BOTANICAL MUSEUM LEAFLETS HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRINTED AND PUBLISHED AT THE BOTANICAL MUSEUM CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS BOTANICAL MUSEUM LEAFLETS HARVARD UNIVERSITY VOLUME XX BOTANICAL MUSEUM CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS 1962-1964 TABLE OF CONTENTS NuMBER 1 (August 1, 1962) Novelties in the Orchid Flora of the Guayana Highlands II By CHARLES SCHWEINFURTH NuMBER 2 (September 7, 1962) The Hallucinogenic Mushrooms of Mexico and Psilocybin: A Bibliography By R. Gorpon Wasson NUMBER 2a (March 10, 1963) The Hallucinogenic Mushrooms of Mexico and Psilocybin: A Bibliography (Second printing, with corrections and addenda) By R. Gorpon W aAsson NumBeEr 8 (December 28, 1962) A New Species of Salvia from Mexico By Cart Epuine anp Carwios D. Jativa-M A New Mexican Psychotropic Drug from the Mint Family By R. Gorpon Wasson Resia— A New Genus of Gesneriaceae By Haroup E. Moore, Jr. NuMBER 4 (January 80, 1963) New Orchids from Ceylon By Don M. A. JAYAWEERA [v ] bo or Ww Gr 93 Number 5 (May 1, 1963) Spread of Kight-rowed Maize from the Prehistoric Southwest By Watton C. Gauinat AND JAMEs H. GUNNERSON .............. 114 Number 6 (November 22, 1963) Notes on the Present Status of Ololiuhqui and the other Hallucinogens of Mexico By R. Gorpon Wasson . . . . . 2... . «161 The Active Principles of the Seeds of Rivea corymbosa and Ipomoea violacea By AvBpert HormMann.......... . 194 NuMBER 7 (November 29, 1963) A New Gossypium from the Cape Verde Islands By Duncan CLEMENT AND Lyte L. Puinuies 213 Plantae Colombianae XVI. Saurauiae Provinciae Putumayonis Species Nova By Ricuarp Evans Scuutres . . . . . . .) 22] NUMBER 8 (May 8, 1964) Present Status of Botanical Studies of Ambers By Jean H. LANGENHEIM . . . . . . . . 225 NuMBER 9 (June 80, 1964) Tripsacum as a Possible Amphidiploid of Wild Maize and Manisuris By Watron C. Gauinat, Rasu S.K. CHAGANTI AND Floyp D. Hacer. . . . . 289 [ vi ] Plantae Colombianae XVII. De Plantis Regionis Amazonicae Notae By Ricuarp Evans ScHuULTrEs Number 10 (December 30, 1964) Philoglossa—A Cultivar of the Sibundoy of Colombia By MeEtvin L. Bristro. Louis C. Bierweiler—An Appreciation By Paut C. MANGELSDORE . Plantae Colombianae XVIII. Plantarum utilium Speciei Duae Novae By Ricnarp Evans ScHULTES [ vii | 325 334 336 INDEX OF ILLUSTRATIONS PLATE Amber. Angiosperm remains from Balticamber XLII Amber. Geographic distribution of deposits. . . XL Amber. Santa Catarina landslide, Chiapas, MOXICO: 5-62 Ghee ke se Be et TT Amber. Seventeenth Century amber fishermen XLI Anthurium infectorium R. HW. Schult. . . . . LIII Cayaponia Kathematophora FR. 2. Schult. . . . LIV Cayaponia ophthalmica R. W. Schult. 2 2 2 2. Cirrhopetalum roseum Jayaweera . . . . . . XVII Distribution of resin producers in Chiapas. . . XLV Epidendrum remotiflorum C. Schweinf... . . . VII Epidendrum Lechleri Reichb.fi . . 2. 2... UV Krythrodes robusta C. Schweinf... . . 2... . . III Gossypium Barbosanum Phillips & Clement XXXVIT, XXXVIII Henriquezia obovata Spr. exw Benth. . . . . . XLIUX Ipomoea violacea L. (text fig., p. 177) XXIX, XXX, XXXI, XXXV, XXXVI Life zones in the United States . . . .... XXI Louis C. Bierweiler, 1887-1964 ........ LII Manniella americana C. Schweinf: & L.A. Garay . 11 Maxillaria bolivarensis C. Schweinf. . . . . . VIII Mushroom stones... ........ =XXXIII [ vill | Oberonia claviloba Jayaweera. . . .... . XIII Oberonia dolabrata Jayaweera ........ XII Oberonia fornicata Jayaweera. . . ..... XVI Oberonia quadrilatera Jayaweera ....... XI Oberonia Wallie-Silvae Jayaweera . .... XIV Oberonia weragamaensis Jayaweera . .....XV Philoglossa peruviana DC. . . . . ...... Lil Philoglossa peruviana DC. var. sapida Bristol. . LI Pleurothallis coffeicola Schltr... . 2... 2... UV Pleurothallis parvilabia C. Schweinf. . . 2... 2... Vv Pollen size variation in maize, teosinte, Tripsacum and Manisuris . 6 4-4 hw & «ee w LVI Psilocybe mexicana Heim . ...... . XXXII Resia nimbicola H. . Moore. . . ... ..IX,X Rivea corymbosa (L.) Hall f.. . . XXXV,XXXVI Saccolabium tortifolium Jayaweera .... XVIII Salvia divinorum Hpling & Javito XXVIII, XXXII Saurauia Alvaroi PR. H. Schult. 2. . 2... XXXIX Spiranthes callifera C. Schweinfi. . . 2... . . I Spiranthes longiauriculata C. Schweinf. . . . . . . Il Structural formulas of alkaloids from Rivea corym- bosa and Ipomoea violacea seeds . . . . XXXIV Taeniophyllum gilimalense Jayaweera . . . . XIX Tapirira durhamii from Baltic amber... . XLIV Tripsacum. A representation of its hypothetical OMiG@IR «+ i @ eb ewe ewe eee oe & wooded [ ix ] Zea Mays L. Archaeological and modern Zapalote- Chico maize ............. XXXVI Zea Mays L. Archaeological maize cobs from southwestern New Mexico ....... XXIII Zea Mays L. Archaeological maize cobs from the Southwest ............2....XX Zea Mays L. Chromosome association in maize and maize-Tripsacum hybrids . . . . . . XLVII Zea Mays L. Cob similarities among the races Maize Blanco de Sonora, Pima-Papago and Fremont Dent .........2.2.2.2. XXV Zea Mays L. Distribution of Maize de Ocho . XXII Zea Mays L. Prehistoric dent maize cobs from WH ee we ee ee eR OL Zea Mays L. Evolutionary sequence in maize in the Southwest. 2. 2. 2... 2... OX XVII [x ] INDEX TO GENERA AND SPECIES ABIES, 246,269,274 excelsa DC., 258 guatemalensis Rehd., 271,273 ABRUS precatorius L., 173 ACACIA sp., 264 ACERACEAE, 250 ACHIMENES, 92 ADANSONIA digitata L., 241 AEGILOPS speltoides, 293 AGATHIS, 241 alba (Lamb.) Forw., 240,278 australis (Lamb. ) Steud., 240 algae, 255 alkaloids, 194-212 amber, 225-287 AMYRIS, 272 attenuata Standl., 270,271 ANACARDIACEAE, 266,278 ANDROMEDA, 251 Andropogoneae, 290,293,295 ANETANTHUS, 85,86 ANTHURIUM infectorium R. E.Schult., 336, 337,339 apipiltsin, 184 APOcyNACEAR, 250 AQUIFOLIACEAE, 250 ARACEAE, 336 ARAUCARIA, 241 ARRACACIA xanthorrhiza Bancr., 326 arracachas, 326 badoh, 176 badoh negro, 177,180 badungas, 1 bejuco, 175 besha, 330 beshana, 330,331,332 beshatema, 330 BIGNONIACEAE, 317 BIOTA, 246 bocoy, 332 Bompacackak, 241 BRASSICA oleracea var. acephala DC., 326, 330-332 bufotenine, 61 BURSERA, 274 bipinnata Engl., 271,272 excelsa (HBK.) Engl., 271, 2712 simaruba (L.) Sarg., 270-272 BursERACEAE, 236,266,278 CALOPHYLLUM brasilense Camb., 270-272 camaytiyu, 330 CANARIUM, 236 [ xi ] CALLITRIS, 241 CAPSICUM frutescens L., 332 capullo de gusano, 165 capullo de seda, 165 CAYAPONIA capitata Cogn., 324 kathematophora Ft. F.Schult., 338,339 opthalmica R.E.Schult., 321- 324 CELTIS Wightii Planch., 106 CHAMAECYPARIS, 246 chili pepper, 332 CINNAMOMUM, 250 CIRRHOPETALUM, 93 roseum Jayaweera, 108,109 Wightii Thw., 111 CLAVICEPS, 200 purpurea, 194 coarthuill, 175 COLEUS Blumei, 79,84 pumila, 79,84 COLOCASIA esculenta Schott, 326 colorines, 171,173 COLUMNEAEH, 87 CoMBRETACEAR, 266 ComposiTak, 248 conejo, 330 CONOCYBE, 170 siligineoides Heim, 32 ConvoLvuLacrak, 173,175,200 CONVOLVULUS, 208 corymbosus L., 174 COPAIFERA, 235,241,278 COPRINUS Comatus, 70 CREMOSPERMA, 85,86 cryptogams, 246 eyead, 254 CUCURBITA ficifolia Bouche, 332 CucurBITACEAE. 339 CupREssaceAk, 246,255,266 CUPRESSINOXYLON bibbinsi Knowl., 231 CUPRESSUS, 269,274 lindleyi Aluts, 271,273 CYRTANDROIDEAE, 85 DAMMARA, 234 DANIELLA, 278 spp., 241 DATURA meteloides Dun., 171 DILLENIACEAER, 250 DiprerocarPaceak, 240,278 DISCOPHYTON electroneion, 255 duendes, 184 einkorn, 293 el macho, 79 el nene, 79 el ahiyjado, 79 ELYMUS mollis, 206 ENCYCLIA leucantha Schltr., 17 EPIDENDRUM Evelynae Reichb.f., 17 ionosum Lindl., 20 Lechleri Reichb. fi, 17,19 [ xii | leucanthum (Schlir.) C. Schweinf. , 17 nephroglossum Schltr., 17 oneidioides Lind/. var. ramonense (Reichb.f. ) Ad. & Si, 20 rectopedunculatum C. Schweinf. forma denticulatum C. Schweinf., 18 remotiflorum C.Schweinf., 18, 21 Ericackak, 248,250,251 ergot, 194,195,206 ERYTHROXYLON Coca, 324 ERYTHRODES clavigera (Reichbf.) Ames, 9 cylindiostachys Garay, 9 robusta C. Schweinf., 8,10,11 GERANIACEAE, 250 GESNERIACEAR, 85,92 GLYPTOSTROBUS, 246 GOSSYPIUM, 213 anomalum Wawra & Peyr., 215,216 Barbosanum Phillips & Clement, 214-219 capitis-viridis Mauer, 213, 215,216 sect. Anomala, 215,216 triphyllum Hochreutiner, 215, 216 GRAMINEAE, 250 GUADUA, 269 GUAIACUM sanctum L., 271,272 GUIBOURTIA (Copaifera), 278 spp., 241 GUTTIFERAE, 266 GYNERIUM, 269 hallucinogens, 25-73, 75-34, 161-193,194-212 HAMAMELIDACEAR, 250,266 HEMARTHRIA, 292 hembra, 178 HENRIQUEZIA, 317 aturensis Standl., 317 Jenmanii Schum., 317 longisepala Bremekamp, 317 macrophylla Ducke, 317 nitida Benth., 317,318,320 var. subcuneata Steyerm., 317 oblonga Benth., 317,318 obovata Spruce ex Benth., 317- 32] verticillata Benth., 317,318, 320,321 var. apiculata Steyerm., 317 HENRIQUEZIACEAE, 318 hiedra, 175 hajas de la Pastora, 79,81,171, 184 hajas de Maria Pastora, 79 hombrecitos, 184 hongo, 36,38,64,65 honguillo, 36,37,38 huacamiiyu, 330 huacamiiyu de monte, 323,331 HYMENAEA, 272,274 Courbaril L., 270,271 ILEX, 250 IPOMOKEA, 173,208 corymbosa (L.) Roth, 174 violacea L., 176,179,181,183, 194,199,201-208,210 [ xiii ] tricolor Cav., 176 JAUMEOPSIS mimuloides Hiern. var. subintegrifolia Hiern., 326 JUNIPEROXYLON, 238 JUNIPERUS, 234,246,269 spp., 271 ka-moo-ka, 340 KLUGIA, 85,86 LSD, 57,60,63,67,73a,73b, 196- 198,200 la’aja shnash, 180 la hembra, 79 LasiaTAk, 75,78 LauRAcEAR, 250 LEGUMINOSAE, 236,266,278 LEMBOCARPUS, 85,86 LIBOCEDRUS, 246 Litiacear, 250 LIQUIDAMBAR, 238,277 styraciflua L., 271,272 LOPHOPHORA Williamsii (Lem. ) Coult., 16% LorRANTHACEAR, 257 Louis C. Bierweiler, 334 macamoy, 330 MACARANGA peltata (Roxb. ) Muell. Arg., 114 macho, 178 MAGNOLIA, 250 maguey, 166 maize, archaeological, 117-160 maize, 289-293,297-304,306- 313 MANIHOT utilissima, 324 MANISURIS, 289-295,297, 298,501,302,306,312 evlindrica, 292,293,297,298 aurita, 294,298 rugosa, 298 MANNIELLA, 8 americana C. Schweinf. & L.A. Garay, 5-7 maple, 254 MAXILLARIA bolivarensis C.Schweinf., 22, 23 rugosa, Schltr., 24 sulcata C. Schweinf. , 24 tenuis C. Schweinf. , 24 Maydeae, 290,293,294 mescalin, 69,73b,165 mushroom stones, 26,40—50,73a mexcalli, 165 mescal, 165,166 mujercitas, 184 mun-te-ka, 324 mushrooms, hallucinogenic, 25— 73 MYROXYLON, 274 Balsamum (L.) Harms., 270, 271 MyRSINACEAR, 250 NAPEANTHUS, 85,86 NICOTIANA rustica L., 163 Tabacum L., 163 nifios, 184 oaks, 246,250,252 OBERONIA, 93 claviloba Jayaweera, 98,99 [ xiv | dolabrata Jayaweera, 96,97 fornicata Jayaweera, 106,107 quadrilatera Jayaweera, 93,95 tenuis Lind/., 98 Wallie-Silvae Jayaweera, 101, 102,108 weragamaensis Jayaweera, 103,105,108 zeylanica Hook f., 96 OvacaceAk, 250 ololiuhqui, 161,171,1738-178, 186,194, 198-201 ololiuhqui del moreno, 178 ololiuqui, 81,174 00-wd-pa, 320 OXALIDACEAR, 250 pu-moo-pa, 340 PALMAR, 250 PANAEOLUS campanulatus L., 68 var. sphinctrinus (Fr. ) Bresad., 168 venenosus, 67 PARATAXODIUM, 231,278 PASPALUM, 206 peyote, 40,52,54,165,177 peyotl, 161,164—166,174, 186, 198 PENNISETUM typhoideum, 206 PHASEOLUS flavescens Piper, 326,332 vulgaris L., 326,332 PHILOGLOSSA peruviana DC., 326-331 var. sapida Bristol, 325-332 PICEA, 246,253 pictetl, 161,163 Pinacrar, 231,236,246,266 pine, 250,254,258, 269 PINUS, 234,246,274 ayacahuite Eht., 271,272 caribaea Morelet, 274,275 Elliottii Engelm., 258 Hartwegii Lindl., 271,273 hondurensis Loock, 274 maritima Poir., 258 montezumae Lamb, 271-273 nigra Arn., 258 oocarpa Scheid., 258,271,272, 273,275 var. ochoterenae Martinez, 275 palustris Mil/, 258 pseudostrobus Lind/., 271, 272,278 rudis Engl., 271,273 Strobus L., 258 var. chiapensis Martinez, 271,272,275 succinifera, 253,257 sylvestris L., 258 tenuifolia Benth., 271,272 teocote Schl. & Cham., 271, 272,273 pipiltzintzintli, 170,171,184 pisiete, 163 PISTACIA lentiscus L., 241 palaestina Boiss., 241 mexicana, 271 bipinnata HBK., 270 piule, 166 piule de barda, 166 piule de cheris, 166 PLATYCARPUM, 317 PLEUROTHALLIS [ xv ] coffeicola Schitr., 9,13 frutex Schitr., 16 hystrix Reichbf., 16 harpophylla Reichb.f., 14 parvilabia C. Schweinf., 14,15 scandens Ames var.simplicaulis C. Schweinf. 16 PoLyPoDIACEAR, 248 POLY PORUS, 257 poyomate, 170 poyomatli, 170 PROTIUM, 236,274 copal (Schl. & Cham.) Engl., 270,271 PSEUDOTSUGA, 248,253 psilocine, 26,34,58,62-64,68, 69,73a,73b,170 PSILOCYBE, 30,31,56,170 baeocystis Smith, 58,73c caerulescens Murr., 67 var.mazatecorum Heim, 168 cordispora, 32 cubensis, 67 mexicana Heim, 31,61,62,67, 68,185 muliercula Singer & Smith, 55 pelliculosa Smith, 73c sempervivae Heim & Coull., 32,58 venenata Jmai, 64 Wassonii Heim. 32,55 psilocy bine, 26,31,32,34,57-69, 73a,73b,170 quauhyetl, 163 QUERCUS, 236,248,253,279 RESIA, 85,86,87 nimbicola H. F. Moore, 85,88, 89,91 RIVEA corymbosa (L.) Hall f., 81, 178-175,194, 198,199, 201-208 RHYNCHOSIA pyramidalis (Lam.) Urb., 171 Rosacear, 250 ROTTBOELLIA, 292 Rupracear, 317,318 RuTackar, 266 SABALITES, 250 SACCOLABIUM, 98 tortifolium Jayaweera, 111, 113 niveum Lind/,, 112 SALVIA divinorum ( Dusenostachys) Epling & Jatwa, 74,75,78- 81,84, 170-172, 182,184, 185 cyanea Lamb. ex Benth., 75 SARCOGLOTTIS tenuis Schltr., 5 SAURAUIA, 221,222 Alvaroi R. E.Schultes, 221, 223,224 brachybotrys, 224 portachuelensis, 224 putumayonis, 224 SAXIFRAGACEAE, 250 SCHEFFLERA stellata (Gaertn. ) Baill., 114 semilla de la Flor de la Virgen,81 semilla de la Virgen, 175 serotonin, 61,68,69,73c senoritos, 184 SEQUOIA, 231,234,238,246, 248,253,254,255,278 [ xvi ] heterophylla Vel., 234 Reichenbachii (Gein) Heer, 234 ska Pastora, 79 squash, 332 SPIRANTHES eallifera C.Schweinf., 1,4 cordatiloba C. Schweinf. , 5 goninensis (Pulle) C. Schweinf. 2,3 longiauriculata C.Schweinf. , 3,6,7 tenuis Lindl., 5 STENORRHYNCHUS goninensis Pulle, 3 STROPHARIA, 170 cubensis Earle, 31,65,70,168 STYRACACEAR, 266 STYRAX, 272,274 argenteus Presi, 270,271 TAENIOPHYLLUM, 93 gilimalense Jayaweera, 114, 115 Alwisii Lindl., 116 eapillare J..J.Smith, 116 inconspicuum Schlir., 116 TAPIRIRA Durhamii, 264,265 taros, 326 TAXODIACEAE, 246,266 TAXODIUM, 231,255,270, 274,278 mucronatum T'enore, 270,271 teonanacatl, 23,40,54,59,161, 166, 167,170,174,175,198 teosinte, 117-120,127,129,158, 291,293,296,297,299 TERMINALIA, 274 amazonica (Gmel.) Ezell, 270,271 THEACEAR, 250 THUITES, 246,250,255 THUJA, 246 THUJOPSIS, 246 tlitliltzen, 176,177 toloache, 171 TRACHYLOBIUM, 235 verrucosum (Gaertn.) Oliv., 241,278 tree kale, 326,332 TREMETES, 257 TRIPSACUM, 289-295,297- 304,306-313 australe, 120,292 dactyloides, 297,300,302, 303,305,306, 307 floridanum, 292,297,302,307, 308 maizar, 292 zopilotense, 292,297 tsbajo, 330 tsbajtéma, 330 tsbajushd, 328,330,331,332 TSUGA, 248 tsun-jo, 324 TURBINA, 173 corymbosa (L.) Raf., 173, 174 TYLOSPERMA, 87 UMBELLIFERAE, 250 wd-cha, 340 wd-yaw, 340 way-yot, 340 WIDDRINGTONITES, 234, 246 WORMIA triquetra Rottb., 106 [ xvii ] XANTHOSMA Jacquinii Schott, 326 velas, 36 vochinanacatl, 37,38 Yerba de Maria, 80 yetl, 1638 yuyu, 330 ZEA, 293,294 Mays L., 117,132 mexicana (Schrad.) Reeves & Mangelsdorf, 299 ZYGOPHYLLACEAE, 266 [ xviii | ERRATA Pages 217 and 219 add Gossypium Barbosanum Phillips & Clement at beginning of caption Page 239, line 13 for colorss read colors Page 241, line 18 for legomo- read legumo- Page 250, line 17 for Oaxal- read Oxal- Page 258, line 3 for ellotti read elliotti Page 259, line 138 for abundantinsect read abundant insect Issued September 2, 1966 [ xix ] BOTANICAL MUSEUM LEAFLETS HARVARD UNIVERSITY Campripar, Massacuusetts, Aucust 1, 1962 Vo. 20, No. 1 NOVELTIES IN THE ORCHID FLORA OF THE GUAYANA HIGHLANDS II* BY CHARLES SCHWEINFURTH THE following paper is the last and concluding article treating the new species and other novelties which have recently appeared during my work on the Guayana Highlands. These novelties consist of seven new species (including a genus now first recorded for the New World), one new variety, two new combinations, two new names and one new form. There are included also the description and citation of two orchids which are highly variable and have not previously been reported from the area under investigation. Of both species, the accompanying detailed drawings are the first careful il- lustrations that have appeared. As in the former paper (Bot. Mus. Leafl. Harvard Univ. 19, no. 9 (1961) 195-214), the order of genera follows the system proposed by Dr. Rudolph Schlechter in Notizblatt der Botanischen Gartens und Museums, Berlin-Dahlem 9, no. 88 (1926) 563-591. Spiranthes callifera C. Schweinfurth sp. nov. Herba terrestris, mediocris, circiter 38 cm. alta. Radices numerosae, fasciculatae. Folia septem ut videtur, plan- * All of these investigations were made possible by a grant from the National Science Foundation. [1] tae basi fasciculata, petiolata; lamina ovato-lanceolata, acuminata, basi late cuneata, usque ad 9.4 cm. longa et 3.5 em. lata, margine ochroleuco-crispato; petiolus an- gustus, canaliculatus, basi amplectenti dilatatus, usque ad 5.4 em. longus. Pedunculus usque ad racemum cir- citer 20 em. altus, obscure pilosus, vaginis pluribus, scario- sis, longe acuminatis, tubularibus maxima pro parte ob- tectus. Racemus laxus, quindecim-florus, rhachide pilosa. Bracteae anguste lanceolatae, longe acuminatae, infimae fere 4 cm. longae. Flores mediocres, erecto-patentes, an- gusti, cum ovario pedicellato circiter 3.5 cm. longi. Sepala extus glanduloso-pilosa. Sepalum dorsale oblongo-oblan- ceolatum, concavum, breviter acuminatum, trinervium, circiter 16 mm. longum et 5 mm. latum expansum. Se- pala lateralia supra libera, inferne connata; pars libera lineari-oblanceolata, acuminata, cum marginibus valde involutis, inferne paulo obliqua et latiora, circiter 16 mm. longa et 2.5 mm. lata expansa; pars connata circiter 12.5 mm. longa, saccum anguste ellipsoideum ovario adnatum et calear breve conicum formans. Petala ad sepalum dor- salem valde adhaerentia, obliquissime lineari-oblanceo- lata, acuta, marginibus anterioribus ciliatis, uninervia, 15 mm. longa, 2—2.3 mm. lata. Labellum lineari-oblan- ceolatum, unguiculatum, circiter 26 mm. longum expan- sum, apice trilobatum, laminae basi auricula conspicua, faleato-lanceolata, carnosa utrinque ornatum, basi sepal- orum lateralium caleari valde adnatum; lobi laterales anguste semiobovati, apice callo conico praediti; lobus intermedius recurvus, rhombico-ovatus, acutus, cum un- gue brevi lato; discus plusminusve dense hirsutus. Co- lumna gracilis, superne sensim dilatata, dorso circiter 10.2 mm. alta, in pedem longum indistinctum ovario adna- tum producta. This species appears to be allied to Spiranthes goninen- sis (Pulle) C. Schweinf. ,* especially vegetatively, but it [2] has larger flowers with acute or acuminate (not obtuse) segments and a distinctly 3-lobed lip. VeNezugLA: State of Bolivar, Chimanté Massif, along Rio Tirica (Rio Apururén), just above Techiné-meru, at 470 m. altitude, leaves membranaceous, ““bronze and shining above, margins buff, below brown-lavender. Scape buff-greenish ; cauline bracts stramineous with salmon above; ovary yellow-brown; spur pale greenish yellow; 2 lateral sepals projecting forward ; margins involute, buff-creamy ; dor- sal sepal brownish yellow; lip recurved, white in lower half, yellow in other part, callosities on lip yellow; 2 lateral petals appressed to dorsal sepal, white.’’ January 16, 1955, Julian A. Steyermark & John J. Wurdack 96 (Tyrer in N.Y. Bot. Gard.). Spiranthes longiauriculata C. Schweinfurth sp.nov. Herba tenuis, aphylla, usque ad plus quam 26 em. alta. Radices fasciculatae, tuberosae, crassae. Caulis infra gla- ber, supra sparsim pilosus, vaginis pluribus tubulatis, strictis ornatus. Inflorescentia laxe triflora. Flores medio- cres, erecti. Sepalum dorsale valde concavum, anguste elliptico-lanceolatum, cum parte apicali longa angusta et recurva, apice oblique truncato-lobulatum, columnae ad- natum, circiter 12 mm. longum et medio 8.4 mm. latum, basi sparsim pilosum. Sepala lateralia linearia, cum mar- ginibus superioribus involutis, supra recurva, apice sub- acuta et plusminusve lobulata, per dimidium basalem connata et laminam anguste oblongam formantia, circiter 15.2 mm. longa et 5 mm. lata expansa, basi obliqua col- umnae pedi infra adnata. Petala sepalo dorsali valde ad- nata, obliquissime oblanceolata, apice truncata vel oblique lobulata, basi columnae adnata, circiter 10.9 mm. longa et supra 2 mm. lata, uninervia. Labellum in circuitu obovato-oblongum, ungue lineari-lanceolato columnae pedis apici adnato; lamina circiter 17 mm. longa et 4.5 mm. lata, supra constricta et deinde in lobum apicalem rhombico-ovatum, parvum, acutum, reduplicatum dila- *Spiranthes goninensis (Pulle) C. Schweinf. comb. nov. Syn. Stenorrhynchus goninensis Pulle in Rec. Trav. Bot. Néerl. 6 (1909) 238, [ 3 | PuateE I SPIRANTHES | callifera C. Schweinf. SPIRANTHES CALLIFERA C. Schweinfurth. 1, plant (with stem broken to show the inflorescence), one half natural size. 2, flower from side, natural position, twice natural size. 3, flower from front, expanded, with lip removed and lateral sepals separated along their line of fusion, twice natural size. 4, lip, expanded, twice natural size. 5, dorsal sepal, expanded, twice natural size. 6, apical part of col- umn from side, about five times natural size. Drawn by Eimer W. Smitru tata, basi auricula lanceolato-lineari carnosa incurva cir- citer 5 mm. longa utrinque praedita; discus supra dense pubescens. Columna parva, gracilis, circiter 5 mm. longa, in pedem elongatum ovario adnatum producta. This species appears to be allied to Spiranthes cordati- loba C. Schweinf.*, but differs in having lobulate apices to the sepals and petals, connate lateral sepals and a dis- similar mid-lobe of the lip. Venezueta: State of Bolivar, vicinity of Uriman, in large savanna, at 300 meters altitude, sepals and petals white with a median green stripe, lip ascending, white with linear green bands, April 30, 1953, Julian A. Steyermark 75298 (Tyre in Herb. Ames No. 69531). Manniella americana C. Schweinfurth & L. A. Garay sp. nov. Herba parvula, gracilis, usque ad fere 22 cm. alta, ter- restris ut videtur. Radices comparate crassae, fascicula- tae, lanuginosae. Folia parva, usque ad quinque, plantae basi fasciculata, petiolata; lamina ovata vel suborbiculari- ovata, acuta vel breviter acuminata, usque ad 1.7 cm. longa et 1 cm. lata; petiolus angustus, canaliculatus, ad basim vaginantem sensim dilatatus, usque ad 2.8 cm. lon- gus; folium solitarium caulinare multo minus, elliptico- lanceolatum prope basim stat. Caulis usque ad inflores- centiam gracilis, inferne glaber, superne breviter pubes- cens, 8.5-18.5 cm. altus. Racemus perlaxe_ biflorus. Flores ochroleuci, glabri, cum segmentis subparallelis. Sepala per partem basalem longe connata. Sepalum dor- sale longitudinaliter concavum, oblongo-lanceolatum, superne angustatum, apice rotundatum vel leviter retu- sum, in positu naturali circiter 8.2 mm. longum et 2 mm. latum, uninervium. Sepala lateralia oblique oblongo- lanceolata marginibus superioribus involutis, obtusa vel *Spiranthes cordatiloba C. Schweinf. nom. nov. Syn. Sarcoglottis tenuis Schltr. in Anex. Mem. Inst. Butantan, Sec. Bot. 1, fase. 4 (1922) 28, t. 4, fig. 1, not Spiranthes tenuis Lind]. [ 5 | EXPLANATION OF THE ILLUSTRATION Prate IT. Sprranrues tonaiauricutata C, Schweinfurth. 1, plant, one half natural size. 2, flower from front, ex- panded, with lip removed, twice natural size. 3, lip, expanded, twice natural size. 4, dorsal sepal, expanded, three times natural size. MANNIELLA AMERICANA C, Schweinfurth & L. A. Garay. 1, plants, one half natural size. 2, flower from side, natu- ral position, about twice natural size. 3, sagittal (lateral) section of flower (with lip and column intact), about five times natural size. 4, lip, expanded, three times natural size. 5, dorsal sepal with one partly adherent petal, three times natural size. Drawn by Etmer W. Sita Puate [I \f2 SPIRANTHES \I rauricwlata C. Schwe inf. subacuta, usque ad 9 mm. longa, circiter 2 mm. lata. Petala sepalo dorsali apice excepto valde adnata, oblan- ceolato-linearia, apice rotundata, basi columnae adhaeren- tia, circiter 6.2 mm. longa et 1 mm. lata, uninervia. Labellum oblongum vel obovato-oblongum, prope me- dium panduratum, basi cuneata sepalis lateralibus adna- tum, supra concavum, prope apicem utrinque leviter constrictum et lobulum suborbicularem formans, basi utrinque auricula lineari prominenti ornatum, usque ad 6.3 mm. longum et superne 3.6 mm. latum. Columna circiter 5.5 mm. alta, sepalo dorsali adnata, in pedem brevem obliquum producta. This little orchid is the first American representative of the heretofore monotypic genus Manniella from Africa. VenezuELa: State of Bolivar, Cerro Guaiquinima, Rio Pardgua, **North Valley,’’ at 1600-1700 m. altitude, occasional in bogs, Janu- ary 4, 1952, B. Maguire 32978 (Typr in N.Y. Bot. Gard. )—Between El Dorado and Santa Elena, J. 4. Steyermark & S. Nilsson 278. Erythrodes robusta C. Schweinfurth sp. nov. Herba terrestris, valde robusta, circiter 9 dm. longitu- dine (segmentis in typo fractis). Caulis crassus, inferne decumbens cum radicibus perlongis gracilibus simplici- bus, circiter 1.3 cm. in diametro, multiarticulatus, foliis quinque vel sex supra medium praeditus. Folia longe petiolata; lamina ovato-elliptica vel elliptico-lanceolata, longe acuminata, usque ad 19-20 cm. longa et 7 cm. lata; petiolus canaliculatus, supra in folii basim cuneatam sen- sim dilatatus et infra in basim laxe vaginantem sensim dilatatus, usque ad circiter 8.5 cm. longus. Racemus densissime multiflorus, circiter 17 cm. longus, cum _pe- dunculo brevi glabro. Bracteae oblongo-ovatae, acutae vel subacuminatae, concavae, usque ad circiter 3.5 cm. longae, extus et in margine sparsim glanduloso-pubes- centes. Sepala densius glanduloso-pubescentia. Sepalum [8] dorsale valde cucullatum et cum petalis galeam formans, lanceolato-ellipticum, obtusum, circiter 1.57 cm. longum et 5 mm. latum expansum, trinervium. Sepala lateralia oblique oblongo-lanceolata, subacuta, circiter 1.52 em. longa et 5 mm. lata. Petala sepalo dorsali agglutinata, oblique spathulato-oblanceolata, subobtusa, circiter 1.5 cm. longa et supra 4 mm. lata. Labellum albidum, car- nosum, columnae inferne adnatum, portio libera in partes duas divisa; pars posterior tubulari-involuta, comparate magna, utrinque late rotundata cum apice subacuta, cir- citer 9 mm. longa; pars anterior parva, abrupte reflexa, ex ungue brevissimo in laminam transverse oblongo- ellipticam, triangulari-acutam dilatata, circiter 8.2 mm. longa et 6 mm. lata; calcar ovarium pedicellatum paulo excedens, anguste cylindraceum, circiter 2.6 cm. longum, in portionem superiorem semi-ellipsoideam abrupte dila- tatum. Columna brevis, supra sensim dilatata, circiter 12.7 mm. alta, cum anthera elongata circiter 8 mm. longa. This species has two rather near allies. It differs from Erythrodes clavigera (Reichb.f.) Ames in having much larger flowers, dissimilar lip and nearly twice longer spur. It is separable from EF. cylindrostachys Garay in having much longer and more slender roots, much broader leaves, larger flowers and a different lip. VENEZUELA: State of Bolivar, Tirep6n-tepui, at 1100-1200 meters altitude, terrestrial in slope rain forest between Base Camp and Camp 2, January 3, 1953, John J. Wurdack 34024 (Tyrer in Herb. Ames No. 69537). Pleurothallis coffeicola Sch/tr. in Fedde Repert. 27: 50. 1929; Pabst in Orquidea 22: 4, t., 1960. A detailed description of this species, of which the Venezuelan examples show considerable variation from the type, is here appended, together with a carefully pre- pared illustration. Plant medium-sized, epiphytic, rhizomatose. Rhizome [9 ] EXPLANATION OF THE ILLUSTRATION Pirate III. Erytruropes rosusta C. Schweinfurth. 1, plant, severed to show lower rooting, median leafy and apical flowering portions, one third natu- ral size. 2, flower from side, natural position, about natural size. 3, spur and lip, expanded, one and one half times natural size. 4, dorsal sepal with partially adherent petal, twice natural size. 5, column from side, two and one half times natural size. 6, glandular hairs on outer surface of sepals, about eight times natural size. Drawn by Ermer W. Situ [ 10 ] Puiate III USATA C. Schweinf: ERYTHRODES rob serpentine, many-jointed with the internodes concealed by evanescent scarious sheaths, and producing numerous slender, fibrous roots. Secondary stems subapproximate to 1.5 cm. apart, gradually dilated and bialate upward, unifoliate at the apex, up to 9.8 cm. high, 1-jointed near the base, the node provided with a loose, tubular, eva- nescent sheath. Leaf when mature suborbicular (the young blades ranging from elliptic to broadly ovate), subacute to obtuse, or rounded with a minutely triden- ticulate apex, more or less cordate at the base, horizon- tally spreading, up to 4.4 cm. in greatest length and 4.2 em. wide. Inflorescences several, fasciculate, 1-flowered (2- to 4-flowered in the type), the abbreviated peduncles embraced by a rather prominent, conduplicate, scarious sheath. Flower rather small, bilabiate. Dorsal sepal nar- rowly oblanceolate-oblong, acute and dorsally mucronate at the apex, about 9.2-10.8 mm. long and 2 mm. wide above, concave at the base, fleshy-thickened near the apex, 3-nerved. Lateral sepals connate into a suborbicu- lar-ovate lamina which is bidentate and forming a pair of sharp points at the apex, 6-nerved, about 7 mm. in great- est length and 6 mm. wide when expanded, concave at the base. Petals dwarf, spatulate-cuneate, rounded with a minutely irregular margin at the apex, 1-nerved, about 3mm. long and 1 mm. wide above. Lip arcuate-recurved and about 4.8 mm. long in natural position, and 1.6 mm. wide, ovate-oblong in outline, rounded in front, biauricu- late below the cuneate base which is tubular-involute; disc 3-nerved, with a pair of fleshy, indistinct callose keels near the middle, the apical margin being minutely erose. Column slightly shorter than the petals, lightly arcuate, about 2.8 mm. high at the back, terminating in a trilobulate apex of which the narrow middle tooth is retuse, produced into a conspicuous, subequally long foot. This species appears to be most closely allied to Pleuro- [ 12 ] PLatEeE LV PLEUROTHALLIS coffeicola Schlechter PLEUROTHALLIS COFFEICOLA Schlechter. 