N. MANCHESTER, INDIANA THE HECKMAN BINDERY, INC. JOURNAL & PROCEEDINGS OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL. New Series, Vol. XVI. 1920. CALCUTTA : PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS, AND PUBLISHED BY THE ASIATIC SOCIETY, 1, PARK STREET, CALCUTTA. 921. MISS$OUR! BOTANICAL GARBEN LIBRARY DATES OF PUBLICATION. Journal No. i pp. 1-40 Proceedings, pp. Nil July, 1920. jy SING. 2. Nil of 3 aieee OCt., yy ot Ew Sy © 41.80 i + Net - - » No.4 ,, 91-164 by je by INGV., 1980, wo NOOB 5, 168.249 yy on D6Gs5 45 no oONo. 6 ,,-. 251-79 es », i-xxix Mar., 1921. » No. 7 ,, 281-330 ye pie MAY, 5, we NO. 8 (32° S31-64 gees AUB. 5°55 (Volume complete in 8 issues.) DIRECTIONS FOR BINDING. The pages of the Journal should be bound first after the Contents ; they are numbered in Arabic numerals. The pages Meetings (i-xxix) ‘should follow page Ixxx of the Proceedings of the Annual Meeting. The Index is paged in continuation of the Proceedings. Plates i-ii to follow page 25 iii 6 i 56 v5 ad de eee cs: eps Ss 3 75 regi 7h eae s = 89 Si -XV : : 279 ? Xvi ? ” ” 330 % a yy Wy ORO CONTENTS PAPERS [JOURNAL AND PROCEEDINGS] Page "ABDUL Watt, MAULAVI The word ‘‘ Taghar’’ explained 39 ANNANDALE, N. A Loom used by the Gaodar Herdsmen of Sei 23 a ean Notes on the genus sp ai (Mollusca Pulmo- ta) (See ae Barnt PRasHaD) 27 Opening Addres a Discussion on the value of Bodily Measure- nts in Siitinguishing Human Rac 4] Bart PrasHap The Tigari—a primitive type of boat used in Eastern Benga 35 Further Notes on the genus Camptoceras ‘(Mollusca Pulmonata) 27 See also ANNANDALE. Banersr, R. D. Coins of the J ae dynasty 79 Pratihara gold co 84 Gold coin of Uday vader a 84 te Fron ‘of Ara 85 a new Machel’ mint 85 GuraCovinds ‘of Sylhet 86 Buratracuarya, D. R. Note on Persistent Oviducts and Abnormal Testes in a male a Tigrina .. is ve ws ~- 2093 See also Das, B. K. Boss, 8S. R. Records of Agaricaceae from Bengal .. ot -» 347 BraHMACHARI, U. N Preparation of Urea-antimonyl tartrate,a new Compound .. 339 Das, B. K. Notes on Persistent Oviducts and Abnormal Testes in a male Rana Tigrina .. va F on - 293 See also BHATTACHARYA. Das-Guprta, H. C. 297 A short note on the Cretaceous Echinoid Cyrtoma, M’clelland .. Page Daya, PrayvaG A new gold coin of Candragupta IT ae es rec OU Drs, H. K. Notes on some Edicts of Agoka rie ie rps 4 Dixsuir, K. N. ipa of Shahjah $5 ae ee OT w Jaunpur ake of Akbar oe ue vet 88 Dunnicurr, H. B The Automatic Control of the Sean, of a ee uid into Fractions limited by Specified Densitie 159 Hopivata, S. H. Abil Fazl’s Inventory of Akbar’s mints a see 160 Notes and Queries regarding Mughal mint towns os a3 BO IvaNow, W. Farther Notes on Gypsies in Persia ae ve oat Jackson, V. H. The utility of Desiccants in Electrostatic measurements as ] See also MUKERJEE. pipet hse in measurements with Quadrant — oo t IT; a Semen See for accur. and con- Gree work See also MuUKERJER. Kaye, G. R. Hindu Astronomical Deities .. “a te Mee Or , N. Q, Cinna inscription of the reign of Sri-Yajfia-Satakarni onan Masumpar, R. C. The Colophons of four ancient Sanskrit Manuscripts so 7 SO] Martruatr, Grorce Preliminary observati ions on oon-formation by the common Lahore Eeeeh. Limnatis (Ponti, Granulosa (Sav.).. 341 Muxergsen, A. T. The itor = ‘ae ete. See also Jac a gr mein ents with Gisdeane ‘Blecietinciers, te. ies Jace PRASHAD, BaInr: See Barut PRASHAD. Prayae Dayar: See Dayat, Prayaa, Rankin, J. T. Dacca Diaries sg oe a on oat OE RAYCHAUDHOURI, H. C. e Later Mauryas and the Decline of their pow The Gupta Empire in the Sixth and Seventh Cantarioe; A. SHaAsTRI, HARAPRASAD Annual Address, As. Soc. Beng. (1919) TaYtor, G. The apni i-Hind coins Txssirori, L. P. A Progress Report on the work done during the year 1918 in “nore ge with the Bardic and Historical saerdhecs of Raj- putan OFFICIAL MATTER [PROCEEDINGS ] peice Annual ropa ual Report for 1919 prec ot of Members of aaa and Members of renee for 1919 Spe List of Honorary Fellow i ows a ee a of sors Members ne me pete Membe o Loss of Me abars Elliott Gold Medal and Cash . Barclay Memorial Me et ] Receipts and Disburs Proceedings, Monthly General Meetings, 1920 (January — December) 251 aes i Speicher Set et thal ey aps oy i ewe Rich clea INDEX | JOURNAL AND PROCEEDINGS ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL VOLUME XVI (NEw SeErrzs) 1920 eres Sait 2 INDEX B Abdul Fateh Khan, Nawab of obey eae Nawab of Dacca, acca, 135. 117. Abil Fazl, his faults as a writer, itite mentioned by Hiuen 3 Tsang, 315, bandhana-moksas, Kautilya on, Abil Facl’s inventory of Akbar ;FOYeB: H. Hi oneatie 5 ‘9. Bandhupilita, 306. [199. Adityasena, 322. | Bangala mint, identification of, Agaricaceae from Bengal, 347. _ Bangaéla, town called after the : gre min | co madabad, gold eoins struck at, Baramal, Barclay Mesnorial Medal, reci- Akbar, Jaunpur mohar of, 88. pie Alam oe la agar,anew Mughal mint, | Bardic sc ” Historical Survey of yv R. D. Banerji, 85-86. Rajputana, by L. P. Tessi- a ccupati , 85-86. ade 251-79. Amirkot mint, identification of, 197. | Bendall, Prof., ee of, 301-3. Anandagiri, his account of sun- Bengal, ahake of, worshippers, 63. ‘Bengala city’, me echiok ed by Andhras, 319. ropean travellers, 202- apis poenred (1919), by M.M. | i. 2 ak | Betul cis of Samksobha, 313. -—— dept i ee 1919, ii- ee family of Kamardpa, Antakara, coins of, 85. | ——-- nscr. = Adityasona, — : Bhabew diet, rae erate: Arakan, Two / pear ; n of pasos are Asaladeva of Narwar, coins of, 83 | Bikaner, exploration of, 2 -84. | Bikaner prasastt aja Raya Asiatic dae List of Members of, | 1 aon cigs —liv mer ade , 247. earnenent Receipts '& Disbursements of, _ Bindus ° rita rebellion in the xXx. ass of, 3 Agoka, vik edict against animal © Bodily Meas urements, v value of, 41. sacri | Brhadratha, hie i st Maurya, 306. ass a pher 315-16; extent of —— supposed " anti-Brahmanical his empire. 316. of, 309. portog f, Astasahasrika-prajnaparamita, co- | c lophons of, 302-3. | Cahadadeva of Narwar, 80-83; ete ig myths, 61-63. | coins of, 80. atyayika, Calcium Chloride, 1-2 333. Aur angzeb’s coin of the *Alamgir- | Camptoceras, oe eet st nagar m N. andale, @ a pamaaacr sis? soniinek of the separation Prashad, of liquid into — Camptoceras sireien, Walker, 27, limited by Specified Dei 4 oe pcan wi se hg by H. B. Dunnieliff, sp. nov., 28. — aie to ihe epeotee of, Azimushan, 133. ——taxonomic position of, 30-31, XXXIV Candragupta II, a new gold con | of, acy ‘called Islamabad, 196. rnock, Job, 114. Setealt called Islamabad, 197. Chunar (or Hisar ?) mint, 220- 22. Cinna inscr. e par of Sri- aja Satake by N. G. ajumdar, 327-30. Cocoall formation — the common ( (Pocilhdela) Granulosa v.), by G. Matthai, 341-46. Collybia pala Shits (Berk.), Petch., Colophons of four errs Sans. MSS., by R. C. Maj mdar, *Orb., 297. us, B. and Cretaceous echinoid cyrtoma, M’clella ina "by H. ©. Da reer 297-30 Cyrtoma ror 208. Conoclype ‘ovatus, a Coprinus fimbriat Br., J. M., 297. D Dacca — by J. T. Rankin, Damodarcuse Damodarpur _sapper- pate, evi- de | da@ 2, 331 Diahata ths Maurya, 306 tas of Picante bhukti, 317. oe Hindu A Astronomical, 57. mint, identification of, | Gupta Desiteante in Electrostatic meas- _ ements, Utility of, by V. Jacks and A. T ya, Asoka’ policy of, BEE EAS Asoka’s re- : cruitment of, Divyaivadaina, reference to a Taxila rebellion in, 311. Dogaon mint, 184. E Edicts of Agoka, Notes on, by H. K. Deb, 331-37. Index te sie tas 1 Elliot Gold Medal and Cash, reci- pients of, liv. F Farukhsiyar, tae Fidai Khan Flammula lislopie, B. and. Br., 351. G i ace viata 262, 266. Galera Zey , Petch., 351. Asahi ee oar weioks coins of, Gaodar of Seistan, loom used by, Gargi Sarita, — of, Garuda, god according to Jac obi, 62, tea rise of the, 319— Gaur, its identification with Banga- “Ta Ghalib Ali Khan, 134. asiti Begum, 135. Gokul Chand, 135. Gold Coin of Candra- hig II, by ayag Dayal, 8 Gopala IL 303. Gopaladeva of Narwar, coins of, 80. . Ee enth centuries » by Homhandra Sedobet er | 313-26. ngs, Later kin | Gu tc of Sohet. by R. D. anerji, 86-87. pi Ase in “Persia, Further notes , by _ Ivanow, 281-91. H Herkhs Pir evidence of, 8-19. arisena, a Vakataka king, 323. er rsavardhana, 313-14, 32 20, 322. Hindu epee Deities, by G. ey ye 7-75. | Hisar m Huns in Cnabae India, 316-17. af Ibrahim Khan, Nawab of Dacca. Indrapilita, 3 Iéanavarman Maukhari, conquests Islamabad mint, identification of, Ttawah and Itawa, 190. Index. Jafferabad, same as Zafarnagar, Jagat Se th, 136. J 2 synasty, ine of, by R. , 79-8 Rai Soe Rei Jaunpur meer of ag by K. N. Dikshit, Jé Canda =i Ke ssoite’ his connec- tion with the Rathoras of Rajputana, 262. K Kabul, gold coins struck at, 179. Kamardpa, the Bhagadatta family Kashmir, identified with Srinagar, Kashmir mint, 178. Kautilya’s Arthasastra, 332, 333, 3 Ketu iChat per (or Ujainpir ?) mint, 222. Krishna Das, son of Raj .Ballabh, Ksema Sirbha of bee 257. carci ine TI, 315 —— Ill, a Kumara site a of J ny en 257. Kunala, aiaaied of, 306. L Ladli ot 136. Lahor mint, 179. Lahri Mausioe same 18). Lalitakara, coins of, 85. Later Gupta geste: account of 314. Later Mauryas and the decline of their p h wer, by Hemchandra Ray udhuri, 305-12, Lentinus connatus, Berk, 347 sajor-caju, Fr., : —_iee udus 48. subn Berk, 3 Lepiota cepaesttpes, Sow , 350. Limnatis (Porcitobelia) Granulosa (Sa meme ite Separation into frac- Loom ‘wea by thé Gaodar in of poapten, by poe ae 23-2 M Magian origin of planet worship, Mahasenagupta, 320, 321, Mahajanapadas, 305 XXXV Mahipala I, 302 ;— of the Pratihire dynasty, coins assigned to, 84. | Mahratta invasion of Beng, 135- | Malwa, Gupta rule in, 313. 321 Maurya empire, causes of the dis- memberment of, 30 Measurements with Quadrant Elec- rometers, mprovements in, by V. H. Jackson and es erjee, 13-22. Mediaeval ritual of planets, 65-66 nit solar cults 64 Metallic Sodium, 2-4 Mibirake et 315; aa Y aSodhar- poly. Mint towne not mentioned by Abél Fazl, 183. _ Mir Habib, 136. | Mir Jumla, his invasion of Assam, 85, Mir Muhamrn ad M‘astim, 205. | nara chiefs, names ae 256. cc 255-56. Mohilavath, 256 tas Guy at acca, list of Agric 4 99. Multan, sun-temple at, 63. Mar ad Ali Kha Murshid Kuli “chan, Diwan of Bengal, | N scene So ge Baladitya, 316. vagrah Nidhan coe ae of Bhaskara, 322. Nisars of Lathes gira by K. N. Diksh H | Nrvarman of Narwar, 83. P | Panaeolus campanulatus, Cooke, N. | = 1 anascens, B. and Br., 352. ahead: 334-35. oe kings, 317. tent pee a and Abnormal estes in male Rana Tigrina, Note on, i. D. R. Bhattacharya and K. Das "993-96. XXXVi Philostratus, his reference to sun- | t «Gate pragicent worship, present prac- yl Os | ene ieaadacint al | Pleus / us flabellatus, B. and Br. a Index. Salisu 06. Saviksobha, inscription of, 313. Samprati, 306. Sarforae Khan, Naib Nazim of ca, | Seistan, ‘1008 used by the Gaodar of, ee Shah Beg, 213, 217. Shah-i- Hind coins, by G, P. Taylor, 77- Post Vedic solar ae | Shahja han, nisars o Pradyu ra, ¢ Ree | Shah Jalal ‘of Sylhet, 86-87. Pratihara “gold Ph “Bek D. Shaista Khan, 98, 114-15; oe = Banerji, 84. i cers during Proceedings of the Annual Meeting - Chittagong expedition, 100. of the Society (1920), i. —— gente: ie se ’s Ordinary General | Sham-su-d-din Yisuf 2 hia Sylhet Mee i-xxix, inscription of a Gu ee a, dont ad ge Shergarh mint, 237- Pus spabhiti famil Sirajudd Me Briere sites res “4, iit | Skande rane 313, 314 Pygorhyn chu ve plants, 298. | Sodium, Metallic, testudo, erence Density, 159. | srava Quadrant Electrometers, 13. — tar ‘nai tgarh, 238. de rae Bi kia of Akbar’ ator 205. Quicklime, 7. [ 133. R ’, definition of, 41. Khan, Naw ab of Dacca, Rae Rabmat Rahu, 68. Rairi mint, 194, 195, Raja Dulabh Ram 136 ja sod 8 Ballabh of Bikrampur, | RGjukas Woo: RemySkara, coins of, 85. Rana ti rier Rataul grant of Cthadadeva, im- por e of, 80 Rathora bist. i insers. referring to, Aathoras of Marwar, their connec- re with the A pate alas of Kanauj, 262, 2 Raya Singha, = el nee of, Records _ of gos from — Bengal, fo 8. R. B 347 54, Rock Edict VI, 331-36. s Sahrind and Sarhind, 235-37. — Salkhalas of Jagalii, materials for the hits of, 256. as ad factory at, 136. Tigari oat a Sri-Yajfia Satakarni, Cinna inser. | Sta tigmatopygus, a. Orb: “Sl 299, = 298. Sun-temples, geographical distri- | bution of, 64. _ Sun worship, present practice of, 72-73. Ss frat se iat 228-35. conquest of, 86- : ‘* Taghér” explained, by Maulavi ‘ Abdu’l Wali, 39-40. saben tg pe of Bengal, 210-11. —— 80, vay Petbpcace Gupta, 316. bee (Patna ?) ak: 212 ta’ > confused with | ‘ Patna’, FRE ashes ening << ee On, oramana in Cstitral India, 316. Index. U a tg coin of, by R. D. Ban 84. Udaya ditya a, ve assigned to, 84. Ujainptr mint, 184, 222. Unrecorded kings of hemor by . Baner - Upasthana, 33 — artrate, a ind, preparation “ot, N Br rahmachari, 339-40. V Value of Bodily pipes in dis uman races, 1 "56. Varaha Mihira, his oc of rship, 6 lanet wo Vasudeva cuit in si odeas Presy., 328 PLL OL OS XXXVIi Vedic aoe! deities, 57-60. | ‘Vigrshape a II, reign period of, Volvaria diplasia, B. and Br., 350. af Yajnavalkya-smrti, directions for ate oak ry worship contained | Yajventie: “yim t oa See see his atoeebien to the n-temple at Multan, 63. Z mint, cajenmeane situation of, 240-49. ee ae Paved ys teed a sie Notice. Society in vices Mr. Bernard Quaritch, 11, Grafton Street, New Bond Street. AVIS. Les Sociétés étrangéres qui honorent la Société Asiatique de ia as de ses publi seins — priées de les envoyer ou directe- ment a l’adresse de la iété, 1, Park Street, Calcutta, ou a ey de la Société a fecdess Mr. Bernard Quaritch, 11, Grafton Street, New Bond Street, ANZBEIGR. Auslindische Gesellschaften welche die —— Gesell- schaft von Bengalen mit ihren Publicationen beehren, werden hierdurch ersucht dieselben entweder direkt an a acces der Gesellschaft, 1, Park Street, Calcutta, oder an den Agenten in London, Mr. Bernard Quaritch, 11, Grafton Sout New Bond Street, zu senden, SOURNAL ASIATJIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL. New Series. Vol. XVI.—1920. en a 1. The Utility of Desiccants in Electrostatic easurements. By V. H. Jackson, M.A., and A. T. Muxersen, M.A. Preliminary tests on the relative efficiency of Calcium chloride and strong Sulphuric acid in protecting from the ) used in physical apparatus for accurate. Electrostatic measure- ments were described in a paper published by us in 1914.! These tests were however open to the objection that the sealing of the case within which the insulators of the electro- meter and other apparatus used for the measurements were enclosed was not hermetical. In the following series the mea - surements have been made with an improved form of appar tus,” in which the Dolezalek electrometer and the fhanlators were enclosed in a case from which the moist external air is absolutely excluded, so that the comparisons between the various desiccants used were carried out under strictly uni- form conditions. As before, we consider that the maximum rate of leak which is permissible with a satisfactory degree of insulation of the quadrants is 0-01 volt per minute, when the quadrants are initially charged to about one volt. I. Catctum CHLORIDE. solid and easily procurable desiccant being desirable, Calcions chloride was again the first substance examined but, in confirmation of the earlier results, proved quite unsatisfac- ! Journal and Proceedings A.S. S. , Vol. X, 1914, pages 227-240. 2 This Journal Vol. XVI, page 1 2 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, tory. The Calcium chloride, obtained from Merck in granular form was spread on three dishes and introduced quickly in the case which was then sealed up. It will be noticed (Diagram I and Table I, Column III) that the rate of leak on the aver- age was more than double the maximum value. After about 140 hours, on opening the case, it was found that the Calcium inefficient as a desiccant for electrostatic work has already been noticed in Glazebrook’s Report ! of 1891 on the Muirhead standard air-condenser (capacity about 6:02 M.F.) as the following passage will show :—‘The amount of leakage was very different .... and depended on the dryness of the air and ebonite pillars. Thus on March 11, when strong acid had been enclosed for some time, the leak per minute amounted to ‘1 per cent. of the whole charge. The sulphuric acid was Diagram I Calcium chloride (12.11.14—-18.11.14). ts/min,. } LS) —~ Leakage in vol =) 3 , j — Time in hours a nd a ze removed during the Easter vacation and replaced by Calcium chloride, and after this the leak rose to about 1 per cent. per minute o or ten gimes its former value. With the Calcium Te seems worthwhile to draw special attention to the unsatisfactory behaviour of Calcium chlor ide, as this sub- stance still seems to be occasionally iy hi under the im- pression that it improves electrical insulation II. Mrratutc Soprom. Metallic sodium is eneeeabat used as a erent in A. Reports on Electrical standards, page 376. : Foe instance, Richardson, Proc. Roy. Soc., Vol. XCII, page 42. 1920.} Desiccants in Electrostatic Measurements. 3 electrostatic work, especially in Germany, as for instance by Gerdien,' Ebert,’ Hochheim, é Elster and Geitel,* Daunderer, 6 most modern quartz fibre electrometers. such as the Wulf ® and the Lutz’ patterns, as well as in the insulators, specially designed for high insulation, such as those of Gockel? and others. Nevertheless, we have not been able to trace any published measurement which justifies the supposed efficiency of sodium as a desiccant for accurate electrostatic work; and our own observations, whic ve been carefully verified in several ways, lea to the unexpected conclusion tht for this purpose metallic sodium is either ineffective or even worse than useless. In our preliminary measurements we used this substance Dracram II. Top—Sodium bits (17.10.14—29.10. 14). Bottom—Effect of glass stirrer, details in Table Ii. z Se fe 2 “@02 ee 3S > | a 801 ag FI 2 1 180 240 300 fe) 60 120 —— Time in hours cut in small pieces and spread on several dishes, which were introduced quickly into the electrometer case. It was natural- ly impossible to prevent a certain amount of deterioration : akan Zeit. Vol. 5, 1904, page 295. I, page 392. X, page 51. VIII, page 275. » » VIII, page VIII, Page 246 and Vol. X, page 251. » o IX, page 100. VI, page 328, on aT fF OH t Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, was noticed it was thought that the insulation of the quad- rants had been temporarily spoilt by a spider thread or some other conducting fibre. To test this point the case was bashers tes it even for the first few eee was obtained a dete freshly drawn sodium wire. The sodium press was brought very near the electrometer case, and fairly — lengths of wire 0°5 mm. in diameter were quickly drawn to dry beakers, which were then immediately introduced Dracram IIT. Top—Sodium $95 Asis 11.14—23.11.14). Bottom—Quick 03 E pl n — $ & Sa a > 4 . cae 40 60 80 100 —— Time in hours i the case and sealed up. age operation was done so fected. The results are shown in Dia am III, and Table I, Column V, from which it may be seen that the leak never fell as low as the standard maximum value. cause of this anomalous behaviour of metallic sodium is still pea It may be pointed out, however, that the action of sodium on the amount of moisture present in the ate m change, ether sodium is slightly radio-active or no certain amount of increased ionisation may result from the process. III. Pxospuorvs Prentoxipe. osphorus Pentoxide i is so rapidly affected by any mois- Phos ture present in the air that it has probably not occurred to any physicist to use it i in order to improve electrostatic insula- concerned. In the preliminary measurements the substance Dracram IV. Top—Phosphorus Pentoxide on dishes (23.11.14—2. 12.14). Bottom—Strong Sulphuric acid, the best desiccant £ i oO. + 02 rr) > | So fs oC oO 4 | Sp Sine Seen ASaR eR Othe eAMLa ee Doak ° ’ r 120 160 200 40 80 —— Time in hours was, as with sodium, bs ga out on several dishes and quickly introduced into the case. Diagram IV and Table I, Colu VI, show that the leak of the quadrants, which was initially a little below the permissible value, began steadily increasing on Dracram V. Effect of repeated doses of fer we Pentoxide (3 doses) (17.11.15—25.11.15). s = _ —~ Leakage in volts/min. ) 40 80 120 180 200 —— Time in hours sealing up the case, and reached double the maximum value in 20 hours. No improvement was noticed even after 200 hours, as the leak remained between twice and three times the stan- dard permissible value. It might naturally be thought that 6 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, the value of this powerfully hygroscopic substance as a desic- cant was destroyed during the time taken in spreading it onthe dishes and introducing it inside the case. To avoid this dbjec- tion, and also to test the effect of repeated doses of the desic- large bottle containing anhydrous phosphorus pentoxide, and then quickly introduced into the electrometer case through the ted in the interior of the case which was then immediately and hermetically sealed by replacing the cover in the groove round e opening. In this way the substance hardly came into contact with the external air at all. This method gave results Diacram VI. Effect of introducing fresh charge of Phosphorus Pentoxide (A) or of tirring the mass already inside (B). (6.12.15—23.12.15). 2 —— Leakage in volts/min. ° 80 160 — Time in hours of considerable interest, which are shown in Diagram V and Column VII of Table I. Immediately after its introduction a however, immediately commenced to increase, and before becoming after 50 hours approximately constant, reached over double the standard value. A second charge of the desiccant produced almost exactly similar effects, which were again reproduced by a third charge. The results of a further trial with this substance extending over a period of 400 hours are given in Diagram in temporarily reducing the leak. On opening the case at the end of the last set of measurements it was observed that there 1920.] Desiccants in Electrostatic Measurements. 7 was only a slight change on the surface of the phosphorus pentoxide. It seems clear that moisture could not have been the cause of the increase of leak which was invariably observed. As in the case of metallic sodium, any drying action due to this substance is accompanied by chemical change, which may similarly be accompanied by increased ionisation. It is also possible that the abnormal increase of leak in this case is due to the presence of yellow phosphorus in the sample of phospho- rus pentoxide which was used. The chemical action of mois- ture on yellow phosphorus was found by Schenck! to produce an increase of ionisation. IV. QUICKLIME. phuric acid that it was considered worthwhile to investigate tions due to chemical action might be more suitable for our in insulation caused by it is only temporary. This is probably due to the great difficulty in keeping this substance absolutely anhydrous, but it also appears as if its efficiency as a drying agent is entirely confined to the surface layer, which is rapidly affected by any moisture present. Diagram III shows that when the quicklime was first introduced into the case it brought down the leak to 0°0025 volt per minute, but the effect did not last long, and after 30 hours reached the value 0-006, which is the usual leak during the dry season when desic- cants are not used. A larger amount of the substance tested sulphuric acid. | Science Abstracts, Vol. XVIII, 1915, No. 1581. 8 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [(N.S., XVI, ¥Y. SuupHuric Acrp. Sulphuric acid of density about its maximum, 1-840, cor- responding to 90°% of pure’ H,SO, prepared by boiling with the usual precautions, is the only desiccant which we have found suitable for use with sensitive quadrant electrometers and similar instruments, and even with this substance the best results can only be obtained when, as in our arrangements, the « insulators which are to be kept dry by it are enclose , soon making the sealing of the older type of case used by us of the case and dipping into the beaker. By means of a two- way tap outside, the acid could be introduced under pressure or siphoned off. The acid contained in the beaker could be stirred by means of an open spiral, of glass tubing, which could be either lowered entirely underneath the surface of the period to see the maximum increase of leak possible. The leak increased to double the usual value and then began vary- 1920.] Desiccants in Electrostatic Measurements. 9 ing between the limits 0°010 and 0:015 volt per minute. Finally, after 220 hours, the acid was again stirred and the stirrer left underneath the surface. The leak of the quadrants regained the usual value and remained as satisfactory as Column II and in Diagram IV, can be reduced below one-fifth of the standard maximum permissible value, and can be kept practically constant for more than a week, without stirring or renewing the acid. ah re, Sela AANA IRENE el a ae a 1 Improvements in measurements in Quadrant Electrometers, part TI, 1920. TABLE I, I If IIl IV No. 0 hours | Strong H,SO, | Calcium Chlo- Sodium in unde 95% ride. small pieces. test 0 ee 0017 0-018 4 00011 0-016 0°022 8 0-0015 0-015 0-024 12 00015 0-014 0°025 24 0:0020 0:022 0-028 36 0-0015 0-018 0:024 48 0-0015 0°026 - 0°025 60 00015 0025 0°030 100 0-0016 0022 0°021 150 0°026 0-024. 200 0026 V vI VII VIII P.O; in doses. Sodium wire. ti n diateak _ Quicklime. First | Second dose. dose. 0-012 0-008 0°022 0-023 0:0040 OO13 O-OLO 0:003 0-004 0:0035 0-014 0-012 0:005 0-004 -0°0050 0-015 0-015 0-006 0-004 00055 0-024 0°023 0-016 0-013 0:0047 0-019 0:022 0-019 0-013 0-022 0:023 0-023 0-020 0:025 0:024 0:023 0021 0-029 0°029 - 0:020 0-019 ‘wbuag fo fyaiwog aynis p ayy fo jousnor OI ‘TAX “S'N] 1920. | Desiccants in Electrostatic Measurements. 11 TABLE II. Showing the abnormal effect observed on leaving the glass stirrer exposed to the air. No. of hours under | test, Circumstances. Leak in Vols | per minute. | 0 Stirrer fully immersed in acid | 0-0042 12 2 | 00044 24 s | 00048 36 Bee 00040 60 a | 0-0050 Stirrer left partly out | 70 ie 0°0084 Stirred and stirrer left in 0°0)50 100 Stirrer in 0-0055 110 i 00051 Stirrer left out 125 @ 0:0090 150 = 0:010 170 Ze 0-014 195 " 0-013 200 “a 0-011 220 uy 0-014 Stirred and stirrer left in 0-0061 222 0:0060 224 PP 0-0046 nel ate <= $$$ Re eee ey 2. Improvements in Measurements with Quadrant Electrometers. Part II. Simplified arrangements for accurate and continuous work. By V. H. Jackson, M.A., and A. T. Muxerser, M.A. n a previous paper ' we discussed the difficulties connec- ted with the use of sensitive quadrant electrometers in India, and described arrangements which we had found adequate at Patna to give quite satisfactory results during the dampest w pera: The principles underlying these improvements were : (1) The —— of all wr camerpten insulators. By a special key direct to the amber insula- tors of one pair of qua a nts we reduced the number of insulators required for all the ordinary operations in electrometer work to two. a ( (a) the insulation of these quadrants; and (5) the in- ee ot the wire connecting the electrometer to any apparatus outside (2) Protection from the Ws of moisture and electro- static disturbances in the atmosphere. We enclosed the electrometer and attached key in an outer earth-connected metal case, and operated the key connections from the outside, the air inside the case being kept dry by strong sulphuric acid. In the actual arrangements then in use, the mere ane on e- was enclosed in a square zinc case fitte wooden ork. The connections with the aga cups o “of the He were made in the usual manner, by ot ing down staal pieces of brass with amalgamated points by means of silk loops attached to cotton threads passing through small holes in the case. Drying was effected by soldering up one ee of the case after the strong sulphuric acid was introduced, but com- munication with the outside air was still possible through the four small holes for the threads. These arrangements were evidently open to considerable improvement. The operation of soldering alone took several minutes, during which the acid moisture gradually entered the gase owing to diffusion or tem- perature differences. For these reasons, as we pointed out, | Journal and Proceedings, A.8.B., Vol. X, No. 6, 1914, pages 227-240. 14 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, the effect of the sulphuric acid could only be relied on to keep the leak in wet weather below the standard value for some- thing like 200 to 300 hours. It was also found that the effect of the moisture absorbed by the wooden framework of the case could not be neglected. With proper hermetical sealing and better arrangements for introducing drying materials into the case, it was thought possible that better results could be ob- in y substituting for strong sulphuric acid other desic- cants such as Phosphorus Pentoxide or metallic sodium these problems have since been investigated. A square brass case, free from wood, was constructed, and after much difficulty rendered absolutely air-tight by soldering all edges and stopping the minute leaks with coatings of Canada Balsam in ether. The threads operating the key were led in through small U tubes containing mercury, the communication being rendered perfectly air-tight by the addition of oil. Since the oil increased friction when cotton threads were used, these were replaced by human hair, as experiment showed that this was the material which worked most smoothly. The sulphuric acid was introduced or removed by a double siphon without disturbing the sealing of the case. To eliminate all possibility of the entry of moist air by leakage a slight additional pres- sure was maintained inside the case. Drying agents other than sulphuric acid were introduced from the top of the case, Science Congress at Lucknow, but have not hitherto been published. As a result of the experience obtained during these investi- v recording registration of the Earth-air current, have been in he outer case is now made cylindrica! instead of square, thus avoiding many difficulties in construction, especially by reducing the number of joints, all of which are possible sources 1920. ] Measurements with Quadrant Electrometers. 15 of leakage of moist air. The upper part (A) is made of light brass, about 05 mm. thick, 22 cms. in diameter, and ; high. This is removable, and fits into a groove 1 cm. wide by 2 cms. deep turned on the rim of a heavy cast-iron or brass base (C). Iron is on the whole preferable, as brass even when protected by paint is liable sooner or later to be attacked by the mercury. e groove is partly filled with mercury and oil, so that hermetical sealing is at once obtained with this arrangement when the cover is aap: in position. The fittings a the removable case are: (D) A microscope slide sealed veh Canada Balsam into a metal frame soldered to the case. These slides when of good quality are lead enough to give a sharp image when light passing through them is reflected from the mirror of = electro- meter, as in the ordinary lamp and scale arrangemen lantern-slide or a piece of ordinary ae glass about 8cms. square, similarly sealed into the case, which serves 16 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, to sagen me level of the sulphuric acid contained in the funnel (H) insi is an iron ring, soldered on the case with its ear immediately over the funnel. Through Aetna heey ordinarily kept closed and air-tight by an iron co Q) dip. ping in a mercury and oil groove, fresh sulphut acid can be introduced into the funnel whenever nece "he lower portion (C) of the inir, case carries the saat tn fittings :-— H) A glass funnel, provided with a tap underneath the base. This funnel passes through a hole (J) and is sealed air- tight with pitch composition. n order to make room for the acid funnel, the electro- meter is not placed symmetrically inside the outer case. Its levelling screws rest on brass brackets (K) 120° apart, each of which is screwed on the inner side of the base (C). One of the brackets is 12 em. and the others 5 cm. in length. When the electrometer is placed in position on these brackets a gap of about 10 cm. is left beneath it and the base, and it is possible to get at the key and other fittings underneath the electro- meter without disturbing its adjustmen M) is a sulphur or amber ins sulator carrying the wire which connects any apparatus outside the case to the mercury cup (NV), and (P) is another mercury ea) connected directly to the case, which is of course kept earthe ) isa brass plate about 8 cms. square, soldered over an opening cut in the base. Four soft iron rods 8 mm. in diameter and 18 ems. long (two of which are shown in the diagram) pass through circular holes in the brass plate, each of which is 34 ems. from the intersections of the diagonals of a square. The level of their ends is adjusted until each attracts the corres- ponding armature over it shot ne reg strongly, and then they are fixed by solder on the brass plate. On the portion of each rod which projects outside the “oe is wound a high resistance rag coil about 7 cms. long, consisting of 7 layers of current necessary for continuous working to about 0°2 ampere. Unless the heating effect is made as small as possible con- cially in damp weather and it is essential that each layer should be protected ~ tissue paper soaked in a solution of celluloid in sage rei e key (R), ehieh is the only additional fitting to the siekicedi aban itself, has been considerably simplified and im- proved. It consists of a vertical wire screwed directly to one 1920.] Measurements with Quadrant Electrometers. 17 of the quadrants through its amber support, carrying four hinged soft iro n armatures about 3°5 cms. long by 0°5 cms. wide. Each sekhibin has a well- ‘amalgamated copper point rivetted at its end which makes connexion when doshas oS with the corresponding mercury cup placed underneath it. The armatures are suspended by short brass spirals from ft hori- en necessary, one electrometer together with its key can be lifted from the serrate and replaced by another, without any further adjustment One of the two mercury se not shown in the diagram is connected to a cylindrical air-condenser, with amber insulation, supported vertically inside thé case, the outer cylinder being earthed. is air-condenser is used for determining the capa- city of the senpion eee at any time. The fourth cup is supported by a wire through a sulphur or amber plug on the side of the lower part of the case (C) and is used to charge the quadrants to the potential of one or more cadmium cells placed outside the case. t is necessary to have one more sulphur or amber plug passing through the side of the base (C) in order to lead in the potential for charging the electrometer needle toa suitable voltage. The wire passing Saba this plug is connected either to the binding screw (S) when a conducting suspension is employed, or to the binding screw (7’) on the charging arrangement supplied by the makers for use with quartz fibre. In the latter case the additional arrangement for charging the needle from outside the hermetically sealed case, mentioned in our previous paper, is used. Alignment marks are put on both rti out lifted up to examine the internal fittings = replaced in a few seconds with hermetical sealing as befor Tn order that the arrangements deascibed — work satis- erga a few important points require attentio (1) Should the material of the oaoreraret needle be slightly magnetic, the comparatively strong magnetic fields when one or other of the electromagnets is excited would alter the zero. We have found, however, that when and a fair degree of sensitiveness (about 300 mm. at on metre for one volt on the quadrants) there is no sncuaclabie disturbance of zero due to this cause. (2) Another possible source of zero shift is the nara which takes place in this arrangement when contact betwee 18 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [NS., XVI, the point and its mercury cup is broken. If the amalgamation of the point is not satisfactory, or the mercury surface not clean, a slight coherer effect is noticeable at the contact, and the zero of the electrometer is liable to small shifts even when the point is pulled slowly out of the mercury as in the origi- nal arrangement. These effects are made all the more pro- bable by any vibrations which occur. but with clean mercury and properly amalgamated points no trouble of this kind is experienced. (3) The acid used should be boiled with a small quantity of ammonium sulphate, as recommended for Kelvin electro- meters. Its specific gravity is thus usually about 1-840 indicating a proportion of about 95%, of pure sulphuric acid. By means of a standardised sliding condenser attached to (M) the external connection, the capacities of each part of the instrument may be determined with very considerable of the electrometers now in use in our Jaboratory. The capa- city of the quadrants with the key, using a 6» quartz fibre iving sensitiveness 250 mm. per volt when the needle is charged to 14 volts, is 28:5 E.S.U.; that of the external connector with its mercury cup is 776 E.S.U. The capacity of the cylindrical air-condenser as calculated from its dimensions, and neglecting end-corrections, was 80°3; but when determined by this method its true value, including its connection to the mercury cup, is obtained and is 83°8+0°5 E.S.U. has proved to be a very difficult one, especially during very damp weather. The arrangement used by Gockel’ or Scherring,® consisting of a corrugated ebonite insulator with external metal protection and sodium drying, was designed specially for use as an external insulator under such conditions, but it is quite use- less for electrometer measurements of any considerable degree of accuracy, except in very dry weather when simple insulators work at least equally satisfactorily. Ebonite is so sensitive to moisture that its use in connection with electrostatic measure- ments when exposed to ordinary air should be avoided, when- 1 Phys. Zeit., Vol. 5, 1904, pages 294-296. Sw bs 6 6G, 1906, page 228. . »» 5, 1904, ,, 452. >) 9° 1920.] Measurements with Quadrant Electrometers. 19 ever possible, and as shown in another paper,! sodium used as a drying agent tends to increase rather than diminish the natural leak of the insulator which it is intended to protect. After trying numerous modifications of this type of insulator, using amber, sulphur or paraffin for the insulating material, with one of these have proved satisfactory in practice for work of the highest degree of accuracy, either as regards the degree of insulation secured or the cons taney of theleak. This may be seen from the following measurements, typical of a large number of similar observations on ihe behaviour of insulators protected as shown in Fig. 2. These insulators were of exactly the same size except that the surface of the paraffin was not grooved. 1 Utility of desiccants in electrostatic work. 20 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, Protected insulator. No desiccant used. Time after ex- . posure to dir. Ebonite. Amber. Paraffin. 0 0067 ya | ‘0075 15 hours 014 AE: “008 18 a ri “009 20 sie ‘013 O17 35 0090 “015 Se 50 oy “014 65 is | 023 Same insulators. Sulphuric acid drying. Initial 0:0090 0-013 0:017 Immediately after. 0-0038 0:0097 as ay ia 0:0087 00064 0:0079 Sa 10 0-015 a 0-020 165s: ce 0:0097 ie ur, thus serving as a guard ring. By means of a connection soldered to a small projection P on the outer rim of the guard cylinder this can be charged to any po- tential either positive or negative. The diameter of the sul- Pp aehhaaialaantaritaiek ga | LLL LLL PEL LLL Mm i lateatlhahh hhh dh db tdi phur plug is reduced to about 12 mm., that of the cylinder being 8 mm. The external and internal surfaces of the sulphur plug, as well as the ends of the brass cylinder, are made flush with the corresponding surfaces of the case itself. The object of this is partly to reduce surface creep of electrifica- tion over the insulator, and partly to prevent dust from collect- ing on the surfaces exposed to the outer air. By applying to the guard cylinder a potential exactly equal to that of the wire passing through the sulphur plug, the effect of any leakage 1920. ] Measuremenis with Quadrant Electrometers. 21 due to moisture on the surface of the latter as well as conduc- tion would be entirely eliminated. By reversing the potential of the guard cylinder this leakage effect should be doubled, the quadrants, and since the potential of the wire passing through the sulphur plug is never higher than this and is usually lower, the leakage due to moisture and conduction is employed to reduce the leak of the whole system consisting of the quadrants connected to the wire The following table, showing result of observations taken with the guard-ring, indicates the very great om rebebang effected in the insulation of the sulphur “plug even during t monsoon. Of the observations taken on the 21st of Xoeuit, 1919, Column D shows the rates of leakage of the quadrants alone. Column C shows that the rates of leakage of the quadrants with the sulphur plug having its guard-ring properly guard-ring or by putting the opposite potential on it. Similar results were obtained on the next day with a positive charge on the quadrants, and the airocniett between the Columns and B is as satisfactory as before. TABLE. LEAKAGE THROUGH Q + PLUG wiTH GUARD- Ring, Date No. of observa- Charge on Leakage through Q alone. tions. @ or Q + Plug. ] D. Earthed. + 1 Volt. —1 Volt. A. B. C. I —l1 volt. 0:0046 0:0079 0-0032 0-0032 21-8-19 Ir ” 0-0053 0-007 | 0-0038 0:0039 It r 0-006 0-0081 0-0037 00038 IV ” 0-0068 0°0079 0:0048 00044 Mean 0°0057 0:0078 0:0039 0:0038 I + 1 volt 0-0046 0°0029 0-0054 0-002 29-8-19 II > 0°0051 0:0029 00057 0:0027 : ieal 0-0056 00030 0-0067 00034 IV is _ 0°0057 0:0036 00069 0 004 Mean | 0°0052 00031 0:0062 0:0030 GE ‘yobuag fo ‘v0g ounisp ay) fo jousnor [OZ6T ‘IAX “S'N] 3. A Loom used by the Gaodar (Herdsmen) of Seistan. By N. Annanpate, D.Sc., F.A.S.B. (With Plates I—II.) The loom here described was seen in use in a Gaodar S. W. Kemp and myself in December, 1918. The figure is reproduced from a drawing based on photographs taken for the purpose by Mr. Kemp. I have to thank Mr. H. G. Graves for much assistance in drawing up the description; the techni- cal terms in which are those employed by Ling Roth, Journ. sticks are tied together above ; two of the legs are inserted into the ground one on each side of the warp near its middle and the other near the warp-beam in front but also at one side. As the weaving proceeds the position of the tripod must be “ ‘ w It is also lashed to the two hinder legs of the tripod in such a way as to be practically immovable. A shorter stick (e) rests on the upper suspender at right angles and supports the shed-stick (/) and heddle-rod (g), to which it is fastened, at one end to each, by ropes about three feet long. It is freely mov- able backwards and forwards, and when the end near the cloth-beam is pulled down the shed-stick is raised and the odd and even threads separated; when it is pushed up the heddle-rod pulls the odd threads (i) up between the even threads of the warp (h). Both the shed-stick and the heddle- rod are roughly-shaped tamarisk. twigs between two and a half and three feet long, each a little longer than the width of the warp. The odd threads are fastened to the heddle-rod between the even threads by separate loops of wool, one for each thread, and the loops are fixed to a transverse thread 24 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, which runs red the front of the heddle-rod and is there firmly tied in position. As arule two women work together at this kind of loom, ‘both squatting on the web (&) and one inserting the thread of the woof, which she holds roughly bundled together without a shuttle, by hand, while the other wields the beater-in and manipulates the heddle-rod and shed-stick. A single woman can, however, work alon The beater-in (fig. 2, pl. II) resembles the specimen, pro- bably from Persia, figured by Ling Roth in Journ. Anthrop. Inst., XLVITI, p. 130, fig. 195A, except that the handle and body are in a straight line. They are carved out of a single piece of wood and on the back of the body there is a metal shield, sometimes of brass, sometimes of iron and often partly of one metal and partly of the other. It is fixed on by nails. The other surface is not protected but is often ornamented are fixed to the body. These teeth are abruptly curved copper blades, seven in number. Their bases are inserted into the wood and covered by a piece of raw hide in which slits are cut for the protrusion of the teeth. This has evidently been applied wet and allowed to dry in position before the metal shield has been fastened on. The straightness of the beater- in is probably correlated with the fact that the weaver sits on the web and oe. downwards with it. Compare the figure of a Lycian weaver working at an upright loom with a curved or bent beater-in reproduced by Ling Roth in the paper cited above (Journ. Anthrop. Inst., XLVIII, p. 123, fig. 12 "he whole apparatus is "probably degenerate rather than primitive, its peculiarities depending on the difficulty experi- enced by the Gaodar in obtaining timber. A minimum of wood is used in its construction and the crooked branches of the pelea tamarisk are utilized perforce. Even these have to be br — from Miankangi, a remote district situated between the ma effluents of the Helmand. The tripods and suspenders are thus valued possessions and may always be seen when not in parse leaning against the walls of the reed huts of the Gaodar pla The woollen cloth made with this loom is a coarse blanket - like material, as a rule black with white or grey transverse stripes but without other pattern. It is produced in long strips not more than two and a half feet wide. A similar type of loom is used by Baluchi women in Seistan for weaving carpets. See Tate’s Seistan, part IV, plate opposite page 323. This plate is, however, not quite clear as to details and I did not see the carpet- -loom myself. 1920.] A Loom used by the Gaodar of Seistan. 25 EXPLANATION OF PLATES. ’ Prats I. Gaodar encampment at the edge of the Hamun-i-Hel- mand, showing loom-frames resting against the huts of reed- matting. Prate II. Fic. 1.—Gaodar loom, Seistan. a=cloth-beam; b=warp-beam; c=stick support- ing suspensorium; d=transverse rod of suspen- sorium ; e=rod supporting shed-stick (f) and heddle- rod (g) ; h=even threads of warp ; i=odd threads of warp ; k= web of cloth. Fic. 2.—Beater-in or weaver’s comb; much reduced. Fie. 3.—Two Gaodar women weaving at the loom. ~~ eee SS eee Jour. As. Soc. Jour. As. Soc. Benc., Vor. XVI, 1920. PLATE Il SEISTAN. GAODAR LOOM, 4. Further Notes on the Genus Camptoceras (Mollusca Pulmonata), By N. AnnanDaLe, D.Sc., F.A.S.B., and Barnt PRASHAD, DSc. (Zoological Survey of India). Since we submitted to this Society last year our notes on the genus Camptoceras, Benson, two events have occurred that We are thus placed in a better position to estimate the exact status and relationships of the genus. Before discussing these points we will give a few notes on the two species C. hiraset, Walker, and C. subspinosum, sp. nov. Camptoceras hirasei, Walker. 1919. Camptoceras hirasei, Walker, Occ. Papers Mus. Zool. iv. Michigan, No. 64, pp. 1-6, pl. 1 (March 17th). 1919. Camptoceras sp , Annandale & Prashad, Journ. As. Soc. Bengal (n.s.) XIV, p. 458, pl. xii, fig. 2. Walker discusses not only the shell of his new species but also the external anatomy, the radula and certain of the internal organs. His material was, however, defective, and he of the shell and radula do not altogether conform with our own and we are not able to accept his description of the radula as accurate. So far as the shell is concerned we believe that the dis- crepancies are probably due to the fact that his specimens were not so mature as ours. It is true that they were slight- ly larger than those we examined, but considerable varia- those of the specimen figured by us. In our specimen there was a vertical ridge or varix on the outer aspect of the body- whorl that seemed to indicate that the animal had under- gone at least one period of arrested growth. No such ridge is shown in Mr. Walker’s figures. Our specimen was killed in 28 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, October and possibly the difference is due to the two series having oa collected at different seasons. ried material we examined we were unable to find any trace of the horny jaw, but Mr. Clapp’s description of it is confirmed by an examination of the same region in our new species. The jaw is evidently very like that of Planorbis, con- sisting of a slender transverse centre-piece and two still more slender lateral pieces. As to the radula, Mr. Walker states that the central tooth is bicuspid and that the bases of all the teeth are quadrate. is tricuspid, in the other quadricuspid, the two middle cusps being much the longest. In this tooth, therefore, it is possible that the apparent discrepancies between the two descriptions are due merely to individual variation. This is not so, how- ever, with the form of the base of the laterals and marginals. re-examination of our preparations and a comparison with 8 aquatic pulmonates are always difficult to examine in detail, sont Mr. Walker’s figures can only be described as somewhat crude. We do not think that there can be any doubt that the American malacologist and we ourselves were dealing with the same species. To prevent any misconception as to the ap- pearance of rivalry due to the practically simultaneous publi- cation of our papers on the subject, we wish to state that we had invited Mr Walker to publish his description oi and that he had agreed to do so in a most courteous mann Camptoceras subspinosum sp. nov. This species (fig. 1) is, as we have said, closely allied to ne ieereten:, Blanford,! but differs in the following charac- ter q) The shell is considerably Api and more elongate and has 4 instead of 24 w (2) Its whorl are more convex a oe oblique and the uture is less well defined, not so deep and broader. (3) The mouth of the shell is longer in proportion to its readth and narrower abov (4) The sculpture consists of mee lines of minute sub- 1 See Blanford, Journ. As. Soc. Bengal XL, p. 40, pl. ii, fig. 3 (1871 The description is reprinted in Gude’s volume on the ‘Mottusee’ (it) sa th the ; Faun. Brit. Ind., p. 464, fig. 144 (1914). 1920. ] Further Notes on the Genus Camptoceras. 29 spinose tubercles ! with very fine longitudinal and transverse striae between them. So far as ged veag when are concerned this species pro- vides a link not only between C. lineatum and C. hiraset but also between aye genus as a cadaie and the Malayan and Australian species of Bullinus. Fie. 1.—Type specimen of Camptoceras subspinosum, sp. nov. The radula (fig. 2) is very similar to that of C. hiraset, but the teeth are distinctly longer and the central differs in having pes cusps. In one radula the cusps of this tooth are dis- , two in number, while in another they are fuss together bUddA i A Fic. 2.—Radular teeth of Camptoceras subspinosum sp. Nov. a=central ; b, b=laterals ; c=marginals. so that the tooth is really unicuspid. In our preparations of this species it is clear se the extremity of the cusps of all the teeth is produced into a sharp spine-like process as in Planorbis and allied sedi but this process is extrem ow 1 This character is better seen in specimens in spirit than in oe shells and may not be differe ntial. 30 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, minute and delicate. The approximate dental formula is 7. 11. 1. 11. 7, the laterals being more numerous than in C. hiraset. The jaw closely resembles that of C. hirasei as figured by Clapp in Walker’s paper Our specimens are preserved in spirit but appear to have been completely desiccated at some period. It is impossible to make out much of their anatomy, but we have succeeded in srnechtans the penis-sheath, which is elongate as in Planorbis and its allies. The tissues are badly preserved and it is impos- sible to see details of the structure, but there is certainly no penial stylet. The external erected is evidently closely similar to that of C. terebra and C. hiras Measurements of Shells (in millimetres). I II Ill heat ae sk 53 52 55 Diam os 2°5 2°5 2°6 Length ‘of Mouth . “ 34 3°6 3°6 Diameter of Mouth ‘ 77 Ma 1°9 Type-specimen. No. M 1187+ in the collection of the Zoo- logical Survey of India (J ndian Museum). Habit he series we have examined was collected by Prof. F. Hallberg of St. Xavier’s College, Bombay, on the road between Khanabal and Islamabad in Kashmir (alt. between 4,000 and 5,000 ft.) on April 15th, 1916. A young specimen was also found y the same collector in the Chenar Bagh at Sri- nagar (alt. 5,250 ft.) on March 23rd of the same year The adults were found in a small, very shallow ‘pool, ap- parently Rene dug, aivhote. vegetation and with an area of only about 12 square yards. They were attached to the lower surface of small submerged stones. The young individual was n the under surface of a dead plane-leaf in a small canal. TAXONOMIC POSITION OF THE GENUS CAMPTOCERAS. We are now in a better position to estimate the taxono- mic status of Camptoceras correctly than we were when writing r former note. We accept Walker’ s view that the genus beloune to the Planorbidae, not to the Ancylidae as we for- merly thought. The structure of the jaw and of the form of the penial sheath affords strong evidence in favour of this view a The shell-form of our new species, moreover, is less different from that of Bullinus, Adanson, than that of any species of Camptoceras previously described. As we have pions pointed out, this species closely resembles C. lineatum. In describing the latter the late Dr. Blanford expressed a doubt as to its 1920.] Further Notes on the Genus Camptoceras. 3l being congeneric with C. wei — se seo a Here again, however, C. subspinosum ann t form, the more elongate shape of its shell sah jin dentiguie whorls bringing it distinctly nearer to the extreme species of the genus than is C. lineatum. Considering the four species of Camptoceras now known together, the propriety of separating them from the genus Bullinus may possibly be doubted. The shells of such species as B. aliciae (Sowerby) and B. acutispira (Tryon) are not very different from those of C. subspinoswm in general structure and the radulae of the two genera have a somewhat similar facies. In no species of Bullinus, however, are the whorls so oblique or so angulate, or the suture so broad and canal-like as in Camptoceras. The radular teeth,! moreover, are much fewer in each transverse row in Camptoceras and have the sharp point of the cusps much less well developed and the gill is not lobose. We are of the opinion, therefore, that Camptoceras should be placed a asnca sd in the subfamily Bullininae but not in the genus Bullin ive here, to facilitate ee ange of the subfamily, genera and species, a brief synopsi Subfamily BULLININAE. Planorbidae in which the shells are ovoid or elongate and acuminate, never disc-shaped Key to the genera of Bullininae. 1. Shell es the whorls more - less swollen, the suture linear or almost so .. . Bullinus. 2. Shell ith the whorls angular or subangu ular. and extremely oblique, the suture ue broad and deep .. . Camptoceras. Genus Camptoceras, Benson. 1843. Benson, Calcutta Journ. Nat. Hist. nt P. 465. 1855. id., Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. ®) XV, As. 1914. Gude, Faun. Brit. Ind. oll II, p. 4 1919. a yes at Papers Mus. Zool. Univ. Michigan, ” 0 No. 1919. Mieloaia ia ‘and Prashad, Journ. As. Soc. Bengal (n.s.) XIV, p. 458. Key to the species of Camptoceras. 1. Shell extremely elongate, at least 3 times as high as road, without strong spiral sculpture. t See Cook, Proc. Zool. Soc. London 1899, pp. 136-143. 32 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, A. Shell less than 4 mm. long, with 2 whorls; its mouth with narrow attenuated peristome, regularly oval or ovate, at least 1? times as high as broad yy. .. C. austeni. B. Shell at least 6 mm. long, with 34 whorls; its mouth with a broad attenuated peristome, narrowly ovate, a little more than twice as hi bro . C. hiraser. C. Shell at least 8 mm. ‘long, with 4 whorls; its mouth with an in- elongate than in the other phair C. terebra. II. Shell irregularly ovate, less than 3 times as high as broad, avec with strong, sometimes subspi- nose spiral line A. Shell. not more Pies 4°5 mm. long, gins; the mouth irregularly oval C. lineatum. B. Shel over 5 mm. long, with 4 orls; the suture much less well defined and not so angular at the margins ; the mouth ovoid, narrowed above . C. subspinosum. ADDENDUM. Since this paper was written I have found Camptoceras lineatum living on the lower side of grass-stems in a small muddy channel of sluggish water running into the north end of the Loktak Lake in Manipur, Assam. The spiral lines on the shell are subspinose, but not so distinctly so as in C. subspinosum. The animal resembles that of Gyraulus except in possessing a curious epipodial siphon on the left side instead of a simple V-shaped process. The foot is narrowly tongue-shaped, blunt- ly pointed behind and not extending much beyond the apex of the mouth of the shell when fully expanded. The snout is broad and blunt. The tentacles are long, filiform and slight- ly ong : hie tgp ep they are somewhat expanded at the a Ww ternally they bear the small, black, sessile eyes the same 5 posite The mantle does not extend over the shell and has simple margins. On the left side the epipodial lobe arises posteriorly as a short, simple expanded ridge and then grows out into a relatively long, broad, leaf-like process, which can be folded spirally on itself in such a way as to form 1920.] Further Notes on the Genus Camptoceras. 33 a stout conical siphon about as long as the tentacles when fully expanded. A large oval, downwardly directed aperture re- mains open at the extremity, and the faecal pellets are emitte through this. The branchial cavity is ample and patent when the animal is expanded. Manipur, 20-11-20. N. ANNANDALE. 5. The Tigari—a primitive type of boat used in Eastern Bengal. By B. Praswap, D.Sc., Off. yale ~ Fisheries, Ben ngal, Bihar and Oris The principle of the adaptation of very simple structures to very complex purposes, is, I believe, very well brought out Ftq. qi Ftq. 1a. in the case of the peculiar type of boat of Eastern Bengal, known as the tigari or gamla. This peculiar structure is made of baked clay and is circular tub-shaped structure (fig. 1) measuring two feet ad 36 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, half in transverse diameter in a typical specimen. The bot- tom is not flat, but owing to the sides curving down regularly, it has almost the form of a hemisphere: the height, or rather the depth, of a tigari is fifteen inches. igaries are prepared on the ordinary turning-wheels of potters in the usual way and, after drying. are baked like tte ordinary pottery. The colour of a tigari from Dacca is black- Fig. i: ish though others of brick-red colour are found there and in other parts. This difference of colour is due to the composi- inverted position, e in practically all parts of India. It is, on the other hand, pan Be, 2 ees rp SR Ear ee eh: oe a See eee et ies Pees FS eae Geen Ns Pa eae te ssivhone tia” bs ee et Soy dey ates 2 ae Saree sd Ea ee swe el he 1920. | The Tigari. 37 used as a true boat, in the upright position with the con- the seat a small wooden plank is mostly placed a little above the bottom ; in some cases, however, quantities of grass and other cattle-fodder fill up the concavity of the vessel and serve as a fairly comfortable seat Only a single paddle, of the type (fig. 1,a) ordinarily used by boatmen in Bengal, is used both for paddling and as a rudder. The course of movement is altered by the use of the paddle on alternate sides, and for progression the paddle is used in the ordinary way. When paddling is carried on, the tigari travels in a fairly straight course, but when allowed to drift with the current it turns round and round in a whirligig fashion. The rate of movement is quite fast, and in many cases fairly long distances are covered in these frail structures. At the present day, the ¢igari is in use in various parts of Eastern Bengal, particularly in the districts of Dacca and Raj- shahi. Jt is used by men, women and even children for cross- ing streams and for going from place to place. In the various districts of Eastern Bengal, where the lands are for a large part of the year covered over with water, and where movement less costly and more useful as a handy type of craft could have been devised. Originally the tigart was nothing more than the basin for feeding the cattle, a purpose for which it is used even to-day. Probably by chance it was found that it could be used as a boat also, and was thereupon adopted by all classes, and particularly the poorer people who can barely afford the luxury of a boat or even a dugout. It is of interest to mention in this connection that practically all the inhabitants of Eastern Bengal are good swimmers, and all they require is some sort of a craft for fording streams and moving from place ' to place. The words tigart and gamla are both very significant. -Tigari is derived from tigar, which is the name of a somewhat oval structure made of dry earth for the purpose of making clay-mortar by mixing water and earth. The word tigart, therefore, signifies something made of clay and is really a very general term. The term gamla means a flower-pot or the sin used in feeding cattle. Both these names are rather inappropriate, except in so far as one is descriptive of the material of which the structure is made, and the other throws some light on the original nature of the tigari or gamla. ' This peculiar type of boat has the same circular form as a 38 Journal of the Asiatic Soc. of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, 1920,] pee, but differs, as has been mentioned already, in having a nical instead of a flat bottom. The two structures seem to Just as the coracle is very suitable for rapidly running mountain streams, so the tigard is well adapted for rivers and bhils in the plains. Here owing to the clay-like nature of the soil and the absence of stones and boulders on the banks, the chances of a tigari breaking to pieces are very few. The only danger is the upsetting of the whole craft, if it is not properly managed ; but people using these ligaries are very clever in agp ne them. It may be mentioned in this connection that a “tigart race” nowadays forms an interesting event in : | : required in managing the craft is undoubtedly very great, even ya least excitement or the smallest mistake is quite enough to verturn it, still the ureniinees of these structures for the Reais classes cannot be igno See SN eS Se Ne Ne SN Se NO oO Se 6. The word ‘' Taghar ” explained, By Mavtavi ‘Aspv’L Watt. In the March Monthly General Meeting of the Society Dr. B. Prashad read a paper entitled, ‘‘ The Tigari—a primitive type of boat used in Eastern Bengal.” He tried to explain the word, but apparently without success. I have since discussed the subject with various persons, and consulted a large number of lexicons.'!' The following is the result of my in- quiry :— _ The correct word as written and pronounced is Taghar an = fo) Lr | fe?) 5 Las ed Ce 5 ae) oO. aj z © 5 © 5 Qu or n Si 1 ae | u he root meaning of aghar is an earthen dish or bowl (tasht-i-gilin), tub, bucket, pail, platter. The secondary meaning of the word is any- thing put into it for eating, drinking and for other purposes : stipends on which a person depends; also a measure for barley, wheat, etc., a wash-tub; a provision bag hung by a ing a rivulet or channel is not exclusively used in Eastern Bengal, but also in Northern Bengal. The word taghar is extensively used in Turki and Persian literature. In the Zafarnama of Sharfuddin ‘Ali of Yazd, the word is frequently used in the sense of allowance of provisions and stipends. Mulla Sa‘id Haravi says— CIT Jd olst 9! pl—wit gabe cot 5! hth oteeyds 59) 7-2 alain ol BI) 5 For his kitchen of bounty the Saturn from heaven at the height of Virgo sends tagh@r (provisions). In the dialect of the Turks of Mughulistan, taghar 1 Burhan-i-Qati‘, Bahar-i--Ajam, Ghiyas, Farhang-i-Anandraj, Francis Johnson, Forbes, Fallon, etc., etc. 40 Journal of the Asiatic Soc. of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, 1920.] dadan—to give taghar, is to _ a sumptuous feast, or to provide with ash or dry bread.! ! The following is the Svleutore es text from Persian lexicons mentioned in note 1 in previous page ily y 25,7, aoe gine s MF 1) ME enh IBS oy) 15 * ee aw} soo] ce mel wld CRT 9 S55 Egilepe wots ylad Udo st yi} tp yo oh a tmnenen ee ee eer ee Proceedings of the Annual Meeting, 1920. FEBRUARY, 1920. The Annual Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Pinay was held on Wednesday, the 4th February, 1920, at 9-1 MAHAMAHOPADHYAYA HARAPRASAD SHastel, M.A., C.L.E., F.A.8.B., President, in the chair. The following members were present :— Maulavi Abdul Wali, Dr. N. Annandale, Mr 8.N.B r. U. N. Brahmachari, Dr. P. J. Briihl, Dr. W. A. K. Chiat Hon Mr. J. C. Cumming, Mr. O. C. Ganguli, Pandit Amulya Charan Ghosh, Vidyabhusana, Rev. Sramana Wan Hui, Babu Satya Charan Law, Mr. Johan van Manen, Maulvi Mohammad Yusuf Hashmi, Dr. H. W. B. Moreno, Dr. Baini Prashad, Major R. B. Seymour Sewell, Fe Mahammad Kazim Shirazi, Mr. E. Vredenburg, Mr. H. Walker Visitors :—Mr. R. A. Burns, Mr. Madhabdas Chakravarty, Mr. C. Cleghorn, Miss D. Cleghorn, Mr. B. M. Cooper, Mr. N. Dutt, Mr. Sudhansu Bhusan Datta, Mr. Baroda Charan Gupta, Mr. Jyotish Chandra Gupta, Leni eo es Abdul Mohyi, Mr. Monindra Mohan Ray, Mrs. Sewell, Mr Watkinson, Mr. and Mrs. F. E. Wartworth Shields, Mr. 3. 3) Moha mmad, and others. The President gare the re yeaa of the voting papers for the election of Officers and Members of Council for 1920 and appointed Sir Chartes Restervaei and Mr. Amulya Charan Ghosh, Vidyabhusana, to be scrutineers The President announced that the Trustees of the Elliott Prize for Scientific Research had awarded the Prize for the year 1919 to Dr. Jnandra Chandra Ghosh for his four essays entitled : (1) The Abnormality “ bea Electrolytes, Part I. Electrical Conductivity of Aqueous Salt Solutions; (2) The Abnormality of Dione Eldvtpolytes, Part If. The Electrical Conductivity of Non-aqueous Solutions ; (3) The Abnormality of Strong Electrolytes, Part III. The Osmotic Pressure of Salt Solutions and Equilibrium between Electrolytes; (4) The a Conductivity of Acids and Bases in Aqueous Solu- The Annual Report was then presented. ii Annual Report. [February, 1920. ANNUAL REPORT FOR 19109. The Council of the Asiatic Society has the honour to submit the following report on the state of whee ga A s affairs during the year ending 31st December, 1919 Member List. The number of Ordinary Members at the close of 1919 as 371. The number of Ordinary Members elected during 1919 was 39. Out of these thirteen have not yet paid their entrance fees. The number of Ordinary Members added, from the Member List as a defaulter under Rule 38, has paid his arrear subscriptions, and was reinstated under Rule 39 as a member of the Society, making a total of 27 Ordinary Members added to the last list. On the other hand, 16 have withdrawn, 7 died, 5 were struck off under Rule 38, and 10 were struck o under Rule 40. he number of Ordinary Members in the past six years is as follows :— PayIne. Non-PAyYInG. 4 a | 9 YEAR. " 3 3 dae He o 4 oO oo : ~ : s Se Se to8 ol Reo Aegivtog ug Shae a ce oe ee = ce mo] ey a a a fe fe) eRe apcs | 1914 191 | 197| 19 | 397] 26 |. 50 | 76 | 478 1915 171 | 188| 21 | 980| 295 | 40 | 65 | 445 1916 .. -- | 145| 159| 18 | 322! 25 | 60 | 85 | 407 1917 160| 144] 15 | 309| 24 | 45 | 69 | 378 1918 153; 145] 17 | 815} 24 | 43 | 67 | 382 1919 142| 138| 16 | 296| 95 | 50 | 75 | 37 The fo bilowhie members died during the course of the year :—Rai Bahadur Monmohan Chakrava, arti, Mr. James Craw- ford, The Hon. Mr. W. A. Ironside, Nawab b Haji Mahomed Ishak Khan, Dr. Amrita Lall Sircar, Mr. V. Subramania Iyer, and Dr. es bal Tessitori. One member, Dr. J. — has compounded for his sabecipiiiad during this y February, 1920.] Annual Report. iii e number a en Honorary Centenary Members remains unchanged a ere were four pee among the Honorary Fellows :— M. Jean Gaston Darboux, Professor John Wesley Judd, Dr. A. F. R. Hoernle, — Lord Raleigh. The number of Honorary Sha tile is now 18. The e of Mr. HL. Bruce Hannah has been added to the list of hesodiaes Members. The number now stands at 11. Fellows of the Society. At the Annual Meeting held on the 5th February, 1919, J. Coggin Brown, Esgq., O.B.E., M.I.M.E., F.G.S. ; ie K. Christie, rae B.Sc. ., Ph.D :D. R. Bhandarkar, Esq., : and Major R B. Seymour Sewell, LM.S., were elected Fellows There was one death among the Fellows, viz. Rai Bahadur Monmohan Chakravarti. Two Ordinary Members, viz. Lieut.- Col. Sir S. G. Burrard, K.C.S.1., and Lieut.-Col. J. ‘Stephenson, L.M.S., resigned their membership of the Society and they ceased to be Fellows under Rule 2A. There were 36 Fellows on the list at the end of 1919. Office-bearers, in his place. Dr. W. A. K. Christie took charge of the current duties of Treasurer in the absence of Mr. R. D. Mehta for two weeks in December, when Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar was appointed Treasurer during Mr. Mehta’s absence e been no other r changes among the Officers of the Society since the last annual election. Office, Mr. J. H. Elliott continued as Assistant Secretary during the year. Babu Sures Chandra Banerji, Pandit of the Society, resigned his post, and Babu Sasadhur Banerji was appointed in his place from the 27th May, 1919. Society’s Premises and Property. The Council revived the question of a new building for the Society and appointed a Building Sub-Committee ae oe of Mr. 8. W. Kemp, Dr. H. H. Hayden and Dr. W. A. K. Christie. The Sub- Connie having a a preliminary report the Council pt peg Be Building mittee consisting of Dr. H. H. Hayden, The Hon. Justice Sir + Addition Mukhopadhyaya, Mr. H. i enna Mr. W. W. K. Page, with the President, Treasurer and Secretary as ex-officio members. iv Annual Report. [February, 1920. The Society has received from the Land Acquisition Col- lector a notice asking it to submit a claim in connection with the acquirement of a portion of the Society’s land under the Land Acquisition Act, and the Council appointed Messrs. Pugh & Co., solicitors, to conduct the proceedings. Messrs. Pugh & Co. have put in a claim for compensation of Rs. 1,84,500. Indian Museum, No presentations were made to the Indian Museum. The Director of the Zoological Survey of India was granted permission to destroy worthless specimens belonging to the Society which, by reason of their bad condition, had ceased to possess any scientific value. The Hon’ble Justice Sir Asutosh Mukhopadhyaya, Kt., C.S8.I., D.Sc., F.R.A.S., F.R.S.E., was re-appointed by the Council to represent the Society on the Board of Trustees © under the Indian Museum Act X of 1910 Indian Science Congress, The Sixth Indian Science Congress was held in Bombay on January 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th and 18th, 1919, under the presidency of Lieut-Col. Sir Leonard Rogers, Kt., C.I.E., M.D., BSc., F.R.C.P., F.R.C.S., F.B.S., F.A.S.B., I.M.S. The meet- ings were attended by over 400 members, the scientific papers communicated totalling 118. Abstracts of these have been published in our Proceedings, Vol. XV, 1919, pages Ixxvii It was arranged that the Seventh Indian Science Congress should be held at Nagpur on January 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th and 17th, 1920. His Honour Sir Benjamin Robertson K.C.8.1, K.C.M.G., C.LE., LL.D., I.C.S., Chief Commissioner, Central Provinces, consented to be Patron, and Sir P. ©. Ray, D.Sc., Ph.D., F duty the five meetings of the Indian Science Congress to be held in 1920, 1921, 1922, 1923 and 1924, respectively. Meetings, There were no General Meetings of the Society during the months of January and August 1919, owing toa quorum not be- ing present. There was no meeting in the recess month of October 1919. February, 1920.] Annual Report. v Deputation. On an invitation from the First Oriental Congress, Poona, held on the 5th, 6th and 7th November, 1919, the Co uncil appointed the following members to represent the Society :— Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, C.I.E., M.A., F.A.S.B. ; Mahamahopadhyaya age eae Vidyabhusana, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S.B.; The Hon Mr. A. Al-ma’mun Suhrawardy, Lftikharul Millat, M. ee Ph D., - A.S.B., "Har. -at-Law ; Rakhal Das Banerji, Esq. , M.A London Agency. Mr. Bernard Quaritch has continued as the Society’s Agent in pe f -two boxes containing the Society’s serial publica- tions den Bibliotheca Indica for sale and distribution to various societies, etc. on the exchange list have been sent during the year. Barclay Memorial Medal. On the recommendation of the Barclay Memorial Medal Special Committee, the Council awarded the medal for 1919 to N. Annandale, Esq., D.Sc., C.M.Z.S., F.L.S., F.A.S.B., Director of the Zoological Survey of India. Elliott Prize for Scientific Research. The subject selected for the Elliott Prize for Scientific Research for the year 1919 was Chemistry and the notification appeared in the Culeutta Gazette dated 22nd and 29th January, and 5th — 1919. stees decided to award the Prize to Dr. Jnandra trolytes, Part = pone Electrical Teer of aero oon The ewes Pressure of Salt Solutions and Equi ibrium betw: een Electrolytes ; (4) The Electrical Conductivity of Acids and Bases in Aqueous Solutions. In terms of the notification, the award of Rs. 210 will be made to him at the Annual Meeting of the Society on Wednesday, 4th February, 1920. Finance. The accounts of the Society for the year ending 31st December, 1919, are shown in the Appendix under the usual heads. Statement No. 21 contains the Balance Sheet of the Society and of the various funds administered by it. vi Annual Report. [February, 1920. The financial position of the Society shows an improve- ment, and the credit balance at the close of the year amounts to Rs. 2,00,319-11-9, which is nearly Rupees three thousand five hundred more than that of last year. Out of the credit balance Rs. 1,69.400 belongs to the Permanent Reserve Fund, the working balance—exclusive of funds administered for Government—Rs. 30,919 as against Rs. 28,333 at the end of 1918. The Society has received the usual grants from the Gov- ernments of Bengal and India, including the Arabic and Persian MSS. Fund, which has been renewed for a further period of 5 years from April, 1919. The amounts received were as follows :— From Government of Bengal— Rs. Vide Statement Government Allowance—for pub- lication of papers in Journal .. 2,000 No. 1 Oriental Publication Fund, No. 1 9,000 BR ge O. No. 2 3,000 Oe Bureau of Information ak ‘ pian Sanskrit MSS. Fund ‘sect wae TOTAL -- 20,800 From Government of India— Rs. Vide Statement Arabic and Persian MSS. Fund .. 5,000 No. 14 Statement No. 15 shows the sums invested in Government Promissory Notes, held in deposit by the Bank of Bengal of the face value of Rs. 2,84,300. These comprise Rs. 2,74,200 33% and Rs. 10,100 4% Statements Nos. 16, 17 and 19 show how the amounts are temporarily invested out of the current Bank balance. Statement No.18 gives an account of the money due to, the year. Other papers accepted in 1919 for future publication will involve a further sum of Rs. 3,575, but this will not become February, 1920.] Annual Report. Vii payable till 1920. Against this balance there have been two extraordinary items of expenditure amounting to Rs. 107-11-4. (Grain Allowance, Rs. 64-15-6, and Winter clothing, Rs. 42-11-10). Rupees 900 have been added to the Permanent Reserve Fund from the entrance fees received during the year which now stands at Rs 1,69,400. udget Estimate of Receipts and Expenditure for 1920 fies been framed as follows :-— Rs, Receipts .. ase ‘% .. 24,260 Expenditure se! on ~. 23,272 BUDGET ESTIMATE FOR 1920. Receipts, 1919. 1919. 1920. Estimate. Actuals. Estimate. Rs. Rs. s. Members’ Subscriptions .. 9,000 8,560 9,000 Subscriptions for the So- iety’s Journal and Pro- ceedings and Memoirs .. 1,920 1,872 1,920 Sale of Publications ve OG 1,538 1,200 Interest on Investment .. 9,233 9,971 9,440 Rent of Room ese 600 600 600 Miscellaneou e% 100 547 100 publication of papers in Journal ey 2,000 2,000 2,000 ToTaL .. 23,963 25,088 24,260 Expenditure. Salaries re co eee 6,470 6,842 Commission .. i 600 631 smcennes A a ee 100 122 100 y 228 224 228 Light. and Fans *) 200 187 200 Tax 1,500 1,495 1,500 Ponies 500 550 Freight ey e 500- 237 300 Contingencies .. ee 500 351 Books vs vs 500 710 600 Binding 3 . 500 596 600 Carried over .. 11,083 11,573 =—-11,870 Vili Annual Report. [February, 1920. 1919. 1919. 1920. Estimate. Actuals. Estimate. Rs. Rs. Rs. Brought forward .. 11,083 11,573 1 1,870 Journal and Proceedings and Memoirs sn 6,650 9,137 9,000 Indexes ey a 400 179 200 Printing (Circulars, etc.) .. 300 537 600 Auditor’s fee .. te 150 150 150 Petty Repairs .. a's 200 134 100 Insuran ; me 344 344 344 Grain Allowance - 64 264 War MB 5y . wee 135 643 154 Winter clothin ae oe 42 90 To Personal Account (Writ- ten-off and Miscellaneous) 500 603 500 Toran -« 19,762 23,406 23,272 introduced a scheme of monthly balance sheets whereby the financial position of the Society's affairs was continuously b] Library, he total number of volumes and parts of magazines added to the Library during the year was 1924, of which 159 were purchased and 1765 were either presented or received in excha graph copy of a Sanskrit manuscript of the “ Charaka Samhita.”’ forwarded a copy of the “ Pharmacographia Indica” W. Dymock, in 4 volumes, as a presentation to the Society’s library. Publications. Eight numbers of the Journal and Proceedings (Vol. XIV, 1918, Nos. 8 and 9, and Vol. XV. 1919, Nos. 1-6) were pub- lished during the year, containing 758 pages and 10 plates. wo numbers of th emotrs were published,—Vol. VI, Part 6 and Vol. VII, No. 2, containing a total of 116 pages and 4 plates. Numismatic Supplement No. XXXII was published in the Society’s Journal and Proceedings, Vol. XIV, 1918, No. 9, under the editorship of Lieut.-Col. H. Nevill. February, 1920.] Annual Report. ix The last index published to the Journal and Proceedings was for Vol. X, 1914, and although arrangements had been made for the preparation of the indices for Vols. XI-XIII, 1915-17, Fa ate was received from the compiler. The work of indexing the scientific portions of the Journal and Proceedings, Vols. XI-XIII, and the Memoirs, Vols.3 and 5, has now been entrusted to Mr. C. O. Bateman and sa MS. Index is ready for press. Arrangements have now b made to index the philological —- of these Vols. of ne Journal and Proceed- ings and Memoir Exchange of Publications. ing the year the Council accepted three applications for ii abies of publications, viz:—(1) From the Calcutta Mathematical Society—the Society’s Journal and Proceedings and Memoirs for their Bulletin, (2) from K. Universitets— Biblioteket i Lund—the Society’s Journ dae Proceedings and Memoirs for the Arsskrift, (3) ) from the Forest Pathologist in charge of the United States Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Plant Industry, Spokane, Washington—the ee Journal and Proceedings and the scientific papers published i the Memoirs in exchange for the publications of their yea tory The Council also sanctioned an exchange of publications with the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, from the commencement of the issue of their Journal. Philology, etc. ‘‘ Influence of the five heretical teachers on Jainism and Buddhism” is the title of a paper by Babu Bimala Charan Law in which he indicates the nature of the influence of the five penbeay teachers, the elder contemporaries of Buddha on the p Migr of the systems of Hindu Philosophy—Jainism Buddhism in particular The same writer in another paper entitled ‘“‘ A note on Buddha-Ghosa’s Commentaries’’ gives an account of Budha Ghosa, a Brahmin of Gaya, who visited Ceylon early in the 5th Century A.D. and wrote commentaries on most of the canoni- eal Pali works which throw considerable light on the life of their author. abu Brindabon Chandra Bhattacharyya contributed a paper on the identification of fe Asoka pillar, the Jagat on certain facts gleaned from the works of Ptolemy per Arzian, identifies the ancient town of Tagara with modern Nagra * Annual Report. [February, 1920. a eat on the Godaveri in the Sironcha Tahsil of the Chanda District P: a Anothnt Hindu Astronomy’”’ is the title of paper in which an attempt has been made by Mr. G. R. Kaye to express in modern mathematical language fundamental prin- ciples that were utilised by the old Indian Astronomers. The show the remarkable a standard that was achieved in India over a thousand years “ The Outlines of odiacedl Chattisgarh ” is the name of a paper in which Mr. C. W. Wills traces the history of Chattis- garh and gives many interesting particulars thereof which had. been gathered by him during his official career as a Settlement Officer Lt.-Col. T. W. Haig has contributed a paper which contains an account of the life of the poet Azari, who was born at Isfarayin in Persia in A.H. 784=A.D. 138 82.. The writer's main sources of information are Daulat Shah’s Tazkiratw’sh-Shu‘ara and Firishta’s History of India. The poet was first patronised by Shah Rukh Sultan, Taimir’s third son, who reigned in Khurasan, but later on , he came to India, and found a patron in Ahmad Shah Wali. the pith King of the Bahmani dynasty, and commenced to compose the epic known as Bahman Nama. He left India in A.H. 836 = 1432 before it was finished, but continued it till his death at Isfarayin in A.H. 866 — AD. 1461. Mr. Beveridge has contributed a paper in which the sources of the Akbar Nama are enumerated. He suggests that they should be edited and re-translated, and ever endeavour should be made to find out those which have dis- appeared. adopted by Mrs. shh if in her translation of the Emperor’s ‘Turkish Memoirs Anthropology. No anthropological papers have been published in 1919. Biology. The following is a list of the papers published :— ZOoLoey. (1) A oe of three species of Echiuroids found in brackish waters on t cs — of the Bay of Bengal and the Gulf of Siam, ra BP (2) Ort rthoptera me se known from es Se caves in the Malay Peninsula and Burma, by L. Cho opar February, 1920.] Annual Report. xi (3) Note on the vitality and longevity of silkworm moths a le the cold and rainy seasons in Bengal, by Maude L. egno (4) Ob vention on the intra-uterine embryos of elasmo- branchs, by T. Southwell and B. Prashad. (5) (a) The occurrence of Cyprea nivosa Broderip in the Mergui Archipelago. (6) Two Albino varieties of Cypreea erosa Linneus. (c) The « occurrence of Cyprea piripormis Gray in the Mergui Archipelago. (d) The occurrence of Doliwm varie- gatum Lamarck at Maskat. By E. Vredenburg. ote on the taxonomic position of the genus Campio- ceras and Lithotis japonica by N. Annandale and B. Prashad. Botany. (1) Notes on the vegetation of Seistan by N. Annandale and H. G. Carter. (2) Species of parasitic fungi belonging to the genus Nocardia by Capt. Froilano de Mello and Dr. J. F. St. Antonio Fernandes Geology. Suggestions concerning the History of the Drainage of Northern India, arising out of a Study of the Siwalik Boulder Conglomerate, by Guy E. Pilgrim, D.Sc., F.GS. The possibility of relationship between the Charnockites and the Dharwars, two different metamorphic facies of a single formation, by E. Vredenburg. Physical Science. One physical paper was published during the yea Radiation Pressure: the fallacy in Larmor’s Method of Proof, by avin apabiegi was one paper on Py it gl ag i of Phos- phorus Talon and Arsenic and Arsenious Compounds by Nogendra Nath Sen Medical Section. No meetings of this section have been held. International Catalogue of Scientific Literature. the year no volumes of the International Cata- several parcels of books owing to the war and the want of transport space, and a promise of an early despatch, was received om the Central Bureau. Subscriptions covering the value of all copies of the Cata- logue received up to date were collected and despatched to the Central Bureau in London. xii Annual Address. fFebruary, 1920. ndex slips amounting to 255 were despatched during the year; about 150 have still to be received back after examina- tion, and will be despatched in the course of a month or so. Bureau of Information. A few questions were answered. Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, M.A., C.LE., F.A.8.B., delivered an address to the Society. Annual Address, 1919, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN, It w my turn to read my address. The Annual Addresses of the Society may be divided into four distinct classes, namely :-— (1) A glorified paraphrase of the Annual Report in which the work of the Society is magnified, to fill 18 or 20 sheets of foolseap. dent edits them with his own notes, remarks, amplifications and modifications. Such addresses were begun by Raja Rajendra Lal Mitra in 1885 and improved upon and perfected by Sir Charles Elliot and Sir Alfred Croft. e third class of addresses deals with a point in which the President is a specialist and in which the general public is anxious to get information. Sir Leonard Rogers’ ‘Kala Ajar” and Dr. Hayden’s “ Age of Man”’ are the best specimens of this class of address. (4) The fourth class gives the history of the progress of Oriental Studies during the President’s period of literary activity in India. To this class belongs the late lamented Dr. Rudolf Hoernle’s address in 1898. A similar review was given fourteen years more. I wish to follow in his footsteps and continue the work begun by him from 1898 to 1919. But before I commence my address it is my duty to acknowledge my deep obligations to Dr. Christie, the General Secretary, to whose untiring activity and sound judgment is due the smooth working of the Society for the year. The greatest event of the period under review is the February, 1920.) Annual Address. xiii reorganization of the Archeological Department of the Gov- ernment of India. In the year 1898, the Department was, to say the least of it, in a moribund condition. Successive heart- less Finance Ministers applied their shears on this—what they considered—a useless Department, and brought it to the verge of abolition. Lord Curzon came in 1899 and he took an early opportunity to deliver an address in this very historic hall reviewing the attitude of the various Governors-General towards the ancient monuments of India. It was a compre- hensive and masterly review. He dwelt on the various acts of Government of India from the earliest days to his time, instance, wanted to sell the marbles of Taj Mahal to replenish the exhausted treasury of the Kast India Company. Lor Curzon announced his intention to reorganize the Department in such a way that no future administration would be able to interfere with its steady progress. He considered the Depart- ment to be most useful as revealing to the present generation the achievements of the past. He also announced his intention not only to put down vandalism with a strong hand but to repair, rebuild and conserve such of the monuments as were considered masterpieces. In the course of a few months, he the gentleman, Mr. J. Marshall (now Sir John Marshall), did not know Indian conditions and Indian languages. But the events have justified Lord Curzon’s choice. Sir John Marshall really wields a magic wand, by a single touch of which shapeless n with grass and thistle, ruins overgrown with jungles, disclosed palaces, temples, monasteries, nay, whole towns and cities from under the earth. He has the rare gift of imparting the magic power to his disciples and he, by his own activities and those of his disciples, has brought the re- mains of many old cities, consigned to oblivion for scores of centuries, to light. The excavations undertaken by his Depart- ment at Sarnath, Peshawar, Taxila, Sanchi, Saheth Maheth, Charsada, Besnagar, Mandor, Brahmanabad, Pataliputra, Raj- . proving the occupation of the place in the 6th century B.C. by the Persians ; at Saheth Maheth, a primitive relic-casket Xiv Annual Address. [February, 1920. of Pre-Maurya days; at Madh near Mathura, the statues of Kaniska, Mataksama (a Kusana prince), Tiastenes and others ; at Parkham, near the same place, the statue of Ajatasatru, the fourth king of the Saisunaga dynasty ; at Pataliputra, the ash-funnels which remind us of the hundred-pillared pavilion Vasudeva ; at Nalanda, the old Baladitya monastery presided over by Silabhadra, where Hiuen-Tsang received his final saw Nalanda in 1908. It was a shapeless ruin, three stories high, with a footpath running along its base, and a few gigantic figures of Buddha at one end which each passer-by workmanship. The four-storied monastery, in which Hiuen- hese excavations have roused intense interest in the art and architecture of ancient India. But these are not the only of the jungles of Bundelkhund, 85 miles away from the nearest Railway Station, the temples of the Chandella rulers of the tion work of this Department. Wherever there have been ex- tensive excavations, Museums have been erected in which the minor antiquities obtained at the site have been properly arranged for a careful and artistic study. The Museums are a very noble work of this Department. There are Museums at Peshawar, Lahore, Taxila, Delhi, Mathura, Ajmere, Sarnath, Sahet Mahet, Lucknow, Patna Nalanda, Bombay, Madras, Calcutta. The success of the Archeological Survey of India has induced the Ruling Chiefs to open such Departments in their States. The most notable among these is the Archeological Department at Mysore recently ope Department, the first publication of which set the long-stand- ing controversy about the identity of the Asoka of the Buddhist scriptures and the Piyadasi of the inscriptions at February, 1920.] Annual Address. XV rest, and another publication raised a very interesting and important issue, viz. the origin of Indian alphabets, by bring- ing to light a new alphabet in the Prehistoric Cairns, which is neither Brahmi nor Phoenician. Kashmir and Gwalior have also opened Archeological. Departments of their own and are likely to achieve brilliant success in the nearfuture. Kashm has already done much to explore the ruins in the beautiful valley itself and also in the absolutely ebay valley of Ladakh. Mayurbhanj opened a Department and pu ublished one volume under their Honorary Officer, Ra ai Nagendra Nath Vasu Saheb. But the lamented death ‘of the late Maharaja put a stop to all es of the State in that direction. The success of the Archzological Museums under the individuals to have Museums of their own. Jodhpur has a Museum, Jaipur has a Museum, Baroda has a Museum, Kash- mir has a Museum, Chhatrapur has a Museum, the Bangiya Sahitya Parisat has a Museum, Varendra Research Society has a Museum, Dacca has a Museum, and Babu Puran Chand Nahar has a Museum. Each Museum has its peculiar feature. Every one of them is rich in local antiquities, and where the place is old, the antiquities in the Museum have a widespread interest. Another work in which this Department takes interest, is the preparation of lists of places of antiquarian interest within its jurisdiction. These lists have not yet been much availed of by the people. But when they will begin to pieaiaions ruins tbemsolees, the lists would be of great value to them epartment has been successful in creating an n interest in anislent India all over the world. It has awakened self- n be counte do n the fingers,—they are Sir — olog : ology Sankar Ojha and Rai Bahadur Radha of Mathura. Both are doing a good deal to help the cause of explaining ancient India to modern people But the work of the] Department has, behind it, the deep erudition, ip se al versatility, excellent taste and sha arp penetration of two great Fren chmen, namely, Prof. Sylvan Levi and Prof. Dr Foucher. It is their ideas—especially of eu aighied presi se peees is ina manner diffusing. For and y e has been roaming in Buddhist countries At 8 prise Brnddbist sites, yar i the illustrations in Bud- dhist manuscripts, looking into and criticising excavations, and directing men who have a taste for these things. The works of Xvi Annual Address. [February, 1920. these two Frenchmen have now become classic and, though scholars may not agree with them in all points, they cannot help admiring their patience and their marshalling of facts, widely diffused in space and time. Intimately connected with the Archeological Depart t. has grown up within these twenty years, activity in Central Asian explorations. The discovery of Bower manuscripts by Lieutenant Bower and their decipher- ment by our late lamented friend Dr. Hoernle, the recovery of Weber manuscripts, Godfrey manuscripts, Macartney’s manu- scripts by Afghan treasure-seekers, half of which went to St. Petersburg and the other half to Calcutta, the widespread rumour that there are cities buried in the sands of the deserts of Tak- lamakan and Gobi which are being exploited by the Afghan treasure-seekers, directed the attention of the scholars of Europe towards Central Asia as a likely field from which much of the from Pekin and lord it over the desolate caves. Sir Aurel made friends with this monk and learnt from him the secret of the walled-up caves. Both the Chinese monk and Sir Aure part with the hoarded treasure of centuries for a few thousands of the horse-shoe money. They were more than sixty mule- loads. Their despatch to Europe, their distribution to differ- ent countries and their study and decipherment engaged the attention of a number of scholars. In a short time they discovered translations of Sanskrit Buddhist works in Khotan- ese, old Chinese and Toknari written on daphne apers, some of which are more than 1,800 years old. They treate of all subjects—religious, philosophical, medical, astrological and meromantic. Only a very small portion had been deci- phered, when the devastating war came in and put a stop to all activities in this direction in Germany and Russia. Pro- fessor Sylvan Levi is still pursuing his not-very-smooth course of studies, and the publication of the results of his labour is eagerly awaited by scholars all over the world. February, 1920.] Annual Address. xvii These twenty years are remarkable for the number of Orien- tal works published. The four vedas with their commentaries were published before this thas, some of the Brahmanas were also published. Scholars were satisfied if they could get or publish one Brahmana of one Veda. Sakhas of the Vedas were very little understood and it is the work of these Sakhas which came in for their share of attention during the years under review. The Kausitaki Brahmana has been published— a work belonging to the. Kausitaki or S4nkhayana Sakha. Works of Maittrayaniya Sakha, both Samhita and Brahmana, have been published. The Brahmana of the Talavakara Sakha has been published. The word Talavakara was (twenty years before) a mystery to Orientalists. But it now appears from an inscription published in the Progress Report of the year before last that Talavakara and Kauthumi were the two main Sakhas of Sima Veda, in the same way as the White and the Black were the two main Sakhas of the Yajur Veda. The Talavakara Upanisad is well known, and it is also well known that it belongs to the Sama Veda. amkaracaryya in his preface to the Bhasya of the Upanisad says that it is the eighth chapter of the Brahmana, but nobody knew which Brahmana was referred to. It now appears that it was the Talavakara Brahmana that was meant. Part of the Kathaka Samhita and Kathaka Brahmana have also been published from i obtained in Kashmir where the Katha Sakha still p s The Harvard Series have done an immense i ae to the republic of letters by publishing a number of books of the highest importance to scholars with notes and the history of its study from ancient times to modern days. Bloomfield’s Sen nanos is | very cana ee of er students. _ i very gf rtrionchoane Mee not ate works a Sanskrit Bud- dhist literature. Professor Bendall’s Siksa Samuccaya, Professor Speyer’s pivg seme Professor Poussain’s Madhyamaka. Vritti, Messrs. Kern and Nanjio’s Saddharma-Pundarika are beautiful examples of svaeloatices of the editor’s art. Saddharma- Pundarika from the 5th century downwards appears in San- skrit prose with Gathas in mixed Sanskrit. But before that even the prose was written in mixed Sanskrit. This exhi- bits the hold which the mixed Sanskrit bad on the Buddhist mind in centuries preceding and succeeding the Christian Era. — Sylvan Levi’s Mahayana Sitralamkara is the only work on the Yogacara system of Buddhist Philosophy that hee sipeneed | in print. It defends Mahayana against Hina yana, but condemns Stnyavada as unsatisfactory. Professor Macodonell per Keith’s Vedic Index ranks foremost amongst the auxiliaries of Vedic study, and the Professor’s Vedic Gram- mar is a unique work in so far as as he has done it without Panini’s Vaidika Prakriya. He has evolved the Grammar xviii Annual Address. [February, 1920. from the language itself and is as scientific as his great prede- cessor, Panini. he Oriental Translation Fund Series under the manage- ment of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland is keeping up its old and established reputation. During the years under review, the Series has published several translations of importance of which the most notable is that by Mr. Ui, a young Japanese scholar, who has translated from Chinese a system of VaiSesika Sutras with ten categories instead of six as in Kanada’s Sutras. The original in Sanskrit is lost and it is only known in Chinese translation. The Vaisesika Sitra with ten categories shows that there were other Sutras too on the subject, before it assumed the stereotyped form with six cate- gories ; has appended a history of the Nyaya and VaiSesika sutras to his translation and he has shown that, contrary to ved opinions among the Brahmanas, the Vaisesika Sutras preceded the Nyaya Sutras. The materials which he has used for his preface belong to the period of great upheaval of Indian mind in the 6th and 7th centuries before Christ, which upheaval produced the great systems of Buddhist and Jaina religions and what are called the Six Heretical Schools. Much of these early speculations are embodied in the Angas of the Jainas and the early works of the Buddhists. Coming to India, we find all over the country series of publications issued, some with commercial objects, others for the publication of rare works that will not sell, some with State-aid and some with the aid of wealthy individuals and families. So there are many series. But out of these, two stand prominent—the Mysore Series and the Trivendrum Series. Within these twenty years Mysore Series have published 60 volumes and Trivendrum about the same number of vol- umes. The most notable works published by the Mysore Series is the ArthaSastra of Kautilya or Canakya, the Prime Minister of Candra Gupta. Hitherto the curiosity to know ancient India used to be satisfied with scraps of quotations given in works of the Ist and 2nd centuries A.D. from the works of Alexander’s contemporaries. But here, now we have that politics simply consists of coercion only. The Asuras belonged to this school of thought and the work is attributed February, 1920.] Annual Address, xix to their Guru, Usanas. Then arose a second school which added the encouragement of commerce and industry to coercion. The devas belonged to this school of thought and their work is attributed to Vrhaspati, their Guru. The third school which added a fair knowledge of logic and philosophy to Rajavidya were the followers of Manu. Later on, a knowledge of three Vedas was also included in the category of kingly education. Canakya, after recounting all these systems and their differ- ences, declares himself to be in favour of the last school. This shows that politics as a science was developing in India many centuries before Alexander. Pandit Syama Sastri deserves the thanks of all concerned for discovering, editing and translating the work into English. e Mysore Series has published works even older than this. But one historically most important is a collection of works on the Gotras and Pravaras, i.e. the genealogy of the Brahmanas. It includes works on genealogy by Advalayana, Apastamba, Baudhayana and Katyayana—all of whom belonged to the later Vedic period. It has traced the growth of the Brahmana community from the seven or eight Rsis of the Rg. Veda to a period when the Gotras rose to the number 4,500. The work has been instrumental in solving the many riddles in the history of India, one of them being the origin of the Sui- gas. They were Brahmanas professing the Sama Veda. The Trivandrum Series is published under the able editor- ship of Pandita Ganapati Sastri, on whom the title of Mahama- hopadhyaya has been conferred by an appreciative and benign Government, and who is considered as the best person to adorn this time-honoured title. The works published in this Series are very well selected. The editions are executed with very great care, with short and pregnant prefaces which leave out nothing worth knowing. In this Series appeared a short synopsis of all the schools of thought in India written by an ancient writer, whose name however is unknown. It is dis- tinguished from other works of the same nature by its lucid and impartial summary of the four systems of Buddhist philo- sophy. It has published a commentary of the Amara Kosa written by a Banerji of Bengal in 1159. : The crowning success of this Series consists in the publica- tion of thirteen very ancient dramas some of which, the editor thinks, belong to the Pre-Mauryan period of Indian history, and he finds quotations from them even in Kautilya’s Arthasastra. The dramas are important not only as ancient pieces of compo- sition, but also as works of art, and as works of imagination. medizval period of Indian literature. Its importance consists not in what it has done, but what it promises to do. It pro- xx Annual Address. [February, 1920. mises to publish a number of Buddhist — works, the Sanskrit originals of which were up to this time considered as lost but which the editors of this Series wate unearthed from the ancient Jaina Bhandaras (or libraries) which are so numer- ous in the Gaekwad’s State and its neighbourhood. The Kashmir Series has already published numerous works of the Kashmir Saiva Schools, and is likely to achieve brilliant success under the young and enthusiastic scholar, Pandit Madhu Siidan Kaul Sastri, M.A., M.O.L., who received his initiation in Calcutta The Varendra Research Society's Series have already pub- lished some excellent works on Grammar of the Paninian School by Buddhist authors and it holds out very great promise The Kumbakonam Series, a commercial enterprise, “have already published the southern recensions of Ramayana an Mahabharata and numerous works of the Madhva or Vedantic Vaisnavism. The Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series under the distinguished guidance of the veteran Pandita VindyeSvari Prasad Dube is publishing a large number of rare Sanskrit So in which Benares may be considered as the richest of mines. Twenty years before this it was hard to otk a Jaina work even on loan. But a change has come over the spirit of Jaina scholarship, and the Jaina Pandits are coming forward with series of their own publications The old Bombay Sanskrit Series is tar its useful career with vigour and enthusiasm, and is k 5 : up the reputa- Kielhorn, Peterson and others. Its notes are always useful to professors and students of colleges and schools, and its prefaces display the deep and wide scholarship of their editors. Great care is taken in finding bai the real reading and making the editions free from mistake I should be wanting in soy alty to my own Society, if I did not speak of the publications in the Bibliotheca Indica. The series is not only ec up its old reputation but showing signs of renewed vigour. As a Bengal Society it has now works. It has commenced to publish all the sub-commentaries of the great Nyaya work, Tattva-Cintamani. The sub-com- mentaries belong mostly to the 16th and 17th centuries of the Christian Era. It is also publishing Uriya and Maithil Smrti works of the same period. It has done much in the way of pub- lishing original Buddhist works in Sanskrit. It has published, for instance, Saundarananda, a twin-sister of Buddha Carita of A&vaghosa. It has published the ChatuhSatika by Aryadeva with its commentary by Candra Kirtti, the text belonging to the 2nd and the commentary to the 5th century A.D. The six Nyaya Tracts published in the series all belong from 8th February, 1920.] -Annual Address. xxi to the 11th century A.D., and are the precursors of the Bengal and Maithil Schools of Navya Nyaya. movement for the conservation of Sanskrit manuscripts was inaugurated by the Government of Lord Lawrence in 1868 and the fund sanctioned by the Government of India was t the Asiatic Society of Bengal, in whose hands the work is with fresh acquisitions and fresh publications. In Bombay, only one volume of the Descriptive Catalogue has been pub- lished. But they are going on with acquisitions. Benares issues every year a list, more or less descriptive, of their new acquisi- tions. But no attempt has yet been made to compile a Des- criptive Catalogue of the whole collection. There is some activity intheC.P. Butitis neither systematic nor continuous. It is the desire of all concerned that all collections of manu- scripts either in private or in public hands should have a Des- criptive Catalogue. In Europe, many well-known collections have got their catalogues. But, although the large collection presented by Sir Chandra Shamsher Jung Bahadur Rana to the Bodlein Library, Oxford, has been counted and classified, no descriptive catalogue has yet been published. The small but important collection at the Max Muller memorial has not got yet a catalogue raisonné. The large collection of wonderful manuscripts of all ages in the Durbar Library, Nepal, has been partially described in two volumes of my catalogue of Palm-leaf and selected Paper manuscripts in that Library. Bikaner has a collection of 6,000 manuscripts. But the collection is poorly represented in Raja this collection in 1878. But since then it has neither been ex- yield important results. xxii Annual Address. [February, 1920. When I am on the subject of catalogues, I think the ser- vices of two eminent scholars should be prominently mentioned ; one is Dr. Beckh of Berlin and the other is P. Cordieré of the Medical Service in France. The former has given us a cata- logue of the Kangyur collection of the Tibetan translation of Sanskrit works said to have directly emanated from Buddha collection, especially the Tantric Section of it, is of immense use to those who are engaged i in the study of the history of Eastern India in all its bearings. From these catalogues we come to know how active the people of Bengal and Behar were, for four centuries before the Muhammadan - dota raed in propagating great Vihara in Bengal, named Jagaddala Vihara. But unfortu- nately the place has not yet been identified. Scholars hold widely different views with regard to its identification. The manuscript written for him is now deposited ve the eeateitac Collection. Professor Bendall attributes it to the 14th century. He did not know who Bibhiticandra was coud he could not read the word Jagaddala properly. He read it as Jagandal, and in his time Jagaddala as a Mahavihara and as a centre of Tibetan activity was un le in his memorable address of 1898 characterised indeed a caricature, but stillit was Buddhism. That mae cagg io opened a wide vista for further researches and during the las twenty years it has been followed up by a number of chelate these explorations is embodied in the two asta of my Nepal catalogue, in the first of which is appended a history of Nepal February, 1920.] Annual Address. xxiii and the surrounding countries from the pen of Professor Bendall. These expeditions have enabled Professoor Sylvan Levi to publish the Mahayana Sutralamkara witha French translation, Professor Bendall to publish the Subhasita-Samgraha and me to publish the Ramacarita, the only historical work relating to Eastern India yet known. The Paisaci original of the Vrhat- Katha is an anxious object of search by every enthusiastic scholar. The search has not succeeded. But I found 4,000 verses of an ancient Sanskrit version and Professor Levi found another 4,000 of the same version. He entrusted both these sections to one of his pupils to edit, and the edition has been published. 3 The late Rai Bahadur Sarat Candra Das’s Tibetan-English Dictionary has been published. But its Sanskrit, Tibetan and English appendix has not vet been published. For some time it was entrusted to Professor Poussain. But for want of time he had to make it over to a Swiss scholar, and there is no in- formation what progress it has made. A great part of these verses lives in oral tradition and a very small part of it is ever committed to writing. Lord Curzon entrusted the work of giving a Preliminary Report as to how the search should be conducted to the Asiatic Society of Bengal ; and the Society, after negotiating with several scholars in Calcutta and in Rajputana, at last entrusted it to me on my re- tirement from Government Service in 1909 ; and I made several trips to Rajputana and submitted a Preliminary Report. The keenly concerned. In the meantime several scholars in Raj- putana have published or are about to publish Bardic works 4 XXiv Annual Address. [ February, 1920. of great importance, and Rai Bahadur Gauri Sankar Ojha has done a glorious service to the princes and people of Rajputana by publishing a history of the Sirohis and Solankis, utilizing ’ the Bardic sources and checking them with more reliable sources like inscriptions, coins, ete. e has proposed to write a his- tory of the Rahtores too. Mr. Har Bilas Sarda has written two works on two of the most famous Ranas of Chitore, viz. Kuambha and Sanga, following faithfully in the footsteps of his illus- trious townsman, the Ojha. He writes in English, the Ojha in Hindi. One of the greatest literary achievements of this period is the Linguistic Survey of India. Dr. Grierson took an in- terest in Indian dialects the moment he set foot on India as a the Western Punjab than between Bengal and Agra. His Linguistic Survey is a masterly work in which he has made translations of the same parable into different district, sub- divisional and even tribal and clan languages. He has made wonderful discoveries of small migrations from foreign lands and even from Province to Province. One instance will suffice. He has found a Guzerat dialect prevailing among certain tribes in the district of Midnapore, and he has given the history of the migration. The Asiatic Society of Bengal was founded in 1784 by Sir William Jones with the motto “ that its scope is intended to include all that is created in nature and done by man within the geographical limits of Asia.” It was the parent of all Societies for Oriental Study in the world. The Bombay Society and the parent Society leads a vigorous but solitary existence. Within the last twenty years societies for Oriental Research have some with wide and some with local aims. But the parent society blesses them all and is always willing and able to ex- tend a helping hand to them. The Historical Societies of the February, 1920.] Annual Address. XXV Punjab and U.P. and the Research Society of Bihar and Orissa are among the new accessions of strength to the cause of Orien- tal studies. The Punjab Society holding its sittings in Simla where they get eminent men like Sir John Marshall to read papers in it, have an advantage over them all. But the Bihar and Orissa Research Society under the Presidentship of Sir Edward Gait has within the last five or six years done an im- mense amount of original work outside official circles. Sir Edward seeks independent research not dominated either by officialism or partizanship, and some of the Society’s contribu- tions have attracted the attention of the whole body of ori- ental scholars. The journals are appearing punctually to time, first under the editorship of Babu Sarat Chandra Roy and then under that of the distinguished scholar, Mr. K. P. Jayaswal, M.A. (Oxon), Barrister-at-Law. r. Jayaswal is himself an enthusiastic contributor, and has devoted himself to the eluci- dation of the history of the Mauryan and Sisunaga periods. His paper on the SaiSuaga Statuesin the Calcutta Museum contains much that is bold and original, and it has taken all Indologists by surprise. Of the local associations, the first to be named is the Ban- giya Sahitya Parisad, which was established in the Bengali year 1300 and under its enthusiastic Secretary, the late lamented Babu Ramendra Sundar Trivedi, has made wonderful progress and established its branches almost in every district town of Bengal and beyond it—at Patna, Benares, Delhi, Meerut and other places. Some do not want to be branches, such as, the Sahitya Parisads. There are the Hindi Sahitya Parisad, Guz- rati Sahitya Parisad, Marbatti Sahitya Parisad, and so on. The Nagari Pracarini Sabha of Benares is an older society and it is doing good work too. need not detain you, gentlemen, with a description of the widely well-known Journals of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland and its branches, the Epigraphia Indica, the Indian Antiquary, the Journal of the American Oriental Society, the Journal Asiatique of France, and so w darkness. Gradually bright patches of real history of former centuries began to attract the attention of scholars and the patches ally increased a i- XXVi Annual Address. [February, 1920. works as were available. Putting together these pieces of information, people began to write articles in the Journals of learned Societies, throwing light on particular dynasties or particular places at particular times. Such articles again increased and multiplied till in 1895, when I ventured to give, for the first time, a connected history of the Hindu Period in one of my educational publications. My efforts were greatly improved upon by Dr. Hoernle in his Presidential Address of 1898. In a few years came out Vincent Smith’s classical work on the ancient history of India. He is keeping a strict watch over the doings of all Oriental Societies and in every edition he gives fuller and fuller information. Some people thought that in his third edition issued in 1915 the last word on Indian history has been said. But thanks to Mr. Pargiter, he has pushed that history back by 1,050 years, and is now diving into the Vedas to bring out dynasties even more ancient than those of the Kaliyuga. Forty years ago people thought that India was never united under one ruler. But the AS8oka inscriptions, found ot t heritage of all Indians, performed 133 such horse sacrifices, t undoubtedly able in the near future to construct not only a synthetical history of India with its varied races, creeds, civilization and culture, but also to give a connected history Feb., 1920.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Soc. of Bengal. = xxvii grateful to the east for revealing a great civilization that has assed away and in which they find so much to study and to bring about the desired end. Perea, Saeen The President announced the election of Officers and Mem- bers of Council for the year 1920 to be as follows :— President. Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, C.1.E., M.A., F.A.S.B. Vice-Presidents. The Hon. Justice Sir Asutosh Mukhopadhyaya, Kt., CS.1., LL., D.Sc., F.R.S.E., F.R.AS., F.A.S.B. The Hon. Mr. F. J. Monahan, I.C.S. Lieut.-Col. W. D. Sutherland, C.1.E., M.D.., F.A.S.B., I.M.8. G C. Simpson, Esq., D.Sc., F.R.S., F.A.S.B. Secretaries and Treasurer : General Secretary :—W. A. K. Christie, Esq., B.Sc., Ph.D., F.A.S.B Treasurer :—D. R. Bhandarkar, Esq., M.A., F.A.S.B. Philological Secretary :—The Hon. Dr. A. Suhrawardy, Iftikharul Millat, M.A., F.A.S.B. (Bar.-at-Law). Joint Philological Secretary -—-Mahamahopadhyaya Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S.5. Biology :—Major R. B. Seymour Sewell, Natural History F.A.S.B., I.M.8. Secretaries :— } Physical Science -—_9§, K. Banerji, Esq., wc. Anthropological Secretary :—N. Annandale, Esq., D.Sc., C.M.Z.S., F.LS., F.A.S.B. Medical Secretary :—Lieut.-Col. D. McCay, M.D., F.B.C.P., F.A S: xxviii Proceedings of the Asiatic Soc. of Bengal. [Feb., 1920.] Honorary Librarian:—The Hon. Justice Sir Asutosh Mukhopadhyaya, Kt., C.S.1., D.L., D.Sc., F.R.S.E. F.R.A.S., F.A.S.B. Other Members of the Council. A. H. Harley, Esq., M.A. P. J. Brithl, Esq., I.8.0., D.Sc., F.C.S., F.G.S., F.A.S.B. The Hon. Mr. J. G. Cumming, C. 4 4 es. be. A.R.S.M., A.R.CS., E. pe Esq., B.L., B.Sc., F.G.S., F.A.S.B. Aga Muhammad Kazim Shirazi Upendra ‘Nath Brahmachari, Esq. ., M.A., M.D. The President announced that the Council resolved on 17th December, 1919, that no election of Fellows would take place during 191 The meeting was then resolved into the Ordinary General Meeting. LIST OF MEMBERS OF THE ASTATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL fORRECTED UP TO I5TH JUNE, 1920. LIST OF OFFICERS AND MEMBERS OF COUNCIL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL FOR THE YEAR 1919, President. Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, C.I.E., M.A., F.A.S.B, Vice-Presidents. oe eee ble Justice Sir Asutosh Mukhopadhyaya, Kt., C.S.1., D.L., D.Sc., F.R.S.E., F.A.S.B. The Hon’ble Mr. F. J. Monahan , 0S. Lieut.-Col. W. D. Sutherland, M. D., F.A.S.B., I.M.S. G. C. Simpson, Esq., D.Sc., E.RS., F.A.S.B. Secretary and Treasurer. General Secretary :—W. A. K. Christie, Esq., B.Sc., Ph.D., F.A.8 Treasurer :—R. D. Mehta, Esq., C.LE. Additional Secretaries. Philological Secretary:—The Hon. Dr. Abdulla Al-Ma’min Suhrawardy, Iftikharul Millat, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S.B Biology :—S. W. Kemp, Esq., B.A. F. A.S.B., Natural History eg by F. H. Gravely, Esq., D.Sc., Secretaries. | Physical Science :—Sir P.C. Ray, Kt., C.LE., A.S.B rinw., FA Anthropological Secretary -—N, Annandale, Nagq., . DSc., C.M.Z. L.S., F.A.S.B. Joint Philolo ogica al Secretary :—Mahamahopadhyaya Satis Chandra Vidyabhiisana; M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S.B. Medical Secretary :—Lieut. -Col. D. McCay, M.D., F.A.S.B., I.M.S. Honorary Librarian :—The Hon. Justice Sir Asutosh Mukho- padhyaya, Kt., C.S.1., D.L., DSc., F.RS.E., F.R.AS., F.A.8.B. Other Members of Council. . Harley, Esq., M.A. G The Hon. Mr. J. G. Bee Ost OLE, LCS. Major C. L. Peart, C.LE. LIST OF ORDINARY MEMBERS. R.—Resident. N.R.=Non-Resident. A.=Absent. L.M.=Life Member F.M.=Foreign Member An Asterisk is prefixed to the names of the Fellows of the Society. Se N.B.—Members who have changed their residence since the list was drawn up are requested to give intimation of such a change a the oa pid General Secretary, in order that the ose A alteration may b e in the no soma ee edition. Errors or omissions in the iotlowiiiy list doula also be communicated to the Honorary General Secretary. rs who are about to leave India do not intend to return are particularly reque ested to notify to the cpa orary General ee ether it is their desire continue Members of the Society ; otherwise, in accordance with Rule of the rules, their names will be etnaved from the list at the hier sin of three years from the time of their leav- ing India Date of Election. 1919 Feb. 5.| N.R.| Abdul Kader Surfraz. Elphinstone Col- Bombay lege, Bomba: 1909 Mar. 3.| R. Abdul Latif, Khan it , Syed, Under- renee? Govern of Bengal, Revenue Dept. Ca sont 1894 Sept. 27. L.M.| Abdul Wali, ror Sahib. 8, Alimuddin Street, Calcu 1915 Feb. 3.|N.R.| Ahm ad Ali Khan, Hafiz, Superintendent, Rampur 1903 Oct. 28.) A. | Allan, Alexander Smith, m.r. Europe. (c/o ‘ ; 1919 July 2. | R. | Amin-ul-Islam, Khan Bahadur, The Hon. Nawabzada, B.L., Inspector General of Registration, Bengal. 1893 Aug. 31.| A. secon ier Lieut. “Col. Adam Rivers Steele, ,M.B., D.P.H., O.M.Z.S.,1.M.8. Hurope. | (c/o India Office). 1912 July 3.|N.R.| Andrews, Egbert Arthur, B.a. T'ooklai Experimental Station, Cinnenara P. 0., Jorhat, Ass 1916 Feb. 2.| A. | Andrews, William Edgar, B.A. (Oxon). Europe. (c/o La sot rhaeict ) 1904 Sept. 28.) R. Annandale, Nelson, D.Sc., C.M.Z.S., F.L. 4.s.B., Director, ZooWigieal Survey of Tndia Calcutta, XxS Date of Election, 1911 May 3.| R. | Atkinson, Albert Charles. La Martiniére, | 11, Loudon Street, Calcutta. 1904 July 6./N.R.| Aulad Hasan, Khan Bahadur, Sayid,: Dacca. 1917 April 4.|N.R.| Awati, P. R., , Medical pes et Central Rimarah Institute. Kasaul 1914 Mar. 4.|L.M.| Bacot, I. 31, Quai d’Orsay, abs 1870 Feb. 2.|L.M.| Baden- Powell, Baden Henry O.1.E. Ferlys Lodge, 29, Baibars, Road, ‘Oxford, nglan 1919 April 2.| R. | Bal, Bavthate Nath. Calcutia University, ‘aleutta 1918 April 3 | N.R. Ballabhdas, Dewan Bahadur, Banker ulpur. 1920 Mar. 3.| R. | Ballardie, J. H. de Caynoth. 1/1 Van- 1905 Mar. 1.| R. Pea Muralidhar. Sanskrit College, l 1918 Feb. 6.|N.R. Baia ats Nath, Supdt. of Telegraphs. Nagpur. 1919 July 2.| R. | Banerji, Pramathanath, M.a., D.se. Cal- 1907 Jan. 2.|N.R.| Banerji, Rakhal Das, m.a., Supdt., Ar- — snee Survey, Western Circle. 1918 Dec. 4.| R. cell: ‘Sudhangsu Kumar, Ghose Prof. of Applied Mathematics, Calcutta University. Calcutta. 1885 Nov. 4.| R. | Barman, Damodar Das. 55, Clive Street, Calcutta 1898 Mar. 2/N.R.| Barnes, Herbert . Charles, m.a., L.¢.8., Deputy Commissioner, Naga Hills. Kohima, Assam. 1916 Sept. 27.| A. | Basdekas, Rev. Hilarion. Europe. (c/o Curate of the Greek Church, Calcutta.) 1909 July 7.|N.R.| Bazuz, Rangnath Khunraj. Girgaon, Yy- 1895 July 3./L.M.| Beatson-Bell, The Hon. Sir Nicholas a Ak OLB., t.0.8., Chief Com- missioner of Assam. Shillon ong. 1907 Feb. 6.|N.R.| Bell, Chasies Alfred, o.m.a., Lo.s. The ms, Darjeeling. 1915 April 7. | N.R. Belvalkar, Sripad Krishna, m.a., Ph.p., yield of Sanskrit, Deccan College. 1909 April 7.| R. ieee Charles A., M.B., D.P.H. Writers’ Building, Calcutta XXXill Date of Election. 1876 Nov. 15. 1917 Aug. 1908 Nov. 1909 July _ 1893 Feb. 1912 July 1898 Feb. 1918 July 1895 Mar. 1917 Oct. 1910 July 1911 Nov 1908 Jan. 1906 July 1909 Oct. 1909 Oct. 1901 June 5. 1896 Jan. ze 4. 7. As 3. w oN mo 9s Sa 8. 1900 May 2. F.M. |*Beveridge, nry, 1.0.8. (re- tired). Pisfold Shottermill, Haslemere, Surrey, England. R. |*Bhandarkar, Devadatta Ramkrishna, m.a. 6, Lansdowne Road, Calcutta. R. nay orgs Bisvesvar. 22, Vidyasagar Street, R. Bhattacharji, “Shib reget M.B. 80, Sham- bazar Street, Calcut L.M. a Revd. P. 0, Dumka, Sonthal Parganas N.R Bomfor, Capt. Trevor Lawrence, I.M.s., .. B.S., M.B.C.8., L.B.0.P. c/o Rev. Tr Bomiord. C. M.S. ’ House, Peshawar. Bose, Amrita Lal, Dramatist. 9-2, Ram Chandra Maitra’s Lane, Calcutia. R. | Bose, Charu Chandra, Asst. Surgeon, Medical College. 52/2, Mirzapur St., Calcutta. A. |*Bose, Sir Jagadis Chandra, &t., c.s D.Se. A.S.B Europe. oe fae sidency College, Calcutta. ) R. se, Satyendra Nath, m.se. University College of Science, Calcutta. N.R.} Botham, Arthur William, 1.c.s. Shillong. A. x ne Lieut, Cecil Alexander, llth King s Lancers. Europe. (c/o India Ofc te R. | Brahmachari, Upendra Nath, M.a., Ph.D., M.D. 82/3, a Street, Calcutta. R. | Brown, Lieut.-Col. arold, M.D., I.M.Ss. (retired). my a sacton Street, Calcutta N.R.| *Brown, J g. , M.Se., F.C.8., Assistant Superinten nial Geolo ogical Survey of India. (c/o Geological Survey of India, Calcutta.) A. | Brown, Percy, a.R.0.4. Hurope. (c/o Government School of Art, Calcutta.) poteies Paul Johannes, I.8.0., D.Sc, F.0.S., G.S., F.A.S.B. 35, Ballygunge Circular Road. Calcutta.) F.M. te ce Isaac Henry, M.A., F.A.S.B. Bo- nical Gardens, Singa N.R. nian The Hon. Mr. Richard, Ota, M. | 1.0.8., ¥.4.8.B:, Commissioner. Benares. ¥: Butcher, Flora, M.D. Overseas Club, General Buildings, Aldwych, London. XXXIV Date of Election. 1913 Apl. 2. Calder, Charles Cumming. foyal Botanic Gardens, Sibpur, Howrah. 1901 Mar. 6. N. R. | a William Edgar Marmaduke, c.s. Aligarh. Chanaplecli Major W. L., 1a., Political Sikkim The Residency, Gangtok, Sikkim. 1918 July 3.. R. | Campos. Joachim Joseph, m.B. 16/2, Royd Street. Calcutta 1912 Mar. 6.; A. | Carmichael, The —— Hon’ble Thomas David, Baron of Skirling, G.C.1E., K.c.M.c. Hurope. téjo India Office.) 1915 Jany.6.| R. | Carter, Humphry G., M.z., ch.p. Economic Botanist to the Botanical Survey. Indian Museum. 27, Chowringhee Road, Cal- tt R. 1918 June 5. N.R. cutta. 1909 Mar. 3.| R. | Chakravarti, a M.A. Presidency College, Calcu Chakravarti, named Cotton College, 1905 July 5.|N.R.| Gauhati. 1906 Jan. 3.| A. | Chapman, John Alexander. Hurope. (c/o Imperial Library, Calcutta 1915 Oct. 27. | N.R. oe ae ig Mr. Atul Chandra, o.s. Lue 1.C.S. Ty 1908 Feb. 5 | R. | Chatterjee, Gobel Chandra, m.B. 1/5, remchand Bural Street, Calcutta. 1911 June 7.| R. Chentbetioe Karuna Kumar, F.R.c.S. 74, Dharamtola Street, Calcutta. 1916 Jan. 5.| R. oo Khagendra Nath, B.A., B.L., | ey-at-Law. 12, Madan Mohan Chatter;ve Lane, Calcutta. 1907 Sept. 25. R. | Chatterjee, Promode Prakas: 8, Dixon Lane, Calcutta. 1893 Sept 28.| R. | Chaudhuri, B. L., B.a., p.se. (Edin.), F.R.S.E., F.L.S. (Lond.). 120, Lower Cireular Road, Calcutta 1914 April 1.; R. | Chaudhuri, Gopal Das. 32, Beadon Row, J Calcutta. 1907 July 3 | A. *Christie, William Poi am Kynoch, B.S8e., Ph.D., F.A.S.B. pe. emer oa Cox & Co., Charing rinse Lon 1909 Nov. 3. | N.R. “Christophers, Major Saxiisal. ceiohiieoa ims. Research Labora- pet Kas asau uli. 1906 Nov. 7. | N.R.| Clarke, Geoffrey Roth, 1.¢.s., Director- Gen eral, Posts a Telegraphs. Simla. 1915 Sep. 1.| R. Cleghorn, Maude Lina West, F.L.s., F.E.S. 12. Alipur Road, Calcutta. XXXV Date of Election. 1908 Nov. 4.| A. | 1907 July 3. A. 1887 Aug. 25. R. 1895 July 3. F.M. 1873 Dec. 3. | F.M. 1918 April 3. |N.R 1915 Sep. 1.| R. 1896 Mar. 4. | L.M. 1912 April 3.| NR 1917 April 4.| R. 1910 Jan. 5.| R. 1895Sept. 19.) N.R 1917 June 6.| R. 1904 Sept. 28. N.R. 1906 Dec. 5. | N.R 1916 Dec. 6.| R. 1910 May 4.|L.M 1907 Oct. 30. | N.R 1898 Jan. 5.| Ru Europe (c/o ; Purcell, B.A., F.G.S. Europe (c/o Geological Survey of I ndia.) | Criper, Risdon, F.¢.s., F.1.¢., R. Cumming, Sir John Ghest, K.c.1.E., €.S.1., C.1.E., 1.0.8. (retired). £.J. United, cane Club, 16, St. James Square, Lon- Dames, Mansel ole a T.C.S. (retired). Ventno eland Road, Guildford, oer England. Das, Jagannath, Ratnakar, B.a., Private Sec ey. to Srimati Maharani of Ajodhya. The Rajsadan, Ajodhya Das-Gupta, Hem Chandra, M.A., F. Prof., Presidency College. Caleutta. Das- -Gupta, Jogendra Nath, B.A Barrister-at-Law. 38/2, Lower Circular oad, Calcu Das, Kasi Nath, Prof., Ravenshawe Col- lege. Cuttack. Datta, aes Lal, D.sc., Calcutta University. St., Calcutta David, David A. alcutta Asst. Professor, 78, M anicktola 55, Free School St., De, Kiran Chandra, B.A., I.c.s., Commis- sioner. Chittagong. Deb, Kumar Harit Krishna, M.a., Zemin- dar, Sobhabazar sega: Raja Nava- krishna St., Calc De Courey, William Blennerhasset. Led- en ‘Estate, Naduwatum P.O., Nil- Dentith, Arthur William, t.c.s. Shillong. Dharmapala, Anagarika, ‘Secretary, Moha- bodhi aoe iety. 46, Baniapooker Lane, alow Dhavle, The Hon. Mr. Sankara Balaji,1.c.s. Rane Dixit, Sri Ram, B.A., Dewan of Banswara, Rajputana Dods, William Kane, Agent, Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation. Calcutta. XXXVi Date of Election. 1909 Nov. 3. 1902 July 2 1909 Aug. 4. 1917 June 6. 1914 Sept. 2. 1920 April 7. 1910 April 6. 1910 April 6. 1911 Nov. 1. 1904 Aug. 3. 1916 June 7. 1906 Oct. 31. 1907 Mar. 6. 1910 Sept. 7. 1913 Nov. 5. 1910 April 6. 1919 April 2. 1903 Mar. 4. 1893 Jan. 1] 1919 Feb. 5. af N.R. > e. ( N.R. *Gait =: Sage oo tee Lieut.-Col. Charles, m.p., S.B. Hurope. (c/o M edical Callige: Madras.) Doxey, Frederick. Europe. & Co., Calcutia. Drake-Brockman, Digby Livingstone, Saharanpur, U.P E (c/o Messrs. cutta. Dutt, Kumar Krishna. Street, Calcutta. 10, Hastings Ebden, Capt. F. T. P., 73rd Carnatic In- fantry. ee (eo “eg Office.) Elmes, Dr. Cecil H. Esch, Wack; Abebiect.< Viet ctoria’ Memo- rial woe Cathedral Avenue, Maidan, Caleu Bore Lewis Leigh, a.R.S.M., D.se., F.G s.B. Europe. (c/o Geological Sus. ve oe ‘of India. Ferrer, Joseph Orlando. Eur R. bse Robert Steel, Fibre Besei to. the Govt. of Assam. Da acca. Firminger, The Ven’ble Walter Kelly, m.a., B.D., F.R.G.S., Archdeacon of Calcutta. St. John’s House, Council House Street, Calcutta. Fortescue, Capt. Archer Irvine, R.a.m.c. Europe (c/o eb Dept., Simla.) ox, Cyril M I.M.M., F.G.S. logical Survey i a tbls Calcutta. : Francis, ieut. Reginald Frankl Indian Army. Europe (c/o India hie ) Friel, R., 1.c.s. Jorhat, Assam. Geo- *Gage, Lieut.-Col. Andrew Thomas, M.a., B.Se., F.L F.A.S.B. 1M.S. Hu- c/o Royal Bot .Gardens, Howrah.) Honour Sir Edward Albert, 0.8 a. Bi, VAS Re. LG.. tietuant echo. of Bihar and Orissa. anchi. A. | Galoostian, V.M. Europe. (Sanger Cali- ornia.) XXXVii Date of Election. 1919 Nov. 1912 Mar. 1909 Oct. 1920 Mar. 1916 May 1905 July 1912 Aug. 1918 Feb. 1918 July 1907 Mar. 1869 Feb. 1920 May 1912 Sept. 1919 Feb. 1907 Mar. 1909 Jan. 1910 Sept. 1905 May 1910 Mar. 1900 Dec. 1917 June 1919 Mar. 1915 Aug. 1901 Mar. e =I p 2 NPS MX PF HT Ww Rw eo Pe Sa SF N.R. N.R. -R. |*Greig, Gambhir, J. 8. pogo College, Bhav- nagar r, Kathiawa Ganguli, Rei, 794 B.R., District En- in Mirzapur Street, “Caleutta Ganguli, Ordhendhu Kumar 12, Gan- guli’s Lane, Calcutta. Ganguli, Capt. P., 1.a.s. (veuns, M. van. ope. Ghosh, Amulya Charan, os apap 82, Manicktolla Street, Calcut Rawalpindi. Ghosh, Atal Behari, M A., B.L. "£0, Sukea Street, alcutta Ghosh, maui “Na th, M.D., M.Sc. Prof. of Biology, Medical a. Calcutta. Ghosh, Jnanendra Mohan, Bar.-at-Law. 1, Harington Street, Calcutta. Ghosh, Prafulla Chundra, m.a. Prest- dency College, Calcutta. Ghosh, Pratapa Chandra, B.a. Vindya- chal. thosh, Sukhendro Nath, B.A., B.Sc. 117, Dharamtollah Street, Calcutta Ghosh, Tarapada. 14 , Paddapuker Street, Kidderpur, Calcutta. — oe din Sufi. Normal School, Am Goenka, hoeesll 57, Burtolla Street, 0 Gadias William Robert, .1.E., 1.0.8. Govt. House, Calcutta. . |*Gravely, Frederic Henry, D.Sc., Govt. Central Museum, Madras Graves, Henry George, A.R.S.M. “Burope. ce.) aera David Wilson, Research Institute, F.A.S.B. M.B., F.A.S.B ,1.M.S. auli. Grieve, James Wyndham Alleyne, Deputy Conservator of Forests. paigurt. Satyaupavana, i Los. 12, Store Road, ‘Baliggnags, Calcutta igor Rahman Khan, Raees. Bhikan- r, District Aligarh. XXxXvViil Date of Election. | 1892 Jan. 6. | F.M. | Haig, Lieut.-Col. T. Wolseley, C.M.G., Indian Army. H. B. M.’s Legation. Tehran, Persia. 1907 Aug. 7.| A. *Haines, Henry Haselfoot, F.c.H., : Glen Ashton, Wimborne, Dorset, England. 1908 June 3.; R. | Hallowes, Kenneth Alexander Knight, B.A., A.R.S.M., F.G.S., Assistant Superin- tendent, Geological Survey of India. Calcutta. 1916 Jan. 5.|N.R.| Hamilton, C. ee ae hag Patna 1913 May 7.|N.R. eae .E. H , M.A., Chemical Ex- 1885 Feb. 4. | L.M. meteptacn Shastri, Mahamahopadhyaya, O.1.E., M.A., F.A.S.B. 26, Pataldanga Street, Calcutta. 1920 May 5.| R. | Harcourt, Major E. 8S. United Service Club, Calcutta 1912 May 1.| R. | Harley, A. H.,m.a. The Madrasah, Cal- wtta. 1902 Dec. 3. | N.R. tgs strainieee Shastri. Hindu Col- lege, 1908 April 1| R. Peo daa Edwa rd Philip, Ph.p., F.R.S.E. The Observatory, Alipur, Calcutta. 1897 Feb. 3.| A *Hayden, Sir Henry Herbert, Kt., C.1.E., D.Se., B.A.; BiB, B.A.1., ¥.G.8., ¥.4.8.B., Europe. (c/o Geological Survey of In- 1911 June 7.| A. Hedayat Husain, Shams-ul-Ulama Muham- mad. 7-1, Ramsanker Roy’s Lane, Cal- cutta. 1919 Nov. 5. |N.R.| Hemraj, Raj Guru. Dhokatol, Nepal. 1908 June 3.| R. | Heron, Alexander Macmillan, D.sc., F.G.S., M. Inst. MM eological Survey of India, Calcutta 1920 Feb. 4. |N.R.| Hill, H. B.C. P.O. Chabna. 1911 April 5.|N.R.| Hiralal, Rai Bahadur, 8.A., M.R.A.S, Damoh, C.P. 1891 July 1.|N.R.|*Holland, Sir Thomas one K.C.S.I. K.C.1.B., D.S86. AR (AS. ie a spe Tadian ‘Muuitionk 1908 July 1. A. | Holmwood, Herbert, 1.c.s. (retired.) Eu- | rope. (clo India Office. 1910 Jan. 5., A. | Hope, D., B.Sc., Ph.D. Europe. 1914 Feb. 4. | | R. eofirey (c/o Indian Tea Association : Hornell, The Hon. Mr. ¢ Public Instruction, Bengal. ’ Calcutta. XXX1X Date of Election. 2. | .M. 1873 Jan: 1918 Feb. 6.| R. 1911 Feb. 1.| R. 1904 Jan. 6. A. | 1916 Jan. 5. N.B 1907 Dec. 4 PAN 1907 Sept. 25. NR 1908 June 3. R. 1911 Sept. 1. N.R 1911 Nov. 1. NUR. 1891 Feb. 4, NR 1911 Jan 1.: A 1918 July 2. FM. 1920 Feb. 4. R. 1910 May 4. | A. | 1882 Mar. 1. A. 1906 Aug. 1. R. 1906 Sept.19. R 1918 April 3. N.R. 1920 Mar. 1909 April 3. a R. R.. Houstoun, Geor 5 Castle, Renfrewshire "Scotland. Hui, Rev. Srama an. 4, Tiretta Bazar Street, Galette: Johnstone Insch, Jas. 101, Clive Street, Calcutta. Jackson, Victor Herbert, m.a. Europe. (c/o Patna oe Bankipur). Jain, Kumar Devendra Peaiad Secy. All- India Jain oomssr tae rrah. James, ; osher, M.A., Europe. (c/o India Office.) Jenkins, Owen Francis, 1.0.8. aon Jones, Herbert Cecil, B.0.8. .G.8 ssistant Superintendent, Geotog cal Survey of India, Caleutt Juggarao, Sree Raja porerons Venkata. Zemindar of Shermahamadpuram, Daba- gardens, Vizagapatam. Kamaluddin Ahmed, Shams-ul-Ulama. Madrasah Hill, Chittagong. Kapur, Raja Ban Behari, ¢.s.1. Burdwan. Europe. phy, The Keio University. (c/o ’ Japanese Consulate, 7, Loudon St., Calcutta.) Keir, W. I., Asst. Architect to the Govt. of Bengal. Sibpur Engineering College, Howrah. *Kemp, Dr. Stanley W., Europe. (c/o Zoological pues of h sais; Calcutta). Kennedy, Pringle, m.a., B.L. Europ Kennedy, William Willoughby, M. 3 ‘ M.R. me o., , MM iddleton D:P.H., Street, Calew . | Kesteven, The Hon. Sir Charles Henry, kKt., 26, Da | | Solicitor to eo lhousie | Square, Calcu | ni Ram ath c/o Mr. B. urgaon. Road, Calcutta. Khnda Bakhsh, S., Bar.-at- _ 5, Elliott Kilner, John Newport, .» pie, L.R.c.P. 14, Garden Reach, Calcutta. Dhani xl Date of F Mlsction. 1910 Mar. 2. | R. | Kirkpatrick, W. Chartered Bank Build- | ings, Calcutta 1920 Mar. | R. | Lahiri, ye pesaheetie 91, Upper Cir- ita 3 1918 Feb. 6.| N.R.| Laiq Ahmad eran ‘Shaikh, Historical j opal. 4 Lanman, Charles Seven 9, Farrar 1887 May pi Yolen Massachusetts, US. Amer R. Larmour, "P. A. 60, Bentinck Street, Cal- Martiniére, Caleut ta.) 1906 Oct. 31. 'N.R.| Luard, Lieut.-Col. Charles Eckford. m.a. (Oxon), indian Army. Sehore, C. P. 1870 April 7. LM. Lyman, B. Smith. 708, Locust Street, Philadelphia, U.S. America. 1919 Nov. 5. 1889 Mar. 6. | L.M. *La Aewbes Thomas Henry Digges, B.4., F.G.S., F.A.S.B. Alfriston Hills Road, Cambridge, England. 1914 Aug. 5. | R. | Law, Bimala Charan, B.A. 24, Sukea St., / Calcutta. 1911 Feb. 1.| R. | Law, Narendra Nath, m.a., B.L. 96, | Amherst St., Calcutta. 1914 July 1. | R. | Law, Satya Charan, m.a., B.L. 24, Sukea St., Calcutta. 1902 July 2. |N.R.| Leake, Heep Marti, M.A.,F.L.S. Nawab- | gunj, Cawnpore. 1918 June 5. N.R.| Lees, sola Hector, t.¢.s., Jalpaiguri. 1911 May 3.) A. Lomax, Ce me Europe. (c/o La } 1893 Jan. 11. | LM. ener The Hon. Sir Edward Douglas, M.A., K:0.1.8., ©.8.1., 1.0.8., erxegped Governor of the Punjab. Lahor 1905 Aug. 2.| A. | *McCay, Lieut.-Col. David, M.D., I.M.S. Europe. (c/o Medical College, Cal- cutia.) 1913 Mar. 5.|N.R. MacMahon, P. S., M.sc., B.Sc. Canning College Lucknow. 1912 May 1.| R. Mahean: ‘David. Chowringhee Mansions, Calcutta. 1893 Jan. 11.|L.M.| Madho Rao Scindia, His Highness Maha- rajah Colonel Sir, — Bahadur, as G.0.¥.0., A.D.O., Dis Maha- raja h of Gwalior. Jai Bilas, “@walior. 1916 June 7. | N.R.| Mahajan, Surya Prasad. Murarpur, Ga aya. 1920 Mar. 3.| R. Mahalanobis, Prof. P. C. 210, Cornwallis Street, Calcutta. xli Date of Election. 1906 Dec. 5. 1911 Mar. 1. 1918 Aug. 7. 1918 Feb. 6. 1920 June 2 1916 Feb. 2. 1912 Jan. 10. 1913 June 4. 1918 Feb. 6. 1901 June 5. 1899 Aug. 30. 1919 Oct. 10. 1905 Dec. 6. 1919 Oct. 29. 1919 June 4. | 1917 May 2. 1886 Mar. 3. 1884 Nov. 5. 1884 Sept. 3. 1912 June 5. 1911 July 5. 1916 Noy. 1. 1919 June 4. R. R. R. R. R. R. R. A. L.M. NR. A. R, R. N.R. N.R. N.R. N.R. Mahalanobis, Subodh Chandra, B.se¢. F.R.S.E., F 210, Cornwallis Street, Calcut page sit “The Hon. Sir Bijoy Chand, Maharajadhiraj of Burdwan. 6, Yh Lane, Calcutta Maitra, Jatindra Nath, Physician and Surgeon. 68/a, Beadon St., cutta. Maitra, Sisir Ku umar, Pri rites, Indian Institute of Philosophy. Amalner, Bom- bay Presidency. Majumdar, N. G Calcutta. Majumdar, Narendra Kumar, m.a., Asst. Prof. Calcutta University. Calcutta. ai 70, Russa Road North, Majumdar, Ramesh Chandra, M.A., Ph.D. ; ndranath Ohatterjt ‘Street, Bho- wanipur, Calcutta Johan van, Librarian, Imperial D.Se., M.Se., F.L.S., Principal, Agricultural College. Poona. Mannu Lal, Rai Bahadur, Retired Civil N.R. F.M. N.R. N.R. N.R. N.R. Surgeon. Rai Bareli. . . C. Ewing Christian College, Allahabad. Marsden, Edmund, 8.A., F.R.G.S. 12, Eler- dale Road, Hampstead, London. Marten, The Hon. Mr. John Thomas. Hotel Cecil, Simla. Matthai George. (ovt. aoe Lahore. Meerwarth, Dr. A. M . Eur i Roostumjee aaaaibhoy, C.1.E. 9, Rainey Park, Ballygunge, Calcutta. *Middlemiss, Charles Stewart, B.A., F.G.S., F.A.S.B anger Srinagar. Miles, William Europe. essrs. J. Mackillican & Co.) Mian, Champaram. Partabgarh, Oudh. Misra, Rai Bahadur Pandit Shyam Behari, B.A., 1.C.8., Deputy Collector. Unao, (c/o Mitra, Adar Chandra, s.u. 164, Bow Street, Caleu tta. Mitra, Dr. ulya = Medical Am Practitioner. Burdwa xlii Date of Election. 1906 June 6.. 1919 April 2 1916 Feb. 2. 1909 May 5. 1895 July 3 1906 Dec. 5. 1919 Feb. 5. 1908 Dec. 2. 1912 Jan. 10. 1909 Mar. 3. 1899 Sept. 29. 1916 Mar. 1. 1898 May 4. 1894 Aug. 30. 1919 Feb. o eee 1886 May i 1908 Feb. 5. 1892 Dec. hau 1910 Nov. 2. 1906 Mar. 7. 1920 Feb. 4. 1918 Sept. 25. R. a7 a oe | Mitra, Kumar Manmatha Nath. 34, Shampukur Street, Calcutta Mitra, Panchanan. Bangabasi College, Calcutta. Mohammad Yusuf, Hashimi, m.a. The Madrasa, Calcutta Mohyuddin Ahmad, Abul-Kalam, Azad. Ranchi. | Monahan, The Hon. Mr. Francis John 1.c.s. Harrington M ansions, Calcutta. .. More, Major James Carmichael. 51st Sikh 7 ulf. Moreno, H. W. B., B.a., Ph.D. 12, Wellesley Street, Calcutta. Moses, Capt. Owen St. John, M.D., F.R.C.S., Lower Chitpur Road, Calcutta. een, Brajalal, m.a., Solicitor. 12, Old Post Office Street, Calcutta. Mukectod. Jotindra Nath, B.A., raion 3, Old Post Office Street, Calcut rt Prabhat Kumar, Dare -at- Law. mtanoo Bose Lane, Calcutta. Mukerjee,. Sir Rajendra Nath, xK.c.1.5. Mukerjee, The Hon. Mr. Sibnarayan. Uitarpara, Bally. Mukerjee, Taraknath. Falka Colliery, Nirshachate P.O., Manbhum *Mukhopadhyaya, The Hon. Justice Sir Asutosh, kt., eri M.A. : .A.S., F.A.S.B., Chief Justice of Bengal. 77, fe Road, Bhowani- tta Mukhopadhyaya, Girindra Nath, B.A., M.D. 156, Haris Mukerjee Road, Bhowanipur, l ale Mukhopadhyaya, Panchanan. 46, Bechoo Chatterji’s Street, Calcutta. Murray, William Alfred, B.a. (Cantab), M.B. Europe (c/o Assam-Bengal Rail- way, Chittagong). Nahar, Puran Chand, Solicitor. 48, Indian irror Street, Ca leutta Narayan, Brij. Rose Collage, Simla. Narayan, Prince Victor N. Cooch Bihar. xliii Date of Election. 1916 July 5. 1914 Feb. 4. 1901 Mar. 6. 1917 Mar. 7. 1889 Aug. 29.) L.M. 1913 July .2 a 1916 Feb. 2. 1906 Dec. 5. 1915 April 7. R. 1907 July 3. 1920 Jan. 7. 1904 Aug. 3. 1919 Nov. 5. 1910 April 6. 1906 Dec. 5. 1888 June 6. 1877 Aug. I. 1915 May 5 1889 Nov. 6. 1914 Nov. 4. 1904 June 1. 1910 Aug. 3. | R. | Naseer Hosein Khankhayab, Syed. 78, Prinsep St., Calcutta R. | Nawab Ali Chaudhury, The Hon. Nawab Syed. 27, Weston Street, Calcutta N.R.| Nevill, Lieut. a Henry Rivers, “LOS. | Cranagh, Si A. Newton, Rev Rg. , M.A. rope. oo ae Wal- | ter Duncan & Oo., 137, West George | gins Glasgow. Norton, E. 1.¢.8., District Magistrate. | “Orient Club Building, Chowpatti, Bombay. | A. | Oka, ero R. Europe. (c/o Bangae & Co. Calcu R. | 0’ Kinealy, Lieut.-Col. Frederick, M.R.C.s., | (Eng.), &.R.c.p. (Lond.), ies: Presi- dency General Hospital, Calcut | Otani, Count Kozui. (c/o peers si | eral of Japan, Calcutta. ) R. | William Walter K., Solicitor. | Messrs. Pugh & Co., Calcutta. N.R.| Parameshara Aiyar, S ravancore. N.R. peter: we a Dattalraya Bal- as R Paae e, E. , D.Sc., F.G.S. Geolo- weil pe ton a fail, Calcutta. A onrs ringers Sorabji, 1.c.s. Europe. (c/o I A. | Peart, Melos Cialis Lubé, c.1.£., 106th Hazara rage ett Europe. (c/o Board of Examine L.M.| Pennell, Aubray Percival, B.A., Bar.-at- Law N.R. Pieri; Lieut. t-Col, oe Thomas, M.B., I.M.s. (retired). najpur. A. | Philby, H. St. J. B., 1.0.s. Hurope (c/o lliance Bank, Caleu ita L.M. |*Phillott, Lieut. -Colonel Douglas wai ph.p., F.A.S.B. Indian Army (reti The Bury, Felsted, Essex, England. R. | Pickford, The Hon. Alfred Donald. , Hare Street, Caleutta. R. |Pilgrim, Guy E., p.sc., F.G.s. Geological Survey of India, Ca . R. amraj Jain, Raniwalla — cree eae han Mullick’s Lane, C xliv Date of Election, 1920 April 7. 1918 April 3. 1914 Mar. 4. 1880 April 7. 1895 Aug. 29. 1920 Mar. 3 1908 Feb. 5. 1917 June 6. 1905 Jan. 1890 Mar. mo 1917 May 2. 1920 Mar. 1905 May 3. 3. 1918 April 3. 1913 Sept. 3. | 1900 April 4. | 1920 Mar. 3. 1901 Dec. 4. 1918 July 3. 1903 July 1. 1915 Oct. 27. is om N.R. R. F.M. A. A. R. ¥.M. R. Pradhan, Hariprasad. Pradhan Cottage, Darjeeling. alcutta. Prashad, Baini, D.se. Indian Museum Raffin, Alain. Euro [pu Rai, Bepin sy ig “Giridih, Chota Wap. Rai Chaudhuri, Jatindranath m M.Asy Bilaxy Zemindar. , Jessor Raj, B. Sundara. Madras. Randle, Herbert Neil, B.4. Queen’s Col- lege, Benares. Rangaswami Aiyangar, K. V., Rao Baha- dur, Prof. of History and Economics, H.H. The Maharaja’s College. Trivan- drum. Rankin, James Thomas, 1.0¢.s., Commis- sioner. Dacca Ray, Sir Prafulla Chandra. xt., D.Se- F.A.S.B. University College of ‘sacian Calcutta. — Kumud Sankar, M.a., B.sc., ( sani 44, European paar Zoe, Calcut Raye, i Nath. Bhagalpur. Richardson, The Hon. ors Justice Thomas jam,1.c.s. Huro Robinson, paleae . e Dir tor of Ma- seums and Fisheries, hep gntiie Malay States. Kuala Lum (clo Imperial Russian Consulate General, Calcutta.) *Rogers, Lt.-Col. Sir Leonard, Peas 0.1.E., ms B.S., F.R.C F.R M.S. Europe. lege, Danuias Ronaldshay, The Right Hon. ri Earl of, F.R F.A.S.B., ree Medical Col- Governor of Bengal. Calcu aia Sir — Denison, 2 ot .; D., F.A.S Director, School of abs Studies. London cee nop epee Chandra, M. D., d.), Lecturer, Campbell Medical 36, Wellington St., aicutia,. .| Roy, Maharaja ee Bahadur. Lansdowne Road, Caleu ge! Kaviraj Jamini Bhusan, M.A., M.B. aa , Beadon St., Calcutta xlv Date of Election. 1910 Sept. 7. N.R. 1919 Feb. 5. RB. 1917 Oct. 3.| R. 1916 April 5. | N.R. 1913 Apl. 2. | N.R. 1911 Nov. 1. | N.R. | 1919 Sept. 3. [N.R. 1916 July 5.| R. 1898 Mar. 2. | N.R. 1909 Mar. 7 R. 1911 Jan. 4. 1917 Dec. 5. R R 1900 Dec. 5.) A. 1915 Feb. 3.| A 1919 April 2.; .R R 1902 May 7. 1914 April 1. N.R. 1897 Dec. 1.| R 1911 July 5.| R. 1909 Jan. 6.| A. 1913 Dec. 3.| R. 1908 Mar. 4.| R. Roy, Kumar Sarat Kumar. Dayarampur, Rajshahi. Roy, Srijut Sasadhar. 31, Haris Muker- jee Street, Bhowanipore, Calcutta. Saha, Meghnad, M.Sc. University College of Science, Calcutta Saha, Radha Nath. 16, Lachmikundu, es City. Sahay. Rai Sa hib Bhagvati, M.A., B. Offg. Inspector of Schools. Bhagalpur. Sahni, Rai Bahadur Dayaram, M.A. ip as of Archeology. Jammu, Kashm Saksena, Debi Prasad, Sub-Dy. Taapestee of Schools. Farrukhabad. Sarkar, Ganpati. 69, Baliaghata Main Sarkar, Jaduriath: Ravenshaw College, Cuttac Sarvadhikari, Sir Deva Prasad, Kt., 0.1 A.,B.L. 2,Old Post Office Street, Cal. cutta. Sarvadhikari, Dr. Suresh Prasad. 79-1, Amherst St., Calcutta. Sastri, Ananta Krishna, poses 56/la, Sri Gopal Mallick Lane, Caleu we 5 George, becues in re Eur aca Dr. c P. Eur Sen, = 80, Zoi irvilae Road, Calcu or Togendrs Nath, Vidyaraina,m.a. 31, na Kumar Tagore’s Street, Cal- Sen-Gupt a, Dr. Nares Chandra. Dacca sgn Mesrovb J. 19, Lindsay Street, Cal- *Sewell, sat Robert Beresford Se ymour, M.R.C.S.,L.R.C.P., M.S. Indian Museum, ideaild.: ex oom Alexander Grierson, B.A., I.C.S. urope. (c/o India Office.) oaks i James Alfred, B.A., M.B., 1.M.S ‘ xlvi Date of Election. | —_— | 1916 Aug. 2. | 1902 Feb. 5. 1899 May 3. 1913 Mar. 5. 1909 April 7. 1918 Feb. 6. 1894 July 4. 1912 May 1. 1893 Mar. 1. 1899 Aug. 29. 1909 April 7. 1899 Nov. 6. 1913 July 2. 1894 Feb. 7. 1918 Feb. 6. 1918 April 3. 1912 Sept. 5. 1898 Aug. 3. 1913 July 2. 1920 June 2. 1920 Mar. 3. 1901 Dec. 4. N.R. NB. | N.R. L.M. A. NLR. R. N.R. N.R. N.R. L.M. N.R. N.R.: R. N.R. N.R. N.R. N.R. R. N. N ee sean) Ashwani Kumar, B.A. L.B., “a Officer, Mewar State. dai Shyam ie Lala, M.A., LL.B., Deputy Col- lector. N aimadrt, Agra. Silberrad, Charles Arthur, Rial, B.Se. : TOS, .L., D.Sc. Forest Research Institute and College, Dehra Dun *Simpson, George Clarke, D.8e., 1 F.A.S.B. Europe. (c/o Meteorological Dept., Simla.) Singh, Badakaji Marichiman. 38, Khicha- pokhari, Katmandu, Nepal. Singh, Raja Kushal Pal, M.A. Narki Singh Roy, Rai Lalit Mohan, Bahadur. 15, Lansdowne Road, Calcuita. Singh, Maharaja Kumara Sirdar Bharat, 1.¢.S. (retired). Shankergar, Allahabad. Singh, H.H. The Maharaja Sir Prabhu . *Spooner, David Brainard, Simla. Narain, Bahadur, a.c.1.z., Maharaja of Benares. Ramnagar Fort, Benares sha Raja Prithwipal, Talukdar of Su- rajpur. District Barabanki, Oudh. Singh, The Hon. Mie lianate Sir Eamets Bhahadur, K.c.1.E. Dur- Singh Gocridet, M.A., LL.B., Vakil. Luck- acai H.H. The Maharaja Vishwa Nath, Bahadur. Chhatturpur, Bundelkhund. Singha, Kumar Arun Chandra, m.a. 120/3, Upper Circular Road, Caleutta. a Raja Bahadur Bhupendra Narayan, Nasipur Rajbati, Nasipur P. Singhi, Bahadur Singh. Azimgunj, Mur- shidab Sita Ram, ‘Lala, B.A., Depy. Magistrate. Allahabad. Sivaprasad, B.a., Offg. Junior Secretary to the Board of Revenue, U.P. Allaha- Skinner, Gi Az, ag es and Director, essrs. Jessop & Co., Ltd. 93, Clive Street, Calcutta. Smith, P. Bosworth. Oorgaum P.O. B.Ai FB.D F.A.S.B. xIvii Date of Election. 1904 Sept. 28. 1908 Dec. 2. 1906 Dec. 5.| A 1916 July 5.! R. 1907 June 5.| R 1920 Jan. 7.| R. 1916 Sept. 27.| N.R 1907 June 5.| A. 1919 June 4.| A. 1909 Jan. 6.| R. 1914 April l.| R. 1898 April 6.| R. 1904 July 6. | F.M. 1910 Aug. 3. | N.R 1893 Aug. 31.|N.R 1906 Dec. 5. | N.R. 1878 June 5. | F.M. 1911 Mar. 1. | F.M. 1909 Aug. 4.| A. 1904 June 1.| A. N.R. | waar po the Ra | File: Ernest, B.A., B.Sc, R. | Steen, “Major a Heap Barkley, M.B., I.M.S. : | Sutherland, Rev. 1, Upper Wood Street, Calcutta. Stokes, Laika Claude ‘Bayfield. Europe [Calc its *Suhrawardy, The Hon. Dr. omen te AL a’mun, Tftikharul Millat, M.A., D.Litt., a Bar.-at-Law. 56, Mimetae Street, Calcutta Suhrawardy, Hassan, M.D., F.R.C.S.1., L.M. (Rotunda) F.M.s., London, r.c.U., District edical Officer. Lillooah, EI. R. S., p.p., Scottish Universities Mission. Kalimpong, Dar- jeeling Dist. Swinhoe, Rodway Charles John. Europe. (c/o High Court, Rangoon.) Tacchella, C.F.H. Europe. (c/o Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore. 6/1, Dwar- utta, Tagore, Prafulla Nath. 1, Darpanarain Tagore Street, Calcutta Tagore, The Hon. Maharaja Sir Prodyat Coo a Bahadur, xt. Pathuriaghatia, Calcu Talbot, Walter Stanley, I.c.s. c/o Messrs. H. 8. King & Co. 9, Pall Mall, London, Tancock, Major Alexander Charles. 31st Punjabis, Nowshera, N.W.F.P. Tate, George Passman. Bareilly, U.P. Tek Chand, Dewan, B.A., poured Commissioner. 56, Cantonment, M.R.A.S., 1.C.8., Gujranwala, Pun ais Colonel Sir ae Carnac, Bart., o.1.E., Indian Army. 9, Pall Mall, Lond. tear BW as ya D., Librarian, India Office. ndon. Thompson, The Hon. Mr. John Perronet, M.A., 1.0.8. Hurope. (c/o India His ) *Tipper, George Howlett, M.a., F,A.S.B. Europe. (c/o Geological Carvey i: of India, Calcutta.) xl viii Date of Election. 1907 Feb. 6. 1861 June 5. 1917 Dec. 5. 1894 Sep. 27. 1900 Aug. 29. 1901 Mar. 6. 1894 Sept. 27. 1902 Oct. 29. 1907 July 3 A. L.M N.R. R. A. F.M. LM. R. R. 1918 Aprii 3. |N.R. 1911 Feb. 1. 1909 Dec. 1. 1913 April 2. 1915 Jany. 6. 1906 Sept. 19. 1915 May 5 1919 May 7. 1906 Mar. 7. 1908 April 1. 1894 Aug. 30. 19]1 Aug. 2. | N.R. N.R. R. A. N.R. N.R. *Travers, Morris William, D.Se., PBs), Warwick Gardens, Len: don, W. Tremlett , James Dyer, M.a.,1.¢.s. (retired). Dedham, Essex, England. Tripathi, Ramprasad, Reader in Modern Indian History. The University, Allaha- bad. Vasu, Nagendra Nath. 20, Visvakosh Lane, Bagbazaar, Caleut Vaughan, ieut.-Col. ceceph Charles I.M.S. Europe (c/o India ‘Vogel, oan Philippe, Litt.p., F.a.s.B. The versity, Leiden, Ho ade Lieut. -Col. William, it M. s. , 26, Crystal Palace Rack Road, Sydenham, London, S.E. omar Ernest, B.L., B.Sc. , Superintendent, Gedlogioal Survey of ‘Tndin- Calcutta Walker, Harold, a.8.0.8., F.G.S., A.M. Inst.M., Assistant Superintendent, Geological Survey of India. Calcutta. | Wall, Lt.-Col. F., o.m.a., 1.u.s. U.S. Club, Bangalore. Waters, Dr. Harry George, F.R.1.P.H., Chief Medical Officer, E.I.R. Allahabad. Webster, J. 1.0.8. Sylhet, t, Assam. White, Bernard Alfred. Chartered Bank Bui ildings, Calcutta Whitehouse, Richard H. Tuticorin, Madras. . Whitehead, Richard Bertram, 1.c.s. Rupar, Umbala, Punjab. Williams, L. F. Ru a Aes B.A., B.Litt. . (c/o Allahabad University.) Wills, Cecil Upton, B.a., t.c.s. Nagpur. Woolner, Alfred Cooper, m.a. Hurope. (c/o Punjab University, Lahore.) Wordsworth, William ogee eto Europe. (c/o Educational Dept., al.) Wright, Henry Nelson, B.a.. Judge, Bareilly. L.c.s. Dist. Young, Gerald Mackworth, B.a., 1.C.S. Europe. (c/o India Office.) xlix Date of Election. 1906 June 6. 1910 April 6. 1919 Feb. 5. 1919 July 2. F.M.| Young, Mansel Charles Gambier. Khagaul Dinapore, PQ: EIR. N.R | Young, Capt. Thomas Charles McCombie, M.B.,1.M.8. Shillong, Assam. | N.R. Yazdani, G. Hyderabad, Deccan. NR. Zafar Hasan, Archaeological Survey of India, Dethi SPECIAL HONORARY CENTENARY MEMBERS. Date of Election, 1884 Ja Jan. 15. 1884 Jan. 15. Revd. Professor A. H. Sayce, Professor of Assyriology, Queen’s College. Oxford, Eng- land. Monsieur nts Senart. 18, Rue Francots Ter, Paris, France HONORARY FELLOWS. Date of Election. 1879 June 4. 1895 June 5. 1896 Feb. 5. 1899 Dec. 1899 Dec. 1904 Mar. 1904 Mar. 1904 Mar. 1906 Mar. 6. 6. 2. 2. 2. 7 Dr. Jules Janssen. reba d’ Astronomie Physique de Paris, France. Charles H. Tawney, ad ., M.A., O.1L.E. c/o India don. Office, Lon Professor at Rockwell Lanman. 9, Farrar Street, mbridge, Massachusetts, U.S. America oP sate Edwin Ray Lankester, M.A., LL.D ritish Museum (Nat. Hist. 7 Crom- well Road, beste aw Professor Edward Burnett Tylor, D.C.L., LL.D., r.s., Keeper, University Museum. Oxjord, England. e Seopegon Sir Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar, oona Sir Obdisine Lvl M.A., K.0.8,1., 0.1.8., LL.D. 82, Cornwall Gardens, London, S.W. Sir George Abraham Grierson, K.C.L.E D.Litt., ©.1.E., 1.¢.8. (retired). hoihtediane Camberley, Surrey. England. ei Right Hon’ble Baron Curzon of Kedleston, ., D.CL,, F.R.S. 1, Carlton House Terrace, Dien. 8: W. Date — Election. 1908 July aS 1911 Sept. 1911 Sept. 1911 Sept. 1915 Aug. 1915 Aug. 1915 Aug. 1916 Dec. 1917 May 1920 Feb. 1920 Feb. 1920 Feb. 1920 Feb. 1920 Feb. 1920. Feb. 1920 Feb. 1920 Feb. 1920 Feb. 1920 Feb. 1920 Feb 4. 4. | Prof. ambridge. | Mahamahopadhyaya Prof. d. Takakusu. "Lieut. -Col. Henry Haversham _Godwin- Austen, B.B.S., ¥.Z.8:, F-B.G.8., a Godalming, Surrey, England. Lieut.-Col. Alfred William Alcock, 0.1.2., 12D; 0.0.2.8;, FBS TMS. (retd.). Heath. lands, Brith Road, Belvedere, Kent, cgay Edward Ge eorge Browne, B. M.B.C.S., L.R.C.P., M.R.A.S. Pembroke Collage: Kamakhyanath Tarka- vagisa. 111-4, mbazar Street, Calcutta. Prof. Sir Paul Vinogradoff, F.B.4., D.c.L. 19, Linton Road, Oxford, Engla nad Sir Patrick Manson, G.c.M.G., M.D R.C.P. 21, Anne Street, Cavendish Square, London, W. Sir Joseph John Thomson, Kt., O.M., M.A., Se.D., D.Se., LL.D., Ph.D. Trinity College. Cambridge, England. Dr. G. A. Boulenger, F.R.s., LL.D., British Museum (Nat. Hist.). Cromwell Road, London, S.W. Herbert A. Giles, Esq., tu.p., University of Cambridge. Cambridge. Sir Charles Eliot, K.c.M.G., C.B., M.A., LL.D., Prot... TW... i University College, London. es Se Levi, Prof., College of France. "Rated Stein, K.C.I.E., Ph.D., D.Se. ar, Kashmir Prof. A. Foucher, pb. ).Litt., is Sir D.Litt., Sri Prof. University of Arthur Keith, Esq., M.p., F.R.C.S,, LL.D., Royal College of Surgeons of England. "Dim. coln’s Inn Fields, London, W.C. 2 R. D. Oldham, Esq.. F.R.S., F.G.8., F.R.G.S 1, Broomfield Road, Kew, Surrey, Baplond. Sir David Prain, Kt., ©.M.G., C.I.E., M.A., M.B., LL.D., F.BS.E., ¥.L.8., F.B.S,, F.2.8., M.R.1LA., Royal Botanic Dabdeee Kew, fori England. Sir Joseph Larmor, kt., M.P., 7) Wea, Sane» D.O.L., F.R.S., F.R.A.S. Sir James Frazer, Kt., 1, Brick Court, Temple, London, E.C. 4. Imperial University of Tokyo, Japan. hi FELLOWS. Date of Election. 1910 Feb. 1910 Feb. 1910 Feb. 1910 Feb. 1910 Feb. 1910 Feb. 1910 Feb. 1910 Feb. 1910 Feb. 1910 Feb. 1910 Feb. 1911 Feb. 1911 Feb. 1912 Feb. 1912 Feb. 1912 Feb. 1912 Feb. 1912 Feb. 1912 Feb. 1913 Feb. 1913 Feb. 1913 Feb. 1915 Feb. 1915 Feb. 1915 Feb. 1915 Feb. 1916 Feb. 1916 Feb. 1916 Feb. 1917 Feb. 1917 Feb. 1918 Feb. 1918 Feb. 1918 Feb. 1919 Feb. 1919 Feb. 2. 2 N. Annandale, Esq., p.s The Hon'ble Justice Sit eee aakhinta: jn be Rt., 0-S.1., M.A., D.L., D.Sc., F.B.A.8., F.R.S I. H. Bu rkill, Esq., L.S. Haiaindhonadhyave: sree Shastri, C.1.8., M.A a. Thomas usin K-0.8:1.,° K.0.1.8.,°"D,So. G.8., di 4. ‘D. cronies hae Lieut. Sear Deo, Phillott, ae bf Army (retired). Sir Prafulla Chatidive Ray. kt., Lieut.-Col. Sir Leonard Rogeet ret C.1.E., M.D., Indian, M. W. Travers, Esq., D.Sc., F.R.s. The Hon. Sir E. A A. Gait, K.0:8.1., 0.8.1., C.LE., 1.0.8. Sir H. H. Hayden, k&t., c.s.1., B.E., B.A.1., ¥.G.8., ¥.B.8. Hi: oe wee ier I.c.8. (retired). Sir J. C. Bos C.1.E., D.Sc., B.A., Charles Stewart Middlemiss, Esq., B.A., F.G.S. Lieut.-Col. A. T. Gage, 1.M.s. E. ‘Vredenburg, Esq. BL; B.8e., A.B-8.M., A-B.0.8., J. Ph. Wage: Esq., Ph.D., Litt.D. Dr. S. W. Kemp,, B.a ay go D. W. Greig, c.1.8., M.B., I.M.S. F.G.S. The Hon. Mr. R. Burn, C.1.E., 1.0.8. L. L. Fermor, Esq., A.R.S.M., D.Sc., F.G.S. y, M.D., 1.M.S The Hon. Mr, Abullah Al-Mémun Suhrawardy, J: Coggin Brown, Esy., 0.B.E., M.1.M.E., F.G.S. W. A. K. Christie, Esq., B.Sc., Ph.D. hii Date of Election. 1919 Feb. 5. | D. R. Bhandarkar, Fsq., M.a. 1919 Feb. 5. | Major R. B. Seymour Sewell, t.m.s. ASSOCIATE MEMBERS. Date of Election. 1875 Dec. 1.| Revd. J. D. Bate. 15, St. John’s Church Road, Folkestone, Kent, Englan 1885 Dec. 2.| Dr. A. Fiihrer, Prof. ot Sanskrit, 5, Dorenbach strasse Bininngen, Basel, Switzerland. 1899 Nov. 1.| Re oes E. Francotte, s.3. 30, Park Street, Cal- 1902 June 4. ae me H. Francke. Euro 1908 July 1.| Rai Sahib Dinesh Cae. ‘Sen, BAL OM, Visvakos Lane, Calcutta 1910 Sept. 7.| Shamsul Ulama Maulavi ‘Ahmad Abdul Aziz. Azeez Bag, City-Hyderabad, Deccan. 1910 Sept. 7. L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer, Esq, Trichur 1910 Dec. 7.| Rev. H. Hosten,s.s. 30, Park Street, Calcutta. 1915 Mar. 3.| E. agate Esq. 27, Chowringhee Road, Cal- cu 1915 Dec. 1 Pandit’ Jainacharya Vijay aah oo Yasovijaya Granthamal Office, es City. 1919 Sept 3. | Perak H. Bruce. Bengal Cheb, Caleutta. — LIST OF MEMBERS WHO HAVE BEEN ABSENT FROM INDIA THREE YEARS AND UPWARDS.* * Rule 40.—After the lapse of three years from the date of a member leaving India, if no intimation of his wishes shall in the interval have been received by the Society, his name shall be removed from the List of Members The following members will be removed from the next Member List of the Society under the operation of the above ule :-— Rev. Hilarion Basdekas Lieut. peti iia Boyle, 11th King Edward’s Lan The Right Hon’ble Thomas David Carmichael, Baron M.G. 8. Capt. Archer Irvine Fortescue, R.A.M.C. hiii Lieut. Reginald Frankland Francis, 1.4. M. van Genus, Esq Herbert nlmnuat Ksq,., I. a (retired). Henry Rosher James, Esq. .» M.A. William Alfred Murray, gaa! B.A., M.B. P. A. Rogalsky, Esq. Imre George Schwaiger, Esq. Capt. Claude Bayfield Stokes.. Roadway Charles John Swinhoe, Esq. Lieut.-Col. James Charles Stoelke Vaughan, I.M.s LOSS OF MEMBERS DURING 1919. By RETIREMENT. Ordinary Members. Charu Deb Banerji, Esq., M.A., LL.B. Col. Sir. S. G. Burrard, K.c.s Dwarkanath Chakravarti, an M.A., B.L. Prakash Chandra Mi tra , Esq. Edmund Alexander Molony, Esq., n, sq. A. de Bois Shrosbree, Esq. Lieut.-Col. John Stephenson, I.M.S. C. A. Storey, Esq mG. Tormbade: in Ernest Herbert Cope Wash Esq., I.C.8. Edwin Roy Watson, Esq., Sir John George Woodreife, a By DraTH. Ordinary Members. Rai Monmohan Chakravarti, Bahadur. . A. Tronside. Nawab Haji Mahomed Ishak Khan. Dr. Amrita Lal Sircar. Valavanur Subramania Iyer, Esq. Lieut.-Col. William fontae Sutherland. Dr. L. P. Tessitori. liv Rute 38. Thakur Birendranath Bose. ie Sir George Duff-Sutherland-Dunbar, Bart. 19th unjabis H. D Graves-Law, Esq., Ram Sawrupa Kaushala, ag. Babu Mritunjoy Rovchaudhury. Rote 40. Capt. Robert Markham Ava igen’ 1.M.S. Stephen Demetriadi, Capt. Charles Aubery Saab: : Capt. Frederick Christian Tika, ‘Tati Army. Lieut.-Col. Arthur Holbrook Nott. 1.m.s. Major O. A. Smith, Indian Army: Capt. Francis Hugh Stewart, 1.m.s. Major Michael Harris Thornely, I.M.S. Capt. Edward Owen Thurston, 1.M.s. Lieut. G. Harris, Indian Army. ELLIOTT GOLD MEDAL AND CASH. RECIPIENTS, 1893 Chandra Kanta Basu. 1895 Yati Bhusana Bhaduri, mu 1896 Jnan Saran Chakravarti, wi 1897 Sarasi Lal Sarkar, m.a. 1901 Sarasi Lal Sarkar, m.a. 1904 | ahem Lal Sarkar, M.A. 1911 ( Jitendra Nath Rakshit i Jatindra Mohan Datta. Rasik Lal Datta. 1913 - Saradakanta Ganguly. Nagendra Chandra Nag. Nilrat n Dhar. 1918 Bibhutibhushan Dutta, M.s 1919 Dr. Jnanendra Chandra Ghosh. lv BARCLAY MEMORIAL MEDAL. 1901 1903 1905 1907 RECIPIENTS. E. Ernest Green, Esq. Major Ronald Ross, F.R.C.S., O.B., C.1.E., F.B.S., I.M.S. (retire Lieut. Colonel D. D. Cunningham, F.R.S., C.I.E., I.M.S. red). Lieut. Culonel Alfred William Alcock, M.B., L Lieut.-Colonel David Prain, M.A., M.B., LL.D., F.R.S., I.M.S. (retired). Dr. Karl Die Major William Glen Liston, M.D., 0.1.E., I.M.S. J. S. Gamble, Esq., C.1.E., M.A., F.R.S. Lieut.-Colonel pod iisvorlinen Godwin- G.s. N. Annandale, Esq. D.Sc., 0.M.ZS., F.L.S., F.A.S.B. [APPENDIX | ABSTRACT STATEMENT oF RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS OF THE jxsiatic POCIETY OF PENGAL FOR THE YEAR 1919. lviii STATEMENT 1919. A siatte Socvety LY, To EstABLISHMENT, Rs. As. P, Ra: Asie. 6 6,469 12 Commission 630 9 Pensio as an ta, 224 0 0O Grain Allowance oe ia es 6415 6 War Bon oe te ot 648 12 1 —_ — 8,038 1 10 To ConrTINGENCIES. Stationery.. Se st oi ize: 6 o — and Fans we ids aby ist 1. 0 Taxes ons = re 1,495 0 0O Postage... 560 1 9 Freight... 237 5 4 Auditor’s fee 150 O 0 Petty Repairs 1388 12 0 In ce uN a0 343 12 O Winter clothing ove sts vein 42 11 10 Miscellaneous ate Bee ree 350 14 O — 8,612 18 §& To Liprary AND CoLLEcTIONs. . Books Ae ee Me ie F104 26 Binding ... re sas 4% 595 9 O Ga 1,805 11 6 To PUBLICATIONS. rag and Proceedings, and Memoirs tee 0,136 li 3 oe 178 eg 0 v6 jelating charges of Circulars, ‘ete. aes 536 12 0 — 9,851 14 To Personal Account (Written-off) . ae 603 5 Balance soe ie 2,00,819 11 > 6 ow Totat Rs, es 2,23,726 10 NOE of Bengal. 1919. Rs. As. P. Ra, As. FP. By Balance from last Report... $6 wee 1,96,888 3 38 By Casu RECEIPTS. Interest on Investments pe ‘a 9971: -di.36 Rent of Room ie ee 600 0 0 Publications sold for cash va 117 12 0 Government —S publication of papers in Journal say se 2,000 0 0 Miscellaneous vee i see "B47 2.9 ——_——_—_——_ 13,236 0 3 By PERSONAL ACCOUNT. tid subscription oh dn 6958. 0: 0 Compound Bubbariptice 234 0 0 Subscriptions to Journal and Proceedings, and 1,872 0 O Pirate sion i hoe oe. Te fe 0 0 Sales on credit ae ar ee gO eee Miscellaneous Ae ns a 227 14 6 ————_ 13,657 6 6 Totat Rs. one 2,283,726 10 O E. & O. E. R. D. Menta, Caleutta, 31st December, 1919. Hon. Treasurer. STATEMENT 1919. Barclay Memorial Fund in Account From a sum of Rs. 500 odd seg in 1896 by the Surgeon nragement of Medical Dr. To CasH EXPENDITURE. Rs. As. P. Rs. As. P. Cost of Medal ee 2204.0 Cost of Cheque Book .. uo =e 2 0 0 ‘inshinae 9. fix.® To Balance— G.P. Notes (face value) we wed 500 0 O Accumulated interest ie i 74 210 674 210 Torat Rs. es 5838 8 10 STATEMENT 1919. Servants’ Pension Founded in 1876 as the Piddington Pension Fund, Dr. To CasH EXPENDITURE. Rs. As. P Rs, As. P. Pensi bs 44 0 0 Colette for realizing interest mae 04 0 44 4 0 Balance yea 1,572 15 10 Torat Rs. cou 1,617 3 10 NO 2. with the Asiatic Society of Bengal. General, I.M.S., for the foundation of a medal for the en- and Biological Science Cr. 1919. Re, -Age-?. Ra) -Aa, P By Balance from last Report— . Notes (face value) 500 0 0 Acoumulated interest 69 2 4 By CasH RECEIPT, Interest ee une Pe ToTAL Rs. E. & O. E. R. D. Menta, Calcutta, 31st December, 1919. No: 8. Fund. with Ks. 500 odd from the Piddington Fund. Hon, Treasurer. 1919. Cr. By Balance from last Report By CasH RECEIPT. Interest ... Totat Rs. ens E, & O. E. R, D. Menta, Hon, Treasurer. Calcutta, 31st December, 1919. Re, As. FP. 1,568 3 10 xii STATEMENT 1919. Building From a sum of Ks. 40,000 given by the G t of Dr. To CasH EXPENDITURE Re, Aer Ras Agiat Engineer’s a 368 12 O preety re realizing interest _ ie Pit; — ————. i Fe fie To Balan Ger, Notes ites value) aa? .. 40,000 0 O Accumulated interest + wi 18200 .8 0 ————_ 52.200 § VU ToTat Rs. ea .. 82,670 16 0 STATEMENT 1919. Catalogue of Scientific Serial Publi- Asiatic Society From a sum of Rs. 2,500 given by the Trustees of the Indian Museum Dr. To CasH EXPENDITURE. Printing nse i de sae 2,500 0 0 Tota Rs. ae 2,500 0 O Ixni No. 4. Fund. India towards the rebuilding of the Society’s Rooms. 1919. Cr. Rs. As. P. Rs. As. P, By titi from last Report— G. otes — value) : By Cash Receipt ay ate 11,172 10 0 ————._ 51,172 10 0 Interest Ri bs ve me ee cs. Tora Rs. 52,570 15 0 E. & O. E. R. D. Mputa, Calcutta, 31st December, 1919. Hon. Treasurer. No. 5. cations, Calcutta, in Acct. with the 1919. of Bengal. through the Government of India for the publication of catalogue Cr. Rs. As. P By Balance from last Report 2,600 0 0 Tota Rs, on 2,000 O 0 E. & O. BE, R. D. Menara, Calcutta, 3lst December, 1919. Hon. Treasurer. lxiv STATEMENT 1919. Indian Science Congress tn Account From the subscriptions of Dr. Ee. Xe. TE: Rs. As. P. Contingencies ods Bet s 190 12 3 Station Se 112 12 0 Posta eo vf oi 179 10 9 Printing ies LF ; 1,820 12 6 Advertisement see fe 247 4 O Light *... 3; isi 381 13 0 Advances ... te i oe Oe Blocks rg ea 59 8 O Subscription refunded 5 0 _- 4,694 9 1 Balance BS iy 2,706 7 4 TT Tora Rs. 7,401 0 6 STATEMENT 1919. International Catalogue of Scienti- Asiatic Society From the subscriptions of snbscribers, and from « sum of Rs. 1,000 given by Dr. To Casn EXpenpiITurRE. Rs. As, P. . Rs. As. P. laries ... cee oe . 3638 11 6 Contingencies vis sas pe 910 0 Postage... ey Ba War Bonus 11 8 O bscriptions ste 1,628 0.5 Printing eo: 2 Grain Allowance Se 0:0 Lisienilaen Sbte AOU Balance ve 1357 9 7 —_—_—_ Totat Rs. a 3,377 4 6 PRS Reo i aes ee gee ee Rae aery ne hes p 5 Se) See PRLS Se a ee Tes No. 6. with the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 1919. members of the Congress and by the Donations. Cr. Rs. As. P. Re, As, 2. By Balance from last Report... Ai xe 2,190 14 5 By CasH ReEcEIPT. Subscriptions, ete. sf toe 3,626 15 0 Bombay Government Donation ws 1400 0 0 Sir Dorab Tata’s Donation ive ee 150 O 0 Miscellaneous ae xs 33 3 «0 — 5,210 2 0 Torat Rs. Mes 7,401 0 5 KE. & 0. E Calcutta, 3lst December, 1919. R. D. Meara, Hon. Treaswrer. at Be nee fic Literature in Account with the 1919 of Bengal. the Government of Bengal for expenses incurred in connection of the Bureau. GF, Rs. As. P. By Balance from last Report — .-- i one 697 8 6 By Casn Receipt. Subscriptions ee rie ee a 2,679 12 0 ‘ Tota Rs. ase 3,377 4 6 * —- E. & O. E. Calcutta, 31st December, 1919. R. D. Menta, Hon. Treasurer. Ixvi STATEMENT 1919. Oriental Pwhlication hund, No. 1, in From a monthly grant made’ by the Government of Bengal for the publica- (Rs. 500), and for the publication of Sanskrit To CasH EXPENDITURE. mae. hae Re. Ash: Salaries... ne a me 1,869 138 0 War Bonus Be avs 187 12 8 i oy roe cn bie 474 10 8 Contingencies ae bes ag 89 15 6 Books es 9: 2 60 tag 3387 4 9 Editin e 384 0 0 Printing charges 4,808 9 0 Light and Fans a OO Statione 8 0 Commission i oe ise 1200 2 9 Grain Allowance a Ky 16 ti. 3 Winter clothing oes ve ue 314 2 —_———.__ 8,341 7 9 Personal Account (Written-off) ... + aus Sey aa. Balance re oe 36,185 9 3 aneeree e Totat Rs. : a5 44,578 8 6 STATEMENT 1919. Oriental Publication Fund, No. 2,in From a monthly grant sanctioned up to March 1922, by the Government of Historical Interest Dr. TO Cash EXPENDITURE. Be. As, Printing charges evs : 1,872 6-0 Balance se oc” 16,786 14:79 Toran Rs .. 17,109 8 0 Ixvii No. 8. Acct. with the Asiatic Soc. of Bengal. 1919. tion of Oriental Works and Works os Instraction in Eastern Languages Works hitherto nape nes sete 50). Cr. ; Ba. Aa. PF. Ra. As, P. By Balance from last Report ae Se ee 25,890 11 9 By Cash RECRIPTS. Government Allowance ae raat ataeer 08 et Beeb Sale of Publications ... =i: 1,418 12 9 Advances recovered +s ce 194 14 3 —_ ———_ 10,613 11 0 By PeRSONAL ACCOUNT. Sales on credit 5,697 14 9 Donation fro i hee Durbar “for printing Kashmiri Dictiona 2,000 0 O Mi aaktasénnd es te ee 376 3 O oe 8,074 1 9 Tota Rs. “i 44,578 8 6 KE. & O. E. Calcutta, 31st December, 1919. R. D. Menta, Hon. Treasurer. No. Q. Acct. with the Asiatic Soc. of Bengal. 1919. Bengal of Rs. 250 for the publication of Arabic and Persian Works of (without remuneration), Cr. Rs. As. P By Balance from last Report =s iu wis 14,109 3 0 To CasH RECEIPT. Government Allowance 8,000 0 0 Tota Rs, bes 17,109 3 0 EK. & O. E. Calcutta, 31st December, 1919. R. D. Menta, Hon. Treasurer. Ix viii’ STATEMENT 1919. Oriental Publication Fund, No. 3,tn From special non-recurring grants made by the Government of Bengal English translation of the Akbar- Dr. Ke, As Fr. To Balance ai ‘ ays eae SO7'. 3.6 Totat Rs. ee 897 9 6 STATEMENT 1919. Bureau of Information in Account From an annual grant of Rs. 1,200, made by the Govern- Dr. To Cash EXPENDITURE. Rs. As. P Salary el a at rs ia 100 0 0 Balance a 2,100 0 0 Tota. Rs. ree 2.200 0 0 STATEMENT 1919. Anthropological Fund in Account Dr. To CasH EXPENDITURE. Rs. As, P, Books Ae aa wa pa ea 78 10.3 Balance oie ove 973 9 3 Torat Rs. te 1,052 4 0 lxix No. °10. Acct. with the Asiatic Soc.of Bengal. 1919. in 1908 of Rs. 8,000 and in 1914 of Rs. 2,000, for the publication of an nama (without remuneration). Cr. Rs. As. P, By Balance from last Report a Be oe 397 9 6 Totat Rs. oi 397 9 6 EK. & O. Calcutta, 31st December, 1919. R. D. Meura, Hon. Treasurer. No, 11. with the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 1919 ment of Bengal for the salary of the Officer-in-Charge. Cr. Rs. As. P By Balance from last Report —... Se ae 1,000 0 0 By CasH RECEIPT. > Government Allowance me 2 1,200 0 0 Tota Rs. a 2,200 0 0 BE. & O. E. HS), MEBTA, Calcutta, 31st December, 1919. Hon. Treasurer. No. 12: with the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 1919. Gr. Rs. As. P. By Balance from last Report... re ae 1,052 4 0 Totat Rs. ees 1,052 4 0 E. & 0. E R. D. Meura Caleutta, 31st December, 1919. Hon. Treasurer STATEMENT 1919. Sanskrit Manuscript Fund in Acet. Fro 1 grant of Rs. 3,200, made by the Government of Bengal kerit Manuscripts ncquired by the Society for rctehtdasieg and Rs, 2,400 Dr. To CasH EXPENDITURE. As. P. Rs. As. P. Salari ae 1,996 11 0 Cc ang a Ls 12 3 Salary of Ofcersin “Charge vas 200 0 0 a soni a 420 0 O War B 198... 1...9 Light st aiid a aes 24 0 0 Postage sue Ape ae w. Go. O Insurance .. ee nae 1zo° 0:0 Statione ery... 6.6.8 Grain Allowance * 12 0 0 3,001 7 0 Balance a i 10,640 6 O TotaL Rs. Wy) 13,641 13 O STATEMENT 1919. Arabic and Persian MSS. Fund in Dr. To Cash EXPENDITURE s. As. P. Ra Ag k: Salari is ‘ie wie 3,547 7 O Contiecincke ; ae oe 916 6 woe Miwa : va 562 12 0 War Bon i ; ie 432 3 8 s Gs rel BOO Mae # MSS ea Ses sea 650.0 a re) oa.) ot S60 ontage “ ie a wt S27 6 ears, Aliowsioe = ae a li 6: 6 mene $1611. 8 Balance ee ce on 9,066 12 7 Torat Rs. es 13,227 14 4 lxxi No. 138. with the Asiatic teh of Bengal. 1919. nd at present sanctioned to Mar. 31, 1923, for the EP lk of Sans- a from the same Government for the sary 0 of tue Otficer-in-Charg A ‘ By Balance from last Report =A hes 7,918 13 0 By CasH RECEIPTS, Government Allowance for Sans. MS. Pre- servation... 3,200 0 0 5 ‘i » Cataloguing... 2,400 0 OU Sale of Publications Gs roe 6% 0° 0 By Prrsonat Account. Sale on credit 1 z am 25,000 ts See yo PROUOLOT 5, aoe ee 500 4 ., ,, Terminable Loan of 1915-16 ... mt vax 10,100 ToTaL Rs. « 2,84,300 [* Cashier’s security deposit.— Fd. ] Copy of Certified Statement of Secnrities in Custody of the Alliance roe ie of Simla, Ltd., on account of Barc relay Memorial Fund, January 18, 19 3} per cent. Loan of 1854-55 a cep tes ayes e00 3y ” cy | ” ” 1854-55 ee . see te 100 Be ys + yp 1900-01 rite igs ey rie 1. Tota Rs. a 500 7- Opening Address in a Discussion on the Value of Bodily Measurements in Distinguishing Human Races. By N. Annanpatez, D.Sc., F.A.S.B., Zoological Survey of India. (With Plates III—VI). [Indian Science Congress, Nagpur, Jan. 1920.] racial types as having once been specifically distinct. Be this Further, granted that race is primarily and essentially a physical thing, the term is used by anthropologists in two different senses, one general the other particular. We talk of the three great races of mankind, the Ethiopian, the Mongo- lian and the Caucasian or Indo-European; but we also talk of the Munda race, or the Bengali race, or the Tai, or even the Siamese race. In either case a race is something different from 42 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, blood, but otherwise can usually be recognized without precise diagnosis. No one could confuse a Chinaman with a Negro, or Peninsular India. The fact that a Burman might appear to belong either to the Mongolian or to the Indo-European stock need not concern us at present, any more than the other fact that the whole of mankind is not comprised in the three main groups thereof, even if we allow for possible admixture. Accepting, then, the definition of race that I have already given and further interpreting the phrase “‘ relatively unimpor, tant physical characters’’ in a restricted sense, we reach the gist of our discussion: Can human races be distinguished by measuring individuals belonging to them ?