weigh not above
one grain." To effect this : — u Take a piece of elder,
and pith it, lay the pith to dry, and then make thereof
with a sharp knife five or six dice, and you shall find
it true that I have said."

So far as the deceptive part goes, we have an example
in reference to another game, afforded by Van Etten,
in his " Mathematical Kecreations," Problem XVII.
" Of a deceitfull Bowie to play withall." The whole
trick consists simply in producing an undue bias by
means of a secretly inserted pellet of lead.

Walpole says of the " Century," that — " It is a very
small piece — in which he (the Marquis) affirms having,
in the presence of Charles the First, performed many of
the feats mentioned in the Book." As however only two
are named, No. 56 and No. 64, the foregoing mis-state
ment requires no stronger refutation. He proceeds : —
" The work itself, which is but a table of contents ; being
a list of one hundred projects, most of them impossibilities,
but all of which he affirms having discovered the art of
performing." Consequently, either the Marquis, or
Walpole occupies a most unenviable position : for one
or the other, alone speaks the truth. u Some of the
easiest (lie adds) seem, (among others) how to form an
universal character 5 how to converse by jangling of
bells out of tune 5 how to take towns, or prevent their
being taken ; how to write in the dark • how to cheat
with dice ; and in short how to fly." He then proceeds
to comment on them, observing : — " Of these wonderful
inventions (but why wonderful if the easiest?), the last

524 THE CENTURY,

but one [how to cheat at dice] seems the only one of
which his Lordship has left the secret ; and, by two
others [the universal character, and flying], it appears
that the renowned Bishop Wilkiiis was but the Mar
quis's disciple. But, perhaps, too much has been said on
so fantastic a man." It was by such unmeaning causti
city that the accomplished Walpole could degrade his
pen, display his own sterility in scientific acquirements,
and perpetuate his incapacity to judge aright of the
mathematical and mechanical acumen of the Marquis
of Worcester.

91.

An artificial Horfe, with Saddle
and Caparizons fit for running at3
the Ring, on which a man being
mounted, with his Lance in his
hand, he can at pleafure make him
Hart, and fwiftly to run his career,
ufing the decent pofture4 with bon
grace, may take the Ring as handfom-
ly, and running as fwiftly as if he
rode upon a Barbe.

3 at — omitted. 4 postures,

[An artificiall Ring-horse.~\ The nearest approach to
this automaton was that of a mechanical horse, the
invention of Colonel De Hamel, of the Wurtemberg Ca
valry. This was, until lately, exhibited at Mason's
establishment, Piccadilly, but is now in Germany. It is
made of wood, covered with a natural skin, and contains
machinery which can be operated by a lever to pro
duce any variety of action, from that of the most gentle
to the fiercest of an unruly horse. But the animal

WITH NOTES. 525

possesses no locomotive power, being restrained to one
spot by a strong pillar underneath, working at the
centre in a cup-and-ball joint, so that it can fall
sideways, backwards, or forwards, unless prevented by
equestrian skill ; it was, however, more than master of
the greater number of many excellent horsemen who
subjected themselves to its astonishing gambols.

The Marquis's automaton was possibly intended for
a kind of circus, and we may suppose that a strong post
being in the centre, a long wooden bar was so placed
across it as to revolve —with the horse attached to one
end, and a weight or counterpoise on the other ex
tremity, motion being given to the horse's legs by
internal machinery, and acting to propel it so long as
the rider pleased, or the mechanism permitted.

I 92-

A fcrue made like a Water-scrue,
but the bottom made of Iron-plate
Spade-wife, which at the fide of a
Boat emptieth the mud of a Pond,
or raifeth Gravel.

[A Gravel Engine.'] The principle of the modern
dredging machine is to be seen in Besson's " Theatrum
Instrumentorum et Machinarum," 1578, where about
25 hampers or buckets are attached to two endless
chains passing over two drums, one at the bottom of
two strong inclined poles, the other at the top of the
same, where a workman turns it by means of an ordinary
winch applied to an endless screw; while labourers
below are actively filling the ascending vessels. The
Marquis may have had in view to make each bucket
dig up its own supply of gravel, &c. as indeed is the
present practice.

This antiquated dredging machine, in some other

526 THE CENTURY,

form, had been contemplated in 1558. The Petition of
George Cobham, Tomazo Chanata, and others, was
presented to Queen Elizabeth, for the sole use of an
engine to cleanse and carry away all shelves of sand,
banks, &c. out of all rivers, creeks, and havens. — See
Cal. State Papers, Dom. Series, 1547-1580. Edited by
B. Lemon, F.S.A. 8vo. 1856, page 119, No. 56.

In 1583, an inventor, whose name does not appear,
proposed, as one out of twenty inventions : — " An engine
for cleansing or taking away of any shelves or shallow
places in the river of Thames, or any such river 5
the same device may serve for cleansing of ditches
about cities or towns, ponds, or any such like standing
waters." — Eara Mathematica, edited by J. 0. Halli-
well, F.E.S., &c. 8vo. 1841.

John Gilbert obtained a patent, dated 16th July, 1618,
for a water plough, for the taking up of sands or banks
out of the river Thames or other places. And the same
John Gilbert, with James Freese, obtained a patent,
dated 8th July, 1631, for engines or instruments, called
water ploughs, for the taking up of sands, gravel,
shelves, and banks out of the Thames and other havens.
Also Symon Hill, on the 30th May, 1633, patented his
invention for taking away of beds of sand and gravel
from rivers.

93-
An Engine whereby one man

may take out of the water a Ship
of 500. Tun, fo that it may be
calked, trimmed and repaired with
out need of the ufual way of ftocks,
and as eafily let it down again.

\_A Ship-raising Engine.'] We find in Besson's admi-
rablv illustrated folio work on Instruments and Ma-

WITH NOTES. 527

chines, 1578, many means delineated for raising vessels ;
for taking them bodily out of the water ; or, for laying
them high and dry on shore for repairs, as in plates 55,
56, and 58. All such methods are naturally, however,
not only very rude and imperfect, but are at best only
applicable for small craft.

In 1636, Sir John Christopher Van Berg, Moravian
Knight, dispossessed of all his property " by the devour
ing wars in Germany," patented eleven inventions ;
the fifth being — "An assured way how the very
greatest ship may be drawn up again, though it be
sunk 80 fathoms deep."

94-

A little Engine portable in ones
Pocket, which placed to any door,
without any noife, but one crack,
openeth any door or gate.

[A Pocket Engine to open any door.~\ Doppelmayr
gives an account of the screw-jack invented by Leonard
Banner in 1550. It must have been well known in the
following century, and we can readily understand how
the principle of its action may have occurred to the
Marquis for application to a pocket instrument that
would exactly accord with his statement.

Bishop Wilkins, in his " Mathematical Magick,"
1648, treating on the employment of multiplied wheels,
refers to Eamelli, Figure 160, observing: — "Hither
also should be referred the force of racks, which serve
for bending of the strongest bows, as also that little
pocket engine wherewith a man may break or wrench
open any door, together with divers the like instru
ments in common use." — Chap. 13, pages 91, 92.

528 THE CENTURY,

S " ; V: 95- ^::r:::-^:(

A double Crofs-bow, neate, hand-
fome and ftrong, to {hoot two Ar
rows, either together, or one after
the other, To immediately that a
Deer cannot run two fteps but, if
he mifs5 of one Arrow, he may be
reach'd with the other, whether the
Deer run forward, fideward, or Hart
backward.

s be missed.

[A double Cross-bow.~\ The employment of the cross
bow still lingered when this was first published in 1663.
The invention is so obvious that any particular descrip
tion would be superfluous, the whole effect consisting
in either shooting the two arrows singly, or together.

In an article on Cross-bows, in Fosbroke's Encyclo
pedia of Antiquities, 1840, it is stated that — " In a letter
remissory, dated 1420, it is said, 4 lequel Haquinet a
chevauchie tendu crenequins et arbalestes a croc? — that
is, which Haquinet rode along with crenequins bent, and
arbalestes on the hook. By the croc or crook is meant
the hook, into which the trigger caught ; of use both in
bending the bow and shooting.

96.

A way to make a Sea-bank fo firm
and Geometrically-ftrong, that a
ftream can have no power over it ;
excellent likewife to fave the Pillar
of a Bridge, being far cheaper and
ftronger then Stone-walls.

WITH NOTES. 529

\_A way for Sea-banks.'] This article stands alone in
the " Century" as an example of a singular divergence
from its author's main course of pursuits. It is more
than likely that his idea in the present instance was the
mere use of loose stones, laid down at such a curvature
as to break rather than resist the force of heavy seas and
rapid torrents, for such a plan would be decidedly
" cheaper and stronger" than any masonry, especially if
presenting a vertical surface to the surging sea.

97-

An Inftrument whereby an igno
rant perfon may take any thing
in Perfpective, as justly, and more5
then the Ikilfulleft6 Painter can do
by his eye.

5 more so. P. 6 most skilful. P.

[A perspective Instrument.'] John Bate, in his " Mys
teries of Nature and Art," 1635, gives, at page 155,
" A very easie way to describe a Towne, or Castle :
being within the full sight thereof." A vertical square
frame is divided by means of a number of threads,
crossing each other at equal distances. A vertical
pillar opposite, has a spy-hole at the top, through
which the town, or other prospect is to be viewed, and
to be drawn square by square, on paper placed on the
table below, until the whole is completed, as shown
in a wood-engraved illustration. No doubt the Marquis
had refined on this, or some like invention.

98.

An Engine fo contrived, that
working the Pnmum mobile forward
or backward, upward or downward/

7 forwards or backwards, upwards or downwards.

2 M

530 THE CENTURY,

circularly or cornerwife, to and fro,
ftreight, upright or downright, yet
the pretended Operation continueth,
and advanceth none of the motions
above-mentioned, hindering, much
lefs Hopping the other ; but unani-
moufly, and with harmony agreeing
they all augment and contribute
ftrength unto the intended work
and operation : And therefore I call
this d. Semi-omnipotent Engine, and
do intend that a Model thereof be
buried with me.

[ A Semi-omnipotent Engine.~\ The Marquis, previous
to the publication of this article, had permitted a written
notification of a few of this inventions to be circulated,
which is given at length, in Appendix A. In the com
mencement of this MS. we recognize an earlier read
ing of the foregoing, as follows : — " The quintessence
of motion, or a collection of all kinds of mouvements, to
wit ; circular, to and fro, perpendicular, upwards and
downwards ; side-motions, to the right and left ; straight
motions, forwards and backwards, with a circular vehi-
culum, to which any of these may be applicable, or
moveable to all the points of the compass ; at each of
which, it will be as powerful as if it were fixed to one
place or centre.

44 All and every of these, by height of Art, Industry,
and Experiment, working the same individual and in-
trinsical effect, without disturbance one to the other ; and
yet by these absolutely contrary motions, so performed,
most strange and incredible effects may be brought to

WITH NOTES. 531

pass, to the admiration of even the greatest mathema
ticians.

" The knowledge of these things rendering all things
as feasible to him that is master of this art, as it is to
make a circle with a pair of compasses, or a straight
line with a square or ruler ; they being a direct abstract
of arithmetic contrived by me."

No. 98 may be read as a second notice of his steam
engine ; No. 68, developing the broad principle of its
source of action, while the above indicates the working
parts. He may allude to the facility of communicating
motion to levers, forces, pistons, or plungers, in any
direction, by turning on steam to variously arranged
pipes, so that to his mind it appeared as though it were
something of super-human origin. While the beauty,
novelty, and success of his new design overawed his own
mind, it was a matter of infinite surprise to him that he
could not immediately impress others with a sense of
the immense value and unbounded importance of an
invention which superseded animal power: placing
at man's disposal a greater and more controllable
mechanical agent than even the elements of nature,
under the most favourable circumstances, had ever
supplied.

He expressed his own solemn impression, on seeing
the successful issue of this great work, when he said —
" T call this a semi-omnipotent engine, and do intend
that a model thereof be buried with me."

99.

How to make one pound weight
to raife an hundred as high as one
pound falleth, and yet the hundred

2 M 2

532

THE CENTURY,

pound8 defcending doth9 what no
thing lefs then one hundred pound8
can effect.

8 pounds. P.

to do.

[A most admirable way to raise Weights. ~\ In his MS.
of a select number of his inventions, we have, in No. 6,
the following earlier reading of the above : —

" By these (his quintessence of motions) I can make
one pound raise an hundred, as high as the pound falls ;
and the one pound taken off the 112 pounds shall again
descend, performing the entire effect of an hundred
weight, that is, have the force which nothing less than
112 pounds can have any other way. An incredible
effect till seen, but true as strange."— See Appendix A.
Keeping in view Nos. 25 and 27, we have here a third
application of the same principle, by which it is proposed
with one pound to raise a hundred " as high as one pound
fallefh" In the engraved figure of this demonstrative
model, one steam cylinder B, is shown,
with its steam pipe and valve at A ;
one end of a cord is attached to the
piston B, and passing over the drum
wheel D, is attached to the weight
X. As condensation ensues, the des
cent of B, will raise X ; and it may
be reset for another lift by drawing
off the condensed water at E, and re
admitting steam.

Here we are required " to make one
pound weight" so that it shall be able to
raise 100 times its own weight, always bearing in mind
• — "as high as onefaHeth." This being no Archime-
dian experiment would be unintelligible to any man

WITH NOTES. 533

ignorant of steam, and some mode of applying its pro
perty of condensation,

James Rollock,* in his doggerel verses, attempts some
description of this principle as applied to raising water,
when he says : —

" Here little David curbs the Giant's brood,
Small drop* of Rain contend nifh Xoa^sjlood ;
One -weighs a thousand coming down apace,
Weighs but himself when he hath ran his race.

The Heavens admire, the Centre stands amaz'd,
To see such Streams by go small Forces raisVL
Great is the Work, but greater Is die Fame
Of that great Peer who did invent the same.**

The plain English of Bollock's feeble lines is, that a
stream of water falling like " small drops of rain," on
the steam cylinder, caused the elevation of a hundred
or more gallons, which he likens to u Xoah's flood," in
illustration of the greatness of the result ; while the
steam " weighs but itself,'' being condensed. " Here
little David," is no more than the single attendant on
the " Giant's brood," — the Water-commanding Engine.

The distribution of the three articles, Xos. 25, 27, and
99, is evidently adopted to conceal their connection ; as
we have already seen in the instance of Xos. 22, 23,
and 58, which, although related to each other, are yet
separated, as though they were quite independent.

100.

Upon fo potent a help as thefe
two laft mentioned Inventions a

Waterwork is by many years ex-

j j j

perience1 and labour fo advantage-

• t-vpeueei — for experience.

See Appendix C.

534: THE CENTURY,

oufly by me2 contrived, that a
Child's force bringeth up an hun
dred foot3 high an incredible quantity
of water, even two foot3 Diameter,
4fo naturally, that the work will not
be heard even into the next Room ;
and with fo great eafe and Geome
trical Symmetry, that though it
work day and night from one end
of the year to the other, it will not
require forty {hillings reparation to
the whole Engine, nor hinder ones
day-work.4 And I may boldly call
it The moft Jtupendious Work in the
whole world: not onely with little
charge to drein all forts of Mines,
and furnifh Cities with water, though
never fo high feated, as well to
keep them fweet, running through
feveral ftreets, and fo performing
the work of Scavengers, as well as
furnifhing the Inhabitants with suffi
cient water for their private occa-
fions ; but like wife fupplying Rivers5

2 by me — omitted. 3 feet. P.

1 The sentence : — " So naturally, that the work will not be heard even in the next
room, and with so great ease and geometrical symmetry, that though it work day
and night from one end of the year to the other, it will not require forty shillings
reparation to the whole Engine, nor hinder one's day-work"— does not appear in the
MS. and is omitted by Partington in his edition.

5 the rivers. P.

WITH NOTES. 535

with fufficient to maintaine and
make them portable6 from Towne to
Towne, and for the bettering of Lands
all the way it runs ; with many more
advantageous, and yet greater effefts
of Profit, Admiration, and Confe-
quence. So that defervedly I deem
this Invention to crown my La
bours, to reward my Expences, and
make my Thoughts acquiefce in
way of further Inventions : This
making up the whole Century, and
preventing any further trouble to
the Reader for the prefent, meaning
to leave to Pofterity a Book, where
in under each of thefe Heads the
means to put in execution and
vifible trial all and every of thefe
Inventions, with the ihape and
form of all things belonging to
them, shall be Printed by Brafs-
plates.7

In Bonum Publicum

&
Ad Major em DEI Glorlam.*

6 make navigable— for, make them portable.

7 Thus ends No. 100 of the first printed edition ; but Mr. P. continues the para-
graph by adding from the MS. what is clearly only a Postscript to the entire
" Century." He then concludes with the Latin phrase, thus following neither
work entirely.

* The folloAving concluding part cf the MS., added as a postswipt, does not

536 THE CENTURY,

[A stupendious Water-worJcJ] The present article
concludes the Marquis of Worcester's own observations
on his Water-commanding Engine. His engagements
in hydraulic engineering, as we have already seen,
commenced about, or before, 1628; but we have later
and more satisfactory evidence of his having had the
invention, which is here indicated, absolutely at work,
under the management of his engineer Kaltoff, at Vaux-
hall. Hitherto we have confined our notice of any
express date to the period of the passing of the Act in
1663, securing to him the profits in his invention for
99 years. We are, however, now prepared to show
that, during the reign of Charles the First, in and
before 1647, the Marquis was occupied on the mechani
cal arrangements of his engine, when one William
Lambert, a brass-founder, was engaged under him
at Vauxhall, in providing material " founded in
brass/' expressly for " water- work." This evidence,
being afforded under circumstances very different
from any attempt to establish the present statement, is
all the more trustworthy, coming as a mere evidence
of personal employment in the Marquis's service, while
soliciting from Charles the Second, after his restoration,
to be reinstated at Vauxhall, in accordance with an
order from the late king.

We shall now give entire the exceedingly interesting
and important petition and royal order, from the original
in the State Paper Office : — *

appear in the 1st edition, 1663 : — " Besides many omitted, and some of three sorts
willingly not set down, as not fit to be divulged, least ill use may be made thereof;
but to show that such things are also within my knowledge, I will here in myne
owne cypher set down at least one of each, not to be concealed where duty, and
affection obligeth me."

* This Petition is calendared under the date "1665?" but probably belongs
to 1664.

WITH NOTES. 537

"To THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY,
" The humble Petition of William Lambert.

" Humbly sheweth,

" That your Petitioner was founder to his late Ma
jesty of blessed memory in Ffoxhall under the Marquis
of Worcester, for gun and waterwork or any other
thing founded in brass ; and in the late unhappy war,
your Petitioner was dispossessed of his employment,
and left to the value of £2,000. and driven to exile by
that usurpers authority.

" That your Majesty was graciously pleased at
Brussels to grant your petitioner the place of founder
for your Majesty's works at Ffoxhall, upon your
Majesty's happy restoration, whereupon your Petr.
depended ; and deserted the King of Spain's service ;
yet, nevertheless, the house was disposed to one Mr.
Calthoofe, now deceased.

" Your Petitioner most humbly prayeth, That
your sacred Majesty would be graciously
pleased to confer upon your Petitioner some
part of your Majesty's house at Ffoxhall, to
make a Founding-house for your Majesty 's
use and service.

" And your Petitioner (as in duty bound) shall
pray, &c."

The following is the grant above named : —
"CHARLES E.

" Our pleasure is, That WILLIAM LAMBERT,
Founder for our Works at Ffoxhall, shall and may,
with his family and servants, abide in and possess to
our use, our house at Ffoxhall aforesaid, together with
the outhousing and appurtenances of the same, and
there proceed in the work as formerly he hath done,

538 THE CENTURY,

without any molestation to him or his, until further
express order from us.

" Given at our Court at Oatlands, the 20th day of
August, 1647."*

These documents are highly interesting, as they
establish, beyond a doubt, the Marquis's early connec
tion with gunnery and with water-work operations at
Vauxhall, and account for the practical character of
inventions mentioned in the " Century," which might
reasonably be thought to be beyond the scope of a
private individual.

Kaltoif died in, or before, the year 1664, and it is
not unlikely, therefore, that the Marquis countenanced
Lambert's present application. For more on Vauxhall
and Kaltoff, see Appendix G.

The Marquis of Worcester had principally in view,
in this invention, raising water for private and public
purposes, and the general draining of mines or other
inundated property. Its great value was evidently to
supply cities and towns with water, and to drain mines
of their superfluous quantity. The mineral wealth of
this country was drowned treasure, until the steam
engine's powerful aid placed it within the power of man
to eject the water in greater volume than it entered.
Until the 17th century, this apparently obvious
application of the steam engine was entirely overlooked,
and had Savery done no more than impress on public
notice its applicability for that invaluable purpose, he
would still deserve the highest commendations of pos
terity. Many remarkable works were, no doubt, effected
even with ordinary appliances, and men do not willingly
abandon the experience of generations. We find that

* Cal. State Papers, Dom. Series, 1665-6. Edited by Mary A. E Green, 8vo.
1664, p. 153. No. 138, and No. 138, i.

WITH NOTES. 539

in the middle of the 16th century, viz. — July 2,
1565, Win. Humfrey wrote to Sir William Cecil, con
cerning the working of copper mines ; recommending an
Almain engineer, who, he represents, can raise water
one hundred fathoms high, by a newly invented engine.
— Cal. State Papers, Dom. Series, 1547-1580. Edited
by R. Lemon, F.S.A., 8vo. 1856, page 254. No. 73.

That the ordinary draining of land had made no mate
rial progress in the 17th century, we gather from the cor
respondence collected in u Samuel Hartlib his Legacie :
or an enlargement of the Discourse of Husbandry,"
4 to. 1651 ; where there is a letter written by Cressy
Dymock, in which he remarks — " I went into the Isle
of Ely, to see one of the Holland-mills, for drejning ;
though set up there and kept by certain Frenchmen.
The Invention seemed to me but mean and rude, and
Mr. Wheeler's way much more ingenious." " I saw at
Wicklesen the manner of your Holland sluices. The
mines also of a cochlea, for the emptying and draining
of water, of which Ubaldus hath writ a whole treatise/'
—Pages 109, 110.

The Act of Parliament, of May, 1663, states in
regard to the Marquis's Invention, that he " hath by
long and indefatigable pains and study, and with great
and vast expenses, invented and found out a Secret in
Nature, never heretofore discovered, being a Water-
commanding engine, of greater force and advantage
than hitherto hath been known ; and being no pump
or force now in use, nor working by any suckers,
barrels, or bellows heretofore used for the raising and
conveying of water ; which said Engine will yield very
great benefit and advantage to the Commonwealth, by
draining of all sorts of Mines, Marish, Oazie, or over
flown Grounds, by furnishing of Rivers and Cutts with
water to make them Navigable and Portable from Town

540 THE CENTURY,

to Town ; by improving of Lands wanting water; by the
supplying and bringing in of water into the City of Lon
don, or into any other places ; and by divers other ways
and means whereby great Encouragement will be given
to the People of the Nation, to undertake to work rich
Mines, to drain and gain in many Marish, Oazie, and
surrounded Grounds, which hitherto they have been
deterred to endeavour the improvements of, by reason
of the vast sums of money which must be necessarily
expended by the draining and conveying away the
water out of the same. ***** And that a
Model thereof be delivered by the said Marquis, or his
Assignes, to the Lord Treasurer, or Commissioner for
the Treasury, for the time being, at or before the 29th
of September, 1663." — See Appendix.

We trace the early use of steam in some of the simple
apparatus of various forms, called JSolipile, to a period
anterior to the Christian era. Greece and Borne,
France, Holland, and Germany, have each contributed
some instrument or other indicative of a knowledge of
the expansive property of steam, pent up in close vessels,
to give slight motions to, or force water from small
delicately constructed apparatus, designed for amuse
ment, or at most only to occasion a strong blast for
blowing a fire, as figured in " Vitruvio de Architec-
tura," folio, 1521. Some of these early stages of pro
gress we shall further notice here.

Besson, in his folio work on Instruments and Machines,
1578, among other contrivances shows, in plate XVIII,
a cylindrical vessel, containing a coiled spring, above
which is a close fitting disc, secured underneath to a
cord, which, passing through the coiled spring, passes
out at the bottom of the vessel, by which means it can
be used to pull down the disc, so as to compress the
spring, while the vessel is being filled with water, and

WITH NOTES.

541

its cover, with a jet in the centre, secured; on releasing
the spring, we have here a piston acting from below
upwards, to produce a fountain.

John Baptista Porta, in his " Spiritalia," quarto,
1606, gives a rude wood engraving, as here exactly
represented, a metal flask-shaped boiler, fitting the top
of a small furnace, while its neck proceeds through
the bottom of a cistern of water, within which there
is a syphon on the right hand side, and an aperture at

the top through which the
cistern can be refilled.
By this arrangement, the
steam presses on the sur
face of the water, when
all is closed, except the
syphon, from which the
water will rush with in
creased velocity.

In the 16th century,
motive and other ^Eolipile
were well known, and are
described and illustrated
by Vitruvius, Hero, and
other early writers. In
1606, Porta made a slight
advance, and John Rovin-
son, patentee of improvements in the manufacture of
iron, in his " Treatise of Metallica," 1613, among other
necessary parts of his invention, describes the fol
lowing : — u A new-devised vetible, round and hollow,
with a long spout, to be made of some mettall or potter's
earth, wherein water being put, and the same placed
on a fire, as it heateth, and the water evaporateth by the
spout, it maketh a continuall blast to kindle, or increase
the fire in furnaces, or fire-workes, and may be converted
to man?/ other excellent uses ; and same may be made in

542 THE CENTURY,

severall peeces with, the top or upper part removeable
at pleasure, so as the lower part being made to stand
on feet, may serrve at pleasure for a possenet, skellet
or boylatory ; and when the top is put on, and when
fastened and luted, it may then serve for the ventible
to make the blast."

In 1615, De Caus invented, or at all events published
an account of a small hot- water fountain; in 1617,
Robert Fludd published his voluminous work, " Historia
Macrosmi," containing descriptive and engraved illustra
tions of the effects produced on water heated in close
flask-shaped vessels.

In 1629, Branca suggested the rotating of a wheel,
acted on by a jet of steam, as a simple kind of stamping
or pounding mill. But the author, who seems to have
taken a more practical and enlightened view of the
subject, and to have considerably contributed to the
Marquis's enthusiasm, was John Bate, who, in 1634
and 1635, published editions of his " Mysteries of
Nature and Art." His treatise, u The first Booke of
Water-workes," contains, as stated at the commence
ment, u Experiments of drawing water by the crane
(syphon), and by engines ; of forcing water by ay re
compressed, and by engines ; of producing sounds by
ayre and water; by evaporation of water by fire, and by
engines ; of motions ~by evaporating water, and by rarify-
ing ayre."

Among his " Experiments of producing sounds by
evaporation of water byayer," the following is given : —

u Prepare a round vessell of
brasse, or lattin, having a
crooked pipe or necke, where-
unto fasten a pipe : put this
vessell upon a trevet over the
fire, and it will make a shrill
whistling noyse."-— Page 27.

WITH NOTES.

He figures a blow-pipe for glass-working, as in the
annexed engraving, which he thus describes : — •

" Let there be a vessell of copper about the bignesse
of a common foot-ball, as A ; let it have a long pipe at
the top as D, which must be made so that you may
upon occasion screw on lesser, or bigger vents made
for the purpose. Fill this one-third part with water, and
set it over a furnace of coals, as E, G, H, I, and when
the water beginneth to heat, there will come a strong
breath out of the nose of the vessel, that will force the
flame of a lampe placed at a convenient distance as K."
-Page 158.

Sir Hugh Plat, in his " Jewel House of Art and Na
ture," 1594, gives an account of the ordinary fire-
blowing ^Eolipile. He says : — " A round ball of copper
or lattin, that will blow the fire very strongly, only by

the attenuation of water
into air ; which device will
also serve to perfume with.
— A round ball of copper
or lattin, of the bigness of
a small bowl — a round
pipe or neck, of 3 or 4
inches in length, less than
a goose quill — and an
elbow of a less pipe no
bigger than a straw, whose

544 THE CENTURY,

vent in the end must be no bigger than a pinhole."
" Heat the same well in the fire, and then put it into a
vessel of cold water, and it will suck some of the water
into it, you may heat the same so often, till by the
peize (poise ?) thereof you may be assured that it is
more than half full. Then set this ball on a few
glowing coals, and you shall find the same to give a very
strong blast. ... I make no question but that the same
may be made so large as that they will blow one whole
hour together without any intermission." — Page 25.

In the second edition of Dr. French's " Art of Destil-
lation," 1653, page 150, he describes the "Philosophi-
call Bellowes :" one is to blow a furnace fire ; another a
candle, serving as a blow-pipe ; and the third for a
common fire. He notes " that these kind of vessels
must be made of copper, and be exceedingly well
closed, that they may have no vent but at their noses."
He recommends, in preparing them for use, that " you
must first heat them very hot, then put the noses there
of (which must have a very small hole in them, no
bigger than a pin's head may go in) into a vessel of
cold water, and they will presently suck in the water,
of which being then full turne the noses thereof
towards the candle or fire which you would have
blown."

The third figure, instead of being a copper ball is
formed like the human face, and is held by a long
stick or handle attached to the back. It is represented
and described by Schwenteri, in his u Delicia3 Physico-
Mathematicge," 1638, along with two tubulated balls for
similar use.

Such then were the suggestions the Marquis had before
him to excite his experimental inquiries, independent of
other sources. But whatever he may have known on the
subject of these applications of steam, however much

WITH NOTES. 545

he may have experimented on them, there are two
things, of which no one has yet given him the credit of
possessing any knowledge whatever, the one is, con
densation ; the other, a piston. How the Marquis of
Worcester could have been experimenting at the cost
of £50,000, and upwards, at Vauxhall, and been occu
pied in this particular class of experiments during a
large portion of thirty-eight years, in perfect ignorance
that cold water will condense steam, is past all com
prehension. Nay, such ignorance would be a greater
matter of surprise, than the exhibition of his utmost
ingenuity in the mechanical contrivances connected
with his engine. Condensation was no mystery.
Every work on distillation spoke on the subject, and
supplied the forms of refrigeratory worms, and refrige
rating heads for alembics. His very allusion to the
strength of his vessels must have had reference, first to
internal distension, as well as to collapse from external
pressure.

John Bate, in his first book, " Of Water Works,"
describes a kind of weather glass, which he calls, " the
moveable perpendicular glass ;" for the construction of
which his directions are — " First prepare the glass A,
B, fill it almost top full of water, provide also the glass
K, L, having a loop at the top of it : divide it into so
many equal parts as you would have degrees, and on
the mouth thereof fasten a thin board, that will easily
slip in and out of the bottom glass; make then a
weight of lead or brass somewhat heavier than both the
glass and board fastened thereunto ; and then tie a
little rope to the loop of the glass A, B, and the weight
at the other end thereof. Rarifie the air contained in
the glass L, and reverse it into the glass A, B, filled
with water, and hang the plummet over two little
pulleys fastened in a frame made for the purpose ; and
as the glass K, L, cooleth, the water will ascend the

546

THE CENTURY,

same, and so by the change of the outward both the
glass and water will move accordingly." — Pages 42-43.
From all that has been advanced, an impartial reader
must feel satisfied that there existed abundant sources
of popular information, highly suggestive to such an
inquisitive and inventive mind as the Marquis pos
sessed. Van Etten mentions the filling of a cannon
with water, the plugging it up, and exploding it by the
action of fire applied to its trunnion. And here John
Bate suggests an experimental apparatus on a small
scale, which the Marquis would be almost certain to
test, and in so doing to vary the construction and appli
cation. Rarefaction too is here recommended ; and the
effect of cooling or condensation is particularly noted,
the stated result being, " the water will ascend" We
can readily imagine the Marquis varying such an expe-

WITH NOTES. 547

riment with infinite delight, and modifying and enlarg
ing it to produce some practical application.

