CANADIAN HORTICULTURAL HISTORY an interdisciplinary journal HISTOIRE DE L HORTICULTURE AU CANADA revue interdisciplinaire Vol. 1, No. 4, 1988 4 CENTRE FOR CANADIAN HISTORICAL HORTICULTURAL STUDIES ROYAL BOTANICAL GARDENS MISSOUR) BOTANICAL JAN 4 1989 GARDEN LiBrary CANADIAN HORTICULTURAL HISTORY an interdisciplinary journal HISTOIRE DE L HORTICULTURE AU CANADA revue interdisciplinaire CENTRE FOR CANADIAN HISTORICAL HORTICULTURAL STUDIES ROYAL BOTANICAL GARDENS Hamilton, Ontario Canada L8N 3H8 Tel. (416) 527-1158 CANADIAN HORTICULTURAL HISTORY an interdisciplinary journal The Centre for Canadian Snare Horticultural Studies (CCHHS) was established at the Royal Botanical Garden , Ham ilton, Ontario, in 1979 through an endowment from on all ts of the history of Canadian horticulture and to facilitate publication of original research in its journal Canadian Horticultural History . HISTOIRE DE L’HORTICULTURE AU CANADA revue interdisciplinaire Le Centre for Canadian Historical Horticultural Studies (CCHHS) a été créé au Royal Botanical Gardens de Hamilton (Ontario) en 1979 grace 4 une donation de la fondation Dunington Grubb. Le CCHHS a pour mission de recuellir des documents sur tout ce qui concerne l’horticulture canadienne et de permettre la publication d’ ces originales dans sa revue intitulée Histoire de I’horticulture au Canada CCHHS Executive Committee Harold Dixon, Financial advisor, oe Ontario Art C. Drysdale, Toronto, Onta Jack Lord, Co-ordinator of ion aio Royal Botanical Gardens Allen P. Paterson, Director, Royal Botanical Gardens Charles G. Roland, Jason A. Hannah Professor of the History of Medicine, McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario Ina Vrugtman, Curator CCHHS and Editor CHH; Librarian, Royal Botanical Gardens. Comité exécutif du CCHHS Harold Dixon, conseiller financier, Hamilton (Ontario) Art C. Drysdale, Toronto, On Jack Lord, coordonnateur de I’éducation, Royal ne Gardens Allen P. Paterson, directeur, Royal Botanical Garden Charles G. Roland Jason ay Hannah Professeur de r histoire de la Médecine, Université Ina Vrugtman, curatrice du CCHHS et rédattrice en chef de I’Histoire de I’horticulture au Canada; bibliothécaire, Royal Botanical Gardens. CCHHS Advisory Council / Conseil consultatif du CCHHS Céline Arsenault, Montreal Botanical Garden, Montreal, Quebec. Susan Buggey, Parks sale —* Manitoba/ Parcs Canada, Winnipeg, Manitoba rosso Crawford, Toronto, Ont Dorothy Duncan, Ontete Historical tolaty Toronto, —— Harry Pietersma, Upper Canada Village, Morrisburg, Onta en Scott, Guelph, Ontario Helen Skinner, hive Sie John Stewart, Perth, Roger Vick, Devonian eect! Garden, Edmonton, Alberta Subscriptions Each volume will consist of four (4) issues. Each issue will have between 40-50 pp. Subscriptions will be sold by volume, NOT by calendar year. 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CANADIAN HORTICULTURAL HISTORY HISTOIRE DE L’HORTICULTURE AU CANADA CONTENTS Vol. 1, No. 4, 1988 How “Canadian” is Cornut’s Canadensium Plantarum Historia? A phytogeographic and historical analysis James S. Pringle 190 - 209 Jewell David Sornborger (1869 - 1929). An early biological explorer in Newfoundland and Labrador James S. Pringle 210 - 221 189 [AC CORNVTI DOCTORIS MEDICI PARISIENSIS CANADENSIVM PLANT ARVM, aliarumaue nondum editarum Pio LOR] A Cui adiectum eft ad calcem EN CHIR I DION BOTANICVM PARISIENSE, Continens Indicem Plantarum, qua in Pagus, Siluis, Pratis, ¢7" Montofis uxta Parifios locis nafcuntur, PARISIES, Venundantur apud SIMONEM LE Moyng, via lacobe}, Ee any eaten agate nt er te te anette nam idee M. DC. XXXV. Cr st FRIVILEGIO REGIS, Fig. 1. Title page of Cornut’s Canadensium Plantarum Historia (from the facsimile edition). Canadian Horticultural History/Histoire de I’horticulture au Canada 1(4): 190-209, 1988 HOW “CANADIAN” IS CORNUT‘S CANADENS/IUM PLANTARUM HISTORIA? A PHYTOGEOGRAPHIC AND HISTORICAL ANALYSIS" ames S. Pringle Royal Botanical Gardens, Pi 399, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada L8N 3H8 Abstract Of 38 identifiable North American plant species described by J.-P. Cornut in his Canadensium Plantarum Historia (1635), 7 are not native to Canada and mus Qu y, t at least one appears, from its range, most likely to have been collected near Georgian Résumé Parmi les aa aagt i’ (38) espéces végétales nord-américaines gvibchasang d’aprés es Canadensium Plantarum Historia (1635), mai (7) “ sont pas indigénes au Canada; elles ont di étre introduites en provenance de sites fai cosa dno partie des Etats- Unis. histoire horticole de treize (13) autres espéces rte a u’e ont été les jardins francais en reaps du sud. de ‘actuelle frontiére. Six (6) espéces dont oO 2 a a ne} 7, ° = “ . C “0 ° 3 c ot Qa ® mf wn 6 5 ° c Canadensium Plantarum Historia, by Jacques-Philippe Ne Lcooptanre in 1635, has been recognized as the first acne work on the plants of North merica north of México, although, as secondary phrases in eg long title indicate, it was not dev oted a i. North American plants. More speci- fically, but less accurately, some recent authors have credited Cornut with having vot en “the first "Canadian flora.” Several North American species is fu enhanced by a number of citations of this work by Linnaeus in his Species Plantarum (Reveal, 1983) and by other authors of nomenclaturally daniteiet publications. 1. Contribution No. 63 from the Royal Botanical Gardens, Hamilton, Ontario Traduction de Céline Arsenault, Jardin botanique de Montreal ecause of the early date of the Historia, there has been considerable The curator at that time was Vespasien Robin, who jee succeeded his father, Jean Robin. Other species from North America were studied by Cornut in the gardens and nurseries of the Morin family, also in Paris poms 1966). There is considerable literature on the Robins and the Morins, but it does not Metis adequately to have been taken into consideration during studies of Cornut’s Saeed The speculation about the sources of Cornut’s ‘‘Canadian” plants seems o have been based largely on the history of French exploration and settlement ia Canada. in general, discussions of Cornut’s Historia appear to have given too little attention to the natural geographic ranges of the plants described therein. The n “Canada”’ was, of course, sb in widely different sso in the cad and eighteenth centuries. Some authors applied the only to the area along the St. Lawrence River or even confined its neues to the vicinity of Québec City, whereas, as shua hits Rousseau (1957), ’’ ‘Canada prior to 1760,” in some applications of the e, “extended from the valley of the St. Lawrence to Louisiana.”’ | Ther es =o have been a tendency among tendency among some authors to associate early uses of the name ‘Canada’ with its present meaning. In this study, the identities of the plant species described by Cornut, except as indicated below, follow Stannard (1966) and the additions and cor- rections made by DeWolf (1974). Two changes made by Dr. Thomas H. Cain in annotations to the copy at the Royal Botanical Gardens are also accepted. Th and changes made during the present study are noted below, along with updating of the nomenciature. Stannard’s (1966) use ie some names that were not used in any standard North American floras later than the sixth (1890) edition of Gray’s Manual indicates that some sdentificutions were taken directly from much earlier studies. maxima Canadensis may be Rorippa palustris (L.) Bess. ssp. hispida Moor ) Jonsell, but, in the absence of an illustration, it cannot be identi- fied with sufficient certainty to permit its discussion in the present analysis: Valeriana urticaefolia flora violaceo is probably not a North American species. It may be — of Va/eriana in the present sense, or of Centranthus, Knautia, Scabiosa t Trachelium, although it is difficult to account for the stipules shown sectictiee in the illustration of this taxon (but absent, as they sh ould be, from the illustration of Valeriana urticaefolia flore albo, which has reid beiiode oben this does not appear to be one of the violet-flowered species of upatori Polygonatum ramosum flore luteo maius and Polygonatum ramosum flore luteo minus are both clearly illustrated as having strongly perfoliate leaves. Since there are only two species of Uvu/aria with perfoliate leaves, ’ ‘maius” must be U. grandiflora Sm. and “‘minus’ must be U. perfoliata L. Cornut described as being not only smaller than those of “ma/us’’ but also paler, just as they were contrasted by Fernald (1950). umaria siliquosa sempervirens, although previously identified as Dicentra canadensis (Goldie) Walpole, is undoubtedly Corydalis sempervirens (L.) Pers., as annotate r. Cain, and also indicated, through association with Linnaeus’ $ Fumaria sempervirens, in Reveal (1983). This is evident not only from the illustrations of the flowers but also from Cornut’s description of them as flesh- coloured (‘‘carneo”’) and gold (‘‘aureo”’) Following Gillis’s (1971) monograph on the poison ivies, Cornut’s Edera i aes ee densis can be identified as Toxicodendron rydbergii (Small ex Ryd the northernmost of the several taxa included in Rhus toxi- codendron ee in earlier literature. Since the name Parthenocissus pir sor (L.) Planch. has been used in pastes cicumeeriptions it should ted that Cornut’s Edera quinquefolia Canaden s P. quinquefolia in wig se sense, as indicated by the clearly depicted Sibeiive ines tanrinating the branches of ‘the tendrils. Fumaria tuberosa insipida, although previously identified as Dicentra saneamaiigler {E3) h., is obviously D. canadensis (Goldie) Walpole. The shape and n of the tubers identify Cornut’s plant as this species (cf. illustrations and eaiesiidane - Stern, 1961). Cornut’s Cerefolium latifolium Canadense seems definitely enough to be Chaerophy/llum procumbens (L.) Crantz to permit its discussion as such i this analysis. This is the most northerly ranging species of Phactophelisn ie in the “’“Gray‘s Manual range. Vitis laciniatis foliis seems to have been called “perhaps V. riparia Michx.’’ by Stannard only because it was assumed to be a Canadian species, V. riparia being the only widespread native grape species in present-day eastern Canada. However, sha deeply lobed leaves for which Cornut named this species are not at all characteristic of V. riparia. This species was not identified as being “Canadian” by Cornut, and his description and illustration appear to conform more closely to the European V. vinifera L. ‘Apiifolia’, which was widely cul- tivated in England and France in Cornut’s time. The name Eupatorium purpureum has been used in both strict and broad senses. In considering the identity of pier s Eupatoria foliis enulae, E. purpureum in the strict sense can be eliminated, because its stems are solid, whereas the plant described by Cornut was said to have hollow stems (‘‘inanes intus’”’). Of the three remaining species of Joe-Pye-weed recognized by Wiegand (1920) and Fernald (1950), E. dubium Willd. can probably be eliminated on the basis of its leaf shape. Although, according to Wiegand (1920), it only infre- quently has sd stems, the wide-ranging —&. macu/atum L. appears to be the species described by Cornut. His illustration appears to represent the broad, flat-topped irforescenes of this species, rather than the more elongate, dome- shaped inflorescence of the more southern E. fistu/osum Barrett ornut’s Apios Americana is doubtless correctly identified as Ap/os americana Medik., but it is interesting to note Cornut’s mention of the seeds of these studies it was reported that ‘‘no plants north of Massachusetts have ever been observed to set seed.” Calceolus serge ae Canadensis, although identified age Sys (1974) as Cypripedium reginae Walt., is doubtless C. ca/ceo/us L. in the broad sense, as noted by Dr. Cain, Cornut described the lip as being ae Ever iiutes sub- rotundus, colore luteus”). erbatum Canadensium, sive Panaces moschatum, which was not illus- trated, defies definite identification. Because of its variable leaves, Stannard suggested that it might be a species of Prenanthes, but this seems incompatible with Cornut’s description of it as having basal leaves a foot long and as having a pleasant, musky odour so Pie that it can be detected from afar. It might be Petasites palmatus (Ait.) A. Gray, induced to flower out of season by the sented to permit speculation as to its identity, many diverse plants having been employed as remedies for snakebite. e has been no question about the identity of Cornut’s becee peemaae Rebtel as Robinia pseudoacacia L. and Gelseminum Ederaceu Indicum as ampsis radic. ans (L.) Seem. It should be noted, however, that oan ropean usage West Indies to parts of the bc dinon Anne of North America as well as to the islands. The currently accepted names for the species bigs deayg Eupatorium ratoides L., Actaea alba (L.) Mill., Poterium canaden. alee & Hook., and Apios tuberosa Moench by Stanna rd (1966) are, aed Eupatorium rugosum Houtt. (or in some recent classifications, Ageratina pin ise (L.) King & Robinson), ccs pachypoda Ell., Sanguisorba canadensis L., and Apios americana Med Cornut’s A/thaea rosea wi pact joa —_ been identified with Hibiscus moscheutos L., an American species, fol g Linnaeus’s Species Plantarum. \n this study, however, | have followed ya d (1942), who concluded from details of the calyces shown in Cornut'’s illustration, and from the branching pat- tern, that this description was not based on a species from North America. The combination of roseate corollas and -unlobed leaves oad also be difficult to reconcile with its identification as a North American species. If Cornut’s A/thaea rosea peregrina actually was H. sake iax r H. palustris L., the comments _ ~—_ with regard to such species as Campsis radicans would also be applic- able Therefore, the species listed below are the North American species des- ed by Cornut that are considered in the present tp de The sequence in this list is that of Cornut; the names are those in current u Cystopteris bulbifera (L.) Bernh. Parthenocissus nei iy yay (L.) Planch. Adiantum pedatum L. Campsis radicans (L Monarda fistu/losa L. Dicentra canadensis (cord Walpole Eupatorium rugosum Houtt. Polanisia graveolen Asarum canadense ubus odoratus Smilacina stellata (L.) Desf. Trillium erectum L. Smilacina racemosa ( esf. Solidago sempervirens L. Uvulari secs ty Sm. Robinia pse had aah Uvularia = Sanguisorba canaden De: rio er (i) BC, aatebeatt procumbens (L.) Crantz Co dalis, spsstnb iby (L.) Pers. Rud soa wohl ae Aquilegia canadensis L Eupatorium singe andl Helenium autumnale L. Erigeron — (L.) Pers. Aster cordifolius L. Angelica luci Aralia racemosa L. Angelica atropurpu rea L. Actaea pachypoda Ell. Apios americana Medik. Actaea rubra (Ait.) Willd. Cypripedium calceolus L. Asclepias sy riaca = Sanguinaria canadensis L. Asclepias incarnata L. Toxicode jot ryabergi (Small ex Rydb.) Gre Details of the distribution of species in re southern part of the province . Québec have been determined from diel n Rousseau (1974). Otherwise, t where specific references are cited, Sica have been tng from xcep Fernald (1950) and other standard floras for Reale ch North Amer Probably the person most often mentioned as a possible collector of the plants described by Cornut is Louis Hébert, an apothecary from Paris. Hébert had come to the i Champlain) became a member of du Gua de boas expedition of 1606-1607, which explored the Atlantic coast from present-day southern Nova Scotia to he returned to France. He came back to Port-Royal as a colonist in 1610, and remained until 1613. In 1617, he, his wife and their three children became residents of Champlain’s colony at Québec, where he remained until his death in 1627 (Bennett, 1966). Hébert, therefore, was in Canada early enough to have sent the plants seen by Cornut, and, apothecary, he presumably would have had the knowledge and interest write pirate have led to a contribution of plants to the Faculty of Medicine. It has also been suggested that some of the North eta _— described by Cornut might have been brought to France by Cartier explored the vicinity of the Gulf of St. Lawrence in 1534, but did va oceed upstream much beyond Anticosti. His second expedition advanced 1536. Ath the site of Québec bay: (Rousseau, os. Trudel, 19662). Cartier is known to 195 have brought Canadian plants back to France. Thévet, in his Cosmographie Universelle (quoted in Rousseau, 1954), noted that “a number of plants and shrubs,’’ and also some trees, brought from Canada by the Cartier expeditions, could still be seen as of 1575 in the Royal Garden at Fontainebleau. Among seventeenth century, has generally been attributed to Cartier (Rousseau, 1954, 1957; Warner, 1956; Allen, 1964; Leith-Ross, 1984) — not surprisingly, since this species has been credited with having kept Cartier and the surviving members of his party alive during the winter of 1535-1536 (Rousseau, 1954). Canadian plants described by Cornut “could only have come from Samuel de qualified as a geographer, and his writings indicate a strong interest in many aspects of the natural sciences (Trudel, 1966b). According to Rousseau (1957), “Cornut’s preface pays homage to an illustrious French voyageur, but unfortunately he omits the name” (translation). As | interpret the opening passage of Cornut’s “Ad lectorum,”” however, it appears to be a general tribute, using a generic singular, to the explorer ‘who, with an indefatigable spirit, not frightened by intolerable labour, not so much for the sake of gaining wealth as in zeal for research, crossing whatever ocean, discovers new lands”’ ; and, in particular, to him who “from each of the Americas d especially from the Indies sends back plants unknown to all the ancients” (translation). It does not, from this wording, appear to be a tribute to any one individual explorer. French explorers and colonists, however, were by no means the only source of North American plants in French gardens in the seventeenth century. For over 30 years prior to the publication of Cornut’s Historia, a number of gar- deners and nurserymen on both sides of the English Channel had been acquain- ted with one another and had been involved in exchanges of newly introduced exotic plants. John Tradescant, Sr., and Jean Robin, and later John Tradescant, ticipated in such exchanges, as did John Parkinson (apothecary, horticulturist, and author of 7heatrum Botanicum) in England (Warner, 1956; Allen, 1964; Coats, 1969; Fisher, 1982; Leith-Ross, 1984, esp. p. 36). Caspar Bauhin in