° Let us define a little further. What do we mean by mea- surements? I would here again adopt a restricted meaning and imply by measurements actual mensuration with callipers, a goniometer, a tape or other instruments of the kind. Physio- logical tests and the observation of what are sometimes called descriptive characters [ do not regard as measurements. ur enquiry, therefore, narrows itself still further. Can we distinguish between human races by the aid of instruments of this kind? My own answer to the question would be that we can not, but that measurements may be profitably em- ployed as a check on other observations, provided that they are taken with sufficient accuracy and on a sufficiently large number of individuals, and that we realize what we are measur- ing. Let us first see what these reservations imply. In measuring living persons we are attempting to measure what we cannot see, to measure bones through an opaque cover- ing of muscle, skin and adipose tissue. We have to find the points from which we measure mainly by the sense of touch. In a few measurements, such as those of the length and breadth of the head, there is no difficulty in attaining substantial accuracy, for the opaque covering of the bones is very thin and but slightly compressible. Even in such measurements we may, however, find considerable differences in the same individual in the indices calculated. The difficulty in attaining accuracy is greatly increased in measuring the nose, for here the points 1920. ] Bodily Measurements and Human Races. 43 as 50 mm. and the breadth as 40 mm. we get an index of 80, but if we measure the height as 51 mm. the result is 78°43. Slighter differences in the nasal index than this have been bridge is ill-defined, is not easy. Similarly (except that the measurements are greater and a small error relatively less im- portant) with measurements of other parts of the body, and es- pecially in measuring the length of the limbs, in which the points are particularly difficult to find. A practised anthropologist, aided by experience and by a knowledge of human or com- parative anatomy, . come some of these difficulties. But it is often implied, if not stated, that anthropometry is a method of research in which any intelligent person can indulge after, or even without, the most elementary training. cover of the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland the following advertisement ap- ears :— ' ‘* Invaluable to Medical Officers, Teachers, etc. REPORT of the ANTHROPOMETRIC COMMITTEE of the BRITISH ASSOCIATION, Being the Final Report on Anthropometric Method. Contains Full Instructions for Taking Measurements. With 33 Illustrations. PRICE ONE SHILLING NET.” I own experience, which has been considerable both in India,! and in other countries, this advertisement is almost as optimistic as those from which persons afflicted by incurable diseases gain the hope of a miraculous cure. Of all the biologi- cal investigations I have myself undertaken I have found no technique more difficult than that of measuring living persons. This may perhaps be due in some measure to lack of manual skill on my part, for the feats of anthropometry performed, and the speed with which they have been performed, by other an- thropologists, and especially by the Japanese,* fill me with The anthropometrical measurements taken recently in the labora- tory of the Zoological Survey in the Indian Museum are now being séd mathematically by Mr. P. C. Mahalanobis in the Presidency Col- lege, Calcutta, ; ? See, for example, Kubo, T., Bettrage zur physischen Anthropologic der Koreaner, Published by the Imperial University of Tokyo, 1913. 44 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, [N.S., XVI. astonishment, and despair. But there is another point usually ignored. namely that the accuracy of anthropometry depends t keep still. Further, as it has been accepted by anthropologists that all measurements of the trunk and limbs must be taken with Fria. b, the subject in “‘ the erect attitude, ’’ we must remember that the erect attitude does not mean the same thing in all individuals, and that if we calculate the proportionate length of a man’s thigh-bone above the ground as he stands upright, and that of the top of his head as he stands in the same position, we do not get the same proportion in all individuals. Anatomically considered, the stature of a round-shouldered man is not the same as that of a man who has been regularly drilled and holds himself with square shoulders (cf. figs. 1 and 2, pl. II). Some of the figures published in Professor Rudolph Martin’ s great text-book of physical anthropology,! the most compre- ! Lehrbuch der Anthropologie. Jena, 1914. 1920.] Bodily Measurements and Human Races. 45 hensive work of the kind in existence, suggest to me that the subject of his illustrations of anthropometric methods main- 46 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, tained an attitude that could hardly have been maintained except by a man who had at one time undergone a military line on a reduced scale (fig. 1). These difficulties are all inherent in the measurement of living persons. They can be to a considerable extent elimin- ated in dealing with the prepared skeleton. Even here, however, a difficulty, perhaps of greater fundamental importance, per- sists. I mean the fact that in most of our measurements we are attempting to estimate a curve, often complex, by measur- ing a straight line or an angle. Straight lines and true angles are not to be found in the human body, but these are what our measurements from point to point provide for us. You know the Urdu proverb, “‘ Camel, Oh Camel, is there anything straight in your anatomy ? can think of no animal, human or other- wise, to which this is not applicable in a literal sense. Were our measurements sufficiently numerous they would form a pos- sible basis for reconstructing curved outlines, but it would be impossible to select sufficiently numerous definite points at which to take them on any limb or other part of the body. Our system may, indeed, be compared to that of the Cubists in art. It is for this reason that the recent work of Berry and Robertson in Australia,! and particularly their tracings of crania, has taught us more about the origin of the Australian and Tasmanian races than all the measurements of living per- sons or of skulls and skeletons hitherto published. Tracings show contours in a way no measurement can do: the indices derived from measurements are merely a concise and conveni- ent method of expressing certain proportions of a much simpler ind. lf this be true of crania, it is still more true of the living body, in which, as we all know if we think the matter out, racial peculiarities are not exclusively skeletal. : _, Take this photograph (fig. 2) of the head and bust of a Uriya fisherman from the north-east of the Ganjam district, a man probably near the aboriginal racial type of Peninsular India. Note the low receding forehead, the prominent bony eyebrows, the coarse outlines of the nose, the patent nostrils, ! Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinbur : ? gh, Vol. XXXI (1910), a Princ of the Royal Society of Victoria, Vol, V (1909), and Vol VI 1920. ] Bodily Measurements and Human Races, 47 particularly the apparent breadth of the pelvic region, which the photographs with the next two, which show the same region in a young Anglo-Indian (fig. 3, pl. V) and in a young the body is almost as slim and the shoulders slope nearly as much, but you will see if you will compare the lines of the neck that the sloping shoulders are due toa sedentary occu- pation and not to any essential peculiarity of the skeleton, and you will also see that the apparent breadth of the pelvis and less curved at their upper extremity.’ In the other Javanese the differences are still greater and the difference in racial type is equally apparent, though here the two men are nominally of the same race. Some may think that in insisting on characters that cannot be measured | am wasting time. Even the mos rigid up- holder of pure anthropometry would hardly venture nowadays (except in India) to ignore the descriptive characters of his subjects. My point is that our conception of these characters should be revised, that they should be given a more prominent Supposing that we have evolved an ideal scheme? in which anthropometry and what I may perhaps call “ anthroposcopy ” 1 The type of thigh possessed by the first Javanese is, I believe, the type called ** grasshopper thigh’’ by the Malays. See Skeat’s Malay Magic. 2 Valuable suggestions for a scheme of the kind are to be found, though not put forward as such, in Prof. Keith’s paper on two des- eeandants of the ‘ Bounty’ mutineers in Man XVII, No. 88 (1917). 48 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, particularly because hardly any human race is, or has been for thousands of years, of unmixed origin. Race is one of the most persistent things in nature, but it is very exceptional for rived. He may illustrate some traits of one race and other traits of another quite clearly, or his physical characters may €,as is more often the case, a regular palimpsest in which manner that decipherment is rendered difficult, in many indi- viduals impossible. Occasionally one race predominates in the features or body of an individual. e have only to look at the portraits of Socrates, of Darwin and of Tolstoi to realize Fia. 3. how racial characters of a primitive stock submerged in age- long floods of alien blood may occasionally come to the surface. It is probable that few of the ancient Greeks had the rugged facial features of Socrates ; certainly few historical Englishmen have had those of Darwin, and the fact that we may find the physical homologues of Tolstoi’ s face in any large collection of photographs of Russian peasants, or even of Japanese Ainus, meri pte ee that Tolstoi was born in a community in p The Greeks, like all but a few isolated races, have under- last two thousand 1920.] Bodily Measurements and Human Races. 49 years, and yet that the artistic type not only existed in classical times but still, even now, occasionally emerges, is at any rate suggested by the two photographs I now show you (fig. 3), one the portrait of a young Greek (taken from von Luschan) of the Island of Skyros, the other that of the Hermes of Praxiteles, one of the most famous of the ancient Greek statues. Note small mouth with its prominent lips, the small but firmly moulded chin, and particularly the general harmony of the features, difficult to express precisely in words, and impossible by measurements, but none the less apparent in a photograph. A still more remarkable instance of this persistence an certain villages in Syria in which the ancient blood has ap- parently remained pure, the people, according to von Luschan, are ‘“‘ as like one another as eggs”... . a statement so bold that accuracy seems to be submerged in exaggeration. It is cer- tainly not true of the Armenians we meet in India, who, with few exceptions, come from the neighbourhood of Ispahan in Persia. We know as a matter of history that these people are the descendants of a body of colonists who were trans- ported to Persia by Shah Abbas in the 16th century from Julfa, south of the Caucasus. They have given the name of Julfa to the suburb of Ispahan which they still regard as their head- quarters, For generations past the Armenians of the new from admixture, but the early European travellers in Persia state that the Armenians of Ispahan were given wives by Sha Abbas. It is not surprising, therefore, to find among the ris after either of his parents or after a more remote ancestor, Same ancestor. 1**The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia” (The Huxley Memo- rial Lecture for 1911). This view has not been universally accepted, but as to the antiquity of the Armenoid racial type there can be no doubt. 50 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. {N.S., XVI, The photographs (pl. VI) I now show you are portraits of two Armenians from the new Julfa, both skilled mechanics. The first is that of a man (fig. ]) who may be said to repre- sent the Armenoid type somewhat refined'; the second (fig. 2) represents a man of strongly mixed type. In the one you will note the disproportionate development of the upper part of the head, very high sloping forehead and calvaria, the abrupt posterior termination of the head with the peculiar — dint so characteristically Armenoid, the long somewhat hooked nose, with its tumid nostrils, the long upper lip, the poorly- developed lower jaw. In the other you see traces of the same type in the high forehead and long nose, but both forehead and nose have a very different outline and the head is of quite a different form, showing little trace of the Armenoid type. You will see from these photographs and from the state- Fia. 4. ments given in the description of plate VI that these two racial types differ from one another, so far as the head is con- to t T tionately broader by measurements than the first, but appears from its outline, and particularly from the convexity of its pos- , longer. In short the measurements and in the other (B) it does not fit at all. Even here we are dealing will now show you some photographs illustrating racial 1 Educated Persian Armenians to whom I have shown von Luschan’s ss 98 Shoes recognize his portraits of Syrian Armenians as resembling 1920. | Bodily Measurements and Human Races. 51 diversities among peoples usually believed to be of fairly pure stock. e number of illustrations that I can bring to your My photographs are those (a) of Chinese carpenters from Canton and (6) of Siamese! criminals and countrymen from the Province of Patani. Those of the Chinese (fig. 5) are par- ticularly interesting. One of the men a of a common Mongoloid ou man, has certain non-Mongoloid features, particularly his prom- inent nose and chin.? This case is one in which I do not wish to be dogmatic, for in it a pathological rather than a racial explanation might possibly be correct, and the atypical individual may be so not because of heredity but because of physiological idiosyncracy. 1 Not reproduced here. : : 2 Cf. Prof. Keith’s address to the Anthropological Section of the British Association for 1919, reported in Nature, vol. CIV, No. 2611. 52 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. |N.S., XVI, I need say very little about the photographs of the Siamese, merely pointing out the mixed Mongoloid, Malayan and Negrito elements to be noted in the features of the men depicted. You must not let me give you the impression that I believe the result of admixture of race is as a general rule to produce individuals who belong definitely to either or any of the racial have data that are not only accurate but strictly compar- able. In India it has been, and often still is, maintained that anyone who knows and is in sympathy with a tribe can investigate that tribe anthropologically, without scien- tific training, without anatomical knowledge, without study of the literature of the subject, merely by following the dictates of the British Association’s little hand-book. This attitude seems to me as if we were to claim that a man who had a good Prensa . Man in is physical structure is not essentially erent from other animals ; biological science and emotional Sentiment are incompatible. 1920.] Bodily Measurements and Human Races. 53 EXPLANATION OF PLATES. of India, to the Director of which any inquiries about them should 7 to colour are those of the slips of glass in Lovébond’s pigmentation meter (see Man, vol. viii, No. 27)]. Pruate III. Fic. 1.—Lateral view of the full figure of a young Anglo- Indian of upright carriage. Ancestry. Maternal grandfather English; Maternal andmother Burmese ; Paternal grandfather Scotch ; Paternal grandmother “Anglo-Indian.’” Age29. Pro- fession laboratory assistant and clerk, but addicted to physical exercises. State of health good; weight 109 Ib. Skin yellowish olive (on inner surface of upper arm 3 red, 2 yellow, 1 blue by anthropological tintometer). Stature 164 cm. Cephalic index 78°38. Nasal index 81:81. Upper facial index 4446. Pro- portionate length of lower limb (from head of great tro- chanter) 52°01. Face remarkably square ; cheek-bones flat but not coarse. yes narrow, with slight trace of lower part triangular as seen from in front, rounded at the tip and by no means prominent ; nostrils pointing downwards and slightly forwards, patent. Note the straight line of the lower limb, trunk, neck and head. Fig. 2.—Lateral view of the full figure of Chinaman with round shoulders and bandy legs. the lower part being broadly rounded. Cheek-bones prominent but not very flat ique, with a well-developed epicanthus. Nose long, prom- inent, convex in profile and slightly hooked; the S Sp) o a | = ve} ° 4 ) a =F 2 Ss ie) 54 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, nostrils dilated but directed downwards. Upper lip straight ; lower lip slightly protuberant. Chin small, slightly retreating, but pointed. Note lack of con- tinuity in line of head, neck, trunk and limbs. A profile view of the head of the same man, taken some months earlier, is reproduced in text-fig. 5 Prats IV. Fig. e —Dorsal view of the full figure of a woos Javanese upright carriage and fine (Malayan) ty Ancestry stated to be pure Javane ee Tz... £70 fession assistant in exhibition, a skilled and athletic ceptionally yellow and smooth (on inner surface of upper arm 4 yellow, 4 red, 2 blue). Stature 160°5 cm. Cephalic index 90°75 ; head broadly pon pag above. Nasal index 81°11. Upper facial index 4 Propor- tionate length of lower limb 53°7. Toco aan te and Eyes narrow, with slight trace of epicanthus. Nose flat, with ill- -developed bridge ; the lower part broadly noted in figure—(1) Slight habit of body, (2) upright carriage, (3) sloping editor (4) very small shoul- der-blades, (5) strong development of the pelvic re- gion, giving the tea an almost feminine appearance, (6) muscular development of the thighs, (7) slender- ness of all the bones, (8) smooth. rounded contours of the body, (9) the concealment of the relative length of the ene limb. ; Fie. 2,—Same view of the full figure of a young Javanese of coarser type. Ancesiry stated to be pure Javanese (Jokojokata). Age 25. Profession acrobat in circus. State of health phalic index 84°65. Nasal index 69:09. Upper facial index 64. Proportionate length of lower limb 50°39. Face broadly oval; cheek- viroang prominent but not very flat. Hyes as in fig. Nose more prominent, yey flat, with a better wav euped bridge and with less expanded nostrils than in fig.1. Prognathism very 8) Note the low stature, the square, relatively broad 1920.] Bodily Measurements and Human Races. 55 trunk, the absence of apparent inflation of the pelvic region, the short limbs, coarser bones, larger shoulder- blades and darker colour of the skin. Fic. 3.—Same view of the full figure of a young Anglo- Ancestry—mixed Indian and European. Age 24. Pro- fession musician (violincello). State of health good. Skin olive brown (5 red, 4 yellow, 3 blue on inner sur- face of upper arm). Stature 169 cm. Cephalic index 82°56. Nasal index 69°23. Upper facial index 57°93. shoulders associated with sedentary occupation, (4) contours of body much less smooth and rounded. Puate V. ¥1c. 1.—Front view of the trunk of the man photographed in V. In this view the slenderness of the trunk is still more absence of swelling in the pelvic region and the com- to be highly peculiar and would repay further study. My remarks in the paper cited are a good instance of 56 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, 1920.] the fallacy of trusting solely to measurements in anthropological descriptions) . Fie. 3.—Front view of the trunk of the man photographed in fig. 3, pl. IV. Note that while the trunk is nearly as slender in pro- portion as in fig, 1, the pelvic region is also slender and yet the pelvic basin is still broader and flatter than in fig. 2. Puate VI. Heads of two young Armenian men from the Ispahan district, Persia Fie. 1.—Head of skilled mechanic aged 24 and in good health. trochanter 880 mm. Weight 127 lb. Hair bla Cephalic index 78°72. Height-length index wad 67- 20. Nasal index 62°5. Upper facial index 46°89. Height-breadth index (head) Proporhont length of lower 87°56. limb 51°74. he ve 2.—Head of skilled mechanic aged 25 and in good ealth. height 60 mm. Nasal breadth 39 mm. eh cid . great trochanter 881 mm. Weight 140 1b. Hair bla Cephalic index 84°22, Height-length index Ae 69: 14. Nasal index 65°00. Upper facial index 52° H Pa in index (head) Proprtionat length of lower “62. 2°13. Note that the measurements wd Proportion are not cor- ’ related with the outlines of the hea: ten ew wm a“ ni oad rnencetiting geile than oh ey te Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. XVI, 1920 Plate III jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. XVI, 1920 Plate IV Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. XVI, 1920 Plate V Jour. As..S$ee. Beng. Vol. XVI, 1920 Plate VI 1A 2B 8. Hindu Astronomical Deities.! By G. R. Kaye. (With Plates VII—X1I). logical matters have been purposely excluded, for astrology and planetary worship are in India clearly differentiated, and it is doubtful whether the Hindu worship even connotes a belief in more important part in Hindu life than does the Sahl cult, for the latter is always subordinate in its relation with other religious observances. In most works on the religions of India, indeed, either there is no reference at all to the cult, or the barest mention of it t, and the study of planetary icono- graphy appears to have been equally neglected. Vepic DEITIEs. 2. In Vedic times there was a group of gods—Surya, Savitri, Mitra and the other Adityas—that has, with some propriety, been called a sun-god group. In the Rig Veda, however, the only one of these that is definitely astronomica i is Sirya, who was more closely related with the physical Ss than the others, cpanisioalaline indeed, being the actual objec itself. He was the source of light, the day-measurer, is dispeller of ada etc.; Savitri, the vivifier, represents a more abstract notion ; Mitra was, something like the Mithra of the west, rather v vaguely a god of light ; while the other Adityas were still less definitely astronomica 1. Although there is nothing in the Rig Veda that marks any one of these gods, except Siirya, as definitely connected with an astronomical body or phenomenon, yet they are all ey related to Sarya ad even are on some occasions efinitely equated with him (and with each other) by name, and also, rather indefinitely, by attributes and functions. The 1 I am greatly indebted to Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Sastri, C.I.E., President of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, for advice and help in the preparation of this Mag an mob cient in connexion with the history of the Magas in India. For the Docs Sn which have been utilised I am inde bted i“ Messrs. Johnston & Hoffman, Calcutta, and to the Director General of pe ie 58 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, main Soe aaneE of the group may be roughly summarised as follow Strra.l Savrrrt.2 Mirra.? Apiryas.4 Son of a e An Aditya ! An Aditya ! Mitra Son of Dyaw = Bhaga 2 Gecetally coup- | Aryaman pooner ange various | = Mitra 3 - “ with Varu- | Bhaga god: méa isbend of Ushas+ | = Sirya —~ Tevticl 3 Daksha = Sav | Varuna ! Martanda 2 Eye of Mitra and | Golden hands, Savitri ® Varuna 5 etc.+ Sarya + i Indra 5 Chariot with seven | Chariot with horses 7 two horses 5 Measures days 3 The vivifier § Stirs af ote As sa 1 grou | and ings | of ay wit omry Dispels darkness % oat together ar * light 6 Drives away sickness) Drives away evil and evil dreams 10 eams, evil on sin and sor- . We have not included in the above group either Puishan or Vishnu. The former is sometimes said to be a sun-god but the connexion is extremely loose, Wrigg in later times subordinate position. He is there characterised chiefly by his ‘three steps,’ which general Opinion, without ntuch warrant, 1 (1) RV i, 5018; i, 1919; viii, 90 01, (2) x, 371 (3) ii, 124; ix, 965; &e. (4) vii, 755 (5) i, 1151 3 vi, 511; vii, 631; x, 371: &e. (6) v v, 459 (7) i, 508; iv, 138; v, 459; vii, 608; but vii, 632 gives only one steed and in i, 1158, x, 373, &c. the number is sg orn (8) i 507, “(9) vii, 6315's 374# (10) x, 374[AV xiii a ate Siirya’s characteristics I 2 (1) viii, 183 (2) v, 821; vii, 331,6 (3) v als (4) i, 358-10; vi, te vii, 38%; vii, 452 (5) i, 352 (6) iii, 6210 (7) i, 3510; y, 824; vii, 3 (1) ii, 271 (2 v, 722: & . 3. it 5 2+ vii, 362; vii, 9112, (2) e; &e. (3) i, 1368; iii, 595; v, 722; vii * (1) The first six names given in ii, 27; see also viii, 18 3; &e. (2) x, 728, (3) vii, 854. (a) A - MacpoNnELL "Vedic Mythol, 44 ; ut see H. OLpENBERG 5 “« The door of the true is act with a golden disk. Open that, O Pishan, that we may see the nature of the true. O Pashan, only seer Doan 7 Sarvs, son of Prajapati, Sreete thy rays and gather them.” Isa 1920.] Hindu Astronomical Deities. 59 refers to the course of the sun. In one not very clear passage (RV i,155') he appears to be connected with the four quarters of the year, each of which consists of 90 days. In modern times his purely theistic ice eee hide any possible solar relationship.' He has few physical traits pe practically the seme one being his anthro niall Selene three stride . Other quasi-astronomical deities are the twin Agvins and Dioskouroi. Asvini is the name of the nakshatra usually identified with 6 and y Ariet Soma is, in the Rig Tela: hardly connected with the moon at all*; but erhaps in the later books,’ and certainly in the Atharva Veda,® Soma is a name of the moon. In later works the moon as a separate divinity is rarely mentioned and in modern times shares the subordinate position of the Pes Considering the importance of the original Soma and the large part the moon plays in regulating religious Pia ee in India, it is surprising to find that a moon-god proper has no place of Fag apg in the Hindu pantheon. is some diversity of opinion regarding the celbticnalty of these deities with astronomical bodies. We ave, for example, Oldenberg’s suggestion connecting the Adityas with the planets,’ and Hillebr Bnet, s theory that the whole Rik is centred round a lunar cult. But these hypo- theses really relate to the serie origins of the Vedic deities and have but little direct pgs on the characteristics of these deities as conceived b ishis. From our point of view is seen the importance ei: the fact that in the Rig Veda none pring pat Se deems that every ane of solar character is lacking in Vishnu (Macponent Ved. Mythol. 39) ; ee n the Puranas at least, pe relationship, is indicated, e.g. ** iin as ge is the internal SAA Macooxts, Ved. Myth. 53. gtintert to S lcs: them with the sun and moon have been made. 8 i rly all the references to Surya rear her with the ASvins, as moun tise the ir car, and she appears to be t int wife. Once she is connected on Piashan (RV vi, 584), and ie once ‘with Bo moon (x, 85). wever, the reference hg Hillebra: ve ’s view in the next par ag ok beg. RV x, 852-5 €-Wii: i813: xi, 67. T Oldenberg suggests that Mitra, Varuna 9 the Adi ityas are the sun, moon and planets, and that these ha nm borrowed from the Semites or Sumerians, or had received their astronomical character as them. Die Religion des Veda, 185. . RE ii 8 Vedische Mythologie (Band i. Soma und recente Gietect). See also A. A. Macponeti Vedic Mythology, p. 113. 60 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, cal gods of India 6. Of — ritual _— applicable to Surya there is no information ; but, all the gods were worshipped so, no doubt, was ey possibly with ag woe sian ritual. “Adoration to Sary @ «.,.celebra te the rite! enjoined by him and sing his praise.” (RV x, 37! Post-VEDIC. Between the Vedas and any wae body of Indian inatare there is probably a big time-gap. At any rate the intervening period sufficed to alter considerably the general ee of the celestial deities. In the Atharva Veda there are indications of the coming change. In the Brahmanas?” the Adityas are twelve and represent the twelve months of the year. Later the whole group became merged into one sun-god. named indiscriminately Strya, Savitri, Mitra, Aryaman, Pishan, etc. In the Upanishads the sun is of great impor- tance.’ In the epics a sort of heliolatry is indicated : :* the devotes a canto to his praise.6 The Jatkas’ also refer to the worship of the sun; the Puranas relate solar myths, tell of a race of solar kings ® and give in outline the ritual of sun worship that still obtains.® Already there are indications of two conceptions of the solar deity that were, possibly, independent of each other or even fundamentally antagonistic—the one being purely Hindu and the other of foreign origin or largely ih ened: by exotic cults. In Hinduism the sun “is blended so inextricably with the 1 The repr heat gd is not certain. 2 §B vi, 1, 28; xi Seay tyaaltie palit meditates on the sun as ‘ the self ’ (Ch. U. i il). ‘* That golden person who is seen within the sun....is the lord of ‘all the worlds” (Ch. U. 1, 68-8), Chapter iii of the same Upanishad is a meditation upon the rays of “= sun, etc. See also the Kaushitaki ype ad ii, i ete., ge vii, 8216 106. Agastya says—‘‘ on ighty Rama, ititon to the old mys- tery rs pc thou wilt conquer all t hy foes in the bat Meme Having daily pia sigs the Aig renters the holy prayer bli destroys all enemies, victory, removes all sins, sorrows and ress, increases i which is the blessing ‘of al blessings the sple d sun, who is respected by both h gods ‘and on ‘who gives light to on No and is the rich lord of all the worlds, etc., etc , 534, ete. Ed. E. B. Cowen, 8 Compare the official cult of the Sol invictus instituted by igh a (A.D. 970-275) and its connexion with the worship of the Emperors. eee of Udaipur, J odh es J bsg and Sirmiir claim to be of the ‘ dine 1920.] Hindu Astronomical Deities. 61 , n th kind, which found plenty of justification in the Vedas, but which was probably not altogether indigenous, was in vogue in northern India for a fairly long period. AstronomicaL Mytus. 9. Some of the astronomical myths show Vedic origins but most of them belong in spirit to the epic age and some of them show no Vedic relationship at all? The most important of these myths naturally relate to the sun and moon; but, judged by the references in popular literature, by far the best known were those relating to Rohini? and Rahu.* In very brief outline the more important myths are as follows :— offspring were ‘the two Asvins. Safijfia’s father, in order to reduce the Sun’s power, placed him on a lathe and cut away an eighth part. From the fragments cut off were produced the discus of Vishnu, the trident of Siva, the lance of Karttikeya, etc. The sun was also a great scholar: he taught the Vedas? to Yajfiavalkya,® and to Maya the system of the planets.’ hence the waning and waxing. A second lunar myt) relates that the Moon carried off Tara, thereby causing a wide-spread 1 The Gayatri (RV iii, 62!0) is really a Savitri mantra, and it is doubtful whether it originally referred to the sun. Y Se 2 The o edic solar myth relates that Indra stole Sarya’s wheel. RV i, 754; iv, 304, 3 e.g. ** For blest with Rama’s love is she, As with the Moon’s sweet Rohini.”” Valmiki’s Ramayana ii, 16. 2 j 4+ e.g. ‘Like the fair moon from R&hu’s jaws set free. Mrichch- hakatika iv. See also Jatakas nos. 25, 481, 490, 537; Ramayana ii, 4, 114; iii, 27, 37, 64; iv, 22; vi, 71, ete. ‘ : 5 ef. “Thus the adorable sun, whose self is the Veda, who abides in the Veda and whose self is Vedic knowledge, is called the supreme soul. Mark. Pur. cii, 20. é 6 AtBirvni India i, 129. 1 Sirya Siddhanta i, 1 f. 8 VP iv, 6, ete. 62 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, quarrel among the gods. Budha (Mercury) was born to Tara and the Moon; and from Budha sprang the lunar race. Mars is said to be the son of Siva, au is sometimes equated with Karttikeya, who was also the son of Siva. Karttikeya is the god of war and rides a peacock and carries a bow and arrows. He was fostered by the Krittikas (? the Pleiades) and hence his name. Mercury is Budha (‘wise’) and the son of the Moon and Tara: Venus (Sukra, ‘brilliant’ ) is the son of Bhrigu ; Jupiter is Brihaspati or ‘ Lord of prayer’; Saturn (Sani), the son of the Sun and Chhaya, always has a malignant influence. Of these four planets no specially significant myths are related. Rahu, a semi-reptilian monster, stole and drank some of the amrita of the gods and so became immortal. Vishnu thereupon struck off his head, but, as he had secured immor- bat he his head at least), Rahu was placed in the heavens. It that Rahu’s theft of the amrita was discovered by the ae pi Moon and that in revenge he occasionally swallows them and thus causes eclipses. The myth is, possibly, partly exotic. Astronomically Rahu became the moon’s ascending node, and Ketu, a later introduction, _ descending node. There is some confusion in modern texts: Rahu was called Kabandha, ‘ headless,’ but the Seis of Ketu as Cauda Draconis made this nomenclature anomalous. According to Jacobi, Garuda was a sun- tod. Vinata, a daughter of Daksha, impatiently opened one of her eggs. It contained a bird (Aruna) whose upper half only was developed. Aruna became the charioteer of the sun. Vinata’s second ege produced Garuda, an enormous bird. He became the servant of the Nagas, who, —— promised to set him free | if he procured for them the amrita. ‘Eventually he vanquished ardian gods and shosared it, in spite of Indra, whose eg (vajra) caused the loss of only one feather. On the strewn with kuéa grass Garuda placed the amrita and invited the snakes to partake of it. While they bathed, Indra, o had become friendly with Garuda, carried off the amrita. Garde was rewarded by Vishnu who chose him as his vahana, and ae him his standard to rest upon. : a Ques na a oem myth based upon RV i, 71 (and AB iii, 335), becomes a star picture embracing Sirius, Orion’s Belt herr ees The Taittiriya Brahmana gives a star picture of Prajapati. and. the Brihat Samhita (viii 105) gives a nakshatra purusha,? which is obviously derived from the kala purusha (‘ time man’)—a human figure 1 ERE ii, 804. It is doubtful, but the myth is given because of its — with the Rahu myth. 2 See also the Matsya ‘Partno, ch. liv. 1920.] Hindu Astronomical Deities. 63 made up of all the signs of the zodiac—given in the Brihaj- jataka (i, 4). MeptagvaL Soar Cutts. tary cult also. Philostratus mentions! a temple of the sun at Taxila ; Yajfiavalkya and Varaha Mihira give details of shipped the rising, some the setting, and some the noon-day sun, others all three as tri-miarti.6 The earliest known Indian inscription referring to this cult is dated A.D. 466, but from that time onward there is plenty of evidence of this type. The following are brief quotations from some of the earlier inscriptions: (a) “ May that Sun... .whom Brahmans of en- lightened minds, according to due rite...... to be applied to a lamp for the divine Sun.” 7 (bd) ‘ May that Sun protect you who is worshipped by. the host of gods for existence, and by the Siddhas who wish for supernatural powers. ...who is the . faile tocomprehend, who nourishes the whole of the three worlds; who, when he is risen, is praised by Gandharvas, gods, Siddhas, Kinnaras and Naras, and who grants desires to those who worship....’’® (c) ‘‘ Let it be known to you that this village is given by us. .to the holy Aditya....with libations of water, to be enjoved as long as the moon, the sun, and the planets endure...... 8 ll. Evidence of another type occurs in a work astronomy. The best known of the mediaeval text-books of this science in India, the Sirya Siddhanta, gives the following gin':— ‘«¢ When but little of the Krita age was left,!° a great Asura named Maya!! became desirous of knowing this mysterious, l Life of Apollonius of Tyana ii, XXiv. 2 See paragraph 13. 38 Beat vol. ii, 274-275. 4 India i, 116. 6 Ch. cxxxix. 5 W. gions of India, 447. For a solar tri-mirti image see H. K. Sastrt South Indian Images of Gods and Godderess. Be. 144. A.D. . ‘3 8 Mandasor inscription of Kumara Gupta, A.D. 473-474. CII iii, 87. % Ragholi plates of J ayavardhana ii (Balaghat) EI ix, 47. 10 i.e. some 2,000,000 years B.C. li Possibly the Avestan Ahura Mazda is meant. .6 64 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, supreme, pure and exalted science—the chief Vedinga—in its entirety: the cause, namely, of the motion of the heavenly bodies. ‘“He performed in propitiation of the Sun very severe religious austerities. Gratified by these austerities and ren- dered propitious, the Sun himself delivered unto that Maya who besought a boon the system of the planets. to m and I am gratified by your austerities. I will give you the . munication I have no leisure.! This person, who is a part of me, shall relate to you the whole. Go therefore to the city of Romaka where you reside. There, undergoing incarnation as a barbarian, owing to a curse of Brahma, I will impart to you 29Q . this science.’ GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION. also in upper Bengal and Orissa. In South India only one, in Tanjore, is known. Images of Sirya are much more numer- Osia and Sirohi in Rajputana, Multan in the Punjab and Konarak in Orissa. The (?) solitary South Indian sun temple is at Stryanarkovil in Tanjore. There is also faint evidence of a separate lunar cult in India. Certain coins of the Kushan rulers of the second century A.D. bear images of a moon-god, and there is also the Pauranic tradition of a lunar race of kings.§ shi Wed oe a; a avalkya importaned the Sun to teach him the Vedas, e Sun said: *‘* How is that possible as I must tually wander ?” ALBiRnwni India i, 129, < Ace 2 Whitney thinks the last verse is an interpolation, but it is found in Bor. many of the manuscripts. 3 The chiefs of Karauli and Jaisalmer claim to be of the ‘lunar race.’ 1920.] Hindu Astronomical Deities. 65 MEDIAEVAL RITUAL. 13. The Yajiiavalkyasmriti, which was possibly composed in the fourth century of the Christian era, contains directions for the worship of the planets : ‘Those desirous of prosperity or desirous of peace should worship the planets. For rain, for long life, for nourishment act in the same way e Sun Moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, ‘Saturn, Rahu and Ketu should be remembered as planets. “The planets should be offered copper, a oe red sandal, gold, silver, iron, lead and bro in order. They should be marked on a a boKie in Abele own colours in circles by sandal-wood, or their several colours should be indicated by pieces of cloth or flowers. Also perfumes, garlands and incense of guggulu should be offered, and oblations should be made with mantras.’ Then are indicated the appropriate mantras, which have a very special interest as obviously they were considered the most suitable of the Vedic texts for the several planets. The connexion, except in the cases of the Sun and Moon, and perhaps Jupiter, is generally merely a matter of some verbal similarity: for raged the Budha Aggies mantra begins with udbudh ya, etc. ‘Wake up, etc.” The following trans- ven are rakeg ene Griffith’s edition of the White Yajur living coektaiakst (WYV Xxxiii, 43; RV i, 35*.) Tur Moon—‘ Gods quicken me that none may be my rival as domination, dit f lordship, me son of such a man an, of sucha tribe. This is your king, ve bay men: Soma is lord and king of us the Brah- .’ (WYV ix, 40.) pana Agni is heed and height of heaven, the master of the earth is he. He quickeneth the water’s seed.” (WYV iii, 12; RV viii, 44'°.) Mercury—* Wake up, O Agni, thou, and keep him watch- ful. Wish and fruition meet and be together. In this and the loftier habitation be seated, All-gods, and the sacrificer.”” (WYV xv, 54.) Jurirer—* Give us, Brihaspati, that wondrous treasure, that which exceeds the merit of the foeman, w h shines among the folk effectual, splendid, that son of law which is might refulgent: taken upon a base art 66 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, thou. Thee for Brihaspati—This is thy home. Thee for Brihaspati.” (WYV xxvi, 3; from RV ii, 23'5, Vrenus—“ Prajapati by Beaiiss drank the essence from the foaming food, the pe power, the pure bright drinking off of juice. The power of Indra was this sweet immortal milk.” (WYV xix, 75.) SaTuRN—“ May the celestial waters, our helpers, be sweet for us to drink, and flow with health it strength for us.” (WYV xxxvi, 12; see also R *.) Ranu—‘ What succour a he bring 3 us, wonderful, ever ae, friend? With what most mighty company ?” (WYV xxvii, 39; RV iv, 31.) Ketu—* Thou, “ne light where no light was, and form, O men, where form was not, wast — together with the dawns. ajok Wee V at ce euwleeecees a Yellow White Black R. Mrrrra Buddha Gaya pl. 1. 70 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, Materials.—As in the west the materials allotted depend principally on their colours, but the Hindus did not confine the selection to metals altogether. suN | Moon | MARS | MERCURY |JUPITER| VENUS |SATURN| RAHU | KETU Asn Mi- | Copper | Gems | Gold Alloy Silver | Pearls | Iron hira Yaj. Val. | Copper | Crystal |Red san-| Gold Gold Silver | Iron Lead | Bronze iti dal Paddhatis | Copper | Crystal |Red san-| Gold Gold Silver | Iron Lead | Bronze dal Greek Gold | Silver |Red iron} Tin Yellow | Copper | Lead electron Special Symbols.—The actual images are sometimes re- placed by pieces of cloth of the appropriate colour or by pieces of metal of certain shapes or with certain designs engraved upon them. These symbolic designs are of interest as they ress, etc.—In some early sculptures, e.g. figs. 2 and 4, _ the Sun and Mercury are distinguished by special head dresses. In one case that of Mercury is particularly noteworthy (fig. 2). In northern images the Sun often wears high boots (figs. 1, 2,3 and 4), a girdle that is supposed to be of Magian origin, and sometimes a sword at his side. _. Posture.—In most of the early sculptures the planets are, with the exception of Rahu and Ketu, standing ; and in some of these cases Mercury is particularly differentiated from the others by standing with legs crossed (figs 2 and 3). In several examples Saturn is represented as lame (figs. 2,3 and ? 4) : ne of his names is Pangu, ‘the lame,’ which is possibly de- rived from his apparent slow motion. Rahu and Ketu are sometimes combined in one figure.” o following table roughly summarises the planetary utes :— attri 1 Brihajjataka ii, 12. 2 Lucknow Museum H 100, ete, 1920. | Hindu Astronomical Deities. 71 A B | c D E .|..F a Es : | Posi- Special The hands. Vahana, Colour. |Material| Symbol. weeg' nears Peet | | Sun Lotus in each | Car with seven “Red .. | Copper | Circle | Centre | Magian girdle.+ hand. horses. High boots.5 | Sword.6 Coat of mail.7 Attendants. Moon Rosary & pit- Car with ten| White | Crystal |Crescent S.E. cher. horses (Deer)? Gems Mars .. | Rosary &spear| (Ram)! Red ..| Red ‘(Triangle S. sandal Mercury | Bow & arrow | Peacock (Lion?| Green | Gold..| Arrow N.E... | Stands with with trunk). egs crossed.9 | Special head- dress. !0 Jurirer | Rosary & pit-| (Elephant or | Yellow | Gold..| Rect- —N. cher (Book &| s e | rd).1 Lotus! Vents Ro: & -| (Horse or | White | Silver | Star cher (Money | frog).! Pearls | Square! bag & book)! SaTuRN.. | Rosary &staff (Vulture or | Black | Iron.. | Bow Ww. Lame.!! buffalo.)! Staff. RAnv .. | Vajra .. | (Lion)3 ..| Black |Lead..| .... |S.W — = conn Large canine ; Naga ood. “peat wert Kero word, torch | (Vulture)? .. | Smoky | Bronze | Flag! |N.W... | Naga tail. “Cag yptapeny ar).! hese are taken from modern paddhatis and "pega See also J. Burcuss Indian Antiquary xxxiii, 1904, p. 6 2 Mriganka * rarked be a deer’ is a name of ‘ie moon. 8 Matsya Purana ch. x 4 BS cl ‘ 5 BS civ, 47 and many eae 6 AP li; : Cal. Mus. 3928, e ; ae d ls with AP i mentions Chhayé, K Pingala and ‘two Tate aitivelan : ij menti daaan and Pingala : o !9) 4—__—_* wry y? gh ote oie lb vac a The legend on the obverse seems to have been circum- scribed by a circle, and that on the reverse to have been enclosed in a square. Mr. M. P. Khareghat, I.C.S. (retired), when recently cataloguing Mr. Thanawala’s collection, came across three specimens of the larger denomination, two of them weighing 132 grains each, and one 122 grains. One of the three clearly bears the date 935 and the lettering of all is of the normal arrangement. Now at what mint were these coins struck? They do not themselves record the mint name, unless, indeed, it be regis- tered in one or more of the reverse margins formed by the sides of the square and the rim. But in none of the specimens hitherto obtained are these margins legible. The dates, rang- ing from 934-940 H., correspond to A.D. 1527-1533. Who at that period could have ventured upon issuing coins bearing the high-sounding title Shah-i-Hind? Having regard to their type and make, I am almost certain that these coins are not of the Gujarat Saltanat. But Babur’s regnal years are 932- 937, and his son Humayiin’s 937-947 and later 962-963 ; and, 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XX XIII. 79 _ specimens were all obtained in Gujarat, so possibly they were altered at some mint in Mughal territory not far remote from the borders oi that province. Mr. Khareghat has ventured to suggest that possibly this coinage was commenced after Babur had defeated Rana (or Sangram Singh I.) of Mewar in 933 H., and when according to Elphinstone, “ Babur spent the next six months in internal arrangements, and restoring order throughout the provinces a not myself be at all surprised should this suggestion prove to be correct. The same friend has brought to my notice the interesting fact that, if these are indeed coins struck by order of the Mughal Emperors, they furnish us the first instance yet known of the use of verse by the Mughals on their Indian money. Still it is quite possible that these coins were not issued by Babur and Humayin from any mint in Western India; and perhaps some readers of the Numismatic Supplement may be able to advance a more probable explanation of their origin. Ahmadabad, Gro. P. TAYLOR. Aug. 16th, 1919. Our readers will regret that the above is the last contribu- tion of the Rev. George Pritchard Taylor, M.A., D.D., wh died at Ahmadabad on the 21st February, 1920. The mints and coins of the Mughal period. Much of the results of his erudition and industry is embodied in this Journal, to the Numismatic Supplements of which he has contributed no less than thirty-eight papers. EpItor. 201. Corns OF THE JAJAPELLA DYNASTY. In July 1915 Mr. W. E. Jardine, I.CS., C.LE., Resident at Gwalior, sent 791 copper coins found in the Gwalior State for examination to the Indian Museum. When these coins were cleaned, they proved to be the issues of the pein rar Q 2, — fe) o. a aA SS =] =3 a 5 ge 2 = (a) ce "A s ra) covered and discussed.? These coins bear a representation of what has been described as the early Chahamana Horseman (?) ing the name of the sovereign by whom it was issued and the ns 1 Coins of Mediaeval India, pp. 89-93. * Ibid. pp. 92-93, pl. X; 5-10. 80 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, . The coins of Malayavarmman figured by Cunningham belong to this variety. In subsequent years the only recorded discovery of coins of this class is the discovery of 79 coins of Malayavarmman in the Jhansi District, U.P., in 1908 The Gwalior find contained 250 coins worthless for numis- matic purposes. Among the remainder there were 183 speci- The design on the reverse consists of two parallel squares, the intervening space being occupied by similar zigzag lines. inner square contains the three-line legend, consisting of the name of the sovereign and the date in the Vikrama-era, The arrangement of the legend on this side is as follows :— 1. Sri-mach = Cha. 2. -hada-deva. : ee (Fi. Sak, 13) Cunningham has recorded the discovery of similar coins of Chahadadeva of the Vikrama years 129x , 1303, 1305, 1306 and 1311.! The Gwalior find contains coins of this prince issued in the following years :— (1) 1302 = 1245 A.D. (PI. XII, 2). (3) 1304 = 1247 A.D. (PI. XI, 3). (4) 1307 = 1250 A.D. (PI. XII, 4). (7) 1312 = 1255 A.D. (Pl. XII, 7). oo So i] a —o ig 9 a = a oO 4 os) = © wD © ays 5 ® 8 Qu ie) R ° © 5 Qu 2 =) om ° ae 5 ° ~ = a) — had accepted this explanation and in the report sent to the Resident at Gwalior had described these coins as those of the later Chahamanas of Narwar. In August 1917 I visited Sipri ' Coins of Medieval India, p. 90. 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XX XIII. 81 and Surwaya in the Gwalior State, places which had once been included in the principality of Narwar, with Mr. M. B. Garde, Inspector of Archaeology, Gwalior State, and I had a dis- cussion with him about the origin of Chahadadeva, Malaya- varmman, etc. Mr. Garde informed me that his discovery of several new inscriptions in the Gwalior territory has thrown much light on the origin of these princes. For example, a copper-plate inscription of Malayavarmman issued in V.S. 1277 = 1220-21 A.D., discovered at Kuretha in the Gwalior State, makes it clear that he belonged to the Pratihara clan. Two stone inscriptions give the desired data about Chahada- eva. At my request Mr. Garde supplied me with a note on the origin of the Rajput princes of Narwar from which I quote the following, with his permission :— « A gtone inscription on a Jain temple at Bhimpur about 3 miles from Narwar dated in V.S. 1319, in the reign of Asala- deva contains the following verses : Yajvapala iti sarthakanama sambabhiava vasudha-dhava- vamésah. Sarvatah-kaiita-kirtti -dukula& = chhotram =ékam = asrijat bhivane yahk.| i Kule kil-asminn = a janistha vira-chadamanih Sri-Yara- , madirajah. Sura-chchhidain bhartsita-Tarakasrik Skando-pt naskandati yena samyam., Tatra naka-yuvati-stana-sthali-pattra- valli-ghana-damvara- err . ° -_ Chahadah pratinarendra-kanana-plosha-dava-sikhi-mirt- tirudyayau. The facts of historical importance gleaned from this pas- sage are that there was a, race of kings named Yajvapala ; that in that race was born Sri Yaramadiraja, and that he was succeeded by Chahada.” “Tn another stone inscription found in the kachert at Narwar, dated in V.S. 1339 in the reign of Gopala, occurs the following text :— Gamyo na vidvesi-manorathanam Rathasyadam bhanumato nirumdhan Vasah satam-asti vibhiti-pattram Balavadan-arjita-kamta-kirttir- vamsah paro-bhaj=J ajapella-samjfiah Tatr-abhavan-nripatir-ugra-tara-pratapah 82 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, Sri-Chahadas Jie tt +] cat Tite ply UaMauas MBiALvvuils Dordarnda-charndima-bharena purah parebhyo hah yen-ahrta Nalagiri-pramukha garist hak This passage tells us that Chahada of Narwar was born in a noble family which was called after a legendary hero named Jayapala ; that the current popular form of the family name was Jajapella; and that Chahada captured from enemies Nalapura or Narwar and other big towns.” ‘On combining the information supplied by these two records we learn that the family name of the kings of Narwar hitherto known by the rather generic title ‘Rajputs of Nar- ? ) } pT J am. Yaramadi-raja however does not appear to have ruled over Narwar for we learn from the Narwar Kacheri inscription that it was Chahada who conquered Narwar trom enemies.”’ Mr. Garde agrees with the late Major Raverty in thinking that Chahada Achari of Ranthambhor was a different personage from Chahadadeva of Narwar. The basis of his argument is the origin of the princes of Narwar. According to the inscrip- tions discovered by Mr. Garde the Narwar Chieftains belonged Deo) were sent against Chahar Deo (sometimes spelt Nahar e€0) :— (1) In the year 631 A.H. (1233 A.D.) Malik Nasrat-ud-din Ta-yasai was attacked by Chahar Deo Rana of Ajar in a hilly 2 , . ¢ —, > oe . v 90. * Tabaqat-i-Nasiri (Bib. Ind.), Raverty’s trans., p. 733. 1920. | Numismatic Supplement No. XX XIII. 83 Mewat to attack the territory of Chahar Deo who is by mistake called Nahar Deo. In this expedition the kingdom of Chaha- dadeva was plundered.! n the year 649 A.H. (1251 A.D.) Nasir-ud-din Mahmid, the youngest son of Altamsh, advanced towards Gwalior, Chanderi and Narwar. Chahadadeva or Chahardeo is said to In spite of this force, his forts constructed in the midst of defiles and passes were taken and his territories plundered. Now the Chahadadeva of Narwar struck coins from the V.S. 129x to 1316. Now if we take the year 129x to be latest Oe a one, i.e. 1299, then Chahadadeva reigned from 1242 A.D. 259 A.D. ‘According to the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri the Titltosictiadesss waged war against one or more princes of this name from 1233 to 1251 A.D. So it is quite possible that Chahadadeva of Narwar is the prince who fought with the ae of the Sultans of Delhi on three different occasions. thambhor is not far from Narwar and it is quite possible that that one of the Jajapellas had married the daughter of a Chahamana and hasten the Rataul grant begins with a Chahamana genealog The Gwalior find contains coins struck in V.S. 1316= 1259 A.D. Therefore it is necessary to consider Cunningham’s date of the death of Chahada and the accession of his successor Nrivarmman. No coins of Nrivarmman have been discovered as yet, but the date, Samvat 1316, on the coins of Chahadadeva proves that Nrivarmman could not have ascended the ‘throne before 1259 AD. For some unknown reason Sir Alexander Cunningham as signed a very short reign to Nrivarmman. He placed the ascension of Nrivarmman and that of his son Asalla- deva in the same year V.S. 1312 = 1255 A.D. This date is untenable now, ee the evidence of the Gwalior coins tends to prove that Nrivarmman did not reign at all, because the reigns of Chahada and his grandson Asalla or Asala overlap. The Gwalior find contains more than two hundred coins of Asalladeva, but on these coins the name is spelt with a single la. Aaslarteved is also known from two stone inscrip- tions :-— (1) The Rai inscription of V.S. 1327 = 1270 A.D. (2) The Dahi inscription of V.S. 1337 = 1280 A.D. Cuan ngham has recorded coins of eee este of the years 1327 and 1330, but the Gwalior find contains coins issued in the years 1315 (Pl. XII, 9), 1318 (PI. xIL 10), 1319 (Pl. XI, 11), 1322 (Pl. XII, 12), 133x (PL. 1. XII, 13) and 134x (Pl. XII, 14). — are several coins in the find compe the name of Asalla 1 aoe p. 818. 2 Ibid., p. 691. 84 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, deva which were issued in the 12th century of the Vikrama era. Unless one is to admit the existence of another Asalladeva who struck coins of the same type two centuries ago it is difficult to explain the date on these coins in any other way. salladeva was succeeded by his son Gopaladeva, who is known from the inscriptions of his son, Ganapati. No coins of this king has been discovered as yet. Gopaladeva’s son Gana- patideva is known from two stone inscriptions :— 1) The Surwaya inscription on the Vikrama era of the Vikrama year 1348 = 1292 A.D. and (2) the Narwar inscriptions of the Vikrama year 1355=1298 A.D. The Gwalior find con- | tains 147 issues of Ganapati-deva. Cunningham has recorded two dates found on the coins of Ganapati-deva, viz. V.S. 1348 and 1355, but the date of the coin of Ganapati published by him is illegible (Pl. XII, 15). Since the writing of this note Mr. M. B. Garde has published his note on the Jajapella dynasty in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XLVII, 1918, pp. 241-244. R. D. BANERJI. 202. Pratindra Gotp Corns. Pratihara dynasty of Mahodaya (Pl. XIII, No. 1) R. D. Banerst. 203. Go~p Coin or Upayapeva. __The gold coins described in the following lines were found in the Central Provinces. They were described by the reporter as coins of Gangeyadeva. But the three-line legends on the obverse is clearly :— 1. Sri-mad= U- 2 -daya-de- 3. -va. (Pl. XIII, No. 2). The only prince of this name who ruled in Central and - Northern India is the Paramara Chief Udayaditya, who was a relative of the Cedi king Karnadeva and for whom we have the certain dates A.D. 1059 and 1080. It is therefore clear that the coin is the only known issue of the Paramara kings. R. D. BaneEpgizt. 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XX XIII. 85 204. UnrecorpEep Kines or ARAKAN. The following coins, belonging to the Cabinet of Mr. Pra- of Arakan. There is no doubt about the fact that these silver coins were issued by the kings of Arakan, as the paste ena humped bull and the trident-like ornaments are very clear the obverse and reverse of these coins (cf. V. A. Smith, Tadike Museum Catalogue, Vol. I, pl. XXXI.10). The names of these kings are to be found over the recumbent humped bull on the obverse. The following names are to be added to the list of mediaeval kings of Arakan on the basis of these coins :— 1. Lalitakara (Pl. XIII, No. 3). 2. Ramydakara (Pl. XIII, No. 4). 3. Pradyumnakara (Pl. XIII, No. 5). 4. Antakara or Annakara (Pl. XIII, No. 6). On ee i grounds these coins may be assigned to the 10th century A.D. r coin purchased with this lot is anonymous and bears no peri aie It has a conch shell on the obverse inside a bea rele and a symbol on the reverse which resembles to some satan the symbol on the coins described above (Pl. XITI, 0. 7). R. D. Banergt. 205. ’AtamMciIRNaGcaR, 4 New Muauau Mint. This small silver coin belongs to the collection of Mr- Prafulla Nath Tagore of Calcutta. It was purchased from a Koch-Bihar, because Prananarayana the king of that country had helped Shah Shuja’. ‘* Koch-Bihar was thus annexed. The name of the town was changed to ’Alamgirnagar. Isfandivar Beg received from His Majesty the title of Khan and was to officiate as Faujdar of the country till — of Askar Khan, who had been appointed to that o Mir Jumla sande his way into Koch-Bihar by an sea and neglected highway. The advance was very slow, as the dense bamboo groves had to be cleared to ‘unke a ane In six days the Mughal army reached the pecrer (19th Decem- ber) which had been deserted by the Rajah and his people in terror. The name of the town was changed to “eeacianel | Journal of the Asiatic Soc. of Bengal, 1872, pl. 1, p. 68. 86 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, the Muslim call to prayer so long forbidden in the city was chanted from the lofty roof of the palace, and a mosque built by demolishing the principal temple.” *Alamgirnagar was in occupation of the Mughals from 1661 to February 1663, and therefore the coin must have been minted in A.H. 1072-73. T egend of the obverse and reverse is very peculiar. It is the only Mughal coin in which the legend is written in Bengali characters, although the language is Persian or rather Arabic. ’Alamgirnagar appears for the first time as a Mughal Mint, no other issue of this min or rather type have vet been brought to light. The coin des- such as an d Ghazni and Sultan Muhammad bin m, who in some cases used Sanskrit legends on their coins. Obverse. Reverse. a Aora- cs 1. Jarava 2. ~ngajeva_va 2. Alamagi- 3. dasaha Ala- 3. -ranagara 4. -magira 4. Sam [vat] which is the exact translation of “ Aurangzeb Badshah Alamgir. Zarb Alamgirnagar.”’ *In the last line we have the translation’ of the word “ sanh.”” (Pl. XITI, No. 8). R. D. BANERII. 206. Guru-Govinpa or SYLHET. _ According to tradition Gaur Govinda is the last Hindu king of Sylhet in Eastern Bengal, a province which at the present time forms a part of Assam. No coin or inscrip- tion of this prince has been discovered as yet. The date of this king has been fixed according to the tradition of the Muhammadan conquest of Sylhet as recorded in the Suhail-i- yaman. In this work it is stated that Sylhet or Sri-hatta was conquered by Pir Shah Jalal during the reign of one Sultan Shamsu-d-din in 786 A.H. (1384 A.D.).! But there was no Sultan Shamsu-d-din in 1384 A.D. Therefore it has been surmised that Sylhet was conquered during the reign of Sultan Sikandar-bin- Ilivas who was reigning in 1384 A.D. 1! Prof. J. N. Sarkar’s History of Aurangzib, Vol. III, p. 180. 1920. ] Numismatic Supplement No. XX XIII. 87 In Mr. V. A. Smith’s Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum there is a silver coin (pl. XXX) assigned to Visn chittadeva of the Kadamba Dynasty of Goa.! Inafoo hatte Mr Smith records that this and another examined by Dr. Hultsch, Section, first ‘of all noticed the mistake in the catalogue. legend on the coin being in ancient Bengali characters, Messrs. Smith and Hultzsch found it difficult to read. I read it at first as Gunagovindadeva but Pandit Bidyabinod read it cor- rectly as Whatley! agers In Persian characters it would be written 913 O55 95 The second waw of Guru seems to have been omitted by a soridé, hence the Suhail-i-vaman has ),>S. oS, This was transliterated Gaur Govinda. The coin weighs 37'8 grains and measures 68” in diameter (Pl. XIII, No. 9). The coin of Ramagangamanikya of Tippera weighs 162°3 grains. This coin may be taken as a quarter- rupee. It corresponds with the Tippera coinage in many res- pects, the arrangement of the legend being almost identical. The rampant lion of Tippera appears on the obverse of this coin and below it the date 140 (?) 2, evidently of the Saka era. Long before the discovery of this date I had assigned the conquest of Sylhet to the reign of Sultan Shamsu-d-din Yusuf Shah, son of Sultan Rukn-ud-din Barbak Shah, in the second volume of my “ieee of Bengal.* The date on ore coin, 8. 1402 = 1480 A.D., corresponds with 884-85 A.H., the latest epigraphical date te Sultan Shamsu-d-din Vasuf Shah is the month of Muharram of the year 885 A.H.* So that reign of that sovereign.* This Yusuf Shah died in 887 A.H. according to the Tarikh-i Ferishta, the Riyaz-us-salatin and the Tabagat-i-Akbari. The inference is therefore that Sylhet was conquered some time between sealed A.H. (1480-82 A.D.). R. D. BANERSI. 207, NISARS OF SHAHJAHAN. The nisar of Shahjahan issued from the Akbarnagar mint, published by Lt.-Colonel Nevill in article No. 198 of Numis- ] oclge ag of Coins in the — Museum, peg ag Vol. I, p. 308. PL SRR, 2 History of a, ol. II, p. 216. 8 Raveastint s Gaur and inscriptions, p. 55 aie # J.A.S.B. 0.8., Vol. XLII. 1873, pt. I, p. 277. 88 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, matic Supplement No. XXXII closely resembles one acquired by the Provincial Museum, Lucknow, in 1917. The latter is dated 1065-29 and prior to the Nadia find was the earliest known of this mintage. The coin is figured below. ae will be observed that these nisars are devoid of the symbol 45 on the reverse, which for some reason still unexplained is often found on similar i issues from the mints of Agra, Lahor and Shahjahanabad. K. N. DrixKsHi1rt. 208. A NEW JAUNPUR MOHAR OF AKBAR. Weight—168 grains. ate—971 iH. Mint—Jaunpur Provenance—Lucknow. Obverse. Reverse. Within incused diamond. Within eight-foil. aUryralry lie ke silé oly yaSt Bi thie will Jie aere Margin Margin AU} old Glad okey [olblty] [ribet ot] enolig Wall yl a asle PVE pgm we wa ud-din” being characteristic. Mr. Whitehead in his mint notes (P.M.C. p, Ixvii) says that ‘the gold coins of Akbar [struck at Jaunpur] commence in 972 with broad pieces of good execution.’ This coin, which has lately been added to the cabinet . the Provincial Museum, Lucknow, is not only one year earlier but reveals to us a distinct type differing markedly from the well-known broad pieces of Jaunpur 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIII. 89 K. N. Drxsuarr. 209. A NEW GOLD Coin oF CHANDRAGUPTA II. Metal—A/. Weight—121 grains. Provenance—Mirzapur, U.P. —King, nimbate, standing left; wearing a turban adorned with some ornament above the ‘forehead, coat and trousers and the usual jewellery consisting of ear-rings, neck- lace (?) and armlets. He holds a bow, with the string out- w ards, by the middle, in the left hand and an arrow (?) in the ight. ‘‘ Chandra” is written vertically to the right outside the string. The marginal legend beginning — the proper left reads Déva- re “maha hai A sites part of the complete legend Deva Sri Sr guptal sense usually on the archer type. Rev.—Goddess (Lakshmi), nimbate, seated facing on lotus, holding a fillet in her outstretched right hand and a lotus with a long. stalk in the left. There are traces of a border of dots aaeee onthetop — To the left is the monogram Ce and to the right the legend Sri Vikrama h. obverse corresponds with the specimen in the tet ‘Museum published as Var. y', but the reverse has a lotus stead of a throne seat, and a such presents an fatntenting new variety of the archer type formed by the combination of an obverse and reverse which are known separately.” This coin belongs to the Mirzapur find of 1910 and has not apparently been noticed. é PrayaG DAYAL. | See Allan, Coins of the Gupta Dynasty, p. 25. 2 Do. do. Pl. V1, 5 and 10. Plate XII. JOURN., AS. SOC. BENG., VOL. XVI 1920. COINS OF THE JAJAPELLA DYNASTY. Plate XIII. JOURN., AS, SOC. BENG,, VOL. XVI, 1920, d coi Gold Coin of Udayedeva. 1, Pratihara Gold coins. 4, Alamgirnagar, 5, Guru-Govinda. 3. Unrecorded Kings of Ar 1920. ] Dacca Diaries. 93 officers at this time. Hervy drew £40 per annum, Nedham £30, Pownsett £20, and Eyre £1 In 1682 another chief from Hughly visited Dacca. I refer to Sir William Hedges, whose Jong and See diary has been published, and as his arrival is noted in one of the last entries in the diary below I need not give details of - Visit : but I have added a few notes gathered from his diar The following igi from a diary of Sir Staeyashor Master relate to Dacca and are interesting :— li ee ess aoe upon De Soito’s' business at Dacca, June 1676. A perl accompt of the charges of presenting the Nabob ivers other officers and great persons to procure his order to be reversed after it had binn given twice for the payment of De Soito’s demands and that Samuell Hervy was committed to custody * till execution thereof Broad cloth ordinary presents, vizt. To Atcharah (Achraj) ner s Munshy. 10 ToB ago pondaa a eg 10 ToSyb G2,.1¢ Mahmood a Bronk 8 Rang Mahall Mirda (Sergeant in the Hall of Audience). 194 To Ray Nindeloll’s* Porters, Chubdars, etc. for admission at all times to him. 49} Estimated in rupees 3 per yard .. 148-8. Scarlett presented, vizt. Yards. 34 To Meiz Tozuck® of the Nabob’s Rang Mahall. ia de To Sybram, Mutsuddie aforesaid. a Estimated in rupees 8 per yard i ee Fine Green canes. saat! Yards. 2 To Meiz crn aforesaid. Estimated 8 rup. es Pe 218-8-0 | This had nothing to do with Dacca origin a 2 This is interesting as being the first rare on which an Englis officer was imprisoned Py the Nawab. Other occasions were in 1689-90 and 1756. 3 Muhammad Ashr + This is Rai Nanda Lal who figures prominently i in Hedge’s diary, where he is called ‘‘ Ye Nabob’s Vizier” and ‘‘ Ye Na bob’s Duan ”: ter ngdom 5 This is Mir Tuzuk or Master of Ceremonies. C7. “Hedges : :—I was 94 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S. Cash, vizt. Paid into Nabob’s Treasu ry 2000/- Batta! of ditto money and other usuall charges ‘ Ri 30/- To Mullick? Cossim oe G00/+ To the Nabob’s wife, paid in her Mahall 2000/- To the eunoch that procured that interest .. 200/- To Buzzurgh Omeed Chaan, the Nabob’s son _1000/- To Ditto Duan for access and acceptance .. 200/- To the Cottwall* and Ameen of the Citty .. 600 To the Nabob’s Jassoalls 4 To Achrash Munshy, our friend to the Ray 5 300/- To Hackim Mahmood Hassim ¢ B00/- To Ditto Petesdutt pice. 200/- To Gourdasse, the Nabob’s Arz beague tevin ~~ GOU/s To Ba goandas Mutsudie sft 50/- Wine, 2 pottles of canary to M. Cossim j -8-0 to divers Nabob’s rayes and Chubdars 20/- To ‘the Cozzee*® and his mushrife . 600/- To Chubdars and iinet of the Durbar. 150/- 8911-8-0 9130 2. November 23rd, 1676. Mr. Hervy representing to the Councell that the Com- panyes house at Dacca is very streight and not capable to receive and secure the Honble Companyes goods by reason of severall thatcht hovells within and round about the compound which are verry dangerous in respect of fire which often happens in Dacca. The Councell did therefore order that brick build- pos be forrthwith erected to secure the Companyes goods not ceeding one thousand rupees for this yeare and that due eran be kept of the Perticulars thereof. December 15th, 1676. Upon the 12th of this moneth there came a letter from Mr. Fitch Nedham at Decca dated the 29th November last advising directed by Ye Emir Tusuck or Master of the Ceremonies to sit over against Ye Nabob, nearer Ye Canopy than his Duan or any other person. 1 Discoun 2 Malik Kassim , Governor of Hughly. 3 The chief police and revenue officers. + Jasawal = Bodyguard. 5 Ray = Ray Nunda Lal 6 He was Superintendent, of Shipbuilding (see below). 7 Arzbegi = officer receiving and reading petitions. : pene bed civil judge. r or inspector. ‘0 M arab ae = overseer or sergeant. 1920. ] Dacca Diaries. 95 thereof, if the King or Nabob should insist any such demand at present they could not think of any how to proceed further than to write to Mr. Hervy who is now upon his way to Dacca that he use all meanes to smooth up Ray nund deloll, the Nabob’s duan, by acquainting him that the Persian horses are now upon their waye. 4. Dacca, the 3rd December 1676. Mr. Streynsham Master, etca, Honoured Friends, Yours of the 16th, 17th and 22nd of last moneth have recei- ved James Price! hath mett with the Governour of Raja- maulls? veekeell and threatened him and showed him a coppy of an old forwane, * who hath now promised to write to his master about us that we should have no more trouble there.... sees Two Phyrwannaes whose coppyes I sent you in my last I have with much trouble and bribing of the Nabob’s Cullum- dar* with 150 rupees and Mella Cassimes® with 50 rupees stopped here from this day till seaven daies more before they shall go hence, which I hope you will like off. (sd) Firch NEDHAM. 9th October 1679. This day James Price the Companyes Vackeele at Dacca arrived at Hughly with an aidy® and a Chupdar from Hodgee Mahmud the Princes duan about the 15000 Rs. sent to Persia n case it was not presently paid he wrott to the Governour of Hugly, Allee Received a letter from Dacca dated the 13th instant adviseing that the Prince Sultan Auzam had left the citty on E ss eR, 1 See below 4 ajmahal. 3 Parwanna, but forwane might mean Farman, a decree or order from the Emperor. : ; + Clerk, literally, pen carrier. 5 Malik Kassim. 6 The Viceroy, Prince Muhammad Azam 1 Haji Muhammad, not to be confused Emperor’s Diwan. 8 Ahdi = foot soldier. "with Haji Safi Khan, the 96 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, the 6th and the 12th began his journey to Rajamaul, that ’twas feared there would have been a generall plunder about the time of the Princes departure but it proved not soe: that Shesta Chaun was made Suba or Governour of Bengale, his son Buzurgh Omeed Chaun being sent his Offtalle'! or Deputy to take possession of the government and is on his way making great speed to Decca, part of the Arrmado® being sent to Received a letter *® from Dacca dated the 23rd October. 9. December 10th, 1679 There came a Phyrwanna from the King’s duan at Dacca to the Phosdar here to demand present payment of 11565 Rs from the English, viz 7540/- Rs for guns * sold by Mr. Blake about the yeare 16645 that were not received at Dacca and 4025/- Rs. for money delivered to James Price the Vackeel in the wars against the Arracannars.° Before passing on to other matters I give below a most interesting account of the method adopted in those days for obtainin ng cloth for the factory. era, of the manner of provideing cloth at Dacca. ost proper season for giveing out moneys for srt Actin alle etca, made in and about Dacca is the month 9) : Abdali or substitute 2 This refers to the Nawarra or fleet maintained then and for years — at Dacca 3 The following’ is an extract from that letter: ‘‘ Of late the Prince’s name by almost forgotten and noe discourse are so current as those w tho 8 pele red by, Lasiltn thy thlired Coda Bux, and Mirza Mudduffer, with m wee ma ke e noe doubt to prevaile for any Sihactiatits matter within their pow: As bial the ara Saggro ae herein, he could not have m the Nawab’s Diw t post was held by Rai Na nd Lal although Hedges calls rte ‘ “Abdell Suma, Ye Nabob’s ts called Nawab’s Buxi in two letters to Sir Joshua Child in ae sent with 2,000 horse against the English at Hughly : thie ois that she was more katy to have been Buxi. 4 In try of 1669 we find that these guns were sent to Mir Jumla per William Blake and it was — sed the boxes hier tampered with. This must be a mistake as Mir Jumla died in 1663. 6 The Mugs against whom theists Khan sent an expedition. 1920.] Dacca Diaries. 97 . Delolls or Broakers accustomed with and appointed by the Government to the business of cloth take four monethes time for its delivery and within six monethes or there-abouts doe usually bring in the same browne ! as it comes from the weavers. 3. The said Broakers having tooke money deliver it to the Picars who carry it from Towne to Towne and deliver it to the weavers, so that the only security of the Picars are the weavers, of the Broakers are the Picars and of the Honble ut cloth much worse than muster is returned back, provided the broakers are not thought doubtful. 6. What money is agreed to be paid upon abatements, the Delolls usually make good in speciae unless cloth according to muster be procurable. 7. If at any time it happens that the Delolls seem to be partiall in overating the goods a merchant of the citty is, by joynt consent, chosen and desired to determine therein and doth soe accordingly. 8. It may not unfittingly be inquired into whether e found in Dacca who will generally poor and litigious and if the Picars or weavers faile, seldome paye their remaynes,* but never without contest trouble and charge. is accompt of the Dacca Investment was given to the Worshipfull Strevnsham Master Eqre Etca Councell according y me Sam. Hervy. ; Dated in Cassambazar,October 16th. 1676.’ ! Unbleached. 2 Standard samples. athe 8 Until the war began the Basaks of Dacca did a large trade in Kasida cloth to Turkey and Arabia. + Balances due 98 Journal of the Asiatic Socicty of Bengal. [N S.5ENdi uring the expedition into Assam (1662-63) the English apparently supplied guns to Mir Jumla. We read in Manucci of the Englishman Thomas Pratt ‘‘ who had from Mir Jumla five hundred rupees a mon nth. He was master of the river side and employed in building boats and making ammunition for river fighting.” On Mir Jumla’s death in 1663-64! the great Shaista Khan was appointed to be Viceroy. His first term of office lasted till 1677. One of his earliest acts was to send his son, Buzurg Portuguese pirates who infested the Bay. The result was the capture of Chittagong and the settlement of a number of pomeaante in the Dacca district, chiefly at Feringhi Bazar. In 1672 he granted the English an order for freedom of trade throughout Bengal without the payment of any duty. idai Khan, generally called Azam Khan, succeeded Shaista Khan but he died ? in Dacca the following year. In his place the Emperor sent his third son, Prince Muhammad Azam, at that time Governor of Patna. Before his arrival in Dacca the Government was carried on by the Emperor’s diwan, = Saphi Khan, who imposed a tariff on English trade. Prine Azam is the person referred to in the diaries of the period as “the Prince In return for Rs 21 ,000/- he gave the English an order (or Nishan) for free trade in ‘Ben ngal. This.was evidently the Nishan obtained by Mr. Vincent. n the Prince leaving Dacca to assist his father in the wars against the Mahrattas, Shaista Khan was sent again to Ben ngal. He returned to Dacca i in 1679 with a large train of went to Dacca to personally plead the cause of the Company. He left believing that he had obtained remission of this as well ! Pending Shaista Khan’s arrival, Daud Khan, Governor of Patna, was sent to take charge at Dace A in Dacca. Mir Jumla took a party of them in st army on the heats expedition (see Manucci) and Shaista rosioei a company of 5 or 6 hu to reinforce his army in Assam 1682 ( of Hedges’ Diary _ §% During his illness a French doctor w was papi from Hughly to attend him. He died in May 1678 (see Hughly Diary, Vol. I). 1920. | Dacca Diaries. 99 and he himself was punished by the Emperor by having to pay for the whole cost of the administration of that country from his predecessor’s time. give below a list ! of the various officers of the Maham- madan Government at Dacca at this period : Haji Saphi Khan. Mir Syed Ahmad. Kine’s Buxi? Rahmatulla. see Pata -* | Khoda Bux Khan. King’s Munshi .. Achraj (?) ( Haji Muhammad Hashim pies : (under Prince Azam). Nawab's: Diwan or Vazir«-. [Re Nanda Lal (under Shaista han). King’s Diwan Peshdast of ditto .. Kashi Das. (Mir Abdulla (under Prince | Azam). Nawab’s Buxi’ ..4 Khoda Bux Khan (under | Shaista Khan). | Abdul Samad (ditto.) Nawab’s Nazir or Controller Aza of the House .. Mobarrak (under Prince Daroga of the Topkhana® .. Mirza Muzzaffar. Daroga at Alamganj* .. Mir Moaz. Daroga of the Chhapa Mahal ® i .. Kaji Khusru. Daroga of the Mint ® .. (No name mentioned). . Aziz Beg. Chief and Kotwal? 22 \ Mahammnail mee: House Diwan .. Maurlidhar. Master of Ceremonies (Mir Tuzuk) .. Muhammad Reza. Sergeant of the Durbar... Muhammad Ashraf. Munshi .. Parbal Das. Peshdast and Chief Mutsuddy Manohar Das. Cullumbardar Khosal Beg. Mutsuddy .. Shib Ram. ? Eunoch .. Khajah Ambar. Besides the above several other officials are mentioned some of whom used occasionally to come to Dacca, viz :— 1 Taken from Hedges’ diary and the Dacca and Hughly Diaries. 2 Buxi was Master of the Horse. 8 Superintendent of Artillery. (Top = cannon). 4 His duties are not mentioned ; he may have been a Customs officer. 5 See note under entry of 31st July 1681. Ow ‘a ay ,, 2nd December 1681. 1 The Chief officer of Police. 100 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, Malik Kassim .. Governor of Hughly. Bul Chand ! (Bal Chandra) .. Chief revenue officer Hughli and odaied. Safed Mahmud? (son of Haji Safi Khan) .. Faujdar of Hughly. Innayatulla .. Daroga of Hughly. List * of officers under Nawab Shaista Khan at ber time of his expedition to Chittagong. 1666 a Commander-in-chief of the Ex- pedition me .. Buzurg Umed ent his son. Fauzdar of Dacca Aqidat Khan, wee Daroga of the Nawara (fleet). . (i) Mahmud Beg. ii) Tbn Hossain, entitled Man- sur Khan Daroga of the a ta ie ) tillery Mir Murtaza. entitled Mujshid Khan. Daroga of Larical * .. Ziauddin Yusuf. Daroga of Dhapa .- Muhammad Reg Daroga of Sangramgarh® .. Muhammad Sharif,’ late Fauj- dar of Hughly. Superintendent of Shipbuild- Ing ve .. Hakim Muhammad Hossain. Superintendent of Nawara 2 re .. Kishor Das. Commander of 2500 .. Ikhtisas Khan. Commander of 1500 .. Raja Subel Singh Sisadia. S Khan. Commanders of 1000 i Farhad Khan.’* : Qarawal Khan. 1 See note to HS of 4th March 1682. * Mentioned by Hedges who saw him several times in Dacca ® Compiled ios certain translations by Jadu Nath Garkne [see- ao of June 1906 and June 190 4 See the Journals aa Major Rennell (Memoir ITI (3), A.S.B.). The sey has now disappeare 5 This was a fort org Fatulla on the Buri oe about 7 miles below Dacca. mah is marked “ — nell’s map as Daap Killa. as another fort : —— on slots reget or Brahmaputra. Shaista Khen t built a ae fro apa to Sangramgarh, This is the old ence reaches the Megna at Baidy azar. In 1794 there was & come thana at Sangramgarh: and in ape the forts at Fatulla and Sangramgarh were ee mentioned in a statement submitted by the Collector to Governm 7 Probably the same ore was king’s Buxi in 1689. e lands which furnished the revenue for the upkeep of the fleet. 9 Fesecele thanadar of Noakhali. ¢ 1920.] Dacca Diaries. 101 Officer in re of the Na- wab’s Reta Shaikh Mobarak.! Jamadar of So sIdier Kaiat Khan fficer Conusaln the Por- tuguese Capt. Moore. oe Commander .. Manwar Khan.’ Masharif ® of the Fleet .. (i) Qazi Samu. (ii) Muhammad Muqim.* The Sadar ® . Mir Saiyyid Sadiq. Diwan: -i- Saeukaid or c Ectase a Khwajah Murlidhar.® Fragment of a diary from 4th October aor to 28th October 1678 signed by Sa. Hervey a Nedham, Dacca. October 5th: we went to Ye monies at Chand Chaan’s™ Garden about our Tanksall* Phirwan (N.B.—The request was refused as appears in 4 subsequent entry.) Dacca Dyary—April 1681. 1680, Oct. llth. (Coda Bux Chaan) hearing pa his brother, Mirza Muddufter, of the sickness of Mr. Hervy and violent paine which was ie him and brought with him® Physick of his own pre- paring. October 15th. Azziz Beague,!° Chiefe and Cottwall here, 1 Possibly the Nawab’s Nazir or Controller of the household mentioned above ‘Ad descendant of Isa Khan. the chief of the twelve Bhuiyas. There is still a amie with a bazar attached in Dacca town, called by his name, ly ying west of ~ Nawabpur Road. 3 Ins e + The spect is Katra Muhammad Mugqim, a little to the east of Chauk Bazar. It was mentioned in a statement submitted by the Collector in “S i] et oe _ a @ 3 = a D = ) oo et & = © or or = 7 For C g river side nearly opposite the Lal Dewan lived there ? There is still a Bedees in the town known a pens phul. 3 This was meen) - orders to base bullibn coined free at the pnt mint. Ther tt much trouble over this mat tter later, see diary belo * Bee friend of his, see abov 10 In a he — to Hughly. ie writes at the end of 1683, ‘‘The place of Customer (customs officer) as as well as Collector of King’ . rent and Gov on of this place is given to Aziz wee @ person yt spea Turkish and | ahowed himself my great friend at Dacc 102 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, was jageered,' the king himself having showed his dislike against him from some particulars which he tooke notice of in the Wacka”® sent hence. October 19th. Mamood Hossen (formerly Cottwall here and afterwards Daroga in Hughly) was appointed Cott wall in place of Azzes Beague October 2ist. Mirza Mudaffar*® came to vis sit Mr. Her ervy bringing with him Mirza Alliar, nephew* of Shaista Khan October 28th. Rahmut Alla Chaan, King’s Buxi, ordered to Silhet and Code Bux Chaan appointed Busxi in his place. October 29th. diecn Muddaffer came and promised Mr. Hervy some of the cordial the Nabob usually takes [The ein is signed by John Pownsett and Charles Evr 1681. May 8th. Raja Tabs Ray (who had been sent for) presented the Nabob and his Mutsuddis a 1,50,000/- and received from the Nawab ‘ surpaw ® of an elephant rich Jammo vat a girdle, from the Duan Hodgee Sophe’? Chaan a horse, and with great honour and a powerful name had his ruxut or leave to return to his own country ”’.* May 23rd. Haji Saphi® called for James Price. ” 1 The word ys ‘lo means ‘‘rent free grant” as also ‘‘ pension.”’ Jageered would tind mean pensioned and not dismiss * This was the periodical letter sent to the Emperor from the eine (see Ain-i-Akbar ri). 3 Mirza Muzzafar tg brother of Khoda Bux Khan and son-in-law of Buzzurgh _ = Kha: 4+ Nephew of pai Khan try is signed b romeo yk tt and Eyre were that t the first n amed had recov a ee ji Safi Khan ve whe oping 36 Sa in the office of King’s Diwan for a short time for we read i e Malda Diaries that in August 1680 he p by Rajmahal on hie rs up his former employment as King’s Diwan. T s an interesting link con- necting him with Dacca in an inscription in bric Sed = of t sore of Malkhanagar, one of whom (Debi Das) w ungo of the ara “A Pre Assess of Haji Safi Khan. The sseiee hag is dated 1089 rege is originally weiiied as a servant of —— Broughton: eat as a man well known in Bengal 1658. He was sen 1920. ] Dacca Diaries. 103 June 9th. James Price acquainted us that the Duan’s said James Price) to send Rs 15/- to the Munshy,! 3. yards of scarlett to the Peshdust! and 4 yerdss of SeLaNy: cloth to the Cullum- burdar ! * by name Purbul Das Mun mowed Monwar Das Peshdust, and Coushal beague Cullumburdar June 11th. Hodje Sophe Chaan, ye King’ s duan, seeing our vaqueele this day at ye Nabob’s ‘durbar Hie signifying to him his desire of such wax ures etc. we had formerly given the Nabob, Sdewe Chaan, on notice hereof we concluded it most necessary (considering how much and how constantly we were obliged to him) to present him 2 wax figures together with those curiosities in the flint ware we recd. lately from Hughly from the Chiefe etc. * td We thought it convenient to add these parti- culars following having notice from our Vaquee James ob Bow acceptable they would be to him June 13th. The ane Se second presented above articles The Duan was pleased. o Dacca in 1669 by his chief, bth st look after John Smith and to inti the rena at ar urt. a ious = this also he been emp a ge in Dac In their instructions to J un March Mapeil 1669) ao nearer him on his arrival at Dacca to seize James Price apg wee have found negligent and At if not aciaeasias, in managing what submit tted to his ATQO. wives cess and send him to us in fetters........-- with secrecy and pedis’ In 1672 Smith wrote to Edwardes at Kassimbazar : ** By James ng received a letter from you and thank you verry kindly for your advi have ranked in the order named, the last nam ing a writer. If, however, the Peshdast was the Chiet Mutsuddi (see entry of 2nd Dec.) this supposition would not be correct. 