In considering these minuter points, we must never
lose sight of the extraordinary perseverance shown by
the Marquis throughout a long life, in conducting and
varying his experimental inquiries. It was the one
pursuit of a studious life-time, the heaviest source of
expenditure in his private disbursements. Perhaps we
should be very much under the mark in saying that he
must have expended above a hundred thousand pounds
in experiments alone ; which would be represented by
nearly ten times that amount in our day. And not only
was this outlay very great, but he had for above thirty-
five years kept his workman, Caspar Kaltoff, constantly
engaged on his models and on practical trials of his
variously constructed inventions.

The Act for his Water-commanding Engine received
the Eoyal assent in June, 1663, and the same year he
published his " Century of Inventions" (as here re
printed) ; a pamphlet was next issued, with no other
title than the following heading at the top of the first
page— " An exact and true definition of the most stu-
pendious Water-commanding Engine, invented by the
Eight Honourable (and deservedly to be praised and
admired) Edward Somerset, Lord Marquess of Worcester,
and' by his Lordship himself presented to His most
Excellent Majesty, Charles the Second, our most
gracious Sovereign." — See Appendix C.

This pamphlet appears to have had some connection
with means for giving publicity to the formation of a
public company for carrying out the great design on a
sufficiently large and remunerative scale. The author,
or editor, was James Eollock, who here flourishes in a
poetical vein, observing, u After the Act of Parliament,
there is here set down a Latin Elogium, and an English

2 N 2

CAS THE CENTURY,

Panegirick, both of them composed through duty and
gratitude ty an ancient servant of his Lordship's.'" He
afterwards adds : u This ancient servant of his Lord
ship's, hath for forty years been an eye witness of his
great ingenuity, indefatigable pains, and vast expences
in perfecting for publique service, not onely this most
Stupendious Water-commanding Engine, but likewise
several other rare, useful, and never formerly heard of
Mathematical conclusions, of which he hath owned a
Century, and thereunto I refer you : though this alone
were enough to eternalize his Name to all Ages and
future times/7

The " Definition" given in the pamphlet agrees with
that which has already appeared in the " Life, Times,
&c.," pages 224, 225, from another source, and is here
stated as follows : —

" The Engine consisteth of the following Particulars ;
" 1. A perfect Counterpoize for what Quantity soever

of Water.
" 2. A perfect Countervail for what Height soever it is

to be brought unto.
" 3. A Primum Mobile commanding both Height and

Quantity Regulator-wise.
" 4. A Vicegerent or Countervail supplying the place,

and performing the full force of a Man, Wind,

Beast, or Mill.
" 5, A Helm or Stern, with Bitt and Eeins, wherewith

any Child may guide, order, and control the whole

Operation.
" 6. A particular Magazine for Water, according to the

intended Quantity or Height of Water.
"7. An Aquaduct capable of any intended Quantity or

Height of Water.
" 8. A place for the Original Fountain or even river

to run into, and naturally of its own accord incor-

WITH NOTES. 549

porate itself with the rising Water, and at the very
bottom of the same Aquaduct, though never so big
or high."

We cannot do otherwise than consider that the articles,
Nos. 68, 98, and 100, refer to descriptions of the several
parts of his remarkable steam engine. In No. 68, we
have the two vessels, with two cocks, connected with a
furnace, and so arranged that " one vessel of water
being consumed, another begins to force and refil with
cold water." In No. 98, we have intimation of " the
primum mobile," forming the 3rd division of the par
ticulars enumerated above ; being some portion of the
engine capable of every variety of movement. And in
No. 100, we have no mechanical suggestions, but in their
place a bare enumeration of results, and of advantages
to be derived from the employment of such engines.
What then are we to understand by the preceding
list of particulars ? "LA perfect counterpoise," would
suggest that the Marquis had contrived a complete system
of pumping; "2. A perfect countervail" appears to be
only a different kind of counterpoise, as though the one
were derived from weight, and the other from the action
of the steam ; 4. " A vicegerent," may be the force or
piston ; 5. "A helm or stern, with bit and reins," can
hardly be mistaken for any other than levers, acting
on valves, and in some positions connected with chains
running over guide pulleys ; while the parts 6, 7, and
8, refer wholly to reservoirs, cisterns, and other external
arrangements. But this statement is simply made to
remind the reader that the Marquis's Engine was not
so entirely simple in its construction as to consist only
of a boiler and receiver, and to depend wholly on the
effect of the direct action of steam on a large surface
of cold water, as generally intimated. It is usual
entirely to set aside this full and clear statement of

550 THE CENTURY,

details. So indefinitely has the Marquis's claim
hitherto been stated, that it is always assumed, that while
using this early steam engine, he was quite unac
quainted with condensation 5 or, at least, with any
mode of employing it to produce a useful effect. On the
other hand, it is not only more rational to suppose that
he could not be otherwise than fully acquainted with it,
but that, having ascertained its various results, he
finally succeeded in employing condensation to produce a
vacuum for refilling his vessels, and for giving motion
to a force or piston. Indeed, we find in the foregoing
statement — " 6. A particular Magazine for Water,
according to the intended quantity or Height of Water."
A particular Magazine, one for a special purpose, for
which it was particular to have such a supply ; and for
size, form, and situation, it had reference " to the quan
tity and height of water," for a small cistern would
supply sufficient water for condensation, but a larger
cistern would be required in proportion to more ex
tended service. Then, " 7. An Aqueduct," might be
the vertical main pipe ; and u 8. A place for the original
fountain," peculiarly arranged reservoirs, with suitable
valves, floats, &c.

Uniting his several descriptions, we readily make out
a construction of apparatus answering many of the
conditions he has stated, as shown in the engraving* on
the opposite page from a sectional drawing designed
by the author.

* DESCRIPTION OF THE ENGRAVING.

A, A' Two cold water vessels, connected by —

B, B1 — the steam pipe, with—

C, the Boiler, set in —

1), the furnace. The cold water vessels A A', also are connected with —

E, the vertical water pipe by means of —

F, F', continuations of the same pipe conducted into and nearly touching the
bottom of each vessel A, A'.

G, G', are two water supply pipes, with valves a, a1, dipping into—

H, the well. It is obvious that by uniting these pipes, and placing the valves in

WITH NOTES.

551

552 THE CENTURY, WITH NOTES.

In the " Life, Times, &c.," page 20, we have a view
of the deep grooves cut in that side of the Citadel of
Eaglan Castle, on which the Marquis of Worcester's
Water-works were situated. The grooves would admit
the insertion of pipes of about one foot external diameter,
either round, or square, and they would carry water
nearly twenty-five feet high. In the early use of his
engine, he may have forced the water direct from the
boiler, or by the using of an independent boiler, as em
ployed by Porta, in 1606; but either way, the arrange
ment of his Eaglan works would seem to have been that
of employing a main vertical pipe for each boiler or
receiver, instead of each receiver being connected with
a four-way cock with one vertical pipe, or u aquaduct."

With these observations we close our comments on
the various articles of the " Century,'7 after having sup
plied a mass of most important references to contempo
rary and earlier scientific authors; as well as offered
several entirely new solutions ; and reduced the proble
matical character of this singularly interesting work to
one only, being No. 56, which alone remains open to
the charge of being a paradox.

the upper bend of each, it would be sufficient for a single pipe to dip into the water
to be raised.

On the steam pipe B B' is —

b, a four-way steam cock, operated by —

b', its lever handle ; and on the horizontal portion of the water pipe F F', is —

c, a four-way water cock, operated by —
c', its lever handle.

%*The four-way cock is figured and described as early as 1618, by Robert Fludd*
in "Historia Macrosmi," folio, page 467.

553

ADDENDA.

No. 5. Cipher waiting. At page 398, reference is made
to a Cipher letter, engraved in u The Life," at page 180.
It was written by the Marquis, as now appears, at Dub
lin, the 29th of September, 1645. The author having
made out the character, is able to supply the following
key, or alphabet.

abcdefg h iklmno p rstuwxy*

Curiously enough it is the document given at page
139, so that Carte must have obtained a deciphered copy
as well. But the words, u the King of the assent," should
be " the King of his assent." The words, " towards your
Excellency" (in the 10th line) are not in the original.
Also the words, u And my intention was ever to acquaint
your Honour herewith," should be " and mine intent was
ever to acquaint you herewith." There is no signature
to the original, but the written direction shows it was
from the Earl of Glamorgan.

We have now authentic proof of the construction and
character of at least one Cipher method of writing
adopted by the Marquis, eighteen years prior to the pub
lication of the " Century."

No. 53. An hollowing of a water-screw. A slight
addition to the comment on this article will be easily un
derstood by reference to the adjoining three figures, and

* No letter q or z.

554

ADDENDA.

probably throw some light on what the Marquis may have
actually intended. Being desirous to construct a model
screw, some years ago, the author designed the following

OO

method of making one of tin or zinc, which may be
easily shown by cutting out the same in thin paste
board. Form a number of discs of thin metal like
No. 1, say three inches diameter, with a hole in the
centre one inch diameter, and the metalcut through at
A. Eivet, solder, or otherwise fasten them together,
commencing by placing No. 2 on No. 1 ; now secure the
cut edge of A, to the similar edge of 6, and so on in
succession, until a sufficient pile is obtained. They may
now be extended to form a screw, as in No. 3, of any
desired pitch. The minuter details of construction will
be obvious to any clever artizan.

APPENDIX A.

[The following is from Birch's MSS. in the British Museum, No.
4459 ; and portions have been quoted in the Commentary, under
each article of invention named herein.]

INVENTIONS OF TE E'AELE OF WOECEST?

The Qvint E'ssence of Motion, or a Collection of all kinds of
Movements, to wit, C'ircular, to & fro ; Perpendicular, upwards &
downewards ; side motions, to ye right & left ; straight Motions, fore-
wards & backwards with a Circular Vehiculum, to wch any of
these, may bee applicable or moveable to all ye points of ye C'om-
passe : At each of wch, it will bee as powerfull as if it were fixt to
one place or C'enter.

All & every of these, by hight of Art, Industry, & Experim*
working ye same Individuall & Intrinsecall effect, without disturb
ance one to ye other : & yet by these absolutely contrary Motions
soe perform' d, most strange & incredible E'ffects may bee brought
to passe, to ye Admiration even of ye greatest Mathematicians.

The knowledge of these things, rendring all things as feacible to
him, y* is Master of this Art, as it is to make a C'ircle with a paire
of C'ompasses, or a straight line, wth a sqvare or Euler. They
beeing a direct abstract of Arithmetic!?, contrived by mee. And by
y° power of those, I have perfected these following Conclusions, wth
some hundreds besides all experimented by mee.

(1) I can render an ordinary Watch, wch beeing once wound
up, will goe constantly, during a Mans life, beeing vsed but once in
24. houres, & (though oftner look't on :) it is still ye same, & though
not look't on for a weeke, still ye same, if not bruised,

(2) By this I can make a Vessel of as great burthen, as ye
Eiver can beare, to goe ag* ye streame, wch ye more rapid it is,
ye faster it shall advance, & ye moveable part y* workes it, may bee
by one man still guided, to take ye best advantage of ye streame, &
yet to steer the boat to any point. And this E'ngine is applicable
to any Vessell or Boate, whatsoever ; without being therefore made
on purpose ; And worketh these effects. It roweth, it draweth, it
driveth (: if need bee :) to passe London bridge ag* ye streame at low
water : And a boate lying at Anchor, the E'ngine may be used for
loading or viiloading.

556 APPENDIX.

(3) By tliis I can make an Artificiall Bird to fly wch way & as
long as I please.

(4) By these I can make a ball of S'ilver or Gr'old wch throwne
into a pale or poole of Water, shall rise againe to ye perfect houre of
any day or night : The superficies of ye Water shall still show the
houre distinctly, even ye minutes, if I please.

(5) By this I can make a C'hilde in a C'oach, to stop ye horses
(runing away) & shall be able to secure hims. & those y* bee in
ye C'oach, having a little E'ngine placed therein, wch shall not bee
perceived in what posture soever ye horses draw : a C'hildes force
shall bee able, to disengage them, from overturning ye C'oach or
prejudicing any body in it.

(6) By these I can make one pound raise an hundred, as high
as ye one pound falls, & ye one pound taken off ye 112lb shall againe
descend, performing ye entire effect of an hundred waight (i.e.) have
y* force wch nothing lesse, then 112lb can have any other way. An
incredible effect till seene, but true as strange.

(7) By these a C'hilde shall raise as much water 100 foot
high (speaking within C'ompasse) as 6. horses can force vp any
other way.

(8) By these I can stop any other Mans Motion, & render it
Null, since from any point of ye C'ompasse, I can forceably &
effectually cause a counterbuffe or absolute obstruction of such
Motion, wch way I please all wayes, beeing indifferent to mee to
worke a perfect resistance, & to countermine their Intentions, or to
force their Motions a cleane contrary way.

The 9 was left out in ye Original C'opy. (9)

S'oe here yu have 9 figures represented, wch in Arithmetick,
make all numbers imaginable, soe by ye helpe of these Motions, noe
Manufacture, but may be demonstrated exqvisitely & demonstrably
& with great ease and facility. And noe Conclusion in ye Mathe-
maticks or Mechanicks, but may by these bee brought to passe in
great perfection & to admiration. Yet as ye most excellent tooles
cannot worke alone ; nor any C'ymeter is soe sharp to cut wthout an
arme to guide it. S'oe without Knowledge, Art, & Ingenuitie,
these are fruitlesse. But being set to worke by one of noe more
Knowledge then myselfe, am capable off, they will performe w1 is here
asserted & more then I could write, from one end off ye yeare to
ye other.

(Note. — No. 9 is here stated to be left out, but may not the first named, or " Quint
essence of Motion," be No. 1, so making up Nine in all ? [See pp. 530, 531.]
In the next line the copyist has first written 8 and then altered it to 9, to
accord with the sense of the passage.)

APPENDIX. 557

APPENDIX B.

[ABRIDGED FROM THE FEINTED SPECIFICATIONS 6F THE PATENT
OFFICE.]

MAEQUIS OF WOECESTEE'S PATENT.— SIGNET BILL.

A.D. 1661. ... NO. 131.
Clocks, Guns, Carriages, Boats, &c.

CHAELES E.

CHARLES THE SECOND, by the grace of God, &c., to all to whom
these pnt£ shall come greeting.

WHEREAS our right trusty and entirely beloved couzin EDWARD,
Marquesse of WORCESTER hath for many yeares applied his thought^
and studies, and hath beene at very great charges, to contrive and
perfect divers rare and new Invencons, contenting himselfe with the
good and advantage which will redound to the publique and to every
particuler industrious workman or curious persons who shall make
vse of the said Invencons, the product f of his extraordinary expences
and ingenuity : And whereas, amongst other vsefull and new Inven
cons of farr greater consequence, the said Marquesse hath found out
and experimented these severall new Invencons herein-after per-
ticularly menconed (that is to say)—

" 1. To make a watch or clock without string or chaine, or any
other kind of winding up but what of necessity must follow if the
owner or keeper of the said watch or clock will know the hour of
day or night ; and yet if he lay it aside several days and weeks
without looking or meddling with it, it shall go very well, and as
justly as most watches that ever were made.

2. And also an Invention to make certain guns or pistols, which
in the tenth part of one minute of an hour may, with a flaske con
trived to that purpose, be recharged, the fourth part of one turne of
the barrel, which remains still fixt, fastening it as forceably and
effectually as a dozen threads of any screw, which in the ordinary
and usual way require as many turns.

3. Also an Invention to make an engine applicable to any coach,
by which a child of six years old may secure from danger all in the
coach, and even the coachman himself, though the horses become
never so unruly, the child being able in the twinckleing of an eye to

558 APPENDIX.

loosen them from the coach, in what posture soever they draw or
turne, be it ever so short, or to either hand.

4. Lastly, an Invention to make a boat that roweth, draweth, or
setteth even against wind or stream, yea, both, and to any part of
the compass which way soever the streame runs or wind blows, and
yet the force of the wind or streame causeth its motion, nothing
being required but a steersman, and whilst the boat stayeth to be
loaded or unloaded, the streame or wrind shall perform such work as
any water mill or wind mill is capable of."

All which new Invencons being of publique vse and benefitt if the
same were put in practice, and the lawes of England haveing espe
cially provided for the incouragemenfc of such as are the first authors
and inventors of profittable and ingenious Invencons.

KNOW YEE, that wee, of our especiall grace, certaine knowledge,
and meere mocon doe for vs, our heires and successo1'8, give and grant
vnto the said Edward, Marquesse of Worcester, his executora, admi-
nistrators, assignee, and assignes, full power, licence, liberty, privi-
ledge, and authoritye, that hee, they, and every of them, by them
selves or his or their deputy and deputies, servant^, agentf , and
workmen, or any of them, from tyme to tyme, and at all tymes
hereafter dureing the terme of yeares hereafter in these pntf ex
pressed, shall and may vse, exercise, and imploy all and every or any
of the aforesaid Invencons, before in and by there j?nt£ perticulerly
described, in such manner as to him, them, or any of them, in his and
their best judgment f and discreccons, shall seeme meete, &c., &c.
May it please yor most excellent Majestie.

Tor Majtie is hereby graciously pleased to grant vnto Edward,
Marquesse of Worcester the sole vse and exercise of his severall new
Invencons concerning watches or clockf, guns or pistolls, coaches,
and boates, for fourteene yeares according to the forme of the Statute
in that behalfe made and provided, and with such other clauses as
are vsuall in grantf of like nature.

Signified to be yor Majesties pleasure vnder yor royall signe
manuall.

T. PALMER,

15 Nov. 1661.
[Eecord mutilated.]

APPENDIX. 550

APPENDIX C.

WATER-COMMANDING ENGINE, ACT, ETC.

[From page 559 to 567, is the reprint of a rare quarto tract of
22 pages, of which there is a copy in the library of his Grace
the Duke of Beaufort ; and another in the British Museum,
C. 31. d. 1.]

AN exact and true Definition of the most Stupendious "Water-
commanding Engine, invented by the Eight Honourable (and
deservedly to be praised and admired) Edward Somerset, Lord
Marquess of Worcester, and by his Lordship himself presented
to his most Excellent Majesty Charles the Second, our most
gracious Sovereign.

AN Act of Parliament thereupon granted, with great applause of
both Houses, being through his Majesties particular favour passed,
by special Commission to the Eight Honourable the Earl of Clarendon,
Lord High Chancellour of England; the Earl of Southampton, Lord
High Treasurer ; the Lord Roberts, Lord Privy Seal, third Officer of
the Crown, preceding all Dukes, not of the Blood Eoyal; the Duke
of Albemarle his Grace, most deservedly by his transcendent merits
never to be forgotten, Lord General of his Majesties Land-forces ;
the Lord Marquess of Dorchester, and the Earl Lynsey, Lord High
Chamberlain, by his place preceding all Earls, both likewise of the
Privy Council : They passed the said Act upon the third of June,
1663. For the more expedition, and in Testimony of the great con
sequence thereof to the King and Kingdom.

His most Excellent Majesty having the tenth part, without
deducting of Charges, freely given him by the said Lord Marquess,
and there evidently accruing a considerable Profit and Benefit to
every individual Subject of the whole Nation, if he either have
surrounded Marish-ground to drein, or dry Land to improve ; Com
modities to sell portable from Town to Town, and through the
Countrys to the Towns by Cuts thus fed by water ; or if he have (I
further say) Mines wherewith to enrich himself withall, Houses to
be served, or Gardens to be beautified by plentiful Fountains with
little charge, yet certain in ever so dry a Summer : and there being
indeed no place but either wanteth water, or is overburdened there-

500 APPENDIX.

with, and by this Engine either defect is remediable, that is to
say, water necessary to man-kind, furnished with the pleasantness
thereof, procured, and the water unnecessary, as easily rejected.

Thus whole Cities may be kept Clean, Delightful and "Wholesome,
needing no other Scavengery then by means thereof to void their
dirt, and avoid noisomness, the Cause of Infection, Sicknesses, and
Contagion it self, by Stenches commonly ingendring and fomenting
the same.

After the Act of Parliament, there is here set down a Latin
JElogium, & an English PanegincJc, both of them composed through
duty and gratitude by an Antient Servant of his Lordships, pre
suming to begin the way to the greatest Wits and Poets to dilate
upon so plentiful and admirable a Theam, and so deserving a person
of King and Kingdom, and of all that ever knew him.

This Antient Servant of his Lordships, hath for forty years been an
eye witness of his great ingenuity, indefatigable pains, and vaste ex-
pences in perfecting for publique service, not onely this most Stupen-
dious "Water commanding Engine, but likewise several other rare,
useful, and never formerly heard of Mathematical Conclusions, of
which he hath owned a Century, and thereunto I refer you : though
this alone were enough to eternalize his Name to all Ages and future
times.

I think it not amiss to give further notice in his Lordships behalf,
that he intends within a moneth or two to erect an Office, and to
intrust some very responsible and honourable persons with power to
Treat and Conclude with such as desire at a reasonable rate to reap
the benefit of the same Water-commanding Engine, in any of the
aforesaid useful and beneficial operations, whereof his Majesty is to
reap the first fruit ; and then the whole Kingdom in general, before
his Lordship is re-imbursed, and his reward beginneth ; whose laud
able inventions Almighty God prosper with blessings on earth, and
reward in heaven.

APPENDIX. 561

MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,

The same individual Definition of my Water-work, which
I formerly presumed to put into Your Soyal Hands, I again adven
ture to present to Your Majesty ; praying Your Belief of it, as Your
Majesty shall find it true by comparing it with the real Effect ;
which, if found punctually agreeing, Vouchsafe then not to be apt
hereafter to lend a believing Ear to such persons, as Malice causeth
to detract from, or Ignorance to slight what shall (though never so
seemingly strange) be averr'd by me, who will never be convinced of
a Ealshood in "Word or Deed towards Your Sacred Majesty ; before
whom I shall ever speak as in the presence of Almighty God, whose
Vicegerent on Earth I deem You : And to Your Majesties traiis-
centdent Judgment I submit all, and will presume to subscribe
my self,

SIR,

Your Sacred Majesties

Faithfully-Devoted and passionately-
Affected, Useful, if cherished,

Subject and Servant, WORCESTER.

A Stupendious or a Water-Commanding Engine, boundless for
Height, or Quantity, requiring no External, nor even Additional helpt
or force to be set, or continued in motion, but what intrinsecally
is afforded from its own Operation, nor yet the twentieth part thereof:
And the Engine consisteth of the following Particulars ; —

1. A perfect Counterpoize for what Quantity soever of Water.

2. A perfect Countervail for what Height soever it is to be
brought unto.

3. A Primum Mobile commanding both Height and Quantity
Kegulator-wise.

4. A Vicegerent or Countervail supplying the place, and per
forming the full force of a Man, Wind, Beast, or Mill.

5. A Helm or Stern, with Bitt and Eeins, wherewith any Child
may guide, order, and controul the whole Operation.

6. A particular Magazine for Water, according to the intended
Quantity or Height of Water.

7. An Aquaduct capable of any intended Quantity or Height of
Water.

8. A place for the Original Fountain or even River to run into,
and naturally of its own accord incorporate it self with the rising
Water, and at the very bottom of the same Aquaduct, though never
so big or high.

2o

5G2 APPENDIX.

By Divine Providence, and Heavenly Inspiration, this is my Stupen-
dious Water-commanding Engine, boundless for Height and
Quantity.

"Whosoever is Master of Weight,

Is Master of Force ;
"Whosoever is Master of "Water,

Is Master of both :

And consequently, to him all Forceable Actions and Atchievments
are easie, which are in any wise beneficial to or for Mankind.

Exegi Monumentum cere perennius,

Hegalique situ Pyramidum altius;

Quod non imber edax, non Aquilo impotent,

Possit diruere, aut innumerabilis Horace.

Annorum series, fy fuga temporum :

Non omnis moriar, mult aque pars mei

Vitabit Libitinarn,

dum stabit Anglia. Capitolium.

Eeader observe, This tells us how to keep
Our morning-Thoughts awake, while others sleep :
'Tis Art and Nature's product, scan'd by some :
Judge of it by th' Effects, then give your doom.

To God alone be all Praise, Honour and Glory,
for ever and ever. Amen.

WORCESTER.*

* There is in the British Museum, bound up along with other broadsides, one on
which is printed the whole of the foregoing, commencing with the letter, " Most
Gracious Sovereign," and ending at this signature. The printed matter covers
14i by 11 inches of surface, and was originally a sheet of at least 18 by 13 or 14
inches, including the margin, which has been cut off. It is catalogued under
" Somerset;" and the reference is, Brit. Mus. No. 12. E 1. 75.

APPENDIX. 563

AN ACT to Enable Edward Marquess of Worcester to Eeceive the
Benefit and Profit of a "Water- Commanding Engine by him
Invented ; One Tenth part whereof is appropriated for the
Benefit of the Kings Majesty, His Heirs and Successors.*

WHEREAS The Eight Honourable Edward Marquess of Worcester
hath affirmed to the Kings most Excellent Majesty, That he hath by
long and indefatigable pains and study, and with great and vast
expences, invented and found out a Secret in Nature, never hereto
fore discovered, being a "Water- Commanding Engine, of greater
force and advantage then hitherto hath been known ; and being no
Pump or Force now in use, nor working by any Suckers, Barrels, or
Bellows heretofore used for the raising and conveying of Water ;
which said Engine will yield very great benefit and advantage to the
Common- wealth, by draining of all sorts of Mines, Marish, Oazie, or
Overflown Grounds ; by furnishing of Kivers and Cutts with water
to make them Navigable and Portable from Town to Town; by
improving of Lands wanting water ; by the supplying and bringing
in of wrater into the City of London, or into any other places : and
by divers other ways and means whereby great Encouragement will
be given to the People of this Nation to undertake to work rich
Mines, to drain, and gain in many Marish, Oazie, and surrounded
Grounds, which hitherto they have been deterred to endeavour the
improvement of, by reason of the vast sums of money which must
be necessarily expended by the draining and conveying away the
water out of the same. And whereas the said Edward Marquess of
Worcester is willing and contented to setle a tenth part of the
accruing benefit thereof upon his Majesty, His Heirs and Successors,
for the term of years after in this Act mentioned ; To the end there
fore that the said Edward Marquess of Worcester may have and
enjoy the full and particular benefit and profit of this his new
Invention, with a Prohibition to all others to make use thereof for
ninety and nine years : May it therefore please the Kings most
Excellent Majesty, That it may be enacted, And Be it Enacted by
the Kings most Excellent Majesty, by and with the Advice and
Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons, in
this present Parliament Assembled, and by the Authority thereof,
That it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Edward Marquess
of Worcester, His Executors and Assigns, from time to time, and at
all times hereafter, during the said ninety and nine years, to have,
receive, take, and enjoy, to his and their own proper use and uses,

* 15 Car. II. cap. xii. 1663.

56 i APPENDIX.

the Profit, Benefit, and Advantage which shall any ways arise,
happen, or accrue by means or reason of the aforesaid Engine and
new Invention. And be it also Enacted by the Authority aforesaid,
That one full tenth part of the accruing Benefit thereof (without
deduction or abatement for or by reason of any Charges or Expences
whatsoever) shall be paid and answered, and accounted for by the
said Edward Marquess of Worcester, his Executors, Administrators,
and Assigns, for His Majesty, His Heirs and Successors, into His
Majesties publick receipt of Exchequer yearly, and every year at the
Feasts of Saint Michael the Arch-angel and the Annunciation of the
Blessed Virgin Mary, during the said Term of Ninety nine years,
the first payment to be made at the Eeast of Saint Michael the
Arch-angel, which shall be in the year of our Lord God, One thou
sand six hundred sixty and three ; And be it further Enacted by the
Authority aforesaid, that if any Person or Persons whatsoever within
his Majesties Kingdom of England & Dominion of Wales, and Town
of Berwick upon Tweed, and the Dominions and Territories there
unto belonging, do, or shall at any time hereafter, during the said
term, Counterfeit, Imitate, put in practice, or erect the said Water-
commanding Engine (without the consent and License first had and
obtained in writing from the said Edward Marquess of Worcester,
or his Assignes) That it shall, and may be lawful to and for the said
Edward Marquess of Worcester, or his Assignes, with his, or their
Agents or Work-men by a Warrant from the Lord Chief Justice, or
from any two Justices of Peace within the respective County or
Liberty, where such search shall be made, and assisted by the
Constable or Constables neer adjacent, to enter into, or upon the
said place or places where the said Work or Engine shall be made or
erected ; And upon discovery of any such Engine, to proceed against
the said Person or Persons by Action, Information or Indictment ;
and after Conviction thereof in due course of Law in any Assizes, or
publique Sessions of the Peace, or any of the Courts at Westminster,
or any other His Majesties Courts of Record in any City, Burrough,
or Town Corporate, or in any Stanary Court, or Jurisdiction of Lead-
mines ; Then such Engines to be forfeited, and seized to and for the
use of the said Edward Marquess of Worcester, his Executors, Ad
ministrators and Assignes respectively : And further, that the said
Actor or Actors, Contriver or Contrivers thereof, and every of them,
shall lose, and forfeit Eive pounds of lawful Money of England an
Hour for every Hour, he or they shall be Convicted, by one or more
credible Witnesses upon Oath, to use the same, after such Convic
tion without the consent and License of the said Edward Marquess

APPENDIX. 565

of Worcester, or his Assignes, first had and obtained in manner
as aforesaid; the same to be recovered in the name of the said
Edward Marquess of Worcester, his Executors, or Assignes, at the
Common Law by any Action or Actions to be grounded upon this
Statute ; The same Action and Actions to be heard, and determined
in any of his Majesties Courts of Eecord, in which Suit no Essoign,
Protection, or Wager of Law shall be allowed ; one third part
whereof shall be to the Kings most Excellent Majesty, one other
third part to the Informer or Discoverer, and the other third part to
the said Marquess of Worcester, his Executors and Assignes. Pro
vided always, and it is hereby Declared, That this Act, or any thing
therein contained, shall not prejudice any other Water- work or
Engine now known and used, nor any Person or Persons, who before
the making of this present Act have obtained any Letters Patents
from his Majesty, for the sole making and using of any new Engine
for the carriage of Water ; But that the said other Water- work, and
the said Letters Patents shall be and remain of the same force and
effect, as if this Act had never been had or made, any thing herein
contained to the contrary notwithstanding. Provided always, that
nothing in this Act contained shall be construed, or taken to pre
judice, or hinder any Person or Persons from making, or using any
Engine, Device or Invention, for ther raising and carriage of Water,
other then the Engine in this Act mentioned; And that a Model
thereof be delivered by the said Marquess, or his Assignes, to the
Lord Treasurer or Commissioners for the Treasury for the time
being, at or before the Nine and Twentieth day of September, One
thousand six hundred sixty three ; And be by him or them then put
into the Exchequer, and kept there.

Copia vera.

Jo. Brown Cleric.

Parliament.