Basel, Switzerland, and some Italian horticulturists also received new plant intro- ductions, including North American species, from the Robins ca. 1622 (Warner, 1956). John Tradescant, Sr., Royal Gardener to Charles | of England, assiduously pursued sources of exotic plants, asking persons traveling to distant lands to bring back plants and also requesting the Secretary of the Navy to urge others to do so. Tradescant was especially interested in Virginia, and was himself,as of 1617, an of lanelt in the Virginia Company, which had established the English colony at estown in 1607. Consequently, Tradescant had received plants from Virginia s since shortly after its first English settlement. Lists of the plants cant had received directly from Virginia, at a very early date, a number of plant species that were later grown the Robins and the Morins. These lists also indicate that Jean Robin, prior to his death in 1629, had been able to reciprocate with a few North American species (discussed below) collected by French explorers, although most of the Robins’ contributions to this exchange consisted of plants of other than North American origin. Conversely, Rousseau (1957) has noted that the Robins’ lists of plants ‘ea in the Royal Gardens in France indicate a significant influx of North American species during the first quarter of the seventeenth century; a number of these were not native to stantial number of North American species in French as well as English gar- dens, the majority of them from Virginia and adjacent parts of the present United States. It cannot be assumed that the plants studied by Cornut must have been collected by French explorers The first list (as distinguished from gp eee: of the plants in the Robins’ gardens was Jean Robin’s Cata/ogus, published in 1601. In discuss- ing this list, Warner sesh stated = there were two North American species already in the Robins’ possession by 1601, Thuja Gocknialts which had frequently been noad. ne Actaea 2 spicata, which had been overlooked. h Pspercgn oriana, identified as A. spictata, which he had received from Jean Robin.” (Quotation marks here designate material from Warner.) Actaea spicata be nena is aie to much of continental Europe and a limited area in Bri- tain, not to North America. (The North American A. rubra was classified as A. spicata var. rubra Ait. in some nin neteenth-century floras, but not in any that S with which he would have been familiar. It appears, therefore, that the species 197 mentioned in Gerard’s Herba/ and Robin’s Cata/ogus was the European A. spicata which is still known as herb Christopher. Allen’s (1964) mention of an Actaea species grown by Robin as early as 1601 appears to have been based entirely on Warner’s paper. Species identifiable as Actaea and described as having red or white fruit were first mentioned by Cornut. These presumably are of North American origin, although there is a red-fruited species, A. erythrocarpa L., native to eastern Europe. Evidently very few North American species had reached the Robins before 1601. mber of the ‘Canadian’ species described by Cornut were among those listed by the senior Tradescant as having been in his possession by 1629, 1633, or 1634. These are listed by modern names below, along with the origin ascribed to them by Tradescant. Identifications follow Leith-Ross (1984) or, in the case of the Corydalis, the similarity of the names used by Tradescant and Cornut. Asarum canadense - America Eupatorium rugosum - New York Asclepias syriaca - A i Robinia pseudoacacia - Virginia Corydalis sempervirens Rudbeckia pasildtndid Am rig Cystopteris bulbife Smil: irgin Erigeron annuus Toxicodendron federal: Canis these may be added, with less certainty, Asc/epias incarnata lt Smilacina stellata, which are, respectively, the probable identities of Trades listed a Solidago wate (Virginian) and at least four species of Aster, one of which was quite likely cordifolius. He ise grew Cypripedium calceolus at that time, but, since Sines of this species occur on both sides of the Atlantic, one cannot assume that all introductions of this species were from the same source. With the exception of the Toxicodendron = possibly ae Cypripedium, these species were B eirgsss acquired from Tr; ant’s associates who visited British North America, and may subsequently have been pees with Robin and/or the Morins. Toxicodendron rydbergii, which Tradescant received in 1632 as ‘‘Frutex —-s = Epimedium folia” (Leith-Ross, 1984, p. 186), may have been grown efore it was grown in England, and may have been sent to - set pe one of his French damascene g This is indicated by its origin having been listed as Canada, uniquely am the species named above, the relatively late date of its receipt by the i go whereas it was well established in France no more than two years later, and by the younger Tradescant’s identification of this species with the Hedera trifolia canadensis of rnut. The history of Robinia pseudoacacia, a species native to the Southern natural range does not closely approach the seacoast or any site of early seven- teenth-century exploration or coneete by siege! the French or the English. Undoubtedly, however, this species came from the present United States, probably from the highlands above 2 British ‘colonien | in Virginia, because it occurs only as a naturalized species in the northern United States and Canada. There is some evidence that it was one of Tradescant's earliest acquisitions from Lipa (Warner, 1956; Allen, 1964, pp. 44-45; Allen, 1974). It definitely Fa ave been present for some time in England before it was grown in 198 It chet be noted that as early as 1623, Vespasien Robin had listed seven of a same species in his Enchiridion, along with several others sub- sequently deseribed by Cornut. (Robin's Enchiridion of 1623 is to be distin- guished from the Enchiridion appended by Cornut to his Historia.) |dentifications, with one exception, follow Warner (1956), with modernized nomenclature: ios americana he erste as oe Asarum canadense Rudbe ckia lac Asclepias incarnata Smi Aster cordifolius Toxicodendr an or Campsis radicans dee grandiflora Eupatorium rugosum Helenium autumn ale’ Robin‘s Chrysanthemum Americanum cum volatoria caule, seu Vosacam was identified as Helianthus decapetalus L. by Warner, but the binomial seems much b Paris between 1601, when the Ca talo ogus was compiled, and 1623, en the Enchiridion was published. The age tiea also listed some North ici i species that Cornut did not describe, includin Anaphalis he sobbeaier jer ) C.B. Clarke Morus sciradi Pept get tuberosus Rhus typ. Lilium canadense L. tons Po et virginiana Cokin. eet = Zephyranthes atamasca ris ) Herb. n addition, Robin listed plants identified as Ame/anchier, Eupatorium ect flowered), Prun us, Rosa, and Solidago — genera in which there are too species of similar aspect to permit uncritical acceptance of the identi- feaiicns given con Warner (1956); a few in which Warner’s igchioisigaceraes seem suspect, such as the Chrysanthemum Americanum noted above; and some species impossible to identify. Several of these belo probably were introduced to France directly from French North Am , where they had been discovered by French ex- plorers. Helianthus Berni L., the Jerusalem artichoke, was already widely cultivated in Europe by 1623. Salaman’s (1940) study of its history indicates that it was probably brought to France by Marc Lescarbot or Louis Hébert on the return voyage of the du Mont expedition of 1607. The Scottish botanist Robert Morison first described the species now called Helenium autumnale France is presented elsewhere in this paper, and the delayed appearance of Anaphalis margaritacea in English lists indicates that it, too, had a similar history. Such a history, however, would not be credible for Campsis radicans, the French. In relation . dels boundaries, they a native to Canada except for a few populations of C. radicans and P. odes: in the area from Amherstburg to Point Polke, and an cate slightly wider natural range of M. rubra in southernmost Ontario. The only European explorations and settlements in the ranges of these species until much later than 1623 were British or — in the present United States. Most of these species were among those des gnated “Virginian” in Robin’s Enchiridion. Their inclusion in this publication set aes British North America, including a few that were not included in Tradescant’s by Parkinson, but not described by Cornut, was acquired by Tradescant directly from British North America, probably from Virginia (Allen, 1974); Robin’‘s plants may have been derived from the same introduction. The fertile race of Apios americana, also, is not native to those areas of food plants of the colony and is credited with sending tubers straightway to France” (Salaman, 1940). If this introduction of A. americana to France was of native Nova Scotian material, it would have the sterile form; Seabrook & Dionne all to be triploid. If, however, Biard had sent cultivated material derived from tubers brought to Port-Royal by Champlain, who had noted this species and its the fertile form. Robin, in his Enchiridion of 1623, referred to the Apjos in his garden as Apios americana foliis Phaseoli floribus obsoletis, but since the sterile