1, plant, one half natural size. 2, immature plant showing various shapes of young leaves, one half natu- ral size. 3, flower from front, expanded, with lip removed, four and one half times natural size. 4, column and lip from side, natural position, about five and one half times natural size. 5, lip, expanded, about seven times natural size. Drawn by Fiimer W. Smitru thalhs harpophylla Reichb.f., which differs in having a much smaller ‘‘oblong-lanceolate’’ leaf and dissimilar petals. The specific name is in allusion to the habitat. VenezueL_a: Territory of Amazonas, Casiquiare, Rio Yatua, rare epiphyte in flooded forest along the uppermost part of river, at 100- 140 meters altitude, ‘‘corolla purple with yellowish spur,’” December 7-8, 1953, Bassett Maguire, John J. Wurdack and George S. Bunting 36730 (immature leaves elliptic). —Same date and flower-color, De- cember 12, 1953, Maguire, Wurdack & Bunting 36763.—Along upper- most Rio Yatua above the mouth of Rio Yacibo, at 100-140 meters altitude, ‘‘perianth maroon, the long narrow member cream,’’ Janu- ary 30-31, 1954, Maguire, Wurdack & Bunting 37430.—A\lso Bolivia (type) and Brazil. Pleurothallis parvilabia C. Schweinfurth sp. nov. Herba magna, epiphytica, vagans. Caules superpositi, graciles, usque ad 24 cm. longi, unifoliati, vaginis atro- pubescentibus arcte velati. Folia anguste lanceolata vel elliptico-oblonga, ad apicem minute tridenticulatum sen- sim angustata, basi cuneata sessilia, circiter 8-12.7 cm. longa, usque ad 1.5 em. lata, subcoriacea. Flores plures, axillares, parvi, membranacei, bilabiati, virides et pur- purei. Sepalum dorsale valde cucullatum, expansum elliptico-lanceolatum, acuminatum, quinquenervium, positu naturali circiter 7 mm. longum, expansum 3.2 mm. latum. Sepala lateralia in laminam late elliptico- ovatam prope medium bidentatam connata; sepalum utrumque obliquissime ovatum, acutum vel acuminatum, quadrinervium, circiter 6 mm. longum et 2.9 mm. latum. Petala inferne usque supra medium obovato-ligulata, apice utrinque paucidentata, deinde e basi triangulari in apicem carnosum longe aristata, trinervia, circiter 5.6 mm. longaet prope medium 2 mm. lata. Labellum seg- mentis ceteris multo minus, in positu naturali suborbicu- lare, recurvum et 1.9 mm. longum, expansum circiter 2 mim. latum, late obtusum, dorso per medium carina car- nosa ornatum, marginibus basi apiceque exceptis multo [ 14 ] PLatTE V C..6. chweinfur We PLEUROTHALLIS PARVILABIA C, Schweinfurth. 1, plant, one half natural size. 2, flower, three-quarters view, about four and one half times natural size. 3, lip, expanded, about fifteen times natural size. 4, petal, six times natural size. Drawn by E.mer W. Situ serrulatis; discus trinervius, conspicue bilamellatus. Columna brevis, arcuata, antice valde concava, circiter 3 mm. alta, in pedem prope 2 mm. longum producta. This plant has two allied species which are especially similar in vegetative characters. It differs from Pleuro- thallis frutex Schltr. in all of the floral segments and from P. hystrix Reichb.f. in the shape of the petals and lip. ford British Guiana: Serra Acarai, on rocky hill top, 7 miles east of Onoro, epiphytic on low tree, about 4 feet from the ground, October 2, 1952, Forestry Department, Field No. G 340, Record No. 7316 (Type in N.Y. Botanical Garden). Plieurothallis scandens 4 mes var. simplicicaulis C. Schweinfurth var. nov. Herba epiphytica, caulibus simplicibus et floris colore diversa a specie differt. Plant epiphytic, caespitose. Stems numerous, simple, apically unifoliate, up to 25 cm. high, entirely concealed by close, tubular, dark-pubescent sheaths. Leaf linear- lanceolate to oblong-linear, up to 10.7 cm. long and 8 mm. wide, generally somewhat broader than that of the type. Flowers very similar to those of the type, but of a different color, and with asomewhat more prominently ciliolate lip. The altitude of these collections is distinctly higher than the average habitat of the typical form. VENEZUELA: State of Bolivar, Sororopan-tepui, 1500-1700 m. alt., frequent epiphyte on middle slopes, flowers bronze-yellow, December 16, 1952, Bassett Maguire & John J. Wurdack 33836,—Chimanta Mas- sif, Torono-tepui, in Clusia forest on slopes of Middle Falls of Rio Ti- rica, below Summit Camp, at 1760-1880 meters altitude, on tree branch, leaves coriaceous, deep green above and paler beneath, sepals and petals tawny yellow, the dorsal one with a central pale lavender stripe, lip dark maroon, column dull lavender at the base, cream- white at the apex, March 1, 1955, Julian A. Steyermark & John J. Wurdack 1210.—Same locality, on densely forested slopes between the upper reaches of Rio Tirica (left-hand fork) and Riscobel Ledema Camp, southeast portion of Apdcara-tepui, at 1700-1850 meters alti- tude, leaves coriaceous, deep green above and paler beneath, flowers yellow and madder purple, June 23, 1953, Steyermark 75957 (Tyrr in Herb. Ames No. 69583). [ 16 ] Epidendrum Lechleri Reichb.f. in Linnaea 41 (1876) 38. E/pidendrum Evelynae Reichb.f. in Xenia 3 (1878) 28. Epidendrum nephroglossum Schltr. in Fedde Repert. Beih. 9 (1921) 89; Mansf. in Fedde Repert. Beih. 57 (1929) t. 119, nr. 469; C. Schweinf. in Bot. Mus. Leafl. Harvard Univ. 11 (1944) 238; Schweinf. in Fieldiana Bot. 30 (Orch. of Peru), No. 2 (1959) 481. In the descriptions of both Hpidendrum Lechleri and E. Evelynae the lip was noted as three-lobed, quite at variance with the strictly simple lip characteristic of £4. nephroglossum. However, the types of all three con- cepts, recently made available, have a strictly simple lip (at most lightly retuse and apiculate) and show that only one species is represented by the three concepts. The Venezuelan collection cited below is the first record of the species from that country, #. Lechleri and E. neph- roglossum being from Peru and H. Hvelynae from Boli- via. The accompanying detailed drawing, made from the Venezuelan collection, is the first adequate representa- tion of this orchid. VenezueLa: State of Bolivar, Chimantaé Massif, above southeast- facing upper shoulder on slope leading to summit of Apacara-tepui, at 2200-2300 meters altitude, epiphyte on Magnolia in upper mixed Clusia- Magnolia forest, stem dull purple, leaves rich green above and paler beneath, rachis pale green, pedicels lavender, sepals pale laven- der edged with fulvous yellow; lip thicker, striate, pale fulvous yel- low, column white, June 20, 1953, Julian A. Steyermark 75856. Epidendrum leucanthum (Sch/tr.) C. Schweinf. comb. nov. Encyclia leucantha Schitr., Fedde Repert. Beih. 6: (1919) 40; Mansf. in Fedde Repert. Beih. 57: (1929) Le ve OT Bek A specimen recently discovered in the State of Boli- var, Venezuela, appears to be a vegetatively small form [17 ] of the above species which was described from cultivated material without pseudobulb, roots or definite locality. Plant small, about 20 cm. high. Roots fibrous, stout, whitish, glabrous. Pseudobulb oblong-pyriform, about 3 cm. high, bifoliate near the apex, concealed by several imbricating, scarious, evanescent sheaths which are pro- gressively larger upward. Leaves linear, abruptly suba- cute, rigidly chartaceous, up to 15 cm. long and 9 mm. wide. Inflorescence little surpassing the leaves, very loosely 8-flowered above with a fractiflex rachis. Pedi- cellate ovary about 1.8 cm. long, strongly verruculose. Parts of the flower very similar to those described, ex- cept that the mid-lobe of the lip is lightly retuse. VenezueLa: State of Bolivar, north base of Cerro Baraguan at 100 meters altitude, epiphyte on low trees, ‘‘tepals dull yellow; lip white, becoming pale yellow, streaked with purple,’’ occasional, January 12, 1956, J. J. Wurdack and J. V. Monachino 41202. Epidendrum rectopedunculatum C. Schweinf. forma denticulatum C. Schweinf. form. nov. Herba labelli lobulis valde denticulatis a specie differt. This collection of a highly variable species has con- spicuously denticulate lobes of the lip. In this instance, as in some other collections, the lobes of the lip are dis- tinctly separated by sharp sinuses. VenezueLa: Territory of Amazonas, Cerro Sipapo (Pardque), be- tween Base Camp and open scrub savanna 3 km. southwest of Base Camp, at 125-200 meters altitude, February 8, 1949, Bassett Maguire § Louis Politi 28809 (Tyre in Herb. Ames No. 69539). Epidendrum remotiflorum C. Schweinfurth sp. nov. Herba epiphytica, mediocris, usque ad 41 cm. alta. Radices numerosae, fibrosae, glabrae. Pseudobulbi ap- proximati, in sicco anguste pyriformes, unifoliati, circiter 2 cm. alti, vaginis marcescentibus celati. Folium lineari- oblongum, subacutum vel obtusum, ad basim sessilem [ 18 | PLateE VI EPIDENDRUM_ Lechlert Retchb. f. ff ‘ Sa Epmenproum Lecuieri Reichenbach f. 1, plant, one half natural size. 2, flower from front, expanded, three times natural size. 3, lateral sepal, three times natural size. Drawn by Eimer W. Siri vaginantem angustatum, coriaceum, rigidum, 7.4-8.8 em. longum, usque ad 1.2 cm. latum. Inflorescentia folio multo longior, glabra; pedunculus usque ad 30.5 cm. longus, vaginis paucis, brevibus, tubulatis arcte ornatus; rhachis remote 2- vel 3-flora, usque ad 8.6 cm. alta, cum floribus inferioribus 3.8-6.8 cm. distantibus. Ovarium pedicellatum usque ad 3 cm. longum, glabrum. Flores carnosiores, usque ad 4 cm. in diametro. Sepalum dor- sale oblongo-oblanceolatum, acutum, circiter 1.6—1.9 cm. longum et 6-7 mm. latum. Sepala lateralia similia, oblongo-oblanceolata vel anguste obovato-oblonga, acu- ta, leviter obliqua, sepalo dorsali aequilonga, 6.2-7.1 mm. lata. Petala spathulata, apice rotundato subacuta, 1.5-1.8 cm. longa, 6.8—9 mm. lata. Labellum columnae basi adnatum, profunde trilobatum, basi cuneatum; lami- na circiter 1.55-1.7 cm. longa; lobi laterales erecti et columnam amplectentes, oblongi cum apice obliquo, ir- regulariter denticulato vel lobulato, circiter 1-1.2 cm. longi, 4-4.8 mm. prope apicem lati; lobus intermedius multo majus, in positu naturali convexo-reduplicatus, expansus suborbiculari-obovatus, inferne cuneatus cum ungue brevi, apice leviter retusus, marginibus irregulari- ter undulatis vel lobulatis, circiter 10.4—-11.5 mm. longus, 7.8-8.9 mm. latus; discus in medio cum crassitudinibus binis approximatis et saepe cum dente utrinque, venis numerosis incrassatis superne ornatus. Columna breviora, robusta, medio leviter reflexa (quasi in Hpidendrum on- cidioides Lindl. var. ramonense (Reichb.f.) A., H. & S.), circiter 1-1.9 em. alta, apice cum auriculis rotundatis prominentibus. This species appears to be very similar to Mpidendrum zonosmum Lindl., but differs from that taxon in having much smaller unifoliate pseudobulbs, small leaf, longer pedicellate ovary, scarcely clawed sepals and rounded auricles on the column. [ 20 | PuatTeE VII EPIDENDRUM, remotifloriunnt C. Schweinf: “ip SN SW, oe, LD ae = foe 7 » ra Va ‘ EpmenpruM ReEMoTIFLORUM C. Schweinfurth. 1, plant (with stem severed to show entire height), one half natural size. 2, flower from front, expanded, one and one quarter times natural size. 3, lip, expanded, two and one quarter times natural size, Drawn by Evmer W, Smitru VenrezureLa: Territory of Amazonas, occasional along Cafio Tama- Tama (a black water cafio on right bank of Rio Orinoco just above Tama-T'ama), at 150 meters altitude, epiphyte, ‘‘tepals old gold; lip basally old gold, apically white, the central lobe rose-streaked,’’ June 23,1959, J. J. Wurdack & L.S. Adderley 43155 (Tyre in Herb. Ames No. 69472.—Territory of Amazonas, occasional along Rio Atabapo between Manacal and Guarinumo, at 125 meters altitude, epiphyte, **tepals externally dull red-brown, internally olive; lip white, longi- tudinally rose-streaked,’’ June 12, 1959, Wurdack & Adderley 42998 (smaller flowers than those of the type). Maxillaria bolivarensis C. Schweinfurth sp. nov. Herba parvula, epiphytica, usque ad 24 cm. alta. Radi- ces numerosae, fibrosae, glabrae. Pseudobulbi approxi- mati, oblongo-ellipsoidei, valde complanati, unifoliati, usque ad 1.8 em. alti, vaginis distichis foliferis evanidis suffulti. Folia linearia, ad apicem acutum vel mucrona- tum plusminusve angustata, ad basim sessilem condupli- catam attenuata, circiter 6.5-23 cm. longa, 6.5-14 mm. lata. Scapi singuli vel plures, quam folia multo breviores, suberecti vel patentes, vaginis 8-6 anguste tubulatis maculatis celati. Flos pro planta magnus, segmentis paulo patentibus, viridis vel ochroleucus. Sepalum dor- sale lineari-lanceolatum, apice acutum, basi valde conca- vum, circiter 2.5-8.5 cm. longum et 5-6 mm. latum. Sepala lateralia triangulari-linearia, obliqua, ad apicem acutum angustata, 2.7-3.5 cm. longa, cum columnae pede mentum conicum usque ad 7 mm. longum forman- tia. Petala sepalis multo breviora, oblique et anguste lanceolata, ad apicem abrupte subacutum longe angust- ata, 2—-2.3 em. longa, basi 4-4.5 mm. lata. Labellum segmentis ceteris multo minus, in positu naturali leviter recurvum, tubulari-involutum et circiter 15 mm. longum, expansum obovato-oblongum et supra medium 5.5-7 mm. latum, apice rotundato-subtruncatum cum mar- ginibus undulatis, prope apicem utrinque leviter con- strictum, basim versus longe angustatum:; discus callo PuatreE VIII Column & Lip Lip (Near Lobe depressed ts show Eallus) Anther& Pollinia MAXILLARIA BOLIVARENSIS C, Schweinfurth, Plants one half natural size. Flower parts (separated) about one half natural size. Apices of the leaves, two lips, anther and pollinia much enlarged. Drawn by G. C. K. Dunstervit_e quadrato sulcato apice rotundato vel retuso supra me- dium ornatus. Columna brevis, crassa, leviter arcuata, circiter 5.5 mm. alta, in pedem longiorem producta. This species appears to be allied to the Peruvian Maail- laria tenuis C. Schweinf., but it differs in having much longer scapes and larger flowers with a very prominent mentum and a subentire lip. VENEZUELA: State of Bolivar, Region of Uriman, forest mesa of Aprada-tepui, at 950 m. altitude, August 13, 1953, Bernardi 780 (Type in Herb. Univ. de los Andes, Mérida; Isoryrr in Herb. Ames No. 69561).—Between El Dorado and Sta. Elena, epiphyte in forest, flowers white, April 24, 1957, Brother Hermano Antonio 714.—110 km. south of El Dorado. G. C. K. Dunsterville 520. A large collection from Altiplanicie de Nuria (Bolivar), Julian A. Steyermark 87197 and 89045, appears to represent this orchid. Maxillaria sulcata C. Schweinfurth nom. nov. Mazillaria rugosa Schlitr., in Notizbl. Bot. Gart. u. Mus. Berlin-Dahlem 6 (1914) 125, non Scheidw., 18438. The above new name is proposed to replace the homo- nym, Mawzillaria rugosa Schltr. The specific epithet, meaning furrowed, was selected to describe the rugose sheaths which suggested the original name of this taxon. No record of this concept was available. VENEZUELA: State of Bolivar, Mt. Roraima, at about 2000 meters altitude, in the lower woods, F. Ule 8572, blooming in December 1909. [ 24 ] BOTANICAL MUSEUM LEAFLETS HARVARD UNIVERSITY THE HALLUCINOGENIC MUSHROOMS OF MEXICO AND PSILOCYBIN: Dp DIBLIOGRAPHY R. Gordon Wasson* THE past six years have seen unprecedented activity in the study of the halluci- nogenic mushrooms of Mexico. So diverse and extensive has this activity been, and so numerous are the publications about these mushrooms and their deriva- tives, that we believe a bibliography on the subject is timely. It will prove useful, we hope, in mobilizing our knowledge about them and in facilitating further research. This interest—scientific, cultural, popular—flows directly from the writings of Roger Heim and the Wassons. On February 13, 1956, Professor Heim sub- mitted his first Note about these mushrooms to the Académie des Sciences, Paris, based on the discoveries that my wife, Dr. Valentina P. Wasson, and I had made in the Sierra Mazateca, Oaxaca, in the summer of 1953. This initial Note, pub- lished in the Compte rendu of February 20, has been followed at intervals by others. In the spring of 1957 my wife and I brought out our book, Mushrooms Russia and History, the fruit of almost thirty years of intermittent research. Timed to coincide with its appearance, we published articles of haute vulgarisation on our Mexican mushrooms in Life (illustrated with reproductions of water-colors of the mushrooms by Professor Heim) and in This Week. Meanwhile Professor Heim was enlisting teams of scientists to work on the mushrooms. He himself has naturally coped with the mycological problems, ably assisted by his technician, Roger Cailleux. The scientists of the Swiss phar- maceutical house of Sandoz A. G. were quick to help. Drs. Arthur Brack and Hans Kobel succeeded in developing mass production of the fungal material in *Research Fellow, Botanical Museum of Harvard University. Paper submitted in August, eT ee _— [25] the laboratory. Dr. Albert Hofmann (discoverer of LSD-25, a substance kindred to the active principles found in the hallucinogenic mushrooms) isolated the two active agents, psilocybin and psilocin, and with his colleagues defined their mole- cular structure and succeeded in synthesizing them. Dr. A. Cerletti with his colleagues studied their pharmacological and physiological properties. Professor Jean Delay, the eminent French psychiatrist, was the first to head up a team to experiment clinically with psilocybin and psilocin at the Hépital Ste. Anne in Paris. All of this activity culminated in the appearance of a book, Les Champignons Hallucinogénes du Mexique, large in format and richly illustrated, in the writing and editing of which Professor Heim was the prime mover. I contributed the historical and anthropological chapters, and Professor Heim did me the honor of joining my name to his as co-author on the title page; the Sandoz and Delay teams also made their several contributions. My wife and collaborator died at the end of 1958, and, when the book appeared a few weeks later, it was dedicated to her memory. It is appropriate, even inevitable, that, because of their number and broad scope and the quality of Professor Heim’s contributions, his publications and ours be listed together in the first section of our bibliography. The second section, divided into three parts, deals with THE PAST: a) Primary Sources, b) Later References, and c) Archeological. Under a) Primary Sources we give the citations for all references to the sacred mushrooms known to us in the early Mexican writings. As time goes on, more will certainly be uncovered. A promising area to explore lies in the body of surviving Nahuatl literature, largely in manuscript and mostly unread; Nahuatl is the language spoken by the Aztecs and many other peoples of Middle America at the time of the Conquest. Our b) Later References includes such citations as we have found in writers who are posterior to the Primary Sources (the last of these being Bishop Lanciego in 1726) and down to and includ- ing William E. Safford in 1915. During these two centuries the record shows no first-hand contact by white men with the sacred mushrooms, no field trips, no curiosity about them. The sacred mushrooms of Mexico had never arrested the attention of the great outside world. Now they were known only to a few scholars poring over dusty tomes and records, who occasionally would mention them perfunctorily in their own obscure publications. Then finally Safford appeared on the scene and delivered, as he thought, the coup de grace by declaring in an elaborate paper read before a distinguished society in Washington (later published with photographs and footnotes in a learned journal) that the vision- producing mushrooms had never existed. They had been, it would seem, an hallucination of the Spanish padres. The entries under c) Archeological are con- tributed by Dr. Stephan F. de Borhegyi, Director of the Milwaukee Public Museum, who for more than ten years has studied the “mushroom stones” of Middle America, those artifacts long considered enigmatic that we interpret as [ 26 | the symbol of the religious cult of our sacred mushrooms. Following each entry in this sub-section Dr. de Borhegyi has added his illuminating comment. The third section in our Bibliography is ANTHROPOLOGICAL, reflecting the revivified interest in the ways of the Indians leading their own lives today in the mountains of Oaxaca, Puebla, Vera Cruz, and the vicinity of Mexico City. The fourth section is MY COLOGICAL. The fifth CHEMICAL, the sixth PHARMA- COLOGICAL, and the seventh psyCHOLOGICAL, PSYCHIATRIC, AND CLINI- CAL. The entries in these sections five, six, and seven often overlap, and therefore we have made them into a single list, but we have indicated in brackets to which sections each entry belongs. The eighth section covers PARAPSYCHOLOGICAL items; the ninth, CASES OF ACCIDENTAL INGESTION OF HALLUCINOGENIC MUSHROOMS; and finally BOOK REVIEWS are listed in the tenth section. Much has been published on our mushrooms and psilocybin in the lay press, in many countries. Our bibliography does not attempt to cover these articles: perhaps they will be the subject of a brief paper on a future occasion. We have tried to make our entries complete to July 1, 1962. The basic papers of Professor Heim that originally appeared in the Comptes rendus of the Académie des Sciences, Paris, were reprinted, except the most recent ones, in the Revue de Mycologie, complemented by specific definitions in Latin and certain other articles; and finally these pieces were gathered together in three recapitulations: (1) Notes préliminaires sur les Agarics hallucinogénes du Mexique, 1957, hereafter called Notes prélim ... ; (2) Nouvelles Observations sur les Agarics hallucinogénes du Mexique, 1958, hereafter called Nouv Observ ... ; and (3) Deuxiéme Supplément aux Observations sur les Agarics hallucinogéenes du Mexique, 1962, hereafter called Deux Supplé.... These were published by the Laboratoire de Cryptogamie, of the Muséum National d'Histoire Naturelle, 12, Rue de Buffon, Paris, V°. The successive pub- lication of these basic documents will be made clear by the key on the next page: [27] Comptes rendus Académie des Sciences Revue de Mycologie Feb. 20, 1956 tome 242:965-8 Mar. 12, 1956 242 :1389-95 Feb. 4, 1957 244 695-700 June 24, 1957 244:3109-14 (Note of Roger Heim and Roger Cailleux) Aug. $§, 1957 245 2597-603 Nov. 18, 1957 245 :1 761-5 (Presented at session of Nov. 13) Mar. 3, 1958 246:1346-51 (Note of Roger Heim, Arthur Brack, Hans Kobel, Albert Hofmann and Roger Cailleux) Aug. 4, 1958 247 2557-61 (Note of Roger Heim and Albert Hofmann) Oct. 20, 1958 247 :1235-8 (Presented by R. Heim on be- half of Jean Delay, Pierre Pichot, Thérése Lemperiére, and Pierre Nicolas-Charles) Nov. 9, 1959 249:1842-5 (Note of Roger Heim and Roger Cailleux) Dec. 15, 1960 250:11§5-60 (Note of Guy Stresser-Péan and Roger Heim) Jan. 29, 1962 254:788-91 (Note of Roger Heim and Robert Gordon Wasson) May 15, 1957 XXII(1) $8-62 ” ” 62-70 ” 70-76 Sept. 15, 1957 XXII(2) 183-9 ” ” 189-197 Dec. 31, 1957 XXII(3) 300-5 Apr. 15, 1958 XXIII(1) 106-13 Oct. 15, 1958 XXIII(3)347-51 Dec. 31, 1959 XXIV(5)437-441 i [ 28 | \ Notes prélim... ~ Nouv Observ . . ~ Deux Supplé... THE HALLUCINOGENIC MUSHROOMS OF MEXICO AND PSILOCYBIN: A BIBLIOGRAPHY Compiled by R. GorDON WaSsON AND SyLviA Pau Page I. ROGER HEIM AND THE WASSONS, V. P. AND R.G. 30 II]. THE PAST 35 a. Primary Sources x5 b. Later References 39 c. Archeological 40 II]. ANTHROPOLOGICAL 50 IV. MYCOLOGICAL $§ V. CHEMICAL 1 VI. PHARMACOLOGICAL 7 57 VII. PSYCHOLOGICAL PSYCHIATRIC CLINICAL VIII. PARAPSYCHOLOGICAL 69 IX. CASES OF ACCIDENTAL INGESTION OF HALLUCINOGENIC MUSHROOMS 70 X. BOOK REVIEWS 70 I. ROGER HEIM AND THE WASSONS, V. P. AND R. G. Books 1. WASSON, VALENTINA PAVLOVNA, AND R. Gorpon Wasson. Mushrooms Russia and History. New York: Pantheon Books, 1957. 2 vols, 435 pp. 85 plates. 28 illustrations in text. Out of print. 2. Herm, Rocer, AND R. Gorpon Wasson. Les Champignons Hallucino- genes du Mexique: Etudes Ethnologiques, Taxinomiques, Biologiques, Physiologiques et Chimiques. With the collaboration of Albert Hofmann, Roger Cailleux, A. Cerletti, Arthur Brack, Hans Kobel, Jean Delay, Pierre Pichot, Th. Lemperiére, and J. Nicolas-Charles. (Archives du Muséum National d’ Histoire Naturelle, 1958. Series 7, Vol VL.) Paris: Muséum National d’His- toire Naturelle, 1959. 322 pp. 36 plates. $64.00 3. Heim, Rocer. Champignons toxiques et hallucinogénes. Paris: Boubée & Cie. Nov 1962. Comptes rendus Académie des Sciences, Paris 4. Herm, Rocer. “Les champignons divinatoires utilisés dans les rites des In- diens Mazatéques, recueillis au cours de leur premier voyage au Mexique, en 1953, par Mme Valentina Pavlovna Wasson et M R. Gordon Wasson.” Vol 242, Feb 20 1956, pp 965-968. (Reprinted in Rev mycol, Vol XXII, Fasc 1, May 15 1957, pp. $8-62; also in Notes prélim..., pp 1-5.) This Note was submitted to the Académie des Sciences on Feb. 13, 1956. R.G.W. . “Les champignons divinatoires recueillis par Mme Valentina Pav- lovna Wasson et M R. Gordon Wasson au cours de leurs missions de 1954 et 1955 dans les pays mije, mazatéque, zapotéque ct nahua du Mexique méridional et central.”” Vol 242, March 12 1956, pp 1389-1395. (Reprinted in Rev mycol, Vol XXII, Fasc 1, May 15 1957, pp 62-70; also in Notes prélim ..., pp 5-13.) . Les Agarics hallucinogénes du genre Psilocybe recueillis au cours de notre récente mission dans le Mexique méridional et central en compagnie de M R. Gordon Wasson.” Vol 244, Feb 4 1957, pp 695-700. (Reprinted in Rev mycol, Vol XXII, Fasc 1, May 15 1957, pp 70-76; also in Notes prélim..., pp 13-19.) , AND Rocer Carreux. “Culture pure et obtention semi-indus- trielle des Agarics hallucinogénes du Mexique.” Vol 244, June 24 1957, pp 3109-3114. (Reprinted in Rev mycol, Vol XXII, Fasc 2, Sept 15 1957, pp 183-189; also in Notes prélini . .. , pp 22-28.) [ 30] 10. 1 il Os I2. re. T4. rs. . Hem, Rocer. “Analyse de quelques expériences personelles produites par l’ingestion des Agarics hallucinogénes du Mexique.” Vol 245, Aug 5 1957, pp 597-603. (Reprinted in Rev mycol, Vol XXII, Fasc 2, Sept 15 1957, pp 189-197; also in Notes prélim ..., pp 28-36.) . ———. “Sur les Psilocybes hallucinatoires des Aztéques et sur le microend- émisme des Agarics utilisées par les Indiens du Mexique 4 des fins divin- atoires”. Vol 245, Nov 18 1957, pp 1761-1765. (Reprinted in Rev mycol, Vol XXII, Fasc 3, Dec 31 1957, pp 300-305; also in Nouv Observ ..., pp 3-8.) This Note was submitted to the Académie des Sciences on Nov. 13, 1957. R.G.W. ——, witH ArTHUR Brack, HANs Koper, ALBERT HOFMANN, AND Rocer Cartteux.Déterminisme de la formation des carpophores et des sclérotes dans la culture du Psilocybe mexicana Heim, Agaric hallucinogéne du Mexique, et mise en évidence de la psilocybine et de la psilocine.” Vol 246, March 3 1958, pp 1346-1351. (Reprinted in Rev mycol, Vol XXIII, Fasc 1, April 15 1958, pp 106-113; also Nouv Observ ..., pp 9-16; and in Entry 2, pp 247-254.) —, AND ALBERT Hofmann. “Isolement de la psilocybine a partir du Stropharia cubensis Earle et d’autres espéces de champignons hallucinogénes mexicains appartenant au genre Psilocybe.” Vol 247, Aug 4 1958, pp 557- 561. (Reprinted in Rev mycol, Vol XXIIL, Fasc 3, Oct 15 1958, pp 347-3513 also in Nouv Observ ... pp 24-28.) —, presented by. “Effects psychophysiologiques de la psilocybine.” (Note of Jean Delay, Pierre Pichot, Mlle Thérése Lemperiére, and Pierre Nicolas-Charles.) Vol 247, Oct 20, 1958, pp 1235-1238. ——, AND Rocer Cameux. “Nouvelle contribution 4 la connaissance des Psilocybes hallucinogénes du Mexique.” Vol 249, Nov 9 1959, pp 1842- 1845. (Reprinted in Rev mycol, Vol XXIV Fasc 5, Dec 31 1959, pp 437- 441; also in Deux Supplé... .) —. Note of Guy Stresser-Pf£an and. “Sur les Agarics divinatoires des Totonaques.”’ Vol 250, Feb 15 1960, pp 1155-1160. —, AND Rosert GorDON Wasson. “Une investigation sur les Cham- pignons sacrés des Mixtéques.”’ Vol 254, Jan 29, 1962, pp 788-791. The foregoing series of Notes published by the Académie des Sciences, Paris, are in the nature of progress reports on the researches of the authors into the hallucinogenic mushroom complex of Mexico. R.G.W. [31] Definitions of Species New to Science 16. 17. 18. 19. 21. 26. ———-. Hem, Rocer. “Breves latinae diagnoseis hallucigenarum mexicanarum Psilocybarum ad fera specimina pertinentium.” Rev mycol, Vol XXII, Fasc 1, May 15 1957, pp 77-79. (Reprinted in Notes prélim ..., pp 20-22.) ——. “Diagnosis latina Conocybes siligineoides Heim.” Rev mycol, Vol XXII, Fasc 2, Sept 15 1957, pp 197-198. (Reprinted in Notes prélim ..., pp 36-37.) . “Diagnose latine du Psilocybe Wassonii Heim, espéce hallucinogéne des Aztéques.” Rev mycol, Vol XXIIL, Fasc 1, April 15 1958, pp 119-120. (Reprinted in Nouv Observ ..., pp 22-23.) , AND RocER CaltLreux. “Latina diagnosis Psilocybes sempervivae Heim et Cailleux, speciei mutantis hallucinogenae mexicanae per culturam obtentae.” Rev mycol, Vol XXIII, Fasc 3, Oct 15 1958, pp 352-353. (Re- printed in Nouv Observ ... , pp 29-30.) ——. “Diagnoses latines des Psilocybes hallucinogénes de la stirpe cordispora.”’ Rev mycol, Vol XXIV, Fasc 2, May 15 1959, pp 103-106. . “Les critéres d’ordre chimique dans l'étude des affinités chez les Macromycetes.”’ The Linnacus Commemoration of Uppsala University. Symposium on Systematics of Today, May 29 1957. Published in Uppsala Univ Arssk, Vol 6, 1958, pp 48-59. ——.. “La Psilocybine en psychiatric et au-dela.” (A propos de la thése de Mlle Anne-Marie Quétin.) Rev mycol, Vol XXVI, Fasc 1, March 15 1961, pp 42-60. . “Le Teonanacatl ou chair de Dieu.”” Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle, Paris. Science et Nature, No 23, Sept-Oct 1957, pp 3-6. . Les actions nerveuses provoquées par les champignons.”” Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle, Paris. Science et Nature, No 29, Sept-Oct 1958, pp 1-8. . Lesyndrome narcoticien chez les Champignons a action cérébrale.” Hist Méd, Vol 8, No 8, Sept 1958, pp 42-60. “Les investigations anciennes et récentes propres aux Agarics hallucinogénes du Mexique, 4 leur action et aux substances qui en sont responsables.”’ Actualités pharmacol, Vol 12, 1959, pp 171-192. [32] 27. 28. Heim, Rocer. “Sur une grave erreur d’interpretation.”” Rev mycol, Tribune Libre, Vol XXIII, Fasc 3, Oct 15 1958, pp 354-360. This is a reply to Alexander H. Smith’s comment in Mycologia L(3) 1958: pp 449- 452 on the Wassons’ Mushrooms Russia & History. See Entry 355. R.G.w. ———. “A propos des champignons a propriétés hallucinatoires du Mexique Central et du Sud.” Bull Soc Franco-Japonaise Biol, Vol VI, No 7, April 1958. pp 258-267. Le Figaro 29. 30. 31. =. 33. 34. 35- $6. 37- Heim, Rocer. “On vénére au Mexique des champignons qui suscitent Phallucination ou la folie...” Chronique scientifique, Figaro Littéraire, April 21 1956. (Reprinted in Rev mycol, Vol XXII, Fasc 2, Sept 15 1957, pp 198- 202; also in Notes prélim ... , pp 37-41.) ———. “A l’ergot de scigle, qui fit ‘le mal des ardents’, devrons-nous la guérison des psychoses?” Chronique scientifique, Figaro Littéraire, Sept 28 28 1957. (Reprinted in Rev mycol, Vol XXII, Fasc 2, Sept 15 1957, pp 203- 207; also in Notes prélim . .. , pp 42-46.) ———. “La gastronomie céde le pas A la science.” Le Figaro Littéraire, Paris, Oct 18 1958. Article on annual mushroom exhibit at Muséum National, Paris, featuring Mexican hallucinogenic mushrooms. R.G.W. ———. “Au pays de la découverte, le savant n’entre pas toujours le pre- mier.”’ Chronique scientifique, Figaro Littéraire, Jan 31 1959. —. “Les champignons sacrés des prétres Maya au service de la méde- cine.’ Chronique scientifique, Figaro Littéraire, April t 1961. ———. “L’art aztéque a-t-il puisé son inspiration dans la drogue?” Figaro Littéraire. Aug 4 1962. —. “Address on the hallucinogenic mushrooms of Mexico, delivered to a Japanese audience.” Mycological Society of Japan. Transactions, No 7, March 15 1958, pp 14-15. —. “Hongos alucindgenos de México.” Report by César Lizardi Ramos on lecture given by Roger Heim on Aug 6 1959, at the Instituto Francés de América Latina. El Excelsior, Mexico City, Aug 9 1959. —. Intern Botan Congr, 9th Session, Montreal. Report carried by “Science Service.” (World Telegram & Sun, New York, Aug 21 1959.) [33] 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. Herm, Rocer. Les Champignons d’Europe. Paris: Boubée & Cie, 1957, Vol I, pp 162-163; Vol II, p 469. ————, anp Apert Hormann. “La psilocybine et la psilocine chez les psilocybes et strophaires hallucinogénes.”’ See Entry 2, Chap VII, Sec 3, pp 258-262. . Moving picture with sound track of mushroom ceremony, accom- panied by commentary, photographed and recorded in Sierra Mazateca, Mexico, in 1961. Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle, Paris. In prepara- tion. Wasson, R. Gorpon. “Lightning-bolt and mushrooms: An essay in early cultural exploration.” For Roman Jakobson: Essays on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday, Oct 11 1956. The Hague: Mouton & Co, 1956. pp 605-12. Reprinted in revised and amplified version, with illustrations, in Antiquity and Survival, The Hague, Vol III, No 1, 1960, pp 59-73. In Dutch. English edition promised for 1962. . “Seeking the magic mushroom.”” Water colors by Roger Heim. Life Magazine, May 13 1957, New York. Letters to the Editor, June 3. (International edition, June 10; ““En busca de los hongos magicos,” Life en Espafiol, June 3.) WASSON, VALENTINA Paviovna. ‘Tate the sacred mushroom.” This Week Magazine, New York, May 19 1957. The two foregoing articles, timed to coincide with the publication of Mushrooms Russia and History, drew world-wide attention, and started diverse activities in many circles, lay, scientific, and cultural, all centered in the hallucinogenic mushrooms of Mexico. R.G.W. —___, anp R. Gorpon Wasson. “The hallucinogenic mushrooms’. The New York Botanical Garden. The Garden Journal, Jan-Feb 1958. An historical article summarizing the world’s knowledge of and attitude toward the hallucinogenic mushrooms of Mexico during four centuries, from the 16th down to the 2oth. r.c.w. Wasson, R. GorDON, AND VALENTINA P. WASSON. Mushroom Ceremony of the Mazatec Indians of Mexico. Recorded by R. Gordon Wasson. With translations and commentary by Eunice V. Pike and Sarah C. Gudschinsky. Folkways Record and Service Corporation, 121 West 47th St, New York 36 N Y. Record listing No FR 8975. Extracts of a recording made in 1956 in Huautla de Jiménez of a midnight mush- room ceremony. R.G.W. Wasson, R. Gorpon, with others. Tape recording of mushroom cere- mony held in Sierra Mazateca in 1958, with album of records, transcription [ 34] in Mazatec of entire text, annotated translations into Spanish and English, and commentary anthropological, musicological, and linquistic. In prepara- tion. 46. ———. “The divine mushroom: Primitive religion and hallucinatory agents.” Proc Am phil soc, Philadelphia, Vol 102, No 3, June 24 1958, pp 221-323, 47. ———. “Wild mushrooms: A world of wonder and adventure.” Herbarist Herb Soc Amer, Boston, Mass, No 25, 1959. Three cases of accidental ingestion of hallucinogenic mushrooms are here published for the first time. The article in Life (vide 41) elicited them in letters to the author. They report experiences in Poland, Colorado, and the Fiji Islands. r.G.w. 48. Wasson, R. Gorvon. “The hallucinogenic mushrooms of Mexico: An adventure in ethnomycological exploration.” Trans N Y Acad Sci, Ser I, Vol 21, No 4, Feb 1959, pp 325-339. Reprinted in Drug Experience: First- person accounts of addicts, writers, scientists and others, edited by David Ebin. New York: Orion Press, 1961, pp 311-324. 49. ——— “The hallucinogenic fungi of Mexico: An inquiry into the origins of the religious idea among primitive peoples.” Annual Lecture of the Mycological Society of America, delivered in Stillwater, Oklahoma, Aug 30 1960. Revised. Bot Mus Leafl Harv, Cambridge, Mass., Vol 19, No 7, Feb 1961, pp 137-162. Appended to this paper is a list of the hallucinogenic fungi of Mexico, both those that truly possess psychotomimetic properties and those others to which the Indians also attribute divinatory powers. To the latter class should be added the puff balls reported in Entry 15, published only in 1962. r.c.w. 50. Wasson, R. GorDoN, AND Sytvia Pau, compiled by. “The hallucinogenic mushrooms of Mexico and psilocybin: A bibliography.” Bot Mus Leafl HARV, Cambridge, Mass. Vol 20, No 2, Sept 1962, Pp 25 et seq. Il. THE PAST a. Primary Sources COMPILED BY R. G. WASSON AND IRMGARD WEITLANER JOHNSON 51. ANonyMous. “Coloquio de la Nueua Conbercién y Bautismo de los Quatro Vltimos Reyes de Tlaxcala en la Nueua Espafia.” El Teatro de Nueva Espafia en el Siglo XVI, ed by José J. Rojas Garciduefias. Mexico City, 1935, pp 181-221. In this religious play a principal character is “Hongol demonio ydolo,” a name [ 35 | Ww 1) 53. 54. 55. 56. 57: $c. 59. obviously derived from the Sacred Mushroom, the object of odium theologicum among Spaniards of the 16th century. R.G.w. _ BASALENQUE, D1EGo. Ms lexicon: Vocabulario . . . Espaftol-Matlatzinca and Matlatzinca-Espafiol. See entries under hongo que emborracha and chohui. Biblioteca Nacional de Mexico, 1642; also in John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I. This dictionary securely places the use of the Sacred Mushroom among the Matlatzinca Indians, to the west of Mexico City. R.G.W. . BENAVENTE, FRAY ToRIBIO DE. See MOTOLINIA. Cérpova, JUAN DE. Vocabulario en Lengua Capoteca. Mexico City, 1578. See entries under honguillo and xetas. This dictionary shows that the Sacred Mushrooms were known among the Zapotecs. R.G.W. Covarrusias, GASPAR DE. “Relacién de las Minas de Temazcaltepec”’. (1579) Papeles de Nueva Espafia, Geografia y Estadistica. Madrid: Pran- cisco del Paso y Troncoso, 1906. Ser 2, Vol VII, p 20. In the annual tribute paid by these Matlatzinca-speaking people to their overlord there is included a shipment of the Sacred Mushrooms. R.G.W. DurAn, Dieco. Historia de las Indias de Nueva-Espaiia y Islas de Tierra Firme. México: J. M. Andrade y F. Escalante, 1867-1880. 2v. See Vol I, Chap liv, p 431. The Sacred Mushrooms were consumed at the celebrations attending the inaugura- tion of Moctezuma, years before the Conquest of Mexico by Cortés in 1519. R.G.W. GILBERTI, MATURINO. Tarascan lexicon. 1559. See entry under hongo. This lexicon places the use of the Sacred Mushroom in Tarascan country, in Michoacan. R.G.W. Hearing before the Holy Office of the Inquisition in the case of Gonzalo Pérez. (1629) Ms. Archivos Generales de la Nacién, Mexico City. Vol 340, PP 354-359. An episode that takes place in Tarascan country involving the use of mushrooms. R.G.W. HERNANDEZ, FRANCISCO. Opera: Historia Plantarum Novae Hispaniae. (Ms written before 1577) Madrid: Ibarra, 1790. 3v. See Vol II, Bk IX, Chap 9s. This 16th-century Spanish botanist describes the sacred mushrooms but unfortu- nately his picture of them, which he mentions in his text, is lost. R.G.w. Kakchiquels, Annals of the. Anonymous Kakchiquel Text. English version translated by Delia Goetz (from Spanish version translated by Adriin Recinos). Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1953. Also see Annals [ 36 | 60. Ol. 62. 63. 64. 65. of the Cakchiquels, Quiché and English text, edited by Daniel G. Brinton. In Library of Aboriginal American Literature, No VI, Philadelphia, 1885, pp 114-5. Mushrooms are mentioned in a context that, although obscure, is certainly reli- gious. Today no trace of the use of Sacred Mushrooms has been found in Guatemala, where the Kakchiquel Maya live. For discussion of this text see Entry 1, p 282. R.G.W. LaNc1EGO, JosE. Letter to the clergy of the Huasteca. (1726) Extract published in La Parroquia de Tancanhuitz: Datos para su Historia. Univ Auténoma de San Luis Potosi, 1954, p 14. The good bishop deplores the use of mushrooms among his people. This is the only indication of the use of Sacred Mushrooms in the Huasteca, and unfortunately it is not clear whether Hausteco Indians were using them or Nahuatl-speaking immigrants. R.G.W. Magliabechiano Codex. Loubat edition, Rome, 1904. See p 90. Also pub- lished by the University of California, Berkeley, 1903. Reproduced in Entries 1, p 235, and 2, p 33. One of two illustrations of the Sacred Mushrooms coming down to us from the 16th century. This one, painted probably by an Indian under strong Spanish influence, expresses nevertheless the Indian’s awe before the miracle of the mushrooms. R.c.w. Mixe lexicon. (?1800) See entries under el honguillo con que se emborrachan. Ms. found by Walter Miller in San Lucas Camotlan and given to Museo National de México. The only documentary evidence for the use in former times of the Sacred Mush- rooms among the Mixe Indians. r.G.w. Moro .inia (TorIBIO DE BENAVENTE). ““Ritos antiguos, sacrificios e idola- trias de los Indios de Nueva Espafia, y de su conversién a la fe . . .”’ (Before 1569) Coleccién de Documentos para la Historia de México, ed. by Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta. Mexico City, 1858. See Vol 1, p 23. A horrifying (and, as we know, fanciful) description, by a devout son of the Church, of the effects of taking the Sacred Mushrooms. He states that their name in Nahuatl, teonandcatl, means in that language “God’s flesh”, and ends his disquisition with the observation that the Indians served the mushrooms in Holy Communion. k.G.w. Mo ina, ALonso DE. Vocabulario en Lengua Castellana y Mexicana. 1571. See entries under hongo que emborracha and xochinanacatl. This 16th-century Nahuatl dictionary securely places the use of the Sacred Mush- rooms among the Nahua of the Valley of Mexico. R.G.w. NAcera (NAjerA) YANGUAS, Disco be. Doctrina y Ensefianga en la Lengua Magahua de Cosas muy Utiles, y Provechosas para los Ministros de Doc- trina. Mexico City, 1637. Fol 27-29. A manual for the clergy in which they are told how to ask, in the Mazahua lan- [37] 66. 67. 69. 70. guage, when confessing their penitents, whether these persist in using the Sacred Mushrooms. R.G.W. Nahuatl poem. “Dolor en la Amistad.” (c. 1600) Anonymous. Translated by Angel Maria Garibay. No 37 in Xochimapictli, coleccién de Poemas nahuas. Mexico City, 1959. One of the poems in this Nahuatl anthology mentions expressly the Sacred Mush- rooms. Others in the same collection use xochi, “flowers”, in a sense that suggests it was a metaphor used for the mushrooms. This possibility is reenforced by Molina’s lexicon, where xochinanacatl is translated by honguillos que embeodan, “little mush - rooms that inebriate’’. R.G.w. Otomi lexicon. 1640 Ms., copied from r6th-century ms. now lost. See en- tries under hongo que emborracha and hongos que enbelezan. Biblioteca Nacional de México. This lexicon places the use of the Sacred Mushrooms among the Otomi Indians. R.G.W. . Pérez DE ZAMORA Asarca, Pepro. “Relacidn de Teticpac.” (1580) Papeles de Nueva Espafia, Geografia y Estadistica. Madrid: Franscisco del Paso y Troncoso, 1905. VoLIV, p rt. This report places the use of the Sacred Mushrooms in the Valley of Oaxaca, among the Zapotecs. R.G.W. Porot Vun. Anonymous Quiché Text. English version translated by Delia Goetz and Sylvanus Griswold Morley. Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1950. See p 192, reference to mushrooms. The context is enigmatic, but at least the mushroom citation occurs in a passage that unmistakably relates it to a religious use. R.G.W. SAHAGUN, BERNARDINO DE. (1) Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva Espaiia. (16th century) (a) Bk IX, Chap viii; Flor Codex, fol 3 1r-31Vv. (b) Bk X, Chap xxix, Sec 2; Flor Codex, fol 122v. (c) Bk XI, Chap vii, Sec 1, par 70 in Nahuatl text; Flor Codex, fol 129QV-130r. (d) Bk XI, Chap vii, Sec 1, par 74; Flor Codex, fol 130v-1318. (c) Flor Codex, illus 516, in Paso y Troncoso; also in Entry 1, fig 14, p 234; and in Entry 2, fig 1, p 32. (2) Paralip6menos de Sahagtin, translated by Angel Maria Garibay. Published in Tlalocan, Vol I, No 3, 1947, pp 239, 247. (3) Schultze-Jena, Leonard. Gliederung des altaztekischen Volks in Familie, Stand, und Beruf. Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1952. pp 26-27, 36-37, 58-59, 242-243, 243-244. [ 38 ] vie 72. 73. 74. 75. Our most important source for the use of the Sacred Mushrooms is the great Franciscan ethnographer Saha gun. The first four citations survive in Spanish and in Nahuatl, the latter presumably being the very words of Saha guin’s informant. R.G.W. SERNA, JACINTO DE LA. Manual de Ministros de Indios para el Conocimiento de sus Idolatrias y Extirpacién de Ellas. Published in Mexico City, 1892. See Chap IV, Sec 3. Also included in Anales del Museo Nacional de México, Vol VI, Mexico City, 1900. Like Motolinia, this author draws the analogy between the Christian Eucharist and the eating of the mushrooms; he suggests that the Indians regard the flesh of the mushrooms as divine, or as he considers it diabolic. r.G.w. TEZOZOMOC, FERNANDO DE ALVARADO. Crénica Mexicana. Mexico City, 1958. See Chap 87. Briefly Tezozdmoc tells of the same episode as Diego Duran. See Entry 55. R.G.W. Tuevet, ANpRE. “Histoyre du Mechique.” (Before 1574) Ms. (Rendered lost work by Andrés de Olmos, Antiqiiedades Mexicanas, c. 1543.) Edited by Ed. de Jonghe. J Soc Amér de Paris, n. s., Vol. IL, 1905, p 18. This historian recounts an episode dating from the middle of the rsth century, long before the Conquest, in which the Sacred Mushrooms were eaten in Otom{ country in a religious context. R.G.W. Trial before the Holy Office of Inquisition, in the case of Mixcoatl and Papalotl. (1537) Ms. Published in Publicaciones del Archivo General de la Nacisn, Procesos de Indios, Idélatras, y Hechiceros. Mexico City, 1912. Vol III, pp 55 et seq. In this trial the analogy between the Christian Eucharist and the mushroom agape is strikingly brought out, as in Motolinfa and de la Serna. r.G.W. YANHUITLAN, CODICE DE. (1544) Edited by Wigberto Jiménez Moreno and Salvador Mateos Higuera. Mexico: Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, 1940. See Appendix, p 38. This source places the Sacred Mushrooms in Mixtec country. R.G.W. b. Later References 76. 77: 78. Bancrort, Husert Howe. The Native Races. Vol II, 1874-1876. See p 360. Bourke, JOHN Grecory. Scatologic Rites of all Nations. 1891. See pp 89-91. Carrns, HuntTINGTON. “A divine intoxicant.” Atlantic Monthly. Vol 144, No 5. Nov 1929, pp 638-645. In this article the Safford thesis, denying the existence of hallucinogenic mush- rooms in Mexico, received its final expression. R.G.W. [ 39 ] 79. 80. SI. 83. Fiores, FRANCISCO A. Historia de la Medicina en México. México: Oficina Tipografica de la Secretaria de Fomento, 1886-1888. 3v. See Vol I, pp 55, 258. Orozco Y Berra, Manuet. Historia Antigua y de la Conquista de México. México: G. A. Esteva, 1880. 4v. in 2, See Vol I, p 274; Vol III, pp 375, 437. Sarrorp, WituiaAM E. “An Aztec narcotic.” J Hered, Vol 6, July 1915, pp 201-311. The economic botanist, renowned in his day, in a full-dress study here adumbrated the thesis that the hallucinogenic mushrooms had never existed, and that carly Spanish padres had confused peyote with fungi. R.G.W. . “Peyote, the narcotic mescal button of the Indians.” J Am med Assoc, Vol 77, No 16, Oct 15 1921, pp 1278-1279. This article, published shortly before Safford’s death, shows that he still persisted in his mistaken belief. r.G.w. Simfon, Rémt. Dictionnaire de la Langue nahuatl. 1885. See entries under nanacatl and teonanacatl. c. Archeological COMPILED BY STEPHAN F. DE BORHEGYI —. Borurcyi, STEPHAN F. pe. “Mushroom stones of Middle America. A geographically and chronologically arranged distributional chart.” See En- try 1, chart, in pocket at end of Vol II. Hereinafter referred to as Borhegyi’s chart, of which a revised version is in Entry 85. A geographic and chronologic distributional chart of Pre-Columbian mushroom stones and pottery mushroom forms found at various archeological sites in Mexico, Guatemala, and El Salvador published as an Appendix in end-pocket form to Vol II of the Wassons’ book. Borhegyi distinguishes 5 types (A to E) of stone and pottery mushrooms and illustrates with 48 specimens. (Average height 30cm) Types: Approx. Chronology (revised as of 1962) Type A Anthropomorphic Early or Mid-Pre-Classic (1000 B.C. to stone sculptures with 300 B.C.) plain or circularly grooved mushroom caps. Type B Effigy mushroom Early and Mid-Pre-Classic (1000 B.C. to stones with circularly 300 B.C.) grooved caps and square or tripod bases. [ 40] 84. 85. TypeC — Effigy or plain mush- Late Pre-Classic (300 B.C. to 200 A.D.) and room stones with Proto-Classic(?) (200 to 300 A.D.) square or rounded bases without circularly grooved caps. TypeD Tripod mushroom Late Classic (600 to 900 A.D.) stones with plain or carved stems and with clubby or sharp angled feet. Type E — Miscellaneous and Chronological position uncertain. Late Pre- possibly related stone Classic (300 B.C. to 200 A.D.) & Proto- and pottery objects. Classic(?) (200 to 300 A.D.) ——. “Mushroom Stone Discoveries.” Amatitlin Field Report. Mimeo- graphed, 1960. Milwaukee. Reports (p 4) the finding of a square based anthropomorphic (Type C) mushroom stone from the shores of Lake Ayarza (Dept Santa Rosa) in Eastern Guatemala. The Specimen was found by a group of Guatemalan skin-divers who have been engaged in a systematic investigation of the inland lakes of Guatemala since 1954, seeking possible Pre-Columbian lake offerings. To date six mushroom stones (Types C and D) have been found in the waters of Lake Amatitlén in the Central Guatemalan Highlands. The specimen from Lake Ayarza is in the private collection of Manfred Tépke, while the others are in the private collections of Dr. Guillermo Mata-Amado and Jorge Castillo, of Guatemala City. Paper includes (p 7) a preliminary report on the (Type B) miniature mushroom stones found in a cache at Kaminaljuyu, now in the collection of Karl Heinz Notte- bohm of Guatemala City (for final report see next Entry). Also reports the finding of a (Type C) mushroom stone fragment (in the shape of an owl) from the recent excava- tion of the Post-Classic period (1000-1500 A.D.) at the Kakchiquel Maya capital of Iximché, in the Central Guatemalan Highlands. ———. “Miniature mushroom stones from Guatemala.” Amer Antiq, Vol XXVI, No 4, April 1961, Salt Lake City, Utah, pp 498-504. Offertory cache of nine miniature mushroom stones and nine miniature metates with manos from the Verbena cemetery at Kaminaljuyu in Highland Guatemala, dating from the Late Pre-Classic Miraflores phase, 300 B.C. to 200 A.D. All of the mushroom stones are of the Type B variety with a circular groove around the base of the cap (average height 16cm). A similar but larger Type B mushroom stone, in the shape of a jaguar, has been found in a Miraflores tomb in Mound E-III-3 at the same site (see Shook and Kidder, Entry 103). The cache of nine miniatures demonstrates considerable antiquity for the “mushroom-stone cult,” and suggests a possible ceremonial association with the nine Lords-of-the-night and gods of the underworld, as well as the possible existence among the Highland Maya of a nine-day cycle and nocturnal count in Pre-Classic times. The association of the miniature mushroom stones with the miniature metates and manos greatly strengthens the possibility that, at least in some areas in Pre-Colum- bian Mesoamerica, metates were used to grind the sacred hallucinatory mushrooms to [41] 86. 87. 88. 89. prepare them for ceremonial consumption. The article includes, as Fig 2 and Table 1, a revised chart of Borhegyi’s 1957 chronologic distributional table, and brings up to date the mushroom stone and pottery mushroom finds in Mesoamerica. About 50 archeological sites are listed from Mexico, Guatemala, and El Salvador where mushroom stones and pottery mushrooms have been found during archeological excavations, or in private collections and museums. All miniature mushroom stones and metates with manos described in this article are in the private collection of Karl Heinz Nottebohm, of Guatemala City. The large Type B mushroom stone (Fig 3), representing a kneeling young woman (a virgin?) with a metate, is from the Hans Namuth collection in New York. To date this is the only comprehensive article on mushroom stones and pottery mushrooms, and the first report on the existence of miniature mushroom stones. . “The Enigmatic Mushroom Stones of Meso-America.”” Ms. (In preparation) Tulane University, New Orleans. Middle American Research Institute, Middle American Research Records. Manuscript in preparation that will present an up-to-date distribution and typol- ogy of these enigmatic objects. It will contain photographs and line drawings of over 100 specimens, as well as distributional maps and chronological charts. BricHaM, WiuaAM T. Guatemala, the Land of the Quetzal. New York: Scribner, 1887, sce p 280, illustration. Illustrates a zoomorphic mushroom stone-like object representing a rabbit or pisote, with rounded base (Type E) from the National Museum of Guatemala. Brigham refers to it as a stone seat, implying that these sculptures were so used. It represents the first mushroom stone-like object from Mesoamerica to be described and illustrated. For a similar specimen in the Chicago Natural History Museum (Cat no 48650) see No 44 0n Borhegyi’s chart. The whereabouts of the piece illustrated by Brigham 1s unknown. Brinton, Daniet G. “Mushroom-shaped images.” Science, n.s., Vol 8, No 187, July 29 1898, New York, pp 126-127. nee Pp 127, Reply by the noted American ethno-linguist to Sapper’s suggestion in Globus (1898), Entry roo, that an anthropomorphic mushroom stone illustrated from El Sal- vador was a phallic symbol. Brinton suggests that since the stone resembles a mush- room or toadstool, it may have been intended by its maker to represent just that. Brinton further suggests that, since the Tseltal-Maya word for mushroom is hu and is sufficiently similar to the word used for moon uh or yuh to recall it in sound, the mush- room stones may have been emblematic of the lunar and nocturnal divinity. Accord- ing to him the night growth of the fungus would strengthen this mythical alliance. The Type C specimen referred to is now in the Rietberg Museum collection in Ziirich. (Cf no 19 in Borhegyi’s chart, above cited.) Historically, this is the first known, published reference to mushroom stones as mushroom representations. The next published reference is in Wasson & Wasson, 1957, herein entered as Entry 1. Canats Frau, SAtvapor. Las Civilizaciones Pre-hispanicas de América. Buenos Aires, Editorial Sudamericana, 1955, p 147. Fig 36. Illustration and brief description (p 147) of two effigy mushroom stones with circularly grooved caps (Type B) from Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala, both of which [ 42] go. QI. represent jaguars. They are also illustrated in Borhegy’s chart as nos 12 and 15. Figure 36 (left) (Cat no 2366; Lot no C-69) is probably of the Early Pre-Classic Las Charcas phase (1000 B.C. to s00 B.C.), and as such ranks among the earliest known effigy mushroom stones. Figure 36 (right) is from tomb 1 in Mound E-III-3 at Kaminaljuyu (Shook and Kidder, 1952, fig 78f) and is one of the first examples (Late Pre-Classic-Miraflores phase, 300 B.C.-300 A.D.) of this problematical sculp- ture to be excavated. Both specimens are now in the National Museum in Guatemala City (Cat no 2366 and 3450 respectively). Foster, Georce M. “Some implications of modern Mexican mold-made pottery.” Sthwest J Anthrop, VolIV, No 4, 1948, pp 356-370. According to Foster, some pre-Conquest Mexican pottery was made using convex musaroom-shaped pottery molds. These molds appear to have originated from the practice of molding pots over the upturned bottom of finished vessels. The same technique is still in use at several places in Mexico. Owing to the fact that some modern mushroom-shaped pottery molds from Tzintzuntzan and Metepec in Mexico (see figs 2, 3) and some Pre-Columbian pot- tery anvils from North America (see fig 6) have a slight resemblance to the Pre- Columbian pottery-mushrooms from Mexico and El Salvador (see nos 46, 47, 48 in Borhegyi’s chart), there exists the slight possibility that pottery-mushrooms were used, not in Pre-Columbian hallucinogenic mushroom rites, but to aid in the shaping and manufacturing of culinary pottery objects. (For publications referring to pottery-mushroomis see Longyear, Entry 94; Lothrop, Entry 95; Lowe, Entry 96; and Stirling, Entry 106). Gann, Tuomas. Glories of the Maya. London: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1939, pp 204-6. Describes the discovery of a plain tripod mushroom stone (Type D) in association with a plain stone yoke, Tiquisate ware figurines, and cylindrical vases with human bones, in a Late Classic (600 to 900 A.D.) Pipil (?) burial ground at Patulul, near Cocales (Dept Suchitepequez) on the South Coast of Guatemala. No illustrations. Similar tripod mushroom stones were found and illustrated later from the same general area by Thompson, Entry ro. Gann mentions that mushroom stones are believed by some anthropologists to be phallic symbols because of their resemblance to the lingam. The whereabouts of the specimen excavated by Gann is unknown. . Hem, Rocer, AND R. Gorpon Wasson. 1958. Paris. See Entry 2, chap III, pp 113-121, figs 22, 23, pls X, XI, XII. Illustrates 9 crudely manufactured miniature clay cups (fig 23B) with mushroom- like appliqué designs collected by Marshall Saville between 1899-1900, from Xaaga, near Mitla, Oaxaca, Mexico. These curious cups are now in the collection of the American Museum of Natural History in New York. Line drawings (figs 22-23) illustrate five Type B and C mushroom stones, repro- duced from Borhegyi’s charts, nos 31, 15, 32, 25 respectively. Plate X illustrates a Type D tripod mushroom stone with carved stem in the Wasson private collection in New York (cf Borhegyi, no 38). Plate XI illustrates the Type C effigy mush- room stone, first published by Sapper (1 898) and now in the Rietberg Museum in Ziirich (cf. Borhegyi, no 19). Plate XII illustrates a Type B effigy mushroom stone with circularly grooved cap from the Hans Namuth private collection in New York. The specimen represents a young woman (a virgin?) kneeling before a metate. [ 43] 92. 93. 94. 95. (Reproduced also as fig 3 in Borhegyi, Entry 85.) Figures 22 and 23, as well as plates XL and XII, are also illustrated by Wasson and Wasson, Entry 1, Vol II, as figs 18, 19, and plates XLII, and XLIV respectively. Kiwprer, A. V., witn J. D. Jennincs AND E. M. SHook. “Excavations at Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala.” Carnegie Institution of Washington. Publ 561, Washington, D. C., 1946. See pp 104, 142, figs 42, 58c, 160a-h. This is the first publication reporting (pp 104 and 142) the discovery of mushroom stones in a scientifically controlled excavation. It describes and illustrates (fig 160a-h) ten mushroom-shaped stone objects from Guatemala and Mexico. Six of the speci- mens are plain or effigy mushroom stones (Type C), while three belong to the tripod (Type D) variety. Five have been reproduced in Borhegyi’s chart as nos 32, 28, 38, 19, 18. The Type C effigy mushroom stones represent seated human figures, birds, and pisotes. Kidder briefly but concisely discusses their known distri- bution (p 142) in the Highlands and Pacific Slopes of Guatemala and Mexico, and that of similar pottery-mushrooms in El Salvador. He is non-committal as to their use, but refutes previous suggestions that they represent phalli or were used as seats. Of the specimens illustrated in the publication, five (fig 160f,h,e,g and fig 42) are in the collections of the Guatemala National Museum (Cat nos 2368 a; 2368 b; 4631, 1903, 2715), and two (fig 1604, b) in the Regional Museum, at Tuxtla Gutiérrez, in Mexico; the whereabouts of the remainder are unknown. Kipper, Atrrep (Editor). The Art of the Ancient Maya. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1959. See figs 3, 4- Illustrates two effigy mushroom stones with square bases from the Guatemalan National Museum collection, found in the vicinity of Kaminaljuyu in the Guatemalan Highlands. One represents a seated human figure, the other an anthropomorphic squatting toad. Both are of the Type C variety (without cricularly grooved caps), and are also reproduced in Borhegyi’s chart as nos 17, 31. As to their use, Kidder mentions that they may represent the sacred hallucinogenic mushroom used to induce trances in some mushroom-rituals in modern Mexico. Both specimens are in the Guatemalan National Museum (Cat nos 2220 and 2209). The toad-shaped mushroom stone (fig 4, Cat no 2209) from Cerro Alux is also illustrated as fig 18 in Wasson and Wasson, Entry 1, and as fig 22 in Heim and Wasson, Entry 2. LoncyEAR, JOHN M. “Archcological investigations in El Salvador.” Mem Peabody Mus, Vol IX, No 2, Cambridge, 1944. See pottery ‘mushrooms,’ pl [X-no 26; stone ‘mushrooms,’ pl XII-no 16. Illustrates a pottery mushroom (Type E) and a plain stone mushroom (Type C) from El Salvador (Plate IX, no 26, and Plate XII, no 16). They are reproduced in Borhegyi’s chart as nos 48 and 37. Longyear has no comments as to their function or distribution. The specimens are in the private collection of Colonel Montalbo, in El Salvador. Loturop, SAMUEL KirKtanp. “Atitlin: An Archeological Study of Ancient Remains on the Border of Lake Atitl4n, Guatemala.’ Carnegie Institution of Washington, Publ 444, Washington, D. C., 1933. See p 29, figs ob, I 1a-c. lustrates two pottery mushrooms (Type E) from El Salvador (fig 11 b,c) which are also reproduced in Borhegyi’s chart, nos 46, 47. Also illustrates (based on Villacorta [ 44] 96. 97. 98. and Villacorta, Entry 111, p 123) anthropomorphic mushroom stone with a square base (Type C) from Majadas, a section of Kaminaljuyu; and a stone mushroom cap (Type A) from the archeological site of Chukumuk, on the Southeast shore of Lake Atitlin in Guatemala (reproduced as no 9 in Borhegyi’s chart). Lothrop does not attempt to describe their distribution or their function. The stone mushroom cap illustrated by Lothrop as fig 9b is now in the collection of the Guatemalan National Museum (Cat no 1 169). A similar stone mushroom cap from the archeo- logical site of Xikomuk, also at Lake Atitl4n (Guatemalan National Museum, Lot no E-194), is reproduced as no 11 in Borhegyi’s chart. Lothrop’s article is the first to mention and illustrate a stone mushroom cap and “pottery mushrooms.” (For other publications referring to pottery mushrooms see Longyear, Entry 94; Stirling, Entry 106; and Lowe, Entry 96.) Lowe, Gareta W. “Archeological exploration of the Upper Grijalva River, Chiapas, Mexico.” Papers of the New World Archeological Foundation, No 2, Orinda, California, 1959. See pottery ‘mushrooms,’ pp 75-76, figs 20f, 50a; stone ‘mushrooms,’ pp 49, figs 6oc, d. Illustrates and describes a pottery mushroom (Type E) found at the archeological site of Guanacaste, near the Grijalva River, Chiapas, and two plain mushroom stones (Type C) from Chiapa de Corzo in Central Chiapas, Mexico. Lowe believes that the pottery mushrooms in Chiapas may have Salvadorean origin. The specimens now are in the Regional Museum at Tuxla Gutiérrez in Chiapas. —. “Mound 5 and minor excavations, Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas, Mexico.” Papers of the New World Archaeological Foundation, No 12 (Publica- tion No 8). Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah. 1962, p 64, fig 40). Illustrates (fig 40j) and describes (p 64) a Type C mushroom stone reportedly found in a burial (burial no r) located in a small mound group at Mango Seco, 800 m. east of Chiapa de Corzo. The burial also contained nine undecorated pottery vessels, and a jade necklace and earspools. The mushroom stone, discovered below the right foot of the skeleton of an adult, is of pecked and ground limestone. The burial and its contents are dated to the Mid-Pre-Classic (500-300 B.C.) Francesa phase. The specimen is now in the Regional Museum at Tuxtla Gutiérrez in Chiapas, (Mu no 61-LIV-34). Punaricu, ANpryA. “Mushroom Icons.” Bull Mycol So San Francisco, Vol IX, No 12, 1959, pp 8-10, 16. Illustrates and comments on two (Type C) effigy mushroom stones from Highland Guatemala; reproduced as Nos 17 and 13 in Borhegyi 1958, 1961. For other items by this author see Entry 141 and sec vin. . Ravicz, RosBert. 1961. See Entry 143, pp 91-02. Ravicz renews the suggestion first made by the Wassons that mushroom stones may have been used in Mexico in Pre-Columbian times as part of the hallucinogenic sacred mushroom ceremony. Among the present day Mixtecs the sacred mushrooms are gathered by a virgin, ground on a metate, water added, and the beverage drunk by the person who wishes to consult the mushroom. The association of Pre-Colum- bian mushroom stones and their use for similar purposes with metates is discussed by [ 45] 99. 100. Tol. Borhegyi, Entry 85. For an anthropomorphic mushroom stone (Type B) represent - ing a woman with a metate, see Heim and Wasson, Entry 2, Pl XII, and Borhegyi, Entry 85, fig 3. SANDERS, WILLIAM T. “Ceramic stratigraphy at Santa Cruz, Chiapas, Mexico.” Papers of the New World Archaeological Foundation, No 13 (Publica- tion No 9). Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 1961, pp 16 and 28, fig 15), pl 6j. lustrates (fig 156, and pl. 6j.) and describes (p 16 and p 28) a Type E pottery mush- room fragment, found in the excavation of Trench 2, in level 4. The fragment is of a coarse-paste, unslipped, unburnished, thick-wall utility ware, subsequently named Chiapilla ware. Although only one fragment is illustrated (upside down), Sanders indicates (p 28) that there were several of these “mushroom” pots or “mushroom” vessels in Trench 2. The Chiapilla period at the Santa Cruz site is equated by Sanders with the Mid- or Late- Pre-Classic (s00 B.C. -o A.D.) Francesa and Guanacaste periods (IV-V) at the site of Chiapa de Corzo. Owing to the fact, however, that level 4, in Trench 2, was a disturbed level (see p 9), it is possible that the “mushroom” vessels are of the later Santa Cruz period, which is of late Pre-Classic or Proto- Classic (0 A.D. -200 A.D.) date. The specimens are now in the Regional Museum at Tuxtla Gutiérrez in Chiapas. Sapper, Cart. ‘‘Pilzformige Gétzenbilder aus Guatemala und San Salvador.” Globus, Vol 73, No 20, 1898, p 327. Illustrates and describes an anthropomorphic mushroom stone on a square base (Type C) from El Salvador, now in the Rietberg Museum in Ziirich (see Wasson and Wasson, Entry 1, Pl XLII; and Heim and Wasson, Entry 2, Pl XI). Sapper explores the function of these objects, citing Dr. Santiago F. Barbarena, then Director of the National Museum in San Salvador, who believes that mushroom stones represent phalli, and that the nine-pointed star, comprising the head-dress of the figure depicted on the mushroom stone, refers to the nine month pregnancy. (For a Type C efligy mushroom stone with a similar nine-pointed crown, found at Kaminaljuyu, see Kidder, Jennings, and Shook, Entry 92, fig 160f; reproduced as no 19 on Borhegyi’s chart cited above.) Sapper refutes Barbarena’s suggestion on the ground that the Pre-Columbian Maya Indians used a 20 month year, and that the wide cap of the stone in question does not resemble a phallus. He urges that comparative studies of these unusual objects be undertaken by archeologists. (See also Brinton’s reply to this article, Entry 88.) SrLer-SAcus, Carciur. Aufalten Wegen in Mexico und Guatemala. 2nd ed. Stuttgart: Strecker and Schréder Verlag, 1925. See pp 182-183. Illustrates (p 183) and describes (pp 182-183, 236-237) several plain and effigy tripod mushroom stones (Type D) located in private collections by Dr. Seler in the course of his famous reconnaissance trip to Guatemala and Mexico in 1895-96. These stones are reportedly from Chuchun and Los Diamantes on the Pacific Pied- mont area of Guatemala, and from Tecpan, Los Pastores, Pompeya, and El Portal in the Central Highlands. They are referred to as “stone seats.”” Some of the specimens described were donated to the Berlin Muscum in 1896, while others found their way to the American Museum of Natural History in New York (Cat nos 30/3122, 30/5448 and 30/50449). [ 46 | I02. 103. 104. 10S. SHOOK, Epwin M. “The present status of research on the Pre-Classic hori- zons in Guatemala.” International Congress of Americanists, 29th Session. The Civilizations of Ancient America. Selected papers, ed by Sol Tax. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951, pp 93-100. See pp 97-98. Describes the chronological occurrences of the Pre-Classic mushroom stones in the Central Highland area of Guatemala. Asserts that simple stone sculpture probably begins during the Early Pre-Classic Las Charcas phase (1000 to 500 B.C.) in the Maya Highlands with the fashioning of effigy mushroom-like objects. Also mentions the finding of the Jaguar-shaped tripod mushroom stone (Type B) in tomb 1, at Mound E-III-3 at Kaminaljuyu (cf Shook and Kidder, Entry 103, p 112, fig 78f, and no 15 in Borhegyi’s chart, above cited). Shook’s premise, that mushroom stones were manufactured during the Las Charcas phase, is not yet fully substantiated. However, mushroom caps (Type A) were discovered in Las Charcas deposits (Guatemala National Museum, Lot nos C-s50, C-69, C-43) and are reproduced as nos 8, 10, in Borhegyi’s chart. It is also possible that the jaguar mushroom stone (no 12 in Bor- hegyi’s chart) is of Las Charcas date. ——., AND A. V. Kipper. “Mound E-III-3, Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala.” Carnegie Institution of Washington. Contributions to American Anthro- pology and History, Publ 596, Vol XI, No 53, Washington, D. C., 1952, Pp 33-128. See p 112, fig 78f, fig 13-no 193. Shook and Kidder describe the finding of an exquisitely carved tripod effigy mush- room stone (Type B) in the rich Mid-Pre-Classic (Miraflores phase, 300 B.C. to 200 A.D.) tomb 1 at Kaminaljuyu. This jaguar-shaped mushroom stone is reproduced as no 15 in Borhegyi’s chart. Kidder and Shook earlier contended (1946) that mushroom stones are products of the Classic period. The finding of this mushroom stone in a sealed Miraflores phase tomb (fig 13, no 193) establishes with finality that at least certain types of mushroom stones (Types A, B, C) are of Pre-Classic date, and that the mushroom stone cult among the Highland Maya was in vogue as early as 300 B.C. The specimen is now in the Guatemalan National Museum collection (Cat no 3450). This Pre-Columbian jaguar mushroom stone is the first reported from a tomb. ——. “Lugares arqueoldgicos del Altiplano Meridional Central de Guatemala.” Revista del Instituto de Antropologia e Historia de Guatemala, Vol IV, No 2, 1952, Pp 3-40. See pp 5, 7, 10, II, 16, 19. In his archeological survey of the Central Guatemalan Highlands, Shook describes 103 archeological sites, their location, architecture, and the specimens collected from each site. Seven sites yielded mushroom stones of the effigy (Type B and C) and tripod (Type D) variety. The seven sites are Aeropuerto, Agua Caliente, Alux, Aurora, Cementerio, Eucaliptus, and Kaminaljuyu. They are reproduced as nos 2, 3, 4, 8, 10, 12, 13, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 27, 28, 29, 31, 38, 39, 40 in Borhegyi’s chart Shook’s article represents the first attempt to survey the distribution of mushroom stones in the Central Guatemalan Highlands. Most of the specimens referred to in Shook’s article are in the collections of the Guatemalan National Museum. SORENSON, JOHN L. “An archaeological reconnaissance of West-Central Chiapas, Mexico.” Papers of the New World Archaeological Foundation, No 1, Orinda, California, 1956, pp 7-19. See p 13. | 47] 106. 107. 108. Mentions the finding of plain mushroom stones (Type C) near the Grijalva River at the archeological site called La Grandeza in Chiapas. Although Sorenson does not illustrate them, the stones appear to be similar to the ones reported by Kidder, Jennings, and Shook (Entry 92 fig 160a, b) from nearby Ococingo, Chiapas (now in the Regional Museum at Tuxla Gutiérrez), and reproduced as no 32 in Borhegyi’s chart. STIRLING, MatrHew W. “An archacological reconnaissance in Southeastern Mexico.” Bull No 164 Bur Amer Ethnol. Anthropological Papers No 53; pp 213-40. Washington, D. C., 1957. Pottery mushrooms, Plates 9 i, e, fh, and 65 a-3; pp 238-9. Five pottery mushrooms (Type E) are illustrated upside down and described mistakenly as tall pottery jars with round “bottoms” expanded to bowl shape. The “bottoms” are roughened by textile imprints and by stamping them with crinkled edges of pecten shell. One specimen (fig 65 a-3) was found in a sealed tomb at the site of Isla (near Paraiso and Bellote) in association with typical Maya Proto-Classic (200 to 300 A.D.) pottery (unbridged spouted vessels, mammiform feet, etc.). Four similar pottery mushrooms were found in a shell mound at Ceiba, also near Bellote in the State of Tabasco, not far from the Atlantic. This find helps us to assign a tenta- tive proto-Classic date to the pottery mushrooms found throughout Southern Mexico (Veracruz, Tabasco, Campeche, Oaxaca, Chiapas) and Eastern El Salvador. Similar (Type E) pottery mushrooms are reproduced as nos 46, 47, 48 in Borhegyi’s chart. The specimens found by Stirling are in the Regional Museum at Villahermosa in Tabasco. STROMSVIK, GusTAV. “Exploration of the Cave of Dzab-Na, Tecoh, Yuca- tan.”” Carnegie Institution of Washington. Current Reports, Vol II, No 35, Cambridge, Mass., pp 463-470. Sce pp 466, 468, fig 29. Illustrates and describes the only possible mushroom stone fragment (stem and lower portion missing) ever reported from Yucatan where mushroom stones seem to be absent. Fragment was found by Stromsvik in the South East gallery of the Dzab-Na Cave, located near the village of Tecoh, south of Mérida. It was discovered in association with a slate-ware bowl, a wooden statuette, and six broken metates with short manos. The specimen consists only of a cap, so that it cannot be ascertained for sure whether it was a grinding implement or, less likely, the top portion of a mushroom stone. Similar doubt is expressed by Heim and Wasson, Entry 2(p 117, foot 1). This is why it was omitted from the distributional list of Borhegyi. The fragment along with other material from the cave is in the Regional Museum at Mérida, in Yucatan. Termer, Franz. “Auf den Spuren ratselhafter Volker in Siid-Guatemala.”’ Die Umschau, Frankfurt-a-M, No 26, 1942. pp 389-392. See fig 7. Illustrates, as fig 7, a zoomorphic mushroom stone (Type C) representing a toad(?) from Guazacapan (Dept Santa Rosa) on the Southeastern Coast of Guatemala. Termer believes that the specimen may pertain to the Pipil culture, known to have influenced this area during the Classic period (300-900 A.D.), and that it represents a fertility idol, in the form of a phallus, attached to the back of this toad. The specimen is similar to a toad-shaped mushroom stone from Cerro Alux, near Mixco (Guatemala [ 48 | 109. LEO; LEE. II2. Highlands), reproduced as no 31 in Borhegyi’s chart. The whereabouts of the specimen illustrated by Termer is unknown. There are similar specimens in local private collections (Faustino Padilla Collection at Lake Ixpaco, Dept Santa Rosa). THompson, J. Eric S. “A trial survey of the Southern Maya area.” Amer Antiq, Vol IX, No 1, 1943, pp 106-134. See p 121, pl Xd. Illustrates an anthropomorphic mushroom stone representing a seated individual with a mushroom cap (Type A). The specimen (now in the Chicago Natural History Museum, Cat no 48649) comes from the Central Highlands of Guatemala, and is reproduced as no 5 in Borhegyi’s chart. Thompson refers to the piece as a huge mushroom-like obiect and mentions that some anthropologists refer to them as stone stools, but asserts that they could hardly have been comfortable seats. ———. “An Archeological Reconnaissance in the Cotzumalhuapa Region, Escuintla, Guatemala.” Carnegie Institution of Washington. Contributions to American Anthropology and History, Publ 574, Vol IX, No 44, Wash- ington, D. C., 1948, pp 1-95. See p 24, figs rof, 20b. Describes and illustrates the finding of tripod mushroom stones with plain stems (Type D) at Finca el Batil (Dept Escuintla), a site on the Coastal Piedmont of Guate- mala. Several fragments and one complete specimen (fig 20b) came from the excava- tion of an offertory cache-pit in front of the platform on which stood Monument 3, a huge boulder sculpture, representing an aquiline-nosed, bearded individual. Associated in this cache-pit with the mushroom stones were other small stone sculp- tures, such as yokes, vertically tenoned anthropomorphic and zoomorphic sculptures, and some pottery sherds. On the basis of the contents of the pit, Thompson was able to assign the tripod mushroom stones (Type D) to the Late Classic San Juan phase (600-900 A.D.). This chronological assignment is substantiated by the finds of Gann (1939) at Patulul where a plain tripod mushroom stone was found in association with a Late Classic burial. Thompson refers to the mushroom stones found at El Batil as stone seats. They are reproduced as no 39 in Borhegyi’s chart. The mushroom stones are in the private collection of Carlos Herrera at El Baul. Spanish version of same: “Tentativa de reconocimiento en el area Maya Meri- dional.”” Revista del Instituto de Antropologta e Historia de Guatemala, Vol I, No 2, Guatemala, 1949, pp 23-48. See p 35, Pl IVd. Also published by Biblioteca Guate- malteca de Cultura Popular. Arqueologia Guatemalteca, Vol XX, Guatemala, 1957, pp 23-64. See p 43, Pl IVd. Vittacorta, ANTONIO J. C., AND Cartos A. Vittacorta. Arqueologia Guatemalteca. Guatemala, 1927. See pp 123-125. Illustrates and describes two anthropomorphic mushroom stones (Types A and C) with square bases, found in the vicinity of Kaminaljuyu (La Majada) in the Central Guatemalan Highlands, and forming part of the local private collection of Don Carlos Galluser. The specimen (p 125) with the mushroom cap (Type A) is repro- duced as no 4 in Borhegyi’s chart, while the other (p 123, Type C) is illustrated as fig train Lothrop, Entry 95, and fig 23d in Heim and Wasson, Entry 2. They are described by the Villacortas as fantastic and humorous stone sculptures with mush- room-like hats. The present whereabouts of the specimens is unknown. Vittacorta, Cartos A. “Sitio arqueolégico de origen Maya-tolteca entre Guatemala y Mixco; su exploracién, y ultimas piezas del tipo arcaico alli [ 49] 113. IT4. IIS. 27 +] encontradas, que ya figuran en la colleccién del Museo de Guatemala.” Revista del Museo Nacional de Guatemala, No 2, Guatemala. 1932. See pp ain43. Illustrates and describes a zoomorphic mushroom stone witha square base (Type C) from Cerro Alux, a hill above the present Pokomam Indian town, Mixco, north- west of Guatemala City. The specimen represents a squatting anthropomorphic toad. It is reproduced as no 31 in Borhegyi’s chart; as fig 22 in Heim and Wasson, Entry 2; and as fig 4 in Kidder, Entry 93. The piece is now in the National Museum in Guatemala City (Cat no 2209). . WASSON, VALENTINA PAVLOVNA, AND R. GorpoN Wasson. Mushrooms Russia and History. New York: Pantheon Books, 1957. See pp 275-286, figs 18, 19, pls XLII, XLIV. Entry 1 in this bibliography. Illustrates and describes 7 mushroom stones from the Guatemalan Highlands and Chiapas Mexico. The line drawings (fig 18, 19) illustrate 5 Type B and C mushroom stones, reproduced by Borhegyi’s chart as nos 31, 15, 32, 25 respectively. Plate XLIII illustrates the Type C effigy mushroom stone first published by Sapper and now in the possession of the Rietberg Museum in Ziirich. Plate XLIV illustrates a Type B effigy mushroom stone with circularly grooved cap from the Hans Namuth private collection in New York, representing a young woman (a virgin?) kneeling before a metate. (Reproduced also as fig 3 in Borhegyi’s chart.) The drawings and plates in this book are also illustrated as figs 22, 23 and plates XI, XII in Heim and Wasson, Entry 2. The Wassons describe in detail (pp 275-286) their research in Mexico and Guatemala, relative to the modern use of hallucinogenic mushroom by Indian groups in Mexico, and convincingly associate the use of mushroom stones with similar rites in Pre-Columbian Mesoamerica. III. ANTHROPOLOGICAL See also Entry 1, Chap V, sec 15; Entry 2, Chap II AcuirrE BetTrAN, GonzALO. Medicina y Magia: El proceso de acultura- cién y el curanderismo en México. Mimeographed. Mexico City, 1955. See Chap 6, p 7. This admirable work, which deserves publication, explores the early sources and poses a number of problems concerning the use of hallucinogenic agents including the Sacred Mushrooms that call for further study. r.c.w. Burke, OMAR M. “Tunisian caravan.” Blackwood’s Magazine, Vol 291, No 1756, Feb 1962, pp 123-140. See pp 132-3. The author draws an analogy between the Arab dervishes and our discoveries in Mexico. R.G.W. De Ropp, Roserr S. Drugs and the Mind. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1957. Chapter 7: Brews strange and brews familiar. Spanish edition: Las Drogas y la Mente; Mexico, Editorial Continental. 1959. [50] 116. res, 118. 119. 120. I21. 123. 124. ee 126. Fasinc, Howarp D. “On going berserk: A neurochemical inquiry.” Read at the Annual Meeting of the American Psychiatric Association, 112th Session, Chicago, Spring, 1956. Sci Mon N. Y., Vol 83, No 5, Nov 1956, pp 232-237. Reprinted simultaneously in Amer J Psychiat, Vol 113 No 5, Nov 1956, pp 409-415. ———. “Toads, mushrooms, and schizophrenia.” Harper's Magazine, Vol 214, No 1284, May 1957, pp 50-55. FANCHAMBS, A. “La psychopharmacologie moderne et les drogues magiques mexicaines.” Rev méd Suisse rom, Vol 82, 1962, pp 15-31. A survey of the whole subject, anthropological, mycological, chemical, and medicinal. R.G.w. Gamio, MANuEL. La Poblacién del Valle de Teotihuacan. México: Talleres Graficos, 1922. Vol II. See p 413. Graves, Rosert. ‘What food the Centaurs ate.”’ Stories Talks Essays Poems Studies in History. London: Cassell, 1958. pp 319-343. Also published in Food for Centaurs. New York: Doubleday & Company, 1960. pp 257-282. —— —. “Mushrooms, food of the gods.” Atlantic Monthly, Vol 200, No 2, August 1957, pp 73-77: In this and the preceding entry Mr. Graves works out an ingenious hypothesis that the formulae for ambrosia and nectar in ancient Greece can be arrived at by writing down the insipid recipes given by the ancient writers and discovering that the initial letters spell “mushrooms” in Greek. R.G.w. . ———. “The poet’s paradise’’. Address delivered to the Oxford University Humanist Group, 1961. Published in Oxford Addresses on Poetry. London: Cassell, 1962, pp 109-129. —. “How to avoid mycophobia.” Also an editorial note by Martin Levine. Saturday Review of Literature, May 11 1957, pp 21-22, 47. —. “Diseases of scholarship, clinically considered.” A lecture given on Feb 13 1957, at Yale University. Five Pens in Hand. New York: Doubleday & Company, 1958. pp 73-90. See pp 87-88. —. ‘A journey to paradise: Of toadstools and toxins, and a vivid tour of the Heaven (and Hell) that lies within us all.” Holiday. Vol 32, No 2, Aug 1962, pp 36-7, IIO-I. Guerra, F., AND H. Ottvera. Las Plantas Fantasticas de México. Mexico: Imprenta del Diario Espafiol, 1954. See pp 7-12. An uncritical compilation from secondary sourses, some of them unreliable. r.G.w. [51] 127. 128. Hetzer, Roserr F. “Mixtum Compositum: The use of narcotic mushrooms by primitive peoples.” Ciba Symposia, Vol 5, No 11, Feb 1944, Pp 1713-1716. This article, sent to us by Robert Graves in Sept 1952, first apprised us of the mushroom cult in Mexico and sparked our later investigations. At the same time Hans Mardersteig of Verona sent us a drawing of the mushroom stone on exhibit in the Rietberg Museum, Zurich, which we later discovered was the one described in Entry 100 and which we linked with the Mexican Sacred Mushrooms. R.G.w. Hoocsuacen, Searce. “Notes on the sacred (narcotic) mushroom from Coatlin, Oaxaca, Mexico.” Okla Anthrop Soc Bull, Vol 7, 1959, pp 71-74. An important contribution to contemporary anthropology for the light it sheds on the feelings toward the Sacred Mushrooms of the Mixe people. The author has a sound grasp of the Mixe language and is gifted with rare intuition. R.G.W. 129. JOHNSON, JEAN Bassett. “The elements of Mazatec witchcraft.”’ Gothen- 130. che eo. 133. 134. 135. 136. burg Ethnographical Museum. Ethnological Studies 9, 1939. pp 119-49. . “Some notes on the Mazatec.”’ Lecture before Sociedad Mexicana de Antropologia, Mexico, Aug 4 1938. Later published by Editorial Cultura, México, 1939. On the night of July 16-17 1938 the young anthropologist Jean Bassett Johnson, with three companions (Bernard Bevan, Irmgard Weitlaner, and Louise Lacaud), witnessed a mushroom ceremony in Huautla de Jiménez. They were the first white persons known to have had this experience, and in the two preceding entries Johnson gave his account of that event. Later he lost his life in the 1939-45 war, when the American forces landed in North Africa, in Nov 1942. R.G.W. Kosayasi, Yosuio. “Questions about fungi, from Wasson.” (In Japanese) An exchange of letters between Professor Kobayasi and R. Gordon Wasson. Nat Sci & Mus, Tokyo, Vol XXV, Nos 1-2, 1958, pp 41-43. LA Barre, Weston. “Native American beers.” Amer Anthrop, n.s. Vol 40, April-June 1938, p 234, ftn 37. ——.. “The Peyote cult.” Yale Pub Anthrop, No 19, 1938, p 7, appendix 3. Martinez, Maximino. Plantas Utiles de la Flora Mexicana. México: Ediciones Botas, 1959. See pp 564-566. MILLER, WALTER S. Cuentos Mixes. México: Instituto Nacional Indigenista, Biblioteca de Folklore Indigena, late 1956. See Pp 37-47, 218-220. In recording stories gathered among the Mixe Indians Miller reports two involving the Sacred Mushrooms. R.G.w. NELKEN-TERNER, ANTOINETTE. Les Champignons Hallucinogénes de Huautla de Jiménez. Ms. report submitted to Professor Javier Romero, Head of Departamento de Investigaciones, Instituto Nacional de Antro- pologia e Historia, Mexico City, July 2 1959. 11 pages. [ 52] 137. I4l. 142. 143. 144. 148. PérEz DE Barrapas, José. Plantas Magicas Americanas. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas Instituto ‘Bernardino de Sahagtin.’ 1957. See pp 234, 238, 267. . Pixe, Eunice V. Not Alone. Chicago: Moody Press, 1956. See pp 109-IT0. _ —-—. “Mazatec sexual impurity and Bible reading.” Practical Anthropology, Tarrytown, N. Y. Vol VII, No 2, March-April 1960, pp 49-33. ’ Practical Anthropology, Vol VI, No 4, July-Aug 1959, pp 145-150. .———, AND Frorence Cowan. “Mushroom ritual vs Christianity.” . ——_—.,, AND SARAH C. GUDSCHINSKY. See Entry 44. _ —__—. For letter to R. Gordon Wasson, see Entry 1, pp 242-5, and Entry 2, pp 47-8. These valiant women, who have lived for years among the Mazatecs, have made an invaluable contribution to our knowledge of the role of the Sacred Mushrooms in the lives of the Indians. R.G.w. Punaricu, ANDRA. “The mushroom in myth.” Bull Mycol Soc San Fran- cisco. Vol IX, No 12, 1959, pp 3-7. For other entries by this author see Entry 98 and sEC VII. R.G.W. Ramssottom, JoHN. Mushrooms & Toadstools. London: Collins, 1953. See pp 49-SI. Ravicz, Rosert. “La Mixteca en el estudio comparativo del hongo alucinante.”’ An Inst Nac Antrop Hist, Mexico. Vol 13, 1960 (1961), pp 73-92. An anthropological study of the role of the Sacred Mushrooms in one region of the Mixetca, based on observations made in 1960 in the company of R. Gordon Wasson. R.G.W. Rexo, Bras Pasxo. “Delos nombres botanicos Aztecos.” El México Antiguo, Vol I, No 5, Feb 1919, pp 113-157. See entry under nanacatl. . ———. Letter to J. N. Rose, U. S. National Museum. U. S. National Herbarium. Herbarium Sheet No 1745713, Washington, D. C., 1923. . ———. Mitobotdanica Zapoteca. Mexico: 1945. See pp 14, 44, 53, 95. —.“‘Nombres botanicos Chinantecos.” Boletin de la Sociedad Botanica de México, No 8, 1949, pp 9-20; see p 12. See Entry 1, p 238n. Reko was the modern precursor of all subsequent workers on the problem of the Sacred Mushrooms. An indefatigable field worker, his observations drew little attention at the time, but later they were fully recognized and his priority is now assured, R.G.W. Rexo, Vicror A. Magische Gifte. Stuttgart: Ferdinand Enke, 1936 (1938, 1949). See pp 123-132. [ 53] 149. 150. Ist. $2. 153. 1$4. 15S. SCHULTES, RicHARD Evans. ‘‘Peyote and plants used in the Peyote cere- mony.”’ Bot Mus Leafl uarv, Cambridge, Vol IV, No 8, April 12 1937, pp 136-137. . “Peyote (Lophophora Williamsi) and plants confused with it.” Bot Mus Leafl uarv, Cambridge, Vol V, No 5, Nov 19 1937, pp 69-73. . “The identification of Teonanacatl, a Narcotic Basidiomycete of the Aztecs.” Bot Mus Leafl Harv, Cambridge, Vol VII, No 3, Feb 21 1939, PP 37-54. This Leaflet drew considerable attention in scientific circles and laid the foundation for all subsequent serious work in the field. r.c.w. .