In admirandarn magis quam imitandam, aut ullis Encomiis satis
praedicandam, lllustrissimi Domini Marchionis Yigornias
Machinam Hydraulicam, Elogium.

Barbara Pyramidum sikat miracula Memphis,
Assiduusjactet nee Babylona labor. — HOKAT.

Siste viator, depone sarcinam, fy dum reficis membrce
Lahore languida, pasce mentem novitatis avidam ;
Perpende gyganteam hanc mole, (Eterni motus (Bmulam,
Natures $• Art is cumpaginem, Cceli Solique stupor em.

566 APPENDIX.

Pondera ponderibus librata Me ^Ethera scandtmt,
Et redeunt proprias mox sulitura vices.

Mens pragnans agitato, Deo, nunc prcestat in Orbe,
Quce nee stellifero sunt tribuenda Polo.

Taceat Ithodus,facessat Ephesus, et quicquidfabufasa
Prcedicat antiquitas ; illic laudanda Artificis industria,
Hw admiranda mentis sublimitas celebranda venit.
Cui impares fuere tot seculis retroactis omnes Grceci,
Et Romani, humano conatu, id prcestitit nostra
jEtate unus Cambrobritannus, Divino ojfflatu :

Soli Deo Gloria.

Martis & Imperil Palmamfert Roma per ennem ;
Artis fy Ingenii Cambria culmen Jialet.

.... pauci, quos sequus amavit

Jupiter, aut ardens evexit ad a3tliera virtus,

Hoc potuere ....

Jacobus Itollocus,

Scoto-Belga-Britannus.

A Panegyrick to the Eight Honourable EDWARD, Lord Marquess of
WORCESTER, Upon his stupendious and never-sufficiently-com-
mended Water-work.

I know mean subjects need a skilful Pen
To stretch their worth on tenter-hooks, but when
• A Theam falls out so pregnant, who can chuse

But strain his vulgar Wit to prove a Muse ?

Come, fainting Pilgrim, lay here down thy Pack,
And, while thou rests thy wearied limbs, look back
Upon this Pageant, th' Emblem of his mind,
"Whose Art and skill hath this our Age refin'd.

Here little David curbs the Gyant's brood,
Small drops of Eain contend with Noah's Flood ;
One weighs a thousand coming down apace,
Weighs but himself when he hath run his race.

The Heavens admire, the Centre stands amaz'd,
To see such Streams by so small Forces rais'd.
Great is the Work, but greater is the Fame
Of that great Peer who did invent the same.

APPENDIX. 567

What Force or Strength can do is in his reach,
His long Experience, Cost and Charges, teach ;
What Greeks, nor Romans e're could do, this day,
Our Noble Britain here hath found the way.

If Ages past had bred you, we had seen

Your Glories current run a bigger stream ;

But Art and Envy meeting face to face,

Like France and Spain, dispute who shall take place.

None but ignoble Minds love to detract
From th' Honour due to such a noble Act :
On then, that after-ages may relate
Your Service done to Country, King and State.

And though that envious Spirits spit their gall,
Your noble Deeds are so well known to all,
As if their malice should take from your praise,
Your own deserts will crown your head with Bays.

5$y your Lordships

most humble and faitliful Servant,
James Bollock.

APPENDIX D.

[Among the Family Papers in the possession of His Grace the
Duke of Beaufort is the following : — Letter from WALTER
TRAVEES, a Roman Catholic Priest, to the Doivager Marchioness
of Worcester.']

Jesus + Mia, September 6, 1670.

NOBLE MADAM —

The Grace of the Holy-ghost bee with you.

The greate esteeme and honour wch I have euer had for your Ladys?
hath allwaise made mee prompt, and willing to serue you to the best
of my power, without the bias of selfe interest, as your selfe can
witnesse ; And because I feare that at present, your Honour hath
noe one, that in the greate concernes, which you have in hand, will
tell you the truth, as it often happens to persons of greate quality :
I have thought it the part of my Priestly function and fidelity
towards yor Hor: (haveing first in my poore prayers, humbly com
mended it to Aim: God) to represent unto you, that wch all your
friends know to bee true, as well as my selfe, and would bee willing
that your Ladys? should know it likewise.

568 APPENDIX.

Aim: God hath Madam put you into a happey, and florishing
condition, fitt and able to serue God, and to doe much good to your
selfe and others ; and your LadysP makes your selfe unhappey, by
seeming not to bee contented with your condition but troubling your
spiritts with many thoughts of attayning to greater dignityes and
riches.

Madam all those that wish you well, are greeued to see your
LadysP to bee allready soe much disturbed, and weakened in your
iudgment and in danger to loose the right use of your reason, if you
doe not tymely endeauor to preuent it, by ceasing to goe one with
such high designes, as you are vppon, which I declare to you, in the
faith of a Priest to bee true : The cause of your present distemper,
and of the aforesayed danger, is doubtlesse, that your thoughts and
imagination are very much fixed on the title of Plantaginet, and of
disposing your selfe for that greate dignity by getting of greate sums
of money from the King, to pay your deceased Lords debts, and
enriching your selfe by the great Mashine, and the like. Now
Madam how vnproper such undertakeings are for your L. and how
vnpossible for you to effect them, or any one of them, all your friends
can tell you if the please to discover the trueth to you.

The ill effects that flow from hence are many : as the danger of
looseing your health and iudgment by such violent application of
your fancies in such high designes and ambitious desires ; the proba
bility of offending Aim. God and preiudising your owne soule
thereby : the advantage you may thereby give to those who desire
to make a pray of your fortune, and to rayse themselues by rueuing
you : the spending greate sums of money in rich and sumptuous
things, whch are not suteable to the gravity of your LadysP and
present condition of "Widdow-hoode and mourning for your deceased
Lord.

Although it bee certine, that it is a greate temptation which you
are now vnder, and very dangerous and hurtfull both to your tempo-
rail and eternall happynesse ; yett I confisse that the Divel, to make his
suggestion the more preualent, doth make vse of some motives that
seeme plausible,as of paying your Lords debs, of founding monasteryes,
and the like, and that your LadysP hath the Kings favour to carry
one your designes. But Madam it is certine that the King is offended
with your comeing to the Court, and much more with your preten-
tion to the title of Plantaginet ; and it is dangerous to provoke him
any farther : And for paying of debts, and founding of Monasteryes,
wee all know that your L. can neuer bee in a better condition to doe
it, then now you are ; and as you are not bound to doe such things,

APPENDIX. 569

soe they are not expected from you ; but wee all applaud your pious
inclinations herein, of wch you will not loose the merit with Aim:
Grod but our apprehensions are, least you should by your Ladys?3
inordinate designes, bring your selfe into such a condition, as not to
bee able to helpe your friends nor your selfe.

Bee pleased Madam now to give mee leave to suggest some waie
how the approching dangers may bee prevented, by changing the
object of your affections, and insteede of temporall, to seeke after
eternall riches, and honors, which your age doth assure you are not
far off ; for wch you may dispose yourselfe, before death comes, by
retiring into the countrey for some tyme, from the distractions of the
Court, where you may have the advice and directions of some learned
Priest, in whose vertue you may wholey confide, and bee guided by
him, for your internall quiet and security. Many places may soone be
found out, that are fitt for that purpose : At Hammersmith Mrs.
Bedingfield a very vertuous and discreete person, and of your Ladys?8
acquaintance, hath lately taken a faire house and garden, & hath but
a small family. In some such place your Hor might likewise haue
the aduice of some well experienced Doctor, for the health of your
person, and the benefitt of good ayre and of quietness, would much
conduce to your health : And soe by Aim. Grods blessing, you may
recover from that most pernicious distemper of bodey and mind, vnto
wch euery one seese you to bee very neere approaching, and may live
many yeares with your owne fortune and dignity in greate honour,
and happy nesse and be the author of many good workes of piety
and Charity to the glorey of God and eternall saluation of your
owne soule. Thus dear Madam I have ventured to declare a greate
trueth to you, wch was before a secrett only to your selfe ; I know
that I run the hazard of incurring your displeasure, if your Ladys?
should not reade the candor of my intentions, wch in my Letter I
intend towards you : but my assurance of haveing herein performed
a duty wch I owe to my Grod, and the hope I have that you will take
it well as I intend it, have encouraged mee to doe it, and to sub
scribe myselfe

Honored Madam

Tour humb. Ser. in C. J.

WALT. TRAYERS.
[On the lack of this letter is the address :]

For ye Eight Honble

the Lady markes of wossester,
at her howes in Link[olns]
ins fields.

570 APPENDIX.

APPENDIX E.

COLONEL CHBISTOPHER COPLEY.

Sufficient has been said respecting Copley in the "Life, Times, &c.,"
pages 214, 215, to give interest to any matter that can afford in
formation respecting him.

We here supply his auto
graph, from MSS. in the
British Museum, which may
be useful to collectors ; and
have also to offer the ac-
count he gives of himself and his affairs during the Commonwealth,
derived from Cole's MSS. also in the British Museum, No. 5832,
volume 31, page 209, as follows :—

I. (The following Case, wrote on half a sheet of paper, and was the
first draught as seems to me, by the alterations and scratch-
ings out of several words, and additions over them. I know
not how I came by it.)

Col. Christopher Copley his Case.
Humbly sheweth,

That the said Colonel Copley did, in the year 1642, at his own
charge raise a troop, and in 1644, a regiment of Horse, and supplied
the Parliament with Bar-iron and Bullets, which with other things
due amounted to the value of £1,843, whereof ^£1,500 was granted
unto him as by an order of the 19th of July 1656, may at large
appear ; but is still unpaid.

That during the greatest part of the years 1644, and 1645, he had
the command and care of several regiments of Horse, and by the
blessing of God upon his conduct and resolution, several pieces of
service were done, and victories obtained, whereby diverse of the
counties of England were settled in peace, to the great advantage of
the nation.

That the Committees of all ridings of the county of York did, in
approbation of his service and fidelity, elect him to be Colonel of the
West-riding Eegiment of Horse in 1645 ; and the Parliament, by
their letter, under the hand of the 3J4. honble. Mr. Speaker, did
also assure him, that they would be ready upon all occasions to
testify their sense of his service ; and did after, in 1647, appoint him

APPENDIX. 571

to be one of the nine, who by their vote, were to command the nine
regiments of Horse then only to be continued for the defence of this
nation.

That by reason of the premisses the Earl of Newcastle caused his
wife and children to be turned out of doors, and his house, lands,
goods, and stock at four Iron Works to be taken from him, to the
value of £2,000 ; for which he never had any recompense.

That Lieut*. -Gren1. Cromwell finding the said Colonel Copley
would not become subservient to his ambitious ends (which then
were under the curtain, but since discovered) caused him to be un
deservedly questioned upon articles (which before he had waived),
and after he had fully cleared himself, did, notwithstanding his said
service, contributions and sufferings, cause him to be put out of the
Catalogue presented to be continued in 1647 ; whereby his regiment
was taken from him, and given to Colonel Lambert, contrary to the
said vote ; the Parliament, as is conceived, not then remembering it,
nor their engagement by their letter afore-mentioned.

That though he thus lost his command, yet he did not resist (as
others of late) but acquiesced in the pleasure of the house, and sub
mitted shortly after to a Commonwealth Government set up ; yet
hath been kept out of all employment, both civil and military ever
since ; to his reproach and the ruin of his estate, contrary to the
declaration of the 20th January 1643, while he hath seen many
others (who never at all, or not considerably, either served or con
tributed to, or suffered for the Parliament) from mean conditions,
preferred to, and continued in great commands and employments by
their compliances with the many changes of this evil age, and the
lusts of ambitious men, to the hazard of the ruin of this Common
wealth.

That he did disapprove of the usurpations of the Protectoral, and
the longings after the regal power; but when the Parliament was
invited to return to the discharge of their trust, and were about the
restitution of the commands to such, as by the usurpations were dis
possessed, he tendered his service. And after the late interruption,
he declared his readiness to raise a regiment, and to run the hazard
of his life and fortune, to reduce the army to the Parliament's obedi
ence ; and received a Commission to that end.

His humble request, therefore, is, that your Honours will be
pleased upon due consideration of the premisses to confer upon
him his own regiment of Horse, late under the command of the
said Colonel Lambert, and now about 12 years withheld
from him, according to the justice of his case above-mentioned,

572 APPENDIX.

or some other command or civil employment in England or
Ireland, suitable to his former, and to the merit of his fidelity
and affections to the Parliament, expressed in the premisses.
This is a true copy of the last :

That since the good Providence hath put the power into your
hand, your Excy. will be pleased upon due consideration of the
Premisses, to confer upon him a command in England or Ireland,
suitable to his former, and to the merit of his fidelity and affections
to the Parliament expressed in the Premisses.

II. In the 4th Volume of the Journals of the House of Commons
for 1644 to 1646, on the 20th October, 1645, is reported—" A letter
from * * 18th October, 1645 — * relating the great

success of the Parliament's forces (about 1,200), under the com
mand of Colonel Copley, near Ferrybriggs, over near 2,000 of the
enemy, under the command of Digby."

And in the 5th Volume, 1646 to 1648, on the 18th May, 1647,
was read— "A Certificate from the Earl of Manchester, of the 20th
February, 1646, concerning iron belonging to Mr. Copley and his
Partners, made use of by the forces under his command."

On referring to the Journals of the House of Lords, we find that
on the 8th of July, 1648, there was a message from the House of
Commons, and an order desiring their Lordships' concurrence ; being
among other matters-— "An Ordinance for .£4,324. 9s. — to Colonel
Christopher Copley," which was entered and agreed to. (See Vol.
X., 1647 to 1648, pages 369 and 371.)

APPENDIX F.

Copy of Cromwell's WARRANT, and INVENTORY of eight copies of
Papers relating to the Marquis of Worcester, in the possession of
BENNET WOODCROFT, Esq. F.R.S.

1655. A WARRANT to pay Three pounds a week to Edward Earl
of Worcester, for his better maintenance, &c. Given by the
Lord Protector, as follows : — [See page 213.]

A WARRANT to pay Three pounds a week to Ye Earl of Worcester.

LORD PROTECTOR, Ac. To the Comrs of our Treasury Greetinge
our will and pleasure is and wee doe hereby require and

APPENDIX. 573

eomand you or any Two or more of you That out of such our
Treasure as is or shalbe remayninge in the reeiept of our
Excheqr you pay or cause to bee paid vnto Edward Earle of
"Worcester or his Assignes thee weekly allowance" of Three
pounds (heretofore charged on the Treary att Goldsmiths
Hall) for his better maintenance the said weekly allowance
to bee continued vntil wee shall give other order to the
contrary And our further will and pleasure is that you also
pay or cause to bee paid forthwith vnto the said Earle or his
Assignes out of our Treasure remayninge in or said reciepts
the arreares of the said allowance of Three pounds by the
weeke from the eight day of January last past vntill which
dayes the Trears of Goldsmiths hall have certified the same
to have been satisfied out of the Treary there And theis
presents or the inrollem1 thereof shalbe a sufficient "Warrant
and discharge aswell to you the said Comrs of our Treary
as to all others our Officers and Ministers of the Eeceipt of or
Excheq. to whome it doth or shall any wayes apperteine for
paym* of the said wreekly Allowance and the arreares thereof
as aforesaid Witnesthe Lord Protecto1 the six and twentith
of June.

[1655 Pat. Roll, part 4, No. 30.]

1G60. A Pardon granted to Edward Marquesse of Worcester of all
such offences, &c. &c. as are expressed in the form of a pardon
prepared for that purpose and remaining with His Majesty's
Attorney General. Dated August, 1660.

1664-5. Grant to Edward Marquesse and Earle of Worcester of all
sums of money, jewrels, goods, and other matters and things
of value concealed or accounted for and arising out of the
real and personal estate of the said Edward Earl and Marquesse
of Worcester and of his Father Henry late Marquiss of Wor
cester or belonging to the same and which by the laws of the
kingdom are forfeited and belong to the Crown.

1664-5. Grant and release to Edward Marquis of Worcester of the
tenth part of the benefits accruing from his Water- command
ing engine settled upon the Crown, such Grant or release being
in consideration of the surrender of the Warrant of Charles
I. dated at Oxford, 5th January, 1644, made unto said Edward
Marquis of Worcester by the name of Lord Herbert for the
grant of lands to the value of ^40,000, &c, &c.

1670-71. Letters Patent to Henry Marquis of Worcester, remitting

574 APPENDIX.

payment of certain sums due to the Crown at the time of
the death of his Father Edward Marquis of Worcester.

1673. Letters Patent relating to constitution of Peverill Court and
appointing Henry Marquis of Worcester and Charles Lord
Herbert and Arthur Lord Somerset (sons of the Marquis)
Chief Seneschals and Simon Degge Seneschal of said Court.

1675-6. Letters Patent to Henry Marquis of Worcester, granting to
him the Manor of Wondey in the County of Monmouth.

1675-6. Letters Patent to Henry Marquis of Worcester conceding
the advowson &c. of the Rectory of Sapworth or Sopworth in
Wiltshire in exchange for that of Bleudworth in the County
of Southampton.

1678 Commission of Lunacy to inquire whether Margaret Dowager
Marchioness of Worcester is a Lunatic, &c.

APPENDIX G.

VAUXHALL WOEKS, AND CASPAE KALTOFF.

I.

The Honourable Eobert Boyle, corresponding with Samuel Hartlib,
the latter, under date "Duke's Place, July 24th, 1619," writes—
"As for Yauxhall, there is a proviso put into the Act, that it shall
not be sold."

And in another letter, dated "May 8th, 1654," Hartlib says—" The
Earl of Worcester is buying Vaux-hall from Mr, Trenchard, to bestow
the use of that house upon Gaspar Calehof and his son, as long as
they shall live." [Works, fol. 1744, Vol. V., pp. 257 and 264.]

II.

The annexed particulars of the premises at Yauxhall, where the
Marquis of Worcester erected one of his Water-commanding Engines,
and of Kalthoff and his family, are derived from the Books of the
Duchy of Cornwall Office.

l.—DucJiy of Cornwall Office.
From Index to Eeports- 1660-1684. A to P. 1.
Kennington* (Surry).

Peter Jacobson.

*Kennington (Foxhall House) 26th Oct., 1666. His Majesty's
Warrant directed to Lord Treasurer Southampton and Lord

APPENDIX. 575

Ashley, to grant Mr. Jacobson a Lease for his life at a moderate
rent, he having expended the sum of 56700. on the Premises in
making them convenient for the Trade of a Sugar Baker. —

Eo. 218.

Surveyor General's Constat [or Direction] on the Warrant of Lord
Ashley, Chancellor of Exchequer, enters minutely into every
particular of the premises, showing in what manner the whole
has been occupied, and reports the value per annum, and the
value for a fine, &c. Eo. 219.

[*** Jacobson married KaltofTs daughter.]

2. — Martha Calthojf.

The Widow of Gaspar Calthoff (a native of Holland, who had
settled in this House by his Attorney, and employed in making
Guns and divers Engines and works for the King's service).
Her Petition and case at large. Here Sir Charles Harbard
also enters into a very minute detail of the premises in question.

Eo. 326.

3. — Duchy of Cormvall Office.
Eeport H. 1. 1665-1668.

(Signed) CHAELES E.
Vauxhall, Peter Jacobson.

[By his Petition — has been at a Charge of £700. in repairing and
building a part of Vauxhall, which was waste, and made the
same convenient for a Sugar Baker, the said J.'s profession —
in con. of his charges — and losses by the late fire at Lon
don — desires some certainty of the Premises. — Our pleasure
to grant a Lease to P. J. of that part of Vauxhall which he hath
repaired and built for his trade of a Sugar Baker — for the term
of his life— at some moderate Rental. Whitehall, 26th Oct. 1666.
18th year of reign.]

of Cornwall Office.
Eeport H. 1. 1665-68.

[Eeport of the Surveyors General C. Harbard and Hugh May,
dated 25th and 27th April, 1668, respecting Eoxhall House,
parcel of the Manor of Kennington and Duchy of Cornwall.}

*** This is already quoted in the " Life, Times, &c.," page 239.

576 APPENDIX.

Q—Ducliy of Cornwall Office.
Particulars of a Lease in the form of Letters Patent.

22nd March, 1667-68. Letters Patent whereby the King demised
unto Peter Jacobson —

All that part of our Mansion House called Yauxhall or Ffoxhall,
part of the Manor of Kennington, in the County of Surrey, extending
in length next the River Thames 186 feet, or thereabout, and in
width 22 feet, or thereabout ; and all that other part of the same
Mansion House adjoining the premises, and from thence extending
towards the S.E. 47 feet, and in width N."W. 33i feet, or thereabout,
and in other parts 24<i feet, or thereabout ; together with all that
area or place adjoining and fenced in, extending in length 141J feet,
or thereabout, and in width to the W. end 40 feet, and to the S. end
47 feet, or thereabout, together with free ingress and egress in and
through the steps and doors existing at the N. end of the aforesaid
house, and through and over the area there, called the Court-yard,
appertaining to the aforesaid House, and all that Stable lately built
upon part of the said place or area last mentioned, consisting in
length 28£ feet, or thereabout, and in width 17 feet, or thereabout ;
also that shed 2(5 by 10 feet — premises in or near the Parish of Lam
beth, and now in the tenure or occupation of Peter Jacobson * *.

This Lease granted in consideration of the expense incurred in re
pairing and amending the buildings for and during his natural life, at
a Eental of only £5.

6. — Duchy of Cornwall Office.
Mem. from various Drafts.

12th January, 1659-60.— Ch. II.

Indenture of Lease between the King's Majesty and Henry

Lord Moore.
22nd March, 1667-8.— 19th Ch. II.

Letters Patent — The King unto Peter Jacobson. To hold

during the natural life of P. J. Kent £5.
1st Aug. 1672.— 24th Ch. II.

Letters Patent whereby the King from grace and favour towards
Jasper Calthoff and Martha Calthoff lately deceased, and their
children, devised unto Herbert Price, Knight and Baronet,
James Read, Esq., and John Renny, Gentleman, at the nomi
nation and appointment of Claude Denis and Catherine his
wife, one of the daughters of the said Jasper Calthoff and
Martha his wife.

APPENDIX. 577

Jasper Calthoff and Isabel Calthoff, others of the sons and
daughters of the said Jasper and Martha Calthoff.

*** Then there would be also Peter Jacobson, the son-in-law,
who married a daughter.

7. The following particulars are derived from the Records of the
State Paper Office :—

State Papers. Vol. .142, No. 134.
Martha Kalthof and Peter Jacobson's Petition.
To the King's most excellent Majesty.

The Humble Petition of Martha, widow of Caspar

Kalthof, and Peter Jacobson, her son-in-law.
Showeth,

That the said Martha is the distressed widow of the said Caspar,
your Majesty's and your Royal father's old servant. That he was
planted by your Majesty's most gracious father in Yauxhall, and
had building therein erected for the exercise of his art and feat as
Ingineur [engineer].

That your Majesty upon your happy Restoration resettled him in
the said house, after he had been long turned out of doors by the
great Traitor and Usurper.

That in this ejection her husband was plundered and bereaved of
an estate near £3,000. sterling, and left with 4 children, some
whereof were infants.

That being reinstated by your Majesty as aforesaid, he was naked
and without means to prefer his daughter grown up, but upon the
trust of your Majesty's grace, did dispose of one of his daughters to
the Petitioner, Peter Jacobson, but without any other portion
than the firm hopes of your Majesty's continued grace and Royal
goodness.

That in consideration the Petitioner, Peter Jacobson, did bestow
in making the building of that house for his calling of sugar-baking
near the sum of £700. sterling.

That now, on the death of his said father-in-law, he is left at your
Majesty's mercy for his continuance in this house to the Petitioner
Martha's subsistence and her other two daughters preferment, [which]
depends wholly upon the said Peter Jacobson his enjoyment of the
said house for perfecting his work, and refunding his said great ex-
pen ces. And although your Majesty hath been graciously pleased
to design the son of the said Caspar to succeed this office and

578 APPENDIX.

service, yet forasmuch as he is held up by the Emperor of Russia,
the Petitioners are both under great fears without your Majesty's
special grace and clemency.

Their most humble Petition therefore and only hope is that
your Majesty will be graciously pleased in contemplation of
both their desolate otherwise, and truly sad condition, to grant
them such terms of years in the said house, as may in some
measure repair the estate of the said widow to provide of the
maintenance of herself and preferment of her two orphan
daughters, and enable the Petitioner Peter, her son-in-law, by
holding the said Sugar-house some certain term of years to have
recompense of his said expense of £700. bestowed upon your
Majesty's grounds, which he will leave after in good repair to
the improvement of your Majesty's interest.

And your Petitioners as in duty bound shall ever with

theirs pray, &c.

[See Col. State Papers, Dom. Series, 1665-66, edited by Mrs. M.
A. E. Green. 8vo. 1864. p. 153, No. 134.]

[Vol. 102, No. 13. Sept. 5. "Whitehall. Warrant from Secretary
Bennet. (Ent. Book 16, p. 220.)]

It is his Majesty's pleasure that Sir Herbert Price, Sir Paul Neal,
and Sir Robert Murray, being attended by Mr. Gervase Price,
his Majesty's Serjeant Trumpeter, do visit Eoxhall, and there
enquire by whom the several rooms in it are possessed, and parti
cularly what belongs to the Marquis of Worcester, what to Gaspar
Collthoffe, late deceased, and what their respective interests in the
Engines, Tools, &c. remaining in that place are, hearing on the one
part the Lord John Somerset ; and on the other the widow of the
said Colthoff, and his son-in-law, and any persons relating to them,
of all which the said persons above mentioned are to give an account
to his Majesty in writing. Whitehall, September 5, 1664.

HENEY BENNET.

[See Cal. State Papers, Dom. Series, 1664-65. Edited by Mrs.
M. A. E. Green. 8vo.. 1863. p. 2. No. 13.]

APPENDIX. 579

APPENDIX H.

APOCKYPHAL PASSAGES.

Statements that have at various times been published as matters of
fact relating to the personal history of the Marquis of Worcester.

1. The Pot-lid Story. — No account of the Marquis's great dis
covery has hitherto been considered complete without relating what
is usually offered as a traditional anecdote of its origin. The latest
publication, in a popular form, occurs in "A History of "Wonderful
Inventions," where its interest is enhanced by a neatly executed
engraving. It relates that, at the conclusion of the Civil "War, the
Marquis " hastened over to France, where, after spending some time
at the court of the exiled royal family of England, he returned to
this country as their secret agentj but being detected, was confined
a prisoner in the Tower." It is said that during this imprisonment,
"while he was engaged one day in cooking his own dinner, he observed
the lid of the pot was continually being forced upwards by the
vapour of the boiling water contained in the vessel. Eeing a man
of thoughtful disposition, and having, moreover, a taste for scientific
investigation, he began to reflect on the circumstance, when it oc
curred to him that the same power which was capable of raising the
iron cover of the pot might be applied to a variety of useful pur
poses ; and on obtaining his liberty, he set to work to produce a
practical expositioD of his ideas on the subject in the shape of an
acting machine, which he described in his work " — the " Century."

Every writer varies this story in its details. Here the compiler,
drawing on his imagination, certifies to the Marquis being his own
cook, providing his own dinner, and verifies the pot-lid being of iron.
Disraeli and others vaguely state it to have been his meal that was
being prepared in his presence, saying nothing whether the pot was
brass, copper, or iron. The Tower must have had a large supply of
these cooking utensils to meet the wants of its prisoners !

The story reminds one of that of the Three Black Crows related
by Addison in The Spectator, for like it this " pot-lid" story may after
all have originated in some lecture or conversation, in which the
speaker indulged his fancy by venturing the statement as what
might appear to him a feasible suggestion, and one calculated to
render the matter interesting and impressive. Had it happened at
all it must have occurred from 1652 to 1654; but the " pot-lid "

580 APPENDIX.

story, in another form, was current in 1597, when Lord Bacon, in
his Essays, alluding to the origin of Inventions, remarks: — "It
should seem, that hitherto men are rather beholding to a wild goat
for surgerie, or to a nightingale for music, or to the ibis for some
part of physic, or to the POT-LID that^m open for artillery, or gener
ally to chance, or anything else, than to logic for the invention of
Arts and Sciences." The third edition of these Essays was pub
lished at Oxford in 1633, and from so popular a source it was natural
for the vulgar to take the suggestive idea of the " pot-lid " to account
for the origin of the steam engine, rather than to assign the birth of
that gigantic production to a natural process of inductive reasoning.

2. Unfounded Charge of Forgery. — Thomas Carte, son of the Rev.
Samuel Carte, born in Warwickshire, was baptized there by im
mersion, 23rd of April, 1686. In 1722, being accused of high treason,
he fled to France, but returning in 1728-30, he, in 1735, published
the third volume of his " Life of the Duke of Ormonde." Among
other matters, Nichols, in his " Literary Anecdotes," Vol. IX., 1815,
observes : " In an unpublished letter to Dr. Z. Grey, dated May 14,
1736, he says — ' I suppose you have read that volume [the 3rd], and
seen there the letters relating to the Earl of Glamorgan, who cer
tainly forged every commission he pretended to from the King.* I give
you his character in the History very justly, but yet too tenderly
drawn, because I am naturally unwilling to lay a load on any man's
memory, except I am absolutely forced to it. I intimate (so strongly
that nobody of common sense can mistake the thing) that he forged
letters and commissions without number ; and I could have pro
duced the compiler of the Nuncio's memoirs in evidence (who had
all those commissions before his eyes, and all the papers signed by
Glamorgan to the Nuncio) , to prove the commissions and letters he
pretended to from King Charles absolutely forged ; for he says he
was perfectly acquainted with Glamorgan's secretary, and knew his
handwriting as well as his own; and all those commissions and
letters were wrote in the hand of an Irish priest, who was Glamor
gan's secretary/"

After further remarks to the same effect, he concludes, " In fine,
I have not the least doubt but that Glamorgan forged every pre
tended power or commission he had ; and all of them so fully express
his vanity, and are so adapted to his present views (which in most
cases could not arise till after he was in Ireland), that they could

* Sec also the Notice in Birch's Inquiry, 1756, page 330.

APPENDIX. 581

have no other author but himself. I must observe to you that this
letter, being directed to the Nuncio, is the only original of the King's
writing among his papers (for Glamorgan only gave him copies
translated of the others) ; and whatever commission, or other power,
instructions, or letters, Glamorgan pretended to the Nuncio to have
from the King, must be in a hand agreeable to that which the
Nuncio had as an original."

The Editor properly notes here : " If Glamorgan only gave copies
translated of the other commissions, it is no great wonder that they
should be written in his secretary's hand."

In the same work is the following inquiry from a correspondent :
" I never met with anybody but Mr. Thomas Carte who talked of
Impartiality and Mr. Thomas Carte in the same breath. But,
waiving that question, I cannot help asking — If the Irish Eebellion,
and all the mischiefs of that period, are to be attributed to com
missions and powers forged by the soi-disant Earl of Glamorgan,
what pretence is there for laying all the load and odium thereof
upon the Parliament ?"