form has showy flowers, it is not clear whether this indicates that the sterile In his 1656 catalogue, the younger Tradescant listed several more of the species that by then had been described by Cornut, three of which had also been listed by Robin in the Enchiridion: Campsis radicans - America Rubus odoratus Eupatorium maculatum - New England Sanguinaria canadensis - Virginia Parthenocissus quinquefolia - Virginia much farther north, but, since at least two of them were introduced to England from the present United States in the mid-seventeenth century, as indicated by Tradescant’s notes, it seems not unlikely that those in French gardens were derived, via England, from the same source Seven species, namely Actaea pachypoda, Actaea rubra, Adiantum pedatum, Aquilegia canadensis, Desmodium canadense, Monarda fistulosa, and Trillium erectum, seem definitely to have been brought to France before they were cultivated in England. This does suggest that a were first sent to Europe by a French wes Two other species, Dicentra canadensis and Sanguisorba canadensis, may tentatively be — to this list, although their history in European Sinced hig is less clea As noted above, nomenclatural problems and the similarity of Eurasian and North American species present difficulties in interpreting references to Actaea, as does the fact that A. rubra may have either red or white fruits. According to Leith-Ross (1984), the ‘‘supposed Wolfes bane of America,” 637, described by Cornut, probably also came from a Pasian source. Allen (1974 ; see also Fisher, 1982) has reported that the Robins provided Tradescant with his Rudbeckia laciniata, indicating that it too may have a Canada-to-France-to- England history. Adiantum pedatum does not appear to have been known in English gardens until it was brought from Virginia by the younger Tradescant, upon returning from his own voyage in 1638, three years after it had been described by Cornut. (The Tradescants had grown A. capillus-veneris L. earlier, but Cor- introduced into England until 1759, according to The ///ustrated Dictionary of Gardening (Nicholson, ed., 1884-1887); no Be species appear in any of the Tradescants’ lists or in Parkinson’ s Theatr Desmodium canadense is first recorded in English glans in 1640 (Nicholson, ed., 1884-1887). Its earlier known presence in Fra and its as- sociation with the name “Canada” throughout its horticultural ator suggest that it may first have been introduced to France. A similar history can be postu- lated for Dicentra canadensis and Sanguisorba canadensis, but on no better evidence than the absence of their names from the Tradescants’ lists and other Dicentra canadensis is obscured by the failure early authors, including Lin- naeus, to distinguish it from D. ag aria (L.) Bernh. (Dicentra canadensis was illustrated only in leaf by Cornut, and pr a eins Linnaeus did not see the distinctively differdht flowers of this species.) e Actaea, Adiantum, Bb ok Desmodium, Dicentra, Helenium Cartier expeditions. These species could also have been sent to France by the Récollet staionaiios at Québec (infra), or by Champlain or Hébert if, as seems not unlikely, they did collect plants for this purpose. The Actaea, Adiantum Rudbeckia, Sanguisorba, and Trillium species are also native to Movs Scotia, and could have been brought to France by Lescarbot or sent by Biard. Monarda fistulosa appears unlikely to have been collected by any of ides individuals or expeditions mentioned above. According to Leigh-Ross (1984), ’ wild mint of America,” identified as this species, ‘was hastily added to i. appendix at the back of [Parkinson’s] 7Theatrum,” published in 1640, ’’with no 14 Tacobi Cornuti ORIGANYM Fis Fig. 2. Co ; . : eins Eh illustration of Origanum fistulosum canadense (identified as Monarda 202 attribution for its arrival.” In the absence of any earlier record of M. fistu/osa in England, this “hasty addition” seems to indicate that it was introduced into England very shortly before the publication of the Theatrum, although it had been described by Cornut in 1635. The fact that the younger Tradescant, in 1656, used the same name for this species that Cornut had used, and attributed its origin-to Canada, further supports the belief that M. fistu/osa was introduced to England from France. Also, whereas Cornut had indicated that several species were “native to Canada,” he used unique wore ing in discussing this species, saying that it had “recently arian from Canada. The range of Monarda fistulosa is indicated in Fig.1. Hébert was never nywhere near the range of this species. Cartier was never within its range except hortiy before the winter of 1535-1536, aha his party was nearly wiped out by cold and scurvy; he had no opportunity to collect this species after his recovery. Champlain might possibly have encountered M. fistu/osa in 1611 at Montréal, but his only entry into the range of this species beyond its extreme limits was in 1615-1616, immediately before and after his unsuccessful sortie against the a re) Also, introduction of this species to France in 1616 would have been incom- patible with Cornut’s mention of its “recent” arrival in 1635. he — Frenchmen ee resided within the range of M. fistu/osa prior 1634 were the missionaries to the Hurons, initially of the Récollet order, later ers be Jesuits. Récollet wine and lay brothers established the head- quarters for their missions in New France on ne Riviére St. Charles at Québec in 1615, and a mission to the Hurons near ~ ——_ site of Lafontaine, Ontario, in 1623. Although they have rarely if ever been mentioned in horti- cultural history, they did send some ornamental es from Québec to France, including the species now known as Lilium canadense L. and Lobelia cardinalis L., as recorded by Sagard (1632, p. 51 of English aire ). Although these species did = “come to perfection [in France] as they do in their native soil,” it appears that they survived long and well enough to have been listed in Robin’s Enchiriion in ee They also appear to have phi i sufficiently for Robin share them with Tradescant, who recorded having received Lobelia cardinalis pea aa R ple prior to 1629, and Lilium canadense in or before 1633. ei cardinalis was in England by 1626, according to Nicholson, ed., 1884- 887.) Parkinson (quoted in Coats, 1969) noted that his Lilium canaden nse Me d been found “’neere the river of Canada, where the French plantation in prow liens is seated.” man who recorded the introduction of Canadian plants to France by the Récollets was the lay brother pers —. (to which name he added Théobat upon entering missionary service). Sagard was one of the missionaries in the homeland of the Hurons (‘Hu onie"s in 1623-1624 (Wrong, in 1939 ed. of Sagard, 1632; Rioux, 1966). He was eget interested in various branches of natural history, and noted (Sagard, 1632, pp. 239-241 of English transl.) a number of plants in Huronia that he had ce cnn elsewhere. Among these were plants readily identifiable as Allium tricoccum Aijit., Lilium philadelphicum L. n rracenia urea L., one that appears to have been He/ianthus tuberosus, and another a appears perhaps to have been Erythronium albidum Nutt., although that species is not currently heen own from Simcoe County (Reznicek & Bobbette, 1974). He also noted the presence of many fruits and nuts, some identified by him with their European relatives, others unfamiliar, including Fig. 3. Distribution of Monarda fistulosa L. in eastern North America, from maps by McClintock & Epling ( 1942), Scora (1967), and Rousseau (1974). 204 blueberries, strawberries, wintergreen, hawthorns, cranberries, eg poeple. plums, saskatoons, raspberries, currants, grapes, hes, and hazels. He me mention having sent plants from the Huron country to France, his keen interest in both useful and ornamental plants and his past involvement in sending plants from Québec, makes it seem likely that he sent plants from this region as well. Among the plants mentioned by Sagard er an herb “which in pe and shape resembles the wild sweet marjoram” (’’marjolaine sauvage’’). The des cription is not sufficient for definite idenetieatiad. In the 1939 st i ol Le Grand Voyage, it is suggested, probably following Jacques Rousseau, that this plant might have been Hedeoma pulegioides (L.) Pers. This species, although it does occur paeabeoetad throughout southern Ontario, is uncommon in cal- careous regions and is unknown from present-day Simcoe County (Rezniceck & Bobbette, 1974); it is ibaa therefore, that it would have been known to Sagard, and even less likely that it would have been given a prominent place in his writings. The plant known in France as marjolaine sauvage is Origanum vulgare , which was also designated an Origanum in pre-Linnaean botanical literature. Despite its much larger flowers, the species now called Monarda fistu/osa was also called an Origanum (“Origanum fistulosum canadense’’) by Cornut and later by the younger Tradescant. It seems possible, therefore, that the marjoram-like nc to Origanum Cornut was influenced, indirectly, by a communication from Sagard to the original French recipient likening this species to the European wild sweet marjoram Sagard received orders to return to France in 1624, and his colleague Pere Nicolas Viel