104 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [{N.S., XVI, June 26th. John Pownsett summoned to Hughly. June 27th. Nabob sent a present of some mangoes. July 8th. Coda Bux Chaan, the King’s Buxi and third officer in the Kingdom of Bengall, this day doing us the honour of coming to our ffactory ! we thought necessary according to all decency and custome * * * to present him with * July 1th. Came Manool Mendez Ffonseca® on a b oate with China dishes from Hughly which being forth with ordered James Price to get release, which was done not without promise of gratify- - “9 Daroga, Mier Moaz. July 18th. ome (Alum) was sold. July 25th. . ion was sold. August. Entries show that Mr. Pownsett returned. In this month also —— is made of Dumry as one of the Auru December 2nd. We (?) our Vansoel to get discharged a parcell of erord blades belonging to M. Clement de Jardin ® which Hodgee Coosroo Daroga of the Munchiarra Mahall’ (under whose cognizance arises, etc., salt) had stopped, delaying their discharge as we supposed in expectation of a blade or two as usuall: but our Vaqueel hte us answer that this day he did not make those sorts of excuses he was used to ; Hedges writes: ‘‘ returned to ye yo English Factory, which is at least 3 miles r arvti from this, or Navob’s durbar, most inconvenient situation for doing the Hooke cis a ag far from ps so urts of Justice, ustom house and ye water side, for taking up or sending away of goods The Nawab’s durbar may have been held at the Chota Katra or more likely at his place y Babu Bazar Ghat: the Court houses were within the Fort (where the Jail and Lunatic petbnet now stand). The Fa arte ie pro- bably ee Tezgaon, where we know the Com mpany had interests late Pay bs fe ya 2 wag of some Posh but I have been Soni to 5 There is still a Mahalla in Dacca town of that name to the gag a Ton of the town, on the river side. It was a Customs house Chauki This is Dhamrai on the Bansai river ahove Sabhar. coe kind 0 of subagency under the Factory: there were several in the well known man of the time (mentioned in St ham Master’ diary). Possibl an Enelich n Streyansham Master's was a priv wate os Fine “4 nglishman as he was originally called Jardin. He _ 1 Possibly in m and n of this word have bee ‘spl neg bie gy If so the word will be namaksar — i Aa hes . oo ae pes ase poly a! ue 28 sg — i which ‘oan described in 1790 dea rs and s te f bringing their articles of trade to the Chowk of this cit pie - ee 1920. ] Dacca Diaries. 105 before but said he would ask Monwardas, ' the duan’s chief mutsuddy, and give him answer e next day. December 26th. Having understood from Mirza Mudderffer that part of the flintware he lately bought was for Buzurgh Omeed? Caun, ye Nabob’s eldest son, and being instructed ; him also that it would be convenient for us to give him a visit ye custome of ye country (noe visit of this payee being made empty ag we concluded to s him this day and present h A large cower anak A pen kni A large prospective glass. A meridian sun 1. also, it being of late a generall complaint throughout ye whole city that frequent and bold robberies were committed, for ye security of the Hon’ble Company’s effects we ordered ye seeping of more servants and a stricter and stronger watch in ye night. December 31st. The Chief hisel (Mr. Hervey) went to . Diwan (Haji Saphi). The latter refused an parwanna ® till “the Emperor's orders should arrive. ? January 1682. This day came a Saphi* to our house who pea himself the Nabob’s servant, pretending right to our ground by ye deed of James Hart 6 (the former owner thereof) and brought with him a paper wrote in Portuguese dated in 1658 and signed by ane Hart, which tho’ ye paper appeared to be old and ye writing did import a gift of said ‘tart s ground, house and goods, yet we believe was counterfeit, also clan ite bees eee is may or may not be eee ‘es man as the Nawab’s Peokdant. 1 This If so a peshdast meant a Head clerk. 2 The conqueror of pierttonaanl ee Governor of Patna. rte ) by . Sivaji: he did not die ( several years. In fact he was alive in 1691 when Shaista Khan made his will and he is one of the legatees, cgay property in Gujerat, and the alana of his brother, Abul Fattah Khan. He gave his name - @ parganna in Bakarganj: there is also a vate near the Sp ae Dalan, in Dacca town, called Buzurg Umed Khan’s Garden. 8 ntry ni une 9th, above 4 Sufi, a her 6 If James Hatt was long enough in Dacca for it ad be aly | ms he should sell land acquired by him there in 1658, he m t have pes e Dacca much earlier and was possibly the first English setalee in Dakin. was probably working on his own account like Thomas Pratt. 106 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, accordingly we treated the Saphi, nevertheless ‘twas thought convenient to send for ye Cottwall to us which we did, whom our favour as we directed him discoursed ye Saphie soe peremptorily and menacingly that he soon d and we gratified the Cottwall with 1 yards of ordinary cloth and his servants and peons with 2 rupees January 30th. The Dutch' promising elephants, podbop horses, etc., were granted leave to expor February Ist. Hodgee Suffee Cawn, the king’s dnatil havitiy given edo to take custome on all go om silver brought to ye mint to be coyned, 24% of it cakene and 5% of all ste, there is like to fall great trouble on ye merchants who have and are now coyning, for what we have coyned, wherefore ’tis advise us by all to forbear putting any more silver into ye mint till this trouble receives determina- be detained as are of ye several merchants The trouble had its rise from the importunity of the Dutch who having, as we advised the Chiefe, ete., of Hughly in our letter of the 9th October 1681, accepted of a Phirwana for Director thereof as we are t as not content therewith they had orders from him to endeavour to procure a Mauze® (?) Phirwana, ir their Vaqueel was daily urging an 1 The Dutch had settled in Dacca before Manucci or Tavernier visited the place. Their factory was situated on the site of the present Mitford Hospital. When Hod ges was in Dacca in! Sone factors there were John rare Alexander Urwin a — Sm is word is used to n balance ashe pid also elsewhere in connection wit with the balasiee tk in nrdlsg in acsount diate so + This must be a mistake for «a m 5 Ido A shat tarics this greeing to give. 1920.] Dacca Diaries. 107 importuning ye Duan and his mutsuddies, and having once made this an argument that in after a while gave orders for the execution of which the officers are now about. This is at present an unhappy stop of oe. ness in the mint though where it will en can not say, the merchants in case of jephaaky being resolved to complain hereof to the Nabob and that ye duan as appears by severall sunuds and papers has noe reason or ground for this demand and exaction January 4th. Sold lead to Roop Na raine. Gave Fazula 2 yards ordinary cloth and Noore Mahmood 1 sword blade. January Sth. Coda Bux Chaun the Nabob’s son in law having within 2 or 3 daies sent divers times for January 20th. Mirza Duckin! ye Nabob’s son having sent for ye chiefe he went and it being the first visit carried’ with him according to custome 1 mohur and 5 rupees of which he took 1 rupee only : ie his servants at departure 5 rupees. March 4th. Boo! Chund ? from Muxoodavad arrived here bringing with him vast treasures of gold and silver, being partly the Emperor’s and partly hastah Caun’s rents, besides an extraordinary plaints of ye ‘whole body of merchants inhabit- ing in his dominions against ye severity of his exactions and late cruel usages o March 9th. Ye Nabob in ye 77th year of his age had this day a son® born, which occasioned a 1 Probably Dakhini, —— to his birth in the Dak one of Shaista Khan’s sons, was pert there. Cf. Mirza pa vay pot me gave to another son, Khoda Band Khan, who was born in Bengal. 2 Bal Chandra, see Hedges’ Diary : He was the chief revenue officer of Bughly and Murshidabad. 3 This is Piao: dl vets the same son as Hedges tells us was born in November of the edges tells pe that ay Nawab was 82 years old at this time : probably oe diary is more correc 108 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, general rejoicing amongst his servants and favourites, many presents were also made him and care was taken by Ray! that this unusual mark of fortune shd. be entered in the publique Wacka it being very advantageous to him that the Emperor shd. from hence conclude that he was still strong, healthy and of ability for Government March 10th. Boolchand made Daroga of Hughly vice Coja Enattoola. March 12th. Bool Chand departed Dacca having present- ed ye Nabob 200,000/- Rs. and received of him viz. 4 large pearls with 2 rubies for his ears, a golden standish, ? a golden hilted sword, and an elephant besides a Jammo Shash and (?) and of the Duan a Persian horse. ight an exceeding terrible storm of haile * fell, some stones being taken up in our factory weighing 4 pounds: most of ye thatch- March 2ist. March 22nd. The Dutch presented several Peshcashes consisting of horses, elephants, Jappan and Europe rareties, spice etc. Those to the Nabob and Buzzugh Omeed Caun his son being late promises for discharge of their provision etc. and that to the Duan* was for Sultan Auzum promised when they received their Nishan® of him here in Dacca. The Dutch received Soorpawas for their Director and themselves of the Nabob and Buzzourgh Omeed Caun. Do. Sold wine glasses to Mirza Mudduffer. April 4th. The last years excessive floods ® (when the waters were here higher than the oldest native of Bengall had ever seen or heard off) having March 27th. ! This is Ray Nanda Lal the Nawab’s Diwan or Wazir. Hedges tells 3 Such storms are not uncommon in Dacca. I myself some 15 or 16 years ago saw the Ramna covered with large hail stones the size of cricket balls: and in 1918 stones of 11 or 12 ounces fell at Joydebpur. * The King’s duan who held the same post in Prince Muhammad Azam’s time. . § See Introduction. 6 Floods have always been common in Dacca; another is mentioned by Hedge 1920.] April 8th. April 15th. April 20th, April 25th. April 27th, April 28th. Dacca Diaries. 109 soe sunk and worne ye ground before ye factory gates that we had great cause to fear (being told soe also by all that saw it) the approaching rains would prejudice if not quite destroy ye building near that place wherefore for prevention thereof we concluded it most necessary to fill up ye low worne places with earth and bind ye same fronting the tank with brick work that it might continue and ite wos to resist ye violence of ye waters in ye rainy season and ye charges generall keeper, Charles a was sppointed to goe in hand with and oversee the and be as frugall herein as was possible. A terrible storm of haile fell which defaced and damaged the building exceedingly. coming with great importunity and peremptori- ness demanding that our vaqueels goe with them to their master, wherefore we sent them and he demanded an account of them of all silver and gold we had sold for 2 years past, coyned but what we have sold alsoe to ye mere Emperor’s order received to pay customes on d, nded, saying there were 24 mints in the Kingdom and only in two (Dacca and Rajmahal) were ded. ” The Diwan was very angry at this. The Nawab gave secret wegen gt ty to the merchants to stop business and go out of the city sending a Vakil to ask ie the cafreasaanle dastak. } The King’s Diwan. 110 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, April 30th. The Diwan’s peons came to the Factory about the Mint custom, but were got rid of by fair words and gratuities. May 8th. irwana! came from ye King ordering adcuch Omed Caun the Nabob’s eldest son forth with to sett forward for Pattana there to that ** Abboo Nassoor * Chaun or tubbedtnas Caun ” (another of the Nawab’s sons) ‘‘ an omra of note and grandeur had leave from the Emperor (whom he had attended in his wars with good success and honour for severall years past) to take his residence with his father here in Dacca. May 10th. That the trouble of the mint is yett great, none being permitted to coyne freely without interruption as formerly. May 12th. Zuffer Caun *the Nabob’s son and Suba of Chitta gong ¢ came hither having desired ass to see his fat The Tact on the news of Shausteh Caun’s last sonne ordered by Hossbull Hookum 10,000 Rs. yearly settlement on him out of his treasury till a munsub were given him May 25th. Mahmud Reza was the Nawab’s Mir Tuzurk or Master of Cermoni May 28th. Buzurgh Omeed Caun made his (2 Pentawa)?° for Pattana with a very great traine of servants and followers with an army of 3,000 horse, etc. 8 May 3lst. The accounts show that one Coja Amber ° presented with a sword and a pair of scissors. June 9th. ne Nichola a Paina’ was a man of interest ’ at the Durbar. | Farman or Royal shsctidaihe or ditnbes 2 Dakhin or Dakhini—see above. 3 Abu Nasr eae wab of Agra. He survived his father and was one of his legatees riting property in Suba Burhanpur and the pari of his breather, Aquidat Khan rK redeceased his father, evidently dying and bier . He ienied te Onabihoe’, as the following extract from Shaista Khan's will shows: ‘* The properties and the endowments in the to i er Kashmir : two gardens, two dwelling houses, and the Trusteeship of the mosque and mausoleum o ctigl Khan deceased, I bequeath to Mirza ed, my grandson.” word is yen bat if ‘t is Pentawa it may be derived from heat or Pantha away,r r course. must be the ‘eee Paes constructed the mosque well and bridge north 4 Dacea town by the rasa crossing on the Mymensingh roa oad. nnot trace him elsewher 1920. ] Dacca Diaries. 111 18th & ae June, Nawab sent the chief nee 7 mangoe June 2 orrowed of Ram Ray Rs. wer! at interest . 6 A. per cent monthly and paid to veciede Eyre for charges sean at, July 5th. Meir Moaz, Daroga of the Allumgunge,' and a eae and relation of Hodcec Sophee Caun, the s Duan, sending for some canary for mele. Son two bo July 8th. Murlidhar (M fat se Bi was s the Nawab’s House wan. July 15th. Mr. Baines* master of a sloop that put in at Chittagong arrived, the Nawab having summoned hi im. July 24th. News was brought ye Nabob that the ve Oshamees * with a mighty and furious army of 300,000 men had made an incursion into ye country * lately conquered by Sultan Auzum ye Prince and late Suba of Bengall taking killing and destroying all before them. July 26th. The King’s duan having a long time troubled ye merchants for 5 per cent customes for all gold silver and copper they had coyned ye e could assuring ye merchants ye Nabob would assist them and present their complaint to ye Emperor: this was supposed to be done not soe much out of care of con parents as ye Nabob’s hate against ye July 29th. The Emperor's Nawarra or "feel departed Dacca for the Os Ce country. July 3lst. The account of particulars given to Durba officers this month was read and passed, viz :— Given Sultan Mahmood, Daroga of the Chaupa ° ! Alamganj lies by the river on the east of the city. It w preter station, just as Inayatganj was the customs station on “iia the city. n 1808 it was a nary shake other reference I can find to this man is an entry in in Hedge: lay that in 1684 he was oak ry those accompanyiug Hedges to Devil’s ‘Reach to meet the new Presiden ete . 3 As SS See Gait’s History 7 Assam for this last war against the Mane * Gouheti rip on engin ele See Stewart independent of the Na ; Evidently. £ , Chhaba a seal or stamp. But what the office charge of thi ficient nt had to do with the passing of boats is not e ) papers in the Collectorate h Jamdan was levied from the weavers of Jamdanee (a particular kind of muslin) a reference is also invited to the Malda. Diaries where the word is used frequently. 112 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, Mahall and relation to ye King’s duan for his friendly passing our id with (? out) oo Eanes arr aeeae b e 5 yards of scarlet. To ye King’s duan........ 2 swords and 10 yds Sane velvett. Te Mier Moan! i002 ee: 2 bottles canary. August 7th. By reason of ye lawless of HoNaties and ye there to ye amount of Rs. 600,000 per annum. August 8th. Visited ye duan and oo his order for Phirwannas to be wrote in ye manner we desire August 22nd. A Vakil of Mr Pitt® appeared in Durbar and promised to pay customs : complications i tae: September 17th. We had news of Hodgee Sophee Caun ye King’s duan is jageered and Syed Amud Duan at Pattana is ordered in his place. Ye Nabob Shahstah Cawn sent to him to (? deliver) up his accounts to Coda Bux Caun (now Buxi‘ o the city) who Po supply the place till the other did arriv Buzz méed ‘Caun ye Nabob’s eldest son having divers times sent for 40 or 50 bottles canary wine and would have paid for ye same, but we did put it off from time to time telling him that we had not received any this year he would not be put off any longer urging his great necessity for ye same We sent him 10 bottles not thinking it oo to take money for so small a quant September 21st. A Phirmand from ye ng ‘6 Nabob Shestah Caun with a sirpaw for Buzorg Omed Caun also an order for him to repair speedily to Pattana to be Suba there. September 22nd, The Nabob and Buzorg Omeed Caun went out ® to fetch in the King’s Phirmand as usual] and Sirpaw for the latter. | He was Daroga of pe eeane and was related to o Haji Saphi I Khan. * The Nawab apparently could not do this alone as it was an ges to seamen terloper, as non-Company owas were then called. + He 3 ae King’s (i.e., Emperor’s) Buxi and next in importance to the King’s Diwan. it was natural that he should take charge, even my it was to Shaista Khan’s advantage, Khoda Bux being his son- in-law 5 This describes an interesting old custom intended to show publicly 1920.] Dacca Diaries. 113 September 25th. Charles Cross! arrived from Hughly and took charge of the warehouse, Charles Eyre becoming second. October 10th. Buzurg Omeed Caun took his leave of the Nabob and went away to Chaun Caun’s garden. October 15th. A hushbull hookum from Assud Caun Vizier * taking by ye amees to ye Shaustah Caun, the artillery that was lost to Munsoor Caun’s * acct. October 25th. The Rt. Worp!! the Agent® ete Councill arrived here this morning. November 7th. We having an old Turkey horse which hath been here about 9 years and now past his being of necessity (we having noe palkee) wee bought one a large bay, young and serviceable, November 30th. Repaid Mr. Hervey for what hee had dis- the Nawab’s subservience to the Emperor. See the account of the death of Mukarram Khan (Nawab) in 1622, who was drowned when going out to receive the King’s Farman (see Riaz, ° : 1 Nothing much is known of Cross. cir was Hedges’ confidential t. + He may have been in command of the artillery, but Mi rza Muzaffar, as master of ordnance, had a narrow escape. cm gion 5 Mr. (afterwards Sir) William Hedges. In his diary he says he arrived at Chand Khan’s garden in the forenoon; this is what is meant here. Part IT; In order to appreciate the second instalment of thes Sanes, ae deals with the period 1688 to 1691, it is neces- ary for the reader to understand what was going on in al for two years before It took the English a long time to realise that an order from the Emperor was no protection to them against the exac- tions of the Nawab at Dacca, and that the Nawab’s order did not relieve them from the oppression of his subordinates. When they did, they resolved to resist oppression with force, and so in 1686 the Court of Directors despatched ships and troops to Bengal with orders to take and fortify Chittagong and if neces- sary surprise the Nawab himself at Dacca. Job Charnock! was then the Company’s representative in Bengal and the forces sent were placed under his orders. Soon after their arrival at u have sa ry Mr. Watts,’ the Chief at Dacca, but for the Articles were drawn up. We read in a letter from Patna (25th June, 1687): ‘They agreed upon the following articles, but left them unto the Navob’s approbation, and Agent Charnock cette to have them confirmed by the King, vizt., that they ould have a sufficient quantity of ground to build a Fort ie: and there to have a mint, that the Navob should rebuild Maulda Factory, restore the 45000 Rupees he took about the Cassambazar trouble and recover all the debts contracted by here is no space here to give a note on Job Charnock ; besides his Kigts is so — known that it would be out of place to write anything about him t find out any rope about him, unless he was the Richard Watts ae: with Francis Ellis, Rog ment of Fort St. George in 1699 8 Called Bohur ate: in the old diari ies. He A is mansabdar at the Ni — court and as such probably held a high offi + Called eariouals Burcoondar, Burcoozdar, and passa ie. He was F atacee of Hughly. alle Mee r Phancar and also Mier i gon shag described elsewhere as the Chief Captain of the Nawab’s intended a [N.S., XVI, 1920.] Dacca Diaries. 115 the right worshpll Agent when Chief there; and that hence- forward the Government should not determine any controver- sies between the Natives and the English but that they should be left at our discretion and that futurely we should be custome free.”’! These Articles were sent to Shaista Khan for con- out of Bengal. Charnock’s reply was to bombard the forts at Thana (Garden Reach) seize the island of Hijli and destroy Balasore Hijli was his headquarters for a long time and one of the generals fighting against him there was Abdul Samad of whom we read in the first instalment of these diaries. The English having again obtained the moral advantage moved up to Ullubaria, and in July received a Parwana from Shaista pause : Braddyll.? two of his Council, to Dacca to press the English demands. News of allthis reached England in due course and the Directors decided on more rigorous measures. They sent out Capt. William Heath * with f to supersede Charnock and gave him instructions to seize Chittagong, taking all the Company's officers and property to that place. Arriving in Calcutta about 25th September, 1688, he took charge at once and ordered the English there to get ready to embark. Before starting he wrote a letter to the Nawab, which reached Dacca on 29 h October. All he says about that letter himself is “I would cer- tainly depart from Calcutta and carry with me all belonging to the English nation except within that time (we) should find better hopes of accommodation from the Nabob to which purpose according to orders I wrot said Nabob but never received answer.’ * bably of help against Arrakan. It is to be noted that by this The !etter annoyed him because of the demand as to a fortifi- which are described in the diary following. On the 8th November Heath left Calcutta for Balasore, which he stormed before leaving. There a letter was received from the Nawab to the effect “ that if we would transport 1000 horse and 2000 foot into Arrackan (then we should have what we desired in Bengall) and serve him for 12 months gratis, as ! See Hedges’ Diary., Vol. II. : 2 See notes to diary below. ; 8 He commanded the Defence in which Hedges came to India. + See Hedges’ diary, Vol. IT. 5 See below. : 6 This was the impression of Eyre and Braddyll, see diary below. 116 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, Mr. Braddyll and Mr. Eyres, the two Ambassadores, had pro- mised to assist them in taking Arrackan and that if he! confirm- ed the agreement he would send Bohur Mull to treat further with expect Bohur Mull, and arth be a sonvioietit place to ~— port the horse and foot immediately to Arrackan. Another letter was also received from Messers. Eyre and Braddyll ays that. ‘‘ the Nabob would not grant their requests till that the Agent did confirme what Capt Heath by his letter to the Nabob had pro- mised.”? Further a parwannacame from the Nawab which was sent ashore to the Governor by the hand of Mr. Ravenhill. Heath, fi ; ente Pores quitted Balasore hotine Mr Ravenhill behind. y all set sail for Chittagong whence Heath himself says he intended sending a message to the King of Arrakan to ask his co-operation against the Nawab. He ac tually, however, on arriving outside Chittagong on 17th January (1688) sent a message ashore to say they were ready to help the Nawab against the Arrakanese and had come to receive the 1000 horse and 2000 foot he had promised to transport. He was told the Nawab’s son and possibly Bara-Mal were expected shortly and was requested to await their arrival: but for some reason he was not satisfied with his reception and left Chitta- gong on 29th January sailing for Arrakan. After a short stay there, during which he treated first with the King and then with a rebel prince, and again without waiting for negotiations to proceed he weighed anchor on 17th February and sailed to. Fort St. George. It is interesting to read what Charnock and his council wrote in the following month: ‘‘ We have reason to believe that the Nabob Bahawder Cawn was reall, notwith- standing what may be alleged to the pee and as well wishers to the Rt Honble Compy’s prosperity we cant but be extfeam sorry that Capt Heath should have dies ‘slighted and rejected such good opportunityes and fair offers* for the settling of the Rt. Honble Company’s affairs in Bengall and in eRe wee confirme and conclude an honble and firme peace nd w ave so obliged the Emperor by the addition of that : 1 This means Charbel: to whom the letter was evidently cana 2 These are Heath’s own word 8 Heaili's letter i is not lorthoobiinig and the whole matter is somewhat cr + This refers to the offer of the rebel 1 prince who d h promised to help the es i with the the Nawab, if they would join the latter’s forces against the king of Arra 1920.] Dacca Diaries. 117 tifyed place where we might settle our own Government, toge- a ty gee ery 4 an Pee hich the Nabob Beh hichthe Nabob bebau- against us and undoubtedly will extremely incence the Em- peror against us.”’* Charnock and his party remained at Fort them to return to Bengal, which they did but not until the Emperor had issued an order * (23rd April 1690) to the Nawab not to interfere with them and to let them trade freely as fixing the former Pesh Kash® of Rs. 3000/- annually in lieu of all customes, and this was communicated by the Nawab to all his subordinates in Bengal. During the period dealt with in this second instalment of the diaries there were two Nawabs at Dacca. The first was Nawab Khan Jahan Bahadur Zafarjang Kokaltash, generally ealled Bahadur Khan, but in the letter of 28th February 1689- 90 bel, i mentioned in the Riaz us Salatin and Stewart dismisses him with a passing reference. The Maasurul Umara makes five Wilson in his “Old Fort William.” His name was Mir Milki Kassim (the others being titles) and his father’s name was Mir served the E acities and was Governor of several provinces. te arrived in Bengal in June 1688 and left about June in the following ! Arrakan. ; ‘ 2 This is much the same as Eyre and Braddyll say in the diary. % See Hedges’ Vol. IT. + See Stewart. : 5 This is defined in Wilson’s Glossary thus: «*A sending to com- mand The initial words and thence the title of a document issued agreeably to Royal authority, by the Vazir or other high offices of Government.” 6 Present. 7 See letter of 6th August 1689 below. 118 Journal of the Asiatic Society ot Bengal. {N.S., XVI, 1920.] Patna to Bengal, where he remained till relieved by Prince Azimushan in 1696 or 1697. He had previously been Gov- rnor of Kashmir. He died in 1710 at the age of 80. The local officers mentioned at this period were :— King’s Diwan .. .. Kifayat Khan. King’s Buxi__.... .. Muhammad Sharif. Nawab’s Diwan .. a dani Labib and Malik a aidan Ta Nazir RS .. An Eunuch pa not given). Fauzdar of Jatrapur .. Muhammad Sadaq. DECCA. Dyary commenced August 1690 (and ye Generall Acct from ye confiscation of this factory by Bahauder Cawn, ! Nabob of Decca, Nov. 1688) to April the 30th 1691. We had thought after our severe confinement of continu- ing a diary of an Couey of all durbar passages etc. relating to ye Rt. Honble Compy : as usual, but understanding of a Warr carried on n by his, Raballenayy ye Genll &c at Bombay? — the Mogull, also considering ‘of the King’s or Mogull’s order 8 which arrived here in September 1689, for ye demolishing the Rt. Honble Compy’s factorys and imprisoning all English * it was approved no wayes safe nor convenient to proceed in that method for feare _ a ee confinement and seizure of our — but to con our correspondence to ye Fort ® Youncill) the which late very considerable and of grea moment it’s convenient they be entered here, and the aoe o commence the 13th August as will appear at the end of the said letters which follow :— Dacca, Jully 9th 1689. o the Rt. Honble Elihu Yale, Presdt. for affaires of the Rt. Poa English East India Company on the coast of Choroman- nis West Coast, etc., and Governour of Fort St. George, ., Councill, ‘Tt having pleased God of his infinite goodness and mercy 2 Wilson in his Early paid tells us that in 1689 the “norm mre sula. thd f Surat and the sate parts on = west coast and to direct his cruisers to seize every Moghul ship and vessel that could be met with.” In a letter dated 10th cece 1689 from Madras (quoted in Wheeler’s wend Records) we find the remark *‘ but the war ‘still continuing at Bombay.” It was this war waged against the Moghul shipping that t made the Emperor Aurangzebe anxious to conciliate the En glish. * This order was probably the pagrnre of Capt. — s extra- phages expedition: but I can find no other reference to Nawab rahim Khan who was Nawab at Dacca nat the time eens paid no stuns oi + It is evident that there were more English residents imprisoned than i A and B shore but who they were is not clear—probably s sub- ordinates and se 5 Fo rt St. Meee where Charnock spent more than a year at this tim 6 i.e., until the return of Job Charnock from Fort St. George. 120 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, to redress us out of our odious and inhuman imprisonment ! we presume it may not be of too much impertinence, now out of course, if we first give your honr, etc., a particular relation of the Govt.’s proceedings against us since the departure * of (and some time before) the Agent * and Councill from Bengall in the conclusion of which what relating to the Rt. Honble Compy’s affaires and that which is of the greatest importance we shall represent to your honr, &c. the arrival of Ca apt. Wm. Heath’s* letter to the Nabob (which was the 29th 8ber last) ® wherein the Fortiffication etc. was requested, the Nabob the 3rd of 9ber ® ordered several gun men to surround our Factory to be spies upon us and to follow us wherever we went which continued untill the 16th : ul about 200 gun men to enter our house and to ) windowes of every roome in the house. and all the time this lasted which was till the 22nd of January we were not suffered to fetch or carry anything to or from our Chambers without 3 or 4 of our guard along with us: Our very cloths which were carried to ye oe were searched soe that the Nabob’s in tentions were apparently knowne that if any iscivbanes should happen tae the English and the Government then to secure all, which accordingly was put in execution the 20th January upon the news of the fleet’s arrival at Chatgaam!” 1 This refers = what is described below. The English were evidently imprisoned in Shaista Khan’s time also, for we find that Eyre and Braddy il wrote as follows to Soh Charnock : ‘« We are not permitted to lie in our i arnock twice left the Hughly. The occasion referr red to is She ree Acero with Capt. Heath. (See tikroduction to this Part.) + See Introduction to this Part. 5 October. : November. , 1 Bar rdar: the final n in the text must be a mistake for r. an re egg 9 pro ig fe ao for a c, making the word Borevardar 8 On November | 10 The fleet arrived outside Chittagon, gon 17th January. It is not a hl why this should have caused the Na wab to treat the English more he ke y> toe nothing but Heath’s arrival at Chittagong could by this time th le to the Nawab. It may be that a false report came to the effect at the English were honbheding Chitences (see note below). 1920.] Dacca Diaries. 121 the Nabob sending his Ameen!, Mamood Tuckey, to our house who acquainted us that the Nabob had impoured * him to seize our house, in order hereunto he clapt most of the Rt. Honble Compy’s concerns in one roome not sparing our apparell and opening all the rest had a whole view of what we had in the house when immediately he caused all ye roomes to be sealed and left us: about 10 of the clock at night returning againe he signified to us ’ twas the Nabob’s pleasure he should fetch away the broad cloth and silver and whatever was of value (and that in the morning the King’s officers* would come and take an account of the rest) which he accordingly did by oxen and dooleys, having taken away most part of ye broad cloth, the whole quantity of silver,* which were 7 ingotts, the plate > - > * and a great part of (?) men’s goods, which work he finished about 3 of the clock in ye morning A few days after the King’s officers came and took an account of what the Nabob had left which with particular men’s goods amounted to, according to estimation, neare Rs. 2000. They likewise seized all our papers notwithstand- ing our earnest request to them to remit them to us: Mahmooc Tuckey told us that our fleete at Chatgaam had discharged severall canon® but would not tell what mischief proceeded thereon, and that therefore the house and goods were ordered to be seized and that the Nabob intended to send us to Lal Baugh ® prison (ordering us our wearing apparell, kitchen uten- sills, palkees and rups 2007 for expenses) which in a few days after was accordingly performed, where we remained as in our ffactory untill the 11th of March when our troubles began to grow greater and greater upon us, for at the same time arrived Mr. Henry Hanley’ and Mr. James Ravenhill * with 14 persons salute rot yee pea a ck la gl er cae Eis oN em The Amin is mentioned along with the Kotwal in the first instal- ment of the diary. He may have been the Collector of Revenue. 2 Em owered. Those under the Diwan, who were Oa teceeh of the Nawab. 5 Chittagong : { not assault the place is given under our hands in another paper. statement may have been false and made to justify their action or m probably such a rumour actually reached Dacca and the Nawab believed 6 Lal Bagh was built in 1678 by Prince Mahd. Azam, but never i as intended for a Palace but never used as such. re] ° oF 3B ae < _ T-. i for Stanley. We find a Mr. Henry Stan- th when Heath arrived there and also at a ly not taken on board before Heath bom- barded Balasore. The mention of his name before Ravenhill’s tends to show that he was senior to Revenhill and strengthens the identification with Stanley. : 9 He on a Company’s factor who accompanied Heath and Char- 122 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, more (whose names we shall hereafter mention) in company, al! a most miserable and tattered condition, laden with fetters of aes 8 tbs, who were carried before the Nabob the 20th of March and committed to the charge of one of his Eunochs with orders we suppose how to manage us as appeared afterwards, for till that time we were free from bonds and used with much civil- ity, but no sooner were they committed but we were ordered to ipavioripete of their affliction and were carried to the same prison! and laden not only with fetters of the same weight but chained every night, us two together, (taking turne for bearing the locke)” and Mr. H wep Mr. Ravenhill the rest were exempted as pei eing poore seamen® and not wherewithall to purchase their liberty, roe this severity was only to screw what more money they could out of us; but being sensible of what dangerous consequence the consenting to the Nabob’s avaritious humour would prove to us we did with a great deal of patience lay aside all thoughts tending that way. About the middle of April there was a strong report in ye citty (tho’ the Nabob endeavoured to hush it up by imprison- ing those who were caught in declaring it) that the King had sent for him, he being in — with his sons, and that Ebra- him Cawn, Nabob of Patn , was to succeed him in the Suba- ship of Dhacea, who the ‘33rd April or thereabouts sent for Mr. King in Patna to him and asked him the reason of ye English ee the country, who gave him so good an account as he was able and referred him to us upon his arrival! here. Coppyes of Mr. King’s letter we have thought convenient to send herewith. He gave him a great deal of encouragement* (for all this while there was noe attempt made upon his pene : At Balasore he was sent ashore with a letter to the Governor and was lett behind. This accounts for his having oe captured with Stanley. He was dismi afterwards and went to r ater he became a risen he of the tt Souneil and in this liv “4 to be one of the oldest of he Company’s servants. He died on 21st January 1717 after 35 years’ prs Phy 1 India s the common gaol reine to later. We may assume that the Lal Bagh was a kind of State p : 2 Perhaps hg for inka = lost our or watch. 3 It does not appear that the ee aed ove F Biacovecsd ss they were not poor isl rom this let assume that they were not pubes in Balasore, otherwise their identity would have been disclosed : they orn have escaped and joined a party of sailors sind here. hexose ed by the Nawab at Patna before October 1 for in at ei he wrote to Job Charnock mpl, ‘« Tf I have not “the money to give the Cutwall and the Keepers of the Sega: and the ne a that Guard me they abuse mee most oo the Lord Jesus Christ’s sake let m t perish in this hellish seisce In October 1693 Sir John "Goldéboron igh wrote: ‘‘The Nabob of Pattana still holds Charles King in prison and insists upon 1500 rups. for his 1920.} Dacca Diaries. 123 and his perwanna immediately thereupon, bidding him send it away to us to forward to yr. honr. &c and also bid him write good as his word, and much beyond what we could expect, for before he arrived ye citty he ordered his Duan! (who is not inferiour to himselfe for a just upright man) to send for us all to his house and cutt off our irons which immediately was done the 29th June past and provision sent us from his owne table promising us that when the Nabob came to the citty (which was the prox July) he would present us before him and dismiss u The 2nd currtt. Mr. Hanley, Mr. Ravenhill and ourselves (as for the rest of the company they were permitted to goe to the factory ye next day after their irons were cutt) were sent for to the Nabob Ebrahim Cawn, who with a great deale of affection and a smiling countenance expressed himself in these words: that he was-given to understand that the English under the late Subaes’ Government had received very consider- able losses by the interruption of trade occasioned throug their avaritious humours, besides the many abuses and affronts ; I would have you therefore write to them to acquaint them of my arrival here and that my desire and intention is to see them well settled and their trade with the Kings’ country flourish as formerly, the incomes of which having been much diminished by the ill management of the aforesaid Subaes and your loss of trade together ; that my chief end herein is out of a pure respect to the King’s country and yourselves and not any thing of self interest whatsoever, and for your better encouragement I will give my perwannas and seerepawes ; and ordered one of his servants to goe along with us to his writer and sett while the perwanna was ready. In the evening we were sent for to freedom. ‘This King was a Sergeant run from his colors in the wars here, ing’ nd went to Pattana where the Nabob held Mr. Br. King’s being there, Braddyl got him to personate Chief in his r to t Nabob and tt away himsel U is the Nabob imprisoned King.” y shows that King was in Patna in a posi f responsibility before that ti was released in 169 a subscrip- tion amount - being raised and paid to the Diwanof Patna. In 17 find him keeping a publ use in Calcutta. — think the king’s diwan is meant. Later on, it is stated they were made over to the ‘‘ King’s Duan. 2 Shawl. ; 3 This is not the document reproduced by Stewart; it was probably only a preliminary permission to return to Bengal. 124 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, would redress them and give them all imaginable satisfaction that can be expected or that they should require, and that i we desired a dustuck! to goe ourselves we might have it and ingly arrived from whence they sent away letters® both to the Nabob and us advising of their arrivall and of their readiness to assist him against the Arrakanners according to contract but because they were not entertained with that freedom as they expected they weighed anchor within 6 or 7 dayes after their rrivall and before the Nabob’s answer could arrive which otherwayes if they had stayed but 3 or 4 dayes longer Boramull ® would have arrived with orders to treat with them and in all probability would have concluded the business soe that they might have returned to Calcutta againe; ‘tis most certaine if they had stayed for an answer our ffactory here had not been seized. Sirs, if it may not be presumption in us to offer our opinions, we conceive this to be the only time for settling the Rt. Honble Compy’s affaires, having the opportunity now of making use of a just and honest Suba and ’tis the opinion of many persons that the King hath ordered” him to inquire into the truth of the English business and to inform himselfe where the wrong lies and to give them encouragement, soe that if we lett slip this opportunity when we have soe good a Suba and one that hath promised to grant you whatever you desire, * tis to be feared we shall never meete with the like againe, and if Xe, Honr. &e shall think it convenient to call us away or continue us here upon the arrival of this, please to intimate 1 Pass, permit or license. 2 October. 3 Christian. + Stewart does not mention this. 1 ng Capt. Heath called a consultation whereat it was debated whether i i i : . e« : bad divers reasons highly requisite to write to the Nabob and advise him of wi r our. ; d speedil desire his finall answer thereabout.” (Heath objected but) ** however consented that a letter might be wrote to give notice of our arrivall which was accordingly done ”’ (Hedges’ Diary, Vol. II). 6 Introduction to this Part. 1 There is no other record of this though it is probably correct. 1920.] Dacca Diaries. 125 your pleasure herein’ and we shall accordingly proceed in the governing of ourselves. We had secured neare rups 4000 of ve Rt. oe Compy’s estate some time before our troubles came upon us and if our Vacqueel Gungaram! had not been a Pricion dation fellow and discovered our house® to the Government we might have se- he hath all along brought us into greate met bboy see and hath become the so iy ale of all our affliction and mis- ery: the ‘at hitgende we suffered through his meanes was the carrying of us to the common Jaile* amongst theeves and murderers, wherein he might have avoided it is plaine for the spending of rups 100 which we were forced to give after one whole night & day’s lodging there : to have dismissed him the service we were afraide while we were in ye tyrannicall Suba’s r that our expenses with frugal management after the seerpaw and redemption fees* are satisfied will by computation amount to rups 200 or 250 per month, for we have stinted ourselves to out a dustick or pass from the Nabob for Mr. Henry Hanley’s and Company’s voyage to Balasore, we thought it convenient (2 not) to be overhasty therein fearing that the Nabob might take it ill that after soe = favour showne us we should be in such greate haste to be gone. We very earnestly otters ie the mgd s duan ° to ag his letter of invitation and encouragement to your honr. ete but he still replied that it signified little and was of noe value, tebe the Suba’s writing was sufficient, but that upon your ar- val in the Bay he would give you what perwannas you ahold desire and bid us write to yr. honr &c to rest assured of his favour. i da a Ram is a common name ; eee it is not ot impossible that this man ae. his name to Gangaram Bazar in Dacca tow would seem to mean that they had secretly moved from the weapeed no some other building in view of expec 3 This was, I believe, to the east of the joing whieh stood where the pa ce the pee cae now are ent was evidently ape on release, as well as some sort of fee 5 “This mele to Soukey Hanley with Stanley 6 He may have been afraid of mixing Sieanett up in this matter. It is peste acu if Rifayat Khan was King’s Diwan so early as this: he probably 126 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, We have herewith sent you both the Nabob’s perwannas and their translates copies of which we keep by us chauped | by the Cozze? of this citty which is the needfull ‘at present, crave leave to subscribe, Honble Sirs, Your very humble and a servants Charles Eyre ® Roger Seshtor . To the same Dacca 6th August ih %* * BS * Sirs, Our greatest meee ered (for which we have Rls ioas: God our most humble and hearty thanks) was ye removal of that wicked old man* eur seine name ce with his severity towards us, until the arrival of his honr’s arrasdast* would have layne most of our compy in ye grave, he was a person of so covetous a humour and of such base principles that we have reason to feareif the Arruzdast > had reached his hands in his prosperity ® ’ twould but the more have Leg his greedy apetite as being made sensible thereby of r tender care and affection for us and consequently would oes caused him to have biepdaind iii aoa atete upon * ok person that we were willing to have in the Government of Hugly which we m accordingly and named to him Meir Ally * Eckbar, the former Fouzdar, as being a person all along ap- eine lh hig pointe anil Councill for his moderate and mild overn ae K * * co seen or stamped. Cf. Chaupa Mahal in the first instalment of ia diar 2 Q mie ots at that time exercised judicial functions nena Braddyll were sent to Dacca on aspecial miesi on by Char- noe Introduction to this Part). Mr. Watts, the permanent Agent at Diese. te had left and was probably taken to Chittagong and Madras by eath : for this reason there is no mentio y d Brad- dyll. For Braddyll see — under Charles King above. He afterwards went to Madr be mber of ounsll chore: Cf. note 2 on the first page of the In iecidadion to this instalment : e rae oo this Part. 5 Petition or m 6 It proba bly mean “that by this time the Nawab Bahadur Khan had eres his orders to leave Dacca ‘ Sag not mney im. Ali Akbar. He was apecited Governor of Hughly {see Stewart). We also find him described under the name of ‘* Mahm i Bak ‘Rekb bar, offi- cer of the said Port” (Hughly) i in the Hasbul hukum of 10th Fbey. 1691 addressed to the King’s Diwan at Dacca (see Stewart). 1920. | Dacca Diaries. 127 Rumours were spread of Shasteh Cawn’s returning after the raines but since contradicted and that he is ordered Suba of Multan and Ebrahim Cawn confirmed by a letter from the King in ye Government here and that which is the greatest confirmation is the King’s granting him Jaggeers and revenues here in Bengal. God grant he may continue for the sake of the Rt. Honble Compy whose trade under his Government may be extremely augmented : we call not else to mind save to subscribe (etc.) Charles Eyre. Roger Braddyll. (Dated ?') ae te 3s me 3k Sirs, Since you have not thought it convenient to send down shipping and that fortune has frowned upon us in that which we have followed closely for neare a month by endea- vouring to procure the Nabob’s leave and dustick, without which we run a greater risk by going than staying, for if we should faile in our attempt and be taken we doe as good as acknowledge ourselves criminalls and consequently shall suffer severely, wherefore in3 or 4 dayes if a dustick is not procurable ‘tis approved and agreed off by us all* as most a shift for ourselves. To Elihu Yale etc etc. Dhacca 28th Feby : 1689-90. IRS, : The 20th past month by French conveighance we recd. your honrs &c letter of the 17th 9ber® with duplicate of the i i he 1 This letter was written after a rumour reached Dacca that t King’s order had come to expel the English and destroy their factories, confirmed by a letter from Mr. King at Patna who had just been put in rison and beaten. r wale evidently more persons than Eyre and Braddyil: per- hill were still there. : —_ Sate ae Liv Be 6 Evidently they had friends. 6 November. 128 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, former annexed and his honr’s letter for the Nabob which we should have delivered according to your method prescribed upon its arrival had not His Excellency been employed in the pleasures of hawking and hunting in the which he takes greate delight and is so often addicted to. ES * * * Eo * It any complaint had been made, the force of his former order given him in Cawn Jehoan Behauder bore him out, it probably not being repeated by our new Suba here, he not expecting any shipping wd. arrive, in that port (Balasore) so suddenly. (The letter goes on to say that in an interview with Chas. Eyre the Nawab was very courteous but refused to allow trade (as the king had forbidden it) until the King’s order should come, which he said* he had asked for.) We presume a person of those good qualities which he is King’s late order § for the persecution of the English, Mr. Wm Davenant," one of the late imprisoned gentlemen, and some others exhibited a petition to the Dutch Directore for protec- ! See Introduction to this instalment of iari the diaries. ; Li ease : - ~ _ that he did all he could for the English. e i : furlsdiotion 06 the ipa n — meddle with things that were under the 4 Pibioin _By the Moghul constitution th ing’s di i the Nawab, although it isa oes neal 8s diwan was independent of Not mentioned elsewhere. He : : . may have been a Seaman, except De brreasindreono ps as one of the gentlemen. There was a Nicholas ra i 4th of Council at Murshidabad in 1683, who may have been a 1920. ] Dacca Diaries. 129 tion from the violence of the Moores which it seemes was accepted off after some debate, but presume not out of any respect to their persons nor ye protestant religion (which we suppose they will pretend and devour a world of paper and ink about) and reputation in these parts. Dhacca, 10th July 1690. 3% * * He * * against Arrackan, provided our demandas to a fortiffication ete. m thereof: but that’s no rule we are obliged to walk by now, the case being quite different and that agreement voyde, it not being put in execution neither do we believe ’ twill ever be required of us. ok ok 3 - ok % Diary. oe 19th August 1690. Visited Mamood Sheriff,®> the King’s 24th Sept. Being severall times put in mind within ae month by Mell. Haddee,* Nabob’s duan, to write to the Rt. receiving orders from the Agency hereabo -C we accordingly, that when we contracted with Behauder Cawn Drea ies Ane | Ibrahim Khan probably disobeyed the order 4s another seizure following it. is- 2 See Stewart ‘* The Dutch and French took advantage of the dis pute particularly the former.” * This is evens the promise which Capt. ~_ oe bo: (eee Intr oduction) as having been given by Eyre and Braddy™- + See Introduction. i- ’ He may be the Mir Muhammad Sharif who was Governor or Fauj dar of Hughly in 1663. 6 Malik Hadi. : 130 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI. ad a sufficient number of ships but now we had not any notwithstanding we were always willing to serve the King and ye Nabob on all occasions when in a capacity to do it. It was most certainly a great omission in Capt Heath in not prosecuting the design of Arrackan agreed on in Behauder Cawn’s time, in all probability ’*twould have been a meanes to have settled the Rt. Honble Compy’s affaires without any further trouble. Oct. lst. A rumour was spread in the Citty of Shasteh Cawn’s returning hither Suba of this place and that he had proferred the King 3 crores of rupees, which is upwards of 3 millions of pounds sterling, to effect it. Oct. 6th. (Mons. Gregory was the French Chief! at Dacca Kefait Caum (Kifayat Khan)* the King’s Diwan had his mansab increased from 900 to 1000). Considering the great want of repaire this factory hath been in for these five yeares past, which three dayes since had like to have been wholly swallowed up with a violent storm and raine which carryed away whole trees by ye rootes and blew down several houses in the Citty as well brick as thatch with ye loss of a great number of boates, 18 yeares time not being able to call to mind ye like, and that the delawne,’ the chiefest room in the house, was ready to fall, several of the timbers being started and broke. in soe much that living therein or doeing any business is very dangerous, I thought fit to give notice hereof to the Rt. Worshpll Agent and Council that a speedy remedy might be applied as well oe that as the security of the whole mansion and because the charge will very much exceede that of the usual repairation, I doe not think fit to procede eg till I know their pleasure. Oct. 20th. Understanding that Aga Hossain* was ordered acts of Ballasore and had taken his leave of the Citty and gone as far as Putterguttah * I immediately gott a swifte boate ready to visit him, when I arrived some small time before his departure, desiring after a few complements that he would please to favour and assist our people in their business. which he at eee he would. 1 It is not Les when the Wench came to Dacca. It must have been patina 1666 and 1690. Their factory was on the sitenow eocupaed by the Ahsanmanzil. This man was Mir Ahmad, son of Mir Baghdadi, and his title was Kifayat Khan. He was removed from m Bengal in 1697-98 and soon after became Diwan of the Khalisa. He died in 1698-99, when about ote start for Dacca again o n being appointed yo Nazim by Prince Azimushan. Wilson’s Old Fort eho pem Vol. I, p. 50. Azimushan senadiaslby did not Figgowarde in Dacca re Hall. ra targhatta, on the Ichamati river, oad to Hughly ahr. ss be which was the high r 1920. | Dacca Diaries. 131 3rd Novr. Perusing said account and finding it not to amount to } of ye value the Nabobs at their first coming used to be presented with and considering the many favours and favours may be expected from him in ye future I thought it very convenient. considering the present must be forborne untill the arrivall of the horse, to write away to ye Agency immediately, humbly desiring they will please to consider of a present a little more suitably being informed by the Mutsud- dies this now ordered will not at all be acceptable nor pleasing, he being made sensible of what we formerly used to give, and the Dutch? present\being large is too fresh in his memory to notwithstanding ‘so much kindness shown ye English in invit- ing of them down to Bengall and writing up to ye king in their favour they were now commencing a new quarrell and ordered Mullick Hadee to write to the Fouzdar* to enquire into the business. 25th Novr. Received a Generall® from the Agency in- timating that they were sensible of the Nabob’s kindness and wished they had more suitable things to present him but that the Rt Honble Compy in their advices had blamed them for pieces more (which makes with ye former parcell 10 prcoee( 2 pieces of fine per * * tuanoes ® two pieces of course * anc | The Hasbulhukum given by Stewart is dated Feby. 1691 which was after the above was written. There may have been another of earlier ate. ghd 2 For other Dutch presents see the first instalment of the diaries. The Dutch evidently tried all aiong to outbid the English in this respect. 8 Refers evidently to an occurrence in + The local Fauzdar of Hughly. : 5 A general letter, i e. an official letter. General as opposed to special or private. : 6 I find this should read ‘ Perpetuannoes.’ The word is derived from Italian or Spanish ‘* Perpetuo” (Latin Perpetuus). So called from its last- ing qualities. It was of wool or cotton and wool. (See Murray’s dictionary). 1 Coarse. 132 Journal of he Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, 1920.] two pieces of cloth rashes! (some china and fruit were added ater). 4th D * ™ * which were carryed ac- Egat ay ie the rest of the ae to ye Nabob’s and presented to him, who was extraordry. well pleased with the them in pieces, which Mallick Haddee endeavoured to prevent by desiring the Nabob to return them, but he replyed God does. not approve of Images to be kept in a house and that he had done him good servis in breaking of them, and returned the screenes and the pagtures with glasses before them, with the afftoa * and Chillumchee ¢ (it being coloured glass) Glass hand- led knives, with most of the China ware, notwithstanding Mul- lick Haddee and the Vacqeel desired he would return none, that we did not bring them for that end: but he said what he had returned he had no occasion for and that what he had ac- cepted was for the sake of the English and out of ye respect he had for them: thus having concluded the Nabob marched to- wards the gunns which he had planted by the river side 0 of his rden,° where he sate in his chaire, as I’m informed, till ’twas that we write to his Worship etc. for 2 more with their car- riages which will be very acceptable if procurable in lieu of the screenes &c. Decr. 8th. French complaint found false.® April 1691. Orders were received from the ti pe the English should pay the “accustomary piscash of Rs. 3000 yearly.” Mahmud Sadak* was Fauzdar of Jattrapur.$ : ected with Ttalieni Rasea silk, satin or fine & A smooth textile fabric made of silk (silk inky: or worsted (cloth eu): (See Mur- ray’s dictionar 2 Alt a the chief Eunuch was Nazir the latter word i * ae dig ie val- ent to chief Eunuch: it means Inspector or Supervisor. e Mahd- —. ; Nazir « wae also an cate 1s hg first Instalment.) in or gine Cf. se iy ines: Hughly to ager in 1678: ‘* I re~ quest you to get made for me a handsome middle sized Aftaw and Chil- sag ea of Tetanague well set out with brass sheus the edges ”’ (Bowrey, 5 This was evidently on the river side and — most likely at Nawab: Shaista Khan’s place by Babu Bazar Ghat: e place = formerly known as Katra Pakart taii. It was certainly nie ro Lal Bag ee entry of 18th Novr. above T This he Se levied by Mir Jumla and Shaista — Stewart writes that Mir Jumla * insisted upon their continuing to pay peishkush or at offering of 3000 rupees, gest ‘ha d been established re the Fauzdar of Hughly Patent th the late civil wa ca ee not trace * Jattrapur wasa presieerae mad is still known locally as Thana J Seen aa Tt is monivianl both by Hedges and Tavernier as being on the route to- cea, It lies on the river Tobasonits in the Harirampur Police "Station. Part III. The interval between the second and third instalment of these diaries, viz. from 1691 to 1736, is considerable, and the gap must be filled from other sources. In 1696 Prince Azimushan, son of Bahadur Shah, suc- his Headquarters till 1702'. In the meantime the work in cea was carried on by a Deputy. In a note to the second instalment I have stated that I found in the Tippera Collectorate evidence that in 1698 one Rahmat Khan was Nawab of Dacca, that is, he was Prince Azimushan’s Deputy. In 1701 the Emperor appointed Kar Talab Khan ”* to the post of Diwan of Bengal with the title of Murshid Kuli Khan. The latter’s suc- cessful administration of the revenues made Azimushan jeal- ous, and he endeavoured to procure his assassination in the streets of Dacca.’ This led to Murshid Kuli quitting Dacca (in 1703) and setting up the Diwani offices in Mukhsusabad which as his Deputy, with Sar Baland Khan* to assist him. Soon afterwards, in 1706, Farukh Siyar himself left Dacca for Raj- ceased to be the headquarters of the Bengal Government, only a Naib Nazim remaining in charge, and sometimes at a later stage only the Deputy of a Naib Nazim. : On the accession of Bahadur Shah to the throne of Delhi Nazim of Bengal, but Jafir Khan by Farukhsiyar when he became Emperor, and ap- pointed Mirza Lutfullah, to whom he gave the title of Murshid 1 See Wilson’s Old Fort William. ; . 2 There used to be a mosque and Fish Bazar in Dacca pened DY the ame of Kartalab Khan. It was afterwards in possession of Ladli Begum, he mosque is still known by his name but in. + This man acted as uty Nawab of Bengal once when Murshed Kuli Khan and Farukh Siyar went to the Emperor’s court. He rece ed a present from the English in return for a parwana for free trade. (See Wilson’s Early Annals, Vol. L) 134 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, Kuli Khan, and who had married his grand daughter, to be Naib Nizam of Dacca. The Nawab Nazim Murshid Kuli Khan died in 1726 and was succeeded by his son-in-law Shujauddin, who confirmed Murshid Kuli, his own son-in-law, as Naib Nazim of Dacca. Murshid territory. In 1734 Murshid Kuli Khan was transferred to Orissa, and Sarfaraz Khan, son of the Nawab Nazim Shujauddin was ap- pointed Naib Nazim of Dacca: but he, preferring to remain in Murshedabad, appointed one Ghalibali Khan to administer Dacca for him with Jaswant Rai® as his Diwan. ‘The latter was a most capable officer and the revenues of Dacca flourished under his charge. Not only that, but the author of the Riaz- open it until he had succeeded in reducing the price of good gram to one seer of the bazar weight per Dirham as was cur- rent in the Nawab’s time.’’ The successor of Ghalib Ali Khan took over charge in 1737. He had been daroga of the Nawara (Superintendent of the Fleet) at Dacca. He married a daughter of Sarafaraz Khan. He was the name, and the only explanation would seem to be that Murad Ali came to be known ey his father’s name e case is not without parallel as we saw above that Nawab Mur- shid Kuli Khan 8 grandson was called Murshid Kuli Khan. _ It was at this time that Raja Raj Ballabh came into pro- minence. He belonged to a family that had settled in Bikram- ! Stewart calls him Diwan. 2 In 1755 he was employed by Siraj d ak Husainuddin Khan in Dacca. (See Gated Muacke, a rane we Eee 4 : ‘Munshi Jasunat Rai who had ac- quired a good name amongst the peopl i i i might be tarnished, sellgned his office ot Dens reamed a psf 1920. | Dacca Diaries. 135. He came to the notice of Murad Ali Khan (or Syed Reza Khan) when the latter was Daroga of the Nawara and he was accountant (Jama Navis) of that department. On Murad Ali getting his promotion, Raj Ballabh became Peshkar of the Nawara, and then apparently succeeded Jaswant Rai as Diwan. In 1753 he became Deputy Governor or Naib under Nawazish Muhammad, son-in-law of Ali Verdi Khan, after the assassina- tion of Husainuddin at the instigation of Sirajuddaullah. He was an able administrator and at the same time acquired much wealth and property for himself. The large pargana of Raj- nagar came into his possession: it was made up of portions of surrounding parganas which apparently Raj Ballabh succeeded in transferring to himself. ajnagar he had some very fine buildings which have now unfortunately disappeared into the river Padma. In 1756 his son Krishna Das fled from Dacca with his family and a large amount of treasure (presumably his father’s) and took refuge with the English at Calcutta. This led to the hostilities in Calcutta and the notorious Black Hole incident. At the beginning of 1739 we find from the diary that Abdul ‘Fateh Khan was Nawab (Naib Suba) in Dacca. ge =] co 5 ° S one tadlled Bern He asics Avarinha Child (on Ist Septr. 1716) who died in “seam SAG er oe. Mg oom + find out anything more about h He 3 Cooke LA A by Wilson in his Old ; the Fort Willan hacvesun ae bana 17 138 Journal of the Asiatie Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, of the Factory, demanded of Mr. Cooke the cash account with the balance thereof, but Mr. Cooke entreated he would wait till this evening which Mr. Russell did agree to having first ordered Ensign Nairne to change the guard and centinels at each gate out of the party he brought with him and that nothing pass out of the Factory without his leave. ss s * * * * * * * _ Mr. Cooke being then ill of the gout and confined to his chamber by it sent his assistant, Mr. Medly, with the cash account and the keys of the cash chest and Mr. Price was ordered to see the cash weighed of agreeable to the ballance, Duss Messa ! Rs 88276: but when said chest came to be opened in the presence of Mr. Price, Mr. Medley, Mr. Cookes banian and many others, there was but 13,000/-Rs Medrass to make good this large Ballance, which occasioned a deficiency of cash Duss Messa Rupees 75276. * sd 1g 3 Mr. Russell Vacqueel to give such answers to this affair as may put a stop to their troubling us any more on this account and to prevent their ing displeased with our refusal it may not be amiss to — the Duan with a looking glass on some proper occa- sion, December 1736. List of milit t ‘ h Dacca Factory :— itary stores belonging to the or ten mashes ‘ Das Masha hes. a : x measure equivalent on the average to 184 ae ee i th grains. There were generally ” e ru each. (See Pinsep’s Yidiads Antiquities.) pees were only ten mashes a 1920.] Dacca Diaries 139 3 a a ivel guns. 2 Iron cano 2 Mor 10 spare bayonet pieces. ear swivel gun 4 carboin 4 ljarge brass atta bhunder- 5 Pistols. usses. 5 swords etc., etc. 10 small, 3 of which are iron. 16th January 1737. Cassenaut! the Godown Banian was on account of an old dispute sania wre — from his house and put into close confinement a e Duan’s and as we are informed chiefly at the Seeien a our h ad Ruffagur * Mahmud Jean’s brother: we sent for said Ruffagur to repri- mand him for suffering an of his family to appear at the Durbar against the Factory servants, but to our great surprise he was gone and had taken sanctuary in the Duan’s house. lst “February. George Mandeville,’ Esq. arrived here the 30th ult. * *k ** * * * * Mr. Russell having delivered over all papers and accounts to George Mandeville Esq. whom the Honble age os oo pron cil have appointed chief of this Factory * ave this place tomorrow 4th February. Veen aia the Duan of Dacca having it in his power to be greatly serviceable or disserviceable to Chief ought to cultivate a Friendship with him and that now he has just taken charge of the Chiefship he should make him a. voluntary Present. 12th February. Taking into consideration what Military are necessary to be kept at this vaiaeld it appears that it is. necessary to have centinalls* at the doors of the treasure go- down and other warehouses of the Factory, * as well as at the gates and that some of the adjacent petty Chowkeys ? ’ stopping boats that are bringing the Honble Company’s goods, a party of soldiers are often necessary to be sent to clear such goods. Agreed therefore that we keep one Ensign, one serjeant, 1 cor- poral, one Drummer and 17 Centinalls and that we send the remainder of the Military to Calcutta. 1 Kashi Na th. 2 Raffugar, ice., a darne These men could withdraw a broken thread from the finest Ssaee a3 ‘and Geclaes it without the change being a 3 He junior at Kassimbazar in ae 1718. He was Zemindar or Collector ‘of pepe before coming to Dac 5 perro or guards & See Bic raratrei to this Part 1 Probably customs stations ; ‘in a Biarrbet a and Alamganj were described as Custom House Chow 140 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, Four soldiers being. European Portuguese of the number drafted out to return to Fort William this day diserted us, Agreed that the Vacqueel go to Jesmunt ray and desire that if they are within the district of the Dacca Government they may be delivered up to us. 20th March * * * “a great fire which burnt great part of this city.” - i 4 “3 os ~ bs Jesmut ‘rae having a grandson born it is thought for our Master’s interest that the Vacqueel do go and congratulate him and carry a present as usuall on such occasions which will amount to about 100 Rupees. 8th April 1737. Messers Mandeville & Freame visitted Goolab Bullub Caun,* the Nabob of Dacca, and were received with great civility and fair promises. 29th April. There having been a general table kept ever since the arrival of Mr. Mandeville and the Company allowing 700 Rupees per year for Factory provisions. Agreed that three months allowance for the time Mr. Mandeville has been here be paid out of the Honble Company’s cash. 7th May. The Nabob having sent to the Factory for some copper and having been told the Company had none took it very amiss and said how could we expect his friendship when we denied him such a trifle. Agreed we buy and send him what 5th June 1737. There having been in some of the preceding months given to Serasdee Mahmud 8 the Tautconna * and Mulbus 0 pany’s warehouse which were in the following sortment and estimated to him at the following prices: Broad cloth, fine yellow aa io 220 Ph “4 Aurora 224 e » ordinary 180 Velvett 56 Stiff damask crimson 82/8 yellow 63/12 .. .. 146/4 726/4/- 1 Jaswant Ray. 2 Ghalib Ali Khan. 3 Serajuddin Muhammad * Tat-khana, something to do with the weavers. 5 Malb as, 1.€, an investment of fine muslins formerly furnished from Dacca for the Royal wardrobe at Delhi. (Wilson’s glossary.) In 1781 Mr. Holland reported that the office had long been extinct. 6 or Superintendent. 1920. ] Dacca Diaries. 14] He has since frequently sent to us and acquainted us that the above goods are of no use to him and that as the persons who were his predecessors in the 2 posts he enjoys used to have 2000 rupees per year between them he insists on our taking back these goods and give him ready money in the room thereof and we therefore considering that as all the Delolls! Picars, ! Washermen & Ruffagurs are all under his command and dare Honble Masters interest to preserve his frienship tho’ at some expense. Agreed that we take back the above mentioned goods from him and pay him in ready money D.M.* Rs 726/4/- soldiers. 9th July. One Mirza Sammee and one Seebdas both per- sons who have posts* themselves and great influence with Jesmut ray having for some time complained that they have not lately recd. any acknowledgements from us and therefore have from time to time thrown Barrs,in our way and caused other posts in this Government, he is made independent of our Nabob Gullubullub Caun with whom he has quarrelled and and killing whosoever refuse to give him any sums of money yranny he exercises without controul and it is thought here that Gullubullub Caun will be recalled and he made Nabob. This man has sent frequent demands to the Chief to come and vissit him and make him the same present as he did the Nabob, threatening on refusall to impede all our businesse, which the Chief has hitherto evaded ! See First Instalment of these Diaries. 2 Das Masha. 3 I ean not trace them. + Saleh Mahammad or perhaps Saleh Ahmed. 6 Syed Reza Khan. (See Introduction to this Part.) 142 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, complying with and since he has come down something in his demand and says he will be contented with a visit without giving a surpace and talks of the presents being Rs. 2000 and our Vacqueel tells us some of his under officers say they believe Rs. 1500 will do. The Chief yesterday offered a vissit and 500 Rs. which he refused with disdain. 10th August. Sciadradge Caun having come down in his demands and offering to receive a vissit to be attended with the charge of a present of 900 Rs. to him and 200 Rs. among is officers * * * * %* * ae and he having been very Importunate and Troublesome even to the impeding some of our Business we think it our Honble ~ Masters Interest to satisfy him. 18th August. Agreed that we send away immediately on a Budjerow that is at our gate! to be hired * * * under the guard of Serjeant Everatt Cooke and 3 soldiers. A letter from Jugdea mentions Aga Bakar® as Faujdar there at this time. 27th August. The 24th instant, the Nabob sent Sally Mahmud to us with a copy of a Purwanna he said was come some years since found on digging in his compound 2 Jars of gold Moores § which he had kept to his own use instead of pay- ent the Nabob for answer * * p * The Facqueer* that had lived for many yeares on our wharf ‘ It is not quite clear wh i t i what re oo Ks where this was, but probably it was at the ? He was Naib at Jugdea in 1752 (see Lon a g). Scrafton says he was Governor of Chittagong later. He was killed in Dacca as a sobailt of the ination of the Nawab Hossainuddin in 1754 by his son Aga Sadak (see rom. Riaz and Sairul Mutagerin). mohars. 4 Cf. the incident of the Sufi in the first instalment. 1920.] : Dacca Diaries. 143 the ground and that a Mussulman’s bones were buried there that then he should reestablish him in his right and permitt him to build a place of worship on the ground, and the Cozzee having offered in consideration of 250 Rupees to give a sunnud setting forth the Facqueer’s complaint to be groundless and False and liberty for us to occupy the ground and build on it, and we considering the great inconveniency of having a Moore's place of Worship in the midst of our ground especially if our Honble Masters should think proper to have a factory house! built there. Agreed we do pay the Cozzee 250 Rupees and receive from him a sunnud accordingly. October 1737. The 30th ult and Ist inst. happened a storm here and in the adjacent country the most violent® that has been known in the memory of men : si “ The storm destroyed every boat and vessel that was on the river, and ashore blew down vast numbers of buildings and among the rest all the Honble Company’s bungalows that were for the use of the Washermen etc, workmen at Taezgaun * and on the wharf. 3rd December 1737. Sally Mahmud Deputy Droga of the Mulbuscogs and Tautcouna haveing taken Mutchulkaes* from the Ruffagurs Nurdees* and Washermen etc not to serve us without leave and from the Delolls and Picars not to come to wink at ye washermen ete working for us privately till his T14 ~ - _ ee ON 1 Apparently no building was ever constructed on the riverside. 2A at storm m to be thus described, cf. the storm men- tioned in the first instalment. 3 The writer was apparently neither at Tezgaon nor at the wharf. + Muchalka, i.e. bonds. ae - 5 Not finding this word in any dictionary or glossary, I made en- d that one or two Nurdiyas still live in the town b ing. ey work in the manner shown in the u twee r ind xamined. The dam portion of it is nd being wetted with water an instrument like : omb formed of spines of — Nop isplaced into i gp : See ‘Taylor : Cotton Manufacture of Dacca. The man I saw had the cloth held tight by boys. 144 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, master should arrive from Muxadavad which will be in a few days and then we may make up the affair with him ourselves. Agreed therefore that we employ the Ruffagurs Washermen etc in as private a manner as possible till Serasdee Mahmud arrives here. e Nabob’s haveing sent to borrow a Budgerow of us to send to Hughly and we having but one and that so damaged by ye great storm that it has not been yett enough repaired to be fit for use we sent him that for answer but he was incensed at it as only a pretence and put peons on our Vacqueel. Agreed oie that we hire one of an Armenian for 90 Rs and lend i m. 9th December 1737. The Ruffagars and Washermen have- ing entered into Mutchulkaes not to work for us, but few of them could be prevailed on to assist us, notwithstanding Sally Mahmud had agreed to wink at their doing it, by reason of which our business has gone on so very slow that we seeing no likelyhood of getting any quantity of bales ready time enough or this year’s shipping unless we can gett speedy relief, we therefore sent to Sally Mahmud and informed him we must be obliged to complain publickly to our Nabob and even to Mux- adavad for justice if he did not immediately withdraw the Mutchulkaes, but Sally Mahmud beg’d of us to have a little more patience till his master Seerasdee Mahmud should arrive from Muxadavad which he expected daily. _ _ 16th Decr. Mr, John Coleman,' our late Surgeon having died intestate etc. ecr. Our business still continuing impeeded and Serasdee Mahmud not being yet arri we cant think of making any beginning for the next years Investment. therefore that we suspend that till affairs are on a more settled | 29th Decr. 1737. Seerasdee Mahmud haveing arrived from Muxadavad the 22nd instant we sent our Vacqueel to him Suflrage Caun had obliged him to agree to pay more into the King’s Treasury than he used to do and that he haveing been at great expence to gett himself reinstated in his post he must oe himself and therefore he would not recede from the spare Sally Mahmud had by his order made on us and that € would not suffer our business to go on till we complyed and accordingly the head Ruffagurs, Nurdeas, Washermen Coon- ' I cannot trace him, gota on his tomb-stone has dinates’ Tore? % Dares sernetery.. he stb 1920. ] Dacca Diaries. 145. deegurs | ete were taken up and whip’d and putt in irons for haveing presumed to work for us after they had signed Mut- chalkaes not to do so and the Delolls and Picars were obliged to sign fresh obligations not to come near our Factory nor do any business with us without his leave : in short, all our busi- ness was entirely stop’d. This our Vacqueel complained of to. the Nabob as a great injustice and demanded him to do us justice, which he said he would do, but as yett we have been payment of 2000 Rs to be made on the Ist of February and declared he would not recede from this nor shall our business. go on till we comply. We being now met to take into consideration the un- happy situation of our affairs. These demands appear all the officers of the Government will be new and if we comply with this extravagant demand of Serasdee Mahmud, the new Nabob and all the new officers of the Government will expect their usuall presents to be enhanced in like pro- ortion which will make the charges Durbar amount to an extravagant sum not to be borne either by ve Company's trade or the private trade. Moreover, as we have been im- peeded this whole month our business is thrown greatly back and what cloth we have wants a great deal of work to be done to it and we seeing no likelihood of Serasdee Mahmud the operation.” Taylor: Cotton Manufacture of Dacca. A Coondegur is practically a calenderer. 146 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, sustain by his thus unjustly impeeding and stopping our business: that we send an Auredgedass to the Nabob Gullub bullub Caun and another to Sciadradge Caun setting forth the case in the most aggrevateing terms and demanding justice against Serasdee Mahmud, that the Chief send a letter to Jestmut rae Duan desireing his friendship and assistance in our behalf and that the Vacqueel and our late Broker’s nephew Monichund do carry these Auredgedasses and letters and that they attend the Durbar daily to demand justice in the most clamorous and importuning manner they possibly can. January 1738. Corporal Jacob Mercier died of a Flux the 31st ult. 6th January 1738. This morning we had the pleasure to be informed that Seerasdee Mahmud had cleared all our business and promised not to molest us till we had dispatched the remainder of this years Investment. 27th January. Chuckoo Seal, Mr. Cookes Banian, having been kept in confinement in the Factory ever since Mr. Russell arrived! here in hopes of fixing some Frauds on him and in order to give us light into Mr. Cooke’s private concerns here and at the adjacent aurungs we have frequently endeavoured by examining him to find out any frauds he may have com- January 1738 The cash account for this month in- cludes :— By charges Durbar: Eade Sallamy? to the Nabob Gullub bullub Caun and Durbar officers ws ea -. 271-0-0 By ditto given Gullub bullub Caun at. his going away in sundry spices . . is By charges Durbar, Sallamy * to new Nabob ciad radge Caun* « ; 72-4-0 36-8-0 % 22nd February. Our Vacqueel being returned from the urbar informed us that the Nabob Sciadradgee Caun had 1 moveier 1736, so that he had been more than 14 months in con- finemen 2 Salami (offering) on the o i : Offering, i.e. of welcome. eee sent It is evident that the change of Nawabs took place this month. 1920. ] Dacca Diaries. 147 expressed great displeasure at the chief not having visited him that he said he would let us know we should pay him the same respect as his predecessors had recd. from us and that e him the presents usual on such occasions he should stop all our busi- ness * * * * Agreed we send him word that it is contrary to the Honble Company’s order that two visits should be paid and the expence thereof incurred twice in one year and as the Chief visited Gullub bullub Caun in April last we hope he will stay till next May when the chief will certainly visit him as usual] : and this we agreed to because Sciadradgee Caun is not yet confirmed from Muxadavad, it is possible he may be recalled and a new Nabob appointed who will also insist on a Visit. 26th February. Yesterday came advices that the Pin- nace we dispatched with 3 chests of Treasure to Jugdea the 22nd inst was stop’d by order of the Nabob at a place called Rhumebeage Surray ' the Chief sent the Vacqueel to the Durbar to know the reason thereof and to desire an order for her being cleared immediately, the Vacqueel informs us that he went to the Durbar and complained to the Nabob who Nabob to forbid the Delolls, Picars, Ruffogurs and washer- men to do any business for us. Agreed the Chief do send an auredgedass to the Nabob demanding justice and a currency of our business. [Complaint was made to Muxadavad about the stopping of the Pinnace and it was released in A pril. banian servants are afraid of stirring out of the Factory there 1 Not traced. 148 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, being peons laying in wait to seize and carry them prisoners. to the Durbar id ™ = . = . s? Serasdee Mahmud also demands of us three thousand rupees for the currency of our business and says that he will not give perwannahs to the Delolls, Picars, Washermen, etc. till we pay him that sum. Agreed to write to Cossimbazar. 20th March. The Durbar officers having heard that we have made a complaint to Muxadavad of the ill usage and impediments we meet with here has had a very good effect, for the peons are taken off from our broker and Vacqueel and Serasdee Mahmud yesterday sent for our broker and told him that he was very desirous of being our friend and that. he would permit the Delalls Picars Washermen etc. to do business with and for us and give us a due currency of our time hence when we should be convinced of his sincerity but that the Nabob still continuing very angry with us we must do our business as privately as possible. — Considering the season is so far advanced and it is high time to begin our work, Agreed that we acquiesce to his proposal. 19th April. Nawab Shuja Khan’s! parwana :— _ Mr. Braddyll the English Chief at Cossimbazar has com- plained to me that Seerasdee Mahmud and you (Sciadradgee Caun) have distressed and done injustice to the English at: Dacea (the copy of which complaint I now send you) and as the English have complained of you so has many others: my . . . y order you to satisfy this and all the complaints against you : IT will turn you Moore? was appointed Chief vice Mr. G. Mandeville. Pampa eee ‘e “fe takes charge. The posts at the Or €; Ohte} Accountant. Export Wareh keeper, Buxi and Import Warehouse keeper. Ak i nates Ba M - Information received that Mr. James Black- ford * was appointed to be assistant. ! He was the Nawab Nazim of Bengal 2 : gal, whose deputy governed Dacca. PO a eters Khan, then Naib Nazim of Dacea; he resided at Mur- ’ He married Mrs. Ann Cooke on 15th Apri ‘ 3 rs 6 is til 1723 and died on 29th re primi 1745 (see Wilson’s Early hanals; Vol, III). He was Collec- ST can ek fog outta, in 1737 (see Wilson's Old Fort William). ‘ : any trace of hi ; : ’ - tions showing that he was in J iain in T74 ores 1920.] Dacca Diaries. 149 23rd May 1738. Mr. Moore advises that he has received a message from Seerasdee Mahmud informing him that unless he consents to the making the Nabob a visit positive orders will be given to him, Seerasdee Mahmud, to take away all our Ruffagurs, Washermen etc. He therefore advises us by all Mr. Holwell,’ Surgeon. 26th June. Messers. Moore & Feake visited the Nawab: the charges included :— To Nawab Rs. 1015/- To Nawab’s servants Rs. 150/- Liquors to Durbar officers 85/- Pepper to Nawab 130/- Cloves to Nawab Rs. 122/8. July. The accounts for his month show an expenditure on pepper, cloves and broad cloth for * Rajabullub Duan.” * epte to be Chief of this Factory. Agreeable to these orders Mr. Moore has this morning delivered over the cash * eas ad Books of the Factory, Merchant’s contracts and every thing to Mr. John Freame and as he had done salaries :— | John Freame Sr. Merchant for 6 months 160/- d do. 60/- Thos Feake, Factor o. Bernard Bouket do. do. 60/- Jas, Blackford, Writer do. do 20/- John Canty ® Surgeon for 3 months 120/- 1 In a despatch to the Court of Director dated 13th January 1749 we read ‘‘In Shiodiesit to your commands of March 1742 we appoint- n Zephaniah Holwell, one of historian was once in acca. 2 See Introduction to this Part. 3 Not traced. 150 Journal of the Asiatic Soctety of Bengal. {N.S., XVI, November. Gaye Rajabullub Duan! a silver snuff box double gilt 60/- 13th January 1739.—The Nabob has for some time been and have therefore resolved upon making it in 2 or 3 davs. February. Accounts show Rs. 17/- paid to Abdul Futtoo? Caun, Naib Sutah, and his servants. April. Account include * sallamy to the new Nabob,® a gold mohur 14/- and Rupees and also Rs 5/-” given to Golab Roy* the Duan. of our Suba® especially on a revolution, in whi se the Honble Company may be put to a double expence, therefore would have us defer making a visit so lo we possibly we think visiting the Nabob impossible to be avoided with- ire stoppage of our business till a change c. etc. une. Visit paid on 20th—on which occasion the Nawab was presented with Rs. 1131/4/- in cash and spices ete to the value of Rs. 669/4/- 20th July. The Honble Company’s business has now heen stopt by the Durbar for some days and we find our utmost ! Raj ballabh evidently only officiated as Diwan, pending the arrival of Golab Roy. 2 Abdul Fath Khan be the same as Abdull Fut 8 Evidently Abdul Fath Khan $ This is may been the son of Diwan Bhupat Rai, who was found unfit for his father’s post—probably on account of his youth in the time of Murshid Kuli Khan (see Riaz, p. i ® This refers to the arrival of Nadir Shah in Delhi (see Stewart). 5 Refers to the Nawab N azim of Bengal 1920.] © Dacca Diaries. 