A thin quarto volume of MSS., in the Bodleian Library, Oxford,
entitled " Notes on Carte's History," contains a note from Mr. Birch,
dated 2nd February, 1742-3, to Eev. Mr. Thomas Carte ; also, " The
full answer to the Bystander, compared with the History of the Life
of James Duke of Ormonde, written by the same author, September,
1742 ;" likewise several letters from Eev. J. Boswell, Taunton ; and
lastly, the following MS. letter :—

" Sir, — I am very much concerned to find by your last letter that
you have received such a message from Mrs. Carte. I persuade
myself she would think me entitled to the greatest civility from her,
if she was apprised of the friendship which subsisted between me
and her late husband. I took no small pains for several years to
serve poor Mr. Carte, and had the satisfaction of such a valuable
correspondence with him as entitled him to every good office that I
could do him. In 1748 I laid before him The Case of the Royal
Martyr considered with candour, and he was so good as to approve of
it, and earnestly pressed me to print it. In the course of our cor
respondence I mentioned some difficulties which I had met with in
that work, and particularly in relation to some facts which had been
misrepresented in a book entitled An Enquiry into the share which
King Charles, fyc. Mr. Carte, in a series of letters which he favoured

72. Nichols, Vol. 2, p. 471. 72*. Nichols, Vol. 9, 1815, p. 476.

582 APPENDIX.

me with on that subject, gave me many valuable Notices, which
were of great use to me in clearing up those difficulties, and which I
have occasionally availed myself of in many parts of my work. It
is likely Mrs. Carte may have found copies of those letters, some of
which were very long. But as Mr. Carte first sent them to me
professedly with design that I should make what use of them I
thought proper, I leave Mrs. Carte to consider, whether her finding
such copies of letters in her late husband's own handwriting will
give her a claim to any part of my work which you have printed.
If Mrs. Carte shall choose to write to me on this affair, I shall be
glad to receive a letter from her directed under cover to you.

I am, yours &c.,

The Author of The Case of the Eoyal Alartyr, fyc."
July 25th, 1754.

(It has no direction, and the writing is evidently not that of the
Rev. J. Boswell, of Taunton.)

Dr. Birch was at variance with Mr. Carte on historical points
relating to Charles the First and the Earl of Glamorgan ; but in his
" Inquiry," 1750, he never touches on the subject of this pretended
forgery of commissions. The charge is every way discreditable to
Carte, being a mere theory of his own to give colour to the King's
representations made in public, although well known to have had no
effect to alienate old friendship between the King and the Earl.

3. Fanslwwe's story of £8,000. raised in Ireland. Lady Fan-
ehawe's Memoirs, 1665, written by herself, were printed in London,
1829. In an introductory memoir we are informed : —

" On receiving orders from his Majesty [Charles II. ] to deliver the
seals to Lord Inchiquin, Mr. Fanshawe proceeded on his mission,
and embarked with his wife at Gralway, in February, 1650, on board
a Dutch ship for Malaga. Their entry into Galway, (which had been
devastated by the plague), is deserving of attention, and an anecdote,
which is related of the conduct of the Marquis of Worcester to the
merchants of that town, if true, reflects equal disgrace on the cause
which he espoused and on his memory."

Writing in Ireland, about 1650, as appears from the context, Lady
Fanshawe says : — " Our house was very clean, only one maid in it
besides the master ; we had a very good supper provided and being
very weary went early to bed. The owner of this house entertained
us with the story of the last Marquis of Worcester, who had been
there sometime the year before : he had of his own and other friends'
jewels to the value of £8,000, which some merchants had lent upon

APPENDIX. 583

them. My Lord appointed a day for receiving the money upon
them and delivering the jewels ; being met, he shows them all to
these persons, then seals them up in a box, and delivered them to one
of these merchants, by consent of the rest, to be kept for one year,
and upon the payment of the £8,000 by my Lord Marquis to be
delivered him.

" After my Lord had received the money, he was entertained at all
these persons' houses, and nobly feasted with them near a month : he
went from thence to France. When the year was expired, they, by
letters into France, pressed the payment of this borrowed money
several times, alleging they had great necessity of their money to
drive their trade with, to which my Lord Marquis made no answer,
which did at last so exasperate these men, that they broke open the
seals, and opening the box found nothing but rags and stones for
their .=68,000, at which they were highly enraged, and in this case I
left them."

The least acquaintance with the character of the Marquis must
satisfy any one of the absurdity of this silly story, fastened on a
man of stainless honour, by an obscure lodging-house keeper. The
man who related it could never have imagined that Lady Fanshawe
would place on record the story he was relating for her amusement,
as an historical fact, or he might have shown more discretion than
her Ladyship, by affording some authority for a statement of so
scandalous a character.

4. Pretended interview between tlie Marquis of Worcester and De
Cans in the Bicetre, Paris. — This fiction was long supported by a
forged letter, pretended to have been written in February, 1641, by
Marion Delorine, addressed to M. de Cinq-Mars. An exposure of
this fable is due to M. Figuier, in his " Principales Decouvertes
Scientifiques Modernes," post octavo, 4 volumes, 1862. After
quoting the fabricated document, he says : — " Cette piece, fabriquee
par un mystificateur hardi, eut un succes prodigieux, et Ton ne
manqua pas de dire quo le marquis de Worcester, a qui ses com-
patriotes attribuent la decouverte de la machine a vapeur, en
avait puise 1'ideo dans sa conversation avec le fou de Bicetre. On
pouvait cependant clever contre 1'authenticite de cet ecrit quelques
objections qui ne manquent pas de solidite. On pouvait faire
remarquer, entre autres choses, que Salomon de Caus, mort en 1630,
aurait pu difficilement etre enferme en 1641 dans un hopital de fous ;
que Bicetre ctait alors une commanderie de Saint-Louis, ou Ton
donnait asile a d'ancieus militaires, et non un hopital ; — que Salomon
de Caus n' avait jamais pense a construire une machine utilisaut les

584: APPENDIX.

effets mechaniques de la vapeur ; — enfin qu'il n'avait jamais recu que
de bons offices de la part de Richelieu puisque dans la dedicase de
son livre, La practique et demonstration des horloges il exprime sa
reconnaisance pour les bontes du cardinal. Mais le public n'y
regarde pas de si pres, et bien de gens ne renoncent pas sans douleur
a la bonne fortune historique d'unhomme de genie mourant a 1'hopi-
tal. Tin sujet si bien trouve revenait de droit aux ouvres de 1' imagi
nation et de 1'art. On a vu, a 1'une des expositions du Louvre, un
tableau de 1'un de nos peintres, M. Lecurieux, dans lequel Salomon
de Caus, enferme a Bicetre, est represente les yeux caves et la barbe
herissee, tendant les mains, a travers les barreux de sa prison, au
couple brillant de Marion Delorme et du marquis. La lithographic
et la gravure ont consacre a 1'envi ce prejuge historique, le theatre *
et de roman 1'ont exploite, de telle sorte que 1'architecte normand
tient aujourd' hui sa place a cote de Galilee et de Christophe Colomb
sur la liste des hommes de genie persecutes et meconnus. Jusques
a quand cette legende de fabrication moderne usurpera-t-elle le titre
de fait historique ?" [Pages 32, 33.]

5. A Scotch view of the " Century" In Black wood's Magazine,
Vol. 6, 1820, p. 655, a correspondent, under the signature of J. C.,
in an article dated Manchester, February 8, 1820, " On Sir Thomas
TJrquhart's Jewell," declares : — " I have good reason [?] to believe, Sir
Thomas was the real author of that singular production, ' A century
of names and scantlings of inventions,' the credit or discredit of
which was dishonestly [?] assumed by the Marquis of "Worcester."

Mr. Hugh Miller, in his " Scenes and Legends of the North of Scot
land," 12mo. Edin. 1835, has enlarged on this speculative view with
amusing fervour. He says : — '* If intrinsic evidence be allowed to
weigh anything, either this little tract [the " Century"] was written
by Sir Thomas ; or, what is much less probable, the world, nay, the
same age and island, have produced two Sir Thomases. Some little
weight, too, may be attached to the fact, that many of his manu
scripts were lost in the city of Worcester, near which place, judging
from the Title, it is probable the Marquis resided [!] ; and that the
" Century of Names" was not published until 1663, two years after
death had disarmed poor Sir Thomas of his sword and his pen, and
rendered him insensible to both his country's honour and his own.
If in reality the author of this piece, he must le reffarded, it is said, as
the prime inventor of the steam engine.'"

* Voir le dramc institule Salomon Je Caus, joue a 1'Ambigu en 1857.

APPENDIX. 585

APPENDIX I.

PETITION.

[AT page 284 of the " Life" is a copy of an undated letter, which
may have been one addressed to the Duke of Albemarle. The
Marquis speaks of the neglect of two petitions, which may be the
one given at page 282, and the present petition, to the matter of both
of which the annexed letter from the Duke of Albemarle may refer.
It would thus appear that his petitions lay neglected for two
months.]

State Papers.

Vol. 152, No. 82. Petition of the Marquis of Worcester.

To the King's most excellent Majesty,
The Petition of Edward Earl and Marquis of Worcester.
That the Petitioner having with great loyalty expended and lost
his whole fortune (being very considerable) for the interest of the
Crown, and public services whereby he is reduced to that deplorable
condition through his debts and \vants, that he is not capable to eat
bread of his own, or allow himself the freedom of the streets, being
deprived hereof through the clamour of his creditors, whose moneys
were really borrowed for the use, and on the desire of your Majesty's
royal father of blessed memory, your sacred Majesty [sic] and for
advancing public services to the general good of the kingdom and
security of your Royal person and dignity, of which the Petitioner
hath paid above £35,000 since your Majesty's happy restoration,
besides many former sums lent and expended, for which it is humbly
presumed your sacred Majesty (when rightly informed) will have
particular regard to release and to pay such great acts of loyalty as
the Petitioner can make appear, as well for justice as an encourage
ment for all loyal subjects hereafter to expose themselves and for
tunes at any rate for your Royal interest, as the Petitioner
hath without precedent, truly and really done in many eminent
particular services, too tedious to trouble your Majesty with, being
more fit to be heard and prepared by some of your Majesty's most

586 APPENDIX.

honourable privy Council, who are the most proper advisers in such
cases, whose report and advice in this matter to your Majesty may
prove a redemption to the Petitioner, a royal exoneration to your
Majesty, and a great encouragement to all good subjects for the
future, to expose themselves as the Petitioner hath done, for your
Majesty's less trouble and better understanding of the premisses, and
what shall be made appear concerning the same.

The Petitioner's most humble request is, that your Majesty
will be graciously pleased to recommend and refer the
Petitioner to be fully heard touching his services, loans,
disbursements, losses, and sufferings to the Lord High
Chancellor of England, and the Lord Privy Seal, the Duke of
Albemarle, the Marquis of Dorchester, the Earl of Anglesey,
the Earl of Loutherdale ; the Lord Holies, the Lord Ashley,
Lord Arlington and Mr. Secretary Morrice, or to such of
them, or other, as your Majesty shall think fit. And that
your Majesty will be pleased to order the said Lords to refer
to reports to your Majesty with all convenient speed the
Petitioner's whole case, as they shall find it, with their
opinions to your Majesty for such just and speedy satisfac
tion for the relief of the Petitioner, and encouragement for
his long endeavouring for the public good, as shall be thought
fit, whereby he may be enabled to stop the mouths of his
numerous and clamorous creditors, and live himself without
disgrace to nobility, or being further necessitated to importune
your Majesty. And that, until the Petitioner's case can be
reported, and fitted for your Majesty's royal pleasure, your
Majesty will be pleased to order the Petitioner, some small
sum out of the privy purse for the present support of his
wife and family who exceedingly want the same.

And your Petitioner will ever pray, £c. &c.

[See Cal. State Papers, Dom. Series, 1665-66. Edited by Mrs. M. A. E. Green,
8vo. 1864. P. 330, No. 82.]

State Papers.

Vol. 144, "No. 27. Duke of Albemarle to Lord Arlington.

My Lord, — At the request of my Lord Marquis of
"Worcester I make bold to write to your Lordship in his behalf, you
know his Lordship's business so well that I shall not need to state

APPENDIX. 587

it to you. I desire your Lordship's assistance to him in the dispatch
of his Lordship's concerns before you, whereby your Lordship will
oblige my Lord of Worcester, and also him who is,

Tour Lordships very humble servant,
ALBEMAELE.
Cockpit, 3 Jan. 1665.

Addressed at the back — " For the Eight Honourable Henry Lord
Arlington, Principal Secretary of State these, at Oxford."

[*#* Calendared under 1666.]

Vol. 142. "No. 11, 2. Reference to the Lord Chancellor and others.

[See Cal. State Papers, Dom. Series, 1665-66. Edited by Mrs. M. A. E.
Green, 8vo. 1864. P. 189, No. 27.

State Papers. Vol. 152, No. 10.
Reference to Sir Thomas Ingram — \_Ent. Book 18, page 200.]

Marquis of "Worcester.

Upon the Petition of the Marquis of Worcester, who desiring to
be heard in his suit about Mr. Hall, to be referred to the
Chancellor of the Dutchy.

March 24, 1665-6.

His Majesty is graciously pleased to refer the suit of the honoura
ble Petitioner unto the Et. Honble. Sir Thomas Ingram, Knt., and
to consider thereof, and to report his opinion thereupon to his
Majesty, who will then declare his further pleasure, with a gracious
regard to the Petitioner's services and sufferings. .

[See Cal. State Papers, Dom. Series, 1665-66. Edited by Mrs. M. A. E. Green.
8vo. 1864. page 316, No. 11. 3.]

State Papers. Vol. 152, No. 82.
[Reference thereon to the Lord Chancellor and others.]

At the Court of Whitehall, March the [March 24,

1665-6.]

His Majesty is graciously pleased to refer this honourable Peti
tioner, and his suit, to the Eight Honourable the Lord High Chan
cellor of England, and the Lord Privy Seal, the Duke of Albemarle,

588 APPENDIX.

the Marquis of Dorchester, the Earl of Anglesey, the Earl of
Loutherdale, the Lord Holies, the Lord Ashley, myself, and Mr.
Secretary Morrice, or to any three or more of them, who are hereby
authorized to take special care to find out the truth of the whole
particulars, which will be afforded by the Petitioner, and to report
the same to his Majesty, their opinions of the most proper and
expeditious way for his Majesty to answer the Petitioner's desires,
so far as the same shall be found just, upon whose report his
Majesty will take a speedy course for the Petitioner's satisfaction.

[No signature, date, or endorsement. But in Cal. State
Papers, 1665-66, reference is made, p. 316, No. 11, to
Ent. Book 18, p. 18, which supplies the date 24 March,
1665-6.]

[See Cal. State Papers, Dom. Series, 1665-66. Edited by Mrs.M. A. E. Green.
8vo. 1864, page 330, No. 82.]

APPENDIX K.

JOHN GOWEtf.

[In the " Life, Times, &c.," page 108, a quotation is given from the
poet Gower, as used by Henry Marquis of Worcester, in
addressing Charles I. and is again alluded to at page 145. The
author is indebted to a friend for taking the trouble to search
the works of the poet, at the London Institution, and supplying,
from Chalmers' edition, 1810, page 218, the following reference
and extract.

The lines occur in " Confessio Amantis," Book VII. in a
dialogue, the subject being: "Of the three, Wine, Women,
or the King, which is the strongest ?" Harpages says : — ]

A kynge maie spille,* a kynge maie saue,
A kynge maie make a lorde a knaue,
And of a knaue a lorde also,
The power of a kynge stontf so :
That he the lawes ouerpasseth.
"What he will make lesse, he lasseth,
What he will make more, he moreth.

• Sj'ille; to waste, to throw away, to destroy,
f Stunt; for stondeth (standeth).

589

CATALOGUE OF EAELY SCIENTIFIC WORKS,

PRINCIPALLY ANTERIOR TO THE PUBLICATION OF THE
CENTURY OF INVENTIONS, IN 1663 ;

WITH A FEW MODERN AUTHORITIES ON MECHANICAL INVENTIONS, AFFORDING
COLLATERAL ILLUSTRATIONS.

AEAGO, FRANCOIS, Member of the Institute. Biographies of Distin
guished Scientific Members. Translated by Admiral Smith, Rev. B.
Powell, M.A., and R. Grant, M.A. 8vo. 1857. [Life of James
Watt.]

BABINGTON, JOHN, Pyrotechnia : or, A Discourse of Artificial! Fire
works. Whereunto is annexed a short treatise of Geometric. Folio.
1635.

BACON, ROGER. Frier Bacon his discovery of the miracles of art, nature,
and magick. Faithfully translated out of Dr. Dee's own copy, by
T. M. and never before in English. London, Printed for Simon
Miller, at the Starre in St. Pauls Church-yard. 12mo. 63 pages.
1659.

BARLOW, PETER, F.R.S. &c. — See Encyclopedia Metropolitan a.

BATE, JOHN, The Mysteries of Nature and Art in four severall parts.
The first of water- works : the second of fire- works : the third of draw
ing, washing, limning, painting, and engraving : the fourth of sundry
experiments. 4to. 1634. The second edition. 1635.

BECHERUS, J. J. Character, pro Notia Linguarum universali. 8vo. Franc.
1661.

BEDWELL, WILLIAM.— See Peter Ramus.

BESSON, JACQUES. II Theatre de gl' Instrument! e Machine ; con una
brieve dichiaration di tutte le figure di F. Beroaldo. Folio. Lione,
1582.

BESSONI, JACOBI, Delphinatis, Mathematici ingeniosissimi. Theatrum
Instrumentorum et Machinarum. Cum FRANC. BEROALDI figurum
declaratione demonstratiua. folio. Lugduni. 1578. [London Insti
tution.]

BETTINO, Bononiensi, e soc. Jcsu. Mario. Apariari universsc philosophia)
mathematical. Folio. Bononia?, 1642.

590 CATALOGUE OF

BILLINGSLEY, HENRY, Citizen of London. The Elements of Geometrie,
of tlie most auncient Philosopher Euclide of Megra. Faithfully (now
first) translated into the Englishe toung. With a faithfull Preface
made by M. J. Dee. Imprinted at London by John Daye. Folio.
1570. [The date is at the end, vide page 465.]

BOUENE, WILLIAM, Inventions or Devices. Very necessary for all
generalles and captaines, or leaders of men, as wel by sea as land :
Written by — 4to. An. 1578.

BOYLE, THE HONOUBABLE ROBEET, The Works of. Preface by Thomas
Birch. 5 vols. folio. 1744.

BEADLEY, RICHABD, F.R.S. New Improvements of Planting and Gar
dening, both philosophical and practical. 8vo. 1718.

[The 2nd edition in 3 parts, separately paged. See 3rd part,
pp. 174—179.]

BEANCA, GIOVANNI. Le Machine. Volume nuovo e di molto artificio, da
fare effetti maravigliosi tanto Spiritali, &c. 4to. Roma, 1629.

BEOCKLEEUM, GEOEGIUM ANDEEAM. Theatrum Machinarum novum.
Folio. Coloniae Agrippinae, 1662.

BEOWN, J. W. The Life of Leonardo da Vinci, with a critical account of
his works. 12mo. 1828.

CAUS, ISAAC DE. New and rare inventions of Water-works, shewing the
easiest waies to raise water higher then the spring. By which inven
tion the Perpetual Motion is proposed many hard labours performed
And variety of motions and sounds produced. First written in
French by Isaak de Caus a late famous engineer : And now translated
into English by John Leak. London, Printed by Joseph Moxon.
Folio. 1659. [London Institution.]

CAUS, SALOMON DE. Les liaisons des forces Mouvantes avec diverses
Machines. Folio. Francfort, 1615.

• — Zusatz von allerhand Miihl Wasser und Brotten Werken.

[The second part of a volume commencing with, " Heronis Alex-
andriui Buch von der Lufft und Wasser Kunst."] 4to. Francfurt,
1688.

[Fifty-five quarto copper- plates, Mills, Fountains, and Automata.]

CHILMEAD, WILLIAM, M. A. — See James Gaffarel.

CLAEZ, DANIEL K., C. JE. — See Encyclopaedia Britannica.

COSMO THE THIED, Grand Duke of Tuscany, Travels through England
during the reign of Charles II. (1669). Roy. 4to. 1821.

DESAGULIEBS, The Rev. J. T., LL.D., F.R.S. &c. A Course of Experi
mental Philosophy. 2 vols. 4to. 1763.

Account of the Automaton, by M. Vaucanson, Inventor,

translated by. 4to. 1742.

DIGGES, THOMAS, A geometrical practical treatize named Pantrometria,
divided into three Books. Folio. 1591.

DIGGES, LEONAED, Gentleman. A Prognotification cuertaininge Orri-
ginal good efFecte, fruitfully augmented by the auctour, &c. aug
mented by Thomas Digges his sonne. B. L. 4to. 1576.

DIECKS, HENEY. Perpetuum Mobile ; or, a history of the search for self-
motive power, during the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries, illustrated
from various authentic sources ; with an Introductory Essay. Post
8vo. 1861.

EARLY SCIENTIFIC WORKS. 591

DIECKS, HENEY. A Biographical Memoir of Samuel Hartlib. Contain
ing a reprint of his publication of Cressy Dymock's account of " An
Invention of Engines of Motion." 8vo. 1865.

DOPPELMAYE, JOHANN GrABEiEL. Historische Nachricht von den Niirn-
bergischen Mathematicis und Kunstlern. Folio. Niirnberg, 1730.

DUDLEY, DUD. Metallum Martis : or, Iron made with Pit-coale, &c. 4to.
1665.

DYMOCK, CEESSY. An Invention of Engines of Motion lately brought to
perfection. [See reprint in H. Dircks' Life of Samuel Hartlib. post
octavo. 1864.]

ENCYCLOPEDIA BBITANNICA. Vol. 20, 8th edition. 4to. 1860. [Article
— Steam and Steam Engine. By Daniel K. Clark, C. E.]

ENCYCLOPEDIA METEOPOLITANA. 4to. 1845. [Vol. 6, Mixed Sciences.
Containing — A Treatise on the Manufactures and Machinery of
Great Britain. By Peter Barlow, F.R.S., &c. 1836.]

ETTEN, HENEY VAN. Mathematicall Recreations. Or a Collection of
sundrie Problemes, extracted out of the Ancient and Moderne Philo
sophers, as secrets in nature, and experiments in Arithmeticke, Geo-
metrie, &c. Most of which were written first in Greeke and Latine,
lately compiled in French, by Henry Van Etten, Gent. Small 8vo.
1633.

• Recreation Mathematique et entretien facetieux de plusieurs

plaisants problemes en faict d'arithmetique, geometrie, mechanique,
opticque, et autres parties de ces belles sciences. 12mo. Pont-a-
Mousson, 1629.

See also Claude Mydorge.

EVELYN, JOHN, F.R.S. Memoirs illustrative of the Life and Writings
of, edited by William Bray, F.S.A. 2 vols. 4to. 1819.

• The Miscellaneous Writings of. By William Upcott. 4to.

1825.

FALCONEE, JOHN. Cryptomenysis Patefacta : or the Art of Secret Infor
mation disclosed without a key. Small 8vo. 1685.

[Contains also notices of " Secret Information, mentioned by
Trithemius."]

FAEEY, JOHN. A treatise on the Steam Engine. 4to. 1827.

FELTON, EDMOND. Engins invented to save much blood and moneyes
(in these times of warre), and to doe extraordinary good service. [A
tract of 8 pages.] 4to. 1644.

FIGUIEE, Louis. Exposition et Histoire des Principales Decouvertes
Scientifiques Modernes. 4 vols. post 8vo. Paris, 1862. [Tome
Premier. Machine a vapeur.]

FLUD, ROBEETO. Utrisque Cosmi majoris scilicet etminoris metaphysica,
physica atque technica historia in duo Volumina secundum cosmi
diffirentiam divisa. Folio. Oppenhemii. 1617. [Dedication signed
— R. Fludd.]

FOSBEOKE, The Rev. THOMAS D., M.A., &c. Encyclopaedia of Antiquities
and elements of Archaeology. 8vo. 1840.

FOSTEE, SAMUEL. Miscellanies : or, Mathematical Lucubrations. Trans
lated by Dr. John Twysden. Folio. 1659.

FEENCH, JOHN, Doctor of Physick. The art of distillation, or a trea
tise of the choicest spagyricall preparations performed by way of
distillation ; in 6 books. 4to. 1650.

092 CATALOGUE OF

FRENCH, JOHN. The same. Second edition. To which is added, The
London Distiller. 4to. 1653.

[Numerous woodcuts of distillatory apparatus.)

GAFFAREL, JAMES. Unheard-of Curiosities concerning the Talismanical
sculptures of the Persians, &c. Translated by Edmund Chilmead,
M.A. small 8vo. 1650.

GHEYN, JACOB DE. The Exercise of Armes, for Calivers, Muskettes, and
Pikes, After the ordre of his Excellence Maurits, Prince of Orange,
&c. Sett forth in the figures by Jacob de Gheyne. Printed at the
Hage. Folio. 1607.

GIACINTO, AMATI. Ricerche Storico-Critico-Scientifiche sulle origini,
scoperte, invenzioni e perfezionamenti fatti nelle lettere nelle art! e
nelle scienze. 5 Tom. 8vo. Milan, 1828. [In Vol. 2, " Steno-
grafia."]

GLASGOW Mechanics' Magazine, and Annals of Philosophy. 2nd Vol.

8vo. Glasgow, 1825.
GEOLLIEE DE SERVIEKE, NICHOLAS. E-ecueil d'ouvrages curieux de

mathematique et de mechanique ; ou description du cabinet de M.

Grollier de Serviere. 4to. Lyon, 1719.
GROSE, FRANCIS. Military Antiquities. 2 vols. 4to. 1801.
HALLIWELL, J. O., F.R.S. &c. A Collection of Letters illustrative of the

progress of Science in England from the reign of Q. Elizabeth, to

that of Charles II. Edited by. 8vo. 1841.

— Kara Mathematica ; or, Collection of Treatises on the Mathe
matics. Edited by. 1841.

HARLEIAN MISCELLANY. By Oldys and Park. 4to. 6th Vol. 9th Vol.
HARSDORFFERN, GEORO PHILIPP. Deliciae Mathematics et Physicse.

Z'weyter Theil. 4to. Niirnberg, 1677.
Dritter Theil. 4to. Nurnberg, 1692. [See M. D. Schwen-

terum.]

HARTLIB, SAMUEL. — See Invention. — See also H. Dircks.
HERO, Alexandrinus, Senior ; CTESIBII Ascreni Discipulus.

1. Spiritalium Liber, a FREDERICO COMMANDING ex Gra3co in Latinum

conversus ; cum figuris. 4to. Urbini, 1575.

2. Di Herone Alessandrino de gli Automati, overo Machine se Moventi,

Libri due, Tradotti dal Greco da Bernardino Baldi. 4to. Venetia,
1589.

3. Spiritalium Liber : altera editio ; cui accesserunt Jo. BAPT. ALEOTTI,

quatuor Theoremata Spiritalia, ex Italico in Latinum conversa ;
cum figuris. 4to. Amsterdam, 1680.

[A 4to. edition also printed at Bologna, 1647.]

4. Veterum Mathematicorum — Athenaei, Bitonis, Apollodori, Heronis,

Philonis, et Aliorum Opera ; Gra3ce et Latine, pleraque nunc
primum edita. Ex Manuscriptis Codicibus Bibliotheca) Regise.
Folio. Parisiis, 1693.

HEWETT, JOHN. Ancient Armour and Weapons. 3 vols. 8vo. 1860.
HOOKE, ROBERT, F.B.S. Lectiones Cutlerianse, a Collection of Lectures
made before the Royal Society. 4to. 1679.

[See No. 1. of the "Philosophical Collections" therein.]
HOOPER, DR. WILLIAM. Rational Recreations. 1st and 2d Vol. 8vo. 1794.

EARLY SCIENTIFIC WORKS. 593

HUMANE INDUSTRY: or a History of most manual arts, deducing the
original, progress, and improvement of them. Furnished with
variety of instances and examples, shewing forth the excellency of
Humane Wit. small 8vo. 1661. [By Thomas Powell, D.D. ; see
Ant. 'A. Wood, &c.]

HUTTON, CHARLES, LL.D. and F.R.S. Mathematical Dictionary. 1815.

INVENTION (An) of Engines of Motion lately brought to perfection.
Whereby may be dispatched any work now done in England or else
where, (especially works that require strength and swiftness) either
by wind, water, cattel or men. And that with better accommodation,
and more profit then anything hitherto known and used. London,
Printed by J. C. for Eichard Woodnoth, nezt door to the Golden
heart, in Leaden-hall Street. 16 pages. 4to. 1651.
[Two copies in the British Museum ; one as above, the other with " nezt"
corrected to " next." This scarce pamphlet consists of two Letters
without signature, addressed to Samuel Hartlib.]

INVENTION. — See Cressy Dymock. Also, Temple Anecdotes.
INVENTIONS. — See Wonderful Inventions.

KIRCHERUS, Athanasius, Germanus, Fuldensis, Soc. Jesu. Eomani Col-
legii Societatus Jesu Musaeum celeberrimum. Folio. Amstelodami,
1678.
[Caput IV. De Horologiis. Caput V. De Mobili perpetuo apparenteJ]

LANIS ; P. Francisci Tertii de. Magisterium Naturae, et Artis. 3 vol.
fol. Brixiaj, 1684.

LEAK, JOHN. — See Isaac de Caus.

LEYBOURN, WILLIAM, Philomathes. Pleasure with Profit : consisting of
recreations of divers kinds, viz., Numerical, Geometrical, Mechanical,
&c. folio. 1694.

[The compiler was a schoolmaster, and although largely indebted to
Bishop Wilkins and other learned authors, he never names a single
authority.]

LUCAR, CYPRIAN, Gent. Three Bookes of Colloquies concerning the arte
of shooting in great and small peeces of artillerie, variable randges,
measure, and waight of leaden, yron, and marble stone pellets,- mine-
rall saltpeetre, gunpowder of divers sortes, &c. Written in Italian by
Nicholas Tartaglia ; and now translated into English by, (augmented,
and with additions) fol. 1588.

A Treatise named Lucarsolace, divided into

Fovver Bookes, which in part are collected out of diuerse authors, in

diuerse languages. 4to. 1590.
LEUPOLD, JACOB. — 1. Theatrum Machinarum generale ; mit figuren, und

register. Folio. Leipzig, 1726.

2. Hydrotechnicarum. Folio. 1724.

3. Machinarum Hydraulicarum ; oder, Schau Platz der Wasser-

Kunste. 2 vols. Folio. 1724-25.

4. Staticum universale. 1726.

4. Pontificiale. Folio. 1726.

6. Machinarum ; oder, Schau-Platz der Heb-Zeuge. 1725.

7. Arithmetico-Gemetricum 1726.

MECHANICS' MAGAZINE. Third Vol. 8vo. 1825.

2 Q

6M CATALOGUE OF

MEIKLEHAM, ROBERT. Author of several works under the pseudonym of
Robert Stuart : which see accordingly.

MARKHAM, G. The Souldiers Exercise : in three Bootes. 4to. 1639.

MEYRICK, SIR S. E. Ancient Armour and Arms. 2 vols. Folio. 1830.

MORVVYNG, PETER. The treasure of Evonymus, contayninge the wonder-
full hid secretes of nature, touchinge the most apte formes to prepare
and destyl Medicines, &c. 4to. 1559.

MYDORGE, CLAUDE. Examen du Livre des Recreations Mathematiques,
et de ses problemes en Geometric, Mechanique, Optique, and Catop-
trique, &c. [And at the end] Notes sur les Recreations Mathema
tiques. Par D. H. P. E. M. Small 8vo. Paris, 1638.

[See Van Etten's work printed at Pont-a-Moussou, 1629, and
later editions ; Mydorge's work is a copy of their matter and engrav
ings. He was an eminent mathematician : born at Paris, 1585.]