was murdered the following year. The Récollet mission to the Hurons was resumed in the summer of 1626 by Pére Joseph de la Roche Daillon. Roche was also an explorer, who traveled south to the territory of the Neutral Nation in an unsuccessful attempt at evangelism (Gingras, 1966). He was soon joined in the Huron mission by the Jesuit priests Pere (posthumously Saint) Jean de Brébeuf and Pére Anne de Moue. The latter returned to Québec the following spring, but La Roche and Brébeuf remained, establishing their mission at Toanché, near the site of the present community of that name nort of Penetanguishene. e La Roche returned Be: Québec in the summer of 1628 in quest of sugeles to relieve the food shortage in Huronia; he was described as Québec the following summer, with instructions to bring with him all the corn he ree Bide from the Hurons ébec was surrendered to the Kirke brothers short er Brébeuf’s arrival, and all the French were summarily deported to alien papi: 1932; Talbot, 1949: Latourelle, 1966). These were hardly the circumstances under which ag alr plants could have been collected for gardens in Paris. There was no sence in Huronia until Brébeuf returned in 1634, too late for any stale he might have sent back to have been described by Cornut. Pere Pierre-Joseph-Marie Chaumont, the next French missionary-explorer in Huronia, did not arrive until 1639. Therefore, "althagh Brébeuf cannot absolutely be ruled out as the pos- sible collector of M. fistu/osa, Sagard still appears more likely to have sent this species to France. Although they bg hardly be considered residents in Huronia, there were from time to time other Frenchmen present during the period from 1623 to 1629, “agents” of scam ae companies, few of whose names have been recorded. To the dismay of the missionaries, they sometimes used the mission sites as bases of operations, but they had no other connection with the missions. It seems unlikely, from the missionaries‘ accounts of the “agents,”’ that they were responsible for any introductions of North American plants to French gardens. \f in fact Gabriel Sagard did bring or send Monarda fistulosa to France, it is highly probable that he brought or sent other species from Huronia as well. Monarda fistulosa, however, is unique in that no other history of its introduction to French horticulture appears likely. The remaining tegen American species, not hitherto discussed, among those described by Cornut a Angelica meager Chaerophy//lum procumbens Angelica lucida Polanisia graveolens ralia rable Uvularia perfoliata these six species, three, C. procumbens, P. graveolens, and U. per- all came from the present United States. The other three species are much more widely er acing in Canada, ranging at least as far north as Québec City een 1974), also occur as far south along the Atlantic seaboard as ork or in oie cases to oe or farther; these could have been col- bese in either present-day country. Moreover, in view of the similar aspect of many Apiaceae, it is possible tat some of the species in that family that were described by Cornut were also listed by the Tradescants, but that modern botanists have not recognized the different names as having been applied to the same species. In summary, consideration of the ranges of the 38 identifiable North American species described by Cornut, in conjunction with the history of French and British exploration and settlement of North America, indicates that 7 species could hardly have been collected in present-day Canada, but must instead have been obtained from sites in the present United States. The horti- cultural history of an additional 13 species indicates that they had been sabi France from present-day Canada is not impo ossible. Six species having wide eta been br sit or sent directly to France by French explorers and mis- sionaries in present-day Canada, and there are icasions that as many as 4 more may have a similar history. Of these 12, 11 could well have been obtained in the engl of Québec City by any of several explorers, missionaries, or settlers, appears probably to have been acquired from the Huron country near the south end of Georgian Bay, and others of the 12 could also have come from this region as well. | am grateful to Dr. David H. Rembert, Jr., for his review of a preliminary version of this paper and a number of valuable suggestions for its improvement. Literature cited Allen, M. 1964. The Tradescants: Their Plants, Gardens be Museum 1570-1662. London: Michael Joseph. 345 pp. + 27 pl. + 1 char Allen, M. 1974. Plants that Changed our Gardens. Newton Abbot: David & Charles. 208 pp. Bennett, E.M.G. 1966. Hébert, Louis. /n: Dictionary of Canadian Biography. Volume |: 1000 to 1700. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. pp. 7-3 0. Bruneau, A.,. & G.J. Anderson. 1986. Reproduction and triploidy in Apios americana (abstract). Amer. J. Bot. 73:754. Coats, A.M. 1969. The Quest for anes a Egaicsts of the Horticultural Ex- plorers. London: Studio Vista. 400 p Cornut, J. as 1635. Canadensium Santee aliarumque nondum editarum Historia. Paris: Simon LeMoyne. xvi + 238 pp. Reprinted 1966. New vork & London: Johnson Reprint Corporation. Pagination of facsimile unchanged; new introduction xxii pp DeWolf, C.P., Jr. 1974. Canadensium Plantarum. Jacques Philippe Cornut. In: Ar noldia reviews. Arnoldia 34:37-39. Fernald, M.L. 1942. Hibiscus moscheutos and H. palustris. Rhodora 44:266- 278. Fernald, M.L. 1950. Gray’s eee of Botany, ed. 8. New York: American Book Com mpany. xliv + 1632 p Fisher, 2 1982. The Pa ant of se Plants. London: Constable and Company. vii +338 pp.+5p Gillis, W.T. 1971. Ath systematics and ecology of poison-ivy and the poison-oaks (Toxicodendron, Anacardiaceae). Rhodora 73:72-237, 370-443, 465-540. Gingras, F. 1966. La Roche a. Joseph de. /n: Dictionary of Canadian Biography. Volume |: 1000 to 1700. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. pp. 420-421. Latourelle, R. aie Brébeuf, Jean de. /n: Dictionary of Canadian Biography. Volume |: 1000 to 1700. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. pp. 121-126. Leith-Ross, P. 1984. The John Tradescants: Gardeners to the Rose and Lily Queen. London: Peter Owen. 320 pp. + 14 pl. Linnaeus, G. 1738 [“1737"]. Hortus Cliffortianus: Plantas Exhibiens Quas in Hortis tam Vivis quam Siccis, Hartecamp in Hollandia, Coluit Vir Nobilissimus & Generosissimus Georgius Clifford Juris Utrisque Doctor, Reductis Varietatibus ad Species, Speciebus ad G era, Generibus ad Classes, Adjectis Locis Plantarum Natalibus Differentiisque Specierum. Amsterdam: [George Clifford]. Pagination irregular. McClintock, E., & C. Epling. 1942. A review of the genus Monarda (Labiatae). Univ. Calif. Publ. Bot. 20:147-194. Nicholson, G., ed. 1884-1887. The Illustrated Dictionary of Gardening, a ractical and Scientific Encyclopaedia for Gardeners and Botanists. New York: J. Arnot Penman; London: L. Upcott Gill. 4 vols. Jesuit Huron Missions of Canada, 1615-1650, According to the ‘Jesuit pp. Reveal, J.L. 1983. Significance of pre-1753 botanical explorations in temperate orth America on Linnaeus’ first edition of Species Plantarum. Phytologia 53:1-69. Reznicek, A.A., & R.S.W. Bobbette. 1974. Vascular plants of Simcoe County, Ontario: a checklist of native, naturalized and regularly adventive species. Midland: Wye Marsh Wildlife Centre [i] +24 + [i] pp. Rioux, J. de la C. 1966. Sagard, Gabriel (christened Théobat). /n: Dictionary of Canadian Biography. Volume |: 1000 to 1700. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. pp. 590-592. Rousseau, C. 1974, Géographie Floristique du Québec-Labrador: Distribution des Principales Especes Vasculaires. Québec: Les Presses de |’Université Laval. xiii + 799 pp. Rousseau, J. 1937. La botanique canadienne a l’‘epoque de Jacques Cartier. - ACFAS 3:151-236. Republished 1937. Contr. Lab. Bot. Univ. Montréal 28. [i] + 86 pp. Rousseau, J. 1954. L’annedda et I’arbre de view. Rev. Hist. Amer. Franc. 8: 171-212. Republished 1954, Mém. Jard. Bot. Montréal 31. Pagination unchanged. Rousseau, J. 1957. Michel Sarrazin, Jean-Francois Gaultier et |’étude prélin- neenne de la flore canadienne. /n: Les Botanistes Francais en Amerique du Nord avant 1850. Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. pp. 149-157, Sagard, G. 1632. Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons, Situé en |’Amerique vers la Douc: i i 1939 ed. 1968. New York: Greenwood Press. xlviii + 411 pp. (Includes introductory and bibliographic chapters by G.M. Wrong, V.H. Paltsits & P.J. Robinson.) Salaman, R.N. 1940. Why “Jerusalem” Artichoke? J. Roy. Hort. Soc. 65:338- 348, 376-383 + 1 pl, Scora, R.W. 1967. Interspecific relationships in the genus Monarda (Labiatae). Univ. Calif. Publ. Bot. 41:1 -71, 208 Seabrook, J.A.E., & L.A. Dionne. 1976. Studies on the genus Ap/os. |. Chromo- some number and distribution of Apios americana and A. priceana. Canad. J. Bot. 54:2567-2572 Stannard, J. 1966. Introduction. /n: 1966 reprint of Cornut (1634), q.v. pp. ix-XXii. Stern, K.R. 1961. Revision of Dicentra (Fumariaceae). Brittonia 13:1-57. Talbot, F.X. ohsiel Saint Among the Hurons: the Life of sis Brébeuf. New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers. [vii] +351 pp. + Trudel, M. 1966a. Cartier, Jacques. /n: Dictionary of Canadian Biography. Volume |: 1000 to 1700. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. pp Trudel, M. 1966b. Champlain, Samuel de. /n: Dictionary of Canadian Biography. olume |: 1000 to 1700. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. pp. 186-199. Warner, M.F. 1956. Jean and Vespasien Robin, ‘Royal Botanists,”” and North American plants, 1601-1635. Natl. Hort. Mag. 35:214-220. Wiegand, K.M. 1920. Eupatorium purpureum and its allies. Rhodora 22:57-70. Appendix. Common names in current use for plants described by Cornut. Newcomb’s Wildflower Guide (Newcomb, L. 1977. Boston & Toronto: Little, Brown and Company. xxii + 190 pp.) is followed wherever possible. It should be noted that in common usage some names, e.g. Virginia creeper, are applied to related ghee in addition to the one described by Cornut, and other names, suc wild bean or setae may also be applied fe species in different soils or families Actaea pachypoda - white baneberry Erigeron annuus - — fleabane Actaea rubra - r neberr Eupatorium maculatum - spotted Joe- Adiantum p maidenhair fern weed Angelica atropurpure ea - great angelica Eupatorium rugosum - she snakeroot Angelica lucida - seaside or Li Helenium autumnal ssc Apios americana - wild b Monarda fistulosa - valid st pp ee wild uubie Parthenocissus quinquefolia - Pisin Aralia - spikenar creeper Asarum sapien - wild ginger Prsscinace graveolens - clammyweed Asclepias incarnata - swamp milkweed Robini pseudoacacia - black locust Asclepias syriaca - common milkwe Aster cordifolius - heart-leaved aster icmakts lacini: ata - - tall coneflower © Campsis radicans - cross vine Sanguinaria canadensis - bloodroot leek procumbens - spreading Sanguisorba canadensis - Canadian burnet Smil laci ina racemosa - false Solomon's seal Corydalis ergaoue - pink corydalis ‘ api ges calceolus - yellow lady’s tens slippe Solida 9 sempervirens - seaside aos psec bulbiter Sag Tox reese eee | Stage cana : showy tick-trefil Trillium erectum red trilliu eae ee ti noe Uvularia batseble beliwort Jewell David Sornborger, ca. 1895. 210 Canadian Horticultural History/Histoire de I’horticulture au Canada 1(4): 210-221, 1988 JEWELL DAVID SORNBORGER (1869-1929) AN EARLY BIOLOGICAL EXPLORER IN NEWFOUNDLAND AND LABRADOR 1 James S. Pringle Royal Botanical Gardens, Box 399, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada L8N 3H8 Abstract Jewell David Sornborger (1869-1929), as a student and later as a sin sg grin ai of Labrad specimens of plants and mammals represented taxa new to science and served as type specimen Resume Etudiant et plus tard ornithologue a |’Harvard rig sey Jewell David Sornborger (1869-1929) récolta divers spécimens biologiques le long de la cote du Labrador, en animales. Sa collection compte rete Plusieurs spécimens types qui ont servi a la description de nouveaux Jewell David Sornborger was the co-author of a paper on Labrador plants; the eponym of three botanical names based on plants from Labrador; of botanical history, however, are nearly devoid of information on this biological explorer In my attempts to rectify this deficiency, | encountered one short biographical sketch in an ornithological journal, written by Sornborger’s friend and neighbour Charles Wendell Townsend, M.D. (1929), a distinguished amateur oeteeaa Gi a number of data and quotations from Rane ts § paper appear in this study. Other data presented here are from the records 0 f Harvard Unive sia il supplied by Mr. Charles Schille of the inet, University Bobahcei mportant source of biographical data, however, was correspon nden from Mrs. Erie taal and Miss Nancy Sornborger, daughters of Jewell D. Sorre 4 nn = ie 4 < . basic biographical data throughout the present paper; dasa Rei not otherwise attributed are from their letter of 18 September 1987. Telephone conversations 1. Contribution No. 64 from the Royal Botanical Gardens, Hamilton, Ontario Traduction de Céline Arsenault, Jardin botanique de Montreal 211 with Mrs. Streiff and with her son, Dr. Eric Streiff, dean of Millard Fillmore College of the State University of New York at Buffalo, were also helpful, as were two albums of photographs lent by Miss Sornborger. Jewell David apaegieg was born 27 November 1869 in San Francisco, California. He was the son of David and Sarah Josephine (Jewell) Sornborger. (The family anced the surname with a soft ‘’g.’’) His parents, however, were not part of the society of that newly roaeres city. Mrs. Sornborger had chosen to spend her confinement at the home of her older sister, Mrs. Timothy Guy Phelps, whose husband had represented the San Francisco district in the U.S. House of Representatives a few years earlier. nn The Sornborgers lived in Chenango County, New York, during Jewell D. acelin gil s early years. David Sornborger died not long after the birth of his son, thereafter the boy and his mother lived in the Jewell family’s ancestral rey in Guilford (northeast of Binghampton), an impressive residence built shortly vane the ii ha Revolution and still in the family as of 1988. In this small-to nviron the young Sornborger and other boys with similar interests ’ wecule go pean for birds and birds’ nests.’ e value placed on education by the Jewells was manifested in the enrollment of Jewell D. Sornborger at Phillips Andover Academy, a prestigious preparatory school in Andover, Massachusetts. After graduation, he entered Harvard University as a special student (i.e., not in a degree program) in the Lawrence Scientific Schoo! in 1890. After four years in this status, Sornborger entered a degree program as a member of the class of 1895, but he became ill about this time and was unable to complete the requirements for his baccalaureate. During ia apes ee Sornborger learned of an ethnological expedition to Labrador, one of a mber of such ventures planned in conjunction with the World’s echarnin cn o be held in Chicago in 1893. The organizer and leading academic advisor of this oe although not a participant, was Frederic Ward Putnam, Peabody Professor of American Archaeology and northern tip of the Coast of Labrador during the summer of 1892. episode from this voyage, recalled from Sornborger’s accounts by his ean, is that the ship was becalmed and the crew became greatly dis- tressed when their tobacco supplies ran out. Ba saiaad thereupon “resolved that he would never again be a slave to tobacco 1893 (presumably ee the Harvard academic year), Sornborger went : re World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago, to look after the well- being of the Inuit from ~ and Eclipse Harbour who had contracted with 212 the Arctic Exhibit Company to participate in the ‘‘Esquimaux ay abot to Mrs. Streiff, Sornborger was appointed by an agency of the Crown becau his rapport with the Labrador natives. eee details of the price oe not been determined in the present study.2 Beginning in 1895 and continuing as long as his sire permitted, Sorn- borger was employed as an ornithologist at Harvard’s Museum of Comparative Zoology. As such, although his health had already begun to jadling. he was again in Labrador in the summer of 1897. This voyage appears to have been sponsored by Outram Bangs (on spall see B.J.L. Migs s, 1933), a wealthy Bostonian who employed a number of men on expeditions to various parts of the world to add to his extensive natural- nati Sohne: By 1897, Bangs had become a leading esate in mammalogy ee pel ge and two years later he began his official affiliation with the Mus of Comparative Zoology, of which he ultimately became curator of Mele and, at least de facto, of birds as well. Sornborger‘s primary commission in 1897 was to obtain bones of the extinct great auk, Pinguinis He sadetaee ic leat although he also collected many other plant and animal specimens. Some of the localities visited by Sornborger on these two expeditions, as indicated largely by the data accompanying his SRE specimens, are mapped in 2 ae As well as biggles several localities along the Labrador Coast in 1897, Sombarsar’a also went t ote Funk Island, 52 km east of Fogo Island, New- foundland. This had Sea yoink site of the largest breeding population of the great auk and of the greatest slaughter of these flightless birds. Few biologists had ever visited Funk Island. It lacked a dock, and attaining the narrow, wav ditions. Descending the cliff back down to the ledge and reboarding the boat when encumbered with specimens must have been even more difficult. The botanical specimens from Sornborger’s 1892 and 1897 trips “ef Labrador were donated to the Gray Herbarium of Harvard University (GH) an came to the attention of Merritt Lyndon Fernald, who had been a fellow case with Sornborger in the Lawrence Scientific School while siperrahilat ig as an assistant in the herbarium. Fernald, who was from Orono, ha already hen a particular interest in the flora of Maine, the Gaspé akin what are now the Atlantic Provinces. He and Sornborger prepared a paper the identifications and comments on taxonomy and phytogeogra Sorn- borger contributing the details of dates, localities, and habitats. initially, — identified all of Sornborger’s Labrador plants with previously descr specie — by Benjamin Lincoln Robinson, also at the Gray Herbarium, and yet other was considered to represent a new form by Frederic King Butters of the Universite of Minnesota, who had been one of Fernald’s graduate students and maintained close ties with the Gray Herbarium. 