151 endeaveurs to obtain a clearance of no effect, considering that we have given no manner of provocation for any such proceedings and that there is no possibility of getting any redress here without submitting to terms directly contrary to our Honble Masters Interest Agreed therefore that we re- quest the Honble President ete Council to direct the gentle- men at Cassimbazar to apply to their Durbar for a Perwannah for the currency of our business. st September 1740. The 27th ulto. arrived here Wil- liam Bucknall Esq. with a letter from the Honble the President & Council to Messers Feake and Boukett dated 11th inst. importing that they had appointed him to succeed the deceased Mr. Freame. Our affairs with the Government still continue on the same bad terms as has been represented by Messers Feake and Boukett and as we have but little hopes of a change therein but from the present Nabob’s leaving this place which it is expected he will do in a few days agreed that we defer coming to any Resolution for a few days. 6th September. The Nabob having this morning left pute any orders from Muxadavad in our favour though he himself did. Agreed that we write to the gentlemen of Cos- simbazar. 22nd September. The 19th received a letter from the Govr. & Council dated the 12th inst in answer to our of Hossein Cooly Caun? is coming here Nabob and expecting that he will on his arrival demand a visit and stop our busi- ness till we comply, we are of opinion that if there is no probability of a change being soon m the Government that it will be absolutely for the Company’s advantage to agree to it without any delay. 29th January. Notwithstanding we have desired the Nabob to appoint a day for the visit and have made him ee ee ee . Mr. Freame’s tomb is not to be found now in Dacca. 2 On Ali Verdi Khan becoming Nawab Nazim of Bengal in 1740 he appointed his nephew and son-in-law, Nawazish Khan, to be N aib Nazim of Dacca. The latter preferring to live in Murshidabad put in Hossain Kuli Khan as his deputy. This man acquired great favour with and in- fluence through Ghasita Begum, wife of Nawazish, but was assassinated in Murshidabad at the same time as Hosainuddin Khan was assassinated 152 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, several considerable presents, he has thought proper to stop our business seat though we have sent Vacqueel to him several times to w the reason of it he will not so much as give 1st March. Our business still continues stopt. llth Sages The Nabob having this morning cleared our business e Lst September td Mt 25th ultimo Mr. Gumley '! arrived here wes * ordering him to be Chief of the Fac 13h eiegke The Nabob demands a vis 17th October. The Nawab demands a ee in all respects the same as given last year February 1742. Mr. Feake appointed Chief of Jugdea. 28th April. The state of affairs at present seem to threaten ae troubles all over this Government by t — service an additional number of 50 gun men and lay in pro- _— for the whole garrison eid * Smith 8 joined a as Third of the Factory. 1743. This morning Mr. Moore delivered us a letter is ths Honble the Prest. & Council of Calcutta where- in they are pleased di order the charge of this Factory to i dalivered over to Pavers laden by order of Thos Jos bee Esq Chief & Couns il at Dacca on account of the Trouble Oil—35 Mds. .. ae re hi 7.0 Gue—10 Mds. .. oi ow BS Pease—15 Mads. es a 9- 3-3 Gram—73-15 Mds. as -. 83-14-0 Doll—20 Mds. .. ree ro eo Coarse gram—38 Mds. _... .. 16- 3-3 Water jars -. 104-15-3 Fine a 15 Mds, = 394- 1-9 Ondiis » =152-11-6 f ++ 546-13-3 1034- 8-0 ' Not traced. 2 See prear gee to this Part. 3 Not traced, + We find it t recorded elsewhere: “a fire h happened on 17th (i.e. ry ode 1744) which consumed the stores and Marrataes”” (Consultations I /17.) provisions laid in an account of t 1920.] Dacca Diaries. 153 23rd June 1743. Mr. Bernard Bonkett! dying yin night ete. August. Samuel Rooper? joined as 3rd of Council. 15th August. Yesterday Adolph Johnson a Private man ® departed his life. 25th August 1743. As the waters are now so f be built there for security of the Honble Company’s cloth from fire, Agreed that the Buxey take this opportunity of sending bricks Chunam etc. March 1744. Mr. Edward Bourchier® joined as Assistant. Acctt. Salary due to the Honble ee rei s servants for six months from 25th September ultimo v Thomas Jos. Moore Esq. @ a p annum 160 Mr. John Smith, Jr. Merct @ 30 p 120 Mr. Samuel Roper Factor @ 15 p _,, 60 Mr. Jas. Blackford oe 60 Mr. Edw. Bourchier, Writer @ 5p .,, 20 Mr. Thomas Man ® Cs er 20 Mr. John Canty Surgeon @ 40 p.m. 240 Account of the trade’ of the Dacca Factory and the Chgs. ‘to which the said trade pays consulage from 30th April ult. Trade : The Honble Company .. .. 507791- 3-0 Thos. Jos. Moore Esq. .. .. 101515- 0-3 Mr. John Smith er .. 10015-13-0 Mr. Sam Rooper ais .. 16157- 7-3 Mr. Jas Blackford - .. 66116- 8-0 Mr. Thos. Man us .. 13017-12-3 774613 11-9 Charges to which the above trade pays consulage : a hlecirie : .. 2866- 0-9 Servants wages .. 1440- 0-0 Chaties Darhak. + ive L7180-15-9 __ 21486- 0-6 1 There is no trace of his grave in Dacca 2 I do not find him mentioned elsewhere. This means a private soldier. # This must be athe the Beel ueath of the end of Mug Bazar Road. 5 Ri Bourchier was Ex arehouse keeper in Calcutta in 1730. He ay hav e been pling brother of a Miva. (See Wilson’s ‘Old Fort William). 6 raced. 1 In June 1744 we find it eat tte that the ait at Dacca were i end the moeagres in getting mulmuls on acco of the demand by s, Moguls and Armenians. (Consultations 11). 154 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, Proportions : The Hon Company a .. 15749-14-0 Thos Jos. Moore Esq. .. .. 2815-15-9 Mr. John Smith oy ae 277-13-0 Mr. Sam Rooper Se .. 448- 3-3 Mr. Jas Blacktord A .. 1834- 0-9 Mr. Thos Man MS a 361- 1-9 21486-0-6 12th July 1744. Last night about 10 o’clock a number of Buxeries' belonging to the Government surrounded our prevent any provisions etc., coming to us but to suffer nothing to go out. They likewise gave us a Perwanna that what cloth of ours was at Taezgong wet should be dryed and permitted to be brought to the Factory. 3rd August. Yesterday morning we received a-lre. from ye honble the President & Council of Caleutta d/ ye 26th July acknowledging the receipt of ours dated the 12th advising our business was stopt. They are pleased to inform us the like has been done at Cassimbazar, Maulda and other places on what the success would be. They permit us as ye stoppage of our business is of the utmost ill consequence to try if by any means we can prevail with our Government to permit us to pro- ! Baksaris, ie. men from Buxar—a kind of peon, Watchman or Police-- man. 2 Ali Verdi Khan. 1920. ] Dacca Diaries. 155 30th September. _ The 25th inst. recd. a lre. from Jno Foster Esq Chief & Council at faytegctin 2 enclosing Nawagis Mahmud Caun’s ! Perwanna to our Nabo r the clearance of our busi- Pe pay to him and his officers viz Sicca Rs To Nawagis Mahmud Caun. .. 2000 Hossein Cooly Caun re go ODO Duan Bunderabund* .. .. 1000 Hadjee Hosain 2 -Pi £0 The Durbar officers Sy cath! seca h December. This morning recd. a genl. lre, from the Honble the President and Council of Calcutta dated the 28th Novr. in answer to ours of the 21st and 22nd, They | observe the importunity of our new Nabob ® in regard to payin hi the usual visit. They have taken this affair into consideration Peter Cooper under whose care we had ‘sont to Mr. Daleity at Jugdea the 7th inst. Thirty three thousand Arcot Rupees that there was a great number of Muggs* in the way he was obliged to pert which he thought too hazardous to attempt with the party he had with him. Agreed we dispatch to him all the European soldiers we » have at the Factory and twenty Buxerries with orders to make ye best of his way to Jugdea on the arrival of the party we now send him unless he has certain advices that the number of Muggs is so great as to ren- der it it impracticable for him to amie | He was the Naib Nazim we Dacca but lived in Murshidabad. Hos- sain Kuli Khan was his Deputy + Baoete Nawazish was the husband of Ghasita Bibi daughter ad ae Verdi Kha indaban—not t 8 Does this @] To Stronc Waste Acid To Weak Waste Acio Fie. 4 (DIAGRAMMATIC). Figure 4 (diagrammatic). The first ‘cup controls the run-off of strong waste acid, the second controls the run-off of weak waste acid and ber’ pipe D allows the unrecoverable residues to flow down the rain. the float is just immersed, i.e., just as it is about to descend to its cut off position. In order that this tube may not act as a syphon (in which event the flow is intermittent and the float bobs up and down), an air hole is made in the top of the upper side of the run-off pipe and is fitted with a small tube which is attached to the top of the cup to give the apparatus additional strength. e diameter of the run-off pipe should be suffi- 1920.] Automatic Control of the Separation of a Liquid. 163 edges of the cup. As soon as the float sinks and blocks up the exit, the cup fills up and the float is pressed home by a slight head of liquid. The excess liquid flows across the pas- sage provided, (Fig. 4, A) into a second cup provided with a cut-off control of lower 8.G. and working on exactly the same principle as that first described. When the second float has descended, the excess liquid could be made to flow to another cup and’so on in descending order of specific gravities, the principle being multiplied as much as desired for the process under investigation. Completely successful experiments have been performed with this apparatus, one of which was in use for several months LEAD CONNECTION BUANT ON TO RUN-OFF wisiesteses: erasecods eeeecste tee asa same *i7igeres i" te. tanetee seessce, C o% afotat -. sSe: ose: “S. 0, . vA nee eTbe. dese, BB Siar ofen: Osos re = sy grt oe; ~ _———_—— oo tae ; CLASS TUBE OF BLQUISITE DIAMETER pret eret: ES eosin ae Fia. 5. controlling the run-off of weak waste acid from one set of pans. ecording to present practice, weak w the lower limit by S.G. Except to demonstrate its efficiency, the appliance has not been used for th : to be taken is controlle SMaoons oO eee d from the Chemist in charge of the Acid Section. For use with strong acids, the apparatus uld obviate the necessity for the use of tall-boys and se bearer teen If, in pre- sent practice, the S.W.A. were not proper time or the W.W.A. were not 164 Journal of the Asiatic Sociely of Bengal. {N.S., XVI, 1920.] the proper S. G., the S.W.A. would be returned to the Acid Section weaker than is demanded and increased cost of recovery would result. The application of the principle of this simple apparatus is general for al! liquids, the run-off of- which is controlled by S.G. ‘ In The Chemical Trade Journal and Chemical Engineer of May the 3rd, 1919, Colin Sutton describes an apparatus for the control of the run-off of the waste acids from guncotton dipping pans. At Aravankadu, the exit pipes from the pans are made of lead. By trial, the diameter of this run-off pipe could be made of such a size that, when the cock is full open, the acid from one set of pans would get awav in three hours. Owing to corrosion, the diameter of the tube would change, but, by fixing a glass tube of the requisite diameter in the end of the run-off pipe, the variation in the flow due to corrosion he models were designed in collaboration with Mr. L. W. Pryor, Foreman of the Guncotton Section in this Factory. I wish to express my appreciation of the courtesy of Mr. J. C. Bain, Chief Foreman Plumber, and his staff who skilfull y con- structed models of the various forms of the apparatus for experiment and demonstration. Cordite Factory, Aravankadu, S. India. ON NINN INS NS NPR PRS NS wrt 12 NUMISMATIC SUPPLEMENT No. XXXIV, Note,— The soe of the articles below is continued of the ‘'Journal and Proceedings ’’ for I 20 210. Aso. Fazw’s INVENTORY OF AKBAR’sS MINTs. There is not probably, in the entire range of the histori- cai literature relating to the Indian Mughals, a passage which has been more frequently quoted or referred to by the students of their coins than the list of Akbari mints in the Ain. The statement itself is neither lengthy nor complicated, nor ‘inaccurate,’ or ‘incomplete.’ Others have expressed 8 disappointment at the omission of this or that mint, of whic coins of any year have been found, or their ton on account of the inclusion of towns of which no issues are nown.” Asa writer, Abil Fazl has his faults. His pompous plati- tudes, perpetual and, to us, fulsome adulation of his master and his habit of agp roat te simple matters in a cloud of difficult or —— words often excite our dislike and sometimes our disgust. But it has not been denied even by the most un- friendly critics, that he had exceptionally authentic and exact sources of information. There was not an important document or official hey which was not open to his we onc or ity _ dry facts and Goan” siitetally knew no caxtelz Nor was he a mere » glutton or indiscriminate devourer of facts. es page of the — bears witness to his capacity of digesting and assimilating enormous masses of them, and his powers ot analysis and the lucid presentation of his materials have ex- 1 Prinsep (Useful Tables, ed. 1834, p. 18), Thomas (Chroni icles, on 1871, pp. 427-8) and Lane Poole (British Museum a Introd., liii) have all transcribed the list with or without commen 2 Mr. Oliver complains bas ‘¢ Akbarabad, Mirath, Nanol. Fathpir, Sherpar, Gobindpir, Bairatah, Deogir, Doganw and (? Sirsa ginny are Z (J.A.S.B., 1886, p. 4.) See also I.M.C. III. Introd. xxxv (Bhakkar), xlvii. (Gobindpar); P.M.C. Introd. lviii. (Bhakkar); Num. Sup. XI. 322 (Hisar Rupoos of f 966 A.H.); Ibid. 324 (Gadraula Rupee of 967 A.H.) 166 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, torted — even from those to whom ‘his style is intolerable.” It may Sacer, be permissible to enter into a critical examination of this locus classicus, in order to remove existing errors of see proarion. elucidate the author’s real meaning, and reassess its value as a numismatic document. Let me begin by allowing Abil Fazl to speak in his own words :— catlese GOL oil Vig pls ML le wigs ley ible eT ir? 9 By LIS ght deat ai, Sst Sune so y la shee jh hg! erat ofl Celt alt ob 65) Ie So eh to oy Gla she obo ata g emt 9 YS Cp g yh lilo 52) reds aik, iit yg BL Bye See Cpl wXlOe yall SSE Bayt yawn! onT udp UB) aygene BS) yy dS yy BaF 98 swf ss Bay? hem slyayt Pole roa # 20ty Gold sie ipso spi lyw ging tpSIlye ole po p75 gaie Aii-i- Akbart, Bibl. Ind. Text, I. 27, ll. 9-15. This has been thus rendered by Blochmann. “ In the beginning of this reign, gold was coined to the glory of his Majesty in many parts of os empire ; now gold coins are struck at four places only, viz. at the seat of the govern- ment, in Bengal, Ahmadabad (auniaty, and Kabul. Silver and copper are likewise coined in these four places, and besides in the following ten places.—Ilahabas, Agrah, Ujain, Siirat, Dihli, Patana, oor seri Multan, ee In twenty-eight a ** Abulfazl’s ype argo | tgp dia gave him access to any document - he aise to consult, d his long career and training in various depart- inutel i het minutely rec in their smallest detail, with such an array of facts as the abundant material supplied from official sources could “ coe II. » Vii.) merit—and it is one which he speciall arg r himself—is bis sound Or ated Pe His work has also she it mperis sal ble = erit of being mporary, and by one who had a to ti at first hand.” H. Beveridge, Akbarnama, Trans. I. Paties. ‘ “informe ie 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 167 Jalandhar, Hardwar, Hisar Firtizah, Kalpi, Gwaliar, Gorak’hpir, Kalanwar, Lak’ hnau, Mandi, Nagor, Sarhind, Siyalkot, Saronj, Saharanpar, Sarangpar, Sambal, Qanauj, Rantanbhir It will be seen that Blochmann has punctuated this passage. It is common knowledge that there are no stops in Oriental writing. ‘The real sense of the author is consequently ater to be altered, and an erroneous impression conveyed of its signifi- cance by careless or incorrect pointing in the eadisdation: It is at ‘ empire’ that there is the first real pause in the sense,and a new sentence begins at ‘ Now,’ which is continued, in fact, to the end. Then, i ae the phrase used for the first of the four gold-mints is rendered ‘ Seat of the government,’ and has been naturally understood to denote either Agra or Fathptr (Thomas, Chronicles, 427: Lane Poole, B.M.C. Introd., p. liii; Oliver, J.A.S.B., 1886, p. 4). Thisis misleading. The original words are Jls) <0 lit. ‘Camping-ground of Good Fortune.’ It seems to ~ me that Abii Faz] is using an expression having exactly the same significance as gy 3 ab css)! Urdu is a word of Turkish origin, Mu‘askar of Arabic. one! army,’ is generally believed to be an arabicised form of the Persian ,&*J , (Hobson-Jobson, ed. Crooke, pp- 507-8), and Ss. means ‘Place of encampment, camp (Steingass, Persian-English Dictionary, s.v.). Persian writers are notoriously fond of employing aa eit expressions and of changes on identical ideas in different verbal forms. Several other locutions having the same 5 Tenn, e.g. rt > cor wheal Geyot , SIrbsRE corrot , errile® coro)! * wiko 8b 53)! ; ute! cs9%)! ’ ghac os)! , xy» was . PO od yy Somme, esha? Sone , Bly AB Sac , Sls} pxr< 5 pthe® Same, VEAT 26 Sane : ip Rb Smarw » ¥ly ySano # Upp? AB oS ge , JLT Sys are found in Sharfuddm * Ali Yazdi, Mirkhwand, Khwandamir, ada, din Ahmad, Abal Fazl, Mu ‘atamad Khan, a Blouliinete to give sufficient reasons for hiscontention. Insuch cases, an author is generally 168 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, I will therefore take at random some passages from the Akbar- nama in which the phrase under discussion occurs. The Persian scholar will be able to judge for himself. Those unacquainted with that eran will have the satisfaction of pie the real sense, if not the literal meaning, in the words Mr. Beveridge, a a scholar who is ict aalahig the highest living authority on the Akbari period. I will first cite the following : aT G odb3 CLF wi %, > gr! e* aS Om ipake p= 9 Cd7% wrt eld iad jl epg as dey 8 1) Ady wr! Jet 9 lost pills y sl as od Colod & uybly USS y allhy abdjo jL soho) og) she # 07 wygy? JUS! Suro jf og/! pd pays 3! Op. cit. TI. 60, ll. 21-24. And [scil. the Emperor] issued an order that no one of his retinue should be in attendance on him. He [scil. Akbar] sent away his grooms and such-like persons, that the solitude of his retirement might not be contaminated by the crowd of this class of men, and went out unattended and alone from the Camp of fortune.” Beveridge, ae Trans The context shows that the order was i issued during the return-journey from Mankot to ae and the (Jlas}_;Se must have been somewhere between those two places (ibid. 91-94. passim). The synonymous expression cy »5_,8b cssoy! is used for it very soon afterwards (ib. 94; Text, 62,1. 1). Again we read: Joi 28 tty it JL y cdyoy a9d y obidbe ily) 92 Boy059 wolew Jo)’ # Dioogas ie aia Brp%9 JUS! wy Bibl. Ind. Text, tal; 329, ll. 15-16. ‘In fine, after enjoying the hunting, H. M. sent off his w Camp [gle ¢¢9¢)! ] which had been pitched near Alwar, while he himself went by way of Narnol, and there joined the Camp. [ SLS! See j.” Beveridge, II. 484. Once more, we have the phrase in the following sentence : 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 169 nA gg, crts@ HP cyto agd Frond yo 99 8S oyldiz Fol jt bel ote 515 * af y i 9 ys ais, chal as dyohr< * pal Text, III. 11, ll. 21 23. “Though he could not maintain himself in that fort (scil. Broach) against the world-conquering standards, yet the wine of presumption in his brain was making him pass by at a distance of eight Kos from the Camp of fortune in order that he might cause a disturbance in the cou aresties. IIT. 16. The ‘Camp of fortune’ was at the time [A.H. 980] some- where near Baroda, and the subject of the next chapter is “the rapid march of the Shahinshah against Ibra him Husain Mirza, the ee a the defeat of the enemy” [at Sarnal near Thasra], p p. In the Este of the year 987 A.H., the account of the death of a man called Bhipat Chohan is thus introduced : eth wil Sh OLE GcAlye® canilyld Eby ald 1 jAe toys of essen jf od gf cow ty 9! isl? wt whyte ptbsi a od yloys # onduadl ally ty yyy? Raty 9 Jeyag) Al » df JUS! Sure yo Text, III. 279, ll. 4-6. “That turbulent-brained one would not choose to pany them and an order was given that the sanahatdees creme fie. of _Etawa] should arrest him, but out of terror he came to the oo of — and sought 4 Hone from Raja Todar Mal and Raja Birbar.” Beveridge, II. 4 407. The émeute is said to have taken place when “ H. M. was in Thirah” (or Bhera or Mathra), Hg the return-journey from Ajmer to Fathpar by way of Mew One more passage only need . quoted in extenso : olay ple Mlod sis oad out poone S yo yalb ¢ ye 9 eee * adgot wy pe = 7 | Text, III. 346, Il. 19-20. “On the 24th Lengo XXV R-Y.] the army encamped at Sarhind, and H.M. rested in the delightful gar- dens of that city.’’ Beveridge, itl 509. The Emperor was i the time [989 A.H.] marching against his brother, Muhammad Hakim, who had invaded the Panjab. It will suffice z ‘en references only to the other _ in which the phrase occurs. They are Akbarnama, Tex I. 45 (Trans. I. 135), I. 46 (Trans. L 136), II. 56 naa. 170 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, II. 86), 11. 199 (Trans. II. 310), IT. 284 (Trans. II. 420), II. 318 (Trans. II. 469), III. 97 (Trans. III. 136), ITT. 243 (Trans. IIT. 348), ITI. 370 (Trans. ITT. 543). e autobiography of the Emperor Jahangir is a much smaller work than the Akbarnama, and still I have noted at least nine instances of the use of the expression in Sayyad Ahmad Khan’s edition of the Tuzuk. They arrest attention on pp. 207, 250, 317, 323, 355, 356, 359, 360, and 376. English readers will find the corresponding passages at J. 418, IT. 48, 180, 191, 250, 252, 258, 259, and 287 of Mr. Rogers’ version, and have little or no difficulty in discovering that it is always rendered by some such word orphrase as ‘Camp’, ‘ encamping place’, ‘ Camp passages I beg permission to quote, as the author himself eaves no room for doubt as to its meaning by employing wrt 7 86 (ooo) and Jkii yS-a0 as absolutely synonymous or interchangeable expressions. plOsns Bal) 9 glk yore gy oy B54) Caw ests ustly2 oy desdl, 52y! 1S Noast wlR SL od jtest oe ye lS, clans soot y¢% jf # platy T SLs! Sao diem Of US yo ado Jas Eyer 5! Text, 356, Il 12-15. : n fine, when I was near Delhi, Sayyid Bahwa Bukhari, Sadr K[han] and Raja Kishan Das came out of the city, and On the 25th of the month i i ; ; passing by Delhi, I pitched m camp on the bank of the Jumna.”’ iL 252. : ; _ The locution is not unknown to later writers and occurs thrice in the [qbalnama-i-Jahangirt of Mu‘atamad Khan (Bibl. nd. edition, 71, 170 and 203). The author of the Badishah- Moat would appear to have been as fond of it as Abil Fazl imself, as will be seen from the following references to the ea ie . 7 Sige Bibl. Ind. Text, I. i. 327, 411, 521, 34. u. 9, 17, 20, 71, 73, 117,121: II. Oran’. ; II. 22, 111, 143, 190, 257, These instances suffice to show that the mint name a 0 § t the head of the list does not stand for Agra or Fathpar but is to be understood in the same sense as cy 35 yRE (655)! 1. No issues of pve icine RR Re eal EONS tn, ! Agra is ruled out, as it is se i w among th ! mut, parately mentioned below among the towns licensed to coin silver only and not gold. The glory of Fathpar 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 171 the latter mint were known when Blochmann wrote, and this probably accounts for his failure to grasp the real meaning. Mughal Emperors were accompanied on their progresses and Opeth ae by all the Imperial Karkhanas or Establish- ments, the Treasury for precious stones, the Farrash Khana, the Abdar Khana, the Kitchen, Wardrobe, Library, Arsenal, Stables for elephants, horses, camels, cows, etc. (Vide Ber- nier’s Travels, Ed. V. A. ae pp. 258-9). The yal sty or Mint also was one of them 3 workmen and officials fol- lowed the Padishah whereve®: he job and had to be always in attendance.! ‘This was the wyys yh Cogs! OF Jas} Sn Mint,’ and it appears to have been also called yy2> eye ly: Abial Fazl writes: “As regards gold coins, the custom fol- lowed in the Imperial mint = to coin La’l-i-Jalalis, Dhans and mann, Atm, Trans. I. 30. Here the words in the original are prem syed tye Lit. ‘the Huzir’s [7.e. Emperor’ s| house for strik- ing coins.’ Text, I. 2 8 his material error ’ corrected, let me give a literal render- ng of the passage, making only such alterations or additions chmann’s wording as are absolutely necessary, and indi- cating sae by italic type. The punctuation also has been set right, the names of the towns about which there is no aiptite aie d. had departed long since. Akbar quitted it finaly in the thirtieth year of his reign (993 A-H. 1585 A.C.) and returne ed to Agra after thirteen years’ absence only in 1599 A.C. He never lived at Fathpiar again except few days in i 06-7 an 1 AC. ( W. Finch ee itin 1610 as ‘* all ruinate, lying like a was desart, and very dangerous to passe through in the night, the buildings’ lying wast without enhabi tants.’ Purchas, His Pilgrimes, MacLehose’s Reprint ee TV. 42. e dread of an Uzbeg invasion compelled t the Emperor to take oe ote the frontier, and his headquarters were really at ee during this period. But the Mu‘askar-i-Iqbal mint cannot apparently identified with Lahor as the name of the latter town occurs in the Nizamuddin Ahm ad in his account of the campaign aga: Hajipir and Patna says, “ The boats carried all his [sctl. Abbe?’ = en ea and establishments leary stilt] |, armour, drums, ure, carpets, kitchen utensils, stud, etc.” Tabaga reget gol oe as aod! Dowson, V. 374). There are elabo eng unts of all t ar nas, dle ahag , MISS y aLRIL SS » als aid y Ee, y Bld 545 SSipb 2 pbs yas Nigamuddin calls them (Lakhnau Lithograph, 315, ll. hs in = a Book of brig’ ay and the Mint comes in for bonne? nly beca was one arkhanas attached to the ‘Imperia- ereimehiol’ cae subject of Ber Sie Vide Blochmann, Ain, Trans. 16ff . 172 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, “In the beginning of this incomparable reign, gold was coined to the glory of his Majesty’s name in many places of the empire. At this time [ jy! |, gold coins are not struck at following] ten places ; [Names]; in twenty-eight towns, copper coins only are struck ; [Names|,.”’ It will perhaps appear strange but it is nevertheless leading word, and not the clause relating to gold only, as Blochmann’s pointing would lead one and_ has actually led many to suppose. Jt applies to silver and to copper just as much as to gold, and it was clearly the intention of the author to say that the statement (the whole and not an y particular part of it) was true only of the time at which he was writing. _ The question which then arises is, when was the passage written ? To such an inquiry concerning a few lines in so voluminous a work it is obviously not easy to give an exact 7 hmann, i th d. We might also do well to bear in mind that 1 ee i :; , Birat, Bandar, Lahri rg el not have to be brought inte rap fot ae c arnagar fuliis was in the White King Collection Catalogue, Part UI, No 3670). The date 994 A. H. ag sore Bs rae el : ‘ay 1 was founded several years afterwards (1002-3 A. H There mus an error somewhere. If the date has been correctly read, the 1920. ] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 183 Ilahabas, Agra, Ujjain, Dehli, Patna, Srinagar, Lahor, Multan, Ajmer, Atak, Badaon, Hisar, Gwaliar, on Kalanir, Lakhnau, Sarhind, Sironj, Saharanpar, Sambal. We have besides ge} issues of five mints of which Abul Fazl takes no cognisance, irat, Chitor, Khairpar, Dogion, and Narnol. There is no denying that the discrepancies, in this instance, are numerous and disconcerting. Out of a total of 42, we have nothing at all to show for nineteen. But does that prove that the list is ‘incomplete’ or ‘imperfect’ ? The boot is, if I may proving that Abil Fazl is ‘inaccurate,’ it implies that we have attained but indifferent success in unearthing the Akbari issues in copper. It is common knowledge that the serious search for Mughal dams and fults she only about forty years ago. A gid coins found in a small district (Kangra) enabled Mr. Oliver in 1886 to add nae new mints at a bound. Even in 1892, Mr. Lane Poole complained that the “ rarest of all Mughal coins were those of copper.” Ten years afterwards, Mr. Dames stated that no less ke twenty- nine new mints 0 Akbar alone had been since (1892) brought to light (Num. Chron:, 1902, p. 277), about half of which were exclusively copper-ateliers. Several others have become known within the fi it is now impossible to decipher the name of the place of issue. A few words about the five other mea apparently ignored by Abul Fazl may not be out of plac And first, about Birat (#y). Abul oe has the name %;4;?Bihrah. We have no coins of Bihrah, but we have several of oe place of which he himself says elsewhere that it ‘‘ had a copper mine so profitable that from a man weight of ore, they obtain 35 sers of metal”’ (Jarrett, If, 181: Text, 1 Se May it not be that 4 is a miswriting or misreading of Styx ! . mint-name must be wrong. If the latter has been rightly deciphered, the date will be found to require revision. i i isi the scarcity of Bengal copper coins. here is nothing Selgenernd in fst gal Sultdns ar ud he Siri mints in that 1 Prowines 1 This name would appear to have puzzled not only the cop the Ain, but its translators. It is written 3y¢2 at Pp. 27 of the Bibliotheca Indica Text. At p.31 of Blochmann’s translation, it is al bite we are asked to read ‘Bahirah’ in the Table of Errata. e yists of 184 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, There is very high authority for deciphering the name on several dams dated 999- 1008 A.H. as Chitor, but the Rodgers thought the “coins ought to be of sot Jaipar mint (y=) as the word is without “dots, but Jaiptiir was not in existence in the time of Akbar.” (Indian Sliaiery. 1890, p. 222.) Col. Richard Carnac Temple gave it as his opinion that it was neither yeaq nor pase but yi or ¢ 244 (bid., note). It may be perhaps necessary to recall the fact that Chitor is not, and that Qanauj is, one of Abul Fazl’s copper mints of the Middle period. The Indian Museum has Jlahi pieces of a mint called Khairpur, but they are of the 45th and 47th years. i a type dated 997 A.H. as Khairptr. I have discussed the point elsewhere at some length, and here must content myself with the suggestion that the reading stands in need of revision, and that all these coins are probably of Ujainpir. he peculiar thing about Dogaon is that though the name is conspicuous by its absence in_the list before us, Abul Fazl himself notes elsewhere in the Ain, that “in the vicinity of the town [scil. Bahraich] there is a ‘village called yet which for a long time possessed a mint for copper — ” tt Guay cnplid} gle jb yo 3 - cl wI9F5d Cane! (Radyo xo (Jarrett, II, 172, Bibl. Ind. Text, I, 433).! It is clear that the author was not ‘ Birat’ is written “l)3 at p. 357 of the Ain and ty» and Wty,’ are noted as variants at p. 358. At p. 442, it is written 23} yay. In Jarrett’s translation, we have Pardat at II. 96 and Perath at II. 181. Gladwin has Beerat, losis Berath. Description De l’Inde, Ed. J. Bernouilli, 1786, I. 212- The an of Duatonit ( 9858 ) is mentioned once in the Akbar- also in connection with the death of ‘Arab Bahadur who had Dugao on and near a black mountain.” Beveridge. Akbarnama, Trans Ill, 745, Text TH, 492. ‘ Dukam’ 0. '3® is also one of the hundred and Tables of of Lat setae d ead Leet “% Js defies Min Cannes Te See atitu a — Bi hey Text, Frpeos es a Aes as es. Jarrett, Ain, Trans. III. 59—Bibl. ase of N bas Ls is very similar to that of Dugaon. In his account of the ne Sark of Narnol, Abil Fazl expressly ohn: that ‘‘ Singhana Mahi rs ie 5 gg and open are also said to possess copper mines. Jar- rett, yet the name of Narnol is conspicuous by its absence ao the list. "Oke it be that y ‘des is a miswriting or misreading of Js yb 2 1919.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 185 ignorant of the existence of the mint, but then why has he omitted it ? It may have been due to some oversight or inadvertence, but another explanation is just possible. The earliest Dogion coin is of 974 A-H. We have issues also of 980, 986, 988 after which last there are ‘‘ Dams of most years up to 1003 A.H.” (I.M.C. xliv). Mr. Whitehead has one of 1005 Dr. Codrington’s list of Mughal mints.! It is due to a friendly critic to notice his “simple explanation’’ of the embarrassing surplus of names in this part of the list. It is that Abul Fazl has carelessly jumbled together the ateliers of the Middle period of which alone he was professedly writing. with those of the Early or Antecedent ne. Now, Abil Fazl’s laborious accuracy and “ conscientious collection of facts’? have not been denied even by those who ave no great admiration for his style or character, and he is v kot, Sironj, Saharanpar, Sarangpir, Sambal and Rantanbhir. And what is still more worthy of attention is that six, if not n, of these new names are actually represented in our collections, viz., Atak, Badion, Jalandhar (2 ); Kalanir, Sironj, Saharanpur, and Sambal. Of the remaining seven or ¢1g t no ¢ coins of the Second Period, but then they [viz., Banaras, Jalandhar (?), Hardwar, Mandi, either. 1 Mr. Whitehead informs me (February 1919) that he possesses_an Ilahi dam which he is ‘‘ morally certain is of Jalandhar mint.” The year ts 4x 186 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. |N.S., XVI, It is clear then that this ‘simple’ theory cannot be ac- cepted, and some other way of accounting for the presence of these seven names of the Early Period has to be sought. I venture to offer, for what it is worth, a suggestion which has aepietae to me. n the Imperial mint-system was reorganized and the e reduced, probably with a view to secure more efficient super- vision and a greater uniformity of standard. The privilege of issuing muhrs and their fractions was withdrawn from all but four places, and that of striking silver pieces was conferred on only fourteen towns in the Empire. It was not thought advisable or necessary to be so strict in regard to copper.! normous everywhere. The number of copper mints (which in the earlier period had been about 39) was therefore not only not reduced, but slightly augmented. It is probable that this was done with a view to ease the situation, not unlikely to be created, te the closing of so many mints to the coinage of gold and silver. At the same time, the 42 mints were Boast 20 and their geographical distribution made much m 1 In this readjustment, all the places of any eee ay his- torical, political or commercial, which had formerly enjoyed the privilege of striking copper, viz., Awadh, Alwar, Bhakkar, Pat- tan, Jaunpar, Kalpi and Qananj were, for the nonce, not de- prived of it. Others, however, were, much more severely dealt with. Akbarpir, Amirkot, Bahraich, Jalalpur, Jalainagar, Khairabad, Sherpir, Fathpar, Katak, Kora, Kiratpur, Malpur, Manakpir, Manghar, Madankot and Merta (2) were all disfran- chised. The reasons for this differential treatment are not difficult to understand. Most of them were third or fourth- caying, and several of them have since sunk into such obscurity that it is now no easy task to determine their exact situation. The name of Bahraich was removed probably because ioe which had taken its place was much more ! In this connection, the followin . > - observations of Thomas will bear quotation. ‘‘ The pra actice of striking coin in subordinate cities also rs : r mon i eg ha 384. With all his fondness for innovation, Akbar a apceses i0 e followed the eae li to remain = a lower footing. policy and allowed the copper currency 1920. | Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 187 advantageously located. The recently founded Iahabad had supplante ora (Karra ?). Fathpur had lost its short-lived importance since the Emperor had ceased to reside there, and Merta (?) was deprived of its licence, perhaps because Raj- putana possessed, even without it, more than its fair share of copper mints. There is another point also which it is necessary to bear in mind. Copper had been coined so profusely within the preceding fifty years by the Siris, and likewise by Akbar, that in some places no great necessity of striking Dams in any quantity was likely to be felt. The privilege of issuing them was, nevertheless, not withdrawn from the more important towns which had possessed it under the old regime They were to exercise the right and avail themselves of the permis- sion if there was need; they would remain inactive, if the local supply was not insufficient for the demand. This probably accounts for the fact of our having not yet discovered metals was, in fact, too small, that of those licensed to coin 7 silver mints, and only 9 copper mints. The pee ppt numbers for the reign of Shah Jahan are 23, 35 and 15 ( 7 ; Taylor, Num. Sup. XXI. 181-2). These figures speak tor themselves. The net result of this enquiry seems to me to be that Abial-Fazl’s inventory for the part or period of Akbar's reign 188 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, side of the account, eight or nine aieliers which are apparently ignored inthe Ain. But, then, the readings of names and dates on which the question of fhe inclusion of most of them in the Middle Period of Akbar’s reign depends, are themselves not . free from doubt and uncertainty. My submission, therefore, is that in view of our own inadequate equiy t and inf tion, we are searcely justified in assuming an attitude of superiority and delivering judgment against him. Far from i stripped him, we are still lagging very much behind, and our own knowledge of the Akbari mints is neither so exact nor so complete as to entitle us to brand him with ignorance of the facts of his own day. a his does not mean that the Ain list is absolutely perfect. Iam no believer in the infallibility of Abil-Fazl or of any other author, living or dead. I have no doubt myself, that when we are Fazl himself. I know from my own study of his Summary Accounts of Todar Mal’s Rent-roll that he was occasionally unable to decipher the place-names properly, and made mis- takes in transferring them to his pages. 1en all these allowances—allowances for the defects in- herent in the Persian script, for the illegibility of the written records on which he had to rely, and also for human error, are numismatic chart of the Akbari region has been thoroughly 8 saa it will peobebly be found that this much-abused in- ventory 1s not so hopelessly ‘ imperfect’ or ‘ inaccurate’ as it has been thought. : fap Bie a S. H. Hoprvaua. Junagadh, 10th Jan. 1918. Postcripr. © preparation of an absolutely complete list’ of all the coins of any ruler, who issued money of all denominations _ profusely as Akbar, for nearly half a century, must be an almost impossible achievement. It would be, therefore, pre- sumptuous to imagine that no errors or omissions will be 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 189 scrutinised by Mr. H. Nelson Wright, Mr. R. B. Whitehead and Mr. W. E. M. Campbell. To all of them I have to make ac- kowledgments for bringing to my notice some points which d in need of reconsideration, and furnishing the dates of several unpublished coins in their own collections and the Lakh- Museum. are my own and you etror. Both are clearly 40 ( t+) and could not be rea constituting “for the time being, the centre of the Empire (p. 15 supra). It is clear that when Akbar’s headquarters were in Lahor Fort, two different mints would be simultane- ously at work within the limits of the city, the town’s own mint and the Camp-mint attached to the personal establish- ment of the Emperor. It is not unlikely that some confusion Tt should be remembered of the Empire during the fourth decade of the reign and about three years of the fifth, and Abul Fazl repeatedly speaks of it as the sls! )ts (Akb. Nam. Text. III. 733 1, 24), and #f es (Ibid., III. 747, 1, 15 and Ain, Text, I. 76, 1. 10, Trans. I. 68). It is not at all unlikely that the actual name of the ‘place of striking’ may have been sometimes inscribed by the mint- masters and engravers on the issues of the Emperor's private mint, instead of the indefinite and nondescript designation, nm humbler issues in copper. Akbar was perpetually innovating in small things, and it is a question if we may not see in bus departure the beginning of the end— abolition of this migratory atelier. The a 190 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, appearance of this curiously-named mint in the reigns of Akbar’s successors (the three known exceptions only prove the rule), lends some support to this conjecture. We know from Roe, Bernier and Manucci that the emperors continued to be accompanied in their progresses by all the Imperial karkhanas. We may be sure that the Mint was one of them, and that coins were freely struck and the )p»é= Gydl th or ‘His Majesty’s wn Mint,’ S. H. Hopivara. THE COLLEGE, Junagadh, 1st May, 1920. 211. NOTES AND QUERIES REGARDING MUGHAL MINT-TOWNS. ITAWAH AND ITAWA. In the Notes on ‘ Kanji’ and ‘ Manghar’ (N.S., XX XT), I have laid some stress on the fact that the Mughal spelling of Indian place-names is neither so capricious nor so arbitrary as 1S Sometimes supposed, that all those toponyms which are, or deserve to be well known, are written in a fairly uniform nmianner by the better authors, and that when there are alterna- tive or double forms, it is often possible to account for them. I beg to invite attention to-day to the raison détre of the form 14 which is familiar to numismatists. he earliest known coin of this mint is a Nisar of 1097 A.H., the earliest coin published a rupee of 1098 A-H. The latter is in the Indian Museum, which possesses “a fine series of the rupees ’”’ of Aurangzeb ‘Alamgir. “In 1109—forty-second year, the mint which hitherto had been written 86) is spelt} sU) "and this spelling is retained to the end.” (H. N. Wright, 1.M.C., III, Introd., xlv.) The question is, why was the orthography altered? To this the contemporary historian Khafi Khan furnishes an answer which is quoted and translated below : 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 191 cgohe wh) as lgals , lay,ea0 3 edb en! awl pos wl) 3 ly wwoss aS wld laa, Obl (59! 2° dbisyi 0 al yy Mss Seu , coos é.Js We} ead re] 3251 yoolai la y= eu pvls &elS Ny 9 Id 9 Uy lag la y Hl > Byer > E~ Km jl ot go Dijled (sei (oie Gy= Udo oT gol BAU , LbY 50 wri SSL 5 yy AalS Sgt aS oils Ghy> Wee 9 hy wth Ver? asif ke Kl jy AST 5s! lel off ged Met Golf p81, bay 59 oT ye ts ppdle OS 0 store y xl exer isoit wm csty? 38 etycl Bojlyo 39 Ost Bry ardy BIS AT oly 5! AS diel UY pol ty use em! why Gay wle® up! Bilgd go 58 HU @ Rats Shas) og BI wyytr ty ols 3 99 be bog bbacgot pdlest glob 5! cee lF lg aS meas} at wrod 9 oT e- abS3 gldsly Adms Cyey® OM oy aie, Is dsl Dhan 920 VEis Udo dL aidy 0 cl! le (glu BUT AF Daye F pSa Jl sf oe Sy ish) syle thet gor bry aSye LM 9 Ile , ’ Bibl, Ind, Text. IT. 399. # aye) Htyive ‘In former times, the names Of several towns, cities and fortresses which are known by their Hindu for Indian) names (lit. which are celebrated in the languages of the Hindas), and in the pronunciation of which an ‘h’ (ha) merging into (lit. _ inclining to) an ‘a’ (alif) has to be sounded, were written Malwah [3,Jl<], Bangalah fats], Baglanah fais), Parnalah fa y2]- Mir Hadi, entitled Fazail Khan, who was now placed f the Secretary’s department, submitted that a ever found at the en of any word or ritten language of the Hindus, if’ [@] also is never written ian word. Of the thirty letters f > [as such] at the end of an Ind 192 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, ene, ane, “gal, 2a, ‘Sad,’ “Zad,’ ‘Ta,’ ‘Za,’ ‘Ain,’ ‘Ghain’ and ‘ Qaf’ are altogether absent in Indian words and Indian speech, are never used in writing or pronunciation, and are not reckoned as letters at all. In place of the ‘alif,’ the ‘ain’ and the ‘hamza’ they have a letter [¥] which is written [in that form] and sounded [as such] only at the beginning of a word, but never in its middle or end. But of the ten or twelve vowel signs which are employed (lit. fixed) for (i.e. in writing) Hindi words and which are indispensable for combin- ing (t.e. vocalising) their letters, one is called the Kana [the sign of the long vowel in 41] and this alone is used (lit. with the approval of the critical Emperor, and orders were I 1 an ‘alif’ should be written instead of the ‘ha’, e.g. Bangala (¥Ex), Malwa (‘,/le), Baglina (44). Whosoever is acquainted with the Hindi alphabet must profoundly appreciate (Jit. medi- tate upon) the propriety (lit. beauty, elegance) [of this dis- . . tinction]. letter ¥ was the true equivalent of the Arabic ‘ alif,’ that the Kana or upright stroke which took its place in the middle or been employing a ‘ha’ (8) to represent it, were in error. He was therefore of opinion that we should write YE, tbe ALB ps és LAR IG), Le, Iyliee, 1y98, 4 5 etc. The argument appears to have found favour not only with Aurangzeb, but with his successors, and the numismatic evidence indicates that a lasting change was effected in the official system of transliteration. We possess no coins of Malwa or Baglana and none of 1 Mir Hadi Fazail Khan was a favourit i : H Zail Ki ‘ @ of the Prince Muhammad A‘azam Shah and one of the most learned men of his times. Having in- curred ngz d pleasure, w graced and imprisoned in the perinbe of Daulatabad in the 25th year of the rei . fterwards Fir spe Spent Several years in retirement at gra. Aurangzeb th ce more into favour, and he was appointed Mir Munshi and Mahsiru-l-U Te angiru-lUmara Ill, 38-40. There are several references to him in the Maagir--Alamgiri also. Bibl. Ind. Text, 352, 361 432, 457 and 471. 1920.] . Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 193 Bangala after some Rupees of Akbar, but we have the issues of Ttawa, Owsa (Asa), Satara, Karpa, and Kora. e name of the first of these five towns, is invariably spelt with a final ‘ha’ by all the earlier writers. (Abul Fazl, Ain, Bibl. Ind. Text, I, 443; Akbarnama, ibid., II, 100, 115, 187, 270, 298; IIT, 19, 88, 278, 309, 415, 426; ’ Badishah- nama, tbid. I, 191; ‘Alamyirnama, ib., 127, 237, 440, 475, 604, 705, 874, 885 ). he coins also, it is 354) before 1109 A.H. ; afterwards, it is es 1343. Mr. Whitehead says (P.M.C. Introd. xxviii) that the only exception known % Re = a rupee of Ahmad Shah in the ieee Museum (No. 2 gain, a (Owsa of I. G. xx, he is spelt és in Abul Fazl’s o bapaaeh III, 800; Badishahnama J, i, 356 ; I, ii, 136, 140, 151, 154, 158; II, 221, 709; ‘Alamgirnama, 1007, 1014 and other works written before the year in which the order was said (1103 A.H.). But on the coins of Bahadur Shah Shah ‘Alam I, Farrukhsiyar, Muhammad Shah, and ‘Alamgir II, itis always los! , ; ; oalso, Abul Fazl writes 4) (Akbarnama III, 795), but on the coins of Muhammad Shah the name is |)liw, On the coins ‘Cuddapah’ is written 4 $ exactly in accord- ance with the rule laid down by Acirasroteb: though the earliest are of the XX XVIIth year—the year next succeeding the one in which the order was (according to Khafi Khan) for the first time issued. Lastly, Muhammad Kazim of the ‘Alamgirnama and others who wrote before 1103 A.H. affect the spelling 3° * but on the however, be invited to B.M.C., 829 and 831 which 1 Attention may, abe Mr. Whitehead in- are dated 1114 and 1115 A.H., and yet have 94). forms me (February 1919) that the name is written in the old way ona rupee of Muhammad Shah also which is in his own cabine 2 In the Maagiru-l-Umara which was commenced stout 1155 A.H. and completed in 1193 A.H., the name is thrice written ‘y!, Bibl. Ind. Text, I, 837; I. 196, 206. 8 Both forms occur in the Maagiri-‘Alamgirt. We have %) on pp. 336, 413, 420 and 421; 1)4e on pp. 401, 412, 425, 444. The Maasgiru- 1-Umara has 8) at I, 328 and II, 351, 503, 876 and }yline at II, 512 and III, 42. 4 We have 3%) ae in Akbarnama, Text, III, 426, By) 95 i in Ain. Text, I, 349, 430 and 895 in Maagiri-‘Alamgirt, 12 as well as ‘Alamgirnama, 241, 71, 285. 194 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, coins of all the regular emperors from Rafi‘u-d-darajat to Shah ‘Alam II, the terminal letter is an ‘ alzj.’ S. H. Hopivani. Junagadh, 20th December, 1917. IsLAMABAD. The difficulty of fixing the site of the Islamabad mint has been felt by all serious students of Mughal Numismatics. Chakna, Chittagong, Rairi and Mathura are all said (by Mr. Whitehead) to have borne that name in the days of Aurangzeb. But this does not exhaust the list of towns called Islamabad whose pretensions it is not easy to determine, . There is an Islamabad in Kashmir also. We are told that it “was once a large and prosperous place,’’ and that the well-known spring called the Anant-nag flows from its foot. (Imp. Gaz. XITI, 371). We learn from the Badishahnama that it was Shah Jahan who ordered the pargana or township of Incha (&41 or asd), the ‘ Anyech’ of Stein (Geography of Kashmir, J.A.8.B., 1899, p. 178), to be called Islamabad. (Bibl. Ind. text, I, ii, 49-50. ) The town is referred to under one or other of these names in several other places also. (Ibid. II, 209, 428, 433; Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, Rogers and Beveridge, Trans., If, 174; ‘ Alamoiradina, Bibl. Ind. text, 835 ; Thornton, Garettecr, New Edition, p. 430). as me emperor appears to have given the very same name to Seas town called Chhatra (3;%>) in ee (Badishahnama, a 122 ; see also Madasiru-l-Umara, 1, 427). This is probably identical with Jatara, now the largest abst in the feudatory state of Orchha. (Imp. Gaz. XIX, 246). Supposing that any claims which the last two coin may appear to have are rejected on the ground of obscurity or remoteness from the highways of politics and commerce, those of the other four still remain to be discu : regard to them, I beg to invite sees to some points of interest, which have escaped notice. The first is that the real Mughal name of Rairi was not Islamabad, but sissies | Thornton Gene New Edition, p. 430) mentions an Islamabad or Islamnagar or Islamghar, five miles north of Bhopal (Lat. 23° 20’, - Long. 77° 25’). It is however quite modern. ‘It was o originally called Jugdispir, and received its present name from Dost Muhammad Khan, prev ious holder.” Tieffenthaler calls it ‘ Esslamnagar’ (Desorption de I’ Inde, I, 355) and that appears to be the real name. Ac- cording to the Imperial Gazett teer, Dost Muhammad founded the towns ioe Te er of that province. Briggs’ Translation, Calcutta Reprint. 1920. ] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 195 The statement made by Mr. Whitehead (P.M.C. Introd., p. xl) on the authority of Mr. Sarkar’s ‘ India of Aurangzeb’ is based on the admittedly corrupt single transcript of the Chihar Gul- shan on which the translator had, for want of a duplicate, to rely. It is clear from a much better authority, the Madagir-i ‘ Alamgirt that the true reading is ‘Islamgadh’. The author of that excellent contemporary chronicle informs us that in the 4lst vear of the reign of Aurangzeb (1108-9 A.H.) “ Ism‘ail Khan Mukha was appointed Faujdar of Islamgadh urf-1-Rahirv”’ (Bibl. Ind. text, 387, 1. 13).'. There is a very similar state- ment in the article on Raigarh (i.e. Rahiri, vide Grant Duff, Bombay Reprint, p. 85) in the Imperial Gazetteer. The writer ai final Janjira “under the name of IJslamgarh” (XXI, 47). This should put Rairi or Rahiri definitely out of court. * Let us now consider the claims of Mathura. Mr. White- head says (P.M.C., p. xl) that there is an Islamabad coin of 1079 A.H. in the British Museum. He now (February 1919) informs me that he ‘“ knows of coins in both gold and silver of the year 1074 A.H.” My point is that the existence of Islam- abad issues of 1074 and 1079 A.H. is a most significant fact. According to the historians, Mathura was not called Islamabad before Ramazan 1080 A.H. There seems to be in the Maasiri- ‘Alamgiri an explicit statement to that effect. csilOtys Lilwdel y oa Glait las it ye Sal Fy w+ 9 ¥yho kaSty mSis 2 &hs5 Las ey « « #* 8T Ga aldol, as jhe WF plans Estos sine ef p23 o% ysle ost) ous Eyp22 y seh 1 In the corresponding passage in the Maasiru-l-Umara also, the name iggiven as cyl) Gr? 895 eI Bibl. Ind. text, I, 202, 1.7. Tie- ffenthaler has ‘‘ Eslamghar communément Rapari’’ (Description de P Inde, Ed., Bernoulli, 1786, Tom. I, p. 459). Rapari ( gyz !) ) is evident- 1 i i y a misreading of csyt*). : : Journal, Royal Asiatic Society, 1914) car Lengo) a ae ‘ a od ‘nates as his authority The state- gq the Chihar Gulshan (Sarkar, ie — and 1 ment is absolutely unsupported, and may 4 na one of the many toss we defective text, a careless or ignorant scribe’s misreading of aiSle | Tieffenthaler has ‘ Eslamabad Tschakla ; ad aiSle 2]. (Description del Inde, I, 479). This supposition is render- ed practically certain by the fact that the author of th paged Seat elsewhere speaks of Jalna and Islimabéd as quite distinct. vs a ° the eleven Sarkars of Saba Aurangabad was ‘ Jalna, the fourth ‘ Islam- abad Konkan’ [ i.e. Chakna]. Sarkar, op. cet. 151. La) 196 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, poder mle! le Byler 'y oof Saks 83 jf WIGS Cole siybut GoF 9 dy ptivel ws! * « # * asl Sloal wrigsaie olf de 3,0) spp ytie loa Bee WM rho ore yy af cghesF aloe, lho 4) 52 d4ay8 wd ale ake saws ols Ont oss} 72) 92 BdyF oll ysl p92 Uo yyh-o Slf piel apho pe 9 SSL Jlul Jl Y af Bib. Ind. Text, 95-6. ** And in this same blessed month [Ramazan, XIII R.Y., 1080 A.H.] peremptory commands (lit, commands sent lik those of Fate or Destinv) were issued for the destruction of the idol-temple known as the Dehra of Keshavrai in Mathura, from the portico of the God-knowing Emperor’s love of justice and hatred (lit. desire to overthrow) of oppression. The sub- version and extirpation of that strong edifice of Error was carried out in a short time by the efforts of a large number of workmen, and a mosque of noble proportions (Jit. foundations) was erected in its place and cost a large (lit. heavy) sum..... All the idols and images, small and large, and adorned with precious gems which had been placed in that shrine of polytheists and gathering-spot of infidels were brought to Akbarabad and buried under the steps of the mosque of the Nawab-i-Qudsiya Begam Saheb, so that they might be trodden under people’s feet till eternity. And the name of Mathura was written in official records and uttered by the tongues and lips (Jit. mouths) of men as Islamabad.” It is clear that if the order for the destruction of the tem- ple was issued only in Ramazan 1080, it must have taken some time to execute it and to build the great mosque which still stands in its place. (Keene, Guide to Agra, Ed. 1888, p oO I f the new name was given in commemoration of that event, it is difficult to see how the coins of 1074 and 1079 can be attributed to Mathura at all. And if they cannot, it is a gong than either at Mathura or Chakna”’ is not without weight. It seems to me, however, that the argument against Chakna is much more substantially reinforced by the fact that we have Islamabad gold muhrs of all the regular Emperors from Aurang- 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 197 zeb to Shah ‘Alam II with only four not unaccountable — tions (Bahadur Shah Shah ‘Alam I, Jahandar and the tw fainéants Rafi‘u-d-Darajat and Rafi‘u-d-Daulah). An examination of the Mughal mint-list shows that gold was rarely or never struck for long in any town which did not possess considerable historical, political or commercial import- ance. Now we possess Islamabad coins of no less than six about 141 years; while the aggregate of the other four of which no gold pieces have been found is less than seven. Judging by this standard, Islamabad must have been a place of, at the least, second-rate Sik potatoe fact which may be predicated of Chittagong and Mathura but not of Chakna. Any claims which Chittagong might appear to possess are, however, negatived by the fact that it was renamed Islamabad only in 1076 A.H. The recently discovered coins are of 1074 -H. and cannot, for that reason, belong to that place. Thus Chakna only is left in possession of the field. It was taken by Shayasta Khan on the 18th of Zil-hajja 1070 A.H., and named Islamabad by the Emperor's orders soon afterw ards. (‘Alam ans 7 pointed out, a place of any great pretensions, and it may also be remembered that the successors of Aurangzeb had scarcely any authority in the district in which Chakna is situat he result of this discussion is, that of the four claimants mentioned by Mr. itehead, Rairi has no case at a he Islamabad coins of 1074 A.H. are destructive ot the pr reten- sions of Mathura as well as Chittagong, though not of Chakna. place like Chakna, and in a part of the country which had long since ceased to belong to the Mughals. This does not of course preclude the possibility of attributing some of the earlier coins to Chaikna, and the later ones to Mathira or Chittagong. But the difficulty is that we do not know where to draw the line between Chakna and its rivals, and are at the same time not in possession of the evidence which would enable us to pro- nounce an opinion for or against either of the latter S. H. Hopivata. AMIRKOT. The mint-name on two dams in the Indian Museum dated 979 and 989 A.H. (Nos. 371-2) has been deciphered as Amir- kot, and the place supposed to be ‘‘ Amarkot in Sind, Akbar’s birth place.””! (1.M.C. TII, Introd. xxx.) In the notes on 1 Dr. Codrington’s suggestion was probably based on the forms Amereot, Amerkot and Amerkote which occur in Dow, History of 198 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, Manghar and Kanji, I have ventured to draw attention to the necessity and importance of studying the orthographic tradi- tion in regard to Mughal mint-names. I beg permission to point out to-day that the name of the place where Akbar was born is never spelt Amirkot with an (>. It is always written Se! or S950! Amarkot or Amarkot, by every one of the Mughal chroniclers whose works are cited below. (Badaoni. Muntakhabu-t-Tawarikh, Bibl. Ind. Text, I, p. 440, 1. 9; p. 442, 1. 2; Tabagqat-i- -Akbari, Lakhnau Lithograph, p. 206, 1. 3B, 207, ll. 8, 13; Abul Fazl, Ain. Bibl. Ind. Text, I, p. 508, 1.2; p. 557, 1. 10; p. 558 ; Col. 2, 1.3; Il, p. 32; Col. 2 oe Akbarnama, Ibid. I, p. 18, 1. 19; p. 23, 16. p. 25.1 182, 1.3; p. 184, I. 25 ; LiL, p, 602, 1. 9 p. 605, 1. 22; We. 1. 10: Iqbalnama, 274, 1. Pe ‘Abdul Hamid Lahori, Badishah- nama, Ibid. I, i, p. 66, Ea ; Khafi Khan. Muntakhabu- 1-Lubab, Ibid. I, p. 127, 3.5 ” Madatrut. Umara, Ibid. I, p. 467, 1. 6; p. 711, 114 p. 829, 1. 4; II, p. 387, 1.7; TIL, p. 312, 1. 5.) he local pronunciation appears to be ‘Umarkot or Amat- ko t oO A.S.B., 1886, Pt. i, 83-84). ‘The town of Umarkot,” writes the compiler of the Imperial Gadsttost, ‘‘is said to have been founded by one Umar, a chief of ho Sumra tribe. but at what date is not known’! (XXIV, 118). The name of the eponymous founder is aheays spelt by the Musalman author of a provincial history called the Tartkh-i-Tahiri with an ‘ain (ec ), and in allusion to his supposed namesake the Khalifa ‘Umar, wa is ae iecterpee of as “ this chief- tain unworthy of his sacred name that tyrant mis- named ‘ Umar.” (B.D. , 260, 263 anid sistent. For the same reason and under the iene of the popular etymology, the name of the town is written o,f or by him and by the anony- 200), author of the Beglarnama ? (Ibid. 260, 292, 296, 297, Hindostan (Ed. 1812), II, 137, Hamilton, =e India pose (1818); a ig wart, Memoirs of Humayiin (1832), 3 8, 42, 44, and Erskine, istory of Baber and Humayiin (1854), IT, fog 255. ao Anglo-Indian transliteration was in those nite most ‘lawless and erratic. Briggs (Translation of of hogy Reprint, II, 95) has 2 weir Malet (History (Reprint 1373, > aah ct Forbes es Mala, 1856), Oomurkot : rnton azetteer, Ne BE neue = Omercote, or reserrp oth OP pepe Literary — of — ay ev 1875), Vo. TI, : go Ftidel mene Ghiri ma ‘oleae Sumra a tne porary of Alauddin Khilji who is said to =e ave conquered his country and taken him prisoner, Elliot and Dowson, I, 265-6. Akbar’s peire the 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 199 n the other hand, Hamilton (Description of Hindos- tan, ed. 1820, I, 554) says that the name signifies ‘‘ Fort of the names of persons and places, e.g. Amarsinh, Amarchand, Ama- rapura, Amaravati, Amarpattan, Amarkantak, Amargarh, Amarnath, etc. Whatever may be thought of either of these derivations, reading also, stand in need of reconsideration. One of the two specimens in the Indian Museum is figured on Pl. IV. (I.M.C. No. 371). I must confess my inability to discern the ‘ alif’ anywhere on the obverse, and Mr. C. J. Brown informs me that the letter is not visible on the specimen in his possession. Perhaps we may have to go back to the old reading Sherkot.' In his Summary of the Imperial Rent-Rol], Abul Fazl mentions Sherkot as the chief town of a mahal or pargana in the Sarkar of Sambhal. Its Revenue was 4,921,051 dams. (Jarrett, Ain, Trans. II, 105, 290, Bibl. Ind. Text, I. 370, 523). Sherkot is now in the Dhampir tahsil of Bijnor district, United Pro- vinces. Lat. 29° 20’ N., Long. 78° 35’ E. (Imperial Gazetteer, 8. N.). : S. H. Hopivaua. BANGALA. 35.) The publication by Major Vost of several other “speci- (See Mr. Beveridge’s article, J.A.S.B. 1898, p. 315). BS 2 » Pp. 320. I am afraid the matter is not so easily disposed of. The princess Gulbadan, also writes the name gS yee in her Humayiin-Nama, cd Hajipar ( y9g 4s! ), and a dam from Sherkot SS yp. Both these coins were issued in the reign of Akbar I lor Set ee, of the Bombay Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Centenary Memorial Volume, 42¢. 200 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, work of Bayazid has not been published, and it is impossible to say how the statement about Gaur being ‘also called Bangala ’ is worded in Persian. But supposing that the rendering quoted from Mr. Beveridge’s abstract or paraphrase is faithful to the riginal, the identity of the mint-town Bangala with Gaur does not necessarily follow. It is common knowledge that Lakhnauti or Gaur had been the capital of Bengal during the supremacy of the Dehli - called Bangala in those times, though historical evidence on the subject is wanting. It may even be that it was spoken of as ‘ Bangala’ (or * Gaur-Bangala ’) when Mun‘im Khan removed the headquarters from Tanda to Gaur, 7.e. when it once more became, for a time, the seat of government. But it is certain that Gaur had fallen from its high estate long before, and that it did not occupy any such position during the period to which the known Rupees of Bangala belong (XX XIX R-1011 A.H.). This fact — in itself, be a fairly ~~ reason for reserving judgment, here were no othe a for doing so. The sibjoct™ evidently calls for fasthies inqui may b therefore permissible to set out and discuss the historical in geographical evidence so far as it is known to m The conjoint name @&&) ).$ occurs four Guca in the Prin- cess Gulbadan’s account of her brother Humayiin’s disastrous campaign in Bengal. ‘His Majesty was considering this, when the King of Gaur Bangala came wounded and a fugitive. For this reason Bangala. Shir Khan knew that His Majesty had gone there [ 2s), in the original], and went himself also with a large detachment of horse [ 4) )»6 in the text], and joined his son (Jilal Khan) who was in Gaur with his servant Kha was Kha Shir Khan sent them out, and said, ‘Go and fortify Garhi.’ ” Humayin Nama, Tr. A.S. Beveridge, p. 133. ‘He [Humayiin] marched forward, and when he came near Garhi, Shir Khan and Khawas Khan fled by night, and he entered Garhi next day. Thence he went to Gaur-Bangala and took it [ oi88,5 1) 598 in the text]. He was nine months in the far eben country of Gaur, and named it Jannatabad. He was comfortably and safely in Gaur when news came that et a8 the "Amie had deserted and joined Mirza’ Hindal.” i “ He [Humayiin] took notice of ther insignificant one [7?.é. herself], and was kindly pleased to gt | aid 10 t know He at first, because when I led the army y iilishe fonepiita are Vic- torious) to Gaur- -Bangala, you wore the high cap (tag), and 1920. } Numismatic Supplement Ne. XXXIV. 201 now when . saw the muslin coif 1 did not recognise you.’ Ibid. p. 138. It will - observed that Gaur is spoken of here as if it were a country (<.Y,),* and also as a city, and it is besides not at all easy to say whether ay , § or alti, ) oF (with the izafat) signifies ‘Gaur (the country or city) w which is also called Bangala’ or ‘ Gaur (the city) which is [situated] in Bangala ’. Double names of this type are of frequent occurrence in the Persian historians, but their true import is often far from clear, and they are likely to mislead the unwary. The first ro) second; some times the second name stands merely for the larger tract or country in which the first is ae in other instances again, it is the designation of som lace in its Pp vicinity which is coupled with it in order 8: distinguish it from other homonymous localities. Fathpuir-Sikri, Fathabad-Dharir, Pattan-Nahrwala, Mu‘az- zamabad-Gorakpar, ‘Azimabad-Patna belong to the first class ; ‘Gaur Bangaéla’ and ‘ Gaur’ are so mixed up in the first two pas- — that it might be as well to cite the very words of the authoress. wea fury aby S yo% ceeds MEY 9S aldol, af ohay SF eryy9 WIE po ood ally ) 8 aagie sof Gof 5 aod onde wyte wo ont ) a Boys yal} gorse pe apd Hod sifis y9hr slOoly 25 caasts Caled Biog1 oF yo gl edhe IR Goled 9 oh pry oh LAK apd poy Bye? 5 - ae OS Lyxde |, ty’ 3 ogy 2S olieys fy a9 yoy y WIS Text, pp. 39-40. VE ed CS abot oyy5 aS Gay ald) sibay Bay5 G95 wt ainas we ils IAF y9 sty 4) wyypSsuT Io,9 odis,§ wl Cole» ty 98 9 bogs gf cus ye slo ad U ois,F 1) 98, ois wi, ae adau,S tye} WE sgad pie aS disq2 v9 0 egy SL oda F eb obT Ede # dS gale JH |i 402 Text, p. 40. * was the name of the town as well as of the provi : vince. name isa stone of the ancient Gauda, meaning, it is believed, ‘ aa : gid of sugar,’ a name applied to : —_ part of Bengal, and “specition ly o the Portion where the remains [of Gaur] lie.” Yule and Burnell, Ho pe Jobson, ed, Crooke, p. 390. So, Lakhnauti was the name of the town, bu Musalman writers frequently speak of it also as ied) ws , the Coun- try of Lakhnauti. Jbid., 85. See also Thomas, Chronicles, 107-8, note. ‘* The 202 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, but Fathabad-Dakan (‘Alamgirnama, 565, 1. 9), Pattan-Gujrat (Beveridge, Akbarnama, Tr. III., 231, 267), Mu‘azzamabad- Awadh (Maasir-i- Alamgiri, 470), Qandahar-Dakan (‘Alamgir- nama, 566), Dewal-Sind (E.D.I., 375, Hobson-Jobson, 320), Rajmahal-Bangala (Khafi Khan, I. 468), Balaptr-Birar (Khafi Khan, I. 282) are examples of the second ; and lastly, Fathpir- Hanswa (A. 8. Beveridge, Memoirs of Babur, 651n), Firozpur- Jhirka (bid. 580 n), Hajipur-Patna (Khafi Khan, I. 183), Kar- rah-Manikpir (A. 8. Beveridge, Mem. of Babur, 544), Gujarat- Lahor (Khafi Khan, I. 252), and Pattan- -Ahmadabad (iid: 1), 176) belong to the third. ese circumstances, a superficial inquirer or casual visitor from foreign parts is exceedingly liable, on hearing the compound name, to carry away erroneous notions as to the real mgmt cene: of the duplication, and we have ourselves to exer caution in accepting Stabationts emanating from ts a source. The conjoint name ‘ Gaur-Bangala’ does appear at first sight to mean ‘Gaur which is identical with Bangala,’ but then Abil Fazl gives chs latitude and longitude of ay 1,35, and Jarrett p crrente him to refer, no doubt, correctly, to‘ Pandua in Bengal’.'! (Ain. Tr. III., 59). Simi- larly, Khafi Khan speaks in one mie of ‘ Rajmahal-Bangala ’ (I. 468). It is obvious that Gaur as well as Pandua and Raj- mahal could not all have been denominated ‘ Bangala,’ and it is clear that ‘ Gaur-Bangala ’ implied, at times, nothing more than that Gaur was situated in the country or province of Bengal.” The matter is the more perplexing owing to the fact that several European travellers of the 16th and 17th centuries peak of a ‘ City of Bengala’. Duarte Barbosa (c. 1516 A.C.) tells us that at the head of the Gulf of Bengala was situated | In the very next line, the Bibliotheca Indica text has fai) sigh eS), (II. 33, col, a, 1. 2). Jarrett (Ain. Trans. ITI. 59) points out that cs is @ misreading of _¢i) and translates, ‘ Lakhnauti in Bengal.’ I need scarce- ly add that (5,ig6) is the same as 9 and £3) is synonymous with aig) Thus we have &€u | 944 ‘ Pandua Bangla’ in one line, and eas res nauti Bang,’ te. ‘Lakhnauti Bangala’ (otherwise ‘ Gaur-Ban- ) in the next. The only consistent interpretation would seem to be, o 2 So Blochmann writes: ‘‘In official documents, Bengal is often ’ mentioned under the title of Jannat-ul-Bilad, or the Paradise of countries ; and Lak’hnauti was called J. annatabad-i-Bangalah or Paradise town, in op- position ws J a in the Dak’hin, which was called J annatabad-<- Dak - hin n Places of Histor ical Interest in the a of Hugli, Proceedings, Aaintis Society of Bengal, 1870, p. 110 and n * Iwas at one time not a little puzzled by Mr. Line Poole’ s state- 1920. | Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 203 ‘‘a very great city inhabited by Moors,” which was called ‘Bengala’ and had a very good harbour. (Hakluyt Society’s Edition, 178). Ludovico Varthema (1503-1508 A.C.) informs us that this ‘ Bengala’ was seven hundred miles distant from Tarnassari [Tenasserim]. It was one of the best cities he had seen, and its Sultan was a Moor who maintained ‘ two hundred tends e S4 auro the seat royall and Bengala are fair cities. Of this the Gulfe, sometimes called Gangeticus, now beareth name Golfo di (Voyages, V. 508). There is a reference to the city in Mandelslo also, though he himself was never in those parts himself. “En tirant vers le septentrional on trouve le royaume de Bengala, qui donne le nom a golfe que les anciens appellent Sinus Glangeticu ; ouve plusieurs ment that Dhakka was ‘ originally’ called ‘ Bengalah’ (B.M.C. Introd. liv). On turning for light to the authority cited (Arch. peers. XV. 127), I found that it was grounded on nothing more than Cunningham’s given below: ‘‘ He [J. Taylor] thinks, apparently with good reason, that it [Dhakka] may be ‘ the city of Bengala’ mentioned by European travellers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Vhat tends to confirm this opinion of the identity of Dhakka and Bengala is, he says, the circumstance that ‘ only one of them is mentioned by the same traveller. Methold in enumerating the principal cities of Bengal, for instance, men- ; ‘oh a de Wiequefort’s much-doctored English translation of i mention in it e own that Mandelslo’s work is ‘‘a faked book which has for long enjoyed an estimation wholly undeserved. J.R.A.S., 1915, pp. 245-254. 204 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, again, informs us in his account of the Madras factory, that the English East India Company’s agent there was “ Superin- tendent over all the Factories on the Coast of Coromandel, as far as the Bay of Bengala, and up Huygly River (which is one of the Falls of Ganges), viz. Fort St. George alias Maderas, Pettipolee, Mechlapatan, Gundore, Medapollon, Balisore, Ben- gala, Huygly, Castle Buzzar, Pattanaw.” (A New Account of East India and Persia, Ed. 1698, p. 38.) Ovington too mentions ‘acity of Bengala’ though he does not vouch for its existence himself : ‘‘ Arracan is bounded on the North-West by the Kingdom of Bengala, some Authors making Chatigam to i) = & e = «| o 53 a g ial ° 5 ct iy 2 ct i) n & cS Ga ° => ee) O, =] go e, os 2 =} (=a Travels, a list of no less than sixteen maps in which ‘ Bengala’ and Chatigam (Chittagong) are both marked. The earliest of these examples of European cartography—the Map of Gastaldi —is dated 1561 A.C. The latest bears the name of Ottens and was published at Amsterdam in 1740 A.C, In ali except one of these old charts, Bengala is located “ either on the north-east. due east, or south-east of Chatigam.” In Gastaldi’s Map—the exception—the two places are transposed,and Chatigam is on the south-east of Bengala. The discrepancy adds to the difficulty of precisely fixing the real situation of the city. Itis, however, d as distinct from either Gour or Chittagong, or Satgong”’ (1btd. Ixxx). Mr. H. Beveridge also has called attention to the fact that in one of the three maps of India made by Ignazio Danti to illustrate Ptolemy’s Geography in 1575, ‘ Gour, Bengala, Rhotasgarh, Satgaon ’ are all marked. (Journal, Royal Asiatic Society, 1903, p. 577.)' It will be observed that Purchas and 1 It is not in old European maps or charts only that a city called Bengala is shown. It is fou ever thought of looking for it.. An astrolabe made in Lahor by Hamid i uham im i : SP at Ilahabad for the Museum of the Asiatic Society of al, was oe eo described by the late Dr. Hoernle in its Proceedings tor April 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. ° 205 Mandelslo also speak of both Gouro and Bengala, and distinctly imply that they were not identical. All this is not very illumi- nating, and it is not easy to say ‘where this ‘ alleged city of Bengala’ was, but it is fairly clear, if any r Coeee is to be placed on these statements, that it was not Gau I may say at once that I do not lay seasile stress on the point myself, but it is not impossible that others may be in- clined to take a different view. The old European maps are not being = to the same objecti ons is in a vaulted chamber, at agageh built by the eye in 1007 A.H.! The entire record was edited and translated tas concentric circles. The peeing ate circle of each oe bh Se with the names of the best known tow India, Per Ara the outer and inner circles of “a ay jae hs Gagieiies and latitudes + commenced S, ommen with Daulatabad, Ahmadnagar, and ending with Sonargaon, Dany alah, re Datei (stc).”” Proceedings, A.S.B., 1890, pp. 148-9. nae t is not easy to say where this ‘ City of Bengala’ really was, oc if it all. : ; : A a : 8 . — ed. pr hciong: » 85.) niet balioved that it had been ‘‘ carried way by the ” (Me Be ig ed. 1788, p. 57). insole was inclined ni think inne ae ch town eve exisied.” J.A.S.B., site : ae of K har.” °‘‘ Another curiosity is, that bj adshah, at a hill called Seepoozah, the ock was cut, and a recess made, which he ca In the inscription in this recess are wr ten the names of —— Babur Badshah, rza Kamran, Meerza Uskuree, Meerza Hundal..... ut Hoomayoon Badshah,.not bei f the kings there, ag penn ian ition. os t there, seeing nat the names of Hoomayoon and Ukbar Shah and their countries, were not me .* e my heart t names of t countries and cities ~ rie purpose, I called bite Bukkur good wri stone-cutters, wh ote the names of Hoomay Huzrut Shahun Shah Ukbar, and also of their countries and cities, from 206 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, with an interesting commentary by James Darmesteter in the Journal Asiatique for Février-Mars, 1890 (pp. 195-230), and some of its obscurities and difficulties were — elucidated by Mr. Beames in his article on the ‘ Geogra of the Qan- dabat Inscription’ in J.R.A.S., 1898 (pp. 795- 302).! In this contemporary epigraph, we have,—if the eye-copy made for Darmesteter by Mirza Mahatma Taqi can be relied on— aliéiy 9) 5$ as if they were separate places. We read :— Seb F ty whe ey aybt st psalials oJyo 9 JUS oye poh g IG alSis yy 9F 4 ali pgs [Jade 5 amyal » cudL yw ode 5! of lS 51 ot Gaye 9 a9 us? Bl) Alleys p53 Wl cslwo aS 50 ye y srt # Salo, prime OSL gy atle wahSs Gr yF af sty 9 Wd Sayan |F yao y Journal Asiatique, 1890, p. 205. M. Darmesteter’s translation of this is as follows :— ‘Mais la fortune et la prospérité de l Empereur reduisi- rent la plupart des pays formant le quart habité de la terre mité du Dekan et de Berar, ce qui fait 4 peu prés une demi- année de marche.” (Jbid., 219-220, Lakhnauti or Gaur had been the capital of Bengal in Hind times as well as during the period in which it was ruled by Viceroys of the Dehli Sultans. Shamsu- din Iliyas Shah removed the headquarters to Firiizabad or Pandua, 20 miles distant, about 1353 A.C. Jalal-ud-din pe Shah revert - ed to Gaur about s seventy years later. “ After the conquest of Bengal by Sher Shah in 1539, the seat of government was again removed to Tanta or Tanda, a few miles south-west of Gaur weve , and shortly afterwards, Gaur was depopulated by pestilence, when Munim Khan after defeating Datd Shah.. ies) here with his: wiied during the mee season of 1575 Banged to Luhree EVES (Tatta) and on Kabool and ‘Gitte to the south. In four years this was finished, and many went to see it.” A His istory A ‘scm Trans. G. G. Malet, p. 89. a an noes by F origins nerd? will be found in Dasaisgihee loc. SS : note. ere is an older tecaacnee and translation of the inscription in Mohan Lal’s ‘* Journal of a Tour t h anja ani 3 also a brief notice of the Sega in Bellew’s ** Journal of a Poli- 253. tical Midsioa to Afghanistan in 1857,” 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No, XXXIV. 207 account of its central position with respect to that province and to Bihar; and because it commanded the Ganges and the pass of Teliagarhi.” (Zbid., XX1, 78.) Turning to the Moagiru-l-Umara, we find its author in A.H. 1000, The author then goes on to say that in the 39th year, 1002 A.H., Man Singh was sent to govern Bengal and 1 It should be noted that Tanda and not Gaur was the capital Bengal even when Mun‘im Khan first took charge of the province. of KX} Abal Fazl says that ‘‘he made habitable the city of Gaur which formerly mi was the capital,’ for this reason ‘* that the army be near Ghoraghat which was a fo tain edition, an ht entirely p c tion there, and also that he might restore this delightful place which had fort and magnificent buildings e not notice that the atmosphere of the place had acquired poison ous qualities 1 nsequen f the vicissitudes of ti f ay of buildings, especially at the time of the end of the s.’ ridge, n: Fi ors izamuddin Ahmad informs us that ‘‘ the air of G as extremely unhealthy, and in former times, the many dis the rulers to abandon the ea gle i Summary of the Khirshid-i-Jahan-numa in J.A.S.B. , p. 216. It may be also noted that after this ‘ final depopulation ” of 1575 A.C., Gaur is aot at all mentioned in the Ak rnama, and is incidentally referred t once in the histories of Nizamud to bu t din Ahmad (Lakhnau Lithograph, 345; Elliot and Dowson, V, 415) and I Badaont, (Bibl. Ind. ro only for a time, in t unt of Mir Jumla’s campaign against Aurangzeb’s brother, Shah Shuj&‘a. (‘Alamgirnama, 461, 476, 483, 553 ; 557 ; Maaisr-i- Alamgiri, 26, 29; Khafi Khan, II, 98, 99). 208 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [{N.S., XVI, made Ataliq (Guardian or Protector) of his nephew, Prince Khusri. ~ dary yheS 9d) GhES Gat af ayoiws sla ime ST ow 4 ABIOS lat Grads eSla fab. oy. soS Gdyd I) So cyst fa) BLS ye Bibl. Ind. Text, II, 166, ll. 11- Bae ‘And having ‘selected a spot near Agmahal which was free from the inroads (lit. dangers) of ships (7.e., pirates) and which Sher Shah also had been pleased with [BdxF Cees pleasant, agreeable, Steingass], he founded there a Capital (lié- a city which was the seat of the governor) and named it Bre od It is also called vive oan Pe ! Abdl Fazl writes in his account of the 40th year :— jt uw? eee ao ss rnc as Dghyos} ys sla cps) te 22° : ws ls} Foy old shes ashthes ey S93 Boy sky S Li oe * 23S 5s sy els wl » d2055 lT con ma IIT, 697. i ** About this time (lit. in =< Sigg Logie was founded. Whe to Ba had and i shor a ores arose (lit. was peopled: fab ited aise ‘secutive ies eon That Mr. r. Stanley oma Poole says (B.M.C. Introd., liv) that it was Jahangir who ‘** named Akbarnagar Bi ene all) after ee father,” ” and Mr. Vincent rity t (Akbar, p. 145, note), ik is shown by this aoe quotation to be pidgin erroneous. may be perhaps worth noting that Akbarna agar not founded, according to Abil Fazl, in the 40th . year. All that he really « says is that new capital was ‘established ‘about the time, or in those days’ ( 399 Cae hen Raja Man Singh went to Dae ngala, n Singh’s appointment as Gove of Bang&la was made Lag! Fravandn of the 39th year. (AWerkins Bibl. ph Text, III, 650), 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 209 It is worthy of consideration whether we have not in the Mint-name Banga/a an example of the custom of calling the town which happened to be the capital at the time, by the name of the country, and whether the rupees under discussion were not struck, in the newly-founded capital of pe riegs instead of the deserted and depopulated Gaur:! It may be perhaps necessary to say that the chief city or capital of a province or country was, even in at acne recent times, loosely designated by the same name as the latter, though the real or specific name of the city was ‘differ. ent. Thus Abul Fazl speaks of ‘Gujarat’ when he means, as Mr. Beveridge points out, ‘ Ahmadabad, the capital.’ (Akbar- nama, Tr. IIl, 66; Text, UI, 47, 1. 3.) The Emperor Jahangir also writes that « trustworthy men divided” a large sum “of money which he had set apart for distribution to the poor and necessitous for the repose of the soul of his father, ‘* among the twelve chief cities, such as Agra, Delhi, Lahor, Gujarat, etc.’ There can be no doubt that ‘ Gujarat’ here means Sake ree (Vizuk-i Jahangir, ed. va Pa Ahmad Khan, 1864, p. 61, 1. ¢ Rogers and Beveridge, Tr. I , 128.) Elsewhere, he informs us that a eunuch named Wafadar “ entered Ahmadabad and took possession of the city of Gujarat.” Papees | 4 cayaie ty lye pes X47 ~ ol} dOal (Tizuk, Text, 362, ll. 10-11; Trans., II, 262). The author of the ‘ Alamgirnama twice spikes of ‘ Gujarat’ as if it were a city. (Text, 411, ll. 8-9 and 775, Il. 2-5.) Tieffenthaler also pace oe the village of Sarkhej near Ahmadabad, and its si re Ahmad Khattt in the ae words : Giarate: ”” (Description de L’ Inde, I, 377.) anucci, too, has ‘ city of Gnaae levine. Tr. Storia, WV. 271.). Itis scarcely necessary to do more than refer to the parallel case of Srinagar, which is, throughout the Mughal period, more frequently spoken as ‘ a: of eenvauik or ‘ Kashmir’ only than by its true desig- natio 1 I may also note, for what it is worth, the fact that the double name alley Be) pS! occurs once in the Maagiru-l-Umara I, 664, 1. 2. 2 Abil Fazl writes in one place of Sistan as if it were a city, and Bayazid Biyat leaves no doubt as to his meaning by spe y as Mr. Sistan.’ Akbarnama, Trans. I, 415, and note. Raverty explains that ** Zaranj was the capital city of the territory called § Sijistan by the Arabs,....and the name of ‘ city 0 of Sistfin ’ or ‘ Sijistan,’ applied to coat city, is after the same — as styling Urganj, Khwarizm.” Tabagat-i- Na@stri, Trans., 1123, 210 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, The geographical expression Bangala occurs about a hundred and sixty times in the works of — Fazl, and asa rule, it is used only for the province. But in two passages, at least, it is clearly meant, not for an ufencits tract of country, but some particular city. ‘In the beginning of this reign,” writes the historian in the Ain, “gold was coined to the glory of his Majesty in many parts of the e empire ; now gold coins are struck at four places only, viz. at the seat of the government, in Bengal [a6i2], Ahmadabad (Gujarat), and Kabul.” (Bloch. mann’s Translation, I, 31.) The second passage occurs in the Akbarnama record of er ne of the 22nd year. The mints of the imperial domin * he says, ‘“‘ which had been under the charge of Cha sitharse were divided. The directorship of this weighty business was assigned to Khwaja ‘Abdu-s- “Samad Shiringalam in Fathpur, the capital of the empire. The mint at Lahore was pire a to Mozaffar K[han], that in Bengal to Rajah Todar Mal, that in Jaunpir to Khwaja Shah Mansiar, and that in Gujarat to Khwaja ‘Imadu-d-din Husain, that in Patna to Asaf Kfhan].” (Beveridge’s Trans., TI, 321.) Mr. Beveridge notes that “here and at Bilochmann] 3l, the word Bengal { (Bengala) is used as if it was the name of a city. Perhaps Gaur is meant, for Tanda is separately Se at Bilochmann] 31.” (Jbid., note.) I to say that this is not jbeyond dispute. It is not impossible that Tanda may be meant and not Gaur. The former is i gegen spoken of by Abul Taal himself during this period XIX R.Y. to XXXIX R.Y.) as ‘the capital of the country ’, pbs wf oa je (Akbarnama, Text, III, 182, Trans., IIT, 255), or as the ‘centre of Bengala’ (i: 5S,0), Ibid., Text, 109; Trans., III, 153, or as ‘Tanda the capital,’ sG _dt sto, Text, IIT, 109, 291, 299, 420, 439, 440, 460; Trans., III, 153, 428, 442, 625, 660, 695). It is undeniable that, in ‘the 29nd year, : Tanda was the ‘ capital ’ or ‘ centre of Bengal’ and not Gaur, Ludovico bees (1503-1508 A.C.) writes, ‘‘ In i —_ as of Decan there reigns ing who is a Mohammedan.” ere the term applies, as Dr. Radive r points out, Ry the city of Bijspar Ts avels, Hakluyt a s Edition, 117 and n ote. See also Yule and Burnell, . Crooke, p. 301. nier fitcern us that ‘‘ Siam, the capital town of the kingdom, and the Gitano residence of the king, is surrounded by walls, and is II, 288. Elsewhere he speaks of * the town of N opal? ” Tbid., ocuments in Valentijn pied of the old city of sean an- del. It is not absolutely clear what c ity was so called (probably by the Arabs in their fashion of calling a chief town by the name of the country), but the indications point almost certain nly to Negapatam Hobson- Jobson, Ibid., 257. See ales Varthenin: loc. ctt., 186 and n ote. 