MUIRHEAD, JAMES, P. M.A. &c. The Life of James Watt, with selec
tions from his Correspondence. 2nd Edition. 8vo. 1859.
NOWE, LORD DE LA. The Politicke and Militarie Discourses of. Trans
lated out of the French by E. A. B. Letter. 4to. 1587.
PANCIROLLUS, G-UIDO. The history of many memorable things lost, which

were in use among the Ancients, &c. 12mo. 1715.
PAPILLON, DAVID, Gent. A practicall Abstract of the Arts of Fortifica
tion and Assailing. 4to. 1645.

PARTINGTON, CHARLES F. A course of Lectures on the Steam Engine,
delivered at the London Mechanics' Institution, &c. 12mo. 1826.
PEACHAM, HENRY, M.A. The compleat Gentleman. 4to. 1627.
PERCY ANECDOTES. By S. & R. Percy. 12mo. 1820.

[Articles — Science, Genius, Ingenuity.]

PHILOSOPHICAL MAGAZINE. Edited by A. Tilloch. 18th Yol. 8vo. 1804.
PLAT, SIR HUGH, of Lincolne's Inne. The Jewell House of Art and
Nature. Printed by Peter Short, on Breadstreet hill, at the signe of
the Star. 4to. 1594.

[It contains 4 Books and a last part. The 3 first Books have
separate title pages, the first paged 1 to 96, the second 1 to 60, and
the third 1 to 48, but also takes in the fourth Book and last part
under continuous paging, ending p. 76.

According to the Table of Contents — " The first Booke conteineth
divers new and conceited experiments."

The second of "Husbandry;" the third of "Divers Chimicall
conclusions concerning the art of Distillation."

The fourth Book the " Art of molding or casting." And the
last part " an offer of certain new inventions."]

The Jewel House of Art and Nature : containing divers rare

and profitable inventions, &c. Another edition. 4to. 1653.
PLOT, DR. ROBERT. Natural History of Staffordshire. Folio. 1684.
PORTA, JOHN BAPTISTA. I tre Libri de' Spiritali. 4to. Napoli, 1606.

Natural Magick ; in 20 Books. Whe"rein are set forth all the

riches and delights of the Natural Sciences. Folio. 1658.
POWELL, THOMAS, D.D. See Humane Industry.

RAMELLI, CAPITANO AGOSTINO. Le Diverse et artificiose Machine.
Folio. 1588.

[This exceedingly rare and valuable work contains 195 well
executed folio plates.]

EARLY SCIENTIFIC WORKS. 595

HAMUS, PETER. Via Eegia ad Geometriam. The way to Geometry,
being necessary and useful. For Astronomers, Geographers, Land-
meaters, Seamen, Engineres, Architecks, Carpenters, &c. Written
in Latine by Peter Ramus, and now translated by Mr. William Bed-
well. 4to. 1636.

ROVINSON, JOHN. A treatise of Metallica. And containeth a briefe ex
planation, &c., of the instruments, engins, furnaces, &c. 4to. 1613.
[A copy in the British Museum ; also reprinted in two editions,
edited by Mr. John N. Bagnall, at Wolverhampton, 1854.]

SCHOTTUS, GASPAR, Regis Curianus, Soc. Jesu, in Herbipolitano-Fran-
conia Gymnasio Math. Prof.

— Magia universalis naturae et artis, sive recondita naturalium et

artificialium rerum scientia ; cum figuris, et indicibus. 4 vols. 4to.
Bambergae, 1677.

— Mechanica Hydraulico-Pneumatica (cum notis musicis). Plates. 4to.

Herbipoli, 1657-58.

— Pantometrum Kircherianum, hoc est, Instrumentum Geometricum

novum a Kirchero inventum, explicatum et demonstrationibus illus-
tratum. Plates. 4to. Ibid. 1660.

— Cursus Mathematicus. Fol. 1661.

— Mathesis Caesarea, sive Amussis Ferdinandrea ad Problemata Uni-

versae Matheseos, &c. Plates. 4to. Ibid. 1662.

— Technica Curiosa, sive Mirabelia Artis. 2 parts in 1. Ibid. 1664.
SCHWENTERUM, M. DANiELEM. Delicia3 Physico-Mathematicae. 4to.

Nurnberg, 1636.

See also G. F. Harsdorffern.

SERVIERE, GROLLIER DE. — See Grollier de Serviere.

SORBIERE, MONS. A Voyage to England, containing many things relating

to the state of learning, religion, and other curiosities of that kingdom.

8vo. 1709.

[Also, Observations on the same voyage, by Dr. Thomas Sprat,

F.R.S. AVith a Letter of M. Sorbiere.]

SORBIERE, SAMUEL. Relation d' un Voyage en Angleterre. Paris, 1664.

[Dedication to the King, dated 12th Dec., 1663.]
SPRAT, THOMAS, F.R.S. Observations on Monsieur Sorbiere's Voyage

into England ; written to Dr. Wren, Professor of Astronomy. 12mo.

1665. [See M. Sorbiere.]

STATE PAPERS, Calendars of (various). 8vo. 1856-64.
STEVIN, SIMON, de Bruges. Les CEuvres Mathematiques. Augmentees

par Albert Girard. Fol. A Leyde, 1634.

STUART, ROBERT. A descriptive History of the Steam Engine. 8vo. 1824.
Historical and Descriptive Anecdotes of Steam Engines and

of their Inventors. 2 vols. 32mo. 1829,
STURTEVANT, SIMON. Metallica, or the Treatise of Metallica. [The

making of Iron with Sea-cole, &c.] 4to. 1612.
SWITZER, STEPHEN. An introduction to a general system of hydrosta-

ticks and hydraulics. 2 vols. 4to. 1729.
TEMPLE ANECDOTES, THE ; Invention and Discovery. By R.& C. Temple.

Post 8vo. 1864.
TEYSER, JOHANNIS. Architectures Militaris. 4to. 1553.

Fin 4 Books, with engraved title and plates ; pp. 56.]

2 Q 2

506 CATALOGUE OF

TIMES, JOHN, F. S.A. Stories of Inventors and Discoverers. 12mo. 1860.
TEEDGOLD, THOMAS, C.E. The principles and practice, and explanation

of the Machinery used in steam navigation. Compiled by .

2 vols. 4to. 1851.
TEITHEMII, JOANNIS. Libri Polygraphise VI. Small 8vo. Argentina, 1600.

[There is also a quarto edition, with diagrams.]
TYMME, THOMAS. A Dialogue Philosophical, wherein Natures secret

closet is opened, and the cause of all motion in nature shewed out of

matter and forme, &c. 4to. 1612.
UBALDI, GUIDI, i machionibus montis in duos Archimedis ssqueponderan-

tium libros praphrasis scholiis illustrata. Folio. Pisauri, 1588:

e marchionibus montis. Mechanicorum Liber. Pisauri, 1577.

Mechanica. Fol. Pisaur. 1577. And Venice, 1615.

De Cochlea. Fol. Venice, 1615. pp. 160.

UPCOTT, WILLIAM. — See John Evelyn, F.R.S.

VALTUBIUS, ROBEETUS, De Re Militari. Folio. Parisiis, 1532.

Another edition. Folio. Parisiis, 1534.

[In the Library of the Patent Office. The same volume contains : —

Flavius Vegetius de Re Militari. — Sextus Julius Frontinus, Strata-

gematum. — ^Elianus de Instruendis Aciebus. — And, Modestus, Li-

bellus de Vocabulis Rei Militaris.]
VEGETIUS Renatus, Flavius.
1. De re militari Libri IV. Fol. Plato de Benedictis, Bononise,

1495. Inter Scriptores de re militari.
Sextus Julius Frontinus Vit. consularis de re militari. — Flauius

Vegetius Vit. Illustris de re militari. — Aelianus de instruendis acie-

bus. — Modesti, libellus de uocabulis rei militaris. [No engravings.]
2. De re militari Libri IV. : cum picturis bellicis ligno incisis. Fol.

Char. Wechelius, Parisiis, 1535. — Inter Scriptores de re militari.

[Large engraved figure of a Knight on the back of the title page,

and numerous bold, freely executed curious large wood engravings.]
• 3. VEGEZIO dell' arte militare, nella commune lingua novamente

tradotto da TIZZONI GAETANO da Pofi. Small 8vo. Venetia, 1540.

[Wood engraved title page.]
— 4. II Modesimo ; tradotto da FEANCESCO FEEEOSI. Small 8vo.

Gabriel Giolito, Vinegia, 1551. [No engravings.]
5. De re militari Libri IV. Sexti Julii Frontini viri consularis

de stratagematis libri totidem. Fol. Paris, 1553.
- 6. De re militari Libri IV. [Frontini ; ^Elianus, Modestus.] G.

Stewechio. 8vo. Lugduni Batavorum, 1592.
VETEEUM MATHEMATICOEUM, 1693.— See HEEO, No. 4.
VINCI, LEONAEDO DA. Life of. See J. W. Brown.
VITEUVIO de Architectura traducto (da C. Cesariano, Bono Mauro, Bene-

dotto Jovio, Novo Comasco, &c.) e commentate da Cesare Cesariano.

Woodcuts. Fol. Como, 1521.

[1st Book, p. 23. Aeolipilarum Figura. Also engraving of a

large vessel with paddles. Liber Decimus, p. 174.]
VITEUVIUS PALLIO, MAECTJS. De architectura Libri X. Fol. Roma?,

circa 1486.
[WALLACE, PEOFESSOE]. The History of the Steam-Engine from the

second century before the Christian era. New edition, illustrated.

12mo. London, Cassell, 1860.

EARLY SCIENTIFIC WORKS. 597

WATT, JAMES. — See J. P. Muirhead,

WEALE'S QUAETEELY PAPEES. — Vol. V.

WHITE, JOHN. A rich Cabinet, with variety of Inventions, unlock'd and

open'd, for the recreation of ingenious spirits. 12mo. 1684.
WILKINS, JOHN, M.A. (Bishop of Chester). Mathematical! Magick. Or,

The wonders that may be performed by mechanicall geometry. By

J. W., M.A. Small 8vo. 1648.
Mercury, or the secret and swift messenger: shewing how a man

may with privacy and speed communicate his thoughts to a friend

at any distance. By J. W., M.A. Small 8vo. 1641.
WONDEEFUL INVENTIONS ; A History of. 12mo. 18 — .
ZEISING, HENETCUS. Theatri Machinarum. Thick 4to. Leipzigk, 1612.

[Compiled principally from Bessoni and Eamelli's works.]
ZONCA, VITTOEIA, Architect. IS"ovo Teatro di Machine et Edificii.

Folio. Podoua, 1656.

o'JS

CATALOGUE

OF BOOKS EITHEE QUOTED OE CONSULTED

IN REFERENCE TO THE

LIFE AND TIMES OF THE MAEQUIS OF WOECESTEE.

1 ATAZZI, Cura di G. Nunziatura in Irlanda di Monsignor Gio. Batista

Einuccini Arcivescovo di Fermo negli anni 1645 a 1649. 8vo.
Firenze, 1844.

2 ALLEN, THOMAS. The Historical Antiquities of London, &c. ; con

tinued by Thomas Wright. 4 vols. 8vo. 1839.

3 History and Antiquities of the Parish of Lambeth. 4to. 1827.

4 ANNUAL EEGISTEE, 1769.

4*ANTiQTJAEiAN EEPEETOEY. By Francis Grose, F.S.A., &c. and other

eminent antiquarians. Vol. IV. 4to. 1809.

4**AECH^EOLOGiA ; or Miscellaneous Tracts relating to Antiquity. Vol. 6.
4to. 1782.

5 ATZYNS, SIK EOBEET. The ancient and present state of Gloucester

shire. Folio. 1712.

— BAKEE, CHAELES. See T. D. or T. Dineley.

5*BAEBER, J. T., F.S.A. A Tour through South Wales and Monmouth
shire. 8vo. 1803.

S**BAEEINGTON, Sir JONAH, Historic Memoirs of Ireland. 2nd edition.
2 vols. 4to. 1833.

6 BATLEY, JOHN, F.R.S., &c.. The History and Antiquities of the Tower

of London. In 2 parts, royal 4to. 1825.

7 BAYLY, THOMAS, (Sub-dean of Bath and Wells). Worcester's Apoph-

tliegme: or Witty sayings of the Eight Honourable Henry (late)
Marquess and Earl of 'Worcester. By T. B. Small 12mo. 1650.

7* Certamen Eeligiosum : or, a conference between his late

Majesty, Charles King of England, and Henry late Marquis and
Earl of Worcester, concerning Eeligion, 1646. 12mo. 1649.

8 BEATSON'S Political Index modernised ; The Book of Dignities. By

Joseph Haydn. 8vo. 1851.

9 BEATTIE, WM., M.D. The Castles and Abbeys of England. Eoyal 8vo.

18—

10 BEATTFOBT FAMILY, Portraits and Biographical Notices of the. Folio.

Salisbury, 1804.

11 [BELING, SIE EICHARD.] Vindicarum Catholicarum Hibernise. Au-

thore Philopatro Irenaeo. Libri duo, quorum, pp. 256. 18mo.
Paris, 1650. [He was one of the great movers of the rebellion, but
of the moderate party.]

12 BETHAM, Eev. WILLIAM, The Baronetage of England. 4to. 1803.
12*BiBLioTnECA EEGiA ; or, The Eoyal Library, Ch. II. Not extant in

the EeliquisD Carolines. In two JBoolcs, 12mo. [Brit. Mus.] 1659.

BOOKS QUOTED AND CONSULTED. 599

13 BIECH, THOMAS, D.D., Secretary of the Royal Society. An Inquiry

into the share which Charles I. had in the transactions of the Earl of
Glamorgan. 8vo. 1756.

— BLISS' WALPOLE. See Walpole.

14 BOYLE, HONOURABLE EGBERT, The Works of. 5 vols. folio. 1744.

— BROOKE, EALPIIE. See Augustine Vincent.

15 BROOKS, WM. ALEX., Architect. Select Specimens of the Monastic,

Castellated, and Domestic Architecture of Great Britain. Part 1,
Nos. 1 and 2, [all pubd.j folio. 1826.

16 BRUCE, JOHN, F.S.A., &c. Charles I. in 1646 ; Letters of Charles the

First to Queen Henrietta Maria. Edited by [Camden Society.]

4to. 1856.

17 BRYDGES, SIR EGERTON, Bart. Memoirs of the Peers of England during

the reign of James I. [all pubd.] 8vo. 1802.

18 Eestituta ; or, Titles and Extracts of Old Books. 4 vols.

Svo. 1815.

19 Censura Literaria. 10 vols. Svo. 1815.

20 BURKE, SIR BERNARD. A Visitation of the Seats and Arms of the

Noblemen and Gentlemen of Great Britain. 2nd edn. Svo. 1855.

21 BUCK'S Antiquities ; or Venerable Remains of above 400 Castles, &c.

in England and Wales. 3 vols. folio. 1774.

22 BURTON, THOMAS, M.P. Diary of the Parliaments of Oliver and

Eichard Cromwell. 4 vols. Svo, 1828.
- BYRNE, W., JF.S.A. See Thomas Hearne.

22*CARLisLE, NICHOLAS, F.R.S. &c. An inquiry into the place and
quality of the Gentlemen of His Majesty's honourable Privy Cham
ber. Svo. 1829.

23 CARLYLE, THOMAS. Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches. 4 vols.

1850.

24 CARTE, THOMAS, M.A. A History of the Life of James Duke of

Ormonde. 1736.

25 [CARTE, THOMAS.] Life of James Duke of Ormond, containing an

account of the most remarkable affairs of his time, and particularly
of Ireland under his government : with an Appendix and a Collec
tion of Letters. A new edition. 6 vols. Svo. Oxford, 1851.

— CHARLES I. Letters, 1664. See John Bruce.

26 CLARENDON'S History of the Eebellion. 7 vols. Svo. 1849.

— CLARENDON'S Life, &c. See T. H. Lister.

26* State Papers collected by, 3 vols. Folio. Oxford, 1767—1773

and 1786.

27 CLAYTON, J. W. Personal Memoirs of Charles II. 2 vols. Svo.

1859.

28 COLLINS, ARTHUR. Letters and Memorials of State. 2 vols. folio.

1746.
Peerage of England. 9 vols. Svo. 1812.

29 CORBET, JOHN, Preacher of God's Word. An Historicall relation of

the Military Government of Gloucestershire from the beginning of
the Civill Warre. 1645. [Eeprinted in " Bibliotheca Gloucestrensis.
By John Washbourn, jr. 4to. Gloucester, 1825.]

30 COSMO the Third, Grand Duke of Tuscany. Travels through En gland

during the reign of K. Charles II. (1669.) Eoyal 4tq. 1821.

600 INDEX TO BOOKS

31 COXE, WM., A.M., &c. An Historical Tour in Monmouthshire, illus

trated with views by Sir E. C. Hoare, Bart., &c. 4to. 1801.

— COUETHOPE, WILLIAM. See Sir Harris Nicolas.

32 CEOKEE, T. C. Narratives illustrative of the Contests in Ireland in

1641—1690. Edited by. (Camden Society). 4to. 1841.

33 CUNNINGHAM, PETEE. Handbook of London. 12mo. 1850.

34 [DINELEY, T.] Notitia Cambro-Britannica : A voyage of North

and South Wales ; being observations in attending his Grace the
Duke of Beaufort, in his progress there, 1684. By T. D. Gen. Edited
from the original MS. by Charles Baker, Esq. London, printed for
private circulation. 4to. 1864.

35 DISBAELI, ISAAC. Commentaries on the Life and Eeign of Charles I.

2 vols. 8vo. 1851.

36 DODD, CHABLES, [_i.e, Hugh Tootell]. Church History of England, from

the commencement of the 16th Century to the revolution in 1688.
With notes and a continuation by the Eev. M. A. Tierney. 5 vols.
8vo. 1839-43.

36*DuGDALE, WILLIAM, (Norroy King of Arms). The Baronage of Eng
land. Folio. 1675.

37 EVELYN, JOHN, F.R 8. Diary and Correspondence of. Edited by

Wm. Bray, F.A.S. 1859. Crown 8vo. 1859.

38 FANSHAWE, LADY. Memoirs of Lady F., wife of the Eight Hon. Sir

Eichard Fanshawe, Bart. Ambassador from Charles the Second to
the Court of Madrid in 1665. Written by herself. 8vo. 1829.

39 FELLOWES, W. D. Historical Sketches of Charles the First. 4to.

1828.

40 FOSBEOKE, EEV. THOMAS DUDLEY, M. A. A picturesque and topo-
. graphical account of Eaglan Castle. 12mo. Monmouth, 1831.

— GAEDNOE, JOHN. See David Williams.

41 GLAMORGAN'S, The Earl of, Negotiations and colourable commitment

in Ireland demonstrated, or the Irish Plot for bringing 10,000 men
and arms into England, &c. 4to. 1645.

42 GREEN, VALENTINE, F.S.A. The History and Antiquities of the city

and suburbs of Worcester. 2 vols. 4to. 1796.

— GROSE, FRANCIS, F.S.A. See Antiquarian Eepertory.

44 GUIZOT, M. History of Charles I. and the English Revolution.

Vol. 2. 8vo. 1854.

45 HARLEIAN Miscellany. Vol. 2. 1809. Vol. 4. Vol. 7, 8. 4to. 1811.

46 HARLEY, Lady Brilliana, Letters of; (Wife of Sir Robert Harley, of

Brampton Bryan, K. B. With Introduction and notes by Thos. T.
Lewis, A. M. London, (Camden Society.) 4to. 1853.
- HAYDN, JOSEPH. See Beatson.

47 HEARNE. THOMAS, F.S.A. The Antiquities of Great Britain, illus

trated in views of Monasteries, Castles, and Churches. Engraved by
W. Byrne, F.S.A. from Drawings by Thomas Hearne, F.S.A. 2 vols.
Oblong folio. 1807.

48 HEATH, CHARLES, Printer. Historical and descriptive accounts of the

ancient and present state of Eagland Castle. 8vo. Monmouth, 1806.
— 10th edition. 8vo. Monmouth, 1825.

49 HEATH, JAMES. A brief chronicle of the late war in the three king

doms of England, Scotland, and Ireland. In 4 parts. From 1637 to
1663. By H. J. 2nd edition. 12mo. 1663.

QUOTED AND CONSULTED. 601

50 HOOPER, JACOB. An impartial history of the rebellion and civil wars

in England during the reign of King Charles the First. Collected
from Clarendon, Bishop Kennet, Echard, Rushworth, &c. Folio.
1738.

51 HOUGH, C. (Monmouth.) A companion to Eagland Castle : or, a

familiar description of that beautiful and interesting ruin. 4to.
1833.

52 HOWEL, JAMES. Londinopolis ; an Historical! Discourse of Perlustra-

tion of the City of London, &c. Whereunto is added another of the
city of Westminster. Folio. 1657.

53 HOWITT, William and Mary. Ruined Abbeys and Castles of Great

Britain. 4to. 1862.

54 HUME, DAVID. The History of England. 8 vols. 8vo. 1778.

55 HUME AND SMOLLETT. The History of England. With the con

tinuation by the Eev. T. S. Hughes, B. D. Crown 8vo. 1854.

— HYDE, E. Earl of Clarendon— See Clarendon, Earl of.

56 ITEE CABOLINUM. Somers' Tracts, containing 1641 to 1648. Printed

in 1660. 4to.

— JOHNSON, GEORGE W. The Fairfax Correspondence. Memoirs of

the reign of Charles the First. 4 vols. 8vo. 1848-9.

57 JOURNALS of the House of Commons. Folio. London.
57*JouRNALS of the House of Lords. Folio. London.

58 KENNET, DE. WHITE, (Bishop of Peterborough). A complete History

of England. 3 vols. folio. 1706.

59 • A Register and Chronicle, Ecclesiastical and Civil, con
taining matters of fact, delivered in the words of the most authen-
tick books, papers, and records ; digested in exact order of time.
Faithfully taken from the MS. collections of the Lord Bishop of
Chester. 2 vols. folio. 1728.

60 KNIGHT'S Pictorial History of England. Royal 8vo. 18—

61 LEYBURN, GEORGE, D.D., (Chaplain to Henrietta Maria, Queen of

England), Memoirs of, being a Journal of his agency for Prince
Charles in Ireland, in the year 1647. 12mo. 1722.

62 LINGARD, JOHN, D.D. The History of England. 10 vols. 8vo. 5th

edition. 1849.

63 LISTEE, T. H. Life and Administration of Edward, First Earl of

Clarendon, with original correspondence. 3 vols. 8vo. 1837.

64 LODGE, EDMUND, (Norroy King of Arms, F.S.A.) Portraits and

Memoirs of the most illustrious personages of British History.
Eoyal 8vo. 1831-3.

65 LYSONS, EEV. D., M.A., &c. The Environs of London. 4to. 1792.

66 Supplement to the First Edition of Historical Account of

the Environs of London. 4to. 1811.

67 MACAULAY, LOED. The History of England. Vol. 1st. 8vo. 1857.

68 MEEHAN, EEV. C. P. The Confederation of Kilkenny. 12mo.

Dublin, 1862.

68*MEMOEiALS of the English Affairs : or an historical account of what
passed from the beginning of the reign of King Charles the First, to
King Charles the Second his happy restoration. Printed for N.
Ponder. Folio. 1682.

602 INDEX TO BOOKS

69 MILTON, JOHN, The Prose Works of. By Charles Symonds. 7 vols.

8vo. 1806.

— ISTEWCOUET'S Map of Ancient London. 1658. And 1863.

[See Worcester House, Baynard's Castle, and The Tower.] From an
exact delineation of the Cities of London and Westminster and
the Svbvrbs thereof, Together with ye Burrough of Sovthwark and
all ye thoroughfares, highwaies, streets, lanes and common allies
within the same composed by a Scale, and Iconographically described
by Richard Newcovrt of Somerton in the Countie of Somerset,
Gentleman. Wm. Faithorne, Sculpsit. 1658. [Engraved from the
Original by George Jarman, and pubd. by Edward Stanford, Charing
Cross, 1863.] Measures 3ft. 5in. by 6ft. 3£in.

70 NICOLAS, SIR HAEEIS. Historic Peerage of England, revised by

William Courthope, Esq., Somerset Herald. 8vo. 18 —

71 NICHOLS, JOHN. The Progresses, &c., of King James the First.

Vol. 1st. 4to. 1828.

72 Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century. 6 vols.

8vo. 1812.

72* Literary Anecdotes. 8vo. 1814 and 1815.

73 NICHOLS (J. B.) & SON. Collectanea Topographica. 8vo. 1834.

74 Collectanea Topographica et Genealogica. 8 vols. 8vo. 1841.

[Vol. VII. p. 190.]

75 NICHOLS, JOHN GOUGH. Autographs of Eoyal, Noble, Learned and

Remarkable Personages conspicuous in English History. Folio.
1829.

76 NOTES AND QUEEIES. Second Series. 1st Vol. small 4to. 1856.

— O'DONOVAN, JOHN. Annals of the Rebellion of Ireland. 4 vols.

1851.
OEMOND, JAMES, DUKE OF, Life of. See Carte.

77 PAMPHLETS, Collection of. 1646. 4to. [The gift of George III. to

the Brit. Mus. E. 350.]

78 PEPYS, SAMUEL, F.JR.S. Diary and Correspondence of. 6th edition,

in 4 vols. crown 8vo. 1858.

79 PETEEBOEOUGH, Bishop of. A Register and Chronicle, Ecclesiastical

and Civil ; from the Restoration of Charles II. Faithfully taken from
the MS. Collections of. Folio. 1728.

80 PLAYFAIE, W. British Family Antiquity. 4to. 1809.

— PONDEE, N. See Memorials of the English Affairs.

81 POTE, JOSEPH. The History and Antiquities of Windsor Castle, and

the Royal College, and Chapel of St. George. 4to. 1749.

82 PEOUT, JOHN SKINNEE. The Castles and Abbeys of Monmouthshire.

Folio. 1838.

83 RAGLAND CASTLE ; The gallant siege of the Parliamentary forces

before. May 30, 1646.

[" Collection of Pamphlets," 1646. 4to. The gift of George III.
to the Brit. Mus.]

84 RAGLAND CASTLE ; An exact and true relation of the many several

messages that have passed between Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Mar
quis of Worcester, &c. &c. 4to. 1646.

[" Collection of Pamphlets," 1616, 4to. The gift of George III.
to the Brit. Mus.]

QUOTED AND CONSULTED.

cos

85 RAPIN DE THOYBAS. Tlie History of England. Translated by N.

Tindal, M.A. Folio. 1733.

— RINUCCINI, G. B. — See G. Aiazzi.

— ROBERTS, GEORGE. — See Walter Yonge.

86 RUDDER, SAMUEL. A new history of Gloucestershire. Folio. 1779.

87 RUSHWORTH, JOHN. Historical Collections. Third part, Vol. 2.

1640-1644. Folio. 1692.

88 SANDFORD, FRANCIS. A genealogical history of the Kings and Queens

of England, and Monarchs of Great Britain, &c., from 1066 to 1707 ;
continued by Samuel Stebbing. Folio. 1707.

89 SEWARD'S Anecdotes of some distinguished persons. 12mo. 1796.

90 SOMERS, LORD, Tracts. A collection of scarce and valuable tracts,

2nd edition, revised by Sir Walter Scott. Vol. 4. 4to. 1810.

— SOMERS, LORD. — See Iter Carolinum.

— SPECTATOR, THE. (Newspaper.) pp. 706 and 733. 1864. Vol.

91 SPRAT, THOMAS, F.S.A. Observations on Monsieur Sorbiere's Voyage

into England ; written to Dr. Wren, Professor of Astronomy. 12mo.
1665.

92 SPRIGGE, JOHN, M.A. AngliaRediviva; England's Recovery : being

the History of the Motions, Actions, and Successes of the Army,
&c. Sir Thomas Fairfax, Kt. Folio. 1647.
92*STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC SERIES, Calendars of: viz. —

1547-1580. Edited by R. Lemon, F.S.A. 8vo. 1856.

1603-1610. Edited by Mary Anne Everett Green. 1857.

1611-1618. „ „ „ 1858.

1619-1623. „ „ „ 1858.

1623-1625. „ „ „ 1859.

1625-1626. Edited by John Bruce, V.P.S.A., &c. 1858.

1627-1628. „ „ „ 1858.

1628-1629. „ „ „ 1859.

1629-1631. „ „ „ 1860.

1631-1633. „ „ F.S.A. 1862.

1633-1634. „ „ „ 1863.

1634-1635. „ „ „ 1864.

1660-1661. Edited by Mary Anne Everett Green. I860.

1661-1662. ,. „ „ 1861.

1663-1664. „ „ „ 1864.

1664-1665. „ „ „ 1863.

1665-1666. „ „ „ 1864.

93 SYMONDS, RICHARD. Diary of the marches of the Royal Army during

the great Civil War. From the original Manuscript in the British
Museum. Edited by C. E. Long. London (Camden Society). 4to.
1859.

94 TALLIS'S Illustrated London ; with historical and descriptive letter

press by William Gaspey. 2 vols. 12mo. 1851.

95 THOMAS, F. S. Historical Notes, 1603-1714. Roy. 8vo. 1856.

96 TOONE'S Chronological Historian. 8vo. 1826.

— TIERNEY, REV. M.A. — See Charles Dodd.

— VAUGHAN, ROBERT, D.D. The Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell, and

the state of Europe during the early part of the reign of Louis XIV.
2 vols. 8vo. 1838.

— VINCENT, AUGUSTINE. A discoverie of Errours in the Catalogue of

Nobility, published by Ralphe Brooke, Yorke Herald. Fol. 1622.

604 INDEX TO BOOKS QUOTED.

97 WALPOLE, HORACE, Earl of Orford. A Catalogue of the Royal and

Noble Authors of England, &c. Edited by Thomas Park. 8vo.

1806.
98 A Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors, &c. With copious

MS. Notes by P. Bliss ; containing many cuttings from newspapers,

&c. 5 vols. 1806.

[Brit. Museum.]
99 Anecdotes of Painting in England. With additions by the

Rev. James Dallaway ; revised by N. Wornum. 3 vols 8vo. 1849.

100 WARBURTON, ELIOT. Memoirs of Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers.

3 vols. 8vo. 1849.

101 WARNER, F., LL.D. The History of the Rebellion and Civil War

in Ireland. 2 vols. 4to. 1767.

102 WASHBOURN, JOHN, Junr. Bibliotheca Gloucestrensis. 2 vols. 4to.

Gloucester, 1825.

103 WATKYNS, ROWLAND. Flamma sine Fumo ; or Poems without Fic

tions. ByR. W. 16mo. 1662.

104 WELD, C. R. A History of the Royal Society. 2 vols. 8vo. 1848.

105 WHITELOCKE'S Memorials of the English Affairs ; Charles I. and II.

Folio. 1732.

106 WIFFEN, J. H. Historical Memoirs of the House of Russell. 2 vols.

8vo. 1833.

107 WILLEMENT, THOMAS. Facsimile of a contemporary Roll, with the

names and the arms of the Sovereign and the Spiritual and Tem
poral Peers who sat in the Parliament held at Westminster on the
5th of February, in the Sixth year of the reign of King Henry VIII.
1515, in the possession of T. W. Royal 4to. 1829.

108 WILLIAMS, DAVID. The History of Monmouthshire, illustrated with

Views. By John Gardnor, Vicar of Battersea. 4to. 1796.