“Teonanacatl, the narcotic mushroom of the Azetcs.”” Amer Anthrop, n.s., Vol 42, 1940, pp 429-443. See also J. B. Johnson’s comments thereon, PP 449-450. . Botany Attacks the Hallucinogens.” The Pharmaceutical Sciences: Pharmacognosy, Third Lecture Series, 1960, pp 169-185. . “From witch doctor to modern medicine: Our knowledge of New World narcotic plants, with special reference to the mushrooms.” Report on lecture give on March 21 1960, at the Boston Mycological Club, Waltham, Mass. Bull Boston mycol Cl, No 2, April 1960. . Tapping our heritage of ethnobotanical lore.” Paper presented on May 22 1960, at the Annual Symposium of the Society for Economic Botany, 1st Session. Econ Bot, Vol 14, No 4, Oct-Dec 1960 (Feb 1961), pp 257-262. . See Entry 354. . Sopt Morates, Demertrio. “Las plantas alucinantes Mexicanas.” El Universal, Mexico City, Oct 4 1959. . “Las investigaciones con plantas alucinantes Mexicanas.” Boletin del Centro de Investigaciones Antropoldgicas de México. No 7, May 1 1906, Mexico City, pp 14-18. . STRESSER-PEAN, GUY, AND ROGER HEIM. See Entry 14. » AND Rocer Heim. “Nouvelles récoltes d’ Agarics hallucinogénes en pays totonaque.” Rev mycol, Vol XXVI, Fasc 3, Sept 15 1961, pp 173-9. . T1n0N, Gutierre. “Gog Magog.” (Column) El Excelsior, Mexico City, Oct 22, Dec 3, 10, 17, 27, 31, 1956; Jan 8, 17, 19, 30, 1957; Jan 9, 16, 196. A brilliant journalist, Tibén reported accurately on our researches in Huautla without ever having met us, and his columns helped to precipitate the publication of our book, Entry 1. R.G.w. [54] 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. Vitra Rojas, ALronso. (Introductory Notes) Cuentos Mixes, by Walter S. Miller. Mexico: Instituto Nacional Indigenista, Biblioteca de Folklore Indigena, late 1956. pp 27-47. Reprinted as a feature article in Las Novedades, Mexico City, Sept 21 1957. Wasskn, S. Henry. “Fran de gamla aztekernas och moderna cunaindian- ernas medicinska varld.”’ Farm Revy, 1960 (1961), pp 132. Yu, Cuinc-janc. “Laughing mushroom.” (In Chinese) The Continent Maga- zine, Taipei, Vol XIX, No 8, Oct 31 1959, pp I-4. IV. MYCOLOGICAL For the basic papers on the mycological aspects of the hallucinogenic mush- rooms of Mexico see entries under Heim, Rocer, in secTION I of this bibliography. Ames, Rap W. “The influence of temperature on mycelial growth of Psilocybe, Panacolus, and Copelandia.” Mycopathol et Mycol Appl, Vol 9, Fasc 4, Sept 29 1958, pp 268-274. Guzman Huerta, Gaston. “El habitat de Psilocybe muliercula Singer & Smith (= Ps Wassonii Heim), Agaricdceo alucindgeno Mexicano.” Rev Soc Mex Hist Nat, Vol XIX, Nos 1-4, Dec 1958, pp 215-229. —. Estudio taxonémico y ecolégico de los hongos neurotrdépicos mexicanos. Instituto politécnico Nacional, Escuela Nacional de Ciencias Biolégicas, Mexico City, 1959. —. “‘Sinopsis de los conocimientos sobre los hongos alucinégenos mexicanos.” Boletin de la Sociedad Botanica de México, No 24, Nov 1959, pp 14-34. ~. ‘‘Nueva localidad de importancia etnomicoldégica de los hongos neurotrdépicos mexicanos (Necaxa, Pue., México). Ciencia, Mexico, Vol XX, Nos 3-4, June 10 1960, pp 85-88. ~. “Notas sobre algunos hongos superiores en el Valle de México.” Yoliliztli, Vol 1, No 1, Dec 1958, pp 6-12. . Herrera, TEGFILO. See Zenteno Z., Martha. . Hester, L. R. Mushrooms of the Great Smokies. University of Tennessee, Knoxville, Tenn, 1960. See pp 12-13. . SINGER, Ror. “The ‘Agaricales’ (mushrooms) in modern taxonomy.” University of Tucum4n, Argentina. Lilloa. Vol 22, 1949 (1951). 2nd ed, fully revised and enlarged, published in Aug 1962 by J. Cramer, Weinheim, [55 ] I7I. 173, 173. Germany. Both editions in English. 1st ed 832 pp; 2nd ed 915 pp plus plates and illus. In 1st ed see pp 472, 506, 507. In 2nd ed see Pp 543-4. In 1941 or thereabouts Dr. Singer, working over mushroom collections in the Farlow at Harvard, came upon a specimen that R. E. Schultes had brought back in 1938 from Huautla de Jiménez and that, according to Schultes’ field notes, the Maza- tec Indians had said was vision-producing. Dr. Singer correctly identified it and he was the first person to associate the genus Psilocybe with the Mexican sacred mush- rooms. His priority lies in this fungal identification in the Cambridge laboratory. Unfortunately his discovery proved to be stillborn. He did not disclose what he had found even to Dr. Schultes, who would have been intensely interested. He published nothing on the subject until about a decade had elapsed, when in the first edition of his work on the systematics of the Agaricales, more than 800 pages long, he dropped in casually two brief, enigmatic allusions, lost in the expanse of that vast work, to the use of Psilocybe sp. by Mexican Indians. He cited no source or authority. Those of us who later became interested in the identification of the species so used would have been helped by Dr. Singer’s discovery, had we known of it, and would have been delighted to give him full credit. When we published our book, some rs years had elapsed from the date of this identification. He had done nothing with it. We were ignorant of it. We owed him nothing. He revealed to me his prior identification of the mushroom specimen when we met him, on the one and only occasion, at Huautla de Jiménez and at the nearby airstrip, on Monday, July 15, 1957, during his hurried passage through an area that we had been studying for some years. By this time we had done much of our work and had brought out our book, here listed as Entry 1. It is understandable that the circumstances should have caused Dr. Singer disappointment, but I must disclaim responsibility for them. In the second edition of his Agaricales, on pp 43-4, Dr. Singer greatly expands his comment on the use and properties of these mushrooms. His cultural observations must be read with caution. He asserts that the Guatemala Indians use the mushrooms as a drug. Until our book came out in 1957 this had never been reported by any student of the indigenous cultures. Since our book appeared no one has reported from Guatemala the use of these mushrooms. In our book we advanced the bold surmise that there had once been a mushroom cult in Guatemala of which the symbols—the archeological artifacts known as “‘mushroom stones” and pottery “mushrooms” —are occasionally found today. According to our hypothesis, the ritu- alistic use had prevailed for centuries, even millennia, but had died out in the Maya country in Pre-Columbian times, for reasons unknown. The resolution of this problem hangs on evidence that is being slowly accumulated. That Dr. Singer should link the present-day Maya with the use of the Sacred Mushrooms shows how alien to him are the problems of Indian culture. He made a like assertion before, in the Bull of the Chicago Nat His Museum (see Entry 171), whereupon we drew his atten- tion by private communication to his error. He now persists 1n it. R.G.W. . “Sacred mushrooms inspire medical research.” Chicago Nat Hist Mus Bull, Dec 1957, p 7. ———,, AND ALEXANDER H. Situ. ‘“New species of Psilocybe.”” Mycologia. Vol 50, No 1, Jan-Feb 1958, pp 141-142. . “Mycological investigations on Teonanacatl, the Mexican hallu- cinogenic mushroom.” Part I: “The history of Teonandcatl, field work and [ 56] 174. 175. 176. E97. 179. 18o. 181. 182. culture work.” Part II, with Alexander H. Smith: “A taxonomic mono- graph of Psilocybe, section Caerulescentes.” Mycologia, Vol 50, No 2, March-April 1958, pp 239-261, 262-303. —. “Pilze, die Zerebralmyzetismen verursachen.” Schweiz Z Pilz, Vol 36, No 6, June 15 1958, pp 81-89. —, WITH ALEXANDER H. SmiTH AND G. GuZMAN Huerta. “A new species of Psathyrella.” Lloydia, Vol XXI, No 1, March 1958, pp 26-28. —, WITH S. I. STEIN, RALPH W. AMES, AND ALEXANDER H. SMITH. “Observations on agarics causing cerebral mycetisms.” Mycopathol et Mycol Appl, Vol 9, Fasc 4, Sept 29 1958, pp 261-284. —. “Fungi Mexicani, Series secunda . . . Agaricales.” Sydowia: Ann Mycol, Vol XII, 1958, Horn, Lower Austria, pp 221-243. See pp 234-243. -. “Hongos alucinédgenos.” Lecture delivered on Dec 4 1958. Bol Acad Nac Cienc, Cordoba, Argentina, Vol XLI, Dec 1959, pp 31-46. . SMITH, ALEXANDER H. See Entry 173, Part II; also Entries 172, 175 and 176. . ———-. For review of Entry 1, see Entry 355. ZENTENO Z., MARTHA, AND TEOFILO Herrera. “Hongos alucinantes de Mexico: Datos bibliogrdficos. Obtencién de Carpdforos de Psilocybe cubensis (Earle) Singer.” Anales inst biol, Vol XXIX, Nos 1-2, March 31 1959 (dated 1958), pp 49-72. V. CHEMICAL VI. PHARMACOLOGICAL VII. PSYCHOLOGICAL, PSYCHIATRIC, CLINICAL ALHADEFF, BENJAMIN WILSON. "Les effets psychotomimétiques du Délyside (LSD 25) et de l’Indocybine (Psilocybine) dans l’exploration clinique de la personalité.” Méd et Hyg, Geneva. Vol 20, No 548. May 9 1962. pp 392-3. [vit] ABRAMSON, HAROLD A., WITH A. ROLO, B. SKLAROFSKY, AND J. STACHE. “Production of cross-tolerance to psychosis-producing doses of lysergic acid diethylamide and psilocybin.” J Psychol, Vol 49, 1960, pp 151-154. [vu] BALESTRIERI, ANTONIO. “Studies on cross tolerance with LSD-25, UML- 491, and JB-336.” Psychopharmacologia, Vol 1, No 3, 1960, pp 257-259. [ vir] [57] 184. 185. 186. 187. 188. 190. Igt. 192. . Benepict, R. G., with L. R. Brapy anp V. E. Tyter, Jr. “Occurrence of psilocin in psilocybe baeocystis.” J pharm Sci, Vol 51, No 4, April 1962. pp 393-4. Lv] Bircuer, R. P. The present Status of Psychotomimetic Drugs, with Special Reference to LSD and Psilocybin. Unpublished paper prepared for Sandoz Inc, early 1960. [ vit] Brascuko, H., anp W. G. Levine. “Enzymic oxidation of psilocine and other hydroxyindoles.”” Biochem Pharmacol, Vol 3, 1960, pp 168-169. [v] , AND W. G. Levine. “A comparative study of hydroxyindole oxidases.”’ Brit J Pharmacol, Vol 15, No 4, Dec 1960, pp 625-633. [v] DE Boor, W. “Psilocybin eine neue psychotrope Substanz.”’ Desch med Wschr Vol 84, No 31, July 31 1959, pp 1392-1393. [v] BészorMENyYI, Z. “Psilocybin and Diethyltryptamine: Two Tryptamine Hallucinogens.” Neuro-Psychopharmacology, Vol 2. Proc 2nd International Congress of Neuro-Pharmacology, Basle, July 1960. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 1961. pp 226-9. [vii] . Brack, ArTHUR, “Rapport sur les expériences personnelles (auto-expéri- mentation) avec la psilocybine.” See Entry 2, pp 280-282. [ vir] , WITH R. BRUNNER AND H. Kose. “Mikrobiologische Hydroxy- lierungen an Mutterkornalkaloiden vom Clavin-Typus mit dem mexi- kanischen Rauschpilz Psilocybe semperviva Heim et Cailleux.” Helv chim acta, Vol 45, Fasc 1, Jan 1962, pp 276-281. [v] , WITH A. HOFMANN, F. KALBERER, H. KOBEL, AND J. RUTSCHMANN. “Tryptophan als biogenetische Vorstufe des Psilocybins.” Arch Phar, Vol 294/66 No 4, 1961, pp 230-234. [v] Brestaw, DanigL, “Mushrooms: A smudge on the wall is an object of limitless fascination, multiplying in size, complexity, color.” The Drug Experience: First-person accounts of addicts, writers, scientists and others, edited by David Ebin. New York: Orion Press, 1961. pp 325-350. — [vi] Buck, Rosert W. “Mushroom toxins—A brief review of the literature.” New Engl J] Med, Vol 265, No 14, Oct 5 1961, pp 681-686. [v, vit] . BuNAG, RusBen D., AND Epwarp J. WaLaAszEK. “Differential antagonism by bas-phenol of responses to the indolealkylamines.”” J Pharmacol, Vol 136, 1962, pp 59-67. [v1] . CAILLEUX, Rocer. “Trois essais d’ingestion avec les psilocybes hallu- cinogénes.” See Entry 2, pp 283-285. [ vit] [ 58] 194. 19$. 196. 197. 198. 199. 200. 201. 202. S02: . CerLETTI, Auretio. “Etude pharmacologique de la psilocybine.”’ See Entry 2, pp 268-271. [vi] ——. “Pharmacology of psilocybin’. Neuro-Psychopharmacology. Vol I. Proc ist International Congress of Neuro-Pharmacology, Rome, Sept 1958. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 1959, pp 291-294. [vi] ———. “Teonanacatl und Psilocybin.”” Dtsch med Wschr, Vol 84, No 52, Dec 25 1959, pp 2317-2321. [vi, vit] ——. “Psychotrope Drogen.”” Pharmazie, Vol 15, 1960, pp 666-667. [vi, vu] CHAUCHARD, P., AND H. MaAzovE. “Action de la psilocybine sur l’excitabilité des centres nerveux.” C R Soc Biol, Vol 155, 1961, pp 71-72. [vi] CHRISTIANSEN, ARNOLD, WITH RICARDA BAUM AND PETER N. WITT. “Changes in spider webs brought about by mescaline, psilocybin and an increase in body weight.” J Pharmacol, Vol 136, 1962, pp 31-37. [vi] Cots, J. O., AND R. W. Gerarp, Eds., Psychopharmacology: Problems in Evaluation. Proceedings of a conference on the evaluation of pharmaco- therapy in Mental Illness, Washington, D. C., 1956. Washington, National Academy of Sciences-National Research Council, 1959. National Research Council Publication 583. [vi, vil] Cristau, BERNARD. L’homme et les poisons. Monte-Carlo: Ed du Cap, Palais de la Scala. Nov 196r. 88 pp. See p 49. [ vit] Curtis, D. R., AND R. Davis. ““A central action of 5-hydroxytryptamine and noradrenaline.’ Nature, Lond, Vol 192, Dec 16 1961, pp 1083-4. [v1] —, AND R. Davis. “Pharmacological studies upon neurones of the lateral geniculate nucleus of the cat.” Brit J Pharmacol, Vol 18, No 2, April 1962, pp 217-246. [v1] Davip, Auretta E., AND JorcE M. 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Comparaison avec les monoéthylamide (LAE) et diéthylamide (LSD 25) de l’acide lysergique.” C R Soc Biol, Vol 153, Feb 28 1959, pp 244-248. [ vir] , WITH P. PicHot, TH. LEMPERIERE, P. NICOLAS-CHARLES, AND A.-M. Quétin. Part I: “Les effets somatiques de la psilocybine.” Part II: “Les effets psychiques de la psilocybine et les perspectives thérapeutiques.” Ann Méd- Psychol, Vol 117, No 5, May 1959, pp 891-899, 899-907. [vir] , witH P. PicHot, TH. LEMPERIERE, AND A.-M. Quérin. “Effet thérapeutique de la psilocybine sur une névrose convulsive.” Ann Méd Psychol, Vol 117, No 3, Oct 1959, pp 509-SI5S. [ vit] , wiTH P, Picuot AND Tu. Lemperiere. Part I: “La psilocybine: Historique. Pharmacophysiologie. Clinique.” Part II: “La psilocybine: Actions psychologique et thérapeutique.” Presse méd, Vol 67: 1959, No 47, Oct 10, pp 1731-1733; No 49, Oct 24, pp 1811-1813. Spanish version 1n Sinopsis Revista Médica, Vol 12, No §, Sept-Oct 1961, pp 11-16. [V, v1, vl , wiTH P. PicHot AND Tu. LEMPERIERE. ‘La psilocybine: Ses impli- cations thérapeutiques.” Sud méd chir, Vol 97, 1961, pp 9217, 9218, 9220, 9222, 9224. [ vit] ——., witH collaborators. Book on psilocybin. Paris. In preparation. [vu] DeLPHAUT, JEAN. Pharmacologie et Psychologie. Paris: Armand Colin, 1961. See especially pp 135-7. [v1, vu] Deysson, Guy. “Les champignons hallucinogénes et la psilocybine.” Prod pharm, Vol 15, Jan 1960, pp 27-29. Spanish translation published in Sinopsis Revista Médica, Vol 12, No 5, Sept-Oct 1961, pp 3-8 [v1, vu] Ducug, D. J. “Les effets de la psilocybine dans un cas d’hystérie.”” Sem Hép, Vol 37, Nov 8 1961, pp 3061-3062. [ vit] EsECOVER, HAROLD, WITH SIDNEY MALITZ AND BERNARD WILKENS. “Clinical profiles of paid normal subjects volunteering for hallucinogen drug studies.” Amer ] Psychiat, Vol 117, 1961, pp 910-915. [ vii] [ 60 | ars. 2106. pay 2 218: 216. 220. 221. 222. 223. 224. 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HOFMANN, ALBERT, WITH A. Frey, H. Ott, TH. PETRZILKA, AND F, TROXLER. “Détermination de la structure et synthése de la psilocybine.” See Entry 2, pp 263-267. [v] , Rocer Heim, ArTHurR Brack, AND Hans Kost. “Psilocybin, ein psychotroper Wirkstoff aus dem mexikanischen Rauschpilz Psilocybe mexicana Heim.” Experientia, Vol 14, No 3, March 1958, pp 107-109. (Reprinted in Rev Mycol, Vol XXUI, Fasc 1, April 15 1958, pp 114-118; and Nouv Observ ..., pp 17-21.) [v] . ‘Chemical aspects of psilocybin, the Psychotropic principle from the Mexican Fungus, Psilocybe mexicana Heim.” Neuro-Psychopharmacology. Vol I. Proc ist International Congress of Neuro-Pharmacology, Rome, Sept 1958. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 1959, pp 446-448. [v] , wiTH A. Frey, H. Orr, Tu. PerrzitKA, AND F. TRoxter. “Konsti- tutionsauf klirung und Synthese von Psilocybin.” Experientia, Vol 14, No 11, 1958, pp 397-401. [v] , WITH R. Heim, A. Brack, H. Koper, A. Frey, H. Orr, TH. PETRz- ILKA, AND F, TROX ER. ‘“Psilocybin und Psilocin, zwei psychotrope Wirks- toffe aus mexikanischen Rauschpilzen.” Helv chim acta, Vol 42, Fasc 5, 1959, pp 1557-1572. [v] . “Psychotomimetic drugs: Chemical and pharmacological aspects.” Acta physiol pharmacol neerl, Vol 8, 1959, pp 240-258. [vi] , AND F, Troxter. “‘Identifizierung von Psilocin.” Experientia, Vol 15, No 3, 1959, pp 101-104. [v] . ‘Die psychotropen Wirkstoffe der mexikanischen Zauberpilze.” A lecture delivered on Jan 14, in Bale and on June 24 1960 in Bern. Chimia, Vol 14, No 9, Sept 15 1960, pp 309-318. Also published in Verh naturf Ges Basel, Vol 71, No 2, Dec 1960, pp 239-256. [v, v1, vit] . ““Psychotomimetica. Chemische, Pharmakologische und Medizi- nische Aspekte: Ein Vebersicht.”’ Svensk kem Tidskr, Vol 72, No 12, 1960, PP 723-747. [v, vi, vu] . “Die Erforschung der mexikanischen Zauberpilze.” Schweiz Z Pilz, Vol 39, No 1, Jan 15 1961, pp I-10. 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Nott. “Attivita elettrica cerebrale spontanea € provocata sotto azione di alcuni principi allucinogeni di Psilocybe mexicana Heim (psilocina e psilobina)” Boll Soc med-chir Pavia, Vol 74, 1960, pp 813-826. [v1] SERCL, VON M., witH J. Kovarik AND O. Jaros. “Klinische Erfahrungen mit Psilocybin (Cy 39 Sandoz).” Psychiat et Neuro, Basel, Vol 142, No 3, 1961, pp 137-146. [ vir] SILVA, F., witH R. G. Heatu, T. Rarrerty, R. JOHNSON, AND W. Rosin- SON. “Comparative Effects of the Administration of Taraxein, d-LSD, Mescaline, and Psilocybin to Human Volunteers.” Comprehens Psychiat, Vol 1, 1960, pp 370-376. [ vi, vit] . SONGAR, AYHAN, AND BULENT EruTKu. “Les drogues dites psychoactives.” Istanbul Rev Chambre Med, October 1959, No 2, pp 2-17. [vit] . Stern, SAM I. An Unusual Effect from a Species of Psychoneurophysiolo- gically Significant Mexican Mushrooms, Psilocybe cubensis. June 1958. Paper circulated privately. [vit] This paper was substantially re-written when it appeared in print; see next Entry. ——. “An unusual effect from a species of Mexican mushrooms, Psilocybe cubensis.” Mycopathol et Mycol Appl, Vol 9, Fasc 4, Sept 29 1958, pp 263-267. [vir] ——. “Clinical observations on the effects of Panaeolus venenosus versus Psilocybe caerulescens Mushrooms.” Mycologia. Vol 51, No 1, Jan-Feb 1959, PP 49-SO. [vu] —-——. “Some Biochemical and Physiological Correlations Developed from Clinical Observations with Various Toxic Mushrooms and Medicinal Products.’ Paper read at Pennsylvania State University, Aug 31 1959. Circulated in Ms. [vu] ————, WITH GERHARD L. CLoss AND NoRMAN W. GaBEL. “‘Observations on psychoneurophysiologically significant mushrooms.” Mycopathol et Mycol Appl, Vol 11, Fasc 3, Oct 15 1959, pp 205-216. [vit] STEVENIN, L., AND J. C. Benoit. “A propos de l'utilisation des substances dysleptiques en psychothérapie, résultats favorables de séances répétées.”” Encéphale, Vol 49, No 5, 1960, pp 428-434. [vu] SUPNIEWSKI, J., AND H. Supntewska, “Hallucinogenic Mushrooms and their Chemical Components.” (In Polish) Postepy Hig Med dosw, Vol 13, May-June 1959, pp 265-282. [v, v1, vu] [ 67 2092. 293. 294. 205. 296. 297. 298. 299. 300. 301. 302. 303. Toscano, Acuitar. “Etude Auto-expérimentale avec Deux Drogues Psychodysleptiques LSD-25 et Psilocybine: Comparaison des Résultats.” Mémoire pour le titre d’Assistant étranger, Paris, 1959. [ vit] TROXLER, F., wiTH F. SEEMAN AND A. Hormann. © Abwandlungsprodukte von Psilocybin and Psilocin.”” Helv chim acta, Vol 42, Fasc 6, 1959, pp 2073- 2103. [v] TURNER, WILLIAM J., WITH SIDNEY Mer is. “Effect of some indolealkyla- mines on man.” A MA Arch Neurol Psychiat, Vol 81, Jan 1959, pp 121-129. [vu] Tyter, V. E., Jr. “Occurrence of serotonin in a hallucinogenic mushroom.” Science, Vol 128, May § 1958, p 718. [v] . “Phylogeny and Chemical Constituents.” Teachers’ Seminar on Pharmacognosy, August 1959. Held under the auspices of the American Association of Colleges of Pharmacy, at the College of Pharmacy, Univer- sity of Illinois, Chicago. Proceedings, Ed by: Frank A. Crane, pp 101-111. [v] , AND M. H. Matonke. ‘An investigation of the culture, constituents, and physiological activity of Panaeolus campanulatus.” J Amer Pharm Ass, (Sci Ed.), Vol 49, No 1, Jan 1960, pp 23-27. [v, vi] . “Indole derivatives in certain North American mushrooms.”’ Lloydia, Vol 24, No 2, June 1961, pp 71-74. [v] V[ernet], J. “Actions psychologique et thérapeutique de la psilocybine.”’ Meéd et Hyg, Vol 18, No 466, June 10 1960, p 420. [ vir] VormaT, R., AND R. Rosert. “Premiéres peintures obtenues chez un artiste sous l’action d’un nouvel hallucinogéne: La psilocybine.” Aesculape, Vol 43, May 1960, pp 27-38. [vu] , G. Rosorato, C. Wiart, AND R. Rosert. “Recherches expéri- mentales actuelles en esthétique.” Le Carabin, Dec 1960. Editions Arscia, Brussels, pp 81-90. With illustrations. [ vir] Watts, AtaNn E. The Joyous Cosmology: Adventures in the Chemistry of Consciousness. New York: Pantheon Books, 1962. [vit] A brilliant word-picture of the state of consciousness induced by psilocybin, LSD- 25, and mescaline. R.G.w. WEIDMANN, H., M. TAESCHLER, AND H. Konzert. “Zur Pharmakologie von Psilocybin, einem Wirkstoff aus Psilocybe mexicana Heim.” Experientia, Vol 14, No 10, 1958, pp 378-379. [vi] [ 68 | 304. 305. 306. 307. 308. 309. 310. att. 912. WeEIDMANN, H., AND A. Cervetti. “Zur Pharmakodynamischen Differen- zierung der 4-Oxyindolderivate Psilocybin und Psilocin im Vergleich mit s-Oxyindolkorpern (Serotonin, Bufotenin).” Helv physiol pharmacol Acta, Vol 17, Fasc 3, 1959, pp c46-c48. [ v1] ———.,, AND A. Cer eTTI. “Studies on Psilocybin and Related Compounds: I. Communication: Structure/activity relationship of Oxyindole-deriva- tives with regard to their effect on the knee jerk of spinal cats.” Helv physiol pharmacol Acta, Vol 18, 1960, pp 174-182. [v1] ——. “Zur Pharmakologie psychotroper Wirkstoffe.”” Schweiz Arch Tierheilkunde, Vol 103, 1961, p 191. [ v1] WILKINS, BERNARD, WITH SIDNEY MALITZ AND Haro_p Esecover. ‘‘Clinical observations of simultaneous hallucinogen administration in identical twins.” Amer J Psychiat, Vol 118, 1962, pp 815-818. [ vir] Wirt. Peter. “ “Tangled Web’ helps drug testing.” Med News, Vol 6, No 16, 1960, p 2. [ v1] ——.. ‘A Biological Test Method for Psychotropic Drugs Based on the Web-Building Behavior of Spiders.’’ National Medicinal Chemistry Symposium, 7th Session, Rhode Island, June 20-22, 1960. Ms. [vi] Worsacn, A. B., Jr., E. J. MINER AND Harris spect. “Comparison of Psilocin with Psilocybin, Mescalin, and LSD-25.” Psychopharmacologia, Vol 3, 1962, pp 219-223. [vi, vu] Woo .tey, D. W., AND N. K. CaMpsELL. “Serotonin-like and Antiserotonin Properties of Psilocybin and Psilocin.” Science. Vol 136. 1962. pp 777-778. [v, vi] ZSIGMOND, E. K., wiTH F. F. Fotpgs AND V. M. Fotpes. “The inhibitory effect of psilocybin and related compounds on human cholinesterases.” Fed Proc, Vol 20, Part I, 1961, p 392. [vi] VIII. PARAPSY CHOLOGICAL Books 313. PunaricH, ANDRA. The Sacred Mushroom. New York: Doubleday. Jan 22 1959. Also in London: Gollancz. 1959. 314. —-——. Beyond Telepathy. New York: Doubleday. April 1962. [ 69 | 315. 317. 318. 319. 320. 232. 323. 324. IX. CASES OF ACCIDENTAL INGESTION OF HALLUCINOGENIC MUSHROOMS Barrows, Cuar es. ‘Description of Narcotic Effect of Stropharia cubensis Earle.” Unpublished notes of an experience of the author, in the files of R. Gordon Wasson. . Cuarters, A. D. “Mushroom poisoning in Kenya.” Trans roy Soc trop Med Hyg, Vol 51, No 3, May 1957, pp 265-270. Account of two cases of Stropharia poisoning in Kenya, pp 269-70. R.G.W. CuLiinan, E. R., wirh DuLcreE HENRY AND R. W. RAYNER. “Fungus Poisoning in the Nairobi District.” E Afr med J, Vol 22, Aug 1945, pp 252- 254. Douctass, BEAMAN. “Mushroom poisoning.” Torreya, Vol 17, No 10, Oct 1917, pp 171-5. See also L.C.C. Krieger, “Notes on the reputed poison- ous properties of Coprinus Comatus.” Mycologia, Vol 3, 1911, pp 200-2. Gtrn, G. “A case proving the deleterious effects of the Agaricus Campan- ulatus, which was mistaken for the Agaricus Campestris, or Champignon.” Lond med and physi J. Vol 36, 1816. pp 451-3. The author cites a previous case with similar symptoms that had appeared in Gentleman’s Magazine, Aug 1815. . Matsuda, Ichiro. See Entry 258. VerRILL, A. E. “A recent case of mushroom intoxication.” Science, n.s., Vol 40, No 1029, Sept 18 1914, pp 408-410. . Wasson, R. Gornon. See Entry 47 for three case histories not reported elsewhere. X. BOOK REVIEWS . Audubon Magazine. Unsigned. Vol LIX, No 4, July-August 1957, p 188. Review of Entry 1. Barnouw, Victor. J Amer Soc Psych Res, Vol 51, No 4, Oct 1957, pp 153-158. Review of Entry 1. . Becker, GeorcEs. “Une visite peu ordinaire.”” Musée du Chateau, Montbél- iard, France. Bull Soc Hist nat Pays Montbéliard, 1959-1960, pp 58-59. . ‘Un livre extraordinaire.” Rev mycol: Supplément, Chronique de amateur, Vol XXII, Fasc 2, Sept 15 1957, pp 241-246. Reprinted in Les Champignons et Nous, Rev mycol, Mémoire hors-série, No 7, June 1 1959, pp 76-81. Review of Entry r. [ 70 325. 326. 327. 328. 329. 330. als 332. 333. . ——. XIX Siglos despues . . . El Dioscérides Renovado. Plantas Medicinales. 337. 338. 339. ——."Un livre sans exemple.”” Rev mycol: Tribune libre, Vol XXIV, Fasc 3, Sept 15 1959, pp 264-267; also published in Science et Nature, No 34, July-August 1959, p 39. Review of Entry 1. ———. “60,000 Champignons.” Rev mycol: Supplément, Chronique de amateur, Vol XXIII, Fasc 4, Dec 31 1958, pp 415-418. M. Becker replies to Alexander H. Smith’s criticism of Entry 1. R.G.w. Bir, Paut. “There’s more to a mushroom than meets the eye.” N Y Times Book Review, July 14 1957. Review of Entry 1. Borst, A. “Champignons et psychisme.” Bull Soc de Bot du Nord de la France, Vol XIII, No 1, Jan-Feb-March 1960, pp 17-29. Review of Entry 1. Boyp, WiLt1aM C. Amer Anthrop, Vol 60, Feb 1958, pp 213-215. Review of Entry I. Dennis, R. W. G. Kew Bull, No 3, 1957, pp 392-394. Review of Entry 1. FauveL, CAMILLE. “A propos de la chronique de G. Becker: sur l’ouvrage mycologique de Mrs et Mr Wasson.” Rev mycol: La Chronique anecdo- tique, Vol XXIII, Fasc 1, April 15 1958, pp 149-153. A commentary inspired by Alexander H. Smith’s strictures on the Wassons’ book, Entry 1. R.G.w. Font Quer, P. “Una historia de hongos.” Coll Bot Barcinone, Vol s (II), . No 31, 1958, pp 659-670. Review of Entry 1. ——. Coll Bot Barcinone, Vol 5 (II), 1958, pp 890-892. Review of Entry 1. Introduction, pp LII. et seq. and LXVI et seq. Editorial Labor, Barcelona. 1962. . HALL, EvizasetH C. Herbarist, No 25, 1959, p 65. Review of Entry 1. . HeiM, Rocer. See Entry 27. . IMazexi, Roxuya. Trans Myc Soc Japan, Vol 1, No 5, Oct 10 1957, pp 11-15. (In Japanese) Review of Entry 41. Kosayasi, Yosio. (In Japanese) J Jap Bot, Vol XXXII, No 10, Oct 1957 Pp 319-320. Leuner, H. ““A magic mushroom unmasked.” Sandoz 1886-1961, Jubilee Volume, Basel, 1961, pp 44-49. Review of Entries 1 and 2. Lévi-Strauss, CLAupE. “Dis-moi quels champignons.” L’Express, Paris, April 10 1958, p 17. Review of Entry 1. [71] 340. 341. 342. 343. 344. 345- 346. 347. 348. 349. 350. 351. 3§2. 353- 354- Llot], F[ERNAND]. Figaro Littéraire, Paris, May 16 1959. Review of Entry 1. Macuek, VActar. C C H mykol Shorn, Vol 37, Prague, 1960, pp 30-34, 63-67, 105-108, 149-154. Review of Entry 1. . Zeitschrift fiir slavische Philologie, Vol XXVIII, No 1, 1959, pp 213- 217. Review of Entry 1. Mansart, Puiippe, “Apport des Aztéques a la psychiatrie: Le champignon Teonanacatl.” Tele Magazine. Vol 5, No 169. Jan 18-24 1959, p 4I. [Marques, Luiz]. “The mighty mushroom,” by ‘J. B. Dominick.’ Anglo- Portuguese News, Lisbon, June 29 1957, pp 8-9. . “Again the mighty mushroom,” by ‘J. B. D.’ Anglo-Portuguese News, Lisbon, Aug 22 1959, p 8. Review of Entries 2, 47, and 48. MORGENSTIERNE, GEORGE. © ‘Mushroom’ and ‘Toadstool’ in Indo-Iranian.” Blulletin of | S[ociety of | O[riental and] A| frican] S|tudies], Vol XX, pp 451-7. 1957. Review of Entry 1. Muencu, Eucenr V. Names, Journal of the American Name Society, Vol VI, No 3, Sept 1958, pp 188-189. Review of Entry t. New Yorker. “Talk of the Town: Mycophile.” May 18 1957, pp 25-27. Also, “Talk of the Town: Aristocrats’ Purveyor.”” New Yorker, July 27 1957, pp 21-22. Ostoya, Paut. “Les champignons hallucinogénes du Mexique.” Nature, Paris, No 3272. Dec 1957. pp 483-486. Potyver, Max. “Le culte étrange du Champignon Sorcier.”” Géographia. No 126, March 1962, St. Quen, pp 52-60. Rocers, Donatp P. Mycologia, Vol 50, No 1 Jan-Feb 1958, pp 147-148. Review of Entry 1. Rousseaux, ANDRE. “A propos du livre de Roger Heim et R. Gordon Wasson: Les champignons hallucinogénes du Mexique.”’ Figaro Littéraire, Paris, Oct 24 1959. Translated into Spanish, “Los hongos alucinantes de México.” Las Novedades, Mexico City, Dec 6 1959. Review of Entry 2. Ruet, Givpert. “A propos de champignons magiques.’” La Suisse, No 335, Dec I 1957. ScHULTES, RicHarD Evans. Nat Hist, N. Y., Vol 67, No 1, Jan 1958, pp 4-5, 46-49. Review of Entry t. [72 | 355. 356. 357- 358. 359. 360. 361. 