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. “211 and the fact that Tanda is separately mentioned in the Ain-i- Akbari in or about or the 42nd year, may be, not unreasonably, said to have nothing to do with the matter. The separate mention is, moreover, easily accounted for. The Ain passage was written, as I have shown elsewhere, after the foundation of - the new capital of Akbarnagar in 1002-3 AH. Tanda had then ceased to be the ‘seat of royalty or government’ (Slot sto), and town which had now become the ‘ first city’ in the province, and acquired the right of coining gold also. Briefly, there would appear to be fairly good grounds for thinking that Bangala was not the real or fixed name of any town or city, but an alternative or honorific designation by which the capital of the province at the time being was known. Thus the Bangala of Mun‘im Khan’s time might have been Gaur, and it is not impossible that during the subsequent twenty years the name was sometimes applied to Tanda. he Bangala of the coins of the 39th and following years of Akbar’s reign would, by parity of reasoning, be Akbarnagar. in the Ain (Blochmann, Trans., I, 31), te. about the forty- second year. Now we actually possess coins of Akbarnagar in all the three metals. At least, two Muhrs of the Ilahi type are known. They are unluckily “peculiar in exhibiting no i A”. One of these is in the Lakhnau Museum, to the Curator of which (Mr. K. N. Dikshit) my acknowledgments are due for the 50th year (Tir). The date of the copper coin in the White King collection (994 A.H.) lays it open to suspicion, and it is not masters of Akbar’s day appear to have seen nothing absurd or incongruous in the practice. Here we have rupees of Bangala, the latest of which, be it noted, is of 1011 A.H. and undated gold coins, silver pieces of the 50th year and a doubtful copper coi ar. So we have a gold muhr of Kashmir and silver as well as copper coins of Srinagar. The parallel case of 212 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, the rupees of Elichpir and Birar might be also just mentioned with the reservation that the reading ‘ Birar’ has not been satisfactorily established. Junagadh, 15th January, 1918. 8S. H. HopivAtLa. TATTA OR PATNA ? * The mint-name on the unique Shahrukhi of Babur in the White King cabinet was read as ‘ Tatta’ by that exceedingly lucky and industrious collector, and the decipherment has met with acceptance from Mr. Whitehead and others. It is now nearly fifty years since Blochmann first called attention to the fact that Tatta and Patna were very liable to confusion in Persian ig et (Ain, Tr. I, 378, note.) About twenty years later, Mr. Poole expressly warned numismatists against the chtal in “the Introduction to the British Museum Cata- logue. ‘‘ The mint Tattah has frequently been confused with Patnah. The distinction is explained in a footnote to p. 37” (p. liv). In the footnote we are informed that “this mint closely resembles Patnah, but has an upright stroke less ; Tattah is @& and Patna &w.”’ More recently, Mr. Beveridge has detected at least four instances of the error in Sayyad Ahmad Khan’s edition of the Tézuk-i-Jahangiri, and directed his readers’ attention to them. (Rogers and Beveridge, Trs TI, 229 (450), 242, 267 and II, 81.). Lastly, there is the authority of Mr. Nelson Wright for saying that even the extraordinary knowledge and Seer of Rodgers could not save him from being deceived by the resemblance. Old I.M.C., No. 7464, (new I.M.C., 1070), he tells us, is really of Tatta, but ‘‘ the mint has been mistaken for-Patna ” (I M.C., III, 124, note).! nt circumstances, I crave permission to suggest that the tee Barrio ot the Shahrukhi to a mint of which there is not another issue for more than sixty _years stands in need of isa ass ig he writes, ‘‘ that this mint Eatin may be Patna e are, h er, So rough that they do notin any way mble some remar fine coins I have struck undoubted! Patna.” Rupees f the Months of the [lahi Years of Akbar, J.A.S.B., 1883, p. 104 7) & 5° = —_ a ot Trcee was surrendered by Mirza Jani Beg : arkhan, the last independent ruler of the province, only in the 37th year, oth these decipherments would seem to stand in need of revision. 1920. ] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 213 additional ‘‘ upright stroke’’ does seem to be there, and the least that can be said is that if the odds are not decisively in favour of Patna, they are also not against it. However that may be, there is another aspect of the matter which should not, in such doubtful cases, be overlooked ; I mean, the historical. The fact is that there is not to be found in any of the original histories of the Mughal Emperors anything to show that Tatta or Lower Sindh was, at any time, an integral part of Babur’s dominions. Neither Badaoni nor Nizamuddin Ahmad nor the habitually panegyrical Abul Faz nor any other historian of the dynasty says that Babur ever invaded that part of the country, or possessed any authority there. The truth is that like Gujarat, Malwa, Jaunpur, etc., Sindh became altogether independent of the Dehli Sultans on 3? the fall of the Tughlaqs. ‘‘ The Samma Kings,” says and rebuilt the fortifications with bricks taken from the ancient stronghold of Aror.” Shah Beg died in 1522. “ His - gon and successor, Mirza Shah Hasan, finally drove Jam Firoz from Tatta to Cutch and at length to Gujarat where he died... Shah Hasan died childless in 1554 after a reign of twenty-two (sic) years, and with him ended the Arghun dynasty.” (XXII 396-7.) The Arghiins were succeeded by the Tarkhans and it was only after Mirza Jani Beg Tarkban surrendered Tatta to the Khan-i-Khanan ‘Abdur Rahim in 1592 A.C. that Lower Sindh was reunited to the Empire of Dehli after an interval of Prince [Humayin] having taken the country of Harand [a mis- reading of Kharid] and Bihar from Nasir Khan Luhani, and 1 Tatta is written .. with or without all the dots, on I.M.C., 256, $08, and B.M.C., 643, 701, or ~~ on B.M.C., 199 and 468, and I.M.C., 799. a Patna is written ,» on B.M.C., 209,525 and 728, or, on B.M.C., 131, 467, 608 and J.M.C., 99, 248 and 764. The name on the Shahrukhi is thus written | o~ - 214 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, Kalpi’’ and rejoined his father some time before the battle with Rana Sanga in 1527 A.C. (Ranking’s Trans., I, 445-6.) Abiul Fazl’s account is a little more circumstantial but similar (Beveridge, Akbarnama, I, 256-7.) About two years afterwards we again hear of the Mughals invading Bihar. “On 3rd Jumada‘l-awwal [935 A.H., 25th January, 1529], news came that Mahmid, the son of Iskandar, had taken Bihar and was raising the head of rebellion. His Majesty returned from hunting to Agra and it was settled that he should proceed in person to the eastern districts... .. On Thursday, the 17th of Khan, son of Sultan Sikandar. Having advanced near the borders of Ghazipir, he stopped at Bhojpir and Bihiya. In and Bayazid. The enemy engaged with the victorious army and was defeated. After visiting Kharid, and Sikandarpur and being satisfied with the state of things there, he rode post towards Agra which he reached in a short space of time.” Ibid., 1, 270-1. ‘ Firishta is equally explicit. ‘* Towards the close of the year, the King received advices that the Prince Mahmood, son of the late King Sikundur Lody, had obtained possession of the province of Behar..... The ing. ...marched in person towards Behar. On reaching Kurra, Julal-ood-Deen Noosrut Shah Shurky, the ex-king of Joonpoor, prepared a royal entertainment. Mahomed Zaman Mirza was detached from Kurra to Behar from whence he expelled the Prince Mahmood Lody, but in a few months after, the Afghans Mirza, who had crossed at another place, also appearing conjunction with Noosrut Shah returned to Agra.” (Briggs, Rise of the Mahomedan Power, Calcutta Reprint, II, aesy 1920.] Numismatic SupplementgNo. XXXIV. 215 from an imperfect text. In the better and fuller recension which he himself afterwards edited, and of which the ioe Lithograph is an inexpensive reproduction, we are expressl told that Babur visited the tomb of Shaikh Yahya, the father of Shaikh ome which is at Maner, and gave away great sums in alms ther cot = Poe iam e* spe Same yahe Bnads wre #292 sil}! pode ry SS HOU goyel aed wld 9 F955 el} Lakhnau Lithograph, 1, 214, 24, Now, Maner is only 10 miles distant from Dinapore Can- sispidirati (Imp. Gaz., XVII, 175), which is itself so close to Patna city that Dinapore, Bankipore and Patna are ‘“ regarded aS one continuous narrow city hemmed in between the Giiic and the railway.” (Lbid., XI, 355.) It would appear then that the Imperial armies not only es mee seized Bihar, but that Babur himself was for a tim the immediate neighbourhood of Patna, if not in Patna itself. : Two other relevant facts may be also mentioned. There is in the Baburnama or Wagq‘iat- Baburi (Memoirs of Babur), a detailed statement of the revenues of “the countries from Bhera to Bihar ’’ which had “ submitted in a short time to his victorious standards.” About twenty-five tener are enu- merated, but there is no reference whatever to Sin pper or Lower. At the same time, the income from Bihar is given as 4,05,60,000 Tankas (E.D., IV, 262; Thomas, Chronicles., 390-1 ; A. 8. Beveridge, Memoirs of Babur, 521 -2 ; Erskine, , History vi Baber and Humayun, J, 540- 543). Secondly, there is, in the Fathnama or ‘ Letter of Victory ’ which was: issued in the Emperor’ s own name after the battle riefly, we have the conqueror’s own word for the fact 1TI have ee Bao de lcs citing the summaries of Abil Fazl and Fi Irishta. Babur nt of the second Eastern campaign 1s Memoirs, and is too long to quote in in ‘he references to the settlement of Bihar will be my wan at pp. 601, 662, 676 and 679. Sed visit the cea of Shaikh Yahy& of Maner is — nti = on p. his Bengal campaign is also described in Mr. te 8 nape 190- 192, and Elphinstone’s ieee of India, a Cowel é. a now a pargana in Ballia district, United Provinces, and lay formneely Gis boll kui of the Ghogri. A. 8. Beveridge Op. cit., 664 note apie is a town in t rah Subdivision of Shahabad district, Bengal. Imp. Gaz., VI, 5 and VIII, 173. Sikandarpar isin Bansdih tahsil, Ballia Alawet (Ibid, XXII, 362.) 216 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, that he had overrun and settled Bihar. His own silence about Sindh is also most significant. The absence of any allusion in the histories of the Mughal dynasty to Babur’s conquest of or suzerainty over Lower Si ndh also militates with some force against the Tatta reading. It is therefore all the more necessary to quote a statement to the contrary which occurs in the Tarikh-i-M ‘asumi, a History of the Province written by Mir Pas M‘asim in 1009 A.H. This author asserts that “ when Shah Hoosain [Arghin] ascended the throne of his father at Nusurpoor, the Svuds, Kazees and the chiefs represented to him that it was right to have his nameread inthe sermon. Shah Hoosain said it was not proper for him to do so as long as any of the descen- dants of Sahib Kiran were remaining, and the name of Babur Badshah was read.”’! (A History of Sind, Trans. G. G. Malet, Bombay, 1855, p. 95). t should be observed that Mir M‘asiim speaks of Shah Husain having ordered the Khutba to ‘be read in Babur’s name contrary to the wishes of his chiefs and Amirs.» He does not make any explicit statement in regard to coins, and we are left draw our own eee on that head. But the. Khutba Husain resigned that Noe privilege also and raitied Babur’s titles and not his own to be displayed on the loca! money. The bearing of this inference on the matter in issue is obvious. The a dle we have to decide is, ‘ Is the state- ment itself true Unfo seat this hearsay report of some local or deasike tradition receives no corroboration from any other source, and is opposed to some well-known facts and authorities. It is flag- rantly contradicted and belied by Shah Husain’s (or Hasan’s) subsequent conduct towards Babur’s son and successor. A similar ent occurs also in the Tarkhan-Nama (Elliot and pele I, S12), arg “iti is really taken = second-hand from the History of a asim (see the remarks in E.D. I., 301), and has consequently no in- = cede tno 2 This ome to clearly imply that Husain’s father, Shah Be Arghin, had h at hat Khutba mek? ne own name and not Babur’s. The e oved. and Amirs”’ were orineibins in favour of the practice being con- ’ Thus we are told that more had the Khutba read in his own name during Humf@yiin’s absence in Be ngal, but he is not said to mee gout Boy the length of striking ‘cian (Beveridge, Akbarnima, Tran poe ati Ranking, Badaoni, Trans. I, 459, Tabaqat-i- Akbaré » antic mn, V, 202.) again, Mun‘im Khan was once obliged by Mirz& WSO! Sulaiman’s sudden i invasion of Kabul to consen nt to the meena he the Reverie Akbarnama, Trans. II Tab. Akb.in B.D.,V,249) , Badfoni, Trans. II, 5; 1920. | Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. - 217 It is also in conflict with the utterances of Jauhar and Firishta— b “as long as any of the descendants of Sahib Kiran (Timiar] ing.” M Sultan, Ruler of Tatta, had assumed the title of Majesty, being lineally descended from the Emperor Timur.” (Lezkereh Al Vakiat or Private Memoirs of the Moghul Emperor Humayun, ferred on him that he should now have any consideration for his distress ?’’’ (Jbid., Hussyn had assumed the title of Majesty. Firishta who wrote about 1018 A.H.—only nine years after M‘asim—declares of We have seen Jauhar expressly stating that © Shah country.’ Sen y abd god Gyake [pf , edi aid ole dhe whet »° re dwloyS Res obs juoit Lakhnau Lithograph, I, the banner of march against it next year: tor until he urned me out of my place he will not Sind repose.” History of Sind, Trans. Malet, 77. 218 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, He leaves us to infer that Shah Husain did the same when “‘ following in the path of his father,’’ he “ reduced those towns which had not yet been subdued by his predecessor.” (Briggs, Rise of the Mahomedan Power, IV, 435.) Once more, in his account of Husain’s successor, Mirza ‘Isa Tarkhan, he writes :— wernt Three 9 S¢2 yd cgesve yleleo 6 96)) Gyn sO wuys jf ow &Sns 3 ask UPS pide lays wh % Baye) wis» aac » ais 4 wlsd * dH ayF AES ols “ After the death of Shah Husain Arghiin, Sultan Mahmiad in Bhakkar and Mirza ‘Isa Tarkhan in Thattah each proclaimed his own supremacy and in his own place and residence, had the Khutba recited and coins struck in his own name.” riefly. if we are to believe Firishta, not only Shah Beg: Arghin, but Sultan Mahmid of Bhakkar and Mirza ‘Isa Tarkhan of Tatta had all declared their independence, and in token thereof, struck coins in their own names which were inserted likewise in the Khutba. _ ,_rhis receives partial corroboration from a fact mentioned incidentally in another Provincial History of some eredit—the Tarikh-i-Tahiri—which was composed in 1030 A.H. by Mir Tahir Muhammad. (E.D. J, 255.) In his account of the Khan-i-Khanan ‘Abdu-r-Rahim’s invasion of Sindh, he writes : went to one tanka.” (Elliot and Dowson. T 287.) These gabars, miris and postants were apparently coin-denominations ° ‘he name of mint-town on the Shahrukhi (or Baburi) in the White King collection is written in such a way that it does not exactly resemble either of the two forms in which the that Babur never invaded Tatta itself or any part of Lower Sindh, that he does not include Sindh in the famous Statement of the Revenues of the Provinces of Hindustan which was (Beveridge, Memoirs, 520, or abou -H. 522 n), that he himself puts forward no claim to be the suzerain 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 219 of Shah Husain ! and that no historian of the Mughal dynasty asserts that his authority or sovereignty had been formally acknowledged by the independent rulers of the province. It is true that in a Provincial History called the Tartkh-i-M‘asuma there is a statement to the effect that Shah Husain Arghiin had the Khutba read in Babur’s name but this assertion is so far unsupported. It is, moreover, in conflict w ith the pcre iat of Jauhar and Firishta, and scarcely consistent with t subsequent behaviour of Shah Husain towards Homayis.* On the other hand, it may be urged in favour of the ee tion to Patna, that Babur expressly ; inebadis Bihar among the provinces overrun by his armies soon after the battle Bihar itself in the ‘ Memoirs,’ and that his visit to the shrine ) bears no small resemblance to Ujjainpiir y>3 wie! Cf. P.M.C., No. 575. I venture to suggest that the reading is erroneous and that the Ilahi coins of 46 and 47 R., at least, may be issues of Ujainpir or Chainpir. Junagadh, S. H. HopivALa. DEOGARH. from difficulty. Two types of coins are known, which are very different from each other, though both purport to have issued from Deogarh in the reign of Shah ‘A mens of the first type were published by Dr. Hoernle in J.A.S.B., 1897, with the following remarks :— miles S.E. of Pratapgarh on the railway line. They were all we d e same statement made in almost identical words in A. W. Hughes’ Gazetteer of the Province of Sindh (1874), p. 420. =e a han, an Mohammed, his cousin,” about the middle of the 18th Century (p. 40). 3 Information received from Mr. Whitehead (February 1919). 224 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, procured from Jaora. In Webb’s Currencies of Rajputana, p. 23, however, coins of this kind are ascribed to the Pratap- garh State. No. 43 isa rupee, Nos. 40a and 40 dare eight annas, o. 41 is a four-anna, No. 44 is a two- -anna, and Nos. 42 a and 42 b are paisas. The dates of the coins are inconsistent The rupee (No. 43) has iy H. and 29 julis of Shah ‘Alam ; while the julis should be 26..... The mint on the reverse of has also been noticed on other specimens. The only Deora I know of is a small town on, the Son river, in Baghelkhand. in the Reva state, a few miles beyond t the borders of the British district of Mirzapir. a ey cannot be read % lea Javarah or Jaora.. On No. 40 a there are distinct traces, reading 5: evag, which iroud: atl Devagarh or Deogar This is a small town in Gwaliyar, and is probably the name intended on all these coins.” (Loe. cit., pp. 268-9.) e coins are figured and it is clear outa the Plate (No. XXXT1) that the second suggestion gives the correct reading of the name which is not x29 but 4S... But Dr. Hoernle was not equally happy in his attempt to determine bp locality. Exactly similar coins are described and illustra- , a8 he himself admits, in Webb’s Currencies of the Hindu ates of Rajputana, and are there ascribed to Pratapgarh (or Partabgarh). It is common knowledge that these Partabgarh issues had at one time extensive circulation in those parts. under the name of Salimshahi rupees. An examination of the Salimshahi rupee ‘ current in Malwa and coined by the Raja of Pertabgurh ’ of which there is a drawing on Pl. II in Prinsep’s Useful Tables, leaves no room for doubt as to its identity with . Hoernle’s No. 43 and Webb’s No.9, Pl. III, the only difference being that the mint-name is partially visible on Dr. Hoernle’s coin, but entirely absent from the other But if these coins are specimens of the Salimehaht issues of Partabgarh, why do they happen to exhibit the mint-name Deogarh ? The answer is that Deolia or Deogarh is the name of the old capital of the State of Fares bgar The compiler of the article on‘ Parta bgarh’ in the Imperial Gazetteer writes: ‘The founder of the State was one Rika, a descendant of Rana Mokal of Mewar, who left his estates of Sadri and Dariawad in 1553, proceeded south, and subdued the aboriginal tribes. In 1561, he founded the town oi Deolia or Deogarh, naming it after a female chieftain named Devi i, and subsequently he overpowered as Rajputs mee further to the south and east.. Hari Singh’s son, Pratap Singh, who succeeded in 1674 ‘founded the town of Partabgarh in 1698, and from it the State takes its name, 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 225 the State Deolia-Partabgarh. As recently as 1869, the chief was described in an extradition treaty then ratified as the ‘Rajah of Dowleah and Partabgarh ° ” Op. cit., ed. 1908, XX, -10 Elsewhere in the same work, we read : “ Deolia (or Deogarh) —The old capital of the State of Partabgarh, Rajputana, situated in 24° 2’ N. and 74° 40’ E. about 73 miles due west of Partabgarh town.” (Jbid., XI, 247.) Turning to the ‘‘ Central India > of Malcolm, we find him speaking of ‘‘ Dewla named also Pertaubgurh-Dewla,” as a fortified town in the province of Ajmeer, the residence of the ‘Raja of Pertaubgurh.” (Op. cit., II, 398.) Elsewhere he says that ‘“ Dewla is eight miles west of Pertaubgurh ” (IT, 417), and at p. 284 of the same volume, he informs his readers that Dewla or Deogarh is in Lat. 24° 2’ 9” and Long. 74° 43’ 40”. _ It is clear then that Deola or Deogarh was the old capital, and even in Malcolm’s time, it was the chief residence of the Raja. (Z6., 1, 15 In aw that on these issues, the year is always either 1199-25 or 1199-29 (26 2) or 1236-diw 45 (Webb, 24-5). Some confusion is created by the circumstance that Deogarh rupees and half-rupees of a very different type and apparently having little in common with them except the mint-name are also in existence. There are two specimens with the date 1193-20 in the Panjab Museum. (P.M.C., Nos. 3008-9.) Mr. Nelson Wright informs us that he has one of 1190-17, and Mr. W. &. Talbot possesses a similar coin of 1198 A.H. (N.S., XIII, 241.) It is difficult to ascribe these coins to the Deogarh of Partabgarh, and the probabilities seem to be in favour of their belonging to some other atelier. Jnfortunately, Deogarh is a place-name of very common is which no historical or political importance can be claimed dur- ing the period to which the coins are restricted, and all but one of them are absolutely ignored in the M In the first place, Deogarh is iven as the ancient Hindu name of Deogir or Daulatabad, but that obsolete form is hardly likely to have been resuscitated on coins in the last quarter 0 226 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S.. XVI, the 18th Century. The Deogarh in the Santal Parganas, and in the Bamra Feudatory State, Bengal, may, perhaps, be dis- missed as mere backwaters of civilization. There is a Deogarh fame, such as it is, to its ancient remains of the later Gupta and Chandel periods, and its real consequence appears to have terminated many centuries before the accession of Shah ‘Alam II. Deogarh-Bariya, the chief town of a etty state villages. Attention may be also recalled to the fact that none of these localities is referred to by the historians. e only place of that name which is mentioned in the Mughal Chronicles and other historical writings, is the Deogarh in Chhindwara district, Central Provinces, and it is mentioned not once or twice, but a dozen times. Passing by the earlier references in the ‘Badishahnama’ of ‘Abdul Hamid Lahori (Bid/. Ind. text, I, Pt. ii, pp. 110-111 and 230-2), where it is asso- from its ruler or ‘ marzban,’ Koka Singh, the handsome sum of fifteen lacs as arrears, and the promise of an annual peshkash the territory of Deogadh to its Raja with authority to govern it absolutely as before. (Maasir, 102.) We are next informed that in 1097 A.H. Bakht-buland was installed as zamindar of Deogadh-Islamgadh in the twenty-ninth year—1907 A.H. (I bid., 273.) _Khafi Khan also notices the invasion of Deogadh by Diler Khan in 1077 A.H. and expressly states that its frontiers were conterminous or marched with those of Chanda. = Unein lols day) a5 88519 (Bibl. Ind. text, 205-7.) We read again in his account of the events of the 43rd year of 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. , 227 Deogarh, in consequence of disturbances in his country, and the superior force of those who disputed the inheritance, had » fled to the Court of Aurangzeb, and had received the title of Buland-bakht (sic) upon his becoming a Musulman. Upon hearing of the death of his competitor, he hastened back to appointed to collect the tribute. He now joined Ram Raja in plundering the country.” (Muntakhabu-l-Lubab in Elliot and Dowson, VII, 364; Bzbl. Ind. text, II, 461.) e now turn for light to the ‘ Imperial Gazetteer,’ we read that Chanda is “the southernmost district of the Central Provinces in the Nagpur division.....From the time of Akbar until the days of the Marathas, the Chanda princes seem to have been tolerably independent and powerful, for in their own annals and in those of the Deogarh line, we find them recorded as gaining an important victory over the latter rising Gond power in the middle of the seventeenth century..... 4n 51, the Gonds were ousted, and the district passed under the con- trol of the Marathas, forming from this period, a portion of the Nagpur Kingdom.” (Ed. 1908, Vol. X, pp. 148 and 150-1.) In another place we are informed that “ Deogarh, the head- quarters of the old Gond dynasty of Chhindwara and Nagpur, is a village about 24 miles south-west of Chhindwara, pictures- Chanda, and to take first place among Gond States.” Towards the end of the seventeenth century, Bakht-buland “went to Delhi and entered the service of Aurangzeb. He is supposed to have gained by his military achievements, the favour of the _ Emperor, by whom he was persuaded He was acknowledged as Raja of Deogarh many new towns and villages, also Nagpir..... The subsequent fall of the Gond dynasty and acquisition of the Deogarh Kingdom “ a aa Bhonsla belong e compiler of the article on Nagpir declares that there is no historical record of Nagpar prior to the - the eighteenth century, when it formed part of the Gond Kingdom of Deogarh in Chhindwara. Bakht Buland, the reigning prince of Deogarh, proceeded to Delhi, and appreciating the advantages of the civilization which he there witnessed, determined to set about the development of his own territories. To this end, he invited Hindu artificers and husbandmen to settle in the plain country, and founded the city of Nagpar. His successor, Chand Sultan, continued the work of civilization, and removed the capital to Nagpar. On Chand Sultan’s death in 1739, there were disputes as to the succession, and his widow invoked the 228 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, aid of Raghuji Bhonsla who was governing Berar on behalf of the Peshwa..... Raghuji on being called in by the contending factions replaced the two sons of Chand Sultan on the throne m which they had been ousted by a usurper, and retired to Berar with a suitable reward for his assistance. Dissensions, however, broke out between the brothers, and in 1743, Raghuji again intervened at the request of the elder brother, and drove out his rival. But he had not the heart to give back a second time the country he held within his grasp. Burhan Shah, the Gond Raja, though allowed to retain the outward insignia of royalty, practically became a state-pensioner, and all re power passed to the Marathas..... Chanda, Chhatisgarh and Sambalpur were added to his dominions between 174 and 1755, the vear of his death.” (Jlbid., XVIII, 306.) Chhindwara town. “Though now containing only. 50 or 60 houses, the traces of foundations in the surrounding jungle and the numerous remains of wells and tanks show that the former city must have covered a large area. Deogarh contains several temples and on a high peak outside the village stands a ruined ~ stone fort. All the buildings are constructed of the finest limestone.” (Imp. Gaz., ed. 1885, IV, 202-3.) Deogarh does not appear to have entirely lost its import- ance even after the conquest of the kingdom by the Marathas. The Gond Raja of Deogarh always conferred the tika on the Bhonslas on their accession and he had also “ the right of _ putting his seal to certain revenue papers.” (Imp. Gaz., 1908, X, 15.) It is not at all improbable that there was a mint at Deogarh. The rupees which were struck at the capital of the old sister-kingdom of Chanda by the Bhonslay Rajas and were ‘current in Nagpoor and the Nerbudda ” are enumerated in Prinsep’s List of Silver Coins. (Useful Tables, ed. 1834, p. 43.) S. H. Hopivata. Strat anv Strat. ‘The Panjab Museum possesses a very rare Rupee of which Mr. Whitehead writes: “‘ Coin No. 355, a square [lahi Rupee of the year 38, is the only known piece of Akbar bearing the name of this mint [Surat], but as both the mint-name an e name of the month, probably intended for Aban, are incorrectly spelt, the attribution to Siirat cannot be called quite certain. The Rupee is undoubtedly genuine.” (P. M. C. Introd., 1920. ] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 229 p. Ixxxiii.)' Mr. Nelson Wright also is not sure that the ascription to Strat is ‘free from doubt.” (I.M.C. Introd., xxvii.)? Dr. Taylor goes a little further, and is of opinion that if it is Sarat at all, it is not the well-known town on the Tapti that can be meant. (B. B. R. A. 8. Journal, 1907, p. 249, Note.) What then are we to think? I beg to point out that “90 is not so inadmissible or incorrect a way of writing the Th are in all writers spell in different ways, and at times, the same writer would appear to have seen nothing objectionable in the use of both forms. An examination of the editions of the writings of the Musalman chroniclers in the Bibliotheca Indica leaves the impression that Strat was one of them. us the name is written wy se at least once in the second volume of Badaont’s Muntakhabu-t-Tawartkh (p. 249, 1. 3). The same form occurs once in the ‘Alamgirnama of Muhammad Kazim (p. 134, 1.21) and four times in the Muntakhabu-l-Lubab of Khafi Khan (II, 248,1. 13; 251, 1.18; 444, 1. 18 and 938 1. In the Lakhnau Lithograph of the Tabaqat-i-Akbari, we have on the same page oy —~ &al3 in one line (p. 197, 1. 13), yy0 Sal3 in two others (Il. 12 and 16), and wy»e only in 1. 22. yg Sal5 again occurs at p. 298, |. 20jand wy, dels in the very next line. At p. 299, we find > Sal in 1. 14, but eyyo dal in the line following and ey,~, only in Il. 17 and 20. In the twelfth line of the following page we have +)» éal3 again (300, 1. 12). The’commoner form )9~ arrests attention at p. 304, 1. 20, but then eye recurs close upon its heels, I. 21. I may also say that the name of the city 1s sometimes i in old Parsi writings on “ese js nuscript Persian 1 eee ae ay (168s “A.C.) ae Hirbad Mihrnush Kaiqubad Mahyar Rana of Navsari (18 miles from Strat) in aa dis ae | Mr. Whitehead informs me (February 1919) that a second speci- men of this rupee on which the name of the mint is written “)~ 1s now in his own cabinet. Mr. Panna Lal has described another rupee of the same year (38 R) on which the name of the town is written in the usual way with a cy. The month is Aban. Num Sup., XXVI, Art. 161. 230 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, which form ey». occurs more than once (folio 135 a, |. 7; 178 b, 1. 11). It is of course A see to dismiss these variations as the vagaries of copyists or the errors of printers. But it is also to be remembered that oriental scribes are notorious for slavishly following in every little detail the originals before their eyes, and the occurrence of the form «)» in so many different places may be dame eo anger the a een that the authors themselves were not sure that it was incorrect and were disposed to dey it as ‘diuiieibls, The upshot of the matter seems to be that these variant readings are not undeserving of attention, but they can be hardly said to decide the matter in issue. Let us then see if any further evidence is available. I have shown that the g in »S_,+ is accounted for by the supposed connection of the town with ‘Umar Sumra. It is not unlikely that the Vy in ey ye is due to the same propensity to oe the names of persons and places. The origin of the of the town is obscure. According to one local teaditiaii, it was first ear Surajpur or Siiryapir and was afterwards renamed Siar t by a pious Sultan of Gujarat (Muzaffar II), to make mie agree with % »«, the Arabic word for a chapter of the Quran. “ Another story tells that a lad io of th and succeeding in trade, raised the village into a town, and called it by his lady’s name.” (Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. IT, Surat, p. 71.) Now eye means ‘ image, form, figure, picture, portrait,’ and .,3), has the sense of ‘ handsome.’ (Steingass | Persian-English Dictionary, s.v.). Surata would, in the usual process of pois aes be supposed to be anjgo~o & past, ‘a name expressive of its qualities,’ Soe Beautiful as a picture.’ The Perso poets habit ually compare a lovely woman to an ‘ idol’ ( ~¥) or ‘ picture’ ( j ). The name of 1 The s the egg i of ‘the famous Cease 3 Mahiar or Mihrji written with ain other old copies also of the theological compilation a as iemi Revayat of Darab Hormazdyar.’ Firiiz pore’, Denney possesses a MS : mb P . copy of Mirza -_ wr tae detec Abbas-i-Sant. In this also the name of the written 4)» in the section relating to the ‘ f Hindeatas ” Rehatsek’s Catalogue Raisonné, EV; 7, > 88. ignite 1920. ] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 231 the runaway mistress of the Ottoman would thus be written ye, and her city would, of course, be 4) »~. I may also notice, without laying any undue stress upon them, two other facts, which are neither uninteresting nor irrelevant. The English translation of an old ‘ Account of Shahaji and his son, Shivaji,’ which was among the records preserved in the fort of Raigadh is printed in the first volume of [Sir] G. W. Forrest’s ‘Selections from the Letters, Despatches and other State Papers preserved in the Bombay Secretariat (Maratha Series).’ This document contains a curious passage which is not without bearing on the matter before us : &< S ; Nizamshahi government, of which, he, Shivaji, was the vazir” (Op. cit., I, 18). Now there would be no point in the phrase 4) >42 L “) xe coyS, ‘I made Sirat bisdrat’ (i.e. ugly, featureless, deformed), unless the name of the town was written with a c», and the fact that Shivaji or rather his Munshi permitted himself to indulge in this verbal conceit indicates that the spelling 4) ,< was looked upon as fairly consonant with orthographic usage. But this is not the only instance of the pun on Strat an words.” After describing at some length the fort of Surat and the siege operations of 980 A.H., iar ‘The wretched disloyal Hamzaban and all the people in a sue made his plea for mercy through chief amirs reminded His Majesty eae 1 Bishop Heber writes: ‘‘ Surat, or as the natives pronounce it, Soorut (beauty), is a very large and ugly city, with narrow winding streets.” Narrative of a Journey through the Upper Provinces of India, Ed. 1849, Vol. IT. 122. 232 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, soy a9) yy Ja! Bi Fe ways wllsc I gg Bi HF gfe 9 BOD (gh Di} Boy? gd AF GileS daw Tabagat-i-Akbart, Lakhnau Lithograph, p. 298, Il. 9-10. “To return evil for evil is wisdom in the eyes of those who see only the outsides of things ( 9 Jat). Those who pene- trate their inner meaning have, however, done good after wit- nessing evil.” This is the literal and original sense of the verses, but it is clear that there is a double entendre in the first couplet which is susceptible of another interpretation also: “ To return evil for evil to the people of Strat ( ype Jet) would be want of wisdom ( csa»*¥ 7.€. csdys4). Those who penetrate the inner meaning of things have done good after witnessing (7.e., ex- periencing) evil.” It will be seen that the felicity of the quotation and its ‘topical application’ depend on the resemblance in sound between Strat and e) ye, and the double meaning of the phrase wo Je, _ _ All this is interesting and not devoid of significance, but it does not provide the sort of evidence which we should like to possess. hat is required is the occurrence of the form © in a contemporary document or record of which the authenticity and the date cannot be impugned. Such a thing is not easily found, and it must be therefore matter for congra- tulation that a record satisfying these conditions is actually in existence. This is no other than the ‘ Grande Inscription de. Qandahar’ to which I have already referred in the note on Bangala. The epigraph is, as I have said, in two parts. In the first, there is a rough description of the boundaries of Akbar’s empire ; in the second, a long catalogue of the towns, cities and famous fortresses of Hindustan. There are in this list about one hundred and six names beginning with ‘ Udisa and Jaganat’ in the east, and ending with ‘Umarkot (9° ye) and Tatta (ai) in the west. The principal towns in Gujarat are there enumerated as follows :— 1920. ] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 233 p= Sis 96 Use gio eullS cbt oesve tay) oop) oy 90 OH # Sly oe) ushy yout alt deat OS 28 Journal Asiatique, 1890, Be 206, 221 and 230. See also Beames, J.R.A.S., 1898, is Here then we have something tangible which proves that ey »e is a form having fairly good traditional support. Mir M‘asiim who composed and wrote out the inscription was not only a man of culture and learning, but was personally ac- quainted with Gujarat. He was himself one of the most famous calligraphers of his time, and had in his service a number of skilful engravers capable of transferring his elegant penmanship to stone. Such a man was hardly likely to write )y0 on a monumental record with which he had taken such pains and which took, as he himself tells us, no less than four years to complete, if the spelling was held in his day to be inadmissible by those who were competent to form a judgment in such matter here is aia point connected with this coin about which a few remarks may be permissible. This is the name of the [lahi month on the reverse. Mr. Whitehead has pro- nounced the opinion that it also is “‘ incorrectly spelt,’ and that it is ‘“‘ probably etree for Aban.” (Panjab Museum Catalogue, Introd. lxx I submit that the naageestion will hardly bear en neal ' When Mirza, Muhammad Taqi made his copy in 1889, the first visible. ae te a Jihad been obiterated and the terminal, only was d 1890, 2 Mie a asiim belonged to a family of Tirmizi gdp settled in Bhakkar and was well known as a poet and historian. uviedd Bveral Ahmad, then Diwan of the province. ‘‘ Nizam was just engaged in writ- ing his historical work, entitled Tabagat-i-Akbari, and soon became the friend of Mir M‘asim, who w as likewise well-versed in history... ..- In the 40th year, he was a aioe of 250. Akbar became very fond f ene and s him in 1012 ther Soe to Iran, w - e was received with "Giskind tion by Sha bas....+-- Fro he Akbar- namah (III, 416, 423, 546), a and Bins Tibet ory of Gujrat (p. iy, da see that Mir M‘asiim served in 992 end of the 28th year) in Gujrat present in the —_ of Maisfinah, ner ee n the final expedition se habe oohogp ang os in Kacch......< Gm was also skilled as a composer cer of inscriptions, and the Riy Baik -shu‘ara ‘says that on his travels’ he was ava iia a i! aahike rs. From India to Isfahan and Tabriz,...... are us mosques and public buildings whi adorned wigs me eg sav sriptions. Thus the inscriptions over the Pa ml — igh of Rerah , on the Ja _ i Pontigg of sie ad Par in Lue all by him.” Bloch Rest 4-5. 234 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, as the ws is unmistakably clear on the plate (P.M.C., Pl. XVIII, No. 355). I venture to say that what the die- cutter wrote or meant to write was wl »~, an alternative or indifferent form of y.« which finds mention in the Akbarnama, and is re- cognised also by the Persian lexicographers. In his ‘ Account of the Establishment of the New and Divine Era,’ Abil Fazl gives the names of the thirty days of the /Ja@h? month, and states that the name of the 16th day (which was also that of the 7th month) was ‘ Mihrgan or Mihr. (Akbarnama, Tr. Bever- idge, IT, 16, Text, II, 10.) Now wl= ,¢* is only the Arabicised form of wy as ine is no 4 in the Arabic alphabet. wls is, therefore, in reality identical with 4 , 4.e. the seventh month. Witness the de- finition in the Dughan: -t-Qat ‘i. OF to ee wv Fy Sy wr? wy 9? ase 4 oe Bs ses be 51 poine slo Ali 5 slo ya 51 paspil® jy) ili y cme usinogar camre 9 910 eslOR! BF ylae oy yo emt lille UIT ways OT, dl nod * tam ol as ‘ Mihrjan with jim, of the same measure as Mihrban, is the Keabisioed form of Mihrgan..... Mihrgan with the Persian Kaf (t.e. Gaf), of the same measure and having the same meaning as Mihrjan, which is its Arabicised form. It means ‘love ’ and ‘ the attachment of friendship.’ [It is also] the name of the 16th day of every month, and the name of the 7th month of the solar year, and that is coincident with the stay of the world-illuminating sun in the constellation As the Balance and the commencement of the oe Ee autum The Ghiyagu-l-Lughat PBT Lalle woe oly whd ie e et By ly WF ss a Ey eo Pur on eee lee Gol 9 gill we oe ae — with Kasr (or zer), name of the autumnal month, and that is the period — which the sun remains in the dicatelinicn of the Balan Hihrjan with Fath (or ee and the * ra’ also with Fath (or oe earn form of Mihr, rgan e may take the net result of this discussion to be that the etn is Paice and that the doubts which have been 1920. | Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 235 entertained on account of the spelling of the name of the town are not well founded. It is true that the prevailing form is wygw, and good Persian writers generally adhere to this as the more correct form, but the rule is not without exceptions, and the other form with the initial Ve is neither unaccountable nor inadmissible. The rupee was probably struck in the seventh month (Mihr) of the 38th year, and would seem to be a proof- pattern or trial-piece which, for obvious reasons, did not meet with approval. It is certainly curious that Mr. Panna Lal’s coin is not only square, and bears exactly the same legends, but is of the same year and of the month immediately follow- ing (Aban). The College, Junagadh. S. H. Hopiva.a. SAHRIND AND SARHIND. I have said that wy 0 is another or alternative form of y9~ which is admissible, but is generally held to be less correct. Similarly, we have the double form Nae OF Nyy. The name of the town would seem to be written in both ways in the manuscripts of the works of Badaoni, and Abil Fazl and other historians on which the Bibliotheca Indica editions were based.! The same diversity is observed on the coins. On the Muhrs and Dams of Akbar the spelling is always diese, On the rupees of Aurangzeb and “ all the succeeding Emperors as far as ‘ Alamgir II,” the mint-name is written oye. Khafi Khan informs us that it was Shah Jahan who first set the seal of official sanction on the latter form, and at the same time enables us to realise the idea at the back of the Emperor's mind. BSt ers) ws Di yuo Giles ly ye" as ol ale * =e gies a 39? (5938 cable Bal city og! dupe Cdble 52 diye G ely! ws? Slo wits) wy'0y8 as goa Xx» PF gant Pe aan lL eo! Dido pr! asly Nolo welys wheal sf,0 ee wley? » wclbl Pe pega Cnty gn Ee ee ee argc aee | We have 03,0 in Ain, Bibl. Ind. Text, I, 369, 515, 549 and Akbar nama, ib., 11, 31, 32, 66, 75, 99, 113, 114, 121; TII, 249, 345, 346, 372, 468, 578, 647, 696, 747, but Xi@y0 in Ain, I, 527, 528 and Akbarnima, IIT, 501: The Bibliotheca Indica text of Badaoni’s Muntakhab has oy OP I, 248, 286, 288, 290, 309, 332, 375, 385, 427, but Aid yas at I, 306, 405, 459, 460 and IT, 14, 42, 91, 155, 187, 210, 266, 293, 312, 323, 381 and 389. 236 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, apeld yo stosd y We yb oT Gy soils Led ules fis Wl, ol” * diab ais) ic Sy" aS: d5o9,3 sll Syr2m 2J yo oid osbl., Jb: y Muntakhabu-l-Lubah, Bibl. Ind. Text, I, 402, Il. 10-16. “May it be evident to critical and discerning persons that in former times Sahrind [ 53), ] was written Sarhind [ ey | and, as a matter of fact, the empire of the Ghaznavides ex- tended only as far as Sahrind, and so much only was in their possession. Therefore the name Sarhind [Jit. end or head or frontier of Hind] was an appropriate designation (it. ‘a name expressive of its qualities, Sfeingass). Afterwards, when the rulers of all the territories comprised (Jit. guarded, protected) in Hindustan set the foreheads of submissiveness and obedience on the Celestial Court [of the Mughal Emperors], nay, when the name and fame of no other sovereign remained, and Kabul and even Qandahar in the north (lit. in that direction, or ou the other side of Sarhind) were included in the eternal Empire of Hindustan, Hazrat-i-A‘ala (i.e. Shah Jahan) issud orders that the name should be written Sahrind [ S,y J.” In other words, oda means in Persian ‘head, end or frontier of Hind,’ and so long as the dominions of the Dehli Sultans did not extend much further, the name was. not inappropriate. But when, asin the days of Akbar and Jahangir. the Empire of Dehli stretched so far beyond that city as to include not only the districts now constituting the North-West Frontier Province, but even Afghanistan, Sar-hind became a palpable misnomer, and the Emperor issued instructions for spelling the name in such a way that any such ‘ striving after meaning ’ would become impossible.! : No coins of Shah Jahan from this mint have been yet found, and we have no means of verifying Khafi Khan’s statement so far as his reign is concerned.* But the coins of Aurangzeb, etc., 1 Ri The name Sarhind, or ‘frontier of Hind’ is popularly said,” writes Cunningham, ‘‘ to have been given to the city........ when it was the undary town between the Hindus and the later Muhammadan Kingdom of Ghazni and &hor. But the name is probably much older, as the astronomer, Varaha Mihira, mentions the Sairindhas The hat the two names are the same.” Ancient Geo hy of 1 ty ; graphy 0 India, 145-6. The * ib eae country is also mentioned in Alberini’s teer, * its foundation to Sahir Rao Daas Phe a juke of “pe 166th in descent Fe a implies that it was the eastern limit o ing- dom of Jaipal, the Brahman King of Ohind,” Ed. |! Til, r.H.A has published some letters addressed by e - HLA. as Jahan Ara Begam, Shah Jahan’s favourite daughter, to Budh Prakash, the r. In one of these dated 2lst Rabi II, 18th Julius, 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 237 prove that the orthographic innovation which he had introduced did not fail to appeal to the understanding cf his descendants. I may add that the name of the town is written in the new way only by the authors of the Badishahnama (Bibl. Ind., Text. I. i, 215, 216, 230, 409; I, ii, 8,9, 71; H, 115, 116, 121, 134, 206, 236, 247, 319, 412). ‘Alamgirnama (1bid., 126, 142, 166, 219, 220, 759, 765, 848), and the Maasir-i-‘ Alamgirt (Lbid., 42, 86, 132 and 209 : It is perhaps necessary to add a word of warning. Khafi Khan’s words do not mean that the form ¢ was first intro- duced or invented in the reign of Shah Jahan. All that he really says is that he was the first to set the seal of Imperial sanction on that mode of spelling, and that he ordered the name to be so written in the State Records. * “As a matter of fact, Xp occurs occasionally in manu- scripts of undoubted antiquity, ¢.9. Colonel Hamilton’s MS. of the Ain-i-Akbari (see Bibl. Ind. Text. I. 27, footnote 8), of which the exact date is not known, but which, in Blochmann’s opinion, was “ written in the reign of Akbar or that of Jahan- Gita s556 Bula “UES gh Og ee oe St Oe So90,8 lay leo » cohe= 9 Sout oys ogS abale loa pf gles sy cle Us WEL, Leo y ahah opr jy 2°! S yee olf jy oe ew y + 9 Gy “ Sarhind, which has been altered also to Sahrind, was formerly included in the Samana [division]. Sulfan Firoz Shah separated it [from Samana} and constituted it a Sarkar by itself, and built there a fortress called Firazabad. In these days (lit. to-day) Sahrind is a famous and well-known place on account of its beauty, purity [of the air] and its charming gardens.” (Third Jqlim). Junagadh, January, 1918, S. H. HopivatLa. SHERGARH. Two early rupese of Akbar from a mint named Shergarh - are known. They are dated 964 and 966 A.H. Shergarh ‘* Dawar Khan, the Faujdar of Sahrand”’ is mentioned (Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1911, p. 453), and the name is clearly written Dine in the original. Ibid., p. 450, 1. 18. This goes somo wey towards corroborating Khafi Khan’s statement. 238 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. (N.S., XVI, occurs frequently, in several cases as an alternative name on the coins of the Sir dynasty, and fortresses built by Sher Shah near Dehli, Bhakkar, Rhotas in Bengal and Qanauj were all given the name cf Shergarh. It is not easy to say where the Shergarh of these issues of 964 and 966 A.H. was situated. Bhakkar may, with good reason, be put out of court on the ground that it was taken by Akbar only in 981 A.H. Dehli also may be eliminated as we have rupees of Hazrat-i-Dehli of 964 A.H. (I.M.C., III, No. 180) and Dams of Dehli alone with the date 966 (Jbid., No. 391). Mr. Whitehead has suggested that ‘‘ the Shergarh of Akbar’s coins was probably in Bengal ” (P.M.C. Introd., Ixxxviii). I beg permission to point out that this is extremely unlikely, as the Eastern Provinces were then in the hands of the Afghans and were not incorporated in the Mughal Empire before 981-2 A.H. We have then to consider Qanauj. The following passages \ riter. “Upon arriving at Agra, the Emperor was informed that Khan Zaman was besieging the fort of Shergarh, four koss dis- tant from Kanauj, in which fort Mirza Yisuf Khan was shut up.... When he [scd. the Emperor] reached the pargana of Saket, ‘ Ali Kuli Khan [i.e. Khan Zaman] decamped from before Shergarh, and fled to his brother, Bahadur Khan, who was in Manikpur.” (E.D.V., 319; Tab. Akb. Lakhnau Lithograph, 279, ll. 14-17). Lowe’s translation of the corresponding passage in Badaoni is as follows :— ; more Badaoni tells us that ‘in the month of Jamada’l-akhir, while the camp was at Shergarh (otherwise called Qannouj), a book called Singhasan Batttsi, which is a series of thirty-two tales about Rajah Bikramajit, King of Malwa, and resembles the Tatin@mah, was placed in my hands; and I received his Majesty’s instructions to make a translation of it in prose and verse.” Jbid., 186; Text, 183, ll. 17-21. The siege of Shergarh-Qanauj is put by both writers into 974 A.H. and the Translation of the Thirty-two Tales about Vikrama was cntrusted to Badaoni in 982 A.H. It follows that Qanauj was popularly known as Shergarh down at least to the year 982 Hijri, and we may see in the fact grounds for assigning these rupees to the Qanauj mint. On the other 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 239 hand, it appears from I.M.C., Nos. 514-6 that the Akbari alias of the town was Shahgarh and not Shergarh in 968, 969 A.H But to this it may be replied that the transition from Shergarh to Shahgarh may have taken place after 966 A.H., and that Nizam-ud-din Ahmad and Badaoni may have been ignorant of it or may have taken no cognizance of it on account of the older name being still in greater vogue. Besides, there are bable that the change to Shahgarh occurred in 957, but that after the defeat of Muhammad ‘Adil the old name was resumed, I ought perhaps to add that there are several other places called Shergarh in India. Abul Fazl mentions four mahals of that name in the 4am. Two of them were in the Suba of Bengal (Jarrett, Trans., IT, 141, 144) and may, for the reason mentioned, be rejected at once. The th i north of Mailsi, founded in the time of the Emperor Sher Shah, and still showing ruins of its former prosperity ” (E. D. Maclagan, Abul Fazl’s Account of the Multan Sarkar, in J.A.S B., 1901, Pt. I, p. 3.) This appears to have been a place of much greater consequence, as its revenue was 5,741,200 Dams (1,438,530 Rs.), but it can hardly stand comparison with Qanauj in any res- Shergadha, “‘ a dependency of Jahni,’”’ in the Panjab is thrice alluded to by Badaoni as the residence of “ Shaikh Daad Qadiri Jahniwal, the greatest Pole Star, the master and asylum of Sainthood.” (Lowe, II, 159, 160.) But it does not other- wise appear to have been a place of any note. pope oe hornton mentions a ‘ Sheregurh ’ in the “ British district of Bareilly, on the route from Pareilly to Almora, 20 miler north of the former. Lat. 28° 40’ N.. Long. 79° 27' BK.” Anothes place of the same name is said to be * in the Rajpoot State of Jeypoor, 74 miles S.E. by S. from Jeypoor and 121 miles E. by S. from Ajmeer, Lat. 96° 2’ N., Long. 76° 35° E.” (Gazetteer, New Edition, 885.) : par which is marked in There is Sh : ; Constable’s Hand Atlas (Pl. 27 A, 6) a8 well as in Keith John- stone’s Atlas of India (Pl. 5 Z, f). See also ed. 1908, XIV, 188, 191). Another homonymo “ the Chhata tahsil of Mathura district, N.W-P., Lat. 2 Long. 77° 39’ E., on the right bank of the Jamna, 8 miles north- east of Chhata town. The town derives its name from a large 240 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, fort now in ruins, built by the Emperor Sher Shah.” (Imp. Gaz., ed. of 1887, XII, 380.) This place was visited by Peter Mundy in 1631. He calls it ‘ Shawgurr,’ and says it was 8 course [Koss] from Cole [Koil, 7.e. ‘Alighar]. It seems to have been a depot for Saltpetre, and he purchased there 400 fardles {about 2,000 maunds] of “ the best Saltpetre that is transported out of India to Christendome.” (Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Sir R. C. Temple, Hakluyt Society Edition, IT, 76.) Tieffenthaler notices a ‘Scherghar,’ three miles south- west of Narvar and says it was ‘“‘entouré de bonnes fortifica- tions (firma arce).” Description de l’Inde, I, 182. This place was heldin jagir by the Bhopal Bourbons, and they are said to have fled to it from Dehli on the sack of that city by Nadir Shah. 25°35’ N, 77°58’ E. (Imp. Gaz., ed. 1908, XIII, 324). Lastly, there is the “ruined fort of that name in the saram Subdivision of Shahabad District, Bengal, situated in 24° 50’ N., 83° 44’ E (Beveridge, Akbarnaima, Trans., III, 265-6; Badaoni, Trans., Lowe, Il, 185), and it is not likely that any coins could have H . t so incomparably superior to those of its competitors as to entitle us to give a definitive verdict in its our. Junagadh. S. H. Hopivara. ZAFARNAGAR. of the unassigned mints of the Mughal Emperors of One India is that of Zafarnagar. “Tam not aware,” says Mr. Nelson 1920.} Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 241 Wright, “of the exact locality of this mint-town. Dr. Codring- ton in his ‘ Musalman Numismatics’ identifies it with Fathabad in the province of Agra.! The references to the place, how- ever, in the chronicles of Jahangir’s, Shahjahan’s and Aurang- Ahmadnagar.”’ (I.M.C., III, Introd., Ixxxii.) The reason given for ruling out Fathabad is good, if not absolutely conclusive, but i relied upon, that there is nothing whatever in them to warrant the statement that Zafarnagar was situated to the south of Ahmadnagar. Where then are we to look for this town which the (P.M.C., No. 1034.) An examination of the original Persian authorities shows that there is no lack of references in them to a town of that name in the Dekkan, but there is, in by far the greatest number of them, little or nothing that is useful in - determining its exact situation. The earliest direct mention ith which where in the Balaghat. (Sayyad Ahmad Khan’s Edit., p. 381, 1.24; Rogers and Beveridge’s Trans., II, 296; XIX R.Y., 1033 ) but it adds nothing to our knowledge (p._ 217, |. 8). The name occurs no less than eight times in the Badishahnama of ‘Abdul ages is that the place was somewhere near Daulatabad (I, i, 501 and 505), as well as Rohankhera (I, 1, 517) and Ahmad- nagar (I, ii, 36), and that when the prince Shuja‘a resolved upon investing Parenda, he placed thanas or military garrisons | Fathabad is a very common place name, but there can be little doubt that the town meant is the ‘Fattihabad’” of which 5 a t says that it was ‘‘ known also by the name of Zafarnagar,”’ and ‘* was 1067 A.H. in commemoration a the victory obtained by him over his brother, Dara Shikoh.” (Memoirs of the Races of the North-Western s, II, 8 eo i se al angi han he coins are of the rei of Jahangir (undated) and Shah Ja (3 R, 5 R, and 1043 A.H.), kaa not possibly have been struck at the Zafarnagar or Fathabad ‘ founded by Aurangzeb. 242 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, at Zafarnagar, — Shahgadh and Bhir for protecting the convoy of grain and fodder from Burhanpur to Parenda. (I, ii, 35.). Khaft Khan also twice mentions Zafarnagar (Bibl. Ind. Text, I, 489; II, 293) but tells us really nothing more than that Ramgir was a f‘aluga in the King of Gulkanda’s Suba of Zatarnagar. (E.D., VII, 315-6.).. The solitary reference in the ‘Alamgirnama is scarcely more illuminating. It gives us only the name of the person (Wazir Beg, Tradat Khan) who was appointed Qil‘adar of Zafarnagar in the third year of Aurangzeb’s reign (Bibl. Ind. Text, 567). A careful scrutiny of the ‘Maasiru-l- Umara discovers no less than fifteen passages in which Zafarnagar is alluded to. Twelve of these can be traced to the Badishahnama or some of the other authorities already cited and teach us nothing new. (Bibl. Ind. Text, I, 186, 718, 743; II, 64, 261, 794; III, 6, 385, 401, 403, 443, 739.) But there are three others which are ‘exceedingly helpfal and deserve to be quoted in the original. In the first of them, we are informed that in 1030 A. HL, Raja Bikramajit asad to the ground the new town built by. Malik ‘Ambar at Kharki (near Daulatabad), and that ‘Ambar was obliged to make a humi- liating peace with the Mughals. . . . . & esl yt,5y daly op® Biyhe soyei waglo Giro) Sua Slee area l sal SSt ypntvo Blasy, jliF 2 yySd0 dyad aie ald pS) Guo * ot d5 Ko whys JSays ee ee sa be R ab, tT 5 ol Maasiru-l-Umara, IT, 191-2. “And. it was settled that........ the Raja should return to the Qasbah of Tamarni with the entire army and stay there. The Raja in accordance with the Shah’s [7.e. Prince Shah Jahan’s] commands, selected a spot in the vicinity of the abovementioned Qasbah on the bank of a river known as the Gharak-Purna, and laid the foundations of an exceedingly strong fortress of stone and mortar. He gave it the name of Zafarnagar, and spent the rainy season in that place.”’ the second passage, we are again informed that ‘‘ this sy éy25) Qasba of Tamarni is at present spoken of as Zafarnagar,” 2! 3) why ab JlsJt (IIT, 437, 1. 20). Lastly, we are told in the biographical account of Mustafa Khan Khwafi that “in the thirtieth year [of the reign of Shah Jahan] he was distinguished by being appointed to the governorship of the fortress of Zafarnagar, which is included in (lit. related to) the Balaghat of Berar, and is situated ata distoues of tewnty-eight koss from Aurangabad.” 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 243 rd y Canaas eS sly al syb Giaw © pe Salis ews! ee pred ie ye (III, 516, ll. 16-19.) sly oladd} camt Gly obs gf 29 95 The gist of all this is that a fortress was erected in A.H. 1030 by the Raja Bikramajit at Tamarni, a qasba or township situated at a distance of 28 koss from Aurangabad on the the Maasiru-l-Umara is not a contemporary authority, but a been possible to trace the statement to its source. This is the ‘Amal-i-Salih or Shahjahannama of Muhammad Salih Kambi, a voluminous but most valuable chronicle in which not less than 210 pages are occupied by an account of Shah Jahan’s life from his birth to his accession. At p. 159 we read :— mabe wlaldiye Baled Gig ly le ore ctltoly (stor Ble ly Jab y cid ylines alle ere oly? Gee Js BLA aL p» Qles y wht LG af Bald ali yl Jlre we 9 atte Up) eort sh d9% hi oon! Sald y erdtas oly giles wold Sa) Ging whi re eyo SSyo coldgt eyed ov? Bol5S} pga CLYy Bey 5! OS Bily Oay~ yo pee Spf BLE yy shod g8 a9 Bly Gr? HE etl 2S Hadley HHA) ese Sait ys soly Ly alae » was) SUF yo cals! cafin Sali cdo y ws, (late phy y wold eles! wy? ole eksivly lh wyem wt Calpe yd oy clos olbe Colyet git pat me aicilo ayuaye oa ca hah caalelS gals old obfe dog SF yybws nl ys $35 adsl wil By GhS oF 5) plo yo wld OI Oe JS Ab > sly UH doy 9 8) Aas 99 chil E27 99 cpnsul get Salyd y oer! Gly pS 8E p24 gy Sis) pO ae 9 p90 WIE poly w'> A When the Tncexial’ Piers Ue servants) found Later ‘Ambar disposed to be as dutiful and submissive as the ea . of all loyalists could desire, their minds were made easy on a 244 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, A Arrah, and Sardar Khan, brother of the said Khan in Deulgam near Rohanikher.”’ t is clear that Zafarnagar is to be looked for in the close proximity of Tamarni and the river Gharak-pairna. Now I find in the Official Gazetteer of Aurangabad District the state- ment that Temburni is “a place of some importance 5 miles south of Jafarabad and is surrounded with a strong wall”’ (p. 848). As for this Jafarabad, we are told that it is the chief town in the Jagir of that name in the Bhokardan T’aluq of Aurangabad District. It is ‘‘situated at the confluence of the Purna and Kailna rivers in lat. 20° 11’ 35” North and long. 76° 3’ 35” East. Itis alargeand populous town, surrounded by a fortified stone wall, now in a very dilapidated state, but a small stone gaddi (fort) inside isin fair order...... There are seven masjids and temples in the town, and the principal mosque has a Persian inscription recording its construction under the orders of Aurangzeb, by Rizazath (sic) Khan! in 1076 Hijri (A.D. 1664).~ A large handsome cistern within the fortification has also an inscription which states that it was erected under the orders of Shah Jahan by Mustafa Khan Tur- koman in 1040 (A.D. 1630).”’ Ibid., p. 847. Let us now hear what Thornton has to say about the place. “ Jafferabad in Hyderabad or Territory of the Nizam, a ! Rizazath Khan is an impossible name. I have no doubt that }!}) is a misreading of wsty, We know that Wazir Bég, Iradat Khan, who had been implicated in the rebellion of Prince Muhammad Sultan and had been in disgrace in consequence, P favour on the Jashn of Aurangzeb’s 44th birthday, ‘Ali ‘Arab=17 Ziqa‘ad 1070 A.H. ‘Alamgirnama, 566-7. 1920. ] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 245 town near the north-west frontier towards the British District of Ahmednugger. It is situated on the river Gurk-poornah, a tributary of the Godavery, and here a large stream. The town is of considerable size...... Distance from Hyderabad, bay, N.E., 220 miles. Lat. 20° 14’, Long. 76° 5’.”’ (Thornton, Gazetteer of the Territories under the Government of the East India Company, New Edition, p. 482. This settles the matter. According to the ‘Amal-i-Salih 45 miles from Aurangabad. There is besides the evidence of ‘the inscriptions in the mosque and cistern still existing in ‘Jafarabad.’ They are said to have been built under Imperial orders in 1040 A.H. and 1076 A.H. by the local Governors, Mustafa Khan Turkman! and Iradat Khan respectively. We Thanadar of Zafarnagar in the sixth year of Shah Jahan (1042 A.H.), and that the latter was first appointed Qil‘adar of Zafarnagar on the 17th of Ziqa‘ad 1070 A.H. There would then seem to be no reasonable doubt that the Jafarabad of the historians. But it may be still asked “ Why then is the place now called Jafarabad’”’ 2 Of this difficulty also, I have found the solution in a very rare work, * Gladwin’s History of Hindostan during the Reign of Jahangir, etc.’ We there read that in 1030 A.H. “Shah Jehan left a garrison at Kehrkee and then marched to the relief of Ahmednagur. mber, alarmed at which remained unconquered at the conclusion of the last war ; and that Adil Khan, Nizam-ul-Mulk and Koteb-ul-Mulk should .; es. Amber rram or Shah Jahan in the as Turkm&n Khan at the Badishahnama, I, i, 121. He is in the sixth year of the reign of 3 death in the seventh year (1042 in the Madgiru-l-Umara also (III, 384-5). 246 Journal of the Asiatic Society of — [N.S., XVI, 1788, p. 53 It is clear that this stone fort built at J'erminee and called ‘ Zufferabad’ is no other than the ‘ Zafarnagar’ of the ‘Where did Gladwin get that form of the name’? Sir Hen nry Elliot has shown that his work is made up of translations from the first part of the Tazuk-i-Jahangtri (the authentic recension of the Emperor’s Memoirs), and the Madasiri Jahangiri or Jahangir-nama of Khwaja Kamgar Husainy, who is also See Ghairat oe ‘Izzat] Khan (Elliot and Dowson, VI, 277 see also "252 an d 439). Now there is no record of the aiteene of the fortress in the T'azuk itself, and it is doubtful if Gladwin : events of 1030 A.H. are set down. (Jbid., VI, 279). It “ig =“. = che must have’ derived his information from the new pte Be was even wate en known by both names. Per- haps Za oe il was the strictly official designation ; Zafarabad, the e popular It is of ¢ course not impossible to argue that the author of the Maasir-i-Jahangirt has made some mistake or that Glad- win has misread sbf for 6. But any such supposition is nega- tived by the fact that the place is called ‘ Zafravad’ in the Voyages of Monsieur de Theve not. In the account of his himself at Burhanpir. ‘ Fort WN PALE ms x0 T t oe my the Towns of Patou, Ner, Chendequer, Zafravad, Rouquera, and Melcapour, all of which six are not so good as one of our ordinary cities,’ A more detailed itinerary of the route - from tansy to Brampour [Burhanpir] is also given and is as “The way from Patry to Brampour. To Gahelgaon, 9 coss. Doudna,a river. Patou, a town, 6 coss. Ner, a town, c onny, 8 coss. Chendequer, a town, 2 coss. Ourna, a river. Zafravad, a town, 10 coss, Piply, 10 coss. Deoulgan, je ouquera, a town, 6 coss. Melcapour, a town, 2 coss Nervar, a river er. Japour, 12 coss. Ta a R River. Brampour, a ieee. 2 coss. The whole 39 leagues and a 1920.] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV.— 247 half.”! Travels into’the Levant, etc., English Trans., 1686. Part III, p. 107. It will be observed that Palply [Piply], Deulgaon, and id to have been stationed by Raja Bikramajit are all clearly located by Thevenot in the neighbourhood of his Zajfravad. The author of the ‘Amal-t- Salih says that Palply (Piply) was two koss from Arrah which r. The Frenchman informs us that Piply was 10 koss from Zafravad. Any one who will take the trouble to find these places on a good map or atlas 1 Patry (Pathri) in Parbhani district, Haidarabad State, Imp. Gaz., ed. 1908, XX, 30-31; Constable’s Hand Atlas of India, Pl. 31, D. b. Doudna (Dudna), River in Parbhani, L.G., XIX, 410. Patou (Partir), I.G., XX, 31; Constable, 31, : eouny (Sheoni) in Aurangabiad district, Haidarabad State, Con- stable, 31 D b. : Chendequer (Sindkhed) in Mehkar t‘alug, Buldana district, Berar, 1.G., XXII, 433; Constable, 31, D b. Zafravad (Jafarabad) in Aurangabad district, Haidarabad State, Constable, 31 D a. Deoulgan (Deulgion-Raja) in Chikhli t‘aluq, Buldana district, Berar, I.G., XI, 272; Constable, 31 D a. iat . Rouquera (Rohankhed) in Malkapir t‘aluq, Bulda&na district, Berar, L.G., XXI, 304. Melcapour (Malkapir) in Buldana district, Berar, LG., XVII, 91; Constable, 31, D a. ourna (Pirna), I.G., XX, 412. : ng apour (Shahpir ?), Nimar district, Central Provinces; Constable, a Thevenot landed at Surat on the 12th of January 1666. He left a 1666, and reached Travels, Part III, 1, [Tabriz], on the twenty-eighth of Nove , 1667.’ ., Preface. _ iS tegical importan than Zafarnagar [Jafara- bad] is hown the fact that the battlefield of Assaye 15 “dee sev' to the north-west of Jafarabad. Th battle which established, by the defeat and death of his Bee, —— was fou te to the north-east of Jafarabad. Assaye is,in,Lat. 20°15’ N., Long. 75 : Fathkhelda in 20° 13’ N. and 76° 27’ E. Jafarabad in 20° 11’ N. and 76° ‘ wad? in his description of the . 248 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, places that sometimes one, sometimes another of the suffixes caught the popular oom and acquired vogue to the exclusion of the original terminatio Thus, Abul Fazl tells u us that when Akbar founded the great city at Sikri near Agra, ‘“‘H.M. gave it the name of Fathabad and this by common use was made into Fathpir.” Akbar- nama, Trans., 11, 531. eb i b% ) sit wladle wl}. (Text, IL, 365.) Manuccialso speaks of the town as ‘ Fateabad.’ (Storia, T, 132.) The Venetian is not always accurate or reliable, and the statement may be due to some inadvertence or a lapse ) the memory, but it is sat impossible that he may have picked it up from some person much more correctly informed than himself about Akbar’s doings. Elsewhere, Abul ae informs us that the Emperor laid the foundations of a fortress on the site of an old city near Amber, and called it Manaharnagar (Akbarnama, Trans., ITI, 311, see also ib. , 362). The place is = miles N.N.E. of Jaipar and is now called Manoharpur. It is the Monoarpur of Tieffen- thaler who says it is 15. leagues aes of Jaipur, and adds that it was a well-known town and possessed a fort. (Description de VInde, 1, 323; see also Imp. Gaz., , 200).! There is ‘the exactly similar case of Jaipur itself. It is common knowledge that it was at one time called Jainagar, and that form of the name occurs in several Hindu as well as Muhammadan writers. [Harnam Singh, Sa‘adat-i-Jawid (c. 1810) in Elliot and Dowson, VIII, 344; Harsukh Rai, Maj- mau-l-Akhbar (c. 1800 A.C.), Ibid., 365, 367 ; Maasiru-l- Umara (1779 A.C.), II, 83; Allahyar Bilgramt, Hadiqatu- -l-Aqalim, (c. 1776 A.C.), tans Lithograph, P. 170, 1.43} “Its now known only as Jaipur and the -‘ nagar’ has, in this case also, been cast out in favour of -pir. It is also fairly well known that Ghaziabad in Mirat district was formerly called Ghaziu-d-din- nagar (Imp. Gaz., XII, 221), and that the original name of i gol was Aniipnagar. (E.D., VIII, 147, 170; Num. Sup., XIX, 410.) There is also the analogous case of Mankot and Mangarh (N.S.; XX XI, 362-366),? 1 The name of the town is er as Manoharpur by Badaoni. Bibl. Ind. Text, 252; Lowe’s Trans. II, 259. It is Manohargadh in the nag 8 v i ,4 e learn from the Maasir-i-‘Alamgiri that one of the wives of Kambakhsh was a sister of Jagat Singh, Zamindar of Manoharpar, Bib ext, 1 ere are other instances also afarabad, the chief town o Babriawad, ‘derives its name from Sultan Muz: of Gujarat, who built the fortifications; hence the town was c ffarabad, by contraction Zafarabad and Jafarabad as it is now invariably called.” Se bene Vol. VIII (Kathiawar), p. 452. quently mentioned by the early European travellers. Thomas sate calle it ‘ Madafeldebar.’ (Journal in Purchas, His Pilgrimes, 1920. ] Numismatic Supplement No. XXXIV. 249 This does not mean that we are permitted to “ regard -pir, “pg -garh, -pattan and -abod as always interchangeable. As om it. We should thereby only create inextricable con- ion and make it almost impossible to identify Indian place- Junagadh, 2nd January, 1918. S. H. Hoprvata. ag alae s Reprint, IV, 130.) It is also mentioned in the Voyages of James Lancaster, p. 239. Sir Thomas Roe speaks of it as ‘ Ma lda- ssy, : shining the. Ed. Foster, 94) and ‘‘ at one op favoured the idea of ing rand se she — “ wn from the Mogul with a view to geal ie ran = the English.” Foster, The Eng ve the name of a peo hunting-seat of the Mughal Em- perors near Agra is usually written Samigarh ( 3f ge) Badishahnama, II, 355, 361, 262; ‘Alamgirnama, 111,112; Madagir-- i-‘Alamgiri, 7, but the Emperor Jahangir always speaks of it as Saminagar ( , $3 game) Tizuk-i Jahingiri, Text, 98, 99, 121, 274, 326, 327; Rogers and Beveridge, Trans. I, 202, 203, 248; II, 95, ase 200. Khafi hin has Samiigadh (838 yom) Sper edn Text, I, 598; II, 22, 7, 700, 718 a mry informs us that Abal Fass Sikandarpir Shae Ces in wakes Howni 5 as Sikanda pee Memoirs of the Rac 8 i pie of the North-Western Previn io “of India, ed. Beames, Vo 1 ety 91. Elsewhere, the same authority tells us cn Aone Bahri i ghd as Salim ra. IJbid., II, 136 i. hmann assures t ag ken Sse. to the shorter form Salima ch na it is still own at the p = ’ otes on Places of i Hintoeical: fatevest in the 'S.B., 1870,p. 1 5 0 again, the Manikdeug of Abil Fazl (Ain, toni = et Jarrett, IT. — and the * Alamgirnama (Text, 1025) is no w show ikgarh in our maps and atlases. Imp, Gaz. Atlas, Pl. 39, B 3; Constable’ s Hand Atlas of India, Pl. 32, A b. eee Se = ee ee 13. A Progress Report on the Work done during the year 1918 in connection with the Bardic and . Historical Survey of Rajputana. By Dr. L. P. TEsstrort. [With Plates XIV-XV.] GENERAL REMARKS. ioned this extension in May, and then, to make up for the dis- sequent financial obligations themselves. Another ground for profound satisfaction was the Bikaner ' Buddhist bricks and terracottas, Jain sculptures, and Rajput n , Sir John Marshall, Director-General of Archeology in India, approached the Bikaner Darbar with a request that I might be placed at his disposal for the period of one month in 252 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, exploration so far carried out by me in Bikaner territory. Accordingly, I was given leave to proceed to Simla, and re- order to enable him to examine the results of the archxological t by me i General of Archeology for the purpose of giving me more facilities for the exploration of the Bikaner territory and the preparation of a descriptive list of the antiquarian remains found therein, was the creation of a post of draftsman-photo- Survey. The post, however, could not be filled during the year as the Government’s sanction of it was not known until late in December. . A difficulty under which I continued to labour throughout the year, was the old one: the want of a competent assistant. my request, the Jodhpur Darbar to lend us the services of Baratha Kisora Dana temporarily for two or three months, but when a reply at last came towards the end of September, this reply was a flat refusal. disa illness in September. Seeing that for one reason qualified man for the search of bardic manuscripts, but in the case of the Bikaner district where bardic manuscripts are almost as rare as waterfalls, this qualification is not one of much importance. The rotographical apparatus which, as mentioned in the last year’s report,! I had arranged to acquire for the photo- 1 Journ, As, Soc. of Be., vol. XV (N.S.), 1919, p. 6. 1920. | Bardic and Histl. Survey of Rajputana. 253 graphing of manuscripts could not, owing to war conditions, be received in time to allow of anv photographs being taken before the end of the year. EpitroriaL WorRK. The two works which principally engaged my attention during the year, were the edition of the Chanda rau Jeéta Si ro by Vithi Sujo, and the compilation of the History of Bikaner. The former work was completed and sent to Press in October. The edition of this poem was a task of special difficulty owing to the fact that it had to based on only two manuscripts, whereof one was good, but the other was of very little philo- logical value. But the poem was so important that no pains bestowed on it seemed to me too great, and I think I can say without undue self-confidence that the edition produced is as the numerous difficulties of the text, was the other homonym- the times of Sihd (twelfth century A.D.) to those of rau Jodho, the father of rau Viko (fifteenth century A.D.) as a sort of introduction to the history of Bikaner proper. The compi- lation of this introduction has been to me a source of special satisfaction not only because it’ afforded scope for the solution of many knotty points, but also because it enabled me to utilize 254 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, much material which I had collected when I was in Jodhpur in 1915 and was preparing myself to write a history of this State. Needless to say, the history of the Rathoras from the times of Sihd to those of rau Jodho—the father of rau Viko—- is as much history of Bikaner as it is of Jodhpur. PUBLISHING. Three publications were issued during the year, to wit: (1) The Vacanika Ratana Singhaji ri Mahesadasota v7, Part i: Dingala Text with Notes and Glossary; (2) fasciculus i of Descriptive Catalogue of Bardic and Historical Manuscripts, Section i: Prose Chronicles, Part ii: Bikaner State; and ( fasciculus i of ditto, Section ii: Bardic Poetry, Part i: Bikaner State ; and one new work was’sent to Press. to wit: the Chanda rau Jéta Si ro. mentioned above. The “ Progress Report ”’ for 1917, containing two lengthy appendices and meant for insertion in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, as usual, was submitted to the Society in April, but the Society having decided to apply to the Government of Bengal for a_ special grant towards the cost of its publication, the manuscript was withheld from the Press until late in September, and consequent- ly the Report could not be published during the year. EXPLORATION. The exploration of the Bikaner territory in search of anti- quarian remains, was continued according to plan, every new posed Museum, and as this necessitated a certain amount of excavation, t e ground covered in these tours was very small. e following is a list of the places of interest personally explored by myself during the year: (1) Uderamasara (Jan. 18th) ; (2) Kilact (Jan. 21st) ; (3) (Udasara (Jan. 30th) ; (4) Ga- janéra (Febr. 3rd), Kotari, Kolayata, Madha (Febr. 4th), Vitha- noka (Febr. 5th), Mandala (Febr. 6th), Jhajjha (Febr. 7th), Vasi-Varasinghasara (Febr. : (5) Stiratagadha (Febr. 16th), Sardargadha (Febr. 17th), Sahivana (Febr. 18th-2Ist), Kanagharavali Theri (Febr. 23rd), Manakasara, Ramapuravali Theri (Febr. 25th) ; (6) Rajagadha. (Dadarevd) (March 9th), sot Cangoi (March 10th), Vaya (March 11th), Bhadar& (March 12th), Patud, Ramagadhiya, Nagala, Serapurd, Ninana, Bharu- and, Gogand, Gogamert (March 13th), Karoti, Sothi, Nohara 1920. | Bardic and Histl. Survey of Rajputana. | 255 (March 14th), Virakali (March 15th), Ravatasara, Namgaja (March 16th), Manikatheri, Dotheri, BhavariyO Thera (March _ 17th); (7) Ranga Mahal (Dec. 5th-10th); (8) Dotheri (Dec. 1lth-15th, 19th-22nd); (9) Kali Vanga (Dec. 23rd—24th) ; (10) Pili Vanga (Dec. 29th), Kali Vanga (Dec. 29th-31st), Baha- loliyo (Dec. 31st). The results of the exploration were remunerative. A large number of therts, or ancient mounds, were located along the dry bed of the Ghagghar in the northern part of the State, and - trial pits were sunk into those of them which appeared to be of particular importance. These small excavations, combined with superficial search, yielded an amount of inner antiquities —such as coins, beads, figurines, pieces of pottery, ete—which, though not exceedingly rich, was deemed to possess such interest as amply to reward the labour and cost involved in the excavations. But as this is not the place for dealing with finds of a purely archeological character, I am obliged to content myself with this cursory allusion to this subject, and pass on to other finds which come within the sphere of the Bardic and important devali epitaphs and very few possess an interest of one kind or another. In point of age, the inscriptions found dates of these inscriptions range from the year Samvat 1186 (Ganero) to the year Samvat 1388 (Choti Ghantigala), but as regards their contents, very little is utilizable to-day, because owing to the poor quality of the stone and the secular action of the weather, the writing is so effaced that in many cases nothing more than the date and a few letters here and there ing from the Samvat-cen { 1800, were discovered in the Pallivala villages, west of Gaja- néra, chiefly at Kolayata and Jhajjhia, but being of no histori- 256 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, cal importance, they were neither copied nor taken into consi- deration. All the other inscriptions found, with a very few exceptions, are Rajput. he n information which these Rajput inscriptions supply in connection with the history and pre-history of Bikaner, is interesting. The Mohila inscriptions mentioned above, es- tablish beyond doubt the fact that the Mohilas’ settlement in the tract afterwards known as Mohilavati. was already accomplished in the beginning of the Samvat-century 1200, and seem to indicate that in those early days their principal seat was not Chapara, but Caralu, a place eleven miles away _ from the former. Devalis discovered at Caralii supply us with at least four new names of the Mohila chiefs, to wit: Visnu Datta > Devasara(?)>An illegible name> Ahara> Ambaraka, and at least three dates, to wit: Samvat 1200, being the year of the death of Devasara ; Samvat 1234, being apparently the year of the death of Devasara’s son whose name I have been n death of both Ahara and Ambaraka, who, as the inscription tells, were both killed “in the battle of Nagapura (Nagora).” Now Ahara is one of the names in Mihandta Néna Si’s pedigree of the Mohila ranas, and Ahara’s great grandfather Visnu Datta is possibly one and the same person with the Hara Datta or Hari Datta mentioned by Néna Si. That Néna Si does not mention Devasara, but gives two other names (Véra Si, Vala- hara) in his stead, need cause no difficulty, because the inaccu- racy of Néna Si’s pedigree of the Mohila ranas has already been established by the devalis found at Chapara. The oldest Mohila record, dated Samvat 118.., was found at Sarangasara, four miles westwards of Carali, and is inthe form of an epitaph, — almost entirely illegible, engraved on a govar- na. Inscriptions throwing additional light on the history of the Sakhalas of Jagali, were discovered at Anakhisara (21 miles E.S.E. of Jagali), and at Vasi-Varasiighasara (9 miles N. of Jagala). In the former place four devalis were found all dated Anakha Siha and his two wives, Rohini and Pim§, and the re- maining one referring to a Rana Mala, probably a relative of Asala who must have died, or rather have been killed, on the same occasion as the latter. Though the inscriptions do not spe the tribe to which Asala and his father Anakha, Si(ha) on S - 2h more interesting. It is not an epitaph, but a kirtistambha- inscription of some length (35 lines), composed for the largest part in Sanskrit verses, and recording that Dilaha Devi, 1920. | Bardic and Histl. Survey of Rajputana. 257 daughter of Kumara Simha of the Sankhukula, ruler of the country of Jangalakiipa, and wife of Karna Deva, ruler of Jesalamera, caused a certain tank to be excavated in the year Samvat 1381. The importance of the record lies in the men- tion of Kumara Simha who is, of course, nobody else but rano Kavara Si of Ja&gali, and in the date given in connection with his daughter. As the inscription mentions also Kumara Sim- ha’s father Ksema Simha—the Khiva Si of the chronicles, perhaps even more interesting is the discovery made at Dada- revo of an inscription which proves that in the later half of the Samvat-century 1200 this place was the seat of a Cahavana chief who bore the title of rand, and thus indirectly confirms the truth of the Bikaneri tradition concerning Goga De pir. Ac- cording to this tradition, Goga De was born at Dadarevo of a Cahavana chief who was ruling over the place, and one manus- cript examined by me in Jodhpur goes further and says that this chief, father of Goga De, was called Jevara (sic) and bore which incidentally records the digging of a well, contains the name of a rana Jayata Siha, the son of mandalesvara Go Pala, and gives for him the date Samvat 1270. It is therefore oa i 2 ien Dadar days, and in the light of the truth of this particular it is rea- sonable to conclude that the Bikaneri tradition concerning the De’s ancestors. Inscriptions referring to Rathora chiefs of note were this year less numerous than last year. The oldest record of this kind discovered is a kartistambha which Kasamira De, one of the wives of rau Jéta Si, erected in the village of Kisamidesara, founded by her, to record the digging of a well in Samvat 1590. Next to this, in point of time, comes the devalt of Samsara Canda, a son of rau Vido, which was discovered at Pariyaro, and is dated Samvat 1596. A devali which probably com- memorates the demise of Hara Raja, the son of rau Viko’s ware Hac faq CO cial Bare ST ae ATI TITVTAT BT, Deser. l at Cat. of Bard, and Histl. MSS., sect. i, pt. i, No. 6, p. 19. 258 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, uncle Lakho Rinamalota, in Samvat 1603, was discovered at Lakhasara, the village which according to the tradition, Hara Raja founded and named so after his father. Near it was Singha, the father of maharaja Gaja Singha. Lastly, at Samvat 1724 nly four or five manuscripts, and even then of compa- ratively little value, were found in the villages explored during the year. No manuscripts were copied, and no manuscripts were received, but five fragmentary manuscripts which had been received during the previous year, were examined and included in the collection. These, together with five manus- cripts purchased, are incorporated in the list given below. Manuscripts REcEIvED.! R.22:; gut afextsita xt TET 282 (incomplete), ua aac aRS LI SET Sy msm RaaeTa U1 Heat, ta wacfayRsit ct Set yoo Ts areetA zt ateat aT at STaTSa UI SET uy Tae Ata er feat, ST EET Geary, frat & qaat 3 fara, | TTT eat a afan srfaar aca? ot afea, RUG Hartfag cr alan, attet ct ufwat a afre, aafag SavtSta a afae, ' For previous lists see ‘‘ Progress Reports” for 1915, 1916 and 1917. No. R. 5 ia the list of the manuscripts received in 1915 is to be consi- dered as cancelled, as the donor, Sindhayaca Udé Raja, shortly after presenting the manuscript, borrowed it under some pretext and never returned it afterwards, 1920. ] Bardic and Histl. Survey of Rajputana. 