109 WOOD, ANTHONY XA. Athense Oxonienses ; continued by Philip

Bliss. Vol. 3rd. 4to. 1817.

110 YONGE, WALTER, ESQ., (Justice of the Peace, and M.P. for Honiton).

Diary written at Colyton and Axminster, Co. Devon, from 1604 to
1628. Edited by George Roberts, (Camden Society.) 4to. 1838.

cor,

INDEX

TO THE

CENTURY OF INVENTIONS.

ADVANTAGEOUS.
A.

ADVANTAGEOUS change of centres,

452—456.

jEohiPiLE, fire-blowing, 542, 543.
ALARM for locks, 501.
ANCHOR, to weigh up, 405, 406.
ANTIQUITIES, military, 473, 474.
APPROACHING blind, an, 432.
ARAGO, M., noticed, 369, 372.
ARITHMETICAL instrument. 512.
ARQUEBUSE, 466 ; a Croc, 466 ; noticed,

474.
ARTIFICIAL fountain, 413,414; river,

419; bird, 440; ring horse, 524.
ASHMOLE'S Museum at Oxford, 356.
AUBREY, Mr., " a professed virtuoso,"

352.
AUTHORS, old scientific, enumerated,

359.

B.

BACON, Lord, notice of, 345.

BACON. ROGER, his invention, 357.

BALANCE water-work, 415, 416,417.

BALFOUR, Sir WILLIAM, note, 452.

BALL, Mr., '• another virtuoso," 352.

BALL, a hour water, 443, 444.

BATE, JOHN, his " Mysteries of Nature
and Art," a favourite work, 359 ; his
style and the Marquis's compared, 361 ;
raises water, 479, 480 ; weather glass,
546 ; on filling ^olipiles, 480 ; notices
4% condensation," 480 ; his use of the
technical term •' force," 483, 484.

BELLS, discourse by, 449.

BIRD, an artificial flying, 440—443, 516.

BLIND, an approaching, 432.

BLUNDERBUSS, or Musketoon, 473 ; no
ticed, 474.

BOAT driving against wind and tide, a,
407-411.

BOATS, patent paddle, 410, 411.

BOGAERTS, PETER, his canal lock, 419.

BOURNE, WILLIAM, on "shooting in
great ordnaunce,'7 400.

BOYLE, Hon. KOBERT, entrusted with
the secret of Papin's fountain, 351.

BOXES of a cabinet, to lock, 510; dicing
box, 521,522.

BRACELET alphabet, 435.

BRADLEY, K., mentions " the late Mr.

CENTURY.

Savery," 487 ; account of his engine,

487.

BRANCA, his steam jet, 479.
BRAZEN HEAD, 346, a brazen or stone,

515—520.

BRIDGE, a portable, 428 — 429.
BROWNE'S calculating Serpentine scale,

512.
BUCKETS, to raise water, 415—418 ; two

buckets, 416—418.
BUCKET-FOUNTAIN, a, 417, 418.
BULWARK, a rising, 430, 432.
BUMBASSES and bullets, to shoot, 421.

C.

CANDLES, a brass mould for, 514, 115.

CANNON, tried before Charles I., 467,
468 ; improvements in, 468 ; extra
ordinary, 469 ; various, 469 ; experi
ments at Woolwich, 1651, 469; to
charge fifty, 472.

CANNON, " to level by night," 400 ;
Bishop Wilkins' remarks, 422, 423 ;
burst by water, 475; charged with
water, 481,482.

CARABINES, often discharging. 463 ;
particulars of, 466 ; noticed, 474.

CASTLE-CLOCK, 420, 421.

CAUS, SALOMON de, notice of, 369, 370,
372, 542 ; his work, 476 ; fountain and
description, 476, 477, 478 ; comment
on, 478,479.

CENTURY of Inventions, its name. 345 ;
MS. copy, 346 ; the MS. and first
edition, 347 ; title pages, 347 ; why
misunderstood, 350 ; nature of articles
therein, 353 ; as a literary work, 358 ;
its value, 358 ; variations on its title,
358 ; verbal peculiarities, 360 ; its
practical tendency, 361 ; its author's
object, 361 ; its form, 362 ; similar
early statements, 362 ; its style ac
cords with the legal form in use for
patent specifications, 363 ; agreement
between the " Century" and the Mar
quis's patent, 363, 364 ; classical
scholars have misapprehended the
work, 366 ; its suggestive character,
367 ; a greater work intended, 367 ;
conflicting opinions, 367 ; how to be
viewed and estimated, 368 ; the mo
dern steam engine owes its origin to

COG

INDEX TO THE CENTURY.

CENTURY.

the Marquis and his work, 369 ; Mr.
Muirhead's false estimate of this pro
duction and its author's invention,
371 ; it stands alone, 373; various
editions, 374, 375 ; reprints in other
works, 375 ; fac-simile title page (ex
cept the framework), 377 ; dedication
to Charles I., 379 ; Dedication to the
Houses of Parliament, 38 1 ; acknow
ledges the Act for his engine, 383 ;
mentions the sacrifice of £700,000,
383 ; Kaltoff, 383 ; its author's prolific
invention, 384 ; alludes to fees, 385 ;
and his " Golden Age," 385 ; rarity
of the first edition, 497 ; a postscript,
note, 535, 536.

CENTURY, first edition, 346 ; last edi
tion, 346 ; its unreliable character,
347.

CHAIR, an imprisoning, 513.

CHARACTER, a universal, 433.

CHARLES II. had a curiously contrived
box from the Marquis, 356.

CIPHER and character, 391 ; a one-
line cipher, 391 ; the same refined,
392 ; reduced to a point, 393 ; varied
significally to all the 24 letters, 394 ;
key to the Marquis's cipher disco
vered, 552.

CLAUDIUS, of Rome, his Bucket fountain,
416.

COACH-SAVING Engine, 414, 415.

CONCEITED tinder-box, 439.

CONDENSATION applied to ebbing and
flowing, 419 — 421 ; applied to drawing
weights, 423 — 425 ; applied to draught,
427, 428 ; applied to two globes, 456 —
462 ; noticed by J. Bate, 480.

CONTINUALLY going watch, 508.

CONVEYANCE, a secret comb, 511 ; knife,
spoon, or fork, 511

CROCK, 466 ; Arquebuse a, 466.

CROSS-BOW, noticed, 474 ; a double,
528.

D.

DARK, to write in the, 503.

DECKS, false destroying, 405.

DEE, Dr. JOHN, his preface to Euclid,
361.

DEFINITION of the Engine, 496, 549,
550.

DESAGULIERS, Dr., on automata, 443 ;
on perpetual motion, 452, 453 ; ac
count of Savery's engine, 488 — 490 ;
charge against Savery, 489.

DICE, cheating at, 522, 524.

DICING box, 521, 522, 524.

DISCOURSE, mute and perfect, by co
lours, 399 : by night, 399.

DOOR, opening either way, 502 ; a con
ceited, 503.

DOORS, a pocket engine to open, 527.

HARLEIAN.

DOUBLE drawing engine for weights,

423.
DOUBLE water-screw, 451 ; cross-bow,

528.
DREBELL, CORNELIUS, noticed, 402,

403.

E.

EBBING and flowing river, 419; castle-
clock, 420, 421 ; applied to two globes,
456—462.

ENGINE, portable in one's pocket, 400;
shipdestroying,401 ; to drive and fasten
to ships, 401 ; for cannon, 468 ; a semi-
omnipotent, 529 — 531.

ENGINE, a stamping, 520 ; a gravel, 525 ;
a ship-raising, 526; a pocket, to open
doors, 527.

ENGINES of War, 468, 469.

ESCUTCHEON for locks, 500.

ETTEN, VAN, describes a fountain, 481 ;
recommends heat, 481; cannon, 481,
482.

EVELYN, John, his Diary, 351; his
'• boscoresque " grounds, 352.

F.

FALSE destroying decks, 405.
FIRE-ARROW, to shoot, 465.
FLAMSTEAD, John, astronomer, 352.
FLASK-CHARGER, 463; powder, noticed,

.474.

FLEET, to destroy a, 402.
FLYiNG-man, a, 504 — 508.
FORCE, as a technical term, explained,

483, 484.
FOUNTAIN, artificial, 413, 414 ; De Caus,

477.

FRINGE-ALPHABET, 435.
FULTON, Robert, noticed, 404.

G.

GARDEN, a floating, 412, 413; a river

in, 419.

GALLERY, a transmittible, 502.
GLOUCESTER, moveable bulwark at the

siege of, 431.
GLOVE-ALPHABET, pincked, 435; pri-

mero gloves, 521.
GRADATION, rule of, 448, 449.
GRAVEL engine, 525.
GREW, Dr., his discourse, 365.
GUILFORD, Baron, Life of, 351 ; was "no

concealed virtuoso, "351; declines being

proposed for the Royal Society, 352 ;

his acquaintances, 352 ; visits Sir S.

Morland, 353.
GUNS to shoot often, remark on, 472.

H.

HALLAM, learning during the Middle

Ages, 345.
HARLEIAN MSS., 346; cipher, 394.

INDEX TO THE CENTURY.

607

HARQUEBUS.

HARQUEBUS, particulars of, 4G6; for ex
peditious shooting, 466; a crock, 466.

HEAD, a brazen or stone, 515 — 520.

HERBERT, Lord, son of the Duke of
Beaufort, his letter, 350.

HOEL, M., his hydraulic engine, 414.

HOLLOWING on a water-screw, 450, 553.

HOOK, Dr., examines Papin's fountain,
351; had seen the Marquis's engine,
493.

HORSE, artificial ring, 524.

HOUR-GLASS fountain, 413, 414.

HOUR water-ball, 444.

HUME, David, criticises the " Century,"
349.

I.

IMPRISONING chair, 513; one at Rome,
514.

INSTRUMENT, an arithmetical, 512; for
perspective, 529.

INVENTION, nature and progress of, 366.

INVENTIONS, estimated number in the
" Century," 353, 354; classified, 354 ;
" tried and perfected," 355 ; short list
of, 357 ; a series of early, 362; early
patented, 363; the Marquis's " quint
essence of," 555.

INVENTORS, early, statements of Inven
tions, 362.

K.

KALTOFF, Caspar, the Marquis's faithful
workman, 359 ; his death, 1664-5,
537 ; noticed 538 ; various notices of
him and his family at Vauxhall, 574.

KNEFFLER, or Knuffler, Dr., noticed,
403.

KNOTTED string alphabet, 435.

KEY-pistol, 438, 439.

KEY, a triangle, 499 ; a rose, 500 ; a
square, 500.

L.

LADDER, portable scaling, 445—448.

LAMBERT, William, his petition respect
ing Vauxhall, 537.

LANTHORN-ALPHABET, 435.

LETTERS secretly conveyed in a comb,
511; in a knife, spoon, or fork, 511.

LEVER, a to and fro, 425, 426.

LIGHT pistol-barrels, 511.

LOCKING of Cabinet-boxes, 510.

LOCKS, an escutcheon for, 500 ; an
alarum for, 501 ; ingenious and ex
pensive, 501, 502.

LOTIIERDALE, Earl of, the Marquis pro
mises him a curious box, 356.

M.

MAN, to fly, 504, 505.
MIDDLE Ages, the, 345.
MILITARY antiquities, 473, 474.
MILL, a rasping, 512 ; a coining, 520.
MINYONS, minion, cannon, 467.

PORTA.

MOOR, Sir JONAS, mathematician, 352.

MORLAND, Sir SAMUEL, his house, coach,
and several inventions, 353 ; his patent
for raising water from Mines (1661),
364, 365 ; his arithmetical instru
ment, 512.

MOULD for candles, 514, 515.

MUIRHEAD, JAMES P., M.A., his false
estimate of the Marquis's character,
invention, and " Century," in his "Life
of James Watt," 369 - 372 ; his treat
ment of the subject, 370 ; erroneous
opinion of the inventions of De Caus
and the Marquis of Worcester, 372.

MULTIPLIED strength in little room, 406.

MUSKETOONS, or blunderbuss, 473.

MUSKETS, often-discharging, 464 ; short,
465 ; particulars of, 466 ; ancient use
of, 474.

MUSQUETOONS, oft-shooting, 472 ; on
horseback, 472.

MUTE and perfect discourse by colours,
399 ; by night, 399.

MYSTICAL jangling of Bells, 449.

N.

NAPIER, Lord JOHN, his secret inven
tions, 402.

NEEDLE-Alphabet, 434.
NEWCOMEN, noticed, 369.

O.

OFTEN-discharging Pistol, 462 ; Peards,

471 ; Guns, 472.
ORDNANCE, ancient, 473.

PAPIN, Dr., his fountain, 361 ; experi
ments on steam, 498.
PATENT for the Marquis's clocks, guns,

&c., 557.

PATTU, M., his water-screw, 451.
PEAR, an untoothsome, 512.
PEARDS, oft shooting, 471.
PEPYS, SAMUEL, his Diary, 351.
PERPETUAL Motion, 452 — 456.
PERPETUAL Motions in M. Serviere's

cabinet, 350.

PERSPECTIVE instrument, 529.
PETTY, Sir WILLIAM, his discourse, 365.
PINCKED Glove alphabet, 435.
PISTOL, oft-shooting, 462 ; ancient use

of, 473 ; improved, 474 ; light barrels,

511.

PLEASANT floating garden, 413.
PNEUMATIC propulsion, 412.
POCKET Ladder, 447, 448 ; engine to

open doors, 527.

POINT, a cipher reduced to a, 393.
PORTABLE "pocket" engine, 400 ; bridge,

428, 429 ; fortification, 429 ; engine,

or ladder, 445—448.
PORTA'S steam apparatus, 541.

cos

INDEX TO THE CENTURY.

POWDER.

POWDER flask, noticed, 474.
PRIMERO gloves, 521.

Q.

QUINT-ESSENCE of motion, by the Mar
quis of Worcester, noticed, 357 ; a
statement of 9 inventions, 555, 556.

R.

RAMSEY, D., raises water by fire, 479.

RASPING mill, 512.

RIBBON, a discourse woven in, 503.

RISING bulwark, 430 — 432.

RIVER, in a garden, 418; ebbing and
flowing, 419.

ROLLOCK, JOHN, his verses allusive to
condensation, 533; his tract containing
his panegyric, the Act, &c., 559.

ROME, an invention obtained there, 353;
*' Claudius his studies at," 416.

ROYAL Society, Transactions, 351 ; Ba
ron Guilford declines being proposed
for, 352 ; Sir W. Petty, and Dr.
Grew, their discourses, 365; Savery
exhibits his model, 484; "first ap
pearance in the world" of Savory's
engine, 494.

RULE of gradation, 448, 449.

S.

SAKERS, cannon, 467.

SAVERY, THOMAS, noticed, 369 ; note,
371 ; model engine for raising water,
484, 485 ; his " Miners Friend," 485 ;
his description and the " Century "
compared, 486, 487 ; Bradley's ac
count, 487 ; engine at Cambden
House, 487 ; Switzer's account, 487,
488 ; its discovery attributed to a
tobacco-pipe, 488 ; the same to a
Florence flask, 489 ; noticed by Dr.
Desaguliers, 488 — 490 ; accused of
obtaining and destroying the Mar
quis's books, 489 ; this charge exa
mined, 492, &c. ; as an independent
inventor, 497 ; his career, 498.

SCANTLING explained, 348.

SCARIONI, FRANCESco,his Centuria, 346.

SCIENCE, state of, to 1667, 348.

SCREWED ascent of stairs, 445.

SEA-banks, to construct, 528, 529.

SEA-castle, or fortification, 411, 412.

SEA-sailing fort, 412.

SEALS, 387, 388, "abundantly signifi
cant," 389, a cipher seal, 389, 390;
private and particular to each owner,
391.

SECRET conveyance for letters, in a
comb, 511 ; in a knife, spoon, or fork,
511.

SECRETI, by Scarioni, 346.

SENSES, alphabets by the, varied, 436.

SERPENTINE scale, Browne's calculating,
512.

VAUXHALL.

SERVIERE, M., his cabinet, 350.

Snip-destroying engine, 401.

SHIP- raising engine, 526.

SHIP, to safeguard any, 404 ; an unsink-
able, 404, 405 ; false decks, 405 ;
anchor, to weigh up, 406 : driving
against wind and tide, 407 ; three
ships, or a sea castle, 411; ships'
muskets, 471.

Sflip-musquets, to govern a whole
side of, 471.

SHORT writing, expeditious way of (sup
posed to be the Marquis's invention),
349—398; authors on, 436— 438.

SIEVE alphabet, 435.

SMELL, alphabet by, 435.

SPRING, strength-increasing, 421.

STAIRS, a screwed ascent of, 444, 445.

STAMPING engine, 346, 520.

STEAM Engine, notice of the first prac
tical, 345 ; historical notices of and
wavering character of opinions re
specting the Marquis of Worcester,
368; progressive improvements, 368;
false estimate of the Marquis in the
" Life of James Watt," 369.

STEAM, its power realized, 362.

STONE bow, 421 — 423.

STRENGTH-increasing spring, 421.

STRENGTH multiplied in little room, 406.

STRING alphabet, knotted, 435.

STUART, ROBERT, contradicts himself,
370.

SUBMARINE vessel, 402.

SWITZER, S., his account of Savery's
engine, 487, 488.

T.

TAPE or ribbon, a discourse woven in,

503.

TASTE, alphabet by, 435.
TELEGRAPH, electric, anticipated, 357.
TELEGRAPHY, systems of, 399.
TINDER-BOX, a most conceited, 439.
TOBACCO-TONGS engine, 445, 446.
TOUCH, alphabet by, 435.
TOWN, for guarding several avenues to

a, 472.

TRADESCANT, his museum, 356.
TRANSPARENT water-screw, 450.
TRITHEMIUS quoted, 393.

U.

UNIVERSAL character, 432—434.
UNTOOTHSOME pear, 513.

V.

VACUUM, noticed by John Bate, 360.

VAUXHALL WORKS, expense of, 358;
William Lambert's petition in respect
to, 537 ; Marquis of Worcester's en
gagements there in 1647, and earlier,
537, 538.

INDEX TO THE CENTURY.

GOO

VENICE.

VENICE, an invention obtained there,

353, 425.

VERSTEGAN, on science in 1605, 349.
VINCI, Leonardo da, notice of, 345.

W.

WALPOLE, HORACE, criticises the "Cen
tury," 348, 349 ; groundless censure,
523, 524.

WATCH, a continually going, 508.

WATER, to drive up by fire, 475; heated
in a cannon, 475 ; Dr. Eamsey's patent,
479; raised by Bate, 479; Van Etten
applies heat, 481; cannon experi
ment, 481, 482; Savery's model, to
raise, 484, 485.

WATER-SCREW, to make hollow, 450; a
transparent, 450; a double, 451; plan
of construction, 552, 553.

WATERWORK, a fire, 476; "the most
stupendious work in the whole world,"
533 — 535; a stupendous, 535.

WATER- WORKS, noticed by John Bate,
360; the Marquis acknowledges the
passing of the Act for, 383.

WATT, JAMES, his engine, 369 ; indebted
to the influence of capital, 369 ; false
estimate of the Marquis in " The
Life of," 369—372.

WEIGHTS, to raise, 531—533.

WELD, Mr., his " knick-knack-atary,"
352.

WERDEN, Sir JOHN, mathematician,
352.

WHEEL, great weighted, 452 — 456.

WORCESTER, Marquis of, the Harleian
MSS. not in his handwriting, 346 ;
his engine in the Century, 353 ; esti
mated number of his inventions, 353,
354 ; classified, 354 ; his proposed
work, 355 ; special notices of practice,
355, 356; silence of contemporaries,
356 ; promises a box to the Earl of

WRITE.

Lotherdale, 356 ; a mysterious inven
tion, 357 ; his pecuniary position, 358 ;
expense of his works at Vauxhall,
358 ; analogous inventions in old
authors, 359; enumerated, 359; seems
to have been attached to Bate's Myste
ries of Nature and Art, 359 ; Water
works, noticed by Bate, 360 ; ac
quainted with Dr. Dee's preface to
Euclid, 361 ; styles of Bate and the
Marquis compared, 361 ; in search of
powerful mechanical aids, 361 ; real
izes the power of steam, 362 ; writes
his " Century " similar to patent spe
cifications, 363, 364 ; his pre-eminent
invention, 366 ; wavering character of
historical notices of his invention,
368 ; false estimate of the Marquis's
personal character, his invention, and
his "Century," in the "Life of James
Watt," 369, 370, 371, 372 ; his gene
ral character, his inventions, and his
work, 373 ; the modern steam engine
owes its origin to the Marquis and
his work, 369 ; his engine at work,
370 ; acknowledges the passing of the
Act for his engine, 383 ; mentions
the sacrifice of £700 000, 383 ; his
" Golden Age," 385 ; his supposed
invention of Short Writing, 394 ; his
cipher-written letter, 398 ; a model o
his semi-omnipotent engine to be bu
ried with him, 530; notice of his
works at Vauxhall, 1647, 537, 538;
statement in his Act of Parliament,
539, 540 ; construction of his engine,
551 ; key to his cipher discovered,
553 ; nine of his inventions, or quint
essence of motion, 555 ; his patent for
clocks, &c., 557 ; Bollock's pamphlet,
containing Act, &c.. 559.
WRITE, to, in the dark, 503.

2 R

610

INDEX

TO THE LIFE OF

THE MAEQUIS OF WORCESTER.

A.

ACT of Parliament for the Water-com
manding Engine, applied for, 253;
proceedings in respect to, 254 — 256;
royal assent given, 256 ; the Act,
Appendix C.

ADAMS, Mr., Lord Herbert's preceptor,
141.

ALBEMARLE, Duke of, letter from, 268,
269; another letter, 277; names the
Crown's debts, 278; statement made
to him of expenditure in the late
King's service, 278, 280.

ALCHEMY in vogue, 16.

ALLEN, Captain, taken at Padstow, with
the Earl of Glamorgan's dispatches,
124; promised assistance, 125; bearer
of a letter, 126; Glamorgan reports
Allen having been taken, 170.

ALLOWANCE of £3. per week, Crom
well's Warrant for, 213.

ALONZO, Don, his answer, sent, 218.

ANNE, Countess of Worcester, her
death, 31.

ANTONIO, Captain, two frigates, 1 70.

APOCRYPHAL passages relating to the
Marquis of Worcester, Appendix H.

ARISTOCRACY of the 17th century, so
cial habits, 5; luxuries of the table,
and of dress, 5.

ARLINGTON, Lord, letter to, 269; the
Marquis seeks his services, 274.

ARUNDEL, HENRY FREDERICK, Earl of;
marries Anne, daughter of Edward
Lord Herbert, 17.

B.

BACKHOUSE, Lieut, has command of
war horses taken at Gloucester, 62.

BACON, Lord, death of, 16.

BADMINTON HOUSE, Gloucestershire,
visited by Charles II. and his Queen,
260.

BAKER, THOMAS, engineer, his Poem
on " The Steam Eno-ine," 258; notice
of " The Centnry," 258, 259.

BALFOUR, Sir WILLIAM, Lieutenant of
the Tower, 25; commanded at Edge-
hill, 25.

BEAUFORT.

BATE, JOHN, his work, 1634-35, 29;

remarks on water- works, 29.
BAYLY, Dr. THOMAS) noticed, 9 ; relates
a Welsh legend, and occurrence at
Carnarvon, 94 ; chaplain at Raglan
Castle, 96; his "Apophthegms," 96;
Lord Herbert's water-works, 100, 101 ;
his dedication of his book, 110, 111;
relates a domestic incident, 149, 150;
leaves Raglan Castle, 153 ; visits the
Marquis at Co vent Garden, 154 ; at
tends the Marquis's funeral, 155.
BAYNARDS CASTLE, correspondence
from, respecting Henry Lord Her
bert's marriage, 1, 2, 3, 4.
BEAUCHAMP, MARY, Lady; married to

Lord Herbert, 220; Certificate, 220.
BEAUFORT, HENRY, Duke of, his mother,
16, 17 ; his birth, death, and age,
(note) 16; at six years of age, 23;
ten years of age, 26 ; " a match pro
pounded for" him, to his grandfather,
by Charles 1. 103 ; Petitions the House
of Commons, 201 ; his property, 202,
203, 204 ; resolutions in regard to
value, &c. 205, 206, 207; sat in the
Cromwellian parliament, 210; his
father's estates in Monmouthshire en
joyed by Cromwell, 210; Cromwell's
caution, 210 ; marriage, 220 ; resi
dent at Badminton House, 226 ; going
to Dover, 226; letter to his wife, 226;
a prisoner in the Tower, 233; letter
to his wife, 233; his age, 233; consti
tuted Lord Lieutenant of Gloucester
shire, 233; parliamentary clause in
respect to his property, 238; ordered
by Parliament to give up his father's
deeds and writings, 238; delivers a
message to the Lords, 243; carries
the bill to the Lords for the Water-
commanding Engine, 256; visit of
Charles II. and his Queen, 260; sits
in the House of Peers, (note) 282;
attests his father's funeral Certificate,
300; letters patent granted him re
mitting payments due from his father,
303 ; a commissioner to distribute fund
for poor Cavaliers, 317, 318; his pro
gress through Wales, (note) 317;

INDEX TO THE LIFE.

fill

BEDFORD.

return to Badminton, (note) 318;
published account of his progress,
(note) 3 18.

BEDFORD, Lord of, 2.

BEDFORD, Earl of, Francis Russell, 6.

BIBLE, new translation published, 7.

BIRCH'S, Dr. statement about Gla
morgan's going to Wales, 87.

BLACKFRIARS, the seat of fashion, 1;
marriage of Lord Herbert there, 2;
Queen Elizabeth's stay there, 3 ; cere
mony on arrival, 3; supper there, 4.

BLACKSTONE, Sir RALPH, named, 141.

BLAXTON, Sir WILLIAM, assists to re
take Monmouth, 63.

BOSDON, EDWARD, Glamorgan's In
structions to, 87.

BOTELER, ALLEN, his business from
Charles I. to the Marquis of Worces
ter, at Raglan Castle, 142 ; his jour
ney, 142; difficulties and dangers, 143 ;
arrives at Raglan, 144 ; disappoint
ment, 144; stern reception, 144; in
terview with the Marquis, 144, 145 ;
who plainly declares his sentiments
respecting Charles Ist's treatment of
his son, 145 ; neglected, and detained,
leaves precipitately, 145, 146 ; his
adventures, and return to Oxford, 146,
147.

BRECKNOCK garrisoned, 60, 332.

BUERETON, ROGER, his letter to the
Countess of Glamorgan, 129.

BRERETON, Sir WILLIAM, his letter-
book, 87.

BRETT, Sir JEREMIAH, before Glouces
ter, 56.

BRIDGKWATER, Earl of, named, 24.

BROMPTON CASTLE, council of war to
take it, 58.

BURTON, THOMAS, ATP., reports on the
Marchioness of Worcester's Petition,
195; his remarks on the Marquis of
Worcester's character, being then a
state prisoner, 212; his conduct that
of a soldier, and always civil, 212.

BYRON, Sir JOHN, Lieutenant of the
Tower, 23; named, 35, 36; his letters,
July, 1642, 41, 42, 59; his regiment,
67; named, 328, 330, 331.

BYTHELL, JOHN, his letter to his father,
about the Earl of Glamorgan and
others, 88 ; escapes shipwreck, his
cargo of corn seized, 90; a prisoner,
90, 9 1 ; list of passengers and crew, 92.

C.

CALEHOF, CALTHOFF, CALTROP, COL-

THOFF — see Kaltoff.
CARDIFF garrisoned, 60; named, 328,

332.
CARLYON garrisoned, 60, 332.

CHARLES THE FIRST.

CARTE and Dr. Birch's erroneous state
ment about Glamorgan's leaving for
Ireland, 93; corrected, 93.

CARNARVON, ROBERT Earl of, marriage
of his sister Elizabeth to Edward Lord.
Herbert, 16; her death, 23.

CASTLEMAINE, Lady, undertakes a re
quest to the King, 275.

CATHOLIC Clergy, Irish Roman, 114,
115, 119; Glamorgan solicits consent
for post of Lord Lieutenant, 181 ;
Glamorgan's complicity with, 184 ;
great secrecy observed, 184.

CATHOLIC Princes, Roman, with the
Pope, to supply £30,000, to support
an army in England, in the cause of
Charles I. 228 ; Glamorgan's power
to treat, 229.

CATHOLIC, Roman, Lord Lieutenant,
115.

CATHOLIC, Roman, Religion, Glamor
gan's engagement to support measures
for the good of, 160.

CATHOLIC, Roman, countries, support
from, 84.

CATHOLICS, Roman, indulgences granted,
232; Jesuits excepted, 232; the Mar
quis of Worcester derived no assist
ance from, 327, 328.

CATHOLICS, Roman, Irish, inquiry re
specting, 122 ; Charles 1st repudiates
the concessions made to, 130; his
letter to Ormond, 131 ; negotiations
with, repudiated by Secretary Nicho
las, 132 ; the whole party astounded
at these abortive results, 161 ; di
minished hopes, Charles I. in custody
at Newcastle, 175.

CATHOLICS, Roman, laws against, 27.

CAUS, DE SALOMON, his works, 29.

CAVALIERS, Act providing for poor,
247; fund for, 317.

CENTURY OF INVENTIONS, a Catalogue
raisoane, 17; written, 214; MS. copy
in the British Museum, 221 ; first pub
lication, 258; Poetical notice of, 258,
259.

CHARLES THE FIRST, his birth, 5 ; first
year of his reign, 12 ; witnesses the
wheel experiment at the Tower, 25 ;
character of his reign, 25 ; 15th year,
31 ; the Long Parliament, 31 ; return
from Scotland, 32; retreat to- Hamp
ton Court, 32; at Royston, 33 ; at Hull,
34; flatters the Earl of Worcester. 35;
his movements in 1641, 35; Civil Wai-
declared, 37; makes a convenience of
the Marquis of Worcester for his
wealth, 38; his perfidious nature, 38;
members of Parliament summoned to
attend at the Banqueting House, 1 640,
38 j borrows money from the Marquis
21J 2

612

INDEX TO THE LIFE.

CHARLES THE FIRST.

of Worcester, 41 ; journey to Leicester,
42 ; £5,000 sent for him to Newstead,
42; "hopes he shall not die in the
Marquis's debt," 42; report from the
King at Nottingham of his message
by Lord Herbert to his father, 44, 45,
46 ; Charles I. and Lord Herbert pour-
trayed, 46, 47; his tortuous policy, 55;
certain early loans from the Marquis
of Worcester, 58, 59; at York, 59;
commission of Array, 59 ; attended by
the Marquis of Hertford at Oxford,
67; inconsistencies in his conduct, 69;
liberal in promises, 69 ; battle of Edge-
hill, 69 ; sends the Earl of Glamor
gan the Blue Ribbon, and a warrant
for the title of Duke of Somerset, 74;
assures Glamorgan "you labour for a
dear friend," 75; wonders he has not
gone to Ireland, 75; artful letter to
Ormond, 78; his deceptive style, 79;
profuse in professions of attachment,
81; why selected for this negociation,
81; reassures Glamorgan of his con
fidence in him, 82; at Hereford, 83;
visits Raglan Castle, 104; the fickle
monarch a false friend, 105; reception,
105; returns to the Castle, 106; his
third visit, 106; in all 27 days, 106;
discourse with the Marquis, 106; pre
sented with a dessert from Troy, 108;
deprives the Marquis of £6,000 de
posited with his son, 109, 110; his en
gagement of Glamorgan characterized,
116; disasters in war, 117; looks to
Ireland for assistance, 117; his urgent
necessities, 117; his plan for realizing
his hopes in Ireland, 118; repudiates
Glamorgan's proceedings in Ireland,
122; Hume's notice, 122, 123; Carte's
charge, 123; the King's duplicity, 123;
6,000 men ready to leave Ireland,
1 26 ; his message to Parliament, 130 ;
writes to the Queen about " Glamor
gan's business," 134; his letter to
" Glamorgan," 134; his consummate
duplicity, 135; charged by the Mar
quis of Worcester with being " waver
ing and fickle," 145, 148; his cha
racter, 157; creates the Earl of Gla
morgan, " Duke of Somerset and
Beaufort," 162; the patent, 162, 163;
his confidence in Glamorgan not mis
placed, 167; his perfect acquaintance
with the Marquis and his son, 167;
writes from Newcastle. 174; not
strictly guarded, 174 ; offers to pawn
his kingdoms, 174; a copy sent to the
Pope, 174; Glamorgan devises a plan
for his escape to Ireland, 175; the
King's treatment of the noble family
of Somerset, 184; delivered up by the

CHESTER.