2. For an account of the Labrador Inuit in Chicago, see The Halifax Herald, Volume XIX, inane "85, April 10, 1893, p. 8. Sornborger’s name is not me ntioned in this article nor in shorter articles oH St. John’s, Chicago and New York papers of the same period. However, since it appears that he was enrolled at Harvard when the Inuit arrived in Chicago, it seem likely that his woamninent was made later, in response to criticisms of the initial arrangement: Three of the new specific names and one of the — names published sornborgeri and Draba sonasaraek rnborger at Ramah species’’ were named Antennaria sornborgeri, Arnica Table 1. pene names based in whole or in part on specimens collected by Jewell D. Sornborge name and author(s) ee ae asl source current status status of of taxon Sorabareers specime at GH Antennaria sornborgeri Fern., holotype Ramah included in lag: Rhodora 18:237. 1916. alpina (L.) Gaert var. media protect Jeps. j borgeri Fern., holotype Ramah included in Arnica Rhodora 7:147. 1905. ss asco Vahl. ssp. angustifolia Artemisia borealis Pall. var. Paratype Ramah sppseerecnc a? hy pe latisecta Fern., Rhodora 93. 1927 ucate: Pel . Hal Clements var borealis Cochlearia cyclocarpa Blake, paratypes Baccalieu, included in Cochlearia Rhodora 16:135. 1914. Barred and officinalis L Fogo islands Draba sornborgeri Fern., holotype Ramah accepted, as Draba Rhodora 36:319. 1934. norvegica Gunn. var. sahabohae! (Fern.) Boivin Empetrum eamesii Fern. & paratype Baccalieu classification varies; Wieg., Rhodora 15:215. perhaps best treated 913, as Empetrum nigrum . var. eamesii (Fern. & Wieg.) Boivin Eriophorum spissum Fern. paratype Tub Harbour accepted Rhodora 7. 208. 1925. Gar ig sepa ask aA Paratype Barred accepted, as Platanthera R.Br. var. terrae-no Island facera (Michx.) G. Don Fern. Wedoee 28: 21. var, terrae-novae 1 926. (Fern.) Luer Habenaria obtusata (Pursh) paratype Red Bay not differentiated at Richards. var. co/lectea | Jevel; species Borie Rhodora 28:175 now called Platanthera 1926. obtusata (Pursh indl, Oxy tropis terrae-novae paratype Nain acc i epted, as Oxytropis Fern., Rhodora 30:147. campestris (Ly DC. 1928. var, terrae-novae (Fern.) Barneby Plantago maritima L. v paratype Baccalieu included i in Plantago lau. ee Fern., Ahodoes 27:102. 1925. 214 var. juncoi Fer Paratype Barred accepted = led ars Pheer Island 18:13. 1916. Ranunculus allenii B.L. Robins., Paratype Ramah accepted Rhodora 7:220. 1905. Salix rostrata Richards. var. paratype Fogo Island accepted, as Sa/ix ae Fern., Rhodora bebbiana var. 16:177. 1914 capreifolia (Fern.) Fern. : Saxifraga aizoon Jacq. var. paratype Ramah included in typical S. neogaea Butters forma paniculata Mill. frigida Butters, Rhodora 46:66. 1944. Saxifraga nivalis L. v holotype Ramah included i as sd ae labradorica Fern., gg Ne L. var. 19:142. 1917. Wehienb.. ee spicatum (L.) eae paratypes Hopedale accepted at species rank, r. pilosiglume Fer and Ramah as Trisetum triflorum lieder 18:195. 1916, (Bigel.) A.&D. Love spp. triflorum Since Fernald’s time, it has generally been concluded that Fernald recognized too many “‘species’’ endemic to Atlantic Canada. In the early years of the present century, many wide-ranging species in the boreal to arctic zones e fe) chromosome iat s and breeding behaviour, has led to some such ed withi nging s numbers of piatitters clones of Antennaria reproduce agamospermically has resulted in the conclusion that it is inappropriate to treat every such clone as a ecies. Antennari: media (Greene) Jeps. Likewise, Arnica sornborgeri is now generally included in A. angustifolia Vahi ssp. angustifolia. "The Draba, however, is still accepted taxonomically, as D. norvegica Gunn. var. sornborgeri (Fern.) Boivin, a variety of whitlow-grass endemic to ae Labrador and possibly Baffin Island. The other a names applied by Fernald to taxa he believed to be new to science, and the one published by Butters, were typified by specimens col- pohics in Table 1. vores aie collection was also cited as a paratype of the Because of the limited extent of botanical explorations in Labrador and northern C time, several of Sornborger’s other plant — vadiedanitea significant extensions of the known ran of the respective spec One of the most striking examples was Potentilla ranunculus Lange [now path times treated as P. diversifolia Lehm. var. ranunculus (Lange) Boivin] , found at Okak; this taxon had hitherto been known only from Greenland. Another was Crepis nana Richards., collected at Ramah. Although now known to occur across arctic Canada, this species was then unknown nearer Labrador than the Coppermine River, over 2700 km to the northwest. Duplicate botanical specimens from Sornborger’s Labrador expeditions, or at least that of 1897, were given by the Gray Herbarium to the herbaria of the botanical museum at Berlin (B; probably none extant) and the Missouri Botanical Garden (MO) (Vegter, 1986). The butterflies that Sornborger collected in 1892 were of considerable interest to Samuel Hubbard udder, an eminent entomologist then living in Cambridge after a distinguished career with the Boston Society of Natural butterflies representing 11 species at 59° N latitude (i.e., at Nachvak Fjord north of Ramah), ‘‘beyond the Moravian settlements and therefore further north than any point from which collections ordinarily come.” A list of these butter- flies was published in the record of the Proceedings of the Cambridge Ento- mological Club (Anonymous, 1895). Scudder also noted that Sornborger had collected one orthopteran (grasshopper) specimen. Locating citations of Sornborger’s vertebrate specimens is more dif- ficult and has only to a limited extent been within the scope of the present species of the gray jay, Perisoreus canadensis nigricapillus Ridgway, obtained at Okak in 1892. (The natives believed that a great misfortune would befall anyone who saw, and especially anyone who counted, a clutch of the eggs of this jay.) These eggs were donated to the Smithsonian Institution for study by Charles Emil Bendire, and one was illustrated in a colour plate in Bendire’s (1895) Life Histories of North American Birds. : In describing a new subspecies of American black duck, Anas obscura rubripes, from Labrador, William Brewster (1902), then curator of birds at the Museum of Comparative Zoology, cited a specimen collected by Sornborger in = & 0 m@ Q = A =< i) ° | on = @ a bs) ® | Qa w o ® ow ° 3 5 | @ ot og o rs, me Pm om =~ = ct bm oC = oO 3] 4 >) a = is) re oD ge , and ‘no subspecies of American black duck are now recognized, although the species as a whole is now called Anas rubripes Brewster. Sornborger’s visit to Funk Island was a major success, in that, as recorded by Townsend \ 1929), “he collected a large number of the bones of the great Auk, from which he mounted several perfect skeletons,”’ which were "preserved in the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Cambridge and in some other museums,” Sornborger’s mammal specimens consisted of skulls, most or all of which were obtained by trading with the Inuit, the greatest number fr ak, some from Hebron and Hopedale. Bangs (1898, 1910), in his annotated lists of the 216 Nachvak Fjord PyxRamah 15 Aug 1892 20-24 Aug 1897 oo Hebron 12 Sept 1897 e av ra) QO 0 2 Okak eos A y. — SSS @ See Nain 4 Aug 1892 re % 11 Aug 1897 7 on oo) Wa? Dayis Inlet 1 Aug 1892 6 nde 4-6 Aug 1897 ? 92 Aillik 27 duly 1892 GS J g M ik : IP vA akkov Aso 0 Webeck Harbour 20-24 July 1892 o 905° faerts shy ms e = Mallijak fo 18 hee 18924 Tub Harbour 11 July 1892 pla Ecking Leland o 503} Islands re 14 July 1892 4g : = = i 3 !) bs eee = Henley Harbour 24 Sept 1892 ‘ 7) Red Bay 4 July, 1892 Jewell D. Sornborger’s botanical collecting localities in Labrador. mammals of Labrador, cited ten species of marine and land mammals of which Sornborger had provided him with skulls. He was especially impressed by “’a fine pair” of male and female Atlantic walrus skulls. ong these specimens were three marten skulls from Okak, which Bangs (1898) interpreted as representing a species new to science, to. which he gave the name Mustela brumalis, North Labrador marten. The marten of Lab- rador and Ungava is still recognized as distinct by taxonomists, although now at the rank of subspecies, as Muste/a americana brumalis (Bangs). is was also especially interested in the red fox skulls obtained by Sornborger, because these appeared to indicate that the red fox of Labrador was subspecifically distinct from the red fox of more southern latitudes, but he declined to publish a new name without having had the opportunity to study external features. Later, the red fox of northern Maine and most of eastern Canada except southern Ontario was recognized as Vulpes vulpes rubricosa Bangs, a subspecies distinct from that prevailing in the eastern United States, but a specimen from Nova Scotia was chosen as the nomenclatural type. Initially, eth (1898) believed, from the two skulls from Labrador obtained by Sornborger, that the black bear of Labrador should be accorded subspecific — and na es it shane Ss americanus sornborgeri. Later, however, after he had examined m specimens from various parts of the range of this species, he theeu. 