362. SMITH, ALEXANDER H. Mycologia, Vol 50, No 3, May-June 1958, pp 449- 452. Review of Entry 1. The American mycologist in this review criticized sharply the Wassons and incidentally his confrére Roger Heim for certain alleged inaccuracies in Mushrooms Russia& History, alleged inaccuracies that had no bearing on their general argument. We decided to ignore what we considered his untoward remarks, but in France they aroused lively comment and inspired three replies showing, in my opinion, that Dr. Smith had himself been largely mistaken in his strictures: see Entries 27, 326, and 331. R.G.W. SmyTuiEs, J. R. “Fungus and Foresight.” Review of The Sacred Mushroom, by Andrija Puharich. Sunday Times, London, March 13 1960. SNELL, WALTER H. Mycologia, Vol 52, No 1, Jan-Feb 1960, pp 169-170. Review of Entry 2. Times Literary Supplement. “In a cellar growing dankly.” London, Dec 19 1958. Review of Entry 1. See letter of comment on this review from R.G.W. in TLS, Feb 27 1959. R.G.W. Voet, Evon Z. Amer Antig, Vol 24, No 1, July 1958, pp 85-86. Review of Entry 1. [Wuite, G. M.] Psychiat Quart, Vol 31, No 4, Oct 1957, pp 781-782. Review of Entry 1. Witson, EDMUND. “Mushrooms, Russia and the Wassons.” The Nation, New York, Nov 16 1957, pp 364-370. Review of Entry 1. WriGLey, GLtapys M. Geogr Revr, Vol 48, No 1, Jan 1958, pp 142-143. Review of Entry 1. [73] ~s BOTANICAL MUSEUM LEAFLETS HARVARD UNIVERSITY CamsripGe, Massacnusetts, DecemBer 28, 1962 VoL. ANEW SPECIES OF SALVIA FROM MEXICO BY CarL Eruinc’ anp Carwos D. Jatriva-M.' In the course of his studies of narcotic plants in southern Mexico, Mr. R. Gordon Wasson became interested in a member of the Labiatae which is employed by the Maza- tec Indians of Oaxaca as a psychotropic drug. An examination of material from the Mazatec country indicates that the plant in question is an undescribed species of Salvia: Salvia divinorum (Dusenostachys) pling & Jativa sp. NOv. Herba perennis altitudine 1 m. et ultra, caulibus pilis plus minusve articulatis pubescentibus: foliorum laminis plus minusve ovatis, 12-15 em. longis, in apice acumina- tis, in basi plus minusve rotundatis et ad petiolos 2-8 cm. longis attenuatis, ad margines crenato-serratis et in sini- bus hirtellis, paginis ambabus glabratis nisi inferiore ad venas hirtella; floribus in verticillastris sat distantibus ut videtur in paniculis amplis, ramis 80-40 cm. longis cyaneo- puberulis; pedicellis gracilibus 8-9 mm. longis; calycum cyaneorum glabrorum tubo in maturitate 15 mm. lon- gorum labia superiore 1.5 mm. longa, imprimis 8-venia; corollarum cyanearum sigmoidearum tubo 22 mm. longo, ‘Herbarium, Department of Botany, University of California, Los Angeles, California. intus nudo, labia superiore 6 mm. alta, inferiore ut vide- tur breviore et incurva; staminibus ad fauces positis, in- clusis, gubernaculo integro; stylo hirtello, ramo postico paulo longiore obtuso plano, antico ut videtur carinato. Mexico, Estado de Oaxaco. San José Tenango, in the Sierra Maza- teca; in ravines with black soil marginal to the wet forest. September 8, 1962, 4. Hofmann & R. G. Wasson s.n. (Type in Herb. Univ. Cal., os Angeles; Dupuicate tyre in Keon. Herb. Oakes Ames). Los Angeles; D kK Salvia divinorum is allied to S. cyanea Lamb. ex Benth., which is found in central Mexico. The former differs from the latter principally in respect to leaf shape (the attenuation of the blade) and the flattened upper style branch. The bracts of Salvia divinorum appear to be tardily deciduous. The species is doubtless striking in its habitat and might possibly be valuable if introduced into horticulture. The specific name, which means ‘‘of the seers, ’” refers to the curious use to which the plant is put by the Maza- tec Indians and which Mr. Wasson describes in the fol- lowing pages. [ 76 ] A NEW MEXICAN PSYCHOTROPIC DRUG FROM THE MINT FAMILY’? BY R. Gorpon Wasson* For a number of years we have been exploring the high- lands of southern Mexico in a study of the role played by hallucinogenic mushrooms in the religious life of the Indians. We began by visiting the Sierra Mazateca in 19538, in the northernmost part of the state of Oaxaca, returning there in 1955 and every year thereafter through 1962. At anearly date we learned of a psychotropic plant that the Mazatecs consume when mushrooms are not available. But as we and our collaborator Roger Heim were concentrating on the difficult task of locating and identifying the various species of hallucinogenic mush- rooms, we had to neglect for some time this plant that the Indians employ as a less desirable substitute. In 1960 and 1961, we brought back specimens and submitted them for determination to Schultes and to Epling. All of the specimens available proved to be unsatisfactory for specific identification. Finally, in September and October of 1962, satisfactory herbarium material reached us, when we were in San José ‘Tenango, on which Dr. Epling could base his specific description. ‘Tenango, at 'Submitted for publication October 24, 1962. * Research Fellow, Botanical Museum of Harvard University. pve about 1200 meters altitude, is close to and above the tierra caliente of Vera Cruz. We now identify a species of Salvia new to botanists, S. divinorum Epling & Jativa, as a psychotropic drug used traditionally by the Mazatec Indians of Oaxaca, Mexico, in their divination rites. To the ever growing family of Mexican phantastica a new member is thus added, and for the first time a species of the Labiatae joins this interesting group. The plant is familiar to virtually all Mazatecs. In Huautla de Jiménez (1800 meters) we saw two or three plants growing, and a specimen taken to Mexico City 1s still alive there in the open air; but these plants do not flower. We have never seen the seeds, and no Indian has been able to tell us about them. The plant is reproduced vegetatively from a shoot stuck into the ground. It re- quires black soil, rather than clay, and for the plant to prosper moisture must be steady. Many, perhaps most, Mazatec families possess a private supply of the plants, but almost invariably they are not near the home nor near trails where passers-by might see them. We were on the watch for Sa/via divinorum as we criss-crossed the Sierra Mazateca on horseback in September and October of 1962, but never once did we see it. The Indians choose some remote ravine for the planting of it and they are loath to reveal the spots. No Indian in San José ‘Tenango was willing to take us to the plants whence they brought back specimens to us. Salvia divinorum seems to be a cultigen; whether it occurs in a wild state (except for plants that have been abandoned or have escaped) we do not know, In former times the proprietors of Jand paid no atten- tion to growths of hallucinogenic mushrooms and Salvia divinorum; but in the last four or five years the market for the mushrooms and the possibility of a market for = [ 78 | L the Salvia have made them conscious of a potential value here. Several episodes have recently taken place in the vicinity of Huautla in which the owner has enforced his right to the plants. The Mazatecs who speak Spanish refer to Salvia divino- rum as hojas de la Pastora, or hajas de Maria Pastora (“‘leaves of the Shepherdess’’ or ‘‘leaves of Mary the Shepherdess’’), and this is also the translation of the name in Mazatec’*: ska*t Pastora. The Mazatec name is curious. In Christian tradition the Virgin Mary is not thought of as a shepherdess. Is the ‘‘Pastora’’ concept a survival of the pre-Christian dueno de los animales, ‘‘the Lord of the animals,’’ that figures large in the folk tradition of the Middle Ameri- can Indians? A pagan association would thus be sancti- fied by the addition of the Virgin’s name. Salvia divinorum is, in the minds of the Mazatecs, only the most important of several plants, all Labiatae, that they regard as members of the same ‘‘family.’’ Salvia divinorum is known as la hembra, ‘‘the female.’’ H/ macho, or “‘the male,’’ is Coleus pumila, of Kuropean origin. Then there is e/ nene, ‘‘the child,’’ and el ahzjado, ‘“*the godson,’’ which are both forms of Coleus Blumei. Some Indians insist that these others are likewise psycho- tropic, but we have not tried them; others say these are merely medicinal. We have found no reference to the use of the leaves of Salvia divinorum in the 16th and 17th Century writers. We have found only two passages that may re- fer to them in modern writers. Dr. Blas Pablo Reko, a pioneer in Mexican ethnobotanical field work, discussing the hallucinogenic mushrooms, adds (Mitobotdnica zapo- * The superscript digit indicates the tone of the syllable, which is the lowest of four tones in Mazatec. [ 79 | teca, Mexico, 1945, p. 17) a sentence that, translated, says: We cannot fai] to mention here another magic plant whose leaves produce visions and which the Cuicatees and Mazatecs (in the districts of Cuicatlin and Teotitlin) call “divination leaf.’’ The loose leaves that I have received do not permit their scientific identification. This refers probably to the Salvia divinorum of the Mazatecs. There is a longer reference in a paper by Ing. Robert J. Weitlaner (‘‘Curaciones Mazatecas’’ in An. Inst. Nac. Anthrop. Hist. 4, No. 82 (1952) 283). While Weitlaner was in QOjitlin, a Chinantec village, he en- countered a native of Jalapa de Diaz, a neighboring Mazatec town, who told him of the use among his fellow- townsmen of a plant known as Yerba de Maria. This informant’s account, in a shortened paraphrased transla- tion, follows: Yerba Maria resembles somewhat the yerba mora, but it has slightly wider leaves. Only the leaves are used, putting them in water. First the leaves are rubbed together in the hands, the water is not boiled, and they are used for very specific purposes. When the curandero goes to the forest in search of this plant, before cutting it he must kneel and pray to it. They are not witch-doctors; but the leaves are cut only when they are needed, after praying. For example, if someone is suffering from a sickness, and the doc- tors do not know what is the matter, then with this plant they divine the disease. The curandero who brings the leaves first asks the sick person if he is addicted to taking alcohol, because, when a man does not take alcohol, fifty leaves are prescribed; when he takes alcohol, then 100 leaves are prescribed. The sick person drinks the water in which the leaves have been rubbed. At midnight, the curandero goes with him and another person to a place where there is no noise, as for example an isolated house, where the patient takes the potion. They wait 15 minutes for the drug to take effect, and the patient him- self begins to state the kind of sickness from which he suffers. The patient finds himself in a semi-delirious state, he speaks as in a trance, and the others listen attentively to what he says. He shakes his clothes, as though with the aid of the plant he would free himself from the little beasties | presumed cause, in the Indian mind, of the illness |. At dawn the curandero bathes the patient with the water of which he has drunk, and thereupon the patient is cured. [ 80 ] People say that with this bath goes away the drunken state pro- duced by the plant that the patient has taken. When it is a question of a theft, or a thing lost, the curandero lis- tens to what is said by the man who has taken the plant, and thus the facts are disclosed. There is in Jalapa de Diaz an individual named Felipe Miranda, who every three or six months goes to the mountains to gather the plant. He makes wonderful cures and finds himself in a good economic situation. They say he cultivates and tends to the plant, but he does not reveal the kind of plant that it is. The identification of Salvia divinorum is long over- due. The plant is present the whole year round, and the Mazatecs do not hesitate to discuss it, since they are much less inhibited with respect to this plant than they used to be when talking about the sacred mushrooms. In recent years Huautla has changed greatly, the highway having reached there in 1958-9 and the new-born traffic in the psychotropic mushrooms having its focus there. Among the visitors to Huautla there have been a num- ber of botanists and mycologists. In Mexico City the hqjas de la Pastora are a frequent theme of discussion in botanical circles. It is hard to understand how the plant has avoided classification until now. So far as our information goes, the area of diffusion of the hqjas de la Pastora is confined to the Mazatec coun- try and possibly the immediately contiguous Cuicatec and Chinantec areas. But it may well be known and used elsewhere. We shall await with curiosity the reports of informants from other regions following the publication of this article. Ololiuqui (Rivea corymbosa (L.) Hallier filius) is known among the Mazatecs, but they seem to prefer for divinition the hajas de la Pastora to the semilla de la Flor dela Virgen, ‘‘seed of the Flower of the Vir- gin,’’ as the Mazatecs call ololiuqui. On Wednesday, July 12, 1961, I ate the ‘‘hojas de la Pastora’’ and experienced their effects. I was in Ayautla, [ 81 ] stopping in the home of Dona Donata Sosa de Garcia. She introduced me to a number of cwranderas: Augus- tina Borja, Clementina Unda, Maria Sebastiana Carrera, and Sara Unda de la Hoz. On the evening of that day, the first two came to the house shortly before 11 o’clock, and Augustina Borja performed the ceremony in a large spare room. Those present were Irmgard Weitlaner Johnson, my daughter Mary X. Britten (‘Masha’), Dona Donata, and her daughter Consuelo (‘Chelo’). Augustina Borja was the daughter of a curandero who had died about ten years before. Her own daughters often accompany her on her healing visits and are themselves budding curanderas. On the evening that we spent with her, she came along with Clementina Unda. They were careful to orient themselves to the east as they set the stage for the ceremony. In the Mazatec country the rites are always so oriented or as near as possible in that direction; never to the west, which is considered sinister. Augustina was performing —she took mushrooms, rather than the /qjas; these I had requested especially, as I had never taken them. Both mushrooms and leaves are counted in pairs. The leaves are paired off, care being exercised to assemble leaves that are flawless, without parasitic growths. In preparation for the ceremony, the leaves are placed on top of each other, each pair being face to face. It is cus- tomary forthe Indians to consume the leaves by nibbling at the dose with their incisor teeth. This proved to be impossible for me, owing to the taste; and I was treated as a toothless person. There being no metate (stone grinding board) handy, Augustina squeezed the leaves with her hands and collected the juice in a glass. This was certainly an inefficient method. Some water was added. I drank the dark fluid, about half a glass full, the result of squeezing 34 pairs or 68 leaves in all. I was told [ 82 ] that frequently Indians vomit on eating the leaves, which is easy to believe. It was possible for me, however, to retain the fluid. After having eaten her mushrooms, without more ado our cwrandera launched into singing, intoning in Maza- tec with vigor. She kept this up for two hours, in a rather monotonous voice. I tape-recorded her singing but have yet to find someone who will give a rendering in Knglish or Spanish. The effect of the leaves came sooner than would have been the case with the mushrooms, was less sweeping, and lasted a shorter time. There was not the slightest doubt about the effect, but it did not go beyond the ini- tial effect of the mushrooms—dancing colors in elaborate, three-dimensional designs. Whether a larger dose would have produced a greater effect, I do not know. A day or two before the events that I have narrated, the curandera Maria Sebastiana Carrera had supplied us with many details about the use of the leaves and had even chanted the words of the ceremony after her usage. She had declined to admit us to an actual ceremony be- cause her neighbors (and doubtless she herself) would have considered the performance before outsiders a dese- cration and scandalous. Even as it was, when her session with us was drawing to a close, she burst into uncontrol- lable tears, fell on her knees, and begged forgiveness for what she had done. She had also given us valuable cos- mological legends that are still believed in among the villagers, which I hope to publish elsewhere. On October 9, 1962, our party was in San José Tenan- go. This time it consisted of Dr. Albert Hofmann, his wife Anita, Irmgard Weitlaner Johnson, Herlinda Mar- tinez Cid (who served as Mazatec interpreter), and me. Through the good offices of Roberto Carrera, the son of Aurelio Carrera of Huautla, we were introduced to Con- [ 83 | suelo Garcia, about 35 years old, a vigorous, good-looking curandera, who that night performed for us a divinatory rite. She used only the leaves, not mushrooms. She ground them on her metate, after passing them through the smoke of copal, and she did a thorough job of it. Water is added to the mass that comes off the metate, the whole is put through a strainer, and then we drank the liquor. I took the juice of five pair and Mrs. Hofmann of three pair. We both felt the effects, which were as I described them in the ceremony in Ayautla the year before. It would seem, in summary, that we are on the thresh- old of the discovery of a complex of psychotropic plants in the Labiatae or Mint Family. We know that Salvia divinorum is so employed in the Sierra Mazateca, and Coleus pumila and two ‘‘forms’’ of C. Blumei are said by some of the Indians to be similarly used. [ 84 ] RESIA — A NEW GENUS OF GESNERIACEAE BY Haroutp E. Moore, Jr.' SEVERAL years ago, Dr. Richard Evans Schultes sent two collections of a gesneriaceous plant from Colombia for study in conjunction with material then on loan from the Gray Herbarium. The specimens were annotated with a manuscript name, but comparison suggested that they belonged in a genus other than that to which they were tentatively attributed and a genus related probably to Napeanthus. Thanks to the kindness of Mr. C. V. Morton, additional Colombian collections from the United States National Herbarium have been made available for study. ‘The recent paper by Leeuwenberg on Gesneriaceae of Guiana (Acta Botanica Neerlandica 7 (1958) 291-444), with its revision of Napeanthus, stimulated a fresh study of the materials mentioned above. Closer study showed them to be representatives of a new monotypic genus which is here proposed with the name Resia, adopting the initials of Dr. Schultes for the generic epithet. The specific epithet nzmbicola was that suggested by Schultes and Idrobo. Anetanthus, Cremosperma, Klugia, Lembocarpus and Napeanthus are the only American genera of Cyrtan- 'L. H. Bailey Hortorium, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York. [ 85 ] droideae thus far described with capsular fruits (fruit unknown in Pterobesleria, which has a distinctive calyx) and an annular disk (or the disk lacking). Alugia is abundantly distinct in its racemose inflorescence, strong- ly bilabiate flowers, alternate leaves and succulent her- baceous habit; Anetanthus differs in its presumed scaly rhizomes, habit and septicidal capsule: Cremosperma has a tubular, 10-ribbed calyx and irregularly rupturing cap- sule as well as different leaves; Lembocarpus differs in having a small tuber, palmately nerved leaves, nearly campanulate corolla and non-confluent locules in the an- thers. Napeanthus, however, appears to be more closely related to Resta. ‘(the two genera share several charac- ters: habit, leaf shape, anthers with confluent cells, thickened and conspicuously nerved calyx in fruit, bi- valved loculicidal capsule. There are, however, differ- ences so marked that to include Resia within the limits of Napeanthus, now a relatively homogeneous group as defined by Leeuwenberg, would drastically alter its ho- mogeneity. The two may be separated as follows: Resta NAPEANTHUS Inflorescence ebracteate Inflorescence bracteate when several-flowered Sepals distinct Sepals united up to half their length Corolla vestite, yellow, the tube Corolla glabrous or nearly so, white cylindric and longer than the or lilac with or without white at the calyx base, campanulate, cup-shaped or rotate, the tube shorter than the calyx Stamens with filaments adnate Stamens inserted at the base of the to the corolla-tube below, be- corolla, the filaments straight coming free about the middle and geniculate above Anthers coherent in a square Anthers distinct Disk prominent, annular Disk absent Ovary vestite Ovary glabrous Capsule laterally compressed Capsule not compressed (?) [ 86 | It was at first suggested that the species here described belonged to one of the genera of Columneae. That tribe as now constituted is rather well and uniformly charac- terized by the disk of discrete glands. here are super- ficial resemblances between Resia and some Columneae, perhaps more to the recently described T'ylosperma from the slopes of Mt. Duida in the Guiana highlands than to any other. Despite these similarities, 7'ylosperma is distinct in the structure of its inflorescence, in its disk of one large and four small discrete glands and in its pus- tulate seeds. Resia H. i. Moore gen. nov. {Gesneriaceae—Cyrtan- droideae |. Plantae perennes, suffruticosae, caulescentes, radicibus tibrosis foliis brevipetiolatis congestis. Cymae axillares pedunculatae, floribus luteis pluribus. Corollae tubus cy- lindricus, limbo quinquelobato bilabiato. Stamina 4 fila- mentis inferne ad tubum adnatis superne liberis, genicu- latis, antheris coherentibus, loculis confluentibus. Discus annulatus. Ovarium superius, vestitum. Capsulain calyce ineclusa, bivalvata, lateraliter compressa, vestita, semini- bus striatis, granulosis. Terrestrial perennial sub-shrubs with fibrous roots and short to elongate, sometimes branched woody stems. Leaves subsessile or shortly petiolate, congested in a terminal crown. Inflorescence cymose, axillary, pedun- culate, ebracteate. Flowers zygomorphic, calyx of 5 dis- tinct sepals inconspicuously nerved in flower, thickened and conspicuously 5—7-nerved in fruit, corolla tubular with bilabiate limb of 5 spreading lobes, acute upper 2 lobes shorter than rounded lower 3. Stamens 4, filaments adnate to the corolla-tube to middle, then free, glabrous, geniculate, with anthers coherent in a square by their tips, cells of each anther confluent and dehiscing longi- [ 87 | tudinally, staminode 1. Disk prominent, annular. Ovary superior, laterally compressed, densely pilose, ovoid, with branched placentas ovuliferous on both surfaces, style elongate, stigma briefly bilobed-stomatomorphic. Fruit a laterally compressed loculicidal capsule shorter than calyx with 2 apiculate pilose valves and minute brown granular-striate seeds. Resia nimbicola H. EF. Moore sp. nov. Folia cuneato-oblanceolata, acuta, 5-81.5 cm. longa. Corollae tubus 7-11 mm. longus, extus pilosus, lobis su- e perioribus 1.5-4 mm. longis, inferioribus 8-5 mm. longis. Fructus valvae 2.5 mm. longae. Stems to 20 cm. long or more, 10-18 mm. thick, with corky pale bark. Leaves cuneate-oblanceolate, acute, petiole brown-villous, 2-12 mm. long, blades drying papyraceous, 5—-31.5 cm. long, 1.2—5.6 em. wide, green and glabrous above, paler and densely pale or rufous- appressed-pilose or villous below, especially along promi- nent mid-nerve and 15-50 lateral nerves and pilose to hispidulous on prominently reticulate secondary nerves, margin serrulate to serrate. Inflorescences shorter than leaves, slender peduncles rufous-villous, to 12.5 em. long, flowers to 16 in an irregularly cymose arrangement. Pedi- cels 8-20 mm. long, or, in fruit, to 25 mm. long and thickened apically, sparsely to very densely rufous-villous or more rarely merely pilose and sometimes glandular. Sepals lanceolate-acuminate, 5-8 mm. long, 1 mm. wide at anthesis, becoming 7-14 mm. long in fruit, 3 nerves slender at anthesis, becoming much thickened and usu- ally branched to 5 or 7 in fruit, these thickened nerves persisting as skeletonized remains in age, surface hispidu- lous and densely rufous-villous at least along mid-nerve. Corolla-tube 7-11 mm. long at anthesis, pilose toward limb outside, glabrous within, limb pilose outside and [ 88 | PuaTeE [X eee f Sth Jos aN, ST ARN SR | v ae ea A ue Wes ie y: Resta nimprcota H. E. Moore. a, habit <4. b, leaves and inflorescence <4 with portion of undersurface of leaf 5. c, inflorescence (diagrammatic). d, flower <3. e, flower in vertical section <5. f, calyx 3 with portion of sepal in fruit <5. g,anthers X10. h, dise and pistil 4. i, ovary in cross section <24. j, ovule X40. k, capsule (sepal removed) 3. 1, seed X42. All from Idrobo & Schultes 1082, except fruiting sepal in f from Kéie 4602. ciliolate with 2 acute upper lobes 1.5-4 mm. long and broad, 3 rounded lower lobes 8—5 mm. long and broad, lower lobes often puberulent inside, at least toward throat. Stamen-filaments glabrous, staminode ca. 1 mm. long or more, anthers glabrous, pale. Ovary and style densely short-pilose. Capsule ca. 2.5 mm. long, dark brown, laterally compressed before dehiscence, pilose, valves divaricate, usually apiculate with persistent halves of style. Seeds shining brown, ca. 0.5 mm. long. Cotompia: Meta; Cordillera La Macarena (extremo nordeste), Ma- cizo Renjifo, cumbre y alrededores, alt. 1,300-1,900 m., Enero 6-20, 1951, Jesis M. Idrobo & Richard Evans Schultes 1082 (BH, Tyrer; US, GH, COL, Dupticarr typrs); 10594 (BH, US, GH, COL). Ca- queta; Florencia, Quebrada de las Perdices, matorrales entre pefias, 400 m. alt., Mar. 29, 1940, J. Cuatrecasas 8849 (US). Cundinamarca ; Paraiso (near Sumapdz), 1,400 m. alt., June 5,1952, M. Kéie 4602 (C). Collectors’ notes indicate that this species is essentially saxicolous, growing from rocks or cliffs or in humus in dark, damp locations. The four collections studied agree very wellin general aspect but differ in particulars which, though essentially quantitative, are sufficient to deserve comment. The Idrobo and Schultes collections from the isolated Cordillera La Macarena have the smallest flow- ers, with sepals 4-5 mm. long at anthesis and corolla- tube about 7 mm. long. The Koie collection from the Cordillera Oriental agrees in respect to indument, but the pedicels are longer, and the flowers are nearly twice as large with sepals 8 mm. long at anthesis (attaining a length of 14 mm. in fruit), corolla-tube 11 mm. long and correspondingly larger lobes. A fourth collection from a much lower altitude (400 m.) has flowers about as in the Idrobo and Schultes ma- terial. A first glance at the indument of leaf pedicels and especially the sepals suggested that this specimen might represent a variant warranting infra-specific recognition. [ 90 | (the type) was taken, Photograph by Ricuarp Evans ScHuLtes The sepals mostly lack the red-brown multicellular hairs so prominent in other collections, but some have a less dense but nonetheless characteristic cover of these hairs along the mid-nerve and toward the base. The lower sur- face of the leaves has a less prominent indument. I am constrained trom recognizing the material separately at this time by experience with variation in size and indu- ment within the limits of what I consider definable and “‘detendable’™’ species elsewhere in the Gesneriaceae, es- pecially in Achimenes. For the moment, let it suffice to point out in synoptic form the differences noted in the too few collections seen from three rather well separated areas, Pedicels and sepals with few or no red-brown multicellular hairs, sepals densely hispidulous, pedicels more or less sparsely pilose, sometimes with glandular hairs; lower surface of leaf villous on principal nerves, hispidulous to glabrescent elsewhere; sepals 6.5-8 mm. long, corolla-tube 6 mm. long. Cuatrecasas SS49 Pedicels and centre of sepals densely villous with red-brown multi- cellular hairs and hispidulous with pale short one- or few-celled rarely glandular hairs: lower surface of leaf villous on principal nerves, pilose on reticulate secondary nerves. Sepals 8 mm. long at anthesis, becoming 13-14 mm, long in fruit; corolla-tube ca. 11 mm, long: pedicels to 2 or 2.5 em. long. Kole 4602 Sepals 5-5.5 mm. long at anthesis, becoming 7 mm. long in fruit; corolla-tube 7 mm. long: pedicels ca. 8 mm. long, Idrobo & Schultes 1059A, 1082 BOTANICAL MUSEUM LEAFLETS HARVARD UNIVERSITY CampripGe, Massacnuusettrs, JANUARY 30, 1963 Vor. 20, No. 4 NEW ORCHIDS FROM CEYLON BY Don M. A. JAYAWEERA THE present paper is the result of a detailed field inves- tigation of the orchids growing in the Ceylon jungles, undertaken during 1958-60. Nine new species are pro- posed, six of them belonging to the genus Oberonia and one each to the genera Cirrhopetalum, Saccolabium and Taeniophyllum. The type specimens are deposited in the Herbarium Peradeniya. These new species have been checked with the extensive collections of the Ames Or- chid Herbarium, and they form a part of my forthcom- ing treatment of the Orchids of Ceylon. I wish to express my sincere gratitude and apprecia- tion to Mr. Leslie A. Garay of the Oakes Ames Orchid Herbarium for his valuable suggestions and for render- ing the descriptions into Latin. Oberonia quadrilatera Jayaweera sp. nov. Kpiphytica, caespitosa, leviter pseudobulbosa. Foltis paucis, distichis, equitantibus carnosis, 4.5—17 cm. longis, 1—1.4 cm. latis, lineari-ensiformibus, apice obtusis, basi pseudobulbum amplectentibus. Inflorescentia cylindrica, spiciformi, erecta vel pendenti, perdense multiflora. Bracteis reflexis, ovatis, pilosis, acutis, margine crenatis, 2 mm. longis, 1.1—1.2 mm. latis. Floribus minutis, 2. mm. in diametiente. Sepalo postico reflexo, oblongo-ovato, [ 93 ] apice obtuso vel rotundato, 0.9-1.1 mm. longo, 0.6—-0.8 mm. lato; sepalis lateralibus reflexis, concavis, triangu- lari-ovatis, obtusis, 1.1 mm. longis, 0.5-0.9 mm. latis. Petalis lineari-oblongis, recurvis spiraliterque contortis, 0.1-1 mm. longis, 0.8-0.4 mm. latis. Labello carnoso superiori, sessili, concavo, quadrato, apice 3-lobo; basi subcordato, margine irregulariter dentato, disco obscure papilloso, 1-1.6 mm. longo, 1.5-1.6 mm. lato. Columna humili, crassa, 0.4 mm. alta, 0.38 mm. crassa. Capsula ellipsoidea, sessili, 4 mm. longa. Tufted epiphyte with slightly pseudobulbous stems. Leaves few, distichous, equitant, fleshy, 4.5-17 em. long, 1-1.4 cm. broad, linear ensiform or almost straight, ob- tuse, bases ensheathing the pseudobulb. Flowers minute, greenish yellow in cylindrical, straight or drooping, dense-flowered spiciform racemes. Peduncle 8-9.5 cm. long, flat, green or yellowish, the topmost leaf adnate to it and attaining 4 to } the length. Flower-bearing portion 6-7.5 cm. long and 3 mm. in diameter. The first flowers to open located in the middle of the raceme and subsequent ones opening progressively and simultane- ously upwards and downwards, terminal flowers not opening (Plate XI). Flowers 2 mm. long from the tip of dorsal sepal to the lip and 1.16 mm. broad. Floral bracts 2 mm. long, 1.16—1.2 mm. broad, recurved, ovate, pilose, acute, margin broken up irregularly. Dorsal sepal 0.9-1.1 mm. long, 0.68—0.8 mm. broad, recurved, oblong-ovate, obtuse or rounded; lateral sepals 1.1 mm. long,0.56—0.9 mm. broad, recurved, concave, triangular ovate, obtuse; petals 0.86-1 mm. long, 0.38-0.4 mm. broad, linear-oblong, much recurved and curling behind the dorsal sepal. Lip green or yellowish green, superior, sessile, thick, 1-1.6 mm. long, 1.5-1.6 mm. broad at the base, tapering to 0.9 mm., quadrate, 3-veined, concave ; base subcordate, apex bluntly and obscurely trifid, margin [ 94 | PLatE XI OBPRONIA QUADRILATERA Jayaweera. 