Scots, 1647, 189; his execution, 189;
the Marquis of Worcester explains
his conduct and powers in Ireland, to
Lord Clarendon, 227; an immense
army was to have been raised, 228;
and the Pope and Catholic Princes
were to supply £30,000 per month
for its maintenance, 228; hence the
" amplitude of Glamorgan's commis
sion," 228; the signing and sealing,
229; to Huntingdon, 330; to Notting
ham, to York, 330; the Tower, 330; his
note of hand, 331; money at Oxford,
32.

CHARLES THE FIRST'S correspondence ?
his letter, August, 1641, 32; Decem
ber, 1641,33; "lying pamphlets," 33;
March, 1641-2, 33; May, 1642, 34;
January, 1642,39; June, 1643,64; his
patent granted to the Earl of Glamor
gan, 70; his instructions to him, 72;
letter, February, 1644, 74; March,

1644, 75; December, 1644,78; Com
mission to Glamorgan, March, 1644,
79, 80; February, 1645, 82; June,

1645, 82, 83; August, 1644, 102;
August, 1644, 104; January, 1645-6;
March, 1645-6, 133; Feb. 1645, 134;
July, 1646, 174.

CHARLES THE SECOND, court at Paris,
1 89 ; its changes, 1 89 ; its poverty at St.
Germains, 189 ; at Jersey, 207 ; in Scot
land. 207 ; in France, 207 ; Louis XIV.
of France, favourable to, 209 ; supposed
to have sent the Marquis of Worcester
from France to London, 210; the Mar
quis of Worcester had presented him
with an ingeniously contrived box, 223 ;
proclaimed, 225; his return and re
joicings, 226; Marquis of Worcester's
petition to have his case investigated
by Parliament, 231; the King and
Queen's progress, 231, 232; a christ
ening at Worcester House. 232 ; his
coronation, 232; homage of the no
bles, 232; sketch of his character, and
that of the Marquis, 234; attends the
House of Lords, 243; personally pro
rogues it, 243; ceremony, 244; one-
tenth of the Water-commanding engine
granted to him, 257; remitted on the
Marquis surrendering a warrant
granting land to the value of £40,000,
257; the Marquis's petition to, 269;
another, 271 ; draft of a letter to, 277;
coolness towards the Marquis, 295;
characteristic traits of his majesty,
307, 308 ; his apathy retards the
development of the steam engine,
308.

CHESTER, City of, 3,000 men expected
for its relief, 85 ; rumours of its

INDEX TO THE LIFE.

G13

CHEPSTOW.

being taken, 85; men for its relief,
114; Glamorgan writes about relief,
125; 6,000 Irish ready for, 126; 3,000
men reported ready, 135; loss of, 138;
Glamorgan's hopes of relief, 160; its
surrender, 161.

CHEPSTOW fortified, 60; belongs to the
Marquis of Worcester of inheritance,
66; named, 328, 332.

CHHISTENING present, a, 2.

CIVIL WAR, aspect of affairs, 1641, 37;
series of national disasters, 43; party
distinctions, 43; ancient warfare, 53,
54; perplexing state of the war, 69;
the gain and loss by, 186; intellectual
losses, incalculable, 186.

CIPHER, letter written in, 180 ; a sen
tence in, 333.

CLARENDON, Earl of, resided at Wor
cester House, 192 ; Marquis of Wor
cester's letter of explanations to, 227;
offer of Worcester House, 235; his
residence, (note), 237 ; at Worcester
House, 260, 261; visited by Evelyn,
261.

COBHAM, Lord, his house at Blackfriars,
3; Queen Elizabeth to stay there, 3;
attends the Queen at the water- side,
3; her majesty sups at his house, 4;
leads the bride (Miss Russell) to
church, 4.

COKE, JCHN, his letter, 24.

COPLEY, CHRISTOPHER, named in a
Bill for settling Worcester House on
the Marchioness of Worcester, 196;
may have instigated the writing of the
"Century," 215; in the army, 215;
letter from the Marquis of Worcester,
215; interested in the engine, 216;
obtains a written obligation from the
Marquis of Worcester, 216; he " doth
undermine Worcester House," 235;
named, 301 ; some account of him,
Appendix E.

CORNWALL, Report of the Duchy of,
survey of Vauxhall, 289, 290, 291 ;
other Reports, Appendix G.

COSMO DE MEDICI the Third, visits
Vauxhall to see the Marquis's En
gine, 302.

COUNCIL, the new, of confederate Irish
Roman Catholics ; Glamorgan solicits
consent for the post of Lord Lieute
nant, 181.

COUNCIL, the Supreme, of confederate
Irish Roman Catholics, Archbishop of
Tuam's death, 115 ; order for his ar
rears, 116 ; disclosures, 116 ; inquiry
respecting, 121 ; agreement discovered,
124 ; published, 124 ; press for Gla
morgan's liberation, 135 ; visited by
Glamorgan on his liberation, 136 ;

EDWARD.

exorbitant demands, 136 ; Glamor
gan desires its good opinion, 165 ;
wearied of the army expenses, 165;
resolve against sending troops over to
England, 165.

CROMWELL, OLIVER, Bill respecting
Worcester House to be tendered to
him, 196; gives his assent, 196; his
directions sought in respect to pay
ment, 197; he is satisfied, 198; en
joyed the Marquis of Worcester's
Monmouthshire estates, 210; warns
his wife respecting Lord Herbert, 2'. 0;
his Warrant to allow the Marquis £3.
per week, 213; the Marquis seeks an
interview with him, 217; his death, and
his son's brief career, 225; deeds de
livered up, 247 ; Herbert, his " right-
hand" man, 249; his Warrant, Ap
pendix F.

CROMWELL, RICHARD, ordered to give
up deeds and writings, 238.

CROMWELL, ELIZABETH, letter to her,
respecting Lord Herbert, 210; ordered
to give up deeds and writings, 238.

CULPEPPER, Lord, letter from the Earl
of Glamorgan, 125.

CUMBERLAND, Earl of, leads the bride
(Lady Herbert) from church, 4.

D.

DEAN, Forest of, garrisoned, 60 ; Lord
Herbert entering, 62 ; Sir John Win
ter " the plague of the forest," 63; the
rebels quit, 63 ; taken by Lord Her
bert, 66; named, 328, 332,

DEE, DR. JOHN, his curious preface to
" Euclid," 26.

DEFINITION of the Water-commanding
Engine, 223 ; published, Appendix C.

DIGBY, GEORGE, Lord, charges the
Earl of Glamorgan with high treason,
116 ; Glamorgan writes to his wife,
mentioning him, 128 ; named also by
R. Brereton, 129 ; Charles Ist's com
mands to, 131 ; Glamorgan informs
him of his business in going to France,
138; approves Glamorgan's resolu
tion, 178.

DORMER, SIR WILLIAM, marriage of his
daughter Elizabeth to Edward, Lord
Herbert, 16 ; her death, 23.

ROBERT, Lord, of Weng, father of

Sir William Dormer, 16; 23.

DREBBLE, his stove, 264.

E.

EDGE-HILL, soldiers furnished the King,
by the Marquis of Worcester, 67;
named, 328.

EDWARD, Lord Herbert— see WORCES
TER.

611

INDEX TO THE LIFE.

EDWARD.

EDWARD, fourth Earl of Worcester — see
SOMERSET, also WORCESTER.

EDWARD, second Marquis of Worcester
— see SOMERSET, also WORCESTER.

ELIZABETH, Lady Worcester, her death
recorded, 8.

ELIZABETH, Lady Herbert, first wife of
Edward Lord Herbert (afterwards
sixth Earl of Worcester), 1 6 ; mother
of Henry, Duke of Beaufort, 16; her
two daughters, 17; her portrait, 21,
22; her death, 22; funeral certificate,
23 ; sister of Robert, Eaii of Carnar
von, 299.

ELIZABETH. Queen, her Court at Green
wich, 1 ; her leave obtained for Lord
Herbert and Miss Russell's marriage,
2; the Queen to appoint the day, 2;
promises her presence, 3; arrives at
Blackfriars, 3 ; carried in a Lectica, 3 ;
present at a masque, 4; danced on
the occasion, 4 ; her death, 5.

ENGINEERING, early, in England, 18.

ENGINEERS, foreign, usually employed,
18.

ENGLAND, state of art and science from
1640 noticed, 188.

F.

FAIRFAX, SIR THOMAS, his dragoons at
Padstow, obtains the Earl of Glamor
gan's despatches, 124 ; opinion of
Charles Ist's message to Parliament,
130; sends his summons to the Mar
quis of Worcester, 151; takes great
interest in the mining approaches to
Raglan Castle, 152 ; concludes terms
with the Marquis, 152; ratified, 153;
Raglan Castle surrendered, 153; en
tertained at Bath, 154.

FERNES, the Roman Catholic Bishop of,
Chancellor of the Congregation, 183
— see Father NUGENT.

FINCH, HENEAGE, his report on a Peti
tion, 273.

FITZWILLIAMS, Col., named, 114.

FOSTER, Captain WILLIAM, letter in
respect to, 249.

G.

GALILEO prosecuted at Rome, 27, 28;
his death, 31.

GLAMORGAN, Edward Somerset, Earl
of, patent privily granted, 70; copy
of the patent, 70, 71, 72 ; was ac
knowledged by Charles II. 72; his
instructions from Charles I., 72, 73,
74 ; dispatches for Ireland, 74 ;
Charles I. acknowledges £250,000,
74 ; sends him the Blue Ribbon and
Warrant for the title of Duke of So-

GLAMORGAN.

merset, 74; detained at home, 75; his
respectful letter to his father, August,
1644, 76, 77; termination of his mili
tary career in Wales, 77; Charles
Ist's pretence to doubt his "judg
ment," 78 ; his Commission to raise
troops in Ireland, 79, 80; visits Ire
land, 82 ; in Ireland, 82 ; letter to
Ormond, 83 ; estimates his navy and
army expenses at £100,000, 84*; ex
pects 3000 men from Chester, 85; let-
tcr to Ormond, 86; going to Water-
ford, 86 ; has laid an embargo on
shipping at Wexford, 86 ; a biogra
phical error corrected, 87 ; letter of
John Bythell, 87; named as '• Lord
Herbert," in Bythell's letter, 88; at
Carnarvon, a Welsh legend, 94; his
regiment of horse, 105; second visit
to Ireland, 112; his commissions,
warrant, and patent, 112; Ormond
notes his noble ends and apparent
dangers, 113 ; and his "judgment,"
114 ; secret negotiations, 115 ; their
failure, 115; his treaty found out,
116; charged with high treason, 116;
a close prisoner in Dublin Castle, 116;
his examination, 119; inquiry re
specting his oath, 122 ; did not unduly
use his great powers, 123 ; deceived
by the King, 123; his letters and pa
pers taken at Padstow, 124; publica
tion of his agreement with the Irish
Roman Catholics, 124 ; copy of his
oath, 124; has 6000 Irish ready, 126 ;
his letter to his wife, 127; his im
prisonment, 127-129; Charles I. re
pudiates his proceedings to Ormond,
131 ; Secretary Nicholas writes to
Ormond to the same effect, 131 ; vindi
cates the King, 132; a second letter,
repudiating his powers and patent,
133; -Charles Ist's letter to the Queen
on this affair, 1 34 ; the King's letter to
him, 134; set at liberty, 135; his bail,
136; Avrites to Ormond that he shall
go to France. 136; presses for a con
tinuance of the cessation, 137; with
holds his motion from the Supreme
Council, 137; Sir V. Molineux will
accompany him to France, 137; de
sires Ormond's co-operation, 138; has
informed Lord Digby, 138; his pur
chase of a ship, ordnance and stores,
138; expects to return with a fleet,
138; learns the loss of Chester, 138;
continues in Ireland, 139; his father
indifferently informed of his operations
there, 142; at Kilkenny, 157; his
letter to the Nuncio, 158; a peace
proposed to be approved by the Pope,
159 ; the raising of 7000 men to be

INDEX TO THE LIFE.

615

GLAMORGAN.

conditional, 159 ; his projected visit to
Italy, 159 ; engages a large supply of
money, men, arms, and ships, 1 60 ;
wrote to Charles I. hoping to relieve
Chester, 160; seeming friends indus
triously hinder him, 161; relies on his
Majesty's "right interpretation," 161 ;
his imprisonment declared a mere co
lourable affair, 1 62 ; created " Duke of
Somerset and Beaufort," 162 ; the pa
tent, 162, 163; recital of his martial
deeds, 162 ; his remarks on the state
of affairs, 164 ; he apologizes for the
King's declaration, 1 64 ; the King's
instructions, 164; desires the good
opinion of the Supreme Council, 165 ;
designed going to Rome, 165 ; his let
ter to Father Nugent expressive of
bitter disappointment and mental an
guish, 166 ; his operations virtually
terminated, 166, 167; perfect consis
tency of his conduct, 167 ; had to deal
with a grasping party, 168 ; over
matched by Ormond, Digby, and
others, 1 68 ; opposition between his
own views and those of his party, 168 ;
his spotless rectitude, 168 ; he wrote
to Ormond, 1 68 ; reports the taking
of Captain Allen, 170; expects his
own and other letters to be printed,
170; reports several ships, 170; his
offer if joined by Ormond and the Su
preme Council, 171; the King's " bug
bear declaration," 171; Ormond's ap
proving answer, 172 ; his brother in
Italy, 175; the King's declaration "en
forced upon him," 176 ; the intended
articles he pronounces invalid, 177 ;
his bail in no danger, 177; is debarred
from calling on Ormond, 178 ; his
handwriting, 179 ; address of a letter
written in cipher, 179, 180 ; scarcity
of his autograph, 181; patent to ap
point him Lord Lieutenant of Ireland,
181 ; his going to Rome, 181; so
liciting the post of Lord Lieutenant,
181 ; "of a very mild temper," 182 :
" attached to the Apostolic See," 182 ;
and " bound to it by oath and pro
mises," 182 ; his oath, 182 ; apprised
of his father's decease, 184 — see also
Edward, Earl and 2nd Marquis of
WORCESTER.

GLAMORGAN, Countess of, her husband's
letter from Dublin Castle, 127 ; in
cident relating to her at Raglan Castle,
149, 150 ; leaves Raglan Castle, 153 ;
a pass granted her to Ireland, 184
— see also Margaret, Marchioness of
WORCESTER.

GLOUCESTER, Lord Herbert before, 56;
stoutly defended, 56; summoned by

HERTFORD.

Prince Rupert, 56; its reduction at
tempted, 56 ; Lord Herbert's horses
seized, 60, 61, 62; named, 328; troops
raised against. 333.

GOODRICH Castle garrisoned, 60 ; ta
ken by Lord Herbert, 328, 332.

GOWER, the Poet, quoted, 108; works
mentioned, 145; Appendix K.

GREENWICH, Queen Elizabeth's court
at, 1 ; letter from, 3 ; the Queen's re
turn to court, 4.

GREENWICH, Charles I. at, 35.

H.

HALL, JOHN, the Marquis's petition in
respect of, 271 ; case, 273 ; named,
288.

HALL, HENRY, the Marquis's petition in
respect of, 271.

HAMILTON, Marquis of, Master of the
Horse, 36.

HAMILTON, Duke of, named, 25.

HANNEMAN'S painting of a family group,
30; noticed, 311.

HARLEY, Lady, her Diaiy, 56, 57, 64.

HARTLIB, Samuel, notice of Vauxhall,
266 ; states the " Earl of Worcester
is buying Vauxhall," 267.

HAZILRIGGE, Bart., Sir Arthur, named,
42.

HENRIETTA MARIA, Queen, at Paris,
her present of jewels to the Mar
quis of Worcester, 313— see QUEEN
DOWAGER.

HENRY, Duke of Beaufort— see BEAU
FORT.

HENRY, 1st Marquis of Worcester — see
SOMERSET, also WORCESTER.

HERBERT, Edward, of the Grange, 249.

HERBERT, Henry, Lord — see Henry, Earl
and Marquis of Worcester.

HERBERT, ANNE, Lady, her marriage
gifts and portion, 4 ; daughter of
John Lord Russell, 5 ; mother of 13
children, 6 ; her relative Lady Mor
rison, 7.

HERBERT, MARGARET, Lady (after
wards Countess of Glamorgan), her
marriage, 30 ; her portrait, in a family
group, 30; her infant daughter, Mary,
30; pass granted her to France, 187
— see WORCESTER, Margaret, Mar
chioness of.

HERBERT of Cardiffe, Lord ; leads the
bride (Miss Russell) to church, 4.

HEREFORD garrisoned, 60 ; Governor
of, 64 ; the city taken by Lord Her
bert, 66 ; named, 332.

HERO of Alexandria, his " Spiritalia,"
29.

HERTFORD, Marquis of, 40, 55 ; defeat
in the West, 67 ; supplied with re-

GIG

INDEX TO THE LIFE.

cruits, 67 ; Dukedom of Somerset

confirmed to him, 243 ; named, 328 ;

forces a loan to, 332.
UEKVEY discovers the circulation of the

blood, 7.
HILL, RICHARD, a purchaser of the

Marquis of Worcester's estates, 193.
HOLLAND, Lord, named, 59.
HOOK, Dr., ridicules the engine ; 292 ;

laughs at it, 294 ; his character, 294.
HOOPER, Captain, the engineer, mining

at the siege of Raglan Castle, 151 ;

progress of his approaches, 1 52.
HOPTON, Lord, letter from the Earl of

Glamorgan, 126.
HUNTINGDON, Charles I. at, 58.
HUNTINGDON, Francis Hastings, Earl of,

death of his daughter, wife of Edward,

4th Earl of Worcester, 8 ; letter from

the Earl of Worcester, 12.

I.

INVENTIONS, Century of, written, 214 ;
the manuscript, 221 ; patent for four,
248 ; list of, 249 ; state of the know
ledge of, 293.

INVENTIONS of the Earl of Worcester,
Appendix A.

INVENTIONS, the Marquis of Worcester's
patent for four, Appendix 13.

IRELAND, visited in 1642 by the Earl
of Glamorgan, 82 ; the King is glad
he is there, 82 ; second visit, 112;
Ormond notes the Italian Bishop's re
ception, 113 ; to raise 10,000 men, 114;
packet boat from, boarded at Padstow,
124 ; Fairfax's report of this, 127 ;
the Marquis of Worcester expects
benefit to Ireland through the Queen,
185 ; he leaves Ireland, 185 ; the Mar
quis's journey, 333.

IRELAND, rebellion in, 69 ; Charles I.'s
Commission to the Earl of Glamorgan,
to raise troops in, 79, 80 ; Glamogan's
visit to, 81, 112.

IRISH army, new levied, to disband, 39.

IRISH Roman Catholics, offer to raise
troops, 77 ; difficulties arise out of
their demands, 77; the King's narrow
policy, 77 ; Charles I.'s warrant to
Glamorgan to treat and conclude with
the confederates, 80, 81.

J.

JAMES I., the Pope's bulls, 5 ; reprimands
Henry, Earl of Worcester, on his
daughter being a nun, 6 ; the King
proclaimed, 7 ; his reign, 11.

JESUITS excepted in the indulgence
granted to Roman Catholics, 232 ;
the Jesuits represent their case, 232 ;

MATITEWS.

Henry, Marquis of Worcester, a Peni
tent of the Society, 232.

JONES, Lady, and Sir Philip, leave Rag
lan Castle, 153.

JONES, WILLIAM, Steward of Raglan,
142.

K

KALTOFF, CASPAR, a practical working
engineer or machinist, so engaged,
17 ; water- works at Raglan Castle, 19;
eleven years service, 29 ; named by
the Marquis, 262 ; stated to be a
Dutchman, 266 ; employed making
guns, 266 ; inventions and models
there, 266 ; visaed by Dr. Hook, 293 ;
superintending works, 301 ; he and
his wife (1672) lately deceased 305 ;
their children, 305 ; his son-in-law,
Peter Jacobson, 305 ; documents re
lating to, Appendix G.

KENEYS, Bart., Sir Michael, Governor
of Chepstow, 142.

KENNET'S relation concerning Henry
Earl of Worcester's daughter being
a nun, 6 ; remarks on Edward, Mar
quis of Worcester, his exile and return,
209, 210.

KIRLE, Colonel, his siege operations,
149.

KUFFLER, Dr., his furnace, 264.

L.

LENTHALL, JOHN, letter from, 221; has
received a present, and acknowledges
his fees, 221.

LEYBURN, Father George, and the Mar
quis of Worcester leave Ireland, 185.

LINGARD, Dr. on Charles I.'s warrant
to the Earl of Glamorgan, 135.

LONDON in 1625-1636, coaches, hackney
coaches, streets, pillory, whipping, mu
tilations, the plague, 27 ; fortified in
1643, 189 ; Charles delivered up by
the Scots, 1647, 189 ; and his exe
cution, 189 ; the Commonwealth es
tablished, 189 ; public taste curtailed,
189 ; the Plague, 285.

LOTHERDALE, Karl of, letter to, from the
Marquis of Worcester, 223 ; promises
him an ingenious box, 223.

Louis XIV., of France, favourable to
Charles H., 209.

M.

MARRIAGE gifts to Lady Herbert, 4 ; a
mock, at Raglan Castle, 97.

MASQUE on occasion of Lord Herbert's
marriage to Miss Russell, 3 ; ladies,
characters, and dresses, 3 ; the dance
and address to the Queen, 4 ; her Ma
jesty joined in the dance, 4.

MATHEWS, Sir TOBY, named, 141.

INDEX TO THE LIFE.

G17

MAZARINE.

MAZARINE, Cardinal, the Marquis of

Worcester recommended to him, 188;

opposed to Louis XIV. attempting

the restoration of Charles II. 210;

presented the Marquis to the King,

281 ; his gracious remark, 281.
MECHANICAL knowledge in the 17th

century, 14.
MILFORU HAVEN, Parliament ships in,

65.

MILTON born, 7
MOLINEUX, Sir VIVIAN, will accompany

the Earl of Glamorgan to France,

137.
MONCONIS, M. de, named by Sorbiere,

263 ; reports new inventions, 263, 264.
MONMODTH, fortified, 60; Lord Herbert

before, 63 ; Waller's success, 63 ;

alarm, 63 ; Marquis of Worcester's

efforts, 63 ; saved by the Marquis, 66;

taken by Lord Herbert, 66 ; named,

328 ; fortified, 332.
MONMOUTHSHIRE, Cromwell enjoys the

Marquis of Worcester's estates in,

210 ; his letter touching the same,

210.

MONOPOLISTS, prejudices against, 293.
MONTGOMERYSHIRE, raising troops in,

64.

MOORE, Lord JOHN, Kennington, 286.
MORGAN, Colonel, at Worcester, 149 ;

at Landenny, 149 ; his regiment, 151.
MORLEY, THOMAS, Lord, died 1416, 96.
MORRISON, Lady, in the Friars, 7.
MYDDLETON, Sir HUGH, forms the New

lliver, 8.

N.

NAPIER, Lord, his system of logarithms,
7.

NASEBY, battle of, 104.

NEWPORT, named, 328.

NEWSTEAD, money to be sent privately
to, for Charles I. 41.

NICHOLAS, Secretary, letter to Ormond,
131 ; denounces Lord Herbert's ne
gotiations in Ireland, 132 ; his second
letter, 133.

NORTHAMPTON, Earl of, named, 24.

NOTTINGHAM. Charles I. at, 44, 58.

NUGENT, Father Robert, Superior of
the Jesuits in Ireland, the Earl of
Glamorgan's letter expressing his
distress, 165 ; named, 183.

O.
O'BRIEN, HENRY, Earl of Thomond, his

daughter Margaret's marriage, 30 ;

his petition, 196 ; named, 300.
O'NEILL, Mr. named, 113.
ORMOND, Marquis of, Lord Lieutenant

of Ireland, as respects concluding a

peace, the King empowers Glamorgan

PARLIAMENT.

to act, 73, 75, 77 ; the King's letter
to, Dec. 1644, 78 ; Glamorgan's letter
to, 83 ; recommends to conciliate the
Nuncio, 84 ; about Chester, 85 ; and
10,000 men, 85 ; Chester holds out,
86 ; letterfrom Glamorgan, 86 ; letter
to, 113; stretch of authority, 113;
approves Glamorgan's "judgment,"

1 14 ; his continued civility to the Earl,

115 ; his suspicions aroused, 115 ; his
warrant to commit the Earl of Gla
morgan to Dublin Castle, 116 ; letter
from Secretary Nicholas, 131 ; repu
diates Lord Herbert's negotiations,
132 ; second letter, 133 ; repudiates
his powers and patent, 133 ; letter
from Glamorgan, 136 ; who intends
going to France, 136 ; and presses for
a continuance of the cessation, 137 ;
Glamorgan seeks his co-operation,
138 ; in England, 147 ; letter from
Glamorgan, 168 ; his large and noble
offer, 171 ; an approving reply, 172,
173 ; letter from Glamorgan, 175 ;
commends his wisdom, 177 ; letter
from Glamorgan, 178 ; leaves Dublin,
goes to Hampton Court, 1 84 ; living
at Acton, and goes thence to France,
187 ; waits on the Queen, 187 ; meets
the Countess of Glamorgan, (Mar
chioness of Worcester), 1 88 ; her ill-
timed resentment, 1 88.

P.

PAPIST, the Marquis charged with being
a, 55.

PAPISTS, and notorious malignants, 192 ;
warrants for seizing their estates, 192.

PAPISTS, Parliamentary order for dis
arming, 43 : repudiated, and yet
countenanced by Charles I., 69 ;
Charles II. 's declaration to banish, 294.

PARIS, Marquis of Worcester leaves
Ireland for, 185 ; Lady Herbert
(Marchioness of Worcester), has a
pass to, 187 ; Ormond flies to, 187 ;
Marchioness of Worcester at, 188 ;
Charles ll.'s court at, 189 ; the Mar
quis of Worcester at, 189 ; full of
loyal fugitives, 190.

PARLIAMENT, Henry Lord Herbert sum
moned to, 7 ; Parliamentary duties, 8 ;
dispensation to be absent, 8 ; the Long,
31 ; jealous of Lord Herbert, 36 ;
notice the Marquis of Worcester and
Lord Herbert, 38 ; order to disarm
them, 43 ; Lord Herbert's offer in re
ference to the Commission of Array,
59 ; professes his determination, 60 ;
summons Lord Herbert to appear, 60 ;
and his father, 6 1 ; ordinance affecting

618

INDEX TO THE LIFE.

PARLIAMENT.

Papists, 192 ; contract in pursuance of
such ordinance, 1 93 ; orders the dis
posal of Worcester House, 194 ; pe
titioned by the Marchioness of Wor
cester, 194 ; report on the petition,
195; further report, 198 ; order to pay
£6. per week to the Marchioness of
Worcester, 191 ; reference to Com
mittee, 199 ; order, 199 ; an Act, 199;
order regarding pension, 199 ; order
for possession of Worcester House,
199 ; order on Henry Lord Herbert's
petition, 202 ; question on his de
linquency, 204 ; petition refused, 204;
report, 205 ; resolutions, 205; per
sons banished by, and their property
confiscated, 209 ; resolutions on, 209;
orders the imprisonment of the Mar
quis of Worcester, 211 ; on his peti
tion order for his enlargement, 212;
sufficient bail to be taken, 212.
PARLIAMENT — at the Restoration.

House of Lords, Marchioness of
Worcester's petition about Worcester
House, 235 ; restoration of the Mar
quis's estate ordered, 238 ; discuss the
subject of his patent creating him
Duke of Somerset, 239 j referred to
Lords named, 240 ; a committee re
ports, 240 ; message to House of Com
mons, 241 ; increase of committee,

241 ; the Patent delivered up, 242 ;
Bill in respect to Patents and Grants,

242 ; a message from the Commons,
243 ; Marquis of Worcester's at
tendances, 243, 244 ; prorogued, 244 ;
re-opening, 244 ; Act for the Water-
commanding engine, 253 ; second
reading, 254 ; Lords' committee (note),
254 ; passed, 256 ; attendances, 282.

House of Common*, message from
the Lords, 241 ; a message to the
Lords, 243 ; report on the Bill for the
Water-commanding engine, 255 ;
Commons' Committee, 255 ; Bill re
turned to the Lords, 256 ; passed,
256.

PARLIAMENT, Act of, for the Water com
manding engine, Appendix C.

PARLIAMENT ships reported to be in
Milford Haven, 65.

PATENT, Marquis of Worcester's, for
four inventions, 248 ; Appendix B.

PATENTS and grants, Bill in reference to,
242.

PEACHAM, HENRY, on mechanical know
ledge, 14 ; his praise of Geometry,
14, 15 ; automata, 15.

PEMBROKE, Earl of, his town of Carl-
yon, 332.

PEMBROKE, Earl of, magazine from, 60.

PENNOYER, WILLIAM, and Richard Hill,

RAGLAN.

large purchasers of the Marquis of
Worcester's estates, 193 ; Parlia
mentary resolutions in respect to the
Marquis of Worcester's estates con
veyed to them, 205.

"PETER," John Bythell, commander
of the, his letter to his father, 88 ; es
capes shipwreck, but the cargo of com
seized, 90 ; list of crew and passengers,
92 ; made prisoners, 92.

PETITIONS, &c. dated 1665, Appendix I.

PIGOT, Colonel, letter from R. Brereton,
130 ; send him a letter for the
Countess of Glamorgan, at Raglan, 180.

POPE, the, his bulls, 5 ; to be conciliated,
84; his bull, 116; secret negotiations,
158; a peace, to his approval, 159; his
treaty to be pre-eminent, 1 60 ; a copy
of Charles I.'s letter, 174; Lord John
Somerset to be sent on a mission to,
184 ; with Catholic Princes to supply
£30,000 per month to maintain an
army in England, 228 ; Glamorgan
had power to treat accordingly, 229.

POPE'S Nuncio, the, to be conciliated,
84 ; Glamorgan's letter to, 158 ; se
cret negotiations proposed by Glamor
gan, 158 ; articles on the part of his
Holiness and the King, 159 ; Gla
morgan's engagement, 159 ; to name
an Admiral, 160; Glamorgan agrees
with him to confer certain titles, 160;
his letter, 181; promoting Glamorgan's
solicitations for post of Lord Lieute
nant, 181 ; expects Dublin to be taken,
182 ; important to appoint a Catholic
so highly approved, 182 ; the King's
appointment, 182 ; it is contemplated
to transport the Holy Faith into
England by arms, 182 ; and by the
Earl, a perfect Catholic, 182; Gla
morgan's oath. 182, 183.