259 cane} sacra tt HfaT, Sie afar Weae, Wars Ff ata. Size 11” x 81”. No. of leaves 188, numbered 106-152, 154- 185, 202, 214-248, au 263, 265-328, 882- 564, plus two leav es without number ose. Fragment Written in Roto 1713, mostly iy “Vyasa Jasa at Jodh- pur. Presented by Baratha Kisora Dana of Jodhpur in April 17. R. 23: cat aaaafaget A Aaa . Size 10’x 7”. No. of leaves 23. Uncovered and frag- About 50-70 vears old. Presented by Baratha Kisora Dana of Jodhpur in April 17 R. 24: Went afaa. Size 114” x 83”. No. of leaves 51. Uncovered and frag- mentary. About 80-100 years old. Presented by Baratha Kisora Dana of Jodhpur in April i7 R. 25: Went Wa. Size es 8”. . No. of ahi 42, all loose, unnumbered and act ae About 50- 7) years old. Daeeente by Baratha Kisora Dana of Jodhpur in April iT: * R26: wractat waatfgat avaaera Tt afeat (frag- mentary), aqnatera Fe SEs + A atest (fragmentary), => aiteatet qaaeta } ala (fragmentary), TXT. Size 6” x 10”. No. of leaves 226, of which most detached and out of order. Uncovered. Fragmentary. Written in Sanivat 1788 and afterwards. Presented by Baratha Kisora Dana of Jodhpur in April 1917. Manuscripts PURCHASED. P.37: cats Atreaataget ct afam 29 Fes THAT at ateat, 260 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, SATS Ufesait ut alae Vs, STRUTT UT FeT, aceMat UT TET, faumecom FETs, Aefaite a Set oy srfaa ataitera at afeart. Size 11”x 73”. No. of leaves 186. Leather-bound. Written during and before Samvat 1904 (see p. 182a). Purchased in July 1918. P38: Stast axcsae srcfagta Zax xt wat at RUT, tats te AMAA Aes a wat A afaT zalad aes WAM at afeat, Sue arat Ue wTaTAeTEsT Ft RUHR TTS gain ut afeat, Ue wTATATaST UI Ta Afan ses WAM TT ater, Rene Afaar, aaaetatt attest arate. 83” x 64”. No. of ae 133, of which one (leaf 118) dice torn off and lost. Cloth-bo Written between Se May 1756 and 1772 at Bilaro. Purchased in July 19 P. 39: Seti ee eee HERE IES GAM Tt Het, Cats cr Afeava Fay xt wait A afaat wet arate ct we ata Boer ct tem ars ar wee THAT Mg Her eT fe, Uys sacfaget a ee mem aritera u afeT, 1920. | Bardic and Hisil. Survey of Rajputana. 261 urs sacfagat ct Heat aret feat Tt AEA, Hene wa alae. Size 64” x 74”—8". No. of leaves 288 (numbered 89-377, minus leaves 234-5 which are missing). Cloth-boun n between Samvat 1768 and 1774, probably at Rilaro like the Pat manuscript. ‘Purchased in July 1918. p. 40: Stat ut age Sefageh A Tart set TET gat a atest, CAT TaaAIRAT TI THT HST AISA TI ACSA, crafag GT arad TT HAA HTST faaat ct ASAT, aTHaSR, Aetamt «dtafaget tt HAT AES AVIA at WET LaATTSTA HAT ASSIA BA, Ae weufaget ot afaa Set AIGA UT ateat, 7 waraa ata afea, Hene ata ata. Size 113” x 94". No. of leaves 166 Cloth- bound. Written about Samvat 1901 (see p. 121*). Purchased in July 1918. Pal. feacafag ueafagia ate Factfegta at eua aes aa ot atest, Ta Wenz . Size 62” x 8}”. No. of leaves 46. Loose. Written i in Samvat 1925. Purchased in July 1918. 262 Journal of the Asiatic Soctety of Bengal. {[N.S., XVI, APPENDIX. THE BIKANER prasasti OF RAJA Riya SINGHA (Samvat 1650). In an appendix to the last Report of the Survey! I had incidentally mentioned, as a sign of the interest for historical matters which the Rajput Princes were evincing at the time of Akbar, the long prasasti-inscription caused toi be engraved by Raya Singha, the contemporary Raja of Bikaner, in the new fort which he built in his capital. This inscription is still in situ on a jamb of the Straja Pola, the oldest and most beautiful of the three successive gatés leading into the interior of the Bikaner fort, and is an object of admiration to many visitors who suddenly catch a climpse of it as they pass under the gate. It is, in fact. even externally a noteworthy inscription, both for its unusual length and for the neatness and beauty of its characters, which are designed calligraphi- cally and even to this day stand out very boldly thanks to the great depth to which they are incised The inscription num- bers 92 lines and covers a space of about 6’ 9” x 2’ 3” But it is also something more. It is, if I interpret it correct- ly, an attempt to document a claim, an extravagant claim which he Rathoras of Rajputana had begun to put forward in that tour of time, that they are the offspring of raja Jé Canda of Kanauj ane, More remotely, of Rama Candra himself. The reasons which led the Rathoras to put forth this claim are easy enough to understand, and that they should have put it forward at this 1 Journ. As. Soc. of Be., vol. xv (N.S.), 1919, p. 31. 1920. | Bardic and Histl. Survey of Rajputana. 263 particular time, is a fact which is easily accounted for by the stimulus which the Rathoras in particular and the Rajputs in general received from the Court of Akbar. That Akbar was himself a believer in genealatry—-and in what was he not a believer !—is conspicuously demonstrated by Abul Fazl him- self, who, in the first chapters of his “ Nama,” has wasted much ink to trace the descent of this monarch to that common father du literature, but in the period of Akbar we are faced with a form of genealatry which is, as it were, contagious and affects both Hindus and Muhammadans alike. It i is, undoubtedly, the manifestation of a tendency of the period, and the contact of the Muhammadan and Hindu civilizations which the Mughal Emper- or brought about so genially, must have greatly favoured its spread. Thus while on one side the Emperor boasted before the Rajput Princes his descent from Babar and Chingiz Khan and proclaimed, or caused to be proclaimed, the tale of his miraculous conception by a Celestial Light or the Sun in the chaste womb of Alanguwa centuries before, the Rajput Princes on the other side asserted that they too were the offsprings of the Sun or of the Moon, and armed themselves with genea- logies linking the names of their ancestros with those of the most illustrious figures in Indian history and mythology, such Be da ama Candra, Krsna, and so forth. thought of poe ng to this eyoity pe solemn BETES of a iapcaney document and set it up on the jam eompleted gate as a conspicuous ead for oT the present and future generations. The inscription is in Sanskrit and consists of five parts, well distinct from one another, to wit: (1) a mangalacarana (Il. 1-3), (2) a preamble (Il. 3-14), (3) a genealogy of the Ratho- ras from Adi Narayana to raja Raya Singha (Il. 14-67), (4) a panegyric of Raya Singha (ll. 67-81), and lastly (5) a record of the dates — with the salient ei in the construction n written in one piece, nor perhaps by one and the same author, 264 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, but was made up of different parts fetched from different directions. One of the components is the genealogy of the Rathoras with its bombastic preamble; the 2. Brahma>3. Marici>4. KaSyapa > 5. Sirya > 6. Manu > Sraddhadeva or Vaivasata > 7. Iksvaku > 8: Vikuksi>9. Purafijaya>1l0. Anena > 11. Vis vagandhi> 12. Indra>13. Yuvanaiva>14. Savasti>15. Brhada&va> 16. Kuvalayasvaka Dhudhamara>17. DrdhaSva >18. Harya- Sva > 19. Krga8va > 20. Senajit > 21. Yuvanasva > 22. Mandhata > 23. Purukutsa > 24. TrasadaSva>25. Anaranya>26. Harya- Xva > 27. Pravana > 28. Tribandhana> 29. Satyavata TriSanku > 30. HariScandra > 31. Rohita> 32. Harita>33. Campa > 34. Sudeva>35. Vijaya>36. Bharuka.>37. Vrka>38. Bahuka > 39. Sagara>40. Asamafijas>41. Amsuman> 42. Dilipa> 43. Bhagiratha>44. Sruta>45. Nabha>46. Sindhudvipa > 47. Ayutayu>48. Rtuparnaka > 49. Sarvakama> 50. Sudama > 51 Asmaka > 52. Milaka> 53. DaSaratha > 54. Ailavila > 55. Vi8va- saha>56. Khatvanga> 57. Dirghabahu> 58. Raghu> 59. Aja>60. DaSaratha>61. Ramacandra>62. KuSa>63. Atithi > 64. Nisadha>65. Nala>66. Pundarika>67. Ksetradhanva > 68. Devanika > 69 Ahina>70. Pariyatra>71 Balasthala > 72. Arka >73. Vajranatha > 74. Sagana > 75. Vidhrti> 76. Hiranya- natha > 77. Puspa>78. Dhruvasandhi>79. Bhava > 80. Sudar- Sana > 81. Aguivarna > 82. Sighra>83. Maru>84. Prasruyuta (sic) > 85. Sangha” > 86. Amarsana>87. Sahasvan> 88. Visva- sakta > 89. Prasenajit > 90. Taksaka > 91. Brhadbala > 92. Brhad- rana>93. Gurukriya>94. Vatsavrddha > 95. Pritivyoma > 96. Bhanu > 97. Visvaka > 98. Vahinipati > 99. Sahadeva > 100. Vira >101. Brhada’va > 102. Bhanuman > 103. Pratikasa > 104. Su- pratika > 105. Marudeva > 106. Sunaksatra > 107. Puskara > 108. Antariksaka> 109. Sutapa > 110. Amitrajit>111. Brhadbhanu >112. Barhi>113. Krtafijaya>114. Ranafijaya>115. Safi- jaya>116. Srava>117. Suddhoda > 118. Langula > 119. Prase- najit>120. Ksudraka>12]. Runaka>122. Suratha>123. Sumitra>124. Padartha> 125. Jianapati> 126. Tunganatha > 127. Bharata>12s. Pui fijaraja>129. Vambha> 130. Ajeya- Br >131. Abhadayasva>132. Vijayacandra> 133. Jaya- , | For instance eg poetical vameavali in MS. No. 15-(c) of Deser. Cat, ba Bard. and Histl. MSS., i, i, contains about 280 pedigrees. 2 Sic, a mistake for Sandhi. 1920.] Bardic and Histl. Survey of Rajputana. 267 candra. Then follow the names of the Rathdoras of Marwar from Varadayi Sena, who is represented as a son of King Jayacandra, to Vikrama, v.e. rau Viko, the founder of Bikaner. These names are: 134. Varadayisena > 135. Sitarama > 136. Siha>137. Asathima<138. Dhihara>139. Rayapala> 140. Kanha> 141. Jalhana> 142. Chada>143. Tida>144. Salakha >145. Virama> 146. Camundaraya > 147. ‘Ranamalla > 148. Yodharaya>and 149. Vikrama. With Vikrama begins the Bikaner line of the Rathoras, to which belong bes teeta names: 150. Linakarna> 161. Jaitrasimha >and 1 alya- namalla, the last-mentioned one being the father of Ravackens (Raya Singha), the protagonist of the inscription From this point (1. 60) the inscription possesses the value of a contemporary document and for the authentic information which it supplies on the life and military career of this great ruler of Bikaner, Raya Singha, deserves to be translated in full as far as 1. 82, where another subject begins with a record of the dates. THE PANEGYRIC OF RAYA Sima. 1. 60....‘‘[andj his son! [was Raya Simha], the raja [who now] shines [on the gaddi] as a protector of the faith of religion. [Raya Simha] who with his splendid feats has ag dele 1. 61. the earth surrounded by the oceans, [Raya Simha] whom out of great fear the womenfolk of his LAist enemies praise day and night. With the thoughts of his mind ever turned to the Vedas and the Smrtis, like a Kalpa-tree on the face of the earth, like a fronted gem among all the rajas, this king Raya Simha is victorious. [He] who by the strength of his arm® defeated the l. 63. great Gaurjara —, 8. and who through piety released the lord of Arbuda * and captured the difficult moun- tain of Avbedire an overthrew the city that [is called] 1 4,.e, rfu Kalyana Mala’s 2 Or, peter, to the paiané in the guttkd ‘‘ before [the eyes of] Akabbara Sahi” (tazasacerscy fafsrar fe). An allusion to the en t between the forces of Akbar — those 7 hep gee mad Husa lag atl near Ahmadabad (1578 4 AiD,), 4 which S Singha participated (Muntakhab, Lowe, ii, pp. 9-172) ad duhisrulshiea himself for his bravery (Akbarnama, Beveridge, ii, pp. 81-2). ee note to Li. ath elow x au Surat&na, whom Raya Singha made a prisoner at Abi and brought to Coane ‘in 1576 A.D. (Akbarnama, iii, pp. 278-9). The phrase WagIta fay: seems to confirm the Bikdneri tradition according to which Raya Singha, after capturing Suraténa, interfered on his behalf before the Emperor or was otherwise instrumental in having him released. 268 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, 1]. 64. by the. name of Sivayana,! and with force bound the Baloca [He] it marching in haste from Jodhpur and reaching 1. 65. the village of Yayila,* with the force of his arm smote the sons of Ulika,* [and then] by order of the Emperor ® defeated the lord of the Kabilas,® wach mortal knows the far shore of the ocean of his dee 1. 66. [He] who bestowed on the most Peer brahmins tulapurusa” and other see gifts, be that king [Raya] Simha [ever] victoriou 1. 67. Here ends the tell of the ancestors a Raya Simha. Part ii [He] who first shook the mount Arbuda [and then] after 1. 68. vanquishing in battle with great bravery Vijo and the others, induced the rulers thereof to Soe his . 1 ¢.e, Sivano, the stronghold of Candra Sena, the son of rau ten De of Jodhpur. According to Abul Fazl, Raya Sin gha commanded against Candra Sena in 157 *D. in co ence with Sh ah Quli Khan Ma ~ am (Akbarnama, iii, p. 113), but was unable to take ‘Sivand, wherefore Akbar im in ; ahb took the fort in the same year (Op. oh pp. 237-8). Some Rajasthani Chronicles, however, associate the na e of Ra “49 Singha with that of Shahbaz Khan in the capture of Sivand, and t ereby rahi den the suggestion that Raya Singha was present at the ties of the plac 2 Abul ae age : : is Plas the same as Al Badaoni’s Khatoult (Muntakhab, ii, p. 153) and may be identified with Katoti, a ion ceiteie euated only 7 miles ahettedets of J hese e sons of Ulika, z.e. Ulugh Mirza, were Sikandar Mirza (alias Ulugh —— aed Mahmiid Sultan oe (a alias Shah Mirza, vide Bloch- ann, kbari, i, pp. 461-2), but the phrases ‘‘ sons o tika”’ is here jnssoackiale © sed to gery hie Ibrahim Husain Mirza, who was not a son, but a brother of 5 Thus according to the Be ae uifasifefatia, preserved in the gutikd. The reading 4 @# ‘* crest-gem of [all the] kings”’ _ with in ese serie is undoubtedly a later alteration introduced ot without in 6 Mirza Mahaminaid Hakim. See notes to ll. set 5 below. the Sirohi territory to the Em revere of Sirohi was subsequently given in ae rf Sisodiyd. Jaga Mala, when Suratana poe 1920. ] Bardic and Histl. Survey of Rajputana. 269 and who in battle slew the son of Ulika, the devastator of the Gurjara country, after binding [him] and bringing [him away] from his large forces, even into the presence of the Emperor :!' [he] who speedily annihilated in battle the forces of] Virahima, the brother of the above-men- tioned [Ulika], the incontrollable [rebel who] shaking ~ earch [had] come [as far as] Ahipura,? blocking the oad § sg or) ices) be 203 " [he] prs after vanquishing the powerful sovereigns of the river Sindhu, [the one] one Chatta, [the one called] 1, 71. Gaji and the res st, + made his own fame resound as far as the moon through their very] mouths. Part iii: the sovereign called Ibhraima,’ having been de- prived® with force of his position by [the sovereign] es killed vin ata pai attr with a auxiliary rau Raya Singha Candra- ce (Samvat 1640 = A.D. 1583. Cir. Akbarnama, iii, p. e a I have rears pier to the original reading araifaare: yx: preserved in the .twin inscription, and have disregarded the later alteration FICTaras: Wat in the text of the prasasti. ‘The phrase SaRITS, which apparently refers to Muhammad Husain Mirza is again used 1 inaccurately, as in 1. 65, for he was not a son, but a brother of Ulogh gh. penne inaccuracy is the ae =rsit a ‘, = The gutikireads WH9?, SoHo, 4 ome, © aware, 1920.) Bardic and Hisil. Survey of Rajputana. 275 swaq| fexmaae Ta Tat [s}Faq | wae fareatat aT 41. a qa us wa | aewawe waeafaaeacra [1] waaay HAATAl Bat [s|Haq | Fe ‘WPAS- EY Ta aT 42. waram: [|] waaay aaa: awartafa fase: | farascR wy qaea we yeafaq’ | TAA 43. wate Waa eee | Teen aaat Tena’ zfs 3 aa: | qatar wat taeaerat | 5H 44, aq) Ufaatawat araeat arqyataa | faaat [sla aat wa cat [spratfestafe: | aezaRAT AawTAT att a- 45. araa [i] ate sweat [SPAR AATS Ba | TATATAT aigua: audtat [s]o aaa | TaTARTATSE 46. qaqawat [spraq | wae sramaacateaa® | safeaaat aa gaat ata aaa: [|] wists 47. gat TERM TAT | ae ate[:] Gal Atal AY WS? Ha- aa: | aasrerg saat case? efa et | TTS aaat 48. [shana srrdinat [sJnaq | Batewry oaat sty: we | vaafare at DAA aca: | RUTH 49. qaat qorwy WaT | BAsTAIWa AeASeaTs- a) wg mam ofa’ aaRS ASTUTE | Wee 50. sfa freqrat waursaaene: | vere TAT ATAT TTS sraufa: vat | TST TATA ALAA WAH | T 51. w areranad maa? Squad: | Wea Hea Us- 1 eae, 2 Sic. The gutiko reads afwea, which is evidently the correct reading, 3 9%, * oS@:, ° «qq, et, uy i, : oF” : « fa, a0 ara, 276 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, 52. Tisai HeTTReTAT | cafesrrdat [sla srdaeat [spraq | aceritaaarat vast saa 53. fama: | cease: Sacral caAfaueram: | Hacraew aa- at saaafaatafer: | cs? ate efa ea: wer 54. Ferrata: | cereuererarat west sufawma: | aeasit waa: fafanrasae: | a ae’ Tat 55. Aeeaery wears: | [alate wat xadtsta’e- Tt | Aaa aufawmy ws: yeaa: | Braradt- 56. THe waysyaraara | WEStIAUST LAA TTT | WaARTA AS ApIAa: yaTgaTa | a 57. MURAATH waive wera fat | amas swazew- alfa Statafianaraaa: [|] frat feat ta a 58. t' quted frafad fraqegeraa | =ifanarer sre Us Btqaaat [slfraat fe war | aera 59. at aufamate: state} (slfeaamfiie: | acre RATS: Reta [s|faags- 60. qwer | erafieeqay [she cer frase wT wet | way Fa fafafaar qufeaeatte- 61. @afeat Teaterfaryaaefarare: Atha [s}e fest | st- ae aa eae: HURT 62. wae at [sla cafactatefesat srataet ZT (frsrgsata awat fafa fat Fa)! aL 63. hy Gat | Sargerfearay wdertar freien: | wat fre eh atrern meat 4 Ut | ATaT fa 1 The guiika has the substitute oneuwediwaty * The gutikd reads 14, ° are Ae, ‘aera, ° aera, * ¥i ” Gutike: FO, 8 eT, a ie | For the words in brackets the autikd substitutes : Pacqece sy fafsrar fe. sigs, 1920.1 Bardic and Histl. Survey of Rajputana. 277 64. arad awe zeta! werget! | Hat atergerera(?) frst qreaaa a | aifseaa aie” 65. at Saadeat p (AST R Atfacaa)’ atfraripaat fara | aa (ay afeatat ure at 3 66. fa aaa | qameaqenta aereratia Fa a) seats featare a sitarfarerate: |) 67, xfa stherafeepd quae 19 1 ar aegutratrat [Ss] ofarfedy areata: uetatiea eater” 68, df ast fanfare af) Tartt frre Astonia’ Garas TE ATT 69, wagutafsren(q erates Bat)! WRU IAAT (fe ga- fa) "arfen efa ort fag” wet wet aT 10. manta: @ a aca aug fratfars: | frat fagefeerct- FAT ATSMSM ANGST atta at Tl. facctaase'ferncentet FTES! Ry RATATAT farm: a a TaTshterafere trae fa Staa: rae TAT 7. Raster watat AZT WR RT wala faite @aeT TTT 72. «i uftea yenaeamentarae | atat ar wa aa etre i een 1 qe, ® Gupikd WHAAA, 8 For the passage in brackets the qutiko substitutes : uifrarfefagaa * The guisko it in this place inserts the Sloke : yHlaglaaas TAT MAT saat yfa i Picacia sae: saivcaghed: eel bee, : oATRR?. The gutike substitutes faa irate, qe (sic), 7 om, 3 gufta, 9 oe, 10 eats, \! For the part in brackets the twin inscription substitutes : HR aT- frare[:] Jt, which is the original and correct reading. 13 Read sFegc fae, with the twin inscription, 13 faye, 1k etat’, 16 rela, 16 o®&, \7 qywwae, is For €yqail, but the metre will not allow such a correction, 79. 80. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, f aaa | dafsat wana! 3 ae wen qaqa um: | | WEA ae ER Gg atfsaent wae fears) ahtorafasa atu vat aaa HRT wade: |) 3 aes RaatetAia get aateauraaar fate | se awewityar: afafaa a atarfetat [i] ww waagetatats a ang faa wa zat vay A araraa stare | aTae- 4 faad wait = cueitae aaa afretcate fae ay- mutatis yea: fata aa: | | a alaandgs: TAAT alaqaeafas aa arf aula] aavafant wari a at met | ta- arate angatafa cat api a aq Al cay ayAATT marae: steratesy [slaat 1.2 1 a a da qe stent fame feereroare waq sey aa WR Wo VANATA ASTAS- °F, ' fre, ’ ® Gutiko? etlatae, + ott, urd, : 6 fare, 7 We, 8 ose, ° Uli, 10 "Twin inscription : Ith, || eyo, 4 1920.] : Bardic and Histl. Survey of Rajputana. 279 87. arfafa area ara aaa azaet fat aeafaatt aq UA BTaTAA TH ew 88. aH GAT: Ha) TAT SWAT co ARATE BEAT! aaa fergeafent 22 | wy 89. sufx care ata: aa war daq’ odey ae aTearate QR sewat ath Tara 90. 3 whan at ong faarar: aa) wa aq Udo qa ATIATa Aaa 91. wai qa tadtaaad anazae at aerate TETAS & "crafes- 92. a emyatet ayataricar at a afacemrtaat wag | L. P. TEssrrori. Bikaner, 16th March, 1919. l @ere, % comm, % Swq, * Gutikd fae, © att, “74 b] 8 Qutike: PIWET , 7 Gutiko : Be o Journ. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. XVI, 1920. Plate XIV fois Tiere sae SAyae$ : qa age : Baas Genta Guena | pcs aca 28 Pepe eo ae sae ccrte ro mae : 3 alin aa (aalds aeet Hate Tol ~ Sa ies ae mee rn ase E ee eerecat eee sarah ree sani ais reir aoe in 2 oe Hie ess Rees Ear ctatg (hs ® CORSE | as ret RS SH GMASIN TAA ao eve wae oe tn pak oe ast i oes dq IGE | oy Gangacncrece - oe ee ana 4 The Bikaner prasasti of RAj4 Raya Singha (Samvat 1950). Journ. As. Soc. Beng. Vo. XVI 1920. Plate XV. als | FTA aAgaae I slice aS 1.45 , : : 95:4 Rava Singha (Samvat 1650). The Bikaner grasasti of Raja Raya singha \ Proceedings of the Ordinary General Meetings, 1920. JANUARY, 1920. The Monthly General Meeting of the ey was held on Wednesday, the 7th January 1920, at 9-1 MAHAMAHOPADHYAYA paper Suastrt, C.1.E., M.A., A.S.B., President, in the chai The following members were as — Dr. N. Annandale, Dr. W. A. K. Christie, Mr. Johan Manen, Dr. H. W. B. Moreno, Major R. B. Seymour Sewell, I.M.S., Pandit Amulva Charan oheek Vidyabhusana. The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Twenty-one presentations of books, etc., were announced. The General Secretary reported the death of Dr. L. r, Tessitori The followi ing erasces were balloted for and elected as ee mem ment of epbnns and Private ‘combat Aer to the Dewan, Trivandram, neore, proposed by —— Haraprasad ae seconded by Dr. W. A. K. Chr The ee gentlemen were proposed, on ha of the Council, as Honorary Fellows :— Sir Charles Eliot, K.C.M.G., C.B., M.A., LL.D., D.C.L. » Prof. T. W. Rhys Davids, LL.D., Ph.D., DSe.; : Prof. Sylvain Levi; Sir Mare Aurel Stein, K.C.LE., Ph.D., D.Litt., ae ; 365 . RBS. David Prain, Kt., C.M.G., C.1.E., M.A. F.LS. ¥ RS., FZ 64 M_B.1.A., T.M.S.; I Kt., MP., M.A., D.Se., LL.D., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.B.A.S.; Sir James Frazer, Kt., DCA.L Lb: oe D. Litt. ; Prof. J. Takakusu. Sir Charles Norton Edgecumbe Eliot. Sir Charles Norton Edgecumbe Eliot, K.C.M.G., C.B., M.A., LL.D., D.C.L., is a distinguished student of zoology, ii Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. [Jan., 1920. philology and international politics. In zoology he is recog- zed as one of the chief living authorities on the Nudibranch molluses, while in philology he has published a grammar o the Finnish language and given evidence of an extraordinarily wide acquaintance with languages of the Far East in various books of studies. In the course of his career he has held the posts of British High Commissioner of Samoa, His Majesty's f the Uni Sheffield and the first Principal of the Bee of Hongkong. He is now British Ambassador in Japan Thomas William Rhys Davids. Thomas William Rhys Davids, son of Rev. T, W. Rhys life-work to investigate and popularise. During his stay in the East he lost no opportunity of gathering as mach first- hand information on these subjects as he possibly could. His thoughtful and diligent researches were from time to time published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Bosiekx and other important papers and helped to create a taste for the study of Buddhism and the Pali language. He returned to London and became a Barrister of the Middle Temple in 1877. In 1882 he founded the Pali Text Society and in 1895 Religion at Manchester. In 1894 he married Caroline Augusta, a highly gifted, intellectual lady with tastes similar to his own. She is the author of “ Buddhist Psy ee eee “Psalms of the Early Buddhists,” “ Buddhis She also collaborated with her husband in the ouput of some of his most valuable works. The Sens is a list of ‘his most important and best known works: “ Buddhism,” containing a sketch of the life of Gautama Buddha, published in 1878 for the London Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge ** Buddhist Birth Stories, Vol. I ”” (1880), a collection of 40 Jatakas or Birth-Stories consisting of fairy tales, parables, fables, riddles and comic and moral stories, some bearing a striking resemblance to similar ones current in the west. “ Buddhist Suttas from the Pali’ (1881). Jan., 1920.| Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. iii ‘* Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon ”’ (1877). ** Hibbert Lectures’’ (1881). Six in number, of which the first and most important considers the proper place of Bud- dhism in the development of religious thought, and the third gives a sound and erudite exposition of the seve a of Karma. **Sacred Books of the East,’ Buddhist Suttas Dhalosus: of the Buddha ” (1899 and 1910). ‘** Buddhist India” (1902). ‘* Karly Buddhism ”’ (1908), e Few writers have He ees so much to the knowledge of Buddhism as he. The writer of this monograph had honour of ioming in personal touch with him when he ca to India in 1904 to pursue his investigations and researches a ns Kapilavastu. Prof. Sylvain Levi. Prof. Sylvain Levi, a iy oe Tapes air scholar, was an inhabitant of Alsace. His family c o Paris after the occu- pation cf that country by the atieiae The Professor early distinguished himself by his exhaustive work entitled of the Vedic sacrifices in Cees In 1897 he came to India Buddhist and Hindu manuscripts, and wrote his history of he manuscripts collected, he has edited and tran- stated. the Mahayana Sitralankara, a work on the Yogacara system of Philosophy of the Buddhist by is ioe the — of Vasubyandu, in the 5th Century A. e is now engage in deciphering the vast mass of manuscripts and other mater ials unearthed in the deserts of Ya an and Gobi Central Asia. His Chinese studies have resulted in throwing light on many obscure points of the history of India and her literature. Sir Mare Aurel Stein. INDIA. 1892. Rajatarangini, ed. of Sanskrit text. 1900. Rajatarangini, annotated transl., 2 Vols. 1905. Archeological Survey Progress Report. CENTRAL ASIA. First Expedition. 1903. Sand-buried ae ms = 1 Vol. 1907. Ancient Khotan, 1908. Mountain eT nee Geogr. Soc.). iv Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. [Jan., 1920. Second Expedition. 1912. Ruins of Desert Cathay, 2 Vols. In preparation, Serindia, the scientific account of the second expedition. Third Expedition. 1917. A third Journey of Exploration, etc., in Ind. Ant., Vol. xlvi (1917), June—November inclusive (reprinted from Journ. Roy. Geogr. Soc.). A. Foucher. h and 1905), and the Indo-Afghan Frontier (1900). His notes on the Ancient Geography of Gandhara puplished in 1901 have been translated into English by Mr. Hargreaves. A series a by Mr. L. A. Thomas and Mr. F. W. Thomas and were published in a handsome illustrated volume in 1917. Arthur Keith. Fellow of the Royal Society, Conservator of the Museum and Hunterian Professor, Royal College of Surgeons of England. Secretary, Anatomical Society of Great Britain, 1899-1902. President, Royal Anthropological Institute, 1912-14. Member de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris, 1913. Publications—various articles in Scientific Journals. ‘ Introduction to the Study of the Anthropoid Apes, 1896. Human Embryology and Morphology, 1901. Assistant Editor, Treves’ Surgical and Applied Anatomy. Ancient Types of Man, iz The Human Body, 1912. Antiquity of Man, 1914. Richard Dixon Oldham. Richard Dixon Oldham, F.R.S., son of the late Dr. T. Old- ham, first Director, joined the Geological Survey of India in the year 1879 and retired in 1903. During his offi- cial career he published many papers dealing with geology and covering a wide field of subjects. Students of Indian geology owe him a debt of gratitude for a “ Bibliography of Jan., 1920.] Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. v Indian Geology’’ and the second edition of the ‘‘ Manual of the Geology of India.” The study of seismological questions seems to have attracted him at an early date and his publica- and the Gangetic trough. Mr. Oldham was a member of the Asiatic Society while he was in India, and served on the Council from 1897-99 and as Vice-President in 1902 and 1903. Sir David Prain. Sir David Prain was Curator of the Herbarium of the Royal. Botanic Gardens, Sibpur, from 1887 to 1898 and Superintendent of the Gardens from 1898 to 1905. From 1905 he has been Director of the Royal Botanic Gardens of ew. He has published monographs and papers on :— Sir Joseph Larmor. Sir Joseph Larmor was born in 1857, and graduated as Senior Wrangler and first Smith’s Prizeman in 1880, Sir J oseph John Thomson being second Wrangler and second Smith's Queen’s University, Ireland. He next became Lecturer in Mathematics at Cambridge from 1885 to 1903, when, upon the death of Sir George Stokes, he was appointed Lucasian Pro- fessor of Mathematics. -He has published numerous original 1899. In recognition of the high merit of his contributions to Mathematics and Mathematical Physics, the Cambridge vi Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. [Jan., 1920. Sir James George Frazer. Sir James George Frazer was born in 1854; he stands in the front rank of Anthropologists of the present generation. He began life as a Barrister, but since 1907 he has been Professor of Social Anthropology at Liverpool. His great work, known as the ‘Golden Bough,” was first published in 1890. A second edition, greatly enlarged, was brought out in 1900. has published a monumental work on Pausanias in 6 Vols., which includes a translation and a commentary. The variety of his literary Interests is indicated by his well-known volumes of annotated selections from Sallust, Pausanius, the Bible, the letters of Cowper and the essays of Addison. He is a Fellow of the British Academy, an Honorary Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh and a corresponding member of the Royal Prussian Academy of Science. Prof. J, Takakusu. Prof. Takakusu of Japan is a distinguished Oriental scholar. He made his mark by the publication of the transla- tion of the Amitayur-dhyana-Sutra in the Sacred Books of the East Series, He received his education in England and is well known for his translation with critical notes of It-sing’s h Malay Archipelago. It is a record of the Buddhist practices in accordance with Arya-Mula-Sawastivadanikaya with its three sub-divisions Dharmagupta, Mahisasaka and Kasyapiya, prevailing in Udyana, Kharachara and Kustuna. This is a 7th century A.D. Prof. Takakusu’s articles in the J.R AS Paramartha’s life of Vasu- The Hon. Justice Sir Asutosh Mukhapadhyaya communi- cated an obituary notice of Lord Rayleigh, an Honorary Fel- low of the Societ : : in th iver: Fellowship in Trinity College the very next year. On the death of Professor James Clerk Maxwell he was appointed Feb., 1920.] Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. Vii Cavendish Professor of Experimental Physics at Cambridge in 1879. The strain however proved too great and he resigned the Professorship in 1884, when he was succeeded by Mr. (now Sir) Joseph John Thomson. He subsequently became Pro- fessor of Natural Philosophy at the Royal Institution in 1887, but retired in 1905. He was a Fellow of the Royal Society, and finally became its President. He was also a medallist of the Royal Society (Copley, Royal and Rumford) and a Nobel Laureate in Physics (1904). Lord Rayleigh attained a world- wide reputation as a Mathematician and Physicist of the name in the list of their Honorary Fellows and Corresponding Members. The scientific papers published by him exceed four hundred in number. The collection published under his supervision by the Cambridge University Press occupies five substantial volumes. They contain 349 papers, of which the first was published in 1869 and the last in 1910. It is estimated that the papers published subsequently will cover at least one additional volume. There is no department of his activities were may be judged from the epoch-making memoir on Argon composed in collaboration with the late Professor Ramsay. Indeed his hand is visible when we study Officer of the Legion of Honour. Upon the death of the Duke of Cavendish, he was elected Chancellor of the University of ‘ambridge —<>— FEBRUARY, 1920. The Monthly General Meeting of the Society was held on Wednesday, the 4th February, 1920, at 9-15 P.M. The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Forty-one presentations of books, etc., were announced. viii Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. [Feb., 1920. The he Lilet gentlemen were balloted for and elected as ordinary me Mr. H. pois Hill, Tea Planter, Assam, late attached 30th Lancers, Chabua P.O., Upper Assam, proposed by Dr. W. A. K. Christie, Beeston by Dr. N. Annandale; Mr. W. i. Keir, Assistant Architect to the Government of Bengal, Sibpur ee College, proposed by Dr. H. G. Carter, sensi d r. N. Annandale: Mr. Brij Narayan, Assistant, Q.M.G.’s Ones, ‘Arm my Weidqustare. Alice Villa, Simla, Ripe sy Mr. L. F. Rushbrook William, seconded by Mr. Ram Prasad Tripathi. The oan Mo secon were balloted for and elected as Honorary Fellow _ Charles ao K.C.M.G., C.B., M.A., LL.D., D.C.L.; Prof. T. W. Rhys Davids, Tae Ph. D., D.Sc. : Prof. Sylvain Levi; Sir Mare “Aurel Stein, K.C. LE., Ph.D., D. Litt.; D.Se-> Prof. A. Foucher, D.Litt., ; Arthur Keith, Esq. , M.D., F. B.CS&., LL.D., F.R.S.; Mr. R. D. Oldham, F.RBS., F.G.S., F.RBGS.; RS. deh AMS; Larmor, Kt., M.P., M.A., Ter to hee S., F.R.A.S. ; The President drew attention to the following exhibi- tions :— et A copy of Rennell’s Atlas of 1781.—J. G. Cumming, Sq. An engraved stone-statue of Ganesa with inscriptions in Bengali and Telegu.—Ganapati Sircar, Esq. A collection of sacrificial ae a and ancient surgical instruments ; a Burm e Golden Book and a Silver Book ; Tibetan-Italian Pristiohacy, 1720-40 ; Italian- Tibetan Payma Karpo; a translation of the Sad- dharma Pandarika in Tibetan.—The President. (1) A picture of Kesar from China. (2) A Chaitya from Ceylon (3) Tibetan manuscripts mounted in gold.—Mahamaho- padhyaya Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana Six Albums, with mounted photographs illustrating Indian archzolo ogy. The subjects are (a) (1) Aivalli, (2) Pattadakal, (3) Bijapur, (4) Mahintale, etc., (5) Sanchi, etc., (6) Ellora, etc., (b) A plate-work on Pompeii (by Niccolin), (c) A three-volume plate- work on Arabic Art, d’Avennes.—J. van Manen, Esq wo oN os —— Quranic Manuscript.—A. H. Harl sq. pei representations of Indian ‘birds.—S. C. Law, sq. Pie se March, 1920.] Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. ix [e2) ne illustrating the Benoni of Barkuda, and in the Chilka Lake.—Dr. N. Annandale. ee ars ge drawings from siteres liad and attractive cercariae with a photograph of the locality where the Schistosome cercaria was first discovered in the neighbourhood of Calcutta.—Major R. B.S. Sewell. 10. A Tigari, a peculiar type of a coracle — structure made of clay used as a boat.—Baini Prashad, Esq. 11. (1) Some Titanosaur remains from J a ong collect- ed by Dr. Matley. (2) The Adhiket meteorite. (3) Bilaspur limestone, suitable for lithographic pur- poses ; and a slab of Solenhofen stone for compari- (4) a series of Indian wolfram, tin and lead-zinc minerals, with foreign specimens for comparison.— The Geological Survey of India. 12. Diagram illustrating the relationship and the geologi- cal distribution of the genera, subgenera and sections of the Cypreidae, and their probable genealogical connection. Specimens of the various classifica- tory divisions also exhibited.—E. Vredenburg, Esq. 13. (1) Inscribed Prehistoric Pottery (from Bhita, Allaha- (2) Free-hand drawing on paper of Gupta period (from sia). 9 New type of Kalachuri gold coin of “aval century A.D., bearing the king’s name “ Mons eg o New type of Nepal silver coin bearing t oA King’s e‘* Dalamardanasahadeva,” Baisval 1888 = 1831 (6) ie type of Nepal silver coin bearing the Queen’s ame Rajendra Lakshmi Devi, Samvat 1691 A.D. (6) ane gold coins of Sallakshanapa, ithe aa oom Mahipala of the Tomara dynasty of Ajm Delhi of about 978-1003 A.D. ae ie 1% iacaceas, Esq. —_—-— MARCH, 1920.. The Monthly General Meeting of the ahaggd was held on Sarno the 3rd March, 1920, at 9-15 P HAMAHOPADHYAYA HARAPRASAD Suastrt, C.1.E., M.A., F.A, Ri S., President, in the chair The following members were secon Maulavi Abdul Wali, Dr. W. A. K. Christie, The Hon Mr. J. G. Cumming, Mr. H. G. Graves, Mr. J. van Manen, = Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. {March, 1920. Dr. H. W. B. Moreno, Dr. K.S. Ray, Babu Sasadhar Roy, Major R. B. cae Sewell, Dr. Beni "Praahad Visitors :—Mr. S. N. Roy Chowdhury, Mrs. Sewell. The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Thirty-nine presentations of books, etc., were announced. The General Secretary reported that Mr. Ram Avatar Pande (retd. Judge) of Mirzapore, an ordinary member, had expressed a desire to withdraw from the Societ The President announced that Rai Bahadur Charu Ch. Chaudhuri and Babu Dharani Dhur Dutta being largely in arrears with their subscriptions had been declared defaulters and that their names would be posted in accordance with Rule 38. The General Secretary read the names of the following gentlemen who had been ‘appointed to serve on the various committees during 1920. Finance Committee. President ) Treasurer > er-officio. Dr. N. Annandale. Mahamahopadhyaya Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana. The Hon. Justice Sir Asutosh Mukhopadhyaya, Kt. Library Committee. President, ) Treasurer. Secretary. | Anthropological Reeregeotd Biological Secre > Ex-officio. Physical annie Se cretary The two eek Secretaries. Medical Secret Hon. Labtec J J. van Manen, E Hon. Mr. W. C. " Wordawarth. Philological Committee. President ga so ex-officio. Secretary Dr. Satis Chandra Vidyabhusan The Hon. Justice Sir Asutosh Maenosadligiva. Kt. March, 1920.] Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. xi Babu Nilmani Chakravarti. A. H. Harley, Esq., M.A . Aga Muhamad Kazim Shirazi. The Hon. Dr. A Suhrawardy, M.A. H. G. Carter, Esq., M.B. Hon. Mr. W. C. Wordsworth. Hon. Numismattst. Lt.-Col. H. Nevill, LC.S. Hon. Joint Secretaries, Science Congress. Dr. J. L. Simonsen. Prof. P. S. Macmahon. Building Committee President Treasurer ; ex-officio. Secretary The aed Justice Sir Asutosh Mukhopadhyaya, Kt. Dr. H. H. Hayden. H A. Crouch, Esq. . K. Page, Esq. Publication Committee. President 7 Treasurer Secretar per Rear avai : Biological Secretary | ex-officio. Physical Recie Secretary The two Philological Seceetarios Medical Secretary | Honorary Librarian The ciate gentlemeh were " palloted for as ordinary members Mahamahopadhyaya Har a Dr. W. A. K. Christie ; (2) Wwarendea Nath Raye, Bsa. Principal, aneve 8 — Bhagaipar, proposed by amahopa- d nded Ba Dr. Sewell ; (4) Jagadindranath Lahiri, Esq., M.Sc., Chemist to the Bengal Chemical and tadecasontionl works, Ld., Calcutta, xi Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. [April, 1920, proposed by Dr. B. L. Chaudhuri, seconded by Dr. R. L. Datta; (5) B. Syndara Raj, Esq., Assistant to the Director of Fisheries, Madras Fisheries Bureau, Cathedral P. O., Madras, proposed by Dr, N. Annandale, seconded by Dr. B. 'L. Chau- dhuri; (6) P. pee Smith, Esq. ., Mining Engineer, Oorgaum i oe ‘South India, proposed by Dr. Pie H. Hayden, seconded by Dr. W. A. K. Chri silty Ww de de Caynoth: Ballardie, Esq., City Architect, Calvatia, proposed by Dr. W. A. K. Christie, seconded by Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri ; (8) Capt. P. Ganguli, I1.M.S., 11/1 Ghose’s Lane, Calcutta, proposed by Dr. Upendranath Brahmachari, seconded by the Hon’ble Justice Sir Ashutosh Mookerjee, Kt., and (9) S. A. — Baksh, Esq., M.A., B.C.L., Calcutta, propos osed by Mr. A. H. Harley, seconded by the Hon’ble Justice Sir Ashutosh Mookerjee, Kt. The following papers were read :— i e Automatic Control of the Separation of a Liquid into Fractions limited by Specified Densities —By H. B. DUNNICLIFF. A Discussion on the Value of Bodily M teed pe in Dison Human Races.—By N. ANNANDA The Sy tied lens type of boat used in Eastern Bencal —By B. Pra - Further Notes on the Genus Camptoceras (Mollusca Pulmonata).—By N. ANNANDALE and B. Pra All these papers have been published in the Journal. eae APRIL, 1920. he Monthly General Meeting of the Bevieey was held on Wednesday, the 7th April. 1920, at 9-15 p MauaManopapHyaya Harapraswan Swastei, C.1E., M.A., F.AS.B. , President, in the chair. The following members were wer aa Maulavi Abdul Wali, Dr. W. K. Christie, Mr. Hem Chandra Das-Cupta, Mr. Johan van thse, Mr. Panchanan Mitra, and Dr. Beni Prashad. The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Seventy-six presentations of books, etc., were announced. The General Secretary reported the death of Lieut.-Col. John Manners-Smith, 0.V.0. and Mr. Tukaram Krishna Laddu, ordinary members of the Society. May, 1920.] Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Benga. Xiii The following soe were balloted for and elected as ordinary mem Kumar RAdas Dutta, B.L., Esq. Attorney-at-Law and Zemindar, 10, Hastings Street, Calcutta, proposed by Dr. B. L. Chaudhuri, seconded by Ma hamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, C. .* E.; Hariprasad Pradhan, Esq., M.A., Pradhan’s Cottage, Darjeeling, propawe by Mr. J. van Manen, seconded by Dr. W. A. K. Chris The following papers were read :— (a) The Results of a recent ees m isis of Pre-historic Antiquities —By PancuanaNn Mit This paper will not be sibinhea in the Journal. (b) The word ‘“ Taghar explained.”—By Mavuv! ABDUL ALI. This paper has been published in the J ournal, MAY, 1920. The Monthly General Meeting of the sige was held on Wednesday, the 5th May, 1920, at 9-15 P MAHAMAHOPADHYAYA HARAPRASHAD SHASTRI, Ci ais, Ma Bs, F.AS. B., President, in the chair The following members were sae — Maulvi Abdul Wali, Dr. N. Annandale, Dr. B. L. Chaudhuri, Dr. W. A. K. Christie, Dr. L. L. Fermor, Mr. Ganapati Sircar, Mr. T. P. Ghosh, Mr. H. G. Graves, Mr. Hem Chunder Das- weds Mr. Johar? van Manen, Dr. H. W. B. Moreno, Major S. Sewell, and Mr. E. Vredenburg. Visitor.—Babu Nritya Gopal Sarkar. The minutes of thedast meeting were read and confirmed. Nineteen presentations of books, etc., were announced. The General Secretary reported the death of Mahama- hopadhyaya Dr. Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana, an ordinary member of the Society. he President announced that the Council at its last weeting passed the following Resolution :— “The Council of Asiatic Society of Bengal records its deep sorrow at the death of Maha mahopadhyaya Dr. Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana and its mn of loss not only to the f Xiv Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. [May, 1920. Council and to the Society which he has ungrudgingly served for 13 years, but also to Oriental learning generally. It offers to his widow its sincere condolence on her bereavement.” - The General Secretary reported that Mr. J. MacKenna, I.C.S., Lieut.-Col. B. H. Deare, I.M.S., ordinary members, had expressed a desire to withdraw from the Society. The President announced that in accordance with Rule 41, the Council had decided to propose to the Society the removal from the member list of the name of Dr. A. Fiihrer, an associate member of the Society, this proposition to be submitted to ballot at the next meeting of the Society. The President announced that the following four members being largely in arrears with their subscriptions have been declared defaulters and that their names would be posted in accordance with Rule 38 :— . A. K. Christie when he would go on leave, and that Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar had been appointed Joint Philological Secretary in the place of Mahamahopadhyaya Dr. Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana, deceased. The Anthropological Secretary laid on the table a letter and report from the Ecole d’Anthropologie, Paris, on the proposed organization of an International Institute of Anthro- pology. The proposal of the Council for the egection of a new building for the Society of which intimation had been given by letter to all Resident members in accordance with Rule 644 was brought up for discussion. The following gentlemen were balloted for and elected as ordinary members :— Dr. Annandale on behalf of Mr. Sundar Lal Hora exhibited a collection of ethnographical specimens from | Manipur. June, 1920.] Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. XV The following papers were read :— 1. Introduction to the Biology of an Island in the Chilka Lake (with pales slides) —By N. ANNANDALE. This paper will be published in the Memoirs. 2. On the supposed identity of Pygarhynchus, Agassis and Cyriona McClelland.—By Hem Cuanpra Das-Gup This paper will be published in a subsequent masts of al Journal. peed Niece JUNE, 1920. The Monthly General Meeting of — ete was held on Wednesday, the 2nd June, 1920, at 9-1 MatiAMAHOPADHYAYA BEEN ape Swastri, C.1.E., M.A.. F.A.8.B., President, in the chai The following members were ak — Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar, Babu N. G. Majumdar, Dr. R, C. Majumdar, Mr. J. van Manen, Mr. Panchanan Mitra, Babu Sasadhar Roy, Major R. B. Seymour Sewell, I M.S. The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Twenty presentations of books, etc., were announced, The General Secretary reported the death of Maharaja Sir Girija Nath Ray, Bahadur, K.C.1.E., an ordinary member of the Society. - The President announced that Mr. W. R. Gourlay and Dr. Ramesh Ph: Majumdar had been appointed members of the Counc The President called the attention of the meeting to the announcement made at the May General Meeting to the effect ciate member of the Society. _ proposition was anbmiesed to ballot in accordance with Rule For—3. Against—-2. . Not carried. The President announced that the following four saa being largely in arrears with their en ad bee posted as defaulting members since the las pagans) yo that their names had been removed from the cou is xvi Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. [July, 1920. Babu Jamini Kanta Biswas of Cuttack, Lama Kazi Dausamdup of Gangtok, Babu Akhoy Kumar Maitra of Rajshahi, Moulavi Abdul Majid of Lucknow. n accordance with Rule 48 (d) the General Secretary reported that the Council had sanctioned to the widow of the jate Babu Nani Lal Manna, despatcher of the Society in con- — of his services to the Society since 1892, a gratuity Rs. 210, representing six months’ pay. The ter pron eae were balloted for and elected as ordinary member (1) 8S. A. aie Esq., Engineer and Director, Messrs. Jessop & Co., Ld., 93, Clive Street, Calcutta, proposed by Mr. W. K. Dods, seconded by Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri; (2) N. G. Majumdar, Esq., M.A., Student, Calcutta University, 70, Russa Road, Bhowanipur, Calcutta, proposed by Mr. D. R, Bha sanrkick: seconded by Dr. Ramesh Chandra Majumdar. Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri exhibited a ee manuscript of the ]2th century and read a note The following paper was read :— Historical data from the colophons of manuscripts.— By Ramusi CHANDRA Majumpar, M.A., Pa.D. This paper will be published in a subsquent number oi the Journal. nan piece ‘JULY, 1920. The Monthly General Meeting of the ooh was held on Wadneneey, the 7th July, 1920, at 9-15 p HaraprasSap Suastei, C.1.E., M.A., F.A.S.B., President, in the chair. The following members were present :— Maulvi Abdul Wali, Dr. N. Annandale, Dr. U. N. Brahma- chari, Dr. J. J. Campos, Mr. Hem Chu ee Das-Gupta, Mr. D. McLean, Mr. Johan van Manen, Dr. G. E a Major R. B. 8. Sewell, Mr. Vredaubars Mr. A. H. Harley _ Visitor :—Dr. P. Cunha. The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Sixteen presentations of books, etc., were announced. The General Secretary reported the death of Mr. E. J. July, 1920.] Proceedings of the Astat. Soc. of Bengal. xvii Woodhouse and Lieut.-Col. W. D. Sutherland, C.1.E., M.D., F.A. S.B., I.M.S., ordinary members of the Society. The President announced that the Council at its last meet- ing passed the following Resolution :— : “<'The Council of the Asiatic Society of Bengal records its deep sorrow at the death of Lieut.-Col. William Dunbar Sutherland, C.I.E., M.D., F.AS.B., I.M.S., and its sense of loss not only to the Council and to the Society of which he was a its origin and growth to the genius and personality of that great exponent of Medical Jurisprudence. ddition to the lectures of Littlejohn at Edinburgh, Sutherland attended those of the famous French medico-legal jurist, Brouardel, in Paris, and, to quote his own words, ‘‘ deri- became so complete a master. He too his M.B. and C.M. in for him to obtain a competency soon, for the ‘‘res angusta domi” was acutely felt by him, and as he was not attracted _ to the life of a country doctor, he went up for the examination XViil Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. (July, 1920. for commissions in the Indian Medical Service and secured the seventh place of seventeen that were vacant. In due course he went to Netley and there, as he always maintained, he learnt little else that was of any use to him besides “ stretcher drill’?! In the leaving examination at Netley he dropped four places, coming out eleventh. He was wont to attribute this disaster to having devoted too much of his time while at Netley to playing billiards, a game in which very few who knew him in later years can ever have seenhimtakea hand! This drop in his position on the list resulted in his having to take service in the Madras Presidency. On his arrival in Madras he was posted to the Station Hospital for British troops, and to quote his well-remembered words, ‘“‘ I soon learned that A.R., I., Vol. VI, was the Law and the Prophets.” Although the son of an officer of the Army Medical Service, Sutherland throughout his whole career in the Indian Medical Service could never quite conceal his opinion that the sister service was immeasurably ing feeling, his first contact with the Army Medical Service at the British Station Hospital in Madras, which was then heavily with great delight that he read of the serological tests for the origin of blood in stains, and he forthwith determined to study the subject and in 1906 went to England for this purpose. At that time Sir Thomas Stevenson was Home Office expert, but he was too senile to accept the new test, hence it was not being tried Consequently Sutherland had to go to Germany July, 1920.] Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. xix where the test was being tried and elaborated by a host of workers. He first went to Hamburg to attend a course of lectures on Tropical Diseases at the Institute there. In Ham- burg he met such authorities as Nocht, | uelleborn and Giemsa, all of whom were only too pleased to make his visit to the Free and Hanseatic town a success. The Institute placed all its resources at his disposal. He started work on the agglutina- tion-test for the origin of blood in stains and had photographs taken of his preparations. Had he been working in the London School of Tropical Medicine, which, as its advertisement sets forth, is under the auspices of Government, he would have had to pay so much for the use of microscopes, so much for every slide required by him, in addition to a fee for instruction of twelve guineas. At Hamburg he paid five pounds and got everything that he wanted! From Hamburg he returned to London and of the usual European languages. He found the historical part of the study very arduous, but after finishing it he came a oO an ot = jets 5 ae — a) ge ft) re) 4 Fr fete 5 =v ro) 5 5 i) =. a: 5 =) urd Ca o> oO 2 ron) re) fa?) mn 7) 5 rs — SEPTEMBER, 1920, The Monthly General Meeting of the eres was held on Wednesday, the 1st September, 1920, at 9-15 P MAHAMAHOPADHYAYA HARAPRASAD SHASTRI, C.1.E., M.A., F. A. S.B., President, in the chair The following members were present :— Maulvie AbdulWali, Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar, Dr. B. L. Chau- dhuri, Mr. Harit Krishna Deb, Mr. T. P. Ghose, Mr. W. R. Gourlay, me A a. a Major R. Meee Dr. R. C. Majumdar, Mr. Johan en, Hon. Mr. F. J. Monahan, er, HL. U, oy Oheodhui. cee s. C. Sinha- sharia The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Twenty-two presentations of books, etc., were announced. The General Secretary reported that Lieut.-Col. A. R. 8. Anderson, I.MS., Major O. St. John Moses, I.M.S., and Dr. W. W. Ke ennedy, o eT: members, had expressed a desire to withdraw from the Socie The President announced that the name of the following ‘member being largely in arrears with his subscriptions ha been posted as a defaulting member since the last meeting and that his name had now been removed from the member list. Joseph Orlando Ferrer, Esq., Calcutta The mies ir peeaen were balloted fer and elected ordinary members Ha 25, Suhanneas Road, Kalighat, Galou tta, proposed by Mr. Ordhendra Coomar Gangoly, seconded by Dr. R. C. eg dar; (2) Capt. F. J. Brandon, — ‘Army, 52nd Sikhs, F F. Jullundur, po by Major E. 8. Harcourt, seconded by Mr. A. mr arley ; (3) oF acs te Chanda, Esq., University Lecturer, 37 (A), Police Hospital agg Calcutta, proposed by Mr. D. R. Bhan darkar, seconded by R. C. Majumdar; (4) Nirmal Chandra Challerjee, Esq., weet er in Biatory "and Politics, Caleutta University, 52, Haris ihaketioe Road, Bhowa- Oct., 1920.] Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. XXV nipur, Calcutta, proposed by the Hon. Dr. A. Suhrawardy, seconded by Dr. R. C. Majumdar. The following papers were read :— Note on Persistent Oviducts and ogc Testes in a male RANA TIGRINA.— By . BHATTACHARY The Later Mauryas ae the Decline of their Power.—By Hemonanpra Ray-Cuaupa 3. The Gupta Empire in the Siath and Seventh Centuries A.D.— By Hemcuannpra Roy-CHavuDHurt. 4. The Svastika and the Omkara.—By Hartt KRISHNA DEB. All these papers will be published in a subsequent number of the Journal OCTOBER, 1920. The Monthly General Meeting of the musi was held on Wednesday, the “@th October, 1920, at 9-15 P Masor R. Know ss, I.MS., in the chair. The following members were present :— Mr. Johan van Manen, Mr. Panchanan Mitra, Dr. Beni Prashad, Prof. Sites Chandra, Kar, Mahamahopadhyaya Hara Prasad Shastri, Mr, A. H. Harley. Visitors :—Mr. 8. L. Hora, Mr. Wm. Eppler. The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Ninety-four presentations of books, etc., were announced. The following papers were read :— 1 Meine Lésung des Fermatschen Problems.—By Dr. Joun RapaKovits. Communicated by the Physical i cnve Secretary. This paper eal not be published in the Journal. 2. Timur’s Apocryphal ee H. BeveRIDcE. 3. Preliminary observations © oon-formation by the common Lahore Leech, Limnatis *poceilobdella Granulosa (Sav.) —By GrorGe MatrTaal. 4. On the Licchavis in Ancient India.— By BimaLa CHARAN Law. : XXVi Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. [Nov., 1920. All these papers will be published in a subsequent number of the Journal. SMa The Adjourned Meeting of the Medical Section of the Society was held at the ety: s Rooms on Wednesday, the 13th October, 1920, at 9-15 P MAHAMAHOPADHYA oe Spastri, M.A., C.LE., F.A.8.B., President, in the chai The pias members were present :— Dr. N. Brahamachari, Dr. J. J. Campos, Major R. Knowles, Dr H. Suhrawardy. Visitors :—Dr. P. de Cunha, Dr. P. E. Lee, Dr. W. O. Walker The minutes of the meeting held on 12th March, 1919, were read and confirmed. The following papers were read : -— 1. Louis Pasteur, 1822 to 1895.—By Mason. KNOWLES, . BA., M.R.C.S., L.R CP. I.M.S. $A preliminary note on the minimum curative doses of quinine in the treatment of malarial fever by the intravenous method.—By Dr. U. N. Branamacuart, M.A., M.D. ome observations on blood pressure during eer injections ar quinine in the treatment of malarial fever. ae U.N. BranMacna rt. ESR NOVEMBER, 1920. The Monthly General Meeting of the co was held on Wednesday, the 3rd November, 1920, at 9-15 P MAHAMAHOPADHYAYA HARA PRASAD SHastri, M.A., C.1.E., F.A.S.B., President, in the chair The following members were present :— r. N. Annandale, Dr. B. L. Chaudhuri, Mr. Harit Krishna Deb, ss K.N. Dikshit, Dr. L. L. Fermor, Mr. Ganapati Sirkar, Major R. Knowles, Mr. F, A. Larmour, Prof. 20; Mahalanobis, De RC. M ajumdar, Mr. Johan van Manen, Hon. Mr. F. J. Monahan, Dr, Beni i bones Mr. E. Vredenburg, Mr. N.C. 1 Visttore :—Babu Nritya Gopal Sarkar and another, The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Dec., 1920.] Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. Xxvii Twenty-five presentations of books, etc., were announced. The General Secretary reported that Mr. H. St J. B. Philby, I.C.S., and Mr. David McLean, ordinary members, had expressed a desire to withdraw from the Societ y. The following papers were read :— 1. The gees of the Anglo-Indian Male.—By P. C- MAHALANOBI This paper will not be published in the Journal. 2. Some of the Agaricaceae a Bengal.— By 8. R. Boss. Communicated by Dr. H. C. Carr 3. On an inscription ‘dated the 11th year of Vira Narasimha Deva . Orissa obtained from Bhuvanesvara.—By GANAPATI SIRKA 4. The Chronology of the Sena Kings —By R.C Masum- DAR. 5. The Chronology of the Pala Kings.—By R. C. Mastm- DAR. All these papers will be published in a subsequent number of the Journal. » The Adjourned Meeting of the Medical Section of the Society was held at the Society’s Rooms on Wednesday, the 10th November, 1920, at 9-30 P.M. Dr. U. N. Branmacuart, M.D., M.A., Pa.D., in the chair. The sein members were present :— Dr. J. ¢ mute Major R. Knowles, Mahamahopadyaya Haraprasad ‘Shag 9.1:E. Visitors :—Dr. P. de Reply Mr. 8. Ghosh, Major R. Lloyd, » Mr. J. A. Scrimgeour and others The minutes of the meeting held on 13th October, 1920, were read and confirmed. Major RK. Knowles, I.M.S., read a paper on “The Mechan- ism and Treatment of Snake-Bite, > illustrated by Lantern Slides. —<>— DECEMBER, 1920. The Monthly General Meeting of the er was held om Wednesday, the Ist December, 1920, at 9-15 P xxviii | Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. {Dec., 1920. MAHAMAHOPADHYAYA HARAPRASAD Suastri, M.A., C.LE., F.A.S.B., President, in the chair The following members were present :— Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar, Mr. K. N. Dikshit, Mr. F. Doxey, Major R. Knowles, Mr. N. G. Majumdar, Mr. Johan van Manen, Mr. Panchanan, Mitra, Mr. Nirmal Chandra Chatterjee, Kumar Sarat Kumar Roy, Hon. Mr. F. J. Monahan, Prof. Ramaprasad Chanda, Mr. A. H. Harley. Visitor :—Mr. 8. P. Agharkar. The minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed. Twenty-one presentations of books, etc., were announced. The President announced that Dr. 8S. W. Kemp had been appointed Biological Secretary and until next election to carry on the duties of Anthropological eeiary in the place of Dr. N. Annandale. bid aisles ing gentlemen were proposed as associate member Ma ‘i iaktapeat vive Pandit Vindhyesvari Prasad Dube, Gobardhan Serai, Benares City, : Protessor Shahay Ram Bose, Carmichael College, Calcutt MaHAMAHOPADHYAYA nae Veni PrasabD DcBE. He is a retired Librarian of the Benares Sanskrit College and is a remarkable man. He does not know English, yet his knowledge of the chronology of Sanskrit Literature is quite of a European standard. It is both accurate and systematic. He knows more about Sanskrit manuscripts than any man living. He is a great help to any scholar desirous of editing Sanskrit works. Many of the Sanskrit libraries in Europe and India have got manuscripts through him Jommand of manuscripts has made him an —. editor and he has edited for various Sanskrit series, such a the Bibliotheca Indica, the Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, ae Benares Sanskrit Series, and so on. Though his command of Sanskrit manuscripts covers the whole field of that literature, yet he prefers works on Nyaya and his prefaces to these are always helpful in determining their age and position in litera- ture. His preface to the Nyaya-Varttika is a pelaabie history of the development of the Nyaya system, both ancient and modern. Professor SHaway Ram Bose. Papers already pubiished. (1) F =e - deises, (Agaricaceae and Polyporaceae), Pro- gs of Indian varices for Cultivation of Somme Vol. IV, Part IV, p, 1 Dec., 1920.] Proceedings of the Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. Xxix (2) salar culture of spore of Panzolus cyanescens. t of papers. Section of Botany. 7th indian Science Congress eae 1920), p. XXVIT. (3) Polyporaceae of Bengal. Bulletin No. I of the Car- michael Medical College, Selesshia. Calcutta. The Sapte — were balloted for and electéd as ordinary mem and Ope age Surgery, “Medical College Hospital, 2, Unper Wood Sicet, Peso proposed by Major R. Knowles, I.MS.. A. H. Ha ‘ 4 Prashad, seconded im Dron. Ann andale: (3) B. C. Mazum- dar, Esq., Lecturer, Calcutta University, 33/1/C, Lansdowne Road, Calcutta, proposed by Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar, sips by Dr. Ramesh Chandra Majumdar ; (4), W. Ivanow, £sq., Librarian of the Asiatic Museum of the Russian Acaenny a Sciences, 12, Waterloo Street, Calcutta, proposed by Harley, seconded by Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri The following paper was read :— Manibhadra.—By RAMAPRASAD CHANDA. This paper will be published in a subsequent number of the Journal. The adjourned meeting of the Medical Section of the Society was held at the Bosinys s Rooms on Wednesday, the Sth December, 1920, at 9-15 P.M Magor R. Know.zs, I.MS., in the chair. The following member was present :— Dr. U. N. Brahmachari. Visitors :—Major F. P. Mackie, I.M.S., Dr. L. E. Napier, Dr. Tarak Nath Sur, Mr. H. Le Viense * The minutes of the meeting hold o on 10th November, 1920, were read and confirmed. The pass: papers were read :— e Antimonial compounds and their use in the treat- ment of "Males -azar, with a preliminary note on the toxicity of certain antimonial compounds. —By Dr. U. N. BraHMACHARI. he resistance of newly formed red blood con oar to hemolysis under the Petites of distilled water—Bu Dr. U. N. BRAHMACHARI. 14. Further notes on Gypsies in Persia. By W. Ivanow.! Information regarding gypsies in Persia and their langu- age so far is still very deficient; therefore my few occasiona notes on these matters, made on the spot, may be of some use A notes consist of two vocabularies collected in Nishapur (1918) and ee (1919), and several remarks on gypsy life in these two districts as well as the district of Meshed which I Gad a P nae to explore thoroughly (1919-20).? It will suffice to give here a summary account only because the conditions of genes life are the same throughout North-Eastern Persia, and their language in the two eastern districts mentioned here is practically the same. In Meshed district nearly all representatives of this tribe I met with came from southern districts, such as Gunabad, Qain and Birjand.? In connection with these I already published some materials in my paper ‘‘On the language of the Gypsies of Qainat ” (J.A.S.B., Vol. X, Nos. 10 and 11,1914, pp. 439-455). The grammatical outlines given there hold good, with small modifications, for the Nisha- pur and Sabzawar gypsy. Unfortunately this paper was pub- lished after I left India, and the war cut my communications with this country. Therefore it swarms with misprints and also requires some amendments, which I take the opportunity of offering here iz Northern era as probably all over the siacsone In gypsies are taking a conspicuous part in the economics o village-life. The Forman peasant, who by no means can lam ae obliged to Col. G. Ranking, I.M.S., for his kind eel tions in my E eae as well as for several suggestions regarding t etymology of several gypsy words. 2 My m at eriala gph dt to in Bukhara and Shiraz are not available to me at ho . Ta quite sure if there are any gypsy families whose migra- tions are "eoattiied to Meshed district only. It seems very unlikely as Sypsies are very scarce there. regret eh a w the amateurish ae displayed os Bas me in that paper ian: some 7. venti ago in the part deal with hints on the history of to the Province of Birjand quite recen 282 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, called very energetic and enterprising, is quite helpless in all sorts of craftmanship. He comes to cities to buy the most necessary tools, and when they are broken or out of order he for ‘‘qalyan,” etc. Their women make sieves, so important In the domestic life of a Persian peasant, and fashion quite a number of small but necessary things. Gypsy work is always honest and reliable, and, having regard to the primitive instruments they use, it occasionally shows remarkable skill and finish. Living in great poverty and even at the best of times hardest time, they come to more inhabited places and towns, where they work for merchants, usually making wooden parts of pipes, combs, etc. t is noteworthy that in Eastern Persia the classical gypsy-professions appear to be non-existent, i.e. horse-deal- ing, fortune-telling, and singing. The first is impossible on account of their poverty and from the fact that there are very few horses in a Persian village. The second is out of the question, because there are always swarms of Mullas, Dervishes, and professional fortune-tellers, who perform their work with deep knowledge and scholarship, with the whole apparatus of Arabic books, quotations from the Quran, etc., etc., about which the poor and ignorant gypsy woman never can dream. gramophone. In Nishapur and Sabzawar an interesting old custom is observed. Gypsies have their own quarter (mahalla) in the central parts at the bazars of these two cities.!_ Some of them 1 IT have not seen this in other Persian towns I visited. 1920.] Further notes on Gypsies in Persia. 283 reside there permanently, and the others come Brigg oogtega A chiefly to spend the winter. I failed to find out from the local inhabitants how old this custom is. Usually gypsies are not regarded as good neighbours, and in Bukhara the ancient restriction upon this tribe prohibits them remaining or adiain inside city-walls after sunset. n Nishapur and Sabzawar they are in fact recognised as one of the trade-corporations of the bazar, and if they do not enjoy complete equality of rights with other craftsmen, the cause may be only their great poverty and illiteracy. They fe) times hereditary, who is as primitive and illiterate as his tribes- men. Therefore he can hardly protect them sufficiently against extortion and all sorts of injustice, etc., on the part of the corrupt Persian officials, nmy previous paper I dealt to some extent with the family life of gypsies. At present I have nothing to add, and I will mention only the point which seems to be essential. The more I saw of gypsies the more I was pee by the low ns them quite faotatod from their intimate life. Cases of the engagement of a gypsy as a servant are very rare, and I kn only one instance — a boy of this tribe was aueiased as a muleteer by a Persia It may be added that the recent great famine in Persia (1916-17) reduced the number of gypsies very considerably, all their flocks were starving and afterwards fell a prey to typhus and other epidemic diseases. Il. If asked, gypsies will invariably maintain that their laidaane is absolutely the same all over Persia, Afghanistan and other countries of the East. This statement is very doubt- ful however. In reality, as far as I could see in Persia and e greater unbelievers than fire-worshippers in Mohammadan os but notwithstanding this they stay in the city in large nu timbers 284 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, Bukhara, what is called “gypsy snes oa is merely a jargon, a gypsified fo orm of local idiom. It is nah synthetic and can be dismembered into several parts as follow — a. A number of words of distinctly faainn origin, which may or may n not be the remnants of the original gypsy language, on the assumption that it was of Indian stock. The chief bulk of the jargon is based on the grammar and vocabulary of the language spoken by the people Se their real signification i is forgotten. They are the chief means of producing various generic names of whch gypsies are very ford (these will be discussed later on). It seems quite likely that more stable combinations can undergo a secondary gypsi fication in one of these ways, and it may be the case with a cotisaeabie number of words which do not bear any ety- mological analysis. he words of spurious origin just mentioned above. d, Stray words picked up from different languages. e. Words of artificial, seabrmnn rie oe mostly borrowed from Persian or Arabic. It is ssible to state now with any degree of srgireia whether re aera ok them from the secret code of dervishes, beggars and thieves, or the last- mentioned worthies aioe benefited from the lexical treasure of that tribe. Anyho ere are many similar conventional codes in use of several Meals -corporations, and the best known of them are Zargari used by goldsmiths, and Yezdi which serves the same purpose for cloth-merchants. Such are words like terigho, og male the Arabic tariq; talkhaki, from the Persian talkh, bitte For examples of ‘all ‘nas classes I may refer the reader to the vocabulary published abe where every word is marked by the above letters a, b, ¢ rom the point of Linguists psychology ae pe jargons can be very quaint occasionally. The tribe 1 no means backward in acquiring the languages of ins Spl they meet in every day-life. Gypsies in this part of Persia are quite at ease with Persian, Turkish and Kurdish, the chief languages used here. They speak quite correctly and, as appears to a stranger, far better sfeaex “ ey speak their own language, which, as I have pointed out in my previous paper, they reserve exclusively for occasions e whe they want not to be under- 1920.] Further notes on Gypsies in Persia. 285 stood by any body except trast ia Pascoe! therefore in business transactions. In a conversa of this kind the object of discussion is quite well known a ‘both sides, and only a few allusions are sufficient to settle the details. This is probably why they are fond of generalising names ert: convey often a large number of ideas joined under a secondar unessential “ differentia specifica” as e.g. shakhki, cuiadbicelis from sour milk, vinegar, etc. For it is is difficult to realise the reasons which lead them to costa these shapeless expressions and forget the old words. At the same time their thought is very concrete, and they do not like any abstract names. Such primitive abstractions as ‘price, value” they invariably render by ‘ ‘money, » etc. clear r and 1, e.g. agi sounds often agir, a ; cheti—cheti (r-l); masi (r-l) ; rarely goré (r), etc. Itis not the Persian suffix of the objective case ra, and this phonetic rule has no parallel in local Persian, Turkish and Kurdish. 2. nis often n very guttural, similar to ng but used quite differently from those occasionally observed in Turkish dialects and in Kurdish. . J whenever, it occurs in the middle of a dissyllabic word comes in front, as in lwmbo=mullo, loptin= polun, labund =buland, lawe=bale, ete. It is difficult to decide in what degree this may be intentional. Frequent use of Dacca something like the spiritus asper with the initial vowel, and after consonants as well, especially with labials (hot "phutok, bhukar, etc.). This is quite uncommon in local Per In morphology nothing essential can be added to what was stated in my previous The difference appears only when the grammar of local Persian slightly changes the rules common in Qaini. Verbsare the same in Nishapur and e calling for mention are the pumerals, which in different from the os numerals. But they are in reality quite the same, and 286 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, hot! having the same signification as Aagerocis: ta used in popular lan eae So the numerals run as Yakot, 2 diiydt, 3 sdt (se + | S. chor, 5 panot, 6 shi- aga 7 hah 8 hashot, 9 nudt, 10 da'd II. In order to avoid any change of incorrect identification of gypsy words with the idioms in other languages, I will -give here an etymological analysis only in the cases where no doubt can exist. It is necessary to remember that the present voca- bulary is based on occasional notes, and there may still be many words which might vitiate these conclusions. he abbreviations here are as follows :— N. found in ieee district. Song ys eevee Q. , Qain ind Birjand districts, as in my previous paper (for reference only Ar. Arabic word P. Persian H. Hindustani or Hindi word. a,b, c,d, e—classes as hove, regarding the origin of words. agi, ogi, agir, N.S. (a) fire, lamp, hearth, light, etc., H. ag. ajik, hojik, S. (b) Tajik, so the Persians call themselves when opposed to Turks and Kurds. (be)-aju, ajo,” N.S.Q. (c) verb. trans., to make, do. angil, N. (ce or a) charcoal. (The same, as agi? ) akiil, akol, N.S.Q. (¢) a walnut. (May be from Hindustani akh- rot through many changes akhorot, akoro, akolo, akol ?), ask6l, S. (b) charcoal. P. zughal, ts into azgh6l, asqol. ati, S.N. (a) flour. H. ata. bagal, N (S.) (a) sheep, goat. H. bakra., barndgi, N.Q. (ce) nose. (bar P. cheek and nak, dial. P. nose = 2). bartewi, N.Q. (ce) coat, a qaba in Persian. bobiin, N. (b) grandfather, P. baba, the father. bohong, N. (c) father. bohdt, N,Q. (a) great, plenty, much, many, etc. H. bahut. bokor, N. (b) P. bazar, shop. botok, bia N.Q. (c) garden (from P. bagh and Gypsy suff. 1 This 3 is a parade: reproduction of Persian 4 in allthe dialects of N paging and Eastern Persia. It is equivalent to a in ‘* all.’ <. All the verbs ae are shown in the imperative mood, singular num 1920. | Further notes on Gypsies in Persia. 287 (bu)-budan?, N. (c) verb. trans., to cut. (Very doubtful.) bukar, bhukar, §.Q. (c) man, servant (from P. nikar? ). chamori, chemuri, N.Q. (c) bird, fowl, cock, egg, etc. chang3, N. (c) hand, finger, nail, arm, etc. (from P. chang (be) chubush, N. (c) verb. trans., to tell, say, talk, ete. (very strange). chura, S. churza, N. (a?) young, child, boy, son, etc. (may e from the same root as choro in Engl. gypsy). dakh, N.S.Q. (c) good, well, handsome, pretty, tasty, strong, etc. daram, doram, 8. (c) water-pipe (qalyan). darika, dorika, dorikak, N.S. (c) daughter, girl, bride, etc. dehon, N. (c) wheat. (H. gehiin?). elchi, ilchi, alchi, archi, N. (Q.) (¢) village. genew, N. (c) thief, brigand. gera, gird, N.S.Q. (a) donkey, mule. H. gadha. gom6, gomon, N.S. (c) money, silver. gordo, N.S.Q. (a) horse, pony. H. ghora. goshon, N. (c) eye, eyebrow, eyelid, etc. guri, N.S.Q. (ce) cow, bull, calf. harsit, harsid, arsi, kharsit, N.S. (c) bread. (be) hordn, N. (ec) verb. trans., to sell (may be from P. kharanidan, used very rarely, ‘‘ to make one to buy.” Gypsies are very fond of causative form). jewi, jewit, jewid, N.S.Q. (¢) woman, wife. N. mother. jil, zil, S.(c) barley. (Probably corrupted form of the more common zabul g.v.) (be)-jil, N.S. (a) verb, trans., to light up, burn. H. jalna. kalir, N.Q. (d or e) little, small. Ar. qalil. (be)-kelow, N. (ce) verb. trans., to draw, pull. (be)-keri, N.Q. (b) verb. trans., to buy. P. kharidan. kharsid, v. harsid. khatak, N.S.Q. (¢) melon, cucumber, pumpkin, etc. (be)-khoy, N. (a) verb. trans., to eat. (H. khana). khurduk, S. (e) wheat. Apparently from P. khurd, little. khushpak, N.S.Q. (ec cre) wood, stick, peg, firewood, etc. (from Ar. khashab wood ?). (be)-kimi, N.S.Q (ce) verb. intrans., to go. (be) kimon, N. (c) verb. trans., to take or carry away (causa- tive of kimi). kuri, kur, N.Q. (c) house, tent, roof, wall, etc. (fr. H. ghar?) 288 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. (N.S., XV1, kuski, N. (b) bowl, cup, basin. (P. ka&sak, dim. for kasa ?), kutan, kudan, N. (a?) where? where to ? labund, N. (b) high, tall. P. buland. lamir, N. (b) paste. P. khamir, léptin, N.G. (b) pack saddle: P. palan. litha, $.Q. (a) iron. H. loha. makh, mah, N, (c) lost. (Cf. Q. verb mahanj(idan) in my previous paper). masi, masi(r), masi(1) N.S.Q. (a) meat. Hindi mans. mehrek, 8.Q. (c) grapes. mdédengi, N.(b) mare. P. madian. monis, N.Q. (¢) husband, man. (H. manush). nif, N. (Q. nuf.) (c) sleep. (be)-pak, N.Q.(a) verb. trans, to cook, roast, boil. H. pakna. paley, N. (b) leg, foot, ankle, etc. P. and H. pa. partiin, N. (c) worn out, torn, old (fr. P. para 2), poguli, N. (Q.) (ce) foot-wear, slippers. punew, panew, punow, N.S.Q. (a) water. H. pani. punowi, N.S. (a) wet, fresh, bath, ablution, juicy. pur, N.Q. (c) load. push, N.Q. (b) blanket. P. pushak. raj, N.S. (c) bedding. rasey, N. (e or d) head, face, cheek, neck, etc. (Ar. ra’s). razum, S. (a ?) rice. (? P. rugz). riski, N.Q. (a) thread, cord, rope, etc. H. rasi, P. risman, rosia (?), 8. (ec) a sheet, cover. (? H. razai). gest “= aenak, S.Q. (e or d) hay, lucerne, grass. (Ar. thamar, ruit 2). senufto, 8.Q. (c) dog. (cf. Skt. evan = dog). serigho, 8. (c) dry grapes. setan, setun, as Q. (ce) trousers. shakhki, N.S. (b) wood, wooden, door, window, box, stick, peg, ete. P. shakh (1) branch of a tree: (2) hard, rough. shengerd, N, (c) city. wit Ag N.S. (e or d) something. (Ar. shay and Gypsy suff. um-i). shift, N.Q. (c) milk. (Dial. Persian shift, shit). sobut, N. (ce) old (man). sunguro, N. (c) stone, sand. suto, N.Q. (ce) black. 1920. } Further notes on Gypsies in Persia. 289 talkhaki, tarkhaki, tarkhkim, S. (e) tobacco (fr. P. talkh bitter). tashtik (7), N. (c) low, below, under. - til, S.Q. (a) oil, butter. H. tel. (be)-tubur, 8.Q. (c) verb. trans., to beat, strike. (be) tup, tab, N.S. (c) verb. intrs., to sit, lie down. war-tup, to rise, to get u turushnok, turusno, S. (b) sour, pomegranate, sour milk, vine- te. (fr. P. turush, sour and suffix n unde, N.Q. (c) chief, headman, mulla, judge. uruk (7), S. (c) steel. (bu)-wars, wurs, N.S.Q. (c) verb. intrans., to come, arrive. zabul, zaul, N. (c) barley. zil, v. jil. TV. Corrections and amendments to my paper “ On the Lan- guage of the gypsies of Qainat (in Eastern Persia). J.A.S.B. Vol. X, Nos. 10 & 11, 1914, pp. 489-455. Page 441, line 6 to be a continuation of line 5. 8, after mee the following sentence to be in- serted : ‘‘It is one more tribe which gyp- sies could meet in their pe ete The i gets “We know,” etc., to begin on new lin ok Ts 41 ‘% 45, hi. of Zori read Lori. sh hs deem oho oy. (MRSS ST, , Zori » ». 8, inst. of Za and Zari read Lali sua Liuri. $3 2, » »» Zurista , Luristan. ed 443, ” 12, 3 , them ” Persians. 5, oo, erase "Ce of course.” » 444, ., 33, inst. of Zirutt »» siruft. 6 RBS eee aes Psy S yo SAB, >. a ee - eee | |S erate « "the direct heirs of Zend.” 29 25, inst. of g, read q ,, 27, after the word a sign’ “Thee... 55 ,, Pp insert “ and ed 446, ,, 6, inst. of aes ead dir » 29 & 30, to = ‘erased completely. » S47, Ee i Oe ha. 29 1, 2? 5 p> gee in: a ,, an anda. »» 26, inst. of us, read w 45, ria dora- nim, oad dortnim. a erase P. burj. ? ee 290 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, Page 448, line 450, 451, 452, 2, erase Ar. qal‘a. 5 a a 14, ,, H. baithna. oo area 18. eke DRAIN oe ae and ie “of buktok, read buhtok. In the end add ‘‘ +G. suff. tok, 31, erase H. chiria, P. murgh, Eg. cherik. do khi. 43, iriat: of — read Hamadan. 3. i nst. of Zori resins Lor 7, erase Q. ae khew, P. a khab (khwab). 9 é Paes. awaz Sf ere « © larki, Kg. rakli. 16. Punjabi udhia io kee: 25° ee gooshum. 24, : 26, inst. of qawn, ig qawm. 35, erase P. gerdida et Ee Ee Eo kotor. 43 & 44, erase from Skt..... till ....zen. 6, erase H. ji. 10, inst. of kalil, read qalil. Erase Eg. koosi. 13, erase P keshiden a, - jhapatna or gaya 2). % = kaghiz, H. kagut. 39 21, (EL putr ? ) a 38, erase from Q. kelut.... till... kumbo. 40, inst. of B. kur, read P. kir kuja. 42, erase : 45, i of rakb, ‘ead lakri. ase P.p Srp P.r Y Pee Punjabi tek (lamb). a . shutu iy, (All i in prackotsy. bt cag from Eg..... to the end. y+, Sate P. meges, T. mohia 20, 3, P. nan. au, 5 from ?.2 4 . GHy s mel. yea s g..... till,. .. mara oe, H. sen ee Oy 43 manushya (Skt.). 8, inst. of muhur read nuhur, erase H. ankh. 40, insert ag. 42, erase P. zardali, 1920.) Page 453, line Further notes on Gypsies in Persia. ae)! 1, inst. of oky6l(iden), read okhol(iden). 10, eras irahan. 18, P. pambe. 30, inst of thamar, read thamar. 31, erase . sabz. . samajhna. oi, P. shalwar. 41, inst. of bread, read beard. 8, erase H. sulgana b 99 . khurma. 3l1- 32, from P. .... till final bracket. 5 and 7, erase commas at the end of the lines. after * aja uden 8, the inverted commas to follow “ ajonim.” 10, erase commas after “ hati” and “ mejoye. 12, instead of si read si- (it is a part of the next rdew 14, inst. Yumush read yumush. Erase comma after this word and after ‘ 16, erase commas after “ hote ” and « beyni.” RO a en nine 15. Note on Persistent Oviducts and Abnormal Testes in a male Rana tigrina. By D. R. Buatracnarya, M.Sc.; anp B. K. Das, M.Sc., The Muir Central College, Allahabad, India. (One text-figure.) ent oviducts, but no trace of ovaries. There were a pair of testes of abnormally unequal size. The ureters, kidneys and other structures more or less resemble the normal type. The disposition and character of the oviducts. A pair of convoluted tubes, certainly homologous with the oviducts of the female, is present. e right oviduct opens by a wide mouth or ostium near the base of the right lung (text-fig. 1). The mouth (D.R.O.) ved by a narrow and straight tube about 1 mm. in behi t a distance of about 1°7 cm. from th terior end of the left kidney. The interruption in the oviduct has a length 4 mm. T t recommences as a blind bulb-like voluted and thin-walled tube which becomes enlarged post- eriorly to form the uterus—the two uteri opening close to- gether on the dorsal wall of the cloaca. The disposition, relative size and minute structure of the right and left testes. e right testis (ie. the one on the side having a well developed oviduct) is very much smaller than the left one and age ra Ne eB ic A PVC. REY . Tose eee Oe 2 Ad ce: : _ Ad. Rieigce Solan. A ae he L.Ur sone saree L.O C.RQ___ RN Juste Figs ee Seca a LN. Riss so EL ep oe LU; R_ i a ea Sa ll are tee te Text-Ficure 1. (x2) Semi-diagrammatic ventral view of the reproductive organs, the right 7 bake ma ee forwards to show its blood supply. sperm c artery ; a atonal body; cl, cloaca C.R.O., coiled mass ee the eight oviduct ; D.R.O., mouth or ostium; LK. left kidney ; L.O., left oviduct ; L.O., ba oviduct just reappearing; L.U., left uterus ; L. Ur., left ure ter ; set left testis; L. tas left vesioul semninalis PiV&:, posterior Vena = Re: x. , Tight kidney ; R.T., ri ight ; R. rectum R.U., right ute :R. On, "right u eher: R. , right vosiul carninatia\ 8.L. O., Sogenartclh ‘anterior end of loft oviduct ; X., vas efferens. [N.S., XVI, 1920.}] Persistent Oviducts and Abnormal Testes, 295 the sections. The germ cells in various early stages of develop- ment may be seen to be segregated into groups, but curiously enough definite crypts and their lumina are conspicuous by their absence. The spermatozoa, though fairly well developed, are not yet, probably, quite mature. The primitive germ cells and early dividing stages of spermatogonia are relatively much greater in number than those in the left testis. Another peculiar feature is that there are no vasa efferentia in connec- tion with this testis. A single branch brings blood to it from the first renal artery of the right side. and a single vein carries the blood away and joins the first renal vein of its side. The left testis is of an elongate shape and occupies the greater part of the ventral surface of the middle region of the left kidney. It is 17 mm. in length and 45 mm. in breadth. It shows a distinctly lobular structure. No distinct lumen, however, could be found such as may be seen in the testis of a normal frog taken at about the same season of the year. The CoNCLUSION. Summarising the above, it may be said (1) that both the oviducts—the left one specially, are smaller in length and h less convoluted than the oviducts found in a normal supply, and the absence of the vasa efferentia would seem to suggest that the testis after reaching a certain stage of development has been arrested in its growth and is now 296 Journal of the Asiatic Soc. of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, 1920.] ding to become degenerate and non-functional. It is an interesting fact that the oviduct of the right side, on which the testis is so small and rather undeveloped, should be so well developed, whereas the oviduct of the left side, on me h is is abnormally developed, should be so small a degenerate and not even continuous throughout its be» length. oN mr ee ON es et et, 16. A short note on the cretaceous echinoid Cyrtoma, M’clelland. By H. C. Das-Gupta, M.A., F.G.S. : In the year 1917 I had an opportunity of visiting the ~ Khasi hills in charge of a party of students from the Presidency College, Calcutta.. My collections from these hills include some cretaceous fossils, amongst which the following echinoids have been determined besides one biserial(?) diadematoid cast, the generic determination of which is not possible :— Hemiaster Sp. Discoidea Sp. aff. infera, Desor. Pyrina ataxensis, Cott. var. pentagonalis, Neetl. Pyrina ataxensis, Cott. var. tumida, Nootl. Cyrtoma Herschelliana, J. M. : OU oe bo genus Cyrtoma was established by the late Mr. J. M. M’clelland, one of the pioneer workers in the field of Indian geology.' The fossils were all obtained from unlike C. ovatus, d’Orb.,® but a comparison of the specimens Cyrtoma Herschelliana, J. M., the name adopted by me in the foregoing list. None of the specimens collected by me shows 1 Cal. Journ Nat. Hist., Vol. I, pp. 155-187 with plates (1840). 2 Op. cit., p. 184. 8 Mem. Geol. Surv. Ind., Vol. I, pp. 164-165, footnote (1869). + Mem. Geol. Surv. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 182 (1871). 5 Pal, Fr. Echin. terr-cret., VI, pp 345-347, pls. 945, 946. 298 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [NS., XVI, the oral surface, while the specimens of M’clelland’ have oral surface as casts. Ina short note dealing with the upper eretaceous rocks of Assam! Dr. Spengler mentioned the occurrence of Stigmatopygus elatus, Forbes in them, and there is no doubt that under this name Dr. Spengler refers to the forms determined as Cyrtoma Herschelliana, J. M., tigmatopygus elatus, Forbes was originally described as Nucleolites (Cassidulus) elatus.» The genus Stigmatopygus was established by d’Orbigny in 1885° with S. galeatus as the | e species and N. elatus was transferred to this genus, an It referred to the same genus.’ As far as can be judged by the materials available to me it appears that the Khasi hill of the Khasi hill specimens shows the five buccal tubercles and rosettes. 