1, plants with inflorescences. 2, part of the inflorescence showing the arrangement of the flowers on the rachis. 3, flower from front. 4, flower from side, three quarters view. 5, bract, sepals, petals, lip and column spread out from front. 6, pollinia with gland. 7, anther from front. 8, fruit. thick, distantly and irregularly dentate. Column short, globular, 0.44 mm. high, 0.84 mm. broad. Anther ter- minal, incumbent, 2-loculed; pollinia 4, waxy, club- shaped, cohering in pairs to a small gland, 0.24 mm. long, 0.1 mm. broad. Fruit a sessile, ellipsoid, ridged capsule 4 mm. long and 2 mm. in diameter. This species is allied to Oberonia zeylanica Hook.f. from which it differs in the linear-oblong petals and ir- regularly dentate lip, subcordate at the base. Cryton: Rangala, in submontane or midcountry tropical wet ever- green forests at 1284 m. altitude, September 22, 1959, Jayaweera 2001 (Tyre); Hunnasgiriya, at 1300 m. altitude, October 13, 1960, Jayaweera 2191. It flowers from August to October. Oberonia dolabrata Jayaweera sp. nov. Epiphytica, caespitosa, non pseudobulbosa. Caulibus lateraliter compressis, abbreviatis. Foliis distichis, equi- tantibus, oblongis vel oblongo-lanceolatis, acutis, 1.8-1.7 em. longis, 0.8-0.5 cm. latis. Pedunculo abbreviato, bracteis non floriferis usque ad basin omnino obtectis. Racemo suberecto, 4 cm. longo. Bracteis ovatis, apice acuminatis, 1.8—2.3 mm. longis, 0.7—0.8 mm. latis. Flori- bus minimis, 1.8 mm. in diam. Sepalo postico ovato, 1-1.4 mm. longo, 0.5-0.8 mm. lato; sepalis lateralibus oblique late orbiculari-ovatis, obtusis, 0.6—-0.8 mm. lon- gis, 0.7-0.9 mm. latis. Petalis oblongo-lanceolatis, sub- acutis, margine ciliolatis, 1.2 mm. longis, 0.3-0.4 mm. latis. Labello superiori, sessili, carnoso, 8-lobo; lobis lateralibus subulatis, columnam circumdantibus, lobo terminali porrecto, dolabriformi, toto labello 0.6 mm. longo, 0.7 mm. lato. Columna abbreviata, crassa, 0.2 mm. alta crassaque. Ovario pedicellato 1.6 mm. longo. Cap- sula cum pedicello 2.3 mm. longo. Small tufted epiphyte with compressed, non-pseudo- bulbous stems. Leaves 38, fleshy, distichous, laterally compressed, 1.3-1.7 cm. long, 0.3-0.5 cm. broad, oblong [ 96 ] PLatE XII OBERONIJA DOLABRATA Jayaweera. 1, plant with inflorescences. 2, flower from front. 8, bract, sepals, petals, lip and column spread out from the front; lip, 4, pollinia. 5, anther from inside magnified. 6, fruit. or oblong-lanceolate, acute, bases confluent with the stem (Plate XII). Flowers reddish brown, 1.8 mm. across, in suberect racemes 4 cm. long. Peduncle very short, covered with sterile bracts right down to the base and adnate to the topmost leaf. Floral bracts 1.8-2.3 mm. long, 0.7—-0.8 mm. broad, ovate, acuminate, acute. Dorsal sepal 1-1.4 mm. long, 0.56—0.8 mm. broad, ovate, acute; lateral sepals 0.6-0.8 mm. long, 0.7—-0.9 mm. broad, broadly and obliquely orbicular-ovate, obtuse: petals 1.2 mm. long, 0.36—0.4 mm. broad, oblong-lanceo- late, subacute, ciliate, appressed to the dorsal sepal and lying within it. Lip superior, sessile, 0.6 mm. long, 0.72 mm. broad, fleshy, 3-lobed: lateral lobes cylindrical- subulate and arched behind the column: mid-lobe trifid, hatchet-shaped, lateral lobules diverging. Column globu- lar, 0.2 mm. high and 0.26 mm. broad. Anther terminal, incumbent, 2-loculed; pollinia 4, in two pairs, individual pollinum of each pair unequal, appressed and club- shaped, larger pollinia 0.2 mm. long, 0.1 mm. broad and the smaller ones 0.14 mm. by 0.06 mm. Ovary with pedicel 1.6 mm. long. Fruit stalked, 2.3 mm.long, 0.9 mm. in diameter. This species is allied to Oberonia tenuis Lind]. from which it differs in the small size of the plant, ovate dor- sal sepal and ciliated petals which are subacute at their apices. Cryton: Rangala (Corbet’s Gap), in submontane or midcountry tropical wet evergreen forests at 1285 m. altitude, March 14, 1960. Jayaweera 2142.—Same locality, April 4, 1960, Jayaweera 2160 (Type). It flowers from January to April. Oberonia claviloba Jayaweera sp. nov. Epiphytica, caespitosa. Caule abbreviato, compresso. Foliis paucis, distichis, equitantibus, rectis vel subfalca- tis, 4-6.5 em. longis, 0.3-0.6 cm. latis. Inflorescentia spiciformi, erecta, 6.8 cm. longa; pedunculo 2 cm. longo. [ 98 | PuiateE XIII a = SFr ni wks TPO PZE LAA f Sey” ‘ O-15mm. Saal TA ass SAMS Pre, 4 \ See neN Sh FT, 5m. =" HR te (aaa abe Cee Wie OBERONIA CLAVILOBA Jayaweera. 1, plant with inflorescence. 2, flower from front. 3, bract, sepals, petals and lip spread out from front. 4, pollinia from side and back. 5, anther from inside. 6, fruit. Bracteis ovato-lanceolatis, acuminatis, margine remote obscureque serrulatis, 1.2—1.6 mm. longis, 0.4-0.5 mm. latis. Floribus minutis, 1.1 mm. in diam. Sepalo postico oblongo-ovato vel oblongo-lanceolato, obtuso, 1 mm. longo, 0.4-0.5 mm. lato; sepalis lateralibus orbiculari- bus, 0.6 mm. longis, 0.7 mm. latis. Petalis patentibus, lanceolatis, acutis, margine ciliolatis, 1.1—1.2 mm. longis, 0.8 mm. latis. Labello carnoso, 3-lobo: lobis lateralibus elavatis, columnam involventibus, 0.8 mm. longis, lobo intermedio 3-partito, partitionibus lateralibus divergen- tibus, apice ciliolatis, 0.8 mm. longis, partitione media triangulari, acuta, 0.1 mm. longa; toto labello 1.2 mm. longo. Columna humili, crassa. Ovario pedicellato 0.6 mm. longo. Tufted epiphyte with very short, compressed, non- pseudobulbous stems. Leaves few, 4 or 5, distichous, laterally compressed, not fleshy, 4-6.5 cm. long, 0.3-0.6 em. broad, straight or subfalcate, acute, veins obscure, bases confluent with the stem (Plate XIII). Flowers brown in obscurely whorled, spiciform, erect racemes, 6.8 em. long. Apical flowers opening first followed by the lower flowers progressively downwards, buds at the very top not opening. Peduncle 2 cm. long, adnate to the uppermost, linear, acuminate, arched leaf, lower bracts sterile. Flowers 1.1 mm. across. Floral bracts 1.2-1.6 mm. long, 0.4—0.5 mm. broad, ovate, acuminate, acute, margin slightly and distantly serrate. Dorsal sepal 1 mm. long, 0.46-0.54 mm. broad, oblong-ovate or oblong-lanceolate, obtuse; lateral sepals 0.6 mm. long, 0.76 mm. broad, orbicular, rounded; petals 1.1—-1.2 mm. long, 0.86 mm. broad, lanceolate, spreading, acute, cili- ate, almost shaggy: lip 1.2 mm. long, fleshy: lateral lobes 0.8 mm. long, clavate, overlapping each other be- hind the rostrum, mid-lobe trifid and ciliated at their apices, lateral lobules 0.8 mm. long, curving outwards, ( 100 | acuminate, mid-lobule 0.1 mm. long triangular, acute. Column very small, 0.2 mm. high, 0.16 mm. broad. An- ther terminal, incumbent, 2-loculed; pollinia 4, cohering in two pyriform pairs, each pair 0.14 mm. long, 0.08 mm. broad, consisting of a larger pollinium and asmaller one appressed laterally. Ovary with pedicel 0.5 mm. long. Fruit a minute globular or obovate, stalked cap- sule, 1.6 mm. long, 1.2 mm. in diameter. This species differs from others in the thin, subfalcate leaves, ciliated petals, club-shaped arching lateral lobes of the lip and the ciliated apices of the trifid mid-lobe. Cryton: Ambagamuwa at 577 m. altitude in the transitional jungle between the tropical wet evergreen forests and the submontane or midcountry tropical wet evergreen forests, December 30, 1959, Jaya- weera 2144 (Typr). It flowers in December. Oberonia Wallie-Silvae Jayaweera sp. nov. K.piphytica, caespitosa, non pseudobulbosa. Foliis dis- tichis, carnosis, equitantibus, ensiformibus, apice acumi- natis, 2-5.2 cm. longis, 0.4—-0.7 cm. latis. Inflorescentia spiciformi, usque ad 10 cm. longa; pedunculo usque ad 10 cm. longo, et usque ad basin bracteis non floriferis omnino obtecto. Bracteis ovatis, acuminatis, 2 mm. longis, 0.9 mm. latis. Floribus minutissimis, 1.2 mm. in diam. Sepalo postico ovato, acuto, 1.2 mm. longo, 0.7 mm. lato; sepalis lateralibus oblique suborbicularibus, obtusis, 0.8 mm. longis, 1 mm. latis. Petalis lanceo- latis, acutis, margine ciliatis, 1 mm. longis, 0.3 mm. latis. Labello 3-lobo, carnoso; lobis lateralibus lineari faleatis, crescentiformibus, lobo intermedio bifido, parti- tionibus inter se divaricatis, toto labello 1 mm. longo. Columna minutissima, globosa. Ovario pedicellato 1.4 mm. longo. Tufted epiphyte with compressed non-pseudobulbous stems. Leaves distichous, fleshy, laterally compressed, 2-5.2 cm. long, 0.4-0.7 cm. broad, ensiform, decurved, [ 101 | PLaTE XIV Oseronta Wattiie-Sitvar Jayaweera. 1, plant with inflorescence. 2, flower from front. 8, bract, sepals, petals, lip and column spread out from front. 4, pollinia. 5, anther from inside. acuminate, acute, bases confluent with the stem, veins obscure (Plate XIV). Flowers very small, reddish brown, 1.2 mm. across in spiciform racemes measuring about 10 em. in length. Peduncle closely covered with sterile bracts right down to the base. Floral bracts 2 mm. long, 0.9 mm. broad, ovate, acuminate, acute. Dorsal sepal 1.2 mm. long, 0.74 mm. broad, ovate, acute; lateral sepals 0.8 mm. long, 1 mm. broad, obliquely suborbicu- lar, obtuse; petals lanceolate, 1 mm. long, 0.36 mm. broad, acute, ciliate; lip 1 mm. long, thick: lateral lobes linear, faleate, horseshoe-shaped around the column: mid-lobe thick, 1 mm. broad, bifid, sometimes trifid, lateral lobules bluntly subulate and diverging. Column very small, globular, at the base of the lateral lobs. An- ther terminal, incumbent, 2-loculed; pollinia 4, waxy, in two pairs, individuals of each pair unequal: each pair of pollinia 0.24 mm. long, 0.1 mm. broad, pyriform. Ovary with pedicel 1.4 mm. long. This species does not appear to have any close allies. It is distinguished from others in its ensiform, decurved, acuminate leaves; lanceolate and ciliated petals; linear- faleate lateral lobes and the bifurcated, diverging mid- lobe of the lip. Cryton: Rangala, in submontane or midcountry tropical wet ever- green forests at 1285 meters altitude, March 14, 1960, Jayaweera 2143 (Tyre). It lowers in February and March. Oberonia weragamaensis Jayaweera sp.. nov. Epiphytica, caespitosa, ebulbosa. Foliis 4—5, distichis, equitantibus, carnosis, lanceolatis vel ensiformibus, acu- tis, 2-8 cm. longis, 0.3-0.6 cm. latis. Inflorescentia racemosa, erecta, perdense multiflora. Bracteis ovatis (triangulari-ovatis), acutis, 1 mm. longis, 0.5 mm. latis. Floribus minutis, 2 mm. longis. Sepalo postico ovato, acuminato, 1.2 mm. longo, 0.5 mm. lato; sepalis laterali- bus suborbicularibus, apice rotundatis, 0.6 mm. longis, [ 103 ] 0.7 mm. latis. Petalis lineari-lanceolatis, acuminatis, margine ciliolatis seu potius denticulatis, 1.4 mm. longis, 0.2mm. latis. Labello 3-lobo, lobis lateralibus subtriangu- laribus, erectis, carnosis, papillosis, lobo intermedio 38-fido, partitionibus lateralibus divaricatis, subulatis, partitione intermedia dentiformi, triangulari, toto labello 1.2 mm. longo, 0.8 mm. lato. Columna abbreviata, crassa, 0.4 mm. alta. Ovario cum pedicello 0.8 mm. longo. Tufted epiphyte with very short, compressed non- pseudobulbous stems. Leaves 4 or 5, distichous, laterally compressed, fleshy, 2-8 cm. long, 0.3—0.6 cm. broad, lanceolate or ensiform, acute, bases confluent with the stem and veins obscure (Plate XV). Flowers reddish brown, in whorled racemes 5-6 cm. long, first flowers to open located a little way below the terminal end and then progressively downwards, terminal flowers not opening. Flowers 2 mm. long, from the tip of the dorsal sepal to the apex of the lip and 1.2 mm. across. Floral bracts 1 mm. long, 0.52 mm. broad, ovate, acute, margin slightly irregular. Dorsal sepal 1.2 mm. long, 0.52 mm. broad, ovate, acuminate, acute; lateral sepals 0.6 mm. long, 0.74 mm. broad, suborbicular, rounded; petals longer than sepals, 1.4 mm. long, 0.28 mm. broad, linear- lanceolate, acuminate, ciliate or denticulate; lip 1.2 mm. long, 0.8 mm. broad: lateral lobes 0.7 mm. long, sub- triangular, erect, fleshy, parallel, papillose, blunt at the apex, broadening towards the middle: mid-lobe trifid, the lateral lobules subulate, acuminate diverging and looped back posteriorly in the open flower, the mid lobule tri- angular and much shorter. Column short, 0.4 mm. high, 0.36 mm. broad. Anther terminal, incumbent, 2-loculed; pollinia 4, waxy, cohering in two pyriform pairs; larger pollinia 0.8 mm. long, 0.12 mm. broad, oblong, smaller ones 0.24 mm. long, 0.08 mm. broad and disk-shaped. Ovary with pedicel 0.8 mm. long, 0.8 mm. in diameter. [ 104 ] PLaTE XV * 5 O-3mM. o o-3Mm. OBERONIA WERAGAMAENSIS Jayaweera. 1, plant with inflorescence. 2, flower from front. 3, bract, sepals, petals, lip and column spread out from front ; bract, dorsal sepal, lateral sepals, petals, lip and column. 4, young pol- linia. 5, older pollinia. 6, anther from inside. This species differs from others in the linear-lanceolate, denticulate petals, subtriangular, erect, parallel lateral lobes of the lip and diverging, subulate, lateral lobules of the mid-lobe. Cryton: Ratnapura District, Weragama, in tropical wet evergreen forests at 220 meters altitude, November 30, 1959, Jayaweera 2057 (Type), flowers reddish brown, epiphytic on Wormia triquetra Rottb., Celtis Wightit Planch., ete. It flowers in October and November. Oberonia fornicata Jayaweera sp. nov. Epiphytica, caespitosa, inflorescentia inclusa usque ad 20 cm. alta. Foliis paucis, carnosis distichis, equitanti- bus, ensiformibus, apice acutis, basi non articulatis, 1.5— 2.5 em. longis, 0.5-0.7 cm. latis. Inflorescentia satis dense multiflora, pendenti, pedunculo 1.5 cm. longo in- cluso usque ad 14 cm. longa. Bracteis ovatis, obtusis, 1.2 mm. longis, 0.5—-0.7 mm. latis. Sepalo postico, ovato, acuto, margine ciliato, 1.4 mm. longo, 0.8 mm. lato; sepalis lateralibus suborbicularibus, obtusis, margine in- tegris vel remote irregulariterque subdenticulatis, 1 mm. longis, 0.9 mm. latis. Petalis lanceolatis vel ovato- lanceolatis, acuminatis, margine ciliatis, 1.4 mm. longis, 0.5 mm. latis. Labello sepalis lateralibus aequilongo, 3-lobo, lobis lateralibus lineari-falcatis, columnam invol- ventibus lobo intermedio 8-fido, partitionibus lateralibus subulatis, divergentibus, partitione intermedia abbrevi- ata, dentiformi, obtusa. Columna globosa, 0.8 mm. alta. Ovario pedicellato 1.7 mm. longo. Tufted epiphyte with compressed, non-pseudobulbous stems. Whole plant 3-8.5 cm. high. Leaves few, red- dish green, fleshy, distichous, laterally compressed, short, oblong-ensiform, 1.5—-2.5 em. long, 0.5—-0.7 em. broad, acute, bases confluent with the stem (Plate XVI). Flow- ers greenish brown with avery pale coral lip; drooping racemes 14 cm. long, with sterile basal bracts. Peduncle 1.5 em. long, bracteate almost to the base. Flowers in ( 106 } PLATE XVI Operonia ForRNICATA Jayaweera. 1, plant with inflorescence. 2, flower from front. 3, bract, sepals, petals, lip and column with the anther flapped over from front: lateral sepals; lip magnified. 4, pollinia. 5, anther from inside. distant, whorled fascicles on a very slender rachis. Floral bracts ovate, 1.2-1.26 mm. long, 0.56-0.7 mm. broad, obtuse and entire. Dorsal sepal 1.4 mm. long, 0.8 mm. broad, ovate, acute, margin ciliate; lateral sepals 1 mm. long, 0.9 mm. broad, orbicular-oblong, margin entire or slightly denticulate; petals lanceolate, 1.4 mm. long, 0.54 mm. broad, acuminate, acute, ciliate; lip shorter than sepals or about the same length as lateral sepals, 3-lobed; lateral lobes linear, faleate, ascending forming an are round the column: mid-lobe trifid, the two lateral lobules subulate, diverging, mid-lobule short and blunt. Column globular, 0.836 mm. high, 0.8 mm. broad. An- ther terminal, incumbent, 2-loculed; pollinia 4 in two pairs, one in each pair larger than the other; larger pol- linia 0.24 mm. long, 0.14 mm. broad, one phase flattened fitting in the smaller ones: smaller pollinia 0.2 mm. long, 0.8 mm. broad and disk-shaped. Ovary with pedicel 1.7 mm. long. This species does not appear to have any close allies. It is distinguished by the ciliated dorsal sepal and petals, and the lip partly resembling Oberonia Walhe-Silvae and partly O. weregamaensis. Cryton: Rangala (Corbet’s Gap), in submontane or midcountry tropical wet evergreen forests at 1285 meters altitude, Jayaweera 2026 (Type) with no date of collection. It flowers in October. Cirrhopetalum roseum Jayaweera sp. nov. Epiphytica, pseudobulbosa, repente. Radicibus fili- formibus, leviter flexuosis, glabris. Rhizomate prore- penti, elongato remote pseudobulbifero. Pseudobulbis ovoideis, vaginis scariosis protectis, unifoliatis, 1-1.5 cm. altis. Folio oblongo vel oblanceolato, interdum lineari- oblongo, valde coriaceo, apice emarginato, basi in petio- lum brevem producto, 3.2—-10.8 cm. longo, 1-1.5 cm. lato. Inflorescentia laterali, erecta, umbellata, 3.8-4.3 em. longa. Bracteis lanceolatis, acuminatis, 3-nervatis, [108 | PiatrE XVII CiRRHOPETALUM ROsEUM Jayaweera. 1, plant with inflorescence. 2, flower from front. 3, lip, column and mentum from side. 4, bract, dorsal sepal, petals, lip and column spread out from front; lateral sepals natural position. 5, pollinia. 6, anther from inside. 7, fruit. 4.8 mm. longis, 1.4 mm. latis. Floribus in umbello pau- cis (6-8), purpurascentibus, 1.2 cm. longis. Sepalo post- ico, elliptico, concavo, apice acuto, 5-nervato, 5.5 mm. longo, 8 mm. lato; sepalis lateralibus inter se usque ad apicem connatis, elliptico oblongis, concavis, apice bifidis, basi leviter saccatis, 18 mm. longis, 5 mm. latis. Petalis triangularibus vel triangulari-ovatis, acutis, 3-nervatis, margine serrulatis, 2.9 mm. longis, 2 mm. latis. Labello carnoso, valde recurvo versatili, apice truncato, basi ad pedem columnae adnato, 7-nervato, 4.6 mm. longo, 1.9 mm. lato. Columna cylindrica, ebrachiata, basi in pedem longum producta. Ovario pedicellato 7.2 mm. longo. Epiphyte with pseudobulbous stems on a creeping rootstock. Pseudobulbs 1-1.5 cm. long, 0.8—1.2 cm. in diameter at the base, ovoid, tapering to the apex, ribbed, green, enveloped in old, brown, papery sheaths; inter- nodes on rootstock 2.5—-5 em. long, ensheathed in dark brown scaly leaves; roots filiform, branched, tufted at the bases of pseudobulbs. Leaves solitary, 3.2—-10.8 cm. long, 1-1.5 em. broad, oblong, oblanceolate or linear- oblong, thickly coriaceous, emarginate, shortly petioled at the summit of pseudobulbs; petioles 8-4 mm. long, grooved (Plate XVII). Flowers purplish pink, 1.2 cm. long, 0.4 cm. broad in 6-8 flowered umbels, arising from the bases of the pseudobulbs. Peduncle 3.8—4.8 cm. long, red streaked with papery scaly bracts. Floral bracts 4.8 mm. long, 1.4 mm. broad, lanceolate, acuminate, acute, 3-veined. Dorsal sepal 5.5 mm. long, 3 mm. broad, ellip- tic, concave, obtuse, 5-veined bending over to form a hood over the rostrum and petals; lateral sepals 13 mm. long, 5 mm. broad, curving inwards and cohering in the mid-line along their outer edges, obtuse, adnate to the foot of the column at their bases, 5-veined; petals tri- angular-ovate, 2.9 mm. long, 2 mm. broad, acute, ser- rate, 8-veined; lip 4.6 mm. long, 1.9 mm. broad, oblong- [110 ] ovate, thick, fleshy, strongly recurved, joining the foot, versatile, 7-veined, the two extreme pairs of veins inter- twined forming a network. Column 1.8 mm. high, 1.3 mm. broad, the base extending into an upcurved foot. Anther terminal, 2-loculed; pollinia 4, waxy, collateral in two pairs, oblong, the inner ones of each pair smaller: outer pollinia 0.6 mm. long, 0.26 mm. in diameter and the inner ones 0.46 mm. long, 0.1 mm. in diameter. Ovary with pedicel 7.2 mm. long. Fruit a short pedi- celled, oblong, cylindrical capsule, 2 cm. long, 0.7 cm. in diameter. This species is allied to Cirrhopetalum Wightu Thw. from which it differs in the smaller flowers, elliptic dorsal sepal, smaller lateral sepals and petals, oblong-ovate lip and larger pollinia. Crevton: Ambagamuwa at 578 meters in the transitional jungle be- tween the tropical wet evergreen forests of the low country and the submontane or midcountry tropical wet evergreen forests, January 22, 1960, Jayaweera 2120 (Type).—Same locality, February 23, 1960, Jayaweera 2128. It flowers from January to March. Saccolabium tortifolium Jayaweera sp. nov. Epiphytica, caespitosa, non pseudobulbosa. Caulibus erectis, demum denudatis, deinde foliis 7-18, distichis tortis, semiteretibus obtectis. Foliis linearibus, carnosis 4-6 em. longis, 0.8 cm. latis. Inflorescentia ex axillis foliorum superiorum nata, racemosa vel interdum pauci- ramosa, 13-14 cm. longa; pedunculo compresso, 6.5—7 em. longo, rachide simplici, spiciformi, laxe pluriflora. Bracteis ovatis vel triangulari-ovatis, acutis, uninervis, 1.8-2.4 mm. longis, 1.4-1.6 mm. latis. Floribus minu- tis, albis. Sepalo postico oblongo, obtuso uninervato, 2 mm. longo, 1.1 mm. lato; sepalis lateralibus oblique ovato-oblongis, obtusis, uninervatis, 2.4—2.6 mm. longis, 1.2-1.4 mm. latis; petalis obovato-oblongis, truncatis vel vix emarginatis, uninervatis, 1.4-1.5 mm. longis, 0.7—0.8 [111] mm. latis. Labello carnoso, spathulato, concavo, antice rotundato, basi in calearem cylindricum producto, 3-3. 4 mm. longo. Columna valde abbreviata, subglobosa, car- nosa. Ovario cum pedicello 2.4-3.5 mm. longo. Tufted epiphyte with simple non-pseudobulbous stems; stems 3-15 cm. long, 2 mm. in diameter, curving up- wards in all directions, bases ensheathed in the remnants of old petiolar sheaths, the crowns carrying 7-18 ash- green, semiterete leaves, twisted clockwise or counter- clockwise. Leaves 4-6 cm. long, 0.3 ecm. broad, linear, fleshy, distichous, notched, bases sheathing the internodes above (Plate XVIII). Flowers minute, white, in leaf opposed racemose panicles, 13-14 cm. long. Peduncle 6.5-7 cm. long, flat, green with a number of short, mem- branous, sterile bracts; branches of the rachis few, 2.5- 5.5 em. long and spiciform. Floral bracts 1.8-2.4 mm. long, 1.4-1.6 mm. broad, triangular ovate, acute, faintly undulate, 1-veined. Dorsal sepal 2 mm. long, 1-1.1 mm. broad, oblong, obtuse, 1-veined; lateral sepals 2.4—2.6 mm. long, 1.2—1.4 mm. broad, obliquely oblong, rounded, 1-veined; petals 1.4-1.5 mm. long, 0.7-0.8 mm. broad, obovate-oblong, truncate or faintly emarginate, 1- veined; lip fleshy, white, 8-8.4 mm. long, notched half- way, concave and rounded dorsally, lateral lobes incon- spicuous, mid-lobe 1.5 mm. long, fleshy, spathulate ; spur short, cylindrical and rounded. Column 0.8 mm. high, 0.6 mm. broad, globular. Anther terminal, 2-loculed; pollinia 4, unequal, collateral in two pairs, large pollinia 0.34 mm. long, 0.16 mm. broad and the smaller ones 0.24 mm. long, 0.1 mm. broad attached to a lanceolate stipe 0.44 mm. long, 0.2 mm. broad, by short, flat caudicles. Ovary with pedicel 2.4-8.5 mm. long. Fruit a small, spreading, clavate, pedicelled capsule, 4 mm. long. This species is allied to Saccolabium niveum Lindl. from which it differs in the linear twisted leaves, larger [ 112 ] PuaTeE XVIII vewal ¥ \\ ey, , NY) ee SAccOLABIUM TORTIFOLIUM Jayaweera. 1, plants with inflorescences. 2, apical portion of a shoot showing twisted leaves. 3, flower from top. 4, flower from side. 5, lip, column (hidden between the lateral lobes of the lip) and spur from side. 6, bract, sepals, petals, lip and column spread out from front. 7, pollinia with strap. 8, anther from inside. sepals and petals, oblong lateral sepals, larger pollinia and the column taller than broad. Cryton: Hunnasgiriya, in submontane or midcountry tropical wet evergreen forests at 1150 meters altitude, August 21, 1959, Jayaweera 1850 (Typw).—Same locality and date, Jayaweera 1851, 1852.— Daula- gala, July 25, 1960, Jayaweera 2185. It flowers from April to August. Two of its many host plants are Schefflera stellata (Gaertn. ) Baill. and Macaranga peltata (Roxb.) Muell. Arg. Taeniophyllum gilimalense Jayaweera sp. nov. Epiphytica, ebulbosa, sine foliis et caule. Radicibus crasse carnosis, leviter flexuosis, glabris. Pedunculo fili- formi, 2 em. longo. Bracteis minutissimis, lanceolatis, acutis. Floribus minutis, succedaneis, viridi-luteis, 3.3 mm. longis. Sepalis petalisque inter se brevissime, 1.e., supra basin connatis. Sepalo postico oblongo-lineari, acuto vel rotundato, uninervato, 1.9 mm. longo, 0.5 mm. lato; sepalis lateralibus ovato-lanceolatis, obtusis, uni- nervatis, 2.4 mm. longis, 0.6 mm. latis. Petalis ovatis, obtusis, uninervatis 1.3 mm. longis, 0.7 mm. latis; labello cymbiformi, acuto, uninervato, basi in sacculum subglo- bosum producto, 2.1 mm. longo, 0.7 mm. lato. Columna brevissima, globiformi, brachiis 2, porrectis in fronte. Ovario cylindrico, cum pedicello ca. 2 mm. longo. Minute, non-pseudobulbous epiphyte without stems and leaves. Roots flattened, fleshy, dark green and tor- tuous, 2.5-4 em. long, 3 mm. broad. Leaves, reduced to minute transparent scales (Plate XIX). Flowers mi- nute, greenish yellow 8.8 mm. long in 2- or 8-flowered racemes, flowers opening one at a time. Peduncle jointed, slightly bent at the joint, 2 cm. long, with a single, ster- ile bract. Floral bracts, minute, lanceolate, acute. Sepals, petals and lip connate at the base only. Dorsal sepal 1.9 mm. long, 0.56 mm. broad, linear-oblong, acuminate, subacute or rounded, 1-veined; lateral sepals 2.4 mm. long, 0.64 mm. broad, lanceolate, rounded, 1-veined; [114 ] PLaTE XIX TAENIOPHYLLUM GILIMALENSE Jayaweera. 1, plant with inflorescence on a twig of the host plant. 2, flower from front spread out. 3, flower from side. 4, sepals, petals and lip spread out from front. 5, large pollinia. 6, smaller pol- liniar 7, anther from inside. 