POPISH recusants, order to disband, 39.

POPISH army, rumours of a, 55.

Povns, WILLIAM HERBERT, Marquis of,
marries Elizabeth, second daughter of
Edward, Lord Herbert, 17.

PRESENT, a christening, 2.

PROJECTORS and monopolists, 31.

PUDDING, Dr., Queen Elizabeth passing
through his house is presented with a
fan, 4.

Q-

QUEEN DOWAGER of England, her re
mark at the Court of France, in
respect to the Marquis of Worcester,
281.

R.

RAGLAN Castle, noticed, 8 ; becomes the
residence of Henry, Earl of Worcester,
8, 10 ; distinguished as a luxurious

INDEX TO THE LIFE.

G19

residence, 12 ; described, 48 ; dis
tant view of, 49 ; ancient portions,
51, 52, 53 ; garrisoned, 53 ; an
cient warfare, 53 ; Lord Herbert
obtains troops and stores, 57 ;
Countess of Glamorgan there, 95 ; its
garrison, 95 ; ancient remains, 95, 95 ;
character of the family and servants
there, 96 ; a mock wedding and
masque, 96 ; visited by Charles I. 104;
military operations, 140 ; the Mar
quis's apartments, 140 ; arrival of
Allan Boteler with a message from
Charles I., his reception. 144, 145 ;
detained, and precipitate departure,
146, 147 ; the siege, 149; a skirmish,
150, 151 ; mining approaches, 151 ;
the garrison makes desperate sallies,
151 ; cessation of arms, 152 ; the
castle in jeopardy, 152 ; terms of sur
render concluded, 153 ; evacuated
and delivered up to General Fairfax,

153 ; departure of the Marquis, his
family, friends, and retainers, 153,

154 ; stores, furniture, &c. found
there, 154 ; letters and papers ordered
to London, 155 ; the castle ordered to
be "pulled down and destroyed," 156;
named, 328,332 ; expense of garrison,
333.

RAGLAN Church, burial of Edward Mar
quis of Worcester and his wife Eliza
beth, 8; "St. Cadocns,"22; Elizabeth,
Lady Herbert's funeral, 22; described,
96; the Marquis of Worcester buried
at, 295; views of, 296, 297.

RAMELLI'S works, 1588, 29.

REDMAN, James, Worcester house, 27.

RESTORATION, the, 226 ; coronation,
232 ; prospects of the Marquis of
Worcester at the, 234 ; characters of
Charles II. and the Marquis contrast
ed, 234 ; advance of science, 253.

RICHMOND, Duke of, named, 25.

RINUCCINI, the Tope's Nuncio, gives the
Marquis of Worcester an introduction
to Cardinal Mazarine, 188.

ROLLOCK, JAMES, "an ancient servant,"
338.

ROME, visit to Claudius at, IB; Galileo
prosecuted at, 27, 28; agent's letters
from, 116.

ROUNDHEAD party, 31.

ROYAL SOCIETY; established, and incor
porated, 253; proceedings noticed by
M. de Monconis, 263; Dr. Hook re-
diculcs the Marquis's engine, and may
have influenced members unfavour
ably, 294.

ROYALIST party, 31.

RUPERT, Prince, Gloucester summoned
by, 57; at Bristol, 57; letter from

SOMERSET.

Lord Herbert, 62; Lord Herbert's
dispatch, 64, 65 ; offered Forest of
Dean miners, 65; his warrant to the
Marquis of Worcester, 65, 66.

RUSSELL, FRANCIS, Earl of Bedford, 6.

RUSSELL, Lord JOHN, named, 5.

RUSSELL, Miss ANNE, report of her
marriage to Henry Lord Herbert, 1 ;
letters about her marriage, 2; her
marriage at Blackfriars, 2; the feast,
3; ceremony and gifts, 4. See ANNE
LADY HERBERT.

RUSSELL, Lady, marriage preparations
for her daughter, 2; Queen Elizabeth
carried to her house in a Lectica, 3;
her great and plentiful entertainment,
continued for three days, 4 ; her rela
tive Lady Morrison, 7.

RUTLAND, Earl of, leads the bride (Lady
Herbert) from church, 4.

S.

SANDFORD, FRANCIS, Pursuivant at
Arms, at the Marquis's funeral, 297 ;
account of him, 297, 298 ; takes the
Marquis's funeral certificate, 300.

SEVENTEENTH CENTURY, popular su
perstitions, 339.

SIIAKESPERE died, 7.

SIRI, VITTORIO, opinion of Charles I/s
message to Parliament, 130.

SOMERSET, Lord JOHN, to be sent on a
mission to the Pope, 184; disposal of
property by Parliament, 193: Patent
delivered up, 242 ; named, 288.

SOMERSET, Sir JOHN, second son, 6, 9,
43; conveys £5,000 to Newstcad, 42;
levying 500 horse, 42; in command
before Gloucester, 56 ; named in By-
thell's letter, 88; his father deposits
£6000 with him, 109; Charles I. ob
tains it on promise of repayment, 109;
subscribes articles, 120.

SOMERSET, THOMAS, named, 6.

SOMERSET, CHARLES, governor of Rag
lan Castle, 6, 9, 53; leaves Raglan
Castle, 153.

SOMERSET, FREDERICK, his baptism, 6.

SOMERSET, CHARLES, 1st Marquis of
Worcester, his autograph, (note) 309;
his marriages and death, 309, 310.

SOMERSET, HENRY, Lord Herbert — see
BEAUFORT , Duke of.

SOMERSET, WILLIAM, died 1589, 96.

SOMERSET HOUSE, hydraulic work on,
265 and 302.

SOMERSET, EDWARD, died 1628, 96.

SOMERSET, Duke of, patent in respect to
the title of, 239; Lords' Committee
to consider, 240; conditions not ful
filled, 240 ; the patent acknowledged

620

INDEX TO THE LIFE.

SOMERSET.

and to be surrendered, 241; commit
tee, 241 ; Marquis of Hertford, his
title of Duke of Somerset confirmed,
243.

SOMERSET, HENRY, 2nd Marquis of
Worcester, 310.

SOMERSET, WILLIAM, 3rd Marquis of
Worcester, 310.

SOMERSET, EDWARD, 4th Marquis of
Worcester, 310.

SOMERSET, HENRY, 5th and 1st Mar
quis of Worcester, 310.

SOMERSET, EDWARD, 6th and 2nd Mar
quis of Worcester, 310.

SORBIERE, M. SAMUEL, his book, 262;
criticised by Dr. Sprat, 263 ; names
M. de Monconis, 263 ; and new in
ventions, 264; visits Vauxhall to see
the Marquis of Worcester's engine,
264 ; notices the waterworks at
Somerset House, 265.

SPRAT, Dr., criticises Sorbiere, 263.

ST. CADOCUS. — see Raglan Church.

SYDNEY, Sir ROBERT, correspondence ,2.

T.

THEOBALDS, Charles I. to, 35, 58.

THOMOND, Earl of. — nee- Henry O'Brien,
Earl of Thomond.

THURLOE, Secretary, letter from the
Marquis of Worcester, 217.

TISSER, ANN, a widow, in possession of
the Gate-house of Worcester House,
resists giving up possession, 239 ; is
charged with contempt and speedily
ejected, 293.

TOWER of London, Marquis of Wor
cester, his great experiment there be
fore Charles I., 24, 25, 26 ; committed
a prisoner to, 211; enlarged, 212;
Lord Herbert, committed a prisoner,
233 ; his letter from the Tower, 233 ;
Captain William Foster a prisoner,
249 ; the Marquis's letter, 250 ; his
" six years' experience," 251 ; period
of the Marquis's imprisonment con
sidered, 252.

TRAVERS, WILLIAM, Roman Catholic
Priest, his letter to the Dowager Mar
chioness of Worcester, Appendix D.

TROY HOUSE, 6, 9 ; fruit from, 109.

TUAM, Roman Catholic Archbishop of,
his death, 115 ; papers found, 116.

V.

VANDYCK, painter, 21 ; his portraits,
21, 22.

VAUXHALL, treating for, 213; the
Marquis may have resided there,
261 ; Sorbiere's visit, 262; his notice,
264; designation of, 265; notice of

WILLIS.

by Hartlib, 266 ; " the Earl of Wor
cester is buying Vauxhall," 267 ; Pe
tition respecting, 286; £50,000 ex
pended there in experiments, 286 ;
survey of land and works, 289 — 291 ;
Dr. Hook's visit, 292 ; visited by Cos
mo de Medici the Third, 3()2 ; sum
mary of work there for 7 years. 337 ;
documents relating to, Appendix G.

VAVASOUR, Colonel, with Lord Herbert,
raising troops, 64 ; Governor of Here
ford, 64.

VAVASOUR, Sir WILLIAM, 65, 333.

VENICE, visit to the arsenal at, 18.

W.

WALLER, Sir WILLIAM, defeats Lord
Herbert before Gloucester, 56, 57 ;
prisoners taken, 57 ; before Mon-
mouth, 63 ; named, 328.

WARFARE, ancient, 53, 54.

WARRANT, Cromwell's, for a weekly
allowance of £3 per week to the Mai"-
quis, 213, Appendix F.

WATER-WORKS at Raglan, 19, 20, 21.

WATER-commanding Engine, named in
a letter to the Earl of Lotherdale
(January 1660), 223 ; the Marquis
alludes to, expecting an Act for it, 223 ;
his " truly significant definition ,''224 ;
earliest distinct reference, 225 ; its
progress, 253 ; application to Parlia
ment, 253; the Act passed, 256; one-
tenth granted to Charles II. 257 ;
the same remitted to the Marquis on
surrender of a warrant granting him
lands to the value of £40,000, 257 ;
(arid note), 257 ; seen by Sorbiere,
264 ; the public prove sceptical, 268 ;
intelligence respecting it, 268 ; Act,
and posting bills respecting, 291 ; set
up at Vauxhall, 291 ; seen by Dr.
Hook, 292 ; its practical character,
300 ; seen by Cosmo de Medici the
Third, at Vauxhall, 302 ; mentioned
in 1670, in a letter, 303 ; latest intel
ligence, 304 ; the Marquis's principal
invention, 305 ; means taken for pub
lishing it, 305,306 ; his three accounts
of it, 306 ; generally unnoticed by
contemporaries, 306 ; its superiority,
307 ; it was in advance of the age,
307 ; operations to give it publicity,
336 ; a model to be deposited, 336 ;
and one to be buried, 337; summary
of work at Vauxhall, 337 ; probable
learned and wealthy visitors, 338, 339 ;
Act for, Appendix C.
WATKINS, Sir DAVID, £20 loan, 214.
WHEEL, the great, experiment at the

Tower, 24, 25, 26.
WJLLIS, Mr., his inventions, 264.

INDEX TO THE LIFE.

C21

WILLIAMS.

WILLIAMS, Sir TREVOR, his siege opera
tions. 149 ; seized 80 horses, 149.

WILLIAM, Lord HERBERT, at Oxford,
6 ; early decease, 6.

WINTER, Sir JOHN, Forest of Dean, 63 ;
united with Lord Herbert, 63 ; deserts
and spoils the Forest, 64.

WOOD, ANT. \A. his account of William
Lord Herbert, and his brother Henry
Somerset, at Oxf'ord, 6 ; their ages,
6, 7 ; remarks on Henry, Lord Her
bert, 11 ; on his religion, 11.

WOODCROFT. BENNET. F.R.S. list of
copies of Documents in his possession
respecting the Marquis of Worcester,
Appendix F. ; Cromwell's warrant,
ibid.

WORCESTER, EDWARD, SOMERSET, 4th
Earl of, rumour of his son's intended
marriage, 1 ; christening of Sir Ro
bert Sydney's daughter, 2 ; waiting
on Queen Elizabeth, -2 ; his christen
ing present. 2 ; his son Henry Lord
Herbert's marriage, 2, 3, 4, 5 ; in
vested with Order of the Garter, 7 ;
Keeper of the Privy Seal, 7 ; his death,
8 ; his autograph. 12 ; his horseman
ship and athletic acquirements, 13 ;
named, 299.

WORCESTER, EDWARD SOMERSET, 6th
Earl and 2nd Marquis of, (Lord Her
bert, from 1601 to 1642), notice of, 2;
one of 13 children, 6 ; at Oxford, 6 ;
family associations, 9 ; probable date
of his birth, 10 ; at eight years of
age, 10 ; his preceptor, Mr. Adams,
10 ; his education, and on the conti
nent, 1 1 ; at Charles the First's court,
11; at 24 years of age, 1 1 ; Raglan
Castle, a luxurious residence, 12 ; a
young nobleman's education, 12 ; per
sonal appearance, 13; defect in speech,
13 ; his style of composition, 13 ;
state of mechanical science, 16 ; his
first marriage, 16 ; his family of one
son and two daughters, 16, 17 ; Henry
created Duke of Beaufort, 17 ; ac
count of his ma'-riage, 17; engages
the mechanic Caspar Kaltoff, 17 ; a
work-shop, 1 7 ; predilection for ma
thematical and mechanical studies, 1 7 ;
continental tour, 8 ; at Rome and Ve
nice, 18 ; domestic and studious babits,
18 ; early inventions, 18 ; his inventive
faculty, 19 ; his water-works at Rag
lan, 19, 20, 21 ; Vandyck's portrait,
21 ; his " golden days," 22 ; attests his
wife's funeral certificate, 23 ; letter
from Secretary Coke, 23 ; at Wor
cester House 24 ; his Wheel at the
Tower, 24; described, 25 ; exhi
bited to Charles I. 25 ; paradoxes,

WORCESTER.

25, 26 ; his married life, 26 ; a
widower, 26 ; studies and pursuits, 27 ;
studies matured, 28 ; a mathemati
cian, 28 ; of delicate frame, 28, 29 ;
his books, 29 ; second marriage, 30 ;
his Irish connexions, 30 ; death of his
child, Mary, 30 ; painting of a family
group, 30 ; strange costume, 30, 31 ;
resident in London, 31, 32 ; letter
from Charles I. 33 ; " lying pam
phlets," 33 : Charles I. another letter,
33 ; indisposition, 34 ; at 40 years of
age, 35 ; his declaration in regard to
the King's early movements, 35 ; fears
the Parliament, 36 ; noticed by Par
liament, 38 ; order to consider his com
mission. 38 ; Parliamentary order to
disarm him, 43 ; order for his appear
ance, 43 ; at Nottingham, 44 ; his mi
nute report of Charles Ist's mes
sage to his father, 44, 45, 46 ; Lord
Herbert's interview with Charles I.
at Nottingham pourtrayed, 46, 47 ;
residence at Raglan Castle, 48 ; has
the command of 500 horse, 54 ; in his
military capacity, 55 ; made General
of South Wales, 56 ; General of the
horse, 56 ; before Gloucester, 56 ; at
tempts its reduction, 56 ; defeat and
loss, 57 ; appears to have been at Ox
ford, 57 ; at Hereford, 57 ; called to
the Forest of Dean, 58 ; dispensing
his father's loans to Charles I., 58, 59 ;
in fear of Parliament, 58 ; takes leave
of it, 59 ; retires to Raglan, 59 ; his
offer to Parliament, 59 ; his declara
tion to uphold the King's cause, 60 ;
raises six regiments, 60 ; horses seized
at Gloucester, 60, 61 ; summoned to
Parliament, 60 ; letter to Prince Ru
pert, 62 ; entering Forest of Dean,
63 ; before Monmouth, 63 ; flight of
his troops, 63 ; unites with Sir John
Winter, 63 ; raising troops in Mont
gomeryshire, 64 ; a dispatch to Prince
Rupert, 64, 65 ; reports ships in Mil-
ford Haven, 65 ; offer of Forest of
Dean miners for Bristol, 65 ; recital
of his military exploits, 66 ; no con
temporary account of them, 67 ; re
duces Abergavenny and Carlyon
67 ; his troop of Life Guards, 67
gained no military celebrity, 68
his character as a commander, 68
created Earl of Glamorgan, 70; his
autograph as Edward Lord Herbert,
77 ; water-works at Raglan, 100,
101 ; his father's reproof on his de
manding money for the king, 101,
101, 102 ; procures the king £6000,
committed to his brother's care,
109;— (See Earl of GLAMORGAN,

022

INDEX TO THE LIFE.

WORCESTER.

transactions preceding his father's
death.')— his letter to the Bishop of
Femes, 184 ; expects the Queen to
befriend Ireland, 185 ; leaves Ireland
for France, 185; in exile, 186; his
inventions neglected in his time, 187 ;
styled " Lord Herbert of Raglan," and
a pass to France granted to his wife,
187; account of his being in Paris, 1 88 ;
his introduction to Cardinal Mazarine,
188 ; seeks to be Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland, 188; interview between his
wife and Ormond, 188 ; her ill-timed
resentment, 188; at St. Germain's,
189 ; wrote to Charles II., and his
gracious reply, 190; four or five years
in France, 190 ; general poverty, 191 ;
difficulties in the way of study abroad,
191; his family in England, 192;
disposal of his property by Parlia
ment, 193; Worcester House, during
his life, 195 ; a Bill for settling the
same, 195; his son and two daughters,
201 ; his property, 20'2, 203, 204 ;
Parliamentary resolutions in regard
to valuation, 205, 206, 207 ; a trying
period of five years, 207 ; his property
assists the Government, 207 ; treat
ment of his wife and family signifi
cant of his being esteemed, 208 ; re
turn to England, 209; Parliamentary
resolution in regard to him as being
banished and his property confiscated,
209 ; supposed to have been sent to
England by Charles II., 210; his visit
considered, 210, 211; committed to
the Tower, 211 ; his trial to be con
sidered, 211; his petition, 212; order
for his liberation, 212 ; period of con
finement, 213 ; his age, 213 ; loan of
£20., 214 ; summary of his history,
214; his "Century" written, 214;
writes to Chris. Copley, 215; his
solemn obligation to Chris. Copley,
216; names his " water- work," 216;
letter to Secretary Thurloe, 217;
desires an interview with Cromwell,
218 ; probable meaning of his letter,
218, 219, 220 ; letter to the Earl of
Lotherdale, 223; promises him an
ingeniously contrived box, 223 ; his
humour not to produce an invention
a second time, 223 ; looks for an Act
of Parliament, 223 ; offers his lord
ship the benefit of £500 (share), 223;
his " definition," 224, 225 ; earliest
distinct reference, 225 ; his wonderful
inventive faculty, 225 ; his son resi
dent at Badminton, 226 ; letter of
explanations to Lord Clarendon, 227;
exposed himself to " any expense or
difficulty," 227 ; object to screen

WORCESTER.

Charles L, 228; the "amplitude of
his commission," 228; the "height of
his Majesty's design," 228; immense
army arrangements, 228; £30,000
from the Pope and Catholic Princes,
228; the signing and sealing, 229;
no use made by him of his great
powers, 229; his petition in respect
to grants and promises made by
Charles I., to his father and himself,
to recommend the same to the notice
of Parliament, 230 ; circular note to
creditors, 231; his prospects at the
Restoration, 234 ; sketch of his cha
racter and that of Charles II., 234 ;
political enemies, 235; offer of Wor
cester House to Lord Clarendon, 235 ;
seeks his friendship, 236 ; refers to
the " obnoxiousness of his religion,"
236 ; intimates his desire to make a
secret communication to the King, in
his lordship's presence, 237; conjec
ture as to his meaning, 237, 238 ; he
petitions the House of Lords, 238;
restoration of his estates ordered, 238;
deeds and writings, his property,
ordered to be given up, 238; Ann
Tisser's purchase, 239; his Patent, a
prejudice to the Peers, 239; Lords'
committee to consider, 240 ; acknow
ledges a patent to create him Duke
of Somerset, 240; delivers up his
patent, 242 ; reflections on the treat
ment he receives, 242; retained the
titles of Earl of Glamorgan and Baron
Beaufort, 243 ; attends the House of
Lords, 243; present when the king
prorogues parliament, 244; petition
in respect to debts, 245; bill to restore
his estates, 245; encumbered, 246;
petitioners against him, 246 ; magni
tude of his claims, 247 ; his patent
for four inventions, 248; further in
ventions, 249 ; his letter in testimony
of Captain Foster's character, 250; a
second letter, 251; "my six years'
experience of him during my im
prisonment in the Tower," 251 ; period
of his own imprisonment considered,
252; the pot-lid story exploded, 252 ;
Act for his water- commanding engine,
and he attends the House, 253, 254,
256, 256; passed, 256; surrenders a
warrant to the value of £40,000, 257;
and nofc, 257; may have resided at
Vauxhall, 261; noticed by Sorbiere,
264; his secrcsy in regard to works,
266; reported to be buying Vauxhall,
257; at Vauxhall, 268; Duke of Al-
bemarle represents his case, 269; his
petition to Charles II. 269; another,
in respect to Henry and John Hall,

INDEX TO THE LIFE.

C.23

WORCESTER.

271; Finch's report, 273; case as re
spects John Hall, 273; offers a gra
tuity of £500 per annum, 275; seeks
to set up an engine, 276; offers a
judgment in lieu of preceding gra
tuity, 276; a draft letter, 277; Maza
rine's remark, 281 ; Queen Dowager's
saying, 281; borrows £200, 281; pe
titions for a Committee of Inquiry,
283; his autograph, 283 ; referred,
284 ; censures Lord Arlington, 284 ;
could have £50,000 yearly abroad,
284; he does "as good as want bread,"
285; his birth-right, 285; foreign
censure, 285; speaks of two petitions
unnoticed, 285; petition in respect to
Vauxhall, 286; £50,000 expended in
experiments, 286; survey of land and
works at Vauxhall, 289—91; his
working-house or Operatory, 291; his
Act, and posting bills, 29 1 ; his ano
malous position as an inventor, 293;
alludes to his melancholy, 294; neg
lected by, yet clings to the court, 295;
his death, 295 ; probably at Lambeth,
295; buried at Raglan, and inscrip
tion, 295 ; his arms and funeral cer
tificate, 298 — 300 ; mis statement
about his burial, note, 298 ; his
prayer on beholding the completion of
his engine, 300; brief genealogical
retrospect, 309, 310; in his youth,
311; his marriage, 311; the civil
war, 311 ; as Earl of Glamorgan, 312,
valuable present from the Queen while
he was an exile in France, 313; his
"Century," 314; his inventions and
experiments, 315; his public appeal,
316; list of five inventions, 316; a
further list, 317 ; Cromwell allows
him £3 per week, 317; statement of
his expenses and losses through
Charles L, 319; spent and lost
£800,000, 321; proposes a troop of
Life-guards, 322 ; an ordinary for in
digent officers, 324 ; four causeways,
325 ; offer of £1000 for repairing St.
Paul's, 325,326; his troop of Life
guards, 328, 329 ; his father's remark
thereon, 329; took leave of the Par
liament (1641), 331 ; writes a sentence
in cipher, 333; troops at Gloucester,
333 ; summary of his proposed address,
335 ; its date, 335; his estimate of the
value of the Engine, 338 ; made it
public, 338 ; his great acquired know
ledge, 340; his promised work, 341 ;
neglected by contemporaries, 341 ; ge
neral estimate of his character and
his •' Century," 342 ; early list of his
inventions, Appendix A.; his Patent
for inventions, Appendix B ; his " DC-

WORCESTER.

finitionand Act," Appendix C.; apo
cryphal passages relating to, Ap
pendix H.; Petitions, etc., of 1665,
Appendix I.

WORCESTER, HENRY, Earl and 1st
Marquis of, his reported marriage, I ;
sent to a christening, 2 ; letters about
his marriage, 2 ; preparations for his
marriage at Blackfriars, 2 ; a memor
able masque, 3 ; feast, 3 ; ceremony,
3, 4 ; Lord and Lady Herbert at court,
4 ; his age, 6 ; summoned to Parlia
ment, 7 ; resident in London, 8 ; his
family, 9 ; his character and consti
tution, 9 ; family at Raglan, 9 ; his
autograph, 10 ; at forty-eight years of
age, 12; letter from Secretary Coke,
23 ; his son and heir, 23; death of his
wife, 31 ; letter from Charles L, 32;
munificent advances to the King, 34 ;
created Marquis of Worcester, 37; his
age, 37; person, age and wealth, 37;
noticed by Parliament, 38; order to
consider his commission, 38; guard
set on his house, 39; letter from Charles
I. 40; sends the King £5,000 to
Newstead, 42 ; the King " hopes he
shall not die in his debt," 42 ; Parlia
mentary order to disarm him, 43 ;
ordered to appear before the House,
43 ; Raglan Castle garrisoned, 43 ;
message of Charles I. to him, as re
ported by Lord Herbert, from North-
amption, 44, 45, 46 ; the Marquis'
character, 28 ; Raglan Castle des
cribed, 48, 51, 52, 53 ; warlike prepa
rations, 53 ; his wealth, 54 ; his horses
and stables, 54; early rumours against
him, 55 ; Lord Herbert obtains troops
and stores, 57; certain loans to Charles
L 58, 59 ; Lord Herbert leaves Lon
don for Raglan, 59 ; summoned to ap
pear before Parliament, 61; Monmouth
mostly the Marquis's tenants, 63; calls
in the aid of Prince Rupert to assist
Monmouth, 63 ; letter from Charles I.
1643, 64 ; promise of title (of Duke),
64 ; Prince Rupert's warrant, 65, 66 ;
he saves Monmouth, 66 ; it belongs to
him of inheritance, 66 ; supplies the
Marquis of Hertford with recruits, 67;
furnishes the King with soldiers at
Edge-hill, 67; Charles I. acknowledges
£250,000, 74; sixty-three years of
age, 95 ; marriage of his daughter
Elizabeth, 97 ; a masque and mock
marriage for entertainment, 97, 98, 99,
100 ; practical joke on searchers for
arms, 100, 101 ; reproof to Lord
Herbert, 101, 102; letter from Charles
I. 102; promise of the Garter, 103;
another letter, 103; enclosing a war-

624

INDEX TO THE LIFE.

WORCESTER.

rant to create him Duke of Somerset,
103; "a match propounded for his
grandchild," 103; visited by Charles
I. 104; his reception, 105; his free
discourse wtth the King, 106-8 ; cha
racteristic dinner incident, 108, 109 ;
reproves Lord Herbert for procuring
the King £6,000, deposited with his
son, Lord John Somerset, 109 ; apart
ments at Raglan, 140 ; his great state,
140; order of his household, 140-142;
a message from Charles I. by the hand
of Allen Boteler, 142; Boteler's tedi
ous journey, 143 ; and arrival at
Raglan, 144; harsh reception, 144;
interview with the Marquis, 144, 145 ;
the Marquis's sharp reply to Boteler,
concerning Charles L, 145; the mes
senger delayed, 145; Boteler's des
patches and return, 146, 147 ; his
strong and sincerely expressed feeling
on the King's treatment of himself and
his son, 148; his angry reception of
the King's messenger, 148, 149 ; the
siege of Raglan castle, 149 ; anecdote
during the siege, 150 ; summons from
General Fairfax, 151 ; numerous mes
sages pass, 151; requires the King's
approval, 151; conditions offered, 151;
a drum sent out, 152 ; a cessation of
arms, 152; the castle in jeopardy,! 52 ;
concludes terms for surrender of his
castle, 152, 153; he leaves with his
family, friends, retainers, and others,
153, 154; removed toCovent Garden,
in charge of the Black Rod, 154 ; his
death fcmr months after, 155 ; his
funeral expenses, 1 55 ; Parliamentary
order to destroy Raglan Castle, 156 ;
lands of, 201; a Penitent of the
Society of Jesuits, 232.

WORCESTER, ANNE, Countess of, her
death, 31.

WORCESTER, Countess of — see Mar
chioness of Worcester.

YORK.

WORCESTER, MARGARET, Marchioness
of, a pass granted her to France, as
" Lady Herbert," 187; meets Ormond
in Paris, her ill-timed resentment,
188; petition in respect of Worcester
House and property, 194 ; her pecu
liar situation politically, 195 ; report
on her Petition, 195 ; Bill for settling
Worcester House, 195 ; the same, 196;
possession to be granted, 197 ; sum
to be paid, 197 ; referred to a Com
mittee, 197 ; report, 198 ; order to
pay her £6 per week, 198 ; has rooms
in Worcester House, 199 ; an Act for
settling Worcester House on her, 199 ;
order for payment of her pension, 199;
order to give up the house, 199 ; her
petition respecting her husband's im
prisonment, 212 ; draft petition, 222 ;
petitions against undermining Wor
cester House, 235 ; petition in respect
to, 287, 288 ; John Hall, 288 ; peti
tion ordered to be represented, 289 ;
named, 300 ; residing at Lincoln's Inn
Fields, 303 ; letter from her confessor,
303 ; Wm. Travers's letter to, Appen
dix D.

WORCESTER HOUSE, noticed and
sketched, 8, 10 ; death of Lady Her
bert there, 22, 23 ; residence there,
26 ; guard set on, 39 ; account of it,
192 ; iron seized there to be sold, 192 ;
used by the Parliament, 193 ; soldiery
lodged* there, 194 ; its disposal ordered,
194 ; rooms given to the Marchioness
of Worcester, 199 ; to be examined,
199 ; an Act for settling, 199 ; pos
session ordered, 199 ; conveyance in
trust, 200 ; christening at, 292 ; peti
tion in respect to, 287.

Y.

YORK, Charles I. at, 58, 59.

PRINTED BY G. NORMAN, MAIDEN LANE, COVENT GARDEN.

ERRATA.

Page 38, 1? lines from top, for " 29 June" read " 29 Jan."

1 17, 3 lines from top, for " Edge-hill" read " Marston Moor."
120, 16 lines from bottom, for "Baron" read " Brown."

10 lines from bottom, same correction.

145, 2 lines from bottom, for " or siding" read " for siding."
155, 14 lines from bottom, for " William" read " Charles."
168, 172, 175, 177, last line, note, for date " 1637," read" 1657," throughout.
187, 14 lines from top, dele "From" &c., ending " France."
210, last line, note, place f before " Brit. Mus." &c.
222, 3 lines from top, for " Coining" read " Stamping."
249, 4 lines from bottom, for " B" read " A."
253, 5 lines from bottom, add " Marquis," offer " Edward."
260, 12 lines from top, add note " Cal. State Papers, Dom. Series, 1663-64,

edited by Mrs. M. A.E. Green, 8vo. 1862."
314, 15 lines from top, for " three" read " two."

16 lines from top, for " five" read " six."

18 lines from top, for " of" read " following."
320, 4 lines from bottom, for "other by" read " other my."
322, 6 lines from bottom, o/ter "Meistres," a<ld " [Reistres ?]"
347, 15 lines from bottom, for " his" read " is."
462, 15 lines from bottom, for "of" read "wrote to."

484, 6 lines from bottom, dele " from the bottom in order to discharge it again
at the top," and substitute, " which convey the steam by turns, to
the vessel D."

024:

INDEX TO THE LIFE.

WORCESTER.

rant to create him Duke of Somerset,
103; "a match propounded for his
grandchild," 103 ; visited bv Charles

WORCESTER, MARGARET, Marchioness
of, a pass granted her to France, as
" Ladv Herbert." 187; meets Ormond

WORCESTER, Countess of— see Mar- YORK, Charles I. at, 58, 59.
chioness of Worcester.

PRINTED BY G. NORMAN, MAIDEN LANE, COVENT GARDEN.

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