3 In his work dealing with the revision of the echinoid genus the late Prof. Duncan put Cyrtoma as synonym of Pygor- hynchus, Agassiz,> but my study of the nature of Cyrtoma has led me to hold an opinion quite different from this and that for reasons given below. Pygorhynchus was originally described as a distinct genus by Agassiz, but a sub-generic value was assigned to it by Duncan who put it under the genus Cassidulus, Lam.’ _ | Centralbl. f. Min, Geol. u. Pal. 1915, pp. 621-623. This paper, being published during the war, was not previously available in Caleutta, nly very recently a reprint of the paper arrived bere and Prot. Vre- mtn very kindly drew my attention to it for which I am thankful im. 2 Trans. Geol. Soc., Vol. VII, p. 162. 3 Pal. Fr. terr cret., Vol. VI, p. 331. al. Ind. Ser., VIII, Vol. IV, p. 98 (1873). 5 Pomel: Echinodermes. p. 65. 6 Pal, Fr. terr-cret., Vol. VI, p. 331. 1 M’clelland op. cit., p- 185 1. Linn. Soc. (Zoo! 891). 9 Op. cit., p. 182. Forbes considered Pygorhynchus to be a sub- genus of Nucleolites (Trans. Geol. Soc. Lond. 2nd Ser., Vol. VII, p. 161). Stoliczka pointed out that there was very little difference between Cassidulus and Pygorhynchus (Pal, Ind. Ser. VIII, Vol. 1V, p. 99, 1873). 1920.] Note on the cretaceous echinoid. 299 Agassiz described two species under this generic name,' but the characters of the species differed, to such an extent, from those which were attributed to the genus, that d’Orbigny had to create a new genus (Botriopygus) for the reception of these i * but the this genus.2 This list was modified by Desor* and there have been subsequent additions to the list since then.’ In 1898 Lambert created a new genus, Plagiopygus, to include the so-called (soi-disant) tertiary species of Pygorynchus,® but separate genus has been made out.’ According to Desor Pygorhynchus has a ‘ periprocte supra- marginal et transversal’ with ‘ peristome excentrique,’ while the figures and descriptions of the species I have been able to lay my hands on all agree in these two characters.’ Cassidulus, of which Pygorhynchus is a sub-genus, according to Duncan, has a peristome excentric in front. Thus it is clear that if figures and the few specimens collected by me. From an examination of these it is quite clear that the periproct is supra-marginal and longitudinal, while the peristome 1s central * and accordingly we may safely conclude that Cyrtoma and Pygorhynchus are not identical. ; Stigmtopygus galeatus, the type species on which Stigma- topygus, @’Orb., was established has a ‘ périprocte en forme de bouteille surmonté d’un bourrelet assez notable.’ © S. elatus has an anal opening quite different from this. In his synopsis | Agassiz: Echinodermes fossiles de la Suisse, Vol. I, pp. 53-57 (1839). 2 Pal. Fr. terr-cret., Vol. VI, pp. 334-342. 3 Op. cit., p. 321. 4 Desor: Synopsis des Echinides fossiles, p. S07. 5eg. P. Tripolitanus, Krumm (Palaeontographica. LIII, p. 89 6). 6 Bull. Pal Tome XI M, p. 162. Bull. Soc. belge de Geol. et de Pa a es Coe. tert. Ist pt., pp. 25-28. There seems to be some confusion regarding the type of Pygorhynchus. It is usual to look upon P. obovatus as Agassiz’s : M’clelland: op. cit., p. 2 ® Desor: op. cit., p. 288. 300 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, 1920.] Desor has removed S. Galeatus to Rhynchopygus (p. 288) and has appended the following note to his description of Stigma- topygus :— : ‘La forme du périprocte sur laquelle M. d’Orbigny s'est fondé pour créer ce genre est sans doute trés caractéristique, mais nous ne pensons pas qu'elle soit 4 elle seule suffisante pour justifier une coupe generique. Aussi aurions nous hésité a séparer ce type du genre Echinanthus, si cette forme parti- culiére du périprocte n’était ici combinée avec une surface inférieure plane, tandis que le dessous des Echinanthus est au contraire trés concave’ (p. 296). Desor has evidently taken From these considerations it appears that Cyrtoma should be regarded as a distinct gi n Stigmatopygus, d’Orb., should be rejected from the generic names of the echinoids or if it is thought advisable to retain the name with S. galeatus as the type, the Indian forms cannot be refer- are quoted below :— ‘Meine Untersuchungen haben ergeben, dass nicht die geringsten Anhaltspunkte fiir ein cenomanes Alter eines Teiles der Assamkreide vorhanden sind, sondern dass die ganze bisher or ela Oberkreide von Assam dem Obersenon angehért’ p. : 17. The Colophons of Four Ancient Sanskrit Manu- scripts. By R. C. Masumpar. In an article in Indian Antiquary, 1918, pp. 109 ff. Mr. R. D. Banerji has repeated the statement, originally made in the Palas of Bengal,' that Vigrahapala II ruled for 26 years. The statement rests upon the colophon of a MS. of the Paficha- raksa, which runs as follows :— Paramesvara-Paramabhatiaraka-Paramasaugata-Maharaja- dhiraja-Srimad-Vigrahapaladevasya pravardhamana-vijayarajye (about 15 indistinct aksaras) Samvat 26 Asadha dina 24. Mr. Bendall who first published this colophon comments on it as follows:—‘‘ There were three sovereigns called Vi- grahapala in Bengal between A.D. 910 and 1090. From the great similarity, however, between the writing of this MS. and that of the Cambridge MSS. written during the reigns of the two kings intervening between Vigrahapala II and III it is safest to assign this manuscript to one of these reigns, which brings the writing of the MS. to either A.D. 1015 or 1100.” . In a footnote to the above he remarks :— assigned to one of them. (iii) That as by assigning it to Vigrahapala III it has to be brought down to so late a period as 1100 A.D., or Vigrahapala of the colophon with the second king of the same name is more probable. } Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. V, No. 3, p. 66. 2 Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the British Museum, p. 232. a ne ici ansahieuibaie as ae nae 302 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, Now, nobody, I believe, would question the soundness of the first two points above. The third, I am afraid, is unten- able, for it rests upon false premises. There is hardly any ground for the assumption either that Mahipala lived till 1060 A.D. or that Vigrahapala ruled in the eleventh century. The reasons which led Cunningham to propound such a view are laid down as follows :— “ Veracharya, a Raja of Orissa, is said to have been tribut- ary to him (Mahipala); but there is no such name in the list of kings given by Dr. Hunter, which is :— A.D. 999 Nritya Kesari. ,, 1013 Narsinh Kesari. , 1050 Varaha Kesari. Amongst these the only name at all like Veracharya is that of Varaha Kesari but, as his reign did not begin until A.D. 1050, the identification would show that the reign of Mahipal 60 in the present state of our knowledge. As a matter of fact, as Mr. R. D. Banerji has himself maintained, the probability is that Vigrahapala II and Mahipala I ceased to rule before 980 and 1026 A.D. respectively. It thus follows that the colophon in question should be assigned to either Vigrahapala II or Vigrahapala III, and there is no ground to hold that any one of these suppositions is more probable than the other. o far as regards Mr. Bendall’s position. Now Jet us turn to Mr. R. D. Banerji’s statement to the effect that the MS. in question was written in the 26th year of Vigrahapaladeva II. This is not supported even by what Mr. Bendall says. For he at best held it as more probable that the MS. should be referred to the reign of Vigrahapala II, whereas Mr. Banerji looks upon this as a certain fact. But in view of what has been said above it cannot be held to be even probable, and of course far less a certain conclusion. year of Mahipala I.2. For there is nothing in the colophon itself to show that the king Mahipala referred to therein is Mahipala I and not Mahipala II. Indeed this is clearly pointed out by Dr. Theodor Bloch who noticed the colophon. There is another instance of a similar error on the part of | Proc, A.S.B, 1899, p. 69. 2 Palas of Bengal, p. 75. * 1920.] Colophons of Four Ancient Sanskrit Manuscripts. 303 Mr. Banerji, although it is shared to some extent by Dr. Barnett. The colophon of a MS. of the Astasahasrika prajna- paramita in the British Museum runs thus :—‘‘ Parameévara- LL oe heed “3 4 pF Biel Soften dh ang ¢ Mek Choe, ay paladeva - pravarddhamana - kalyana - vijaya - rajye - tyadi_samvat 15 Aévine dine 4 Srimad-Vikramasila-deva-vihare likhit-eyam bhaqavatt. r. Barnett remarks on this MS :—‘‘ Now this volume very closely resembles the MS. Or. 3346, especially in its colophon. The latter was written in the reign of Vigraha- i~-= ascription to Mahipiila I of a MS. or Ashtasahasrika Prajfiapa- ramita in the University Library, Cambridge, referred to by Mr. Bendall in his catalogue, p. 101. Its colophon runs thus: ce Dp - EL Atinenern t —s— naharaid- CMMI) — “ Param Pp tt p 9 ni dhiraja-Sriman-Mahipaladeva-pravarddhamana-vijayarajye sam- vat 5 Aévine krsne.” *There is thus nothing to show whether the king Mahipala referred to above is the first or the second king of that name. It is true that Mr. Bendall referred it to Mahipala I, but he wrote in 1883 when the existence of therefore perfectly justified in assigning the work to the only Pala king of that name known to him. But to-day, when a second Mahipala is known to us, an author can hardly be excused if he blindly copies the remarks of Mr. Bendall in 1 deducing historical information from the colophons of MS. is not very scientific, and is calculated to lead some scholars astray. “I have come across a paper on Pala chronology where the elaborate and painstaking calculations of the author have been rendered quite valueless by his tacit acceptance of the data of colophons as interpreted by Mr. Banerji. 1 J.RA.S. 1910, pp. 150-151. es 2 Palas of Bengal, p. 65. 3 Ibid., p. 74. 18. The Later Mauryas and the Decline of their Power, By Hemcouanpra Raycnaupnorl, M.A. Andhra and Kalinga. Unfortunately no Kautilya or Megasthenes has left any account of the later Mauryas. It is impossible to reconstruct a detailed history of Asoka’s successors from the scanty data furnished by one or two inscriptions and a few Brahmanical, Jain and Buddhist works. goka had many children. In Pillar Edict vii he pays attention to the distribution of alms made by all his child- n who live, some near him and others in the provinces, inscriptions, does not appear to have mounted the throne. Three other sons, namely, Kunala, Mahendra and Jalauka are mentioned in literature. It is, however, uncertain whether Mahendra was a son of Asoka or his brother. The Vayu Purana says that after Asoka’s death his son, Kunala, reigned for eight years. Kunala’s son and successor was Bandhupalita, and Bandhupalita’s dayada was Indrapalita. After Indrapalita came Devavarman, Satadhanus and Brihad- ratha. ee The Matsya Purana gives the following list of Asoka’s successors :—Dasaratha, Samprati, Satadhanvan and Brihad- ratha. The Vishnu Purana furnishes the followings names -— Suyasas, Dasgaratha, Sangata, Salisika, Somasarman, Sata- dhanvan and Brihadratha. = The Divyavadana (Cowell and Neil’s edition, p. 433) has the following names :— Sampadi, Vrihaspati, Vrishasena, Pushyadharman, and Pushyamitra. . e 306 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, is not an easy task to reconcile the divergent versions Pétaliputrakalpa of Jinaprabhasuri, the well-known Jain therefore, probably like that of Dhritarashtra of the Great Epic and though nominally regarded as the sovereign, he was is described by the Jain and Buddhist authorities as the immediate successor of Asoka. Kunala’s son was Bandhupalita according to the Vayu ‘Purana, and Samprati(Sampadi) according to the Divyavadana and the Pataliputrakalpa. Either these princes were identical or they were brothers. If the latter view be correct then Bandhupalita must be identified with Dasaratha whose reality Indrapalita must be identified with Samprati or Salisika according as we identify Bandhupalita with Dagaratha or Samprati. In the matter of the propagation of the Jain faith, Jain records speak as highly of Sampratias Buddhist records de of Asoka. Jinaprabhasuri says, ‘‘ in Pataliputra flourished the great king Samprati, son of Kunala, lord of Bharata, with its three continents, the great Arhanta who established viharas for Sramanas even in non-Aryan countries.” Dr. Smith shows good grounds for believing that the dominions of Samprati included Avanti and Western India. The existence of Salisika is proved not only by the testimony of the Vishnu Purana but also by that of the Gargi Samhita and the e Vayu manuscript referred to by Mr. Pargiter. Is he identical with Vrihaspati, son of Samprati, according to the Divyavadana ? Devavarman and Somasarman are variant readings of the sa me. The same is the case with Satadhanus and Satadhanvan. It is not easy to identify Vrishasena and Pushyadharma, Possibly they are merely birudas of Devavar- man and Satadhanvan. The last Maurya, Brihadratha, is mentioned not only in 1920.| The Later Mauryas. 307 the Puranas but also in Bana’s Harshacharita. He was assassinated by his general Pushyamitra Sunga who is wrong- ly described by the Divyavadana as of Maurya descent. There can be no doubt that during the rule of the later Mauryas the Magadha Empire experienced a gradual decay. Asoka: died in or about the year 232 or 231 B.C. Within twenty-five years of his death a Greek army crossed the Hindu- kush which was the Maurya frontier in the days of Chandra- gupta and his grandson. The Yuga Purana section of the Gargi Samhita bears testimony to the decline of the Mauryan power in the Madhyadesa after the reign of Salistka. According to Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Sastri (J.A. S.B. 1910, p. 259) the dismemberment of the Maurya Empire sacrifices. The edict, in Pandit Sastri’s opinion, was certainly directed against the Brahmanas as a class and was specially offensive because it was promulgated by a Sadra ruler. As to the first point we should remember that prohibition of animal sacrifices did not necessarily imply hostility towards Brah- manas. Long before Asoka Bre ne have found a place in the Holy Srutt, the most sacred literature of the Brahmanas, declared themselves in no uncertain terms against sacrifices, and in favour of Ahimsa. In the M undaka Upanishad we have the following passage :— “WaT Bat BEST TTSAT ATMAATL BY AH | waa ashracia Fet aca & uatarty afar Ql! ‘« Frail, in truth are those boats, the sacrifices, the eighteen. in which this lower ceremonial has been told. Fools who praise this as the highest good, are subject again and again to old age and death.”’ In the Chhandogya Upanishad (iii. 17. 4) Ghora Angirasa lays great stress on Ahimsa. As to the second statement we should remember that tradition is not unanimous in representing the Mauryas as ul er ca Moriyas as a noble clan. In the Maha-parinibbana-sulta the Moriyas are represented as belonging to the Kshatriya caste. 308 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, In the Divyavadana Asoka is styled as a Kshatriya who con- siders it derogatory to take onions. —. referre d to the prohibition of animal sacrifices Pandit Sastri says: ‘This was followed by another edict in which ‘isthe boasted that those who were — as gods on earth have been reduced by him into false gods. If it means anything it means that the Brahmanas who were at as Bhidevas or gods on earth had been shown up by him The orginal passage referred to above runs thus Y (i)-tmaya kalaya Jambudipasi amisa deva ae te dant m (1)s- kata M.M, ‘Sastri followed the interpretation of Senart. But pera Sylvain Lévi has shown that the word amisa cannot stand for Sanskrit amrisha, for in the Bhabru edict we find musa and not misa for Sanskrit mrisha. The recently dis- covered Maski version reads misibhita for misam-kata showing that the original form was misribhita. It will be grammatically incorrect to form misibhaia from Sanskrit mrisha. The wo misra means mixed. And misribhita means “made to mix.’ There is thus no question of “ showing up” any body. The true import of the passage has been pointed out by . Prof. Bhandarkar, in Ind. Ant., 1912, p. 170. M.M. Sastriadds that the appointment by Asoka of Dharma mahamatras, i.e. of superintendents of morals, was a direct establishment of piety (which included liberality to Brahmanas) the promotion of the welfare of the Yavanas, Kambojas, Gandharas, Brahmanas and others, the prevention of wrongful ra atone ys or chastisement, the deliverance of men smitten ala hman astri next refers to the passage kan Asoka insists upon his officers strictly observing the principles of Dandasamata and Vyavaharasamata. He takes the expressions to mean equality of punishment and equality in law suits irrespective of caste, colour and creed, and adds that this order e passage containing the words Dandasamaia and Vyavaharasamata should not be divorced from its context and interpreted as if it were an isolated ukase. We quote the passage with the context below My Rajukas have been granted independence in the award 1920. ] _ The Later Mauryas. 309 tion of one Rajuka should be entirely different from those prevailing within the jurisdiction of others.' He wanted to maintain some uniformity (Samata) both in Danda (penalties) as well as in Vyavahara (procedure). As an instance he refers to the rule about the granting of respite of three days to condemned men. The Samata which he enforced involved a curtailment of the autonomy of the Rajukas and did not necessarily infringe on the alleged immunity of the Brahmanas the Court of Janaka. In the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad (iii. 9. 2 : ancient as in mediaeval and modern India. We learn from the Aitareya Brahmana that king Harischandra of the Iksh- vaku family did not scruple to offer a Brahmana boy as a victim in a sacrifice. : ; Against the surmises regarding the anti#Brahmanical policy of Asoka we have the positive evidence of some of his inscriptions which proves the emperor's solicitude for the wel- fare of the Brahmanas. Thus in Rock Edict III he inculcates liberality to Brahmanas. In Edict IV he reprobates unseemly behaviour towards Brahmanas. In Edict V he refers to the employment of Dharmamahamatras to promote the welfare and happiness of the Brahmanas. - M.M. Sastri says further that as soon as the strong hand of Asoka, was removed the Brahmanas seemed to have stood against his successors. We have no evidence of any such conflict between the children of Asoka and the Brahmanas. On the other hand, if the Brahmana historian of Kasmir is to pias 1 I am indebted for this suggestion to my colleague, Mr. S. N. Majumdar. 310 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, be believed the relations between J alauka, one of the sons and eee of Asoka and the Brahmanical Hindus, were entirely frie . panstision Pandit Sastri refers to the assassination of the last Maurya by Pushyamitra Sunga and says, ‘‘ We clearly supremacy of the Sungas’’ do not bear out the theory which represents Pushyamitra and his descendants as the leaders ofa militant Brahmanism. re inferences deduced from un- corroborated writings of late alice: like Taranath, to be preferred to the clear testimony of contemporary monuments ? Even admitting that Pushyamitra was a militant Brahmanist, we fail to see how the dismemberment of the Maurya empire can be attributed to him or his Brahmanist followers. The empire was a shrivelled and attenuated body long before the Sunga coup d’état of 185 B.C. Welearn from the Rajatarangini that immediately after the death of Asoka one of his own sons, Jalauka, made himself independent in Kasmir and conquered the plains as far as anaes. The loss of the northern provinces is confirmed by Greek evidence. We learn from ae date that about 206 B.C. there ruled over them a king named Subhagasena. Subhagasena was a king and not a petty “chief of the Kabul valley as Dr. Vincent Smith would have us believe. He is called ‘“‘ king of the Indians,” a title which was applied by the classical writers only to great kings, like Chandragupta and Demetrius. He enjoyed the friendship of Antiochus, the great king of Syria. There is nothing in the account o Polybius which shows that he was vanquished by the Syrian ing in war or was regarded by the latter as a subordinate ruler. Onthe contrary, the statement that Antiochus “ renewed his friendship with Sophagasenus, king of the Indians,” proves that the two monarchs met on equal terms and that the rela- tions between them were of a friendly kind. The renewal of friendship on the part of the Greek king and the surrender of elephants on the part of his Indian brother only remind us of | the relations vehtentees betweer Chandragupta and Seleucus. Further the expre *“ renewal of friendship ” seems to suggest that Sabhapadena had had previous prema with Antiochus. Consequently he must have come to the throne some time before 206 B.C. The existence of an iadeoaiien kingdom in the North-West before 206 B.C. shows that the Maurya empire must have begun to break up nearly a quarter of a — before the usurpation of Pushyamitra. ve seen that the tneory which ascribes the dismem- berment of the Maurya empire to a Brahmanical revolution Maurya disruptio ndue primarily to the Greek invasions? The earliest Greek invasion after Asoka, that of Antiochus, took 1920.] The Later Mauryas. : 311 place about 206 B.C. and we have seen that the combined testimony of Kalhana and Polybius leaves no reom for doubt that the dissolution of the empire began long before the raid of the Hellenistic monarch. What then were the primary causes of the disintegration of the mighty empire? There are good grounds for believing that the government of the outlying provinces by the Impe- rial officials was oppressive. Already in the time of Bindusara ministerial oppression had goaded the people of Taxila to open rebellion. The Divyavadana says (p. 371) :— * atha rajfio Vindusarasya Takshasila nama nagaram virud- dham. Tatra rajna Vindusarenasoko visarjitak..yavat kumaras chaturangena balakdyena Takshasilam gatah, srutva Takshasila nivasinak paurah pratyudgamya cha kathayanti na vayam umarasya viruddhah napi rajio Vindusarasya api tu dushia- matya asmakam paribhavam kurvante. Now Taxila, a city of Bindusara’s, revolted. The king despatched Agoka there.... while the prince was nearing Taxila with the fourfold army, the resident pauras of Taxila, on hear- ing of it .... came out to meet him and said :—“ We are not opposed to the prince nor even to king Bindusara. But these. wicked ministers insult us.” ; The Divydvadana is no doubt a late work, but the reality of ministerial oppression to which it refers is affirme Asoka himself in the Kalinga Edicts. Addressing the high officers in charge of Tosalihe says: ‘‘ All men are my ¢ ildren TO Edict it appears that official maladministration was not con- significant that the provincials of the North-West—the very people who complained of the oppression of the Dushtamatyas as early as the reign of Bindusara were the first to break away from the Maurya empire. The Magadhan successors of Asoka 312 casio of the Asiatic Society of seca ous [N.S., XVI, 1920.] Magadha had vanished with the last cries of agony uttered in the battle-fields of Kalinga. Asoka had given up the san i sive militarism of his forefathers and had evolved a polic of Dhammavijaya which must have seriously impaired the military efficiency of his empire. He had called upon his sons and grandsons to eschew new conquests, avoid the shedding of blood and take pleasure in patience and gentleness. It is, therefore, not at all surprising that the rois faineants who succeeded to the imperial throne of Pataliputra proved unequal to the task of maintaining the integrity of the mighty fabric reared by the genius of Chandragupta and Chanakya. The disintegration which - in before 206 B.C. was acce- lerated by the invasions led by the Yavanas referred to in the Gargt Samhita and the Mahabhitehya of Patafijali. The final cowp de grace was given by Pushyamitra Sunga. LPN INI NL INL OE INF RINIS EN RSA IV IO 19. The Gupta Empire in the Sixth and Seventh Centuries A.D. By Hemcuanpra Raycnaupuuri, M.A. Thanks to eminent scholars like Sir R. G Bhandarkar, Fleet, Smith, Allan and others the general outlines of the history of the Gupta dynasty from the time of Chandra Gupta I to that of Skanda Gupta Vikramaditya are no longer open to doubt, and trustworthy accounts of the Gupta empire from A.D. 320 to A.D: 467 are by no means a rarity. But the later Guptas have hardly received the attention they deserve. It is now admitted by all scholars that the reign of Skanda Gupta ended about A.D. 467.!_ When he passed away the empire did not wholly perish. We have epigraphic as well as literary evidence of the continuance of the Gupta empire in the sixth and seventh centuries A.D. The Betul plates of in the year 209, i.e. A.D. 528, proves that the Gupta empire included the Central Provinces even in A.D. 528.° Five years later the grant of a village in the Kotivarsha Vishaya of Pundravardhana bhukti “during the reign of Paramadaivata Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Sri.......+- Gupta” * shows that the Gupta empire at this period included the eastern as well as the central provinces. Towards the close of the sixth century a Gupta king, a contemporary of Prabhakara- vardhana of the Pushpabhiti family of Srikantha (Thanésar), was ruling in Malwa. Two sons of this king Kumara Gupta and Madhava Gupta were appointed to wait upon the princes Rajyavardhana and Harsha of Thanésar.6 From 1 Smith, The Oxford History of India, ‘ Additions and Corrections,’ PAE olarophdé: Indlea; ols VIEL, op HS? raphia ica, Vol. pe. 3 8 Flect, ssc Inscriptionum thorns, Vol. Iil, pp. 113-16. 4 Damodarpur plates, edited by Prof. Radhagovinda Basak. Ep. Ind., XV, p. 113. 6 Cowell ‘and Thomas, Harsa-Carita, p. 119. 314 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. (N.S., XVII. of Paramabhatiaraka and Maharajadhiraja. We shall now proceed to give a brief account of the later Gupta monarchs. The immediate successor of Skanda Gupta tion by Smith and Hoernle.? This seal describes Pura Gupta as the son of Kumara Gupta I by the queen Ananta Devi, and does not mention Skanda Gupta. The mention of Pura Gupta immediately after Kumara Gupta with the prefix Tatpadanu- yata does not necessarily prove that Pura Gupta was the immediate successor of his father, and a contemporary and rival of his brother Skanda Gupta. In the Manahali grant Mada- napala is described as “‘ Sri Ramapala Deva Padanudhyata id although he was preceded by his elder brother Kumarapala. Dr. Smith has proved that Skanda Gupta ruled over the whole empire including the eastern and the central as well as the wes- tern provinces.’ There is no room for a rival Mahara jadhiraja _in Northern India during his reign. He was a man of mature years ° at the time of his accession and must have been an old man at the time of his death c. A.D. 467. His brother and Sri Vatsadevi, the mother of Narasimha Gupta Baladitya. , The coins of Pura Gupta have the reverse legend Sri 2 212-13. 8 J.A . 84-105. 4 A.K, Maitreya, Gauda lekhamaila, p. 153. 6 The Early History of India, 1914, pp. 309-10. 6 Op. cit., p. 309. 7 Dr. R. C. Majumdar, The Revised Chronology of the last Gupta Emperors, Indian Antiquary, 1918, p. 161 et seq. 8 Allan, Catalogue of the coins of the Gupta Dynasties, p. 134. 1921.] Gupta Empire in Sixth and Seventh Cents. A.D. 315 Ayodhya, father of Baladitya, who was a patron of Buddhis through the influence of Vasubandhu.! The importance of this identification lies in the fact that it proves that the suc- cessors of Skanda Gupta ruled at Ayodhya probably till the ise of the Maukharis Pura Gupta was ‘succeeded by his son, Narasimha Gupta Baladitya. This king has been identified with king Baladitya who is represented by oe Tsang as having overthrown the tyrant Mihirakula. has been overlooked that Hiuen Tsang’s Baladitya was ae immediate successor of Tathagata Gupta who was himself the immediate successor of Budha Gupta,’ whereas Narasimha Gupta Baladitya was the son and successor of Pura Gupta who in his turn was the son of Kumara —- T and the successor of eae Gupta. The son and suc- Pura Gupta but an altogether different individual. The existence of at least two kings of the Madhyadésa having the biruda Baladitya is proved by the Sarnath inscription of Prakataditya.° Narasimha Gupta must have died in or about the year 472. He was succeeded by his son Kumara Gupta II, Kramaditya by queen Mahalakshmi Devi. Kumara Gupta JI has been identified with the king of that name mentioned in the Sarnath Buddhist Image Inscrip- tion of the year 154 G.E. (A.D. 473-74). His reign must have terminated in or about the year 157 (A. D. 476-77 ), the first 477). This is by no means a unique case. Jn Vengi three East- ern Chalukya Monarchs, viz. Vijayaditya IV, his son Ammaraja I, and Ammara ja’s son, at gi cc 1 ae ruled only for seven ao and six and a half m udha Gupta, the os Kumara Gupta IJ, Pes ing we have a number of dated inscriptions and coins 1 Op. cit., pp Li. eas Fi Smith, E.H.I., pp: 3 3 Fo-to-kio-to. Beal pe II, p Shek Fleet (C.I.1. Introduction, 46n ) and Watters (On Yuan Chwang’s 3 Tr avels in India, II, p. at bi render the term by ‘‘ Buddha Gupta”? a name unknown to Indian Epigraphy i Baladitya with Mibirakula (Beal _ Lite ,” p. 111; Si-yu-ki, I, p. 168) proves that ‘‘ Budha 4 ” is meant. atters, Yuan tee p. 165. Fleet, C.LI., p. 2 - § Maj umdar ihe Revised Chronology of the Last Gupta Emperors, Ind. Ant., 1918, p- 161 et ie 2 i Hultzsch, South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 46. 316 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVII, prove that he ruled for about twenty years (A.D. 477, . Welearn from Hiuen Tsang aoe he was a son of srediiys The only nares of Budha Gupta who had that title was Kumara Gupta I Mahendraditya ( Mahendra = Sakra). It seems rakatis: ee Budha Gupta was the young- est son of the emperor Kumara Gupta I, and consequently a — or na brother of Skanda Gupta and Pura Gupta. (northern and part of eastern Bengal) which was governed by the viceroys (Uparika Maharaja) Brahmadatta and Jayadatta. The Sarnath Buddhist Image Inscription of the Gupta year 157 (A.D. 476-77) proves his possession of the Kasi country. years se (A.D. 484-85) the erection of a Dhvaja stambha aja Matrivishnu, ruler of the Arikina Vishaya e Eran in the Sagar District ), and his brother Dhanyavishnu while Budha Gupta was Yebning and Surasmichandra was go- verning the land between the Kalindi and the Narmada,” indi- cates that Budha Gupta’s dominions included Central India as well as Kasi and Bengal. The coins of this emperor are dated in the year 175=A.D. 495-68 They continue the types of the Gupta silver coinage ; their legend is the claim to be lord of the earth and to have sere heaven, found on the coins of Kumara Gupta I and Skanda According to Hiuen Tsang Budha Gupta was succeeded by Tathagata Gupta, after whom Baladitya succeeded to the — . t this period the supremacy of the Guptas in — India was challenged by the Hun king Toramana. have seen that in A.D. 484-485 a Maharaja named Matrivi- shnu ruled in the Arikina Vishaya as a vassal of the emperor Budha Gupta, but after his death his younger cosecgrnad Dhanya- vishnu acknowledged the ances 4 of Toramana. The success of the Huns in Central India was, however, short lived. In the year 191, i.e. A.D. 510-11, we find a general named Goparaja fighting by the side of a Gupta king at Arikina ° and king Hastin of the neighbouring province of Dabhala acknowledging the sovereignty of the Guptas.’| In 199 (A.D. 518) the suzerainty of the Guptas is acknowledged in the Tripurivishaya.’ In the year 309 (A.D. 528-29) the Pie dy : Edited by Aah Radhagovinda Basak. 2 Fleet, C. L1I., p. § Allan Catalog of ‘the Coins of the — Ai aorta p. lxii. 4 Beal, "Si-yu ki, II, aa Say the Life, p. ; Fleet, hg 2 #, pp. Op. cit., p. 107. : Ephignaphia Indica, Vol. VIII, be eee 1921.] Gupta Empire in Sixth and Seventh Cents. A.D. 317 sway ven still pagel ar by He Parivrajaka Maharaja of Dabhala.'' The Parivrajakas Hastin and Samkshdbha seem to have ea the ilwacis of the Gane empire in the Central Provinces. The Harsha Charita of Bana recognises the posses- sion of Malwa by the se apie as late as the time of Prabhakara- vardhana (A.D. 600) .? There can be no doubt that the expulsion of the Huns from Central India was final. The recovery of the Cs ait Provinces was probably effected by Baladitya who is grins ted by Hiuen Tsang as having overthrown Mihira- kula (the son and successor of TOramana) and left him the ruler of a ‘‘ small kingdom in the north”.’ It is not altoge- ther improbable that Baladitya was a biruda of ‘‘ the glorious Bhanu Gupta, the bravest man on the earth, a | mighty king, equal to Partha,’ along with whom Goparaja went to Arikina and oe fought a ‘‘ very famous battle” died iar before 5i0-11.4 Mihirakula was finally subjugated fe the Janendra ae dharman of Mandasor shortly before 533.5 Line 6 of the Mandasor oe pillar inscription ° ie eaves the Regain T8 that in the time of YasOdharman Mihirakula was the king of a Himalayan country (‘small kingdom in the north”), i.e Kasmir and that neighbourhood, who was compelled ‘‘ to pay respect to the two feet’’ of the victorious Janendra probably when the latter carried his arms to ‘the — of snow the table lands of which are embraced by the Gang. Yasodharman claims to have extended his s aay ‘as far as the Lauhitya (Brahmaputra) in the east.?| It is not improb- able that he defeated and killed Vajra, the son and successor of Baladitya, and sabegag Trae the viceregal family of the Dattas of Pundravardhana. Hiuen Tsang mentions a king of Central India as the successor of Vajra. * The Dattas who governed Pundravardhanabhukti from the time of Kumara Gupta - = that of Budha Gupta, disappear about this time. But dharman’s success must have been short lived, because in ce Paramabhattaraka M opardjadhiraja prithivipaty and not any official of the Central Indian Janendra was governing the Pund- ravardhana bhukti, a province which lay between the Indian interior and the Lauhitya. 1 Fleet, C.I.I., 2 Cowell and ices Harsa carita, p. 119. P- 171. 5O cit., "14 7,1 . 6 Op. cit. BP. 146. 147. ‘Ch. Jayaswal, The Historical Position of Kalki, p- ‘ Op. cit., p. 146. 8 Beal, Si-yu-ki, I, p. 170. 318 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVII, The name of the Gupta Emperor in the Damodarpur plate of A.D. 533-34 is unfortunately lost. The Aphsad inscription of Aditya Séna however discloses the names of a number of Gupta kings, the fourth of whom, \.D. approximate date of Kumara Gupta II). It is probable that one of these kings is identical with the Gupta emperor men- tioned in the Damodarpur plate of A.D. 533-34. The absence of high-sounding titles like Maharajadhiraja or Paramabhatta- raka in the glokas of the Aphsad inscription does not necessarily prove that the kings mentioned there were petty chiefs. No such titles are attached to the name of Kumara Gupta in the Mandasor inscription of A.D. 473-74, or to the name of Budha Gupta in the Eran inscription of A.D. 484-85. On the other hand even the queen of Madhava Gupta, the subordinate ally of Harsha, is called Paramabhattarika and Mahadevi in the Dé Baranark inscription of Jivita Gupta II. garding Krishna Gupta we know very little. The Aphsad inscription describes him as a hero whose arm played the part of a lion, in bruising the foreheads of the array of the rutting elephants of (his) haughty enemy (and) in being victorious by (its) prowess over countless foes.* he “ driptarati’” (haughty enemy) against whom he had to fight may have been Yasodharman. he next king, Harsha Gupta, had to engage in “‘ terrible contests” with those who were “averse to the abode of the goddess of fortune being with (him, her) own lord.” ® There were ‘‘ wounds from many weapons ”’ on his chest. e names of the enemies who tried to deprive him of his rightful posses- sions are not given. larsha’s son, Jivita Gupta I, probably succeeded in re- establishing the power of his family. He is described as the crest jewel of kings (Kshitisa-Chudamani). “ The very terrible y 1 Hirfnanda Sastri, Haraha Inscription of Iéanavarman, Ep. Ind., xiv, p. 110 et seq. 2 Fleet, C.1.1., p. 204. 8 Op. cit., p. 215. + Op. cit., p. 202. 5 Op. cit., p. 205. 1921.] Gupta Empire in Sixth and Seventh Cents. A.D. 319 which is cold with nes water of the rushing | and waving torrents full of snow The “ haughty foes” on sea side shores were reer the Gaudas es were already launched on a career of conquest about this time and who are described as living on the seashore (samudraéraya) in the Haraha a of A.D. 554. The next king, Kumara Gupta III, had to encounter a sea of troubles The Gaudas* were issuing from their ‘‘ proper realm ’’ which was Western Bengal (as it Hania. on the sea and included Karnasuvarna * and Radhapuri *). The lord of the Andhras who had seuseaeie of three-fold rutting elephants,’ and the Silikas® who had an army of countless galloping horses. were powers to be reckoned with. A new power was rising in the Upper Ganges valley which was destined to engage in a death ae with the Guptas for the mastery of Northern India. This was the Maukhari power. The Maukharis claimed descent from the hundred sons r as The stone inscriptions of one group have been discovered in the Jaunpur and Bara Banki districts of the United Provinces, while the stone inscriptions of the other group have been discovered in the Gaya district of Bihar.’ The Maukharis 2 aya (Yajfiavarman, Sardilavarman and Anantavarman) we admittedly a feudatory family. Prince Sardila is sailed Samanta-chi udamani in = Barabar Hill Cave Inscription of his son Anantavarman.!° e Maukharis of the United Provinces were also probabl re Ea at first. .The earliest princes of this family, : Op. ¢ » P- 205. ‘Gauda’ is a sot a Dravidian term meaning a — Cf. Mysore te iii m the Inscriptions, p. 165. The Gau phi asaicys is period re ae us rat the Kaivarta outbreak of the — of the ae Pal ki aoe. . Chakravarti, J.A.S.B., 1908, p. 274. Prabodhachandsodaye, Act ii. sf 5 Haraha Inscription. The Andhra king here mentioned was iabgorv adbavareemes II of the Vishnukundin family who ** crossed the river Godavari with the desire to bagig wnt wed rea region.’ See Fouveaii'De bret; Ancient History of ae Deccan, p. 9 6 Probably the Chalukyas. In t o. MahSkitte pillar — of Mangalega of A.D. 602 the name perce as ‘ Chalikya’ (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. is i j re) e Mahakuta pillar ‘nseription tells us that of the Chalikya dynasty gained victo ries over the eines of Vanga, Anga, Maga- dha, Madraka, ete. (op. cit., part II, p. 345 1 Haraha Inscription. : Mahabharata, ili, 296. 39- ae - % Epi, ms 6 Indica, xiv, . “no; Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum ili, pp. 221- 10 Fle = CL. I., p. 223. 320 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVU, amely Hari , Adity and Isvaraman were simply Maharajas.| Adityavarman’s wife was Harsha Gupta,' prob- ably a sister of king Harsha Gupta. The wife of his son and successor Isvaravarman was also a Gupta princess named Upa Gupta.! Iganavarman, son of Isvaravarman a Upa Gupta, claims victories over the Andhras, the Silikas and the Gaudas and is the first to assume the imperial title of Mabarajadhiraja. It was this which probably brought him into conflict with king Kumara Gupta III. Thus began a duel between the Maukharis and the Guptas which ended only when the latter with the help of the Gaudas wiped out the Maukhari power in the time of Grahavarman, brother-in-law of Harsha. e have seen that Isanavarman’s mother and grand- mother were Gupta princesses. The mother of Prabhakara- vardhana the other empire builder of the second half of the sixth century was also a Gupta princess.” It seems that the Gupta marriages in this period were as efficacious in stimulat- ing imperial ambition as the Lichchhavi marriages of more ancient times. mara Gupta III claims to have ‘‘ churned that for- midable milk-ocean, the cause of the attainment of fortune, among kings.”® This was not an empty boast, for the Maukhari records do not claim any victory over the Guptas. e son and successor of this king was Damodara Gupta. He continued the struggle with the Maukharis and fell fighting against them. ‘‘ Breaking up the proudly stepping array of mighty elephants, belonging to the Maukhari, which had thrown aloft in battle the troops of the Hinas (in order to trample them to death), he became unconscious (and expired in the fight).”’4 Damodara Gupta was succeeded by his son Mahasena Gupta. He is the king of Malwa mentioned in the Harsha- charita whose sons, Kumara Gupta and Madhava Gupta, were appointed to wait upon Rajyavardhana and Harshavardhana by their father, king Prabhakaravardhana of the Pushpabhiti family of Srikantha (the district round Thanésar). The intimate relations between the family of Mahasena Gupta and that of Prabhakaravardhana is proved by the Madhuban grant and the Sonpat Copper Seal Inscription’ of Harsha which represent Mahasena Gupta, Devi as the mother of o 1 Op. cit., p. 220. 2 Op. cit., p. 232. 3 Op. cit., p. 206. 4 Epigraphia Indica. I, p. 67 et seq. . § Fleet, C.1.I., p. 232. 1921.] Gupta Empire in Sixth and Seventh Cents. A.D. 321 Prabhakara, and the Aphsad, inscription of Adityasena which alludes to the desire of Madhava Gupta, son of Mahaséna Gupta, to ‘‘ associate himself with the glorious Harshadeva.”’ ! The Pushpabhiti alliance of Mahaséna Gupta was danger threatened from the east. A strong monarchy was at this time established in Kamaripa by a line of princes who claimed descent from Bhagadatta. King Susthitavarman’? of this family came into conflict with Mahaséna Gupta and was defeated. ‘“‘The mighty fame of Mahaséna Gupta,” says the Aphsad inscription, “‘ marked with honour of victory in war over the illustrious Susthitavarman, (and) (white) as a full- blown jasmine-flower or water-lily, or as a pure necklace of pearls pounded into little bits (2) is still constantly sung on amo all subdued by Rajyavardhana. As the Gupta princes are uniformly connected with Malwa in the Harshacharita there can be no doubt that the “ wicked ’’ Deva Gupta is identical with the “ wicked lord of Malwa’” who cut off Grahavarman Maukhari, and who was himself defeated ‘“ with ridiculous ease” by Rajyavardhana.® It is difficult to determine with with the Gaudas whose hostility towards the Maukharis dated from the reign of Isanavarman. The Gupta king and the 2 Nidhan si 3 Fleet, C.I.I., p. : 4 The Emperor Chandra Gupta Vikramaditya was Deva Gupta I. 5 Epigraphia Indica, iv, 322 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVII. Gauda king (Sasanka) made a joint attack on the Maukhari kingdom. ‘ Grahavarman was by the wicked lord of Malwa cut off from the living along with his noble deeds. Rajyasri also, the princess, was confined like a brigand’s wife with a pair of iron fetters kissing her feet and cast into prison at Kanyakubja.” “The villain, deeming the army leaderless, ease,’ was ‘‘allured to confidence by false civilities on the part of the king of Gauda, and then weaponless, confiding and alone despatched in his own quarters.” ! o meet the formidable league between the Guptas and the Gaudas, Harsha, the successor of Raj yavardhana, concluded an alliance with Bhaskaravarman, king of Kamarapa, whose father Susthitavarman had fought against the predecessor of eva Gupta. This alliance was disastrous for the Gaudas as we know from the Nidhanapur plate of Bhaskara.? The Gauda people, however, did not tamely acquiesce in the loss of their independence. They became a thorn in the side of Kanauj and Kamaripa and their hostility towards those two powers was inherited by the Pala and Séna successors of Sasanka. During the long reign of Harsha, Madhava Gupta, the successor of Deva Gupta, remained a subordinate ally of Kanauj. After Harsha’s death the Gupta empire was revived by Adityasena, a prince of remarkable vigour and ability who found his opportunity in the commotion which followed the usurpation of Harsha’s throne by Arjuna. For this king we have a number of inscriptions which prove that he ruled over a wide territory extending to the shores of the oceans. The Aphsad, Shahpur, and Mandar inscriptions ® recognise his undisputed possession of south and east Bihar. Another inscription * describes him as the ruler of the whole earth up to the shores of the oceans, and the performer of the Asvamedha and the other great sacrifices. The titles of Paramabhattaraka and Maharajadhiraja applied to him in the Mandara inscription indicate that he had raised himself to the position of a paramount sovereign. We learn from the Shahpur Stone Image inscription that he was ruling in the year A.D. 672-73. It is not improbable that he or his son and successor Deva Gupta IJI is the Sakalottarapathesvara who was defeated by the Chalukya kings Vinayaditya (A.D. 680 to A.D. 696) § and Vijayaditya. 3 Fleet, 0.1.1. pp. 202-12. # Op. cit.; p. 213 n. 5 Kendir plates of Kirtivarman Il, Ep. Ind., ix, p. 202. Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part II, pp. 189, 368, 371. 1921.] Gupta Empire in Sixth and Seventh Cents. A.D. 323 _ We learn from the Dé6-Baranark inscription’ that Adityaséna was succeeded by his son Deva Gupta (ITI) who in his turn was succeeded by his son Vishnu Gupta who is probably identical with Vishnu Gupta Chandraditya® of the coins. The last king was Jivita Gupta II. All these kings continued The Gupta empire was probably finally destroyed by the Gaudas who could never forgive Madhava Gupta’s desertion of the throne of Magadha.* Petty Gupta dynasties, apparently connected with the imperial line, ruled in the Kanarese districts during the twelfth and the thirteenth centuries, and are frequently mentioned in inscriptions.* Evidence of an earlier connection of the Guptas h : 1 Fleet, C.1.I., pp. 215-16. 2 All CG ‘ he coins of the Gupta Dynasties, p. 145. co i=} 3 re) g a < a on | uo) ae [bend mn ao] ue] y ed @ ~ 6 Epigraphia Indica, viii, p. 24 et seq. 6 J ST Dawa, Ancient History of the Dekkan, p. 76. : 1 . Gaz., Vol. I, part If, pp. 578-80. Sir R.G. Bhandarkar, ‘‘A peep into the Early History of India,” p. 60. I owe this reference to Prof. Bhandarkar. an GENBALOGY OF ‘THE GUPTA DYNASTY. Ghatotkacha Lichchhavis Kumara Dévi Samudra Gupta=Datta Dévi Deva ta I Chose Bupta Vi hak ai Dhruva Dévi, (2) Kuberanaéga (A.D. 401-413) ng | | | | Kumara Gupta I Mahendraditya (Sakraditya ?)=Ananta Dévi Govinda Gupta Guttas of Guttal Prabhavati (A.D, 415-455 | Vakataka kings of Maharashtra s Skanda Gupta Pura Gupta=Vatsa Dévi Budha Gupta (A.D. 477-496) (Vikramality IT) (455-467) Chandra Gupta I-———= A.D, 320 asimha Gupta=Mah@lakshmi Dévi Tathagata Gupta (Balsa T) Baladitya II (Bhanu Gupta ?) Kumarh Gupta IT | Di (A.D. 47 73-74) Vajra Gupta. Krishna Gupta | . | Harsha Gupta Harsha Gupta Jivita Gupta I vo ieee Kumara Gupta III Isanavarman A.D. 554 Damodara Gupta | | Mahaséna Gupta Mahaséna Gupta | | | | | Prabhaékaravardhana Deva Gupta IT (7?) Kumara Gupta Madhava Gupta=Srimati Dévi | (never ruled) | | Aditya Séna=Kona Dévi Rajya Harsha Vardhan Deva : upta I1I=Kamala Dévi Vishnu Gup (Chandraditye ? )=1jj& Dévi Jivita Gupta IT ‘ywobuag {o fizavoy oumsp ay) fo jousnor *‘[TAX ‘'S'N] 1921.] Gupta Empire in Sixth and Seventh Cents. A.D. 325 473. 473-74. 475-510. 477-96. 510. 518-28. c. 533-34. 533-34. ' 654. 673. c. 690. Chandra Gupta I acc ; epoch of the Gupta era. Samudra Gupta. Chandra Gupta IT, (Deva Gupta I, Vikramadit- a I). Kumara Gupta I, Mahendraditya (Sakraditya 2) Skanda Gupta, Vikramaditya II, Kramaditya I. Pura Gupta, Vikramaditya III, king of Ayodhya. Narasimha Gupta, Baladitya I. Kumara Gupta IJ, Kramaditya II. ae . ne — i at Mandasor by uild of silk weav Hasta, Maharaja of Dabhala, a feudatory of the uptas. Budha Gupta Toramana and Mihirakula in Central India Bhanu Pa and Goparaja fought a battle at Era Expulsion of Mihirakula fom Central India by aladitya II, grandson of Budha Gupta. Sa nlahoha: Maharaja of ages saclne Tripuri), a ‘feudatory of the Gu Yasodharman reduces Mihirakula re ‘the posi- tion of a vassal. A Gupta Prue (Krishna, or Harsha or Jivita Gupta I?) recognized as overlord by the prin- cely viceroy of Pundravardhana bhukti and the vishayapati of Kotivar The rise of the Gaudas. Rise of Isanavarman, his victories over the Gaudas, Andhras and the Sulikas(= = Chalikyas or Chalukyas or Solanki s %). Kumara Gupta III's ad et Gupta’s Mahasena Gupta, king of Ma iwi, and Magadha, conqueror of Susthitavarman, king o of Kama- Deve t Gupta II, the antagonist of Rajyavar- ana. Madhava Gupta, an ally of the emperor Harsha 606-47). Adityaséna revives the Gupta empire Invasion of Northen India by the Chalukya king Vinayaditya Deva Gupta Vishnu Gupta (Chandraditya ¢) 326 Journal of the Asiatic Soc. of Bengal. [N.S., XVII, 1921.] Jivita Gupta II. Gauda conquest of Magadha. 731. Yagovarman, emperor of Kanauj, conqueror of the Gauda king of Magadha. —“——sS — 20. Cinna Inscription of the reign of Sri-Yajiia Satakarni. By N. G. Masumpar, M.A., Calcutta University. With Plate XVI. The stone which bears this inscription was found some thirty years ago in a village called Cinna in the Kistna District of the Madras Presidency. Itis now deposited in the Madras Museum. The inscription has already been edited by the late Professor Biihler in the Epigraphia Indica; Vol. I, pp. 95-96, and entered as No. 1340 in Professor Liiders’ List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Ibid., Vol. X, Appendix.! I now re-edit it from three excellent ink-impressions, one furnished by Mr. Rama- prasad Chanda of the Calcutta University, and the other two received from Mr. G. Venkoba Rao, Assistant Archeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, through Professor D. R. Bhan- darkar. The accompanying facsimile is published here for the first time. The inscription is on a fragment of a stone pillar, and measures about 1’93” x 1’63”. It consists of 6 lines of unequal Rapson, Catalogue of the Coins of the Andhra 1 See also Prof. alah ty, etc., Intro., p. LII, No. 20. : ge 3 tok: Pal. ‘eeade:) p. 41. 3 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 332 & pl. 328 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, inscriptions and calls for no special remarks. In respect of orthography. the only point to be noted is the vege se of other nasals by the anusvara, in Hemamia, |. 3, also in The inscription refers itself to reign of the rajan, araka, Gautamiputra Sri-Yajiia Satakarni of the Satavshans dynasty and is dated (in words as well as figures) in his 27th regnal year, the 4th fortnight of the winter and the 5th day. .The object of the epigraph was apparently to record some meri- The record, as it is now read, supplies the earliest epigra- phic testimony of the Breer onee of the Vasudeva cult in the Madras Presidency. No doubt can be entertained that by the 2nd century of the Ghustar. era the cult had spread as far south as the Kistna District. TEXT. Sidham [i*] eine | Bhagavato Va[sude]va[sa]! [\*] Rafio Go i bo 3 es i 2 araka Siriyatia Saitakanisa vasasataya samvachara-sata see ¢ 7 7 07 Hemamténan' pakham catutham 4 di.. etl ike gts mahatarakena ee ce cern yajina mahidam 7............+.. hays NS) o> Ot see eee ee see eee ’ REMARKS. 'This word was left unread by Biihler. But the above reading is certain. The triangular shape of the first letter indicates that it can only be av; the third letter is apparently de, and those that follow, as Biahier also has stated, are to be read as vasa. Under these circumstances, vasudevasa would, in my ce be the only reading possible, 2 Biihler reads samvachara sata(vi) mam 207. Apparently, he would restore it as savinvachara sata[vi|[sa*|mam 20 7. But the letter before Bahler di{vasam pasceniant Bahler reads etiya, but the superscript 7 seems to be clear. ° SPEstaiy maha [senapatina*] as to be restored. How many letters are lost after mah@ is not certain. 7 Probably mahadam[danayakena*| has to be 1920.] Cinna Inscription of Sri-Yajia Satakarni. 329 restored. Here too how many letters are lost after mahadamy is not certain. * The portion after dhaya is completely broken ayvay and lost. TRANSLATION. Success! Adoration to the bhagavat Vasudeva! On the the twenty-seventh—27th—year, during the existence of the dynasty of the ki Prion 3 « Kideai : eevee ee evar NoTEs. Bihler writes, ‘‘ If the syllables dhaya at the beginning of 1. 6 are the remnant of Budhaya it may have been the record of some Buddhistic donation or dedication.”—Ep. Ind., Vol. J, p.96. But the invocation with which the inscription opens roves beyond all doubt that it is a Vaishnavite and not a Buddhistic record. cannot agree with Biihler! and Liiders® in taking araka which is a title of the king as an equivalent of aryaka, i.e. ‘lord,’ though I admit that here it serves the same purpose and connotes the same sense as the word svamin by which he Golamiputa-sadraka, ete., by Professor Bhandarkar.’ Over and above his objection, that araka as a Prakrit equivalent of aryaka was not possible, to which reference has already been made, he further contended that sadraka was the same as ksahara, which according to him was to be read on a Besnagar coin of Sri- Yajiia Satakarni, and ksa-a-ru, which he proposed to read on a Sopara coin of the same king, against ku-a-ru of Pandit Bhag- Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 96, n. 8. List of Brahmi Insers., p. 160, No. 1340. Ep. Ind., Vol. VIL, p. 67. ; Annual Rep., Arch. Surv Ind., 1913-14, pp. 213-14. List of Brahmi Inscrs., Nos, 1001-2. } Ibid., p. 214. 1 Loe. ett. aarekt vn = 330 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, 1920.] ing araka in line 2 of our record cannot in any way be avoided. For it occurs once more in line 4 where at any rate a different grouping like the one proposed i3 not, possible. I have there- fore no hesitation in looking upon Bihler’s grouping of the letters as more reasonable. The most perplexing word of the inscription is vasasataya which has been differently interpreted by Bhagwanlal,' Buhler? and Fleet.2 In epigraphic literature it occurs only once again in the Banavasi inscription o Vinhukada Cutukulanamda ; but this inno way helps us in ascertaining its true meaning. According to Bhagwanlal, vasasataya is an equivalent of varsasatyam, meaning ‘ in the century of years.’ The date would be in his opinion in accordance with the calculation of an era with hundreds omitted. But Biihler has tion, contends that “ the word vasasataya evidently represents, not vasattayah as has been supposed, but varsha-satlayah. It means ‘ of the year—existence’ that is ‘ of the continuance for one year more.’ And the record thus marks the specified day of the act registered in it, the first day of the seventh fortnight of the season Hemanta, as the accession-day or the coronation - day of Haritiputa-Satakanni.” “ Similarly by the same expres- sion,” he contends, “the inscription from China in the Kistna District, Madras (EI, I, 96), marks the fifth day of the fourth fortnight of Hemanta as either the accession-day or the corona- tion-day of Siri-Yafia-Satakani.” (J.R.A.S., 1905, pp. 304— 5). But this interpretation again can hardly be regarded as satisfac- tory. That the given date is the ‘ accession’ or ‘ coronation ’ day of the king and that the two records are dated on the 12th and 27th coronation days respectively, do not as a matter of culties I propose to take vasasalaya as corresponding to vamsa- satiayam which means ‘ during the existence, (i.e. the rule) of the family or dynasty,’ and Siriyana-Satakanisa vasasataya hesitation, but none better suggests itself to me. 1 Inser. Cave-temp. of W. Ind., p. 100. 2 Loc. cit. 38 J.R.A.S., 1905, pp. 304-5. Jour. As. Soc. Beng., Vol. XVI. 1920. Plate XVI. £y Cinna Inscription of Sri- Y ajna Satakarni. 21, Notes on some Edicts of Asoka. By Harir Krisuna Des. Rock Edict VI. As is well known, the purport of this inscription is to em- . phasise Asoka’s readiness to do work conducive to the people’s welfare almost at any time and place. It quotes the king’s — directing the Reporters to report to him on such work even n he is eating or taking a stroll in his garden or lounging in his j inner apartments, etc. The concluding portion of the order runs as follows at Girnar :— ya ca kimct mukhato anapayami svayam dapakam va sravapakam va ya va puna mahamatresu acayikam aropitam bhavati taya athaya vivado nijhatt va samto parisayam anamtaram pativedeta- * vyam me sarvatra sarve kale. Now, how should we pe, eae dapakam and sravapakam ? It might seem reasonable at first sight to take these express- ions as agreeing with ya(m), and the construction seems to fit in with the idea that a dapaka order is to be distinguished from a svamukhajna; the latter standing for the king’s order received directly from his own mouth, the former involving the employ- ment of an intermediary called dataka in later inscriptions. And a parallel explanation for sravapaka cou framed in view of thestatement eta ca sarva sravita occurring at the close same Pillar Edict we read that t the king caused “ roligocn” s ha L). he officers employed for this purpose would be best described as sravapakas or sravakas.? The general sense of the passage, 1 The word dapaka occurs in the Arthagastra of Kautilya in the sense of a person vee payment. See the text of the 1919 ed. of the gheraeretiet p. 6 onders if sravaka is used here in the special sense attached to the mene in Buddhist literature. 332 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. (NS., xVI, trusted to the mahamairas ; never there occurs the parisad a dispute (vivado) a profound deliberation (nijhatt), report should forthwith be made to m ll ti and in all places.” Texts of oral orders in general were, = mmentary on the Kautiliya Arthasastra informs us, the co : “ peculiarly liable to misrepresentation owing [0 misunder- standing, carelessness, and want of intelligence of the messeng- s.’ Hence a vw perceptible throughout the entire series and is indeed expressly acknowledged towards the close of that Edict itself in the word ‘ dhammalipi. It is probable also that by the term mahamatra used in this Edict we are to understand dharma-mahamatras. For, in the first place, as I have pointed out elsewhere,” ‘‘a close ime” ; so that the m be identical with that special class of mahamatras, called dharma- mahamatras, who are described in the preceding Edict. Second- ly, as indicated in that Edict, one of the duties of the dharma- mahamatras coincided with the duty of the dapakas, namely, that of attracting gifts. It would be natural, therefore, on the part of Asoka to speak, in the order quoted in R.E. VI, of both classes of officers together. Thirdly, if the functions of the dapa- kas and the sravakas related to dharma, the mahamatras men- 1 Transl. Shamaégastry, p. 80. 2 Agoka’s Dhammalipis (Calcutta, May, 1919), p. 4. 1920. ] Notes on some Edicts of Asoka. 333 tioned along with them may justly be regarded to have performed cognate functions. Fourthly, the present Edict recalls the concluding portion of Kautilya’s chapter on the Royal Routine archs. Kautilya also had, in the chapter under consideration, deprecated inaccessibility on the part of the monarch with refer- ence to work done at the wpasthana or ‘ Sanctuary,’ observing that the king should attend in turn to work connected with gods, sacred places the aged, the infirm, etc., either according to the heaviness of each of the items or according to emergency. All urgent work (atyayikam karyam), Kautilya (atyayika-vasena) well as in phraseology, between these Kautilyan utterances and Agoka’s Rock Edict VI, we may reasonably infer that the urgent (acayika) work referred to in the Edict is of the same variety as the urgent (@tyayika) work of a sacred character, which Kautilya recommended to the immediate and earnest attention of his king. It follows that the mahamitras referred word in the present Edict is not dharmamahamatra but simply mahimatra would seem to controvert that distinction. But in P.E. VII Asoka, after telling us something about his dharmahamatras, says :-— pativisitham pativisitham tesu tesu te te mahamita. Clearly, therefore, the dharmamahamatras could be referred to simply as mahamatras if, in the context, they had received their fuller designation. Now R.E. V describes these at In R.E. VI, therefore, they could, without violence to the Agokan custom, be spoken of simply as mahamatras. It is | As was remarked by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar in course of his Uni- versity lectures on Agoka’s Rock Edicts. 334 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, worth noting also that some duties of Agsoka’s dharmamahama- tras, as detailed in his R.E.V., correspond to items of work looked after by the king in the upasthana in the days of ere ye. as referred to above. then, does R.E. VI represent Asoka to have a an advance on the religious constitution as portrayed by Kautilya? Kautilya saw, probably from ex- apieged that in attending to work of a sacred aspect, the king must not make himself difficult of access; for inaccessibility implies dependence on officers whose errors in judging between right and wrong must inevitably be imported into the judg- ment pronounced by the king who thus renders himself liable to be misunderstood. Kautilya’s solution is that the king should personally look after these concerns, sometimes in consultation with experts, at a particular hour of the day and in a particular place called the upasthana. Asoka proclaimed that he was almost ideally accessible, but not, it seems, directly to the people (which was impracticable). He permitted pativedakas or Re- —_— to ete their reports to him even when he was in his from the centralizing eotisy of Kautilya ke ‘dele ating to the dharmamahamatras the function ae attending, in the first instance, to some affairs having a religious complexion, reserv- ing to himself the right to pronounce the final verdict under — circumstances, This arrangement was probably necess- itat y his undertaking an active religious propaganda Shuk could not be carried on by himself alone. The way in which the mahamdatras are alluded to as ‘“‘ being entrusted with urgent work”’ suggests the possibility that they did not, like the dapakas and the éravakas, receive oral orders directly from the King and ma maa normally enjoyed a certain amount of freedom in the ‘dphares of their functions. Nevertheless, the parisad deliberated upon urgent work assigned to them and even discussed the King’s own oral orders to dapakas and sravakas. Thi 8 leads us to consider the spon A of the parisad itself. rent: g to one view, the constitution was the same as that of the mantri-parisad ahianed by Kantilya. Just as Kautilva lays down the rule that in dtyayika matters the King should summon the mantri tparisad, so we find Asoka speaking of the parisad in connexion with atyayika work entrusted to the mahamatras. The analogy is tempting, but insufficient. Ina dhammalipt Asoka "sual hardly, as assumed in the proposed identification, quote orders relating to purely administrative work, entirely unconnected wit amma, such as could be made the subject of discussion by the mantri-parisad. The real nature of the work before the parisad as alluded to in -E. VI being now known, the parisad must be deemed to 1920.] Notes on some Edicts of Aéoka. 335 have had definitely religious associations. This was also the case with the parisad spoken of in R.E. II. ~Therein Asoka says: ‘The parisad also will issue orders to yuktas in the parisad since, apparently, if it were granted to the officers themselves, they might take advantage of their privilege and neglect their work. The rajjukas and the pradestkas, however, who were high-grade officers, were not thus subordinated to the parisad in this work of preaching, presumably because they were men of proved capacity. Now, here also, we find the denotes in the Upanisads an ‘ assemblage ’ of advisers in ques- - tions of philosophy .... In denotes a body of advisers on religious topics, but also the assessors of a judge, or the council of ministers of a prince.” The evolution of meaning from ‘an assemblage of advisers in questions of philosophy’ to ‘the council of ministers of a prince’ must have been through the meaning ‘a body of 1 Cf. Liiders, Sitz Preus Ak Wis 1914, pp. 834-6. 2 Vedic Index, 8.V. * Parisad.’ 336 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, in interpreting a dhammalipi, the application which the word parisad has in the Dharmasastras is to be preferred to the application it may have in the Arthasastras. Pillar Edict V. This Edict amplifies the statement made in Pillar Edict IJ, namely, dupadacatupadesu pakhibalicalesu vividhe me anuga- he kate apanadakhina aye. A list is given here of the various animals accorded various kinds of protection when Piyadasi was anointed 26 years. The closing sentence of the E ict is :— yava saduvisativasabhisitena me etaye amtalikaye pam- navisatibamdhanamokhani katani. t does not appear to have been pointed out as yet in this connexion that there is a couplet in the Arthasastra of Kautilya enumerating the occasions upon which the king should effect bandhanmoksas © p. °o — Weight in Grammes. dissolved in tooce of water. § es wre 20% J0'c 40'c 50'c GO'C TE BO'c WC 100'c A solution of the salt gives a faintly acid reaction to litmus paper. nalysis, the proportions of C,H,N and Sb present in the salt with the water of crystallization are as follows :— 340 Journal of the Asiatic Soc. of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, 1920.] C=15:20%, H=3:27%, N=465% and Sb=33:80% Water of crystallization = 12°25% Calculated for CO (NH,),° (C, H,*Sb0°0,).°5 H,0 which is assumed to be the abe: formula of the compound obtained : a 15:00%, H=3'33%, N=3°88% and Sb=33'33% Water of Oe ale 12°50% So far as I am aware, there is no reference to this compound in the literature on compounds of urea and antimony. This salt is being used by me in the treatment of kala- azar. Its toxicity to lower animals seems to be rather low and ie gh ga are in progress to determine its toxic and curative dos The solubility curve of the compound in water is shown in the peed eel haw Bs cha ebted to Mr. Parimal Sen, M.Sc., for helping me psbikie oll of this compound, and in working out its solebakey curve. 23. Preliminary observations on Cocoon-formation by the common LahoreLeech, Limnatis (Pecilobdelia), gran- ulosa (Sav.).' By G. Marruat. [With plate XVII. | (Read before the Indian Science Congress at Nagpore, January, 1919.) hirty-four specimens of normal adult size were kept under observation from May 23 to June 23. Each specimen Texr-riG. 1.—Specimen No. 15 in pot with newly laid cocoon. was placed amongst moist lumps of clayey earth in a separate earthen pot which in its turn was set in a bow of water a. m indebted to the authorities of the Indian eteonde Caleut this species. After I had ma e the bows District, Unite a Provinces Poco Ind. Mus., the breeding seaso said to commence in beginning of the ra ray , p- 206, 191 April or } May just before the 342 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, g.1) thus obviating any risk of dryness. A piece of wide- etal muslin was tied round the mouth of the pot, and the water in the bowl was renewed every day. e number of cocoons laid bya single leech during the period varied from one to four, viz., one cocoon by ten specimens (Nos. 4 7, aU, ad, bo ae, 23, 24, 25, 26, 31), two by ten (Nos. 1, 5, 7, 14, 16, 18, 22,27, 29, 30), three by two (Nos 8, 12), and four by one specimen (No. 19). In a previous lot of six specimens kept under observation from May 7, two freshly laid cocoons were found on May 13, another on May 15, two more on May 26—making a total of In all, forty cocoons were laid by twenty-two specimens, five leeches (Nos. 6, 21, 28, 32, 33) having died without laying cocoons, another (No. 18) after laying two cocoons, = six leeches (Nos. 2, 3,9, 11, 20, 34) did not form cocoon The cocoon during its formation dome as a ube frothy girdle round the middle of the body (fig. 1). The animal slowly withdraws its head through the ‘girdle ty rhythmic contrac- tions of the body. The right and left sides of the anterior region are alternately raised up and every time the body i is bent dorsoventrally. The body of the leech behind the region of the cocoon-formation remains considerably contracted during the rocess. When the head is completely withdrawn an opening is ve at the anterior and posterior ends, which soon close up. Cocoon-laying is a comparatively slow process lasting for at eras six hours (figs. 2 and 3). In the freshly laid condition the posterior part of the eres (fig. 3) is broader than the anterior and notched in the iddle. Inaday or two the cocoon hardens, when it assumes an oval shape (fig. 4) measuring 18-20 mm. in length and 11- m. in breadth. The cocoon-wall consists of an inner plug. When placed in water a cocoon igti: but if t spongy outer layer is scraped off it n May 25 the water in the pots was not renewed, a as a result much of the water in the pots had syapordad by the following day, the earth in some having become almost dry. On examination on the 26th May, a newly laid cocoon was found in the pots containing leeches Nos. 5, 7, 12, 16, 18, 19, 22, 25, 26, and 29, whilst the leeches Nos. 6, 21, 28, and 32 were found dead, owing perhaps to dryness. The temperature of room on that day was 32°C, whilst that of the moist earth in- side the pots was 24°C. Fresh water was then poured into cocoons were found, owing perhaps to the return of favourable conditions such as sufficiency of water, coolness, etc. 1920.] Cocoon-formation by the common Lahore Leech. 343 On May 30 one freshly laid cocoon was found in each of the pots containing leeches Nos. 1 and 14. The immediate cause of this appears to be the scarcity of moisture since these pots were nearly dry when they were examined. Similarly on June 4, a freshly laid cocoon was found in the pot containing leech No. 15, which when examined was found to be almost dry since no water was poured into the pot or dish on the previous day. On June 6, cocoons were found for the first time in the pots con- taining leeches Nos. 13, 23, 24, 30 and 31 and a second cocoon in No. 19. The pots containing these leeches were emptied of water on the previous day. t would appear from these observations that cocoon-lay- ing is induced by tendency to dryness and rise of temperature, i.e., by adverse conditions. This suggestion is supported by the behaviour of the control-specimens. A fresh supply of the remaining one in an earthen pot (No. 1) with two lumps of moist earth and sufficient water to keep the lumps submerged. The water in both the jar and the pot was renewed every day. On June 5 one of the specimens from the glass jar was put into an earthen pot (No. 2) in water but without any earth inside, the pot being placed in an earthen bowl of water. None of these control specimens lay cocoons, although those in the glass jar were kept alive till the end of August. The contents of the cocoon form a dark-grey jelly. Dev- elopmeat takes place when cocoons are kept on damp earth, but they should not lie immersed in water nor should the cocoons be covered over with mud. Young ones hatch out in about a fortnight through an opening on one end of the cocoon. It is possible that in summer development may be accelerated by the heat. From a cocoon three or four to fourteen young ones hatch out varying in size to a slight extent. They are about 20 mm. long and 3 mm. broad, when extended about 25. mm. sucker. These have the general shape of the adult leech but ing visible through the more or less transparent skin. In a few ays the characteristic colour-pattern appears. Two broods— kept alive in water from June to the end of August. The dark- grey contents of the cocoons are almost completely used up when the young ones are hatched out. ; The large size, spongy outer layer and dark-grey contents distinguish the cocoon of the leech from that of the earth- worm. 344 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, LIST OF SPECIMENS KEPT phe bs als e}7 s|9 ton men Bs: 15 | | *—Cocoon found. On May 25 the pots were not examined nor filled with water . 1 Cocoon opened on June 20, no ig ae Lanter in contents. 2 Cocoon opened on June 20: 3 dead embryos found. : Ten young hatched out on June fen ‘bis re till Aug. 30. mid ng hatched out on Jun ned June eh 13 frat eee 12 with dorsal colour pattern dev- Re ing “kept avs till Aug on laid on May. Pee ing. ve goes cocoon seen on a : he date. 1920.] Cocoon-formation by the common Lahore Leech. 345 UNDER OBSERVATION. | | ' ‘isis 20 Poe 24 25 | 25 | 27 28 | 20 | a 31 | 32 | 33 | 34 | | ay | | Pa | | | Ae ae ts --| 4 * noel Bara + ae ang t a oe os of ee ae * | | eer ey ae t | a | tiie a8 *5 ea Pea ee a * * * i #7. |. *8 | *10 | | | t | oo | ¥14 menage found dead. 8 Cocoon opened June 23:3 young found with dorsal colour pattern well develo 9 Guiosien opened J - viaag™ Licks 10 ite ready for hate !0 Cocoon o : 10 young found with dorsal eens pattern developed. 'L Cocoon opened Sai tee re young found, of which 10 were fully for nee 7 Cocoon opened Juve L7 5-3 go hai formed embryos eben 3-10 m e 20: ite 8 3 Cocoon o as in development. wo cocoons found. 346 Journal of the Asiatic Soc. of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, 1920.] EXPLANATION OF PLATE XVII. Fre. 1.—2nd cocoon of specimen No. 27 in the process of ormation—Nat. Size. Fig. 2. —and 0 cocoon of specimen No. 8 at a later stage of mation than in fig. 2.—Nat. Size Fia. 3. as cocoon of specimen No. 8 newly laid—Nat. Size Fig. 4 Hardened cocoon of No. 10.—Nat. Size. Journ. As.Soc. Beng. Vol. XVI, 1921. PlateXVII. M.L. Bhatia del. A Chowdhary litn. Cocoon formation in Limnatis. mah : * 24. Records of Agaricaceae from Bengal. By S. R. Boss, M.A., F.L.S., Professor of Botany, Carmichael Medical College, Calcutta. (With Plate XVIII). The following Agarics collected in Caleutta and the neigh- bouring districts were taken by me to Peradeniya Botanical guished Mycologist in charge of the Mycological Herbarium, and compared my specimens with those in the rich collection of tropical fungi. The species mentioned here are for the first time reported from Bengal. Some of the Bengal Agarics have already been recorded in the Proceedings of the Indian Associa- tion for Cultivation of Science, Volume IV, Part IV and in the Science Convention of that Association for the year 1918. Family AGARICACEAE. Subfamily LEUCOSPORAE. With white spores. . 1. Lentinus connatus, Berk. (Plate XVIII, fig. 1). eee in and Habitat.-On rotten wood in the Philip- pine Islands, common on logs at Peradeniya, Ceylon; now reported soa: the interior of the Howrah district, Bengal, Sueur. 1918, growing on dead pieces of wood, usually in cluste Pileus. —Stalked, infundibuliform, very thin, smooth, some- times perpriipe! scaly, white when fresh, turning blackish in ee “White, turning blackish at the base in course of time; central, minutely tomentose, ey rigid, 23-7§ cm. long, hollow Gi ‘lls. — Decurrent, very — (breadth about 3 mm), crowded, of the same colour as the cap. Margin.—Finely divided by the endings of the numerous 8. Spores.—White turning brownish in course of time, oval, 6x4 B. Cystidia.—None. 348 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, 2. Lentinus subnudus, Berk.=L. cretaceous. (Plate XVIII, fis. 2). Distribution and Habitat—Khandala, Bombay, on fallen trunks at Point De Galle in Ceylon, and near Adelaide, Australia; now reported frem all parts of Bengal from June to “December, growing on pieces of log in timber yards in clusters usually, on dead branches of trees as well, very common. Pileus.—Stalked, deeply infundibuliform, Bang white when fresh, turning brownish in course.of time, upper surface distinctly scaly, brownish scales arranged i in regular concentric rings, hence it appears spotted, soft when young, stiffening and drying up, of various sizes, diameter from 24 to 73 cm Stalk.—White, base usually black, solid, eoaieal, of vary- ing lengths about 24 to 5 cm., in some species thin, in others thick, similarly sana all over with dense scales, sometimes almost smooth, becoming hard in drying up. —Decurrent, narrow, in bigger specimens broad, crowded, unicolourous. Margin.—Involute. Spores.—White with a inows outline, oval, 6x 4 p. Cystidia —None. 3. Lentinus sajor-caju, Fr. (Plate XVIII, fig. 3). _ Distribution and Habitat.—Found in the Moluccas and the | Nicobars on earth, on a decaying erect tree trunk at Pera- deniya, Ceylon ; now reported from the interior of Hooghly district, Bengal, September 1918. not common, growing on dead pieces of wo Pileus. sseiab: short stalks, irregular, slightly infundubli- form, depressed at the centre, gray, turning yellowish in course she ime, surface generally smooth, soft, thin, diameter about em. Stalk.—Short and rigid, about 1 em. long, thick, solid, excentric, of the same colour as the cap, base blackish, with remnants of a broad ring, making the stem somewhat scaly. ils.—Decurrent, narrow. crowded, at first white, then grayish-yellow on their faces a number of globose, short processe Mar, argin.—Delioately wavy with short concavities and convexities. ; ee white turning pale-brown in course of time, x 4p. Cystidia.—None. 1920.] Records of Agaricaceae from Bengal. 349 4. Collybia albuminosa (Berk), Petch. (Plate XVIII, fig. 4). A heirbuhon, and Habitat.—Found on termite nests at Pera- deniya, Ceylon; now for the first time reported from the interior of fae district in July 1918 and from Hooghly district in July 1920, growing directly and suddenly from damp ground in rainy season. Edible ae eee eaten by villagers, called by local ates ‘* Patal Kon Pileus.—With a long stalk, in ae shape of open umbrella, with a viscid cuticle and distinct umbo at the pots grayish- white, surface soft and smooth, diameter about 5 Stalk.—Of the same colour as the cap, allow. central, smooth, base broader, apex eee: not very delicate, about 123 cm. long. Gills.—Free, crowded, narrow, gray coloured, basal ends of gills obtuse Margin Almost entire, Spores,—Oval, pink, 9x 6 », some almost hyaline, oval, 8x 5p. Cystidia.—Present. 5 Pleurotus flabellatus, B. and Br. (Plate XVIII, figs. 5 and 5a). Distribution and Habitat—Found on dead wood at Pera- deniya, Ceylon, Venezuela, Central America, and South Africa ; now reported from Hooghly ¢ istrict, Bengal, in rainy season in ony eo August, growing several together i in an imbricate man- er, dead branches of trees, on dead logs, some arising dircetly. from the ground. Having 0 Loupe or very short black ae which is tougher than the cap. Gills —Narrow, crowded, of the same colour as the cap, looking much crumpled. Margin.—Entire. ‘ Spores.—White, oval, 6x 4-5 », some round, diameter Cystidia.—None. 350 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, 6. Lepiota cepaestipes, Sow. For figure see Cooke t. 5. Distribution and Habitat—Found in Brazil, Italy, and different parts of Europe; now for the first time reported from Jessore in June 1918, and from Calcutta in August 1919, grow- ing in clusters usually on logs (rotten rafters in r oom). My specimens are identical with the British species desbribed in Massee’s book. Pileus.—Stalked, conical at first, soon becoming campanu- late and umbonate, distinctly sulphur-yellow, upper surface covered with delicate separating min yellow scales, su stance very soft and eee flesh thin somewhat membranous, diameter nearly 5 cm. in expanded form. Stalk—-Base bulbous, tapering upwards, of the same colour (sulphur-yellow), covered .with minute yellow powdery seales which can be rubbed off, central, hollow, delicate, length 73 to 10cm., ring on the upper part of the stalk free, yellow and fugacious. Gills.—F ree, pale-yellow, narrow, crowded, basal end acute. Margin.—Membranous, or semi-transparent as Massee calls it. alas —White, oval, 10-12 x 7-8 +, some round, diameter © Oyelidid, —Non -N.B. — Beautiful yellow plants, the minute scales on the pileus are the remains of the delicate universal veil. Subfamily—. RHoposPoRag. With pink spores. 7. Volvaria diplasia, B. and Br. (Plate XVII, fig. 7). Distribution and Habitat.—Found on dead wood and spec- ially on ground among dried roots at Peradeniya, Ceylon ; now reported from the interior of Hoogly district, Bengal, in June, July, August and sometimes in September, 1919 an 1920, growing amongst heaps of rotten straw. This is edible, eaten by the villagers Pileus Stale conico-campanulate, dark-gray, shining, covered with fine elongated silky hairs, which can be rubbed off ; op thick, soft and white, diameter 74 to m. —About 10 cm. long, tapering towards the apex solid, sae white, not very delicate, base thick and rounded, wi bs volva. Gills.—White, readily changing into pink colour, free, broad, and crowded, ends round. 1920.] Records of Agaricaceae from Bengal. or Volva.—Thin and papery, very loose, usually splitting into three or four parts and hanging down at the base, internally whitish, externally smooth with numerous small black dots Spores.—Elliptic, pinkish, 7-8 x 4 »,some round, diameter Dp. Cystidia.— None. : ; This species differs from Volvaria terastia in its thin papery volva, in other respects it closely resembles V. terastia. Subfamily—OcHROSPORAE. | With ochraceous spores. 8. Flammula dilepis, B. and Br. deniya, Ceylon ; now reported from Khulna, Hoogly, Calcutta, from June to September, growing profusely in cavities of dea trunks of palms and dead stumps of bamboos and other big smaller ones about 1— Stalk.—Dark-brown, almost naked, hollow, central, toler- ably rigid, of varying lengths from 1-5 cm. Gills.— Adnate, broad, crowded, colour deeper brown than the upper surface, with acute basal ends, in older ones two side walls of gills much torn and divided. Margin.—In older ones revolute. oe Spores.—Reddish-yellow, surface minutely warted, elliptic, 6x 4 », few round diame Cystidia.—Few, present. 9. Galera zeylanica, Petch. (Plate XVIII, figs. 9 and 9a.). Distribution and Habitat—Found on ground at Peradeniya, , Ceylon; now reported from Hooghly, Bengal, in September, 1918, growing on ground amongst grass. Pileus.—With long stalk, distinctly umbrella-shaped, conico-convex, red-brown at the centre, dirty-brown towards the margin, surface smooth, very thin and delicate, diameter 1-33 cm. : as wane hollow, broader at the base, tapering at the apex, usually smooth, delicate, central, about 11 cm. long. Gills —Pale-brown, somewhat broad, crowded, adnate, with acute basal ends. | 352 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, Margin.—Striate. res.—Oval, yellow-brown, 10 x 6-7 », some brown, round, diameter 6 Cystidia.—None. Subfamily—MELANOSPORAE. W ith black spores. 10. Pangolus cyanascens, B. and Br. (Plate XVIII, fig. 10.). Distribution and Habitat.—Found on dung at gaageenade Ceylon; now reported from Belgachia, oe in August 1919, growing on cow-dung, horse-dung, e Pileus.—Stalked, umbrella shaped, ne about 33 cm., colour ashy-white, the umbo at the centre reddish-yellow smooth, soft. Stalk.—White, turns deep blue when lightly bruised one smooth, covered with shining particles, tolerably rigid, t 6-10 cm. ‘long, hollow "Gi ils.—Adnate, rather broad and seaiete black-coloured with bluish tinge, with accuminate basal ends. argin.—Entire with a bluish tinge. Any part of the plant when bruised, turns deep blue. Spores.—Black, oval, apiculate at both ends, 10-13 x 7-8 4, some round, blac kish, diameter Cystidia.—Very prominent, with white tops at surface. 11. Coprinus fimbriatus, B. and Br. (Plate XVIII, fig. 11.). Distribution and Habitat.—Found on dung at Peradeni iya, yt ise now reported from Howrah and Hooghly districts in August 1918, growing on dung ome the length of the gig _ _ Stalk.—Rooting at the base, abe hollow, central, very delicate, usually smooth, about 4 cn Gills —Adnate, broad, uae ‘black. Margin.—White and much divided, hence called fimbriatus. Feiss —Black and oval, 9-10 x 6 », some round, diameter Ogata one. 1£20.] Records of Agaricaceae from Bengal. 353 12. Panzolus campanulatus, Cooke. « For figure see Cooke, t. 629. My specimens agree with the British species described in Massee’s bo Distribution and Habitat —Found on earth, on dung, fre- quently in Europe, on earth at Peradeniya, Ceylon, on manured lands at Cincinnati, United States and in South Africa, on earth at Rochefort, Saintes, Pessines (France) ; now reported from the interior of Hooghly district, Bengal, in August 1918, growing on dung and manured places. Pileus.—Stalked, somewhat campanulate, fleshy, smooth, brownish-black, diameter about 2} cm. Stalk.—Rooting at the base, central, straight, brownish with very minute black dots, tolerably rigid, about 6 cm. long, hollow. Gills.—Adnate, ascending, crowded, black, narrow. Margin.—FEntire. Spores.—Deep brown, oval, witha thick wall, 10 x 6, some round, diameter 8 »/. Cystidia.—None. se aR a a se a ner Se 354 Journal of the Asiatic Soc. of Bengal. [N.S., XVI, 1920.] EXPLANATION OF THE PLATE NO. XVIII Fia. 1.—Lentinus connatus, Berk Fig. 2.—Lentinus os - Fic. 3.—Lentinus sajor-ca Fie. 4.—Collybia ie eae ay Petch. Fie. 5.—Pleurotus flabellatus, B. & Br. Upper surface. Fia. 5a. — flabellatus, B. & Br. Hymenial sur- fac Fig. 7. Viana diplasia, B. & Br. Fre. 8.—Flammula dilepis, B. & Br. Upper surface. Fia. 8a.—Flammula dilepis B. & Br. Hymenial surface. Fia. 9.—Galera zeylanica, Petch. Upper surface. Fie. 9a.—Galera zeylanica, Petch. Hymenial surface. Fic. 10.—Paneolus cyanascens, B. & Br. Fie. 11.—Coprinus fimbriatus, B. & Br. Journ. As. Soc. Beng., Vol. XVI., 1920. Plate XVIII. Agaricaceae from Bengal.