8, fruit. petals 1.8 mm. long, 0.7 mm. broad, ovate, rounded, 1- veined; lip 2.1 mm. long, 0.7 mm. broad, cymbiform, subulate, acute, 1-veined, base produced into a rounded, saceate spur, 0.5 mm. long and 0.54 mm. in diameter. Column very short, globular, broad, with two projecting arms in front. Anther terminal, depressed, 4-loculed ; pollinia 4, pyriform, sessile on a broad gland: large pol- linia 0.26 mm. long, 0.14 mm. broad, slightly curved, and the smaller ones 0.1 mm. long, 0.06 mm. broad. Fruit a cylindric capsule, 4 mm. long. 1.8 mm. broad. This species appears to be related to both T'aentophyl- lum inconspicuum Schltr. and 7. capillare J.J.Smith from Celebes but differs from both in the ovate, rotund petals. T\. inconspicuum has a longer spur while 7°. capillare is a larger plant bearing bigger flowers than this species. It differs from 7. A/wisti Lind. in the larger size of the plant with longer and broader roots, larger flowers with 1-veined sepals and petals and smaller fruits. Cryton: Ratnapura District, Gilimale, in tropical wet evergreen forests at 175 meters altitude, July 6, 1960, Jayaweera 2182 (Tyrer). It flowers in July. [ 116 ] BOTANICAL MUSEUM LEAFLETS HARVARD UNIVERSITY CamBripce, Massacuusetts, May 1, 19638 Vo. 20, No. 5 SPREAD OF EIGHT-ROWED MAIZE FROM THE PREHISTORIC SOUTHWEST BY W aLTon C. GALINAT! AND JAMES H. GUNNERSON? THe origin and diffusion of maize (Zea mays) in the North American Southwest is of interest to both the maize breeder and the archaeologist. The interest of the maize breeder lies in his search for the sources of effective germplasm for use in the development of better maize hybrids. ‘The archaeologist is interested in the history of maize because of its association with the growth and spread of those prehistoric cultures in which this cereal played a prime role. BoraNIcAL Data It is now apparent that most, if not all, of the races of Southwestern maize came from adjoining areas in Mexi- co, although, as will be discussed later, one race which was important to the evolution of this cereal may have come originally from South America. Both Mexico and the Southwest had the same ancient indigenous race, Chapa- lote, which underwent a slow evolutionary change for several thousands of years, until two separate and sudden evolutionary spurts were triggered by two new elements: first, teosinte, a wild relative of maize; and, later, an ‘Bussey Institution (mailing address: Botanical Museum) and * Peabody Museum of Harvard University, Cambridge 38, Mass. eave unrelated eight-rowed race of maize which survives in mixed form ina race called Harinoso de Ocho in north- western Mexico (Mangelsdorf and Lister, 1956). Chapalote reached the Bat Cave area in New Mexico apparently from central or southern Mexico perhaps as early as 83600 B.C. (Mangelsdorf, 1954), and, after a grad- ual evolutionary change leading to increased size of ear and increased number of kernel-rows, it became the Basketmaker maize which formed the subsistence base of the prehistoric Pueblo culture. The addition or intro- gression of teosinte germplasm into Chapalote occurred probably not later than 500 B.C. at Bat Cave (Mangels- dorf and Smith, 1949), and it seems to have spread as far north as Durango, Colorado by A.D. 46 to 330 (tree ring dates), as will be discussed later. The degree of such teosinte introgression can be estimated in archaeological cobs, and such estimates have been correlated with vari- ous changes in the morphology of the cob (Galinat ef al., 1956; Galinat and Ruppé, 1961). The effects of this teo- sinte germplasm include a tremendous increase in varia- bility and an apparent heterotic effect on ear size as well as an increase in drought resistance which was necessary for an extension of maize culture into new and more arid regions. Greater drought resistance in teosinte-contaminated maize may be of either a physiological or a morphologi- cal nature. The type of drought resistance derived from teosinte germplasm in maize reported by Reeves (1950) is apparently physiological. A morphological type of drought resistance in teosinte itself has been observed recently by Mr. Garrison Wilkes (personal communica- tion), and this type may also be transferred to maize. After examining Mexican maize fields that showed seri- ous drought damage and which contained Chaleo teo- sinte, Mr. Wilkes concluded that the teosinte was more [ 118 ] successful in producing seed than the maize. He attri- buted this ability of teosinte to ward off drought to the fact that it produces a succession of younger ears in clus- ters which eventually encounter the late season rains necessary for grain development. A situation in which this morphological type of resistance has been transferred to maize was observed this past summer at the Bussey Institution in the race Reventador, which seems to be a teosinte-contaminated descendant of Chapalote and has some similarities to the teosinte-contaminated form of Chapalote that was prevalent in the Southwest before A.D. 700. Apparently at about A.D. 700, a third element, the race of eight-rowed maize, Harinoso de Ocho, entered upon the evolutionary scene and conferred new benefits in the form of higher yield, easier milling and adapta- bility to a far greater range of environments. A re- examination of the earlier eight-rowed cobs from the Durango Basketmaker site described by Jones and Fon- ner (1954), has now revealed that their eight-rowed con- dition is probably a result of teosinte introgression into the race Chapalote. Some of the differences between eight-rowed cobs re- sulting from teosinte introgression into Chapalote, such as those from Durango, and this new eight-rowed race, Harinoso de Ocho, are apparent in Plate XX. The trip- sacoid element in eight-rowed Chapalote (figs. 1-4) is revealed by a combination of slender cobs which may be curved and have slender shanks with narrow, triangular shaped cupules and hard up-curved glumes. The Harin- oso de Ocho element (figs. 5-12) is manifest in thick straight cobs which are sometimes swollen at the base, thick shanks, wide cupules and wide, crescent-shaped kernels. In describing this race, Wellhausen et al. (1952), postulated that it was introduced into Mexico [119 ] from South America in pre-Columbian times. Its South American progenitor was subsequently found in Colom- bia and identified by Roberts et al. (1957), as Cabuya, an eight-rowed race that is both tripsacoid and has nearly knobless chromosomes (average, 2.2 knobs). Grobman et al. (1961), suggested that these two features might result from indirect introgression, by way of Sabanero (1.5 knobs), from a South American species of T'ripsa- cum, T. australe, which, as shown by Graner and Ad- dison (1944), is unlike its knobby Central and North American relatives in having almost knobless chromo- somes. The blending of these three diverse germplasms from Chapalote, teosinte and Harinoso de Ocho produced, in Mexico and the American Southwest, new and more productive races of maize with increased adaptability sufficient to permit maize cultivation to spread north to northern Utah in the Great Basin. As this maize spread northward into the Dakotas in the Plains east of the Rocky Mountains and east across northern United States and on into New England, there was a filtering out of the eight-rowed element which became stabilized as the race called Northern Flint. Eventually, with the migra- tions of European farmers, these northern flints en- countered the southern dents which had spread north- ward from eastern Mexico. The resulting hybridizations yielded the world’s most productive race, our modern Corn Belt Dent, as shown by historical records (Wallace and Brown, 1956). The efficient use of these diverse germplasms which are now captured to various degrees in modern inbred lines of maize involves a knowledge of their origins and a recognition of their particular effects upon a spikelet-rachis relationship (Galinat, 19638). There has been some confusion surrounding the origin and identity of this important eight-rowed race. This r 120 ] confusion seems to stem from the fact that pure forms of the eight-rowed race are either rare or hidden by the great diversity of maize in the Southwest, while eight- rowed maize was abundant and often the only archaeo- logical maize in the North or Northeast. Accordingly, most references to this race follow Carter’s (1945) early term of ‘‘Kastern Complex,’’ a term which was coined to indicate an Eastern origin. Others (Brown and An- derson, 1947) have referred to the same race as Northern Flint, a term which seems to be better than that used by Carter, since it does, at least, indicate the ‘* Life Zone’’ (Plate X XI) where this eight-rowed race attained its greatest distribution (Plate X XII). But if we examine both the prehistoric and historic evidence concerning the distribution of this eight-rowed race, as will be done later, we find that its origin can be traced back to the Southwest, as first suggested by Mangelsdorf and Reeves (1939), and southward to the race Harinoso de Ocho in Mexico. The Spanish term ‘‘harinoso’’ refers to the floury character of the kernels, while ‘‘ocho”’ refers to the eight-rowed condition of the ears. In the East and Northeast, this race has acquired ‘‘flinty’’ kernels instead of the original floury ones. We are here proposing a more general name, Maiz de Ocho, for this race in which we include both the Northern Flints and Harinoso de Ocho. The Spanish name was chosen to give recognition to its Mexican point of dispersal. An excellent historical record of the geographic distri- bution of the eight-rowed flint (varieties Angel of Mid- night, Canadian Kight-rowed Yellow, King Philip and Longfellow) was published by C. S. Plumb in 1898 as a bulletin of the United States Department of A gricul- ture. This record is the more significant because, at this early date, before the advent of extensive commercial maize hybridization, the races and their distribution more [121 J closely approximated the prehistoric condition. Since Plumb presented his distributional data only by states, the dots representing these occurrences on our Plate XXII are located arbitrarily within the states. Even so, his survey data revealed that Maiz de Ocho was best adapted, presumably because of suitable conditions of temperature and moisture, to the humid part (Alle- ghenian area) of the Transitional Life Zone; that is, especially to the Allegheny region, Ontario, New Eng- land, New York, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin and Minnesota. This race also extended down through the arid part of the transition zone, where the soil was moistened by rivers, springs or sub-surface drainage from higher elevations or by intentional irrigation in parts of Nevada, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah, New Mexico and northwestern Mexico. But although this eight-rowed race was not well adapted to the Southwest, it became widespread there, which is in sharp contrast to its almost complete absence in the Lower Austral Zone in the Southeast (Plate X XI). These historical data suggest that Maiz de Ocho arrived in the Northeast by way of the Southwest. Convincing evidence that Maiz de Ocho did indeed come from the Southwest becomes apparent when we extend the map of Brown and Anderson (1947) showing the prehistoric distribution of Maiz de Ocho to include all of the United States rather than just that part east of the Mississippi. With this archaeological data added to the historical data of Plumb, we find that Maiz de Ocho follows the Transition Life Zone from New Eng- land across the northern United States and down through the Southwest into Mexico( Plate X XII). Furthermore, the data on which this distribution is based (Table 1) show that the closer one gets to Mexico, the earlier the dates for Maiz de Ocho. What at first appears to be the [ 122 ] most serious exception to this sequence of dates is the Maiz de Ocho from Stalling’s Island Mound, Georgia, where the major occupation probably pre-dates the Christian era. It is not possible, however, to determine, without radiocarbon dating, whether this eight-rowed maize is from this earlier occupation or from a later historic occupation (A.D. 1600-1700) which followed at the same site. The later occupation seems more likely. If Maiz de Ocho did originate in the highlands of Colombia, then its poor adaptation to the lowlands in the southern part of the Southwest might be expected. But a flow of germplasm from local races such as Chapa- lote, Reventador and Tabloncillo has apparently tended to acclimatize it to this area. ‘Thus, Harinoso de Ocho, as it lingers on, is extremely variable and mixed. Each ear from two collections of Harinoso de Ocho recently received from the Rockefeller Foundation in Mexico is different in size and shape and has thin dented kernels rather than thick floury kernels, as described for this race by Wellhausen et al. (1952). Although the kernels of Harinoso de Ocho are thinner (4.4 mm.) than those of Cabuya (6.36 mm.), they are still thicker than those of all other Mexican races except one, Cacahuacintle, which is thought to be also from South America and to be re- lated to Cabuya (Wellhausen e¢ al., 1952 and Grobman et al., 1961). The mixed nature of Harinoso de Ocho is also apparent in archaeological collections from north- western Mexico (Mangelsdorf and Lister, 1956) and ad- joining areas of the Southwest, as in a collection from several sites in southwestern New Mexico reported by Cosgrove (1947) and represented in Plate X XIII. This collection shows the distinct elements which were blended during the evolution of maize in the Southwest as follows: Chapalote (figs. 1, 2,38), tripsacoid Chapalote [ 128: | (figs. 4,5,6) and Harinoso de Ocho (figs. 7,8,9) as well as their hybrid product, probably the Pima-Papago race, or Maiz Blando (figs. 10, 11, 12). As Maiz de Ocho moved northward and eastward from the Southwest, it would have encountered colder soils and shorter growing seasons. As a result, natural selec- tion, especially during germination, would have increased the frequency of the hard, flinty kernels and early ma- turing kernels. At the same time, natural selection would have filtered out any residual adaptation to the growing conditions which are found in the North and Northeast. Such germplasm might have been carried over through the poorly adapted Harinoso de Ocho in Sonora from the introduced highland race Cabuya of Colombia. Thus, during its northward migration from the Southwest we would have had the well-known substitution of latitude for altitude adaptation resulting in this reassertion of the original South American heritage. This new eight-rowed race had certain advantages over the indigenous Chapalote race in that its larger and softer kernels were easier to grind for flour. When the prob- lem of adaptability was overcome by hybridization with indigenous maize, the new superior type of grain must have spread rapidly, probably through trade and migra- tion. The hybrid, called Maiz Blando de Sonora by Well- hausen et al. (1952), remained in Mexico. It has floury kernels approaching those of Harinoso de Ocho in size and a twelve-rowed ear approaching that of Chapalote. Just to the north, the counterpart of this hybrid is called Pima-Papago after the Indians who cultivated it (An- derson and Cutler, 1942). Teosinte introgression seems also to have played a role in the spread of this hybrid, especially in the Fremont area of Utah, where the kernels become strongly dented and the glumes indurated (Plate XXIV). The close similarities among the races Maiz [ 124 ] Blando de Sonora, Pima-Papago and Fremont Dent are seen in Plate X XV). he denting of kernels in Pima-Papago to produce the Fremont Dent apparently allowed a more northerly ex- tension of the culture of this hybrid race. The dent type of kernel has some of the advantages of both the hard, flinty kernels which are more resistant to decay in cool moist soils and the soft, floury kernels which are easier to grind for flour. The dent itself refers to a depression which develops in the crown of the kernel and extends toward the column of soft starch which occurs in the cen- tral region of the kernel. The sides of dent kernels are flinty and, thereby, provide protection against decay in the region most susceptible. During germination, the column of soft starch expands toward the crown, causing the dent to disappear. The degree of denting is variable in different races of maize and appears to be one of the effects of teosinte in- trogression. Denting is correlated with the number of chromosome knobs, which in turn is related to tripsa- coidness in the maize from western Guatemala (Mangels- dorf and Cameron, 1942) and in the maize from the United States (Brown, 1949). Since there is at most only slight denting in Chapalote even where there is extensive teosinte introgression, it was apparently the introduction of Maiz de Ocho germplasm combined with the tripsacoid Chapalote germplasm that made denting possible. Although most collections of Fremont Dent appear to be merely a dented form of the Pima-Papago race, apparently some of its northernmost isolates have ac- quired slightly more pointed kernels and shorter ears than the Pima-Papago race and, consequently, have some superficial resemblance to the race called Zapalote Chico. In fact, it has been suggested that Zapalote Chico jumped about one thousand miles from central Mexico to the [125 ] Castle Park area in northwestern Colorado (Anderson, 1959), although the present distribution of this race is even farther south in the southernmost Mexican states of Oaxaca and Chiapas. The most Zapalote Chico-like specimen which we were able to pick out of the Peabody Museum Collection from Fremont sites is from near Vernal, Utah, not far from Castle Park. This specimen matches very closely the ears from Castle Park which Anderson (1959) has called Zap- alote Chico, but its resemblance to Zapalote Chico is not convincing when it is compared with actual specimens of this race obtained through Dr. E. J. Wellhausen of the Rockefeller Foundation in Mexico (Plate X XVI). Any similarities which exist between the Castle Park maize and Zapalote Chico may stem from the fact that Zapa- lote Chico and our candidate, the Pima-Papago race, have some similarities in their ancestry, as pointed out by Mangelsdorf (personal communication). That is, Nal Tel, one parent of Zapalote Chico, is either related to or else is the actual precursor of Chapalote, which is one parent of Maiz Blando (Pima-Papago). Furthermore, both hybrid races involve teosinte introgression, coming by way of the race Tepecintle in the case of Zapalote Chico and coming in more directly during the origin of Maiz Blando from Harinoso de Ocho and Chapalote (see Wellhausen et al., 1952). ARCHAEOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS This re-examination of the origin and spread of Maiz de Ocho has far-reaching implications for the archaeology of the Southwest, especially the Pueblo II expansion; for the beginnings of sedentary cultures in the Plains east of the Rocky Mountains; and for the development of cultures across the northern part of the United States as far as the Atlantic Ocean. Considering the very limited [ 126 ] data with which we are dealing and the inherent impre- cision of radiocarbon dating, which provides much of our chronological framework, it cannot be emphasized too strongly that the reconstructions here outlined, especially those concerning eastern United States, are of a tenta- tive nature. It has already been pointed out that pre-Chapalote, the maize introduced from Mexico into the American Southwest some 5000 years ago, developed quite slowly, until teosinte was introduced, also from Mexico, by about 500 B.C. Pre-Chapalote has been recovered from the earliest, but undated, levels at Swallow Cave in Chihuahua (Mangelsdorf and Lister, 1956) and from the earliest, per- haps 5000-year-old level, at Bat Cave in southwestern New Mexico (Johnson, 1951; Mangelsdorf, 1954). More evolved, teosinte-contaminated, early Chapalote was recovered from a 2300-year-old level at Tularosa Cave in southwestern New Mexico not far from Bat Cave (Cutler, 1952; Johnson, 1951). The highly variable hy- brids that resulted from the blending of Chapalote and teosinte provided the base for the Basketmaker and Pueblo development. By the beginning of the Christian era, the Basketmaker horticultural way of life had spread north into southern Utah and southwestern Colorado. A number of sites in this area that have yielded early and evolved types of Chapalote showing varying amounts of teosinte contamination have been dated by dendrochro- nology. Among these are Cave du Pont (A.D. 217) in south-central Utah (Collins, in: Nusbaum, 1922; Schul- man, 1949); White Dog Cave (A.D. 312), as well as other sites in the Marsh Pass area of northeastern Ari- zona (Kidder and Guernsey, 1919; Guernsey and Kid- der, 1921; Gladwin, 1957: 87); and the Durango Basketmaker site (A. D. 46-830) near Durango in south- western Colorado (Morris and Burgh, 1954). [ 127 ] At about A.D. 700, the new race of maize that we have named Maiz de Ocho made its appearance in north- ern Mexico, where it survives in a race called Harinoso de Ocho. Our data are still too few to establish with cer- tainty the routes by which Harinoso de Ocho traveled. No evidence of its influence has been noted between its postulated homeland in South America and northern Mexico. From the location of the few sites in the latter area where it has been found, the most likely route would have been up the west coast of Mexico. It seems proba- ble that it was also introduced into Central America and southern Mexico, but since this race is especially well suited to high latitudes or altitudes, it is not surprising that no evidence of it can be seen in the maize of this tropi- cal area. Once it reached northern Mexico, however, it apparently spread very rapidly throughout the South- west, where it occurs at Tularosa Cave at about the same time that it appears in Chihuahua. Since it was crossing an area which had long contained other maize, some of the new germplasm probably spread in the form of a hybrid. Our re-examination of some of the charred cobs from the Durango, Colorado Basketmaker site that were origi- nally thought to show a significant amount of ‘‘Eastern”’ (Maiz de Ocho) influence, led to the conclusion that the traits in question were more probably the result of teo- sinte introgression. Thus, with the cancellation of this material as evidence of Maiz de Ocho in a Basketmaker context, we can probably rule out its occurrence in the Southwest prior to about A.D. 700, when it entered the Mogollon area. The addition of this new race appears to have given a second and even more potent impetus to the develop- ment of the already well-adapted maize in the South- west. By sometime between about A.D. 950 and 1100, the area occupied by the Pueblo cultures reached its [ 128 | maximum extent with what is known as the Pueblo II expansion; and throughout the Southwest, after about A.D. 950, the archaeological maize shows a blending of Chapalote, teosinte and Maiz de Ocho. The persistence until at least A. D. 1247 of essentially pure Maiz de Ocho, along with other strongly Chapalote-affiliated maize, is dramatically shown at Painted Cave, northeastern Ari- zona (Haury, 1945, Plate 36). The reason for the Pueblo II expansion into areas not previously occupied by horticulturists has not been satis- factorily explained. A period of more favorable rainfall has generally been accepted as one factor. We are sug- gesting here that a more important factor was the intro- duction of the new race of maize, Maiz de Ocho, which, when blended with the previously cultivated maize, re- sulted in more abundant yields of a grain that was not only more easily milled, but also better suited to a wider range of environments, particularly higher elevations and latitudes. Thus, the introduction of Maiz de Ocho ap- pears to have provided a food resource that contributed to a population increase, and a maize sufficiently adapta- ble to higher latitudes that it permitted this increased population to carry the Pueblo farming way of life an additional 250 miles farther north than had previously been possible. Although the Pueblo area spread limited distances both east and west during this period (ca. A.D. 900--1100), the most dramatic expansion was to the north, with the movement of the Fremont and Sevier (probably Plateau Shoshonean) peoples into the northern 85% of Utah (Gunnerson 1960, 1962). This study started with an examination of maize re- mains collected by the Claflin-Emerson Expeditions to eastern Utah sponsored by Peabody Museum of Harvard between 1928 and 1931. The archaeology of some of these sites has been described previously by Morss (19381) [ 129 ] and that of the remainder has been described recently by Gunnerson (n.d. b). This very interesting and important maize collection contains excellently preserved specimens from Fremont sites well distributed over that part of eastern Utah north of the Colorado River. The collection includes 226 ears, cobs and fragments of cobs in which a complete cross section is retained, plus other miscellane- ous maize remains. A full tabulation and description of this material is in preparation, but only sites yielding definite evidence of Maiz de Ocho are included in Table I of this report. About 10% of the Fremont maize ex- amined is eight-rowed, but some of these specimens show strong tripsacoidness. On the other hand, however, some ten- and twelve-rowed specimens show significant incre- crements of Maiz de Ocho. A few of the samples of Fremont maize were found in isolated rock shelters without associated diagnostic arti- facts. However, since these sites are in areas where the Fremont Culture is the only horticultural archaeological complex, it is safe to assign these finds to Fremont. The finding at other sites of Maiz de Ocho specimens asso- ciated with diagnostic Fremont artifacts and with a wide range of other maize, mostly that here defined as Fre- mont Dent, helps substantiate the assignment of the iso- lated finds. Other archaeological maize from the Southwest that has been examined or re-examined includes portions of the Peabody Museum Collections made by Guernsey and Kidder in northeastern Arizona and by Cosgrove in southwestern New Mexico. These two collections rep- resent the Kayenta Anasazi and Mogollon cultures, respectively. Certain changes that took place in the Pueblo II period, when considered along with the advent of Maiz de Ocho, raise questions such as the following: Did the r 130 ] greater ease with which the new maize could be milled cause changes in the design of manos and metates, such as the use of mealing bins and the graded coarseness of the metates? Did the increased yields provided by the new maize result in changes of settlement pattern and village plan, as well as changes in architectural styles, such as increased size of storage rooms? Did the increased yields make the Pueblo people overly dependent upon maize horticulture so that the occasional inevitable crop failures, especially when they occurred for several con- secutive years, cause severe hardships and increased in- ter-village competition for the most desirable farm land, and even raids against villages which did harvest a suc- cessful crop by another village which did not? Was the moving of storage rooms into large multiroomed struc- tures a device for protecting the surpluses that could now be amassed? ‘These and many other questions can proba- bly be answered by additional field work and a re-exami- nation of data now available. With regard to the area east of the Rocky Mountains, there are scattered bits of evidence (Caldwell, 1958) that maize was grown in various places in the southeastern quarter of the United States probably as early as the last few centuries B.C. It is uncertain, however, just how important maize was in the Hopewell Culture with which these scattered finds of maize have been most commonly associated. Very little maize has been recovered, but this could be due in part to poor conditions for preservation. The best description of Hopewell maize appears to be that by Cutler (nx: McGregor, 1958: 169-170) based on 106 grains, but no cobs, from the Pool Site, a Hopewell village in west-central [llinois. These grains appeared to be from ears with 10 to 14 rows, mostly 12, and similar to maize from the upper prepottery and lower pottery levels at Tularosa Cave. Cutler states that ‘“The ears [131 J probably resembled the Guatemalan Tropical Flints more than they resembled the historic ears of the re- gion’’ and that ‘‘The grains probably were flint, but might have been flour. They were not sweet, pop, or dent.” The only direct evidence of maize in Plains Woodland (ca. A.D. 0-900) consists of a few kernels found in east- ern Nebraska at a site assignable to its latest phase (Kivett, 1952; Wedel, 1961). Of this maize, Mangels- dorf (tn: Kivett, 1952: 58) said ‘“‘their size and shape is such as to indicate they are popcorn not too different from the primitive popcorn from Bat Cave dated at 1500 to 2000 B.C. This does not mean, of course, that this particular corn was grown at such an early date but there is no doubt that it represents a relatively primitive type of corn.”’ Thus, there is no chance that either the Hopewell or the Woodland maize is closely related to Maiz de Ocho, nor is it likely that either was involved in any way with the spread of Maiz de Ocho prior to its appearance in the Southwest. The dataare still too few to permit safe speculation on the relationship between Plains Wood- land maize and Hopewell maize. Although Plains W ood- land was contemporaneous with at least Late Hopewell and was apparently related to it both culturally and by trade, we can not be certain of even the relative chrono- logical relationship between the maize described for each. Both races, however, appear to be derivable from the Chapalote maize occurring even earlier in the Southwest. East of the Rocky Mountains, the earliest dated oc- currence of something resembling Maiz de Ocho is at the Davis Site in eastern Texas, as described by Jones (1949). We borrowed samples of charred cobs taken from this site and concluded that they might have been from a small-eared type of Maiz de Ocho because of their { 182 ] eight-rowed condition and wide, glabrous cupules; but positive identification as such cannot be made. There is a possibility that they may be of a different origin. For example, specimens resembling these and derived from mixtures of early Nal Tel and Chapalote come from El Riego Cave, excavated by R. S. MacNeish in the state of Puebla (unpub.). Archaeological Nal Tel, which is eight-rowed with wide but hairy cupules and dated at about 4445 years ago, comes from much nearer ‘Texas in the state of Tamaulipas in northeastern Mexico (Man- gelsdorf et al., 1956). The Davis site maize was originally dated by radio- carbon, using the ‘‘carbon black’’ method, at A.D. 398 +175 (Johnson, 1951). More recently, the University of Michigan laboratory arrived at a date of A.D. 1307 +150 for this site, a date which is more in accord with archaeological evidence, although it is somewhat later than expected (Griffin and Yarnell, 1963). The actual age for the site may lie between these two dates; per- haps a conservative guess would put it at ca. A. D. 800-—- 1000. In any case, the date would not be too early to preclude Maiz de Ocho from having spread to the Davis Site from northern Mexico via the Southwest, the inter- pretation most compatible with the available data. This spread could very easily be an extension of the ca. A.D. 700-1100 dispersal of Maiz de Ocho in the Southwest, but without Pueblo culture accompanying the maize to eastern Texas. At about A.D. 1000, the first sedentary horticultural complexes appear, apparently full blown, in the Central Plains, extending as far north as northern Nebraska. The best known of these cultures are the Upper Republican Aspect of central and western Nebraska and western Kansas, the Nebraska Culture of eastern Nebraska and northeastern Kansas, and the Smoky Hill Aspect of cen- [ 133 ] tral Kansas. These three complexes, which together form the Central Plains phase or tradition, persisted until sometime between ca. A.D. 1450 