1910). pile pose the distinction of a Labrador sub- species was unwarranted. the Moravian mission sites along the Labrador Coast, Sornborger became acquainted with several of the missionaries, many of whom were in- terested in natural history and some of whom had raised funds for the missions by selling biological specimens. Those who sent plant specimens to Sornborger (as indicated in Fernald & Sornborger, 1899) included Br. poh i Schmitt (also Known as Christian Smith), = Seni Sornborger had met at far-northern = in 1892 and at Nain in 1897, and Sr. M.A. (Mrs. Ad ee Hlawatschek, ho had been at Hebron n on both oc casions. Br. Walter Perrett, at Okak in 1892 bird skins and eggs, and had recording many data on bird migration and nesting. He had also collected many insects, especially moths, and some mammals. Among the specimens that Perrett sent to Sornborger were two of the northern yas squirrel from Makkovik. Sornborger recognized them as a subspecies n o science, which he named and described in his only zoological publication (Sorbo orger, 1 . The name Glaucomys sabrinus makkovikensis rger) is now applied to the flying squirrels ranging from the Atlantic coast to the iter part of northern Ontario, south to the Gulf of St. Lawrence and Lake Timiskaming. Sornborger’s greatest friend among the Moravian brethren was Rev Gottlieb Petr Stecker (on whom see Anonymous, 1939, and Gapp, 1949), who was at Okak in 1892 and at Ramah in 1897. Sornborger {in Fernald & valuable [plant] specimens sent to him,” which had been collected ‘‘at a season en Labrador [was] inaccessible,” and also expressed gratitude for ‘‘many peal important services.” As long as he lived, Sornborger kept in contact with Stecker, even after the latter had moved to Bethel, Alaska, to assume the super- intendency of the Alaskan missions of his church. Sornborger sent gifts to the Inuit via Stecker, among which were binoculars to aid them in their hunting. In contrast to the botanical specimens, most of Sornborger’s vertebrate specimens from his 1892 and 1897 expeditions were initially deposited in two segs rae ns: pee and that of — A. and Outram Bangs. The Ba s Museum of Comparative sity “packed the collection and took [it] to the museum,’ "and ° ‘also took two Chinese fighting fish that [her] father had had for several years.’’ Sornborger again traveled north in the summer of 1903, but it is evident that this trip was not a scientific expedition to the extent that the other two had and in giepies to behold some of the most interesting “ee spectacular sights that he had missed on his earlier trips. Letters from the renowned physician Sir Wilfred Grenfell, who had become a friend of Sornb caer ‘s, indicated some of his objectives. In One, addressed to someone called Sampson (not further identified, but evidently either a ship’s captain or a medical colleague in Royal National Liga to Deep-Sea Fishermen), Grenfell wrote: ‘‘He [So borger] may want to take the trip up H[amilton] I[nlet, Labrador] in the Julia iSharidenl= ‘ so please take him — you'll find him an authority on Lab- rador birds, etc.’’ Grenfell’s concern about Sornborger’s health was expressed in another passage in this letter: “| want you to put him in hospital, if he re- quires it!! prior to going up the bay or anywhere else.” In another letter to an addressee designated Harvey, Grenfell wrote that Sornborger was ‘‘very anxious on his way north to visit your factory at Snook’s Arm, [Newfoundland] and he also wishes to go out on the Cabot [Strait] and see a whale killed.’’ (Works on Newfoundland in the early nuke century indicate that a whale-processing plant was located at Snook’s Arm at that time. Grenfell’s letter may have been to Joseph Harvey, a member of a family that founded Harvey & Co., with many diverse enterprises including fish and whale processing.) Sornborger’s photographs from 1903 all appear to have been taken on the Island of Newfoundland and on nearby smaller islands and waters. How far pictures include fishing ports with cod-drying ks wmill with lumber awaiting shipment on the docks, and Newfoundland’‘s first hydroelectric power station, built two years earlier at Petty Harbour. Other photographs, taken at sea, appear to indicate that Sornborger did pice ey a whaling expedition. Sornborger’s only specimens from 1903 to which references have been encountered in the present study were botanical, all from Baccalieu, Fogo as being in Notre Dame Bay, was presumably the island by that name near Englee.) These were probably the first botanical specimens from these islands. None of Sornborger’s specimens from this expedition was designated the holo- type of a new botanical name, but his collections from thes e islands were listed among the pean of six new names published by Fernald and his colleagues at the Gray Herbarium. Four of the taxa so named are still generally accepted (Table 1). Scieas plant specimens from this expedition, as indicated by citations in ree Missouri Bot. Gard. 20:168 (1933), were sent by the Gray Herbarium the herbaria of the New York Botanical Garden (NY) and the farthest innPAtOR (US). The visit to Baccalieu was evidently the highlight of Sornborger’s travels in 1903. It is especially unfortunate that he did not publish upon his obser- rom the island between ca. 1875 and ca. 1900 (H.S. Peters, 1942: Templeman, 1945). Sornborger’s photographs document the presence of a gan- net colony on Baccalieu as early as 1903. Sor ornborger’s ee characterized by his friend Townsend (1929), physician, as ‘’a disease of the heart and arteries” that subjected him to ka iy ingly frequent attacks. which invalided him for long periods,” dictated his retirement from the Museum about 1901. He moved for a short time to Ipswich (where Toorsend also lived) and then to Rowley, which borders Ipswich on the north. As long as he was able, he “went on many long walks around the country- side” with ‘friends that were nestested in wild Hist birds, [and] butter- flies,"" Townsend doubtless being among them. He also hybridized irises and peonies. His horticultural breeding, however, appears to have been a strictly Private activity, as the publications of the American Iris and Peony societies list no cultivars introduced by him nor indicate any other involvement with h cultural Society. As he became more and more confined to his home, he devoted his attention increasingly to philately, specializing in first-flight covers from the new air-mail routes that were being established in the 1920s. Jewell D. Sornborger died at his home in Rowley 24 February 1929. He was survived by his wife, née Helen Robertson, and three daughters, Helen Robertson Sornborger, Elizabeth Jewell Sornborger (later Mrs. Eric Streiff, m careful and accurate observer and of a quiet and retiring disposition,’”” who “was an interesting talker on his chosen subjects, in which he kept up his interest to the last”’; and as “patient and uncomplaining” in his long illnesses. : 3. The island depicted in a series of photographs by Jewell D. Sornborger was identi- fied as iggeaas by Ms. Marilyn Dawe of the Newfoundland Museum. | am grateful to her and to Dr. P. eter J. mete of the Pe pocbehdgll of berate erie University of Newfound LITERATURE CITED Anonymous, 1895, Proceedings of the Club. Psyche (Cambridge, MA) 7:319-320. Anonymous. 1939. Rev. G.A. Stecker. Moravian Missions 37:42. Bangs, O. 1898. A list of the mammals of Labrador. Amer. Naturalist 32: 489-507. Bangs, O. 1910. List of the mammals of Labrador. /n: Grenfell, W.T. Labrador: the Country and the People. New York: The Macmillan Company. 458-468. Bendire, C. [E.] 1895. Life histories of North American birds, from the parrots to the grackles, with special reference ge rip breeding habits and eggs. U.S. Natl. Mus. Spec. Bull. 3. ix +518 p 7 pl. Brewster, W. 1902. An undescribed form of the Black Duck (Anas obscura). Auk 19:183-188. Fernald, M.L. 1905. The genus Arnica in northeastern America. Rhodora 7: 146-150. Fernald, M.L. 1916. Some allies of Antennaria alpina from Newfoundland and abrador peninsula. Rhodora 18:236-238. Fernald, M.L. 1934. Draba in temperate North America. Rhodora 36:241-261, 285-305, 314-344, 353-371, 392-404, pl. 290-319. Fernald, M.L., & J.D. Sornborger. 1899. Some recent additions to the Labrador flora. Ottawa Naturalist 13:89-107. Gapp, S.H. (H. Briffault, ed.). 1949. Moravian missionaries in Alaska: graphies. Unpublished notes for Encyclopedia aie Special Collections, Dartmouth College Library, Hanover, NH. 16 p Peters, B.J.L. 1933. Outram Bangs, 1863-1932. Auk ae pl. 1X. Peters, H.S. 1942. A new Gannet colony in Newfoundland. Auk 59:100. Sornborger, J.D. 1900. The Labrador Flying Squirrel. Ottawa Naturalist 14:48-51. Templeton, W. 1945. meas on some Newfoundland sea-birds. Canad. Field-Nat. 59:136-1 Townsend, C.W. 1929. Jewell D. Sornborger. Auk 46:583. Vegter, |.H. 1986. Index Herbariorum. Part I1(6): Collectors S. Regnum 114. pp. 805-985 of Part II. Northern gannets on the nest on Baccalieu, 1903. From a photograph by J.D. 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An early biological explorer in Newfoundland and Labrador James S. Pringle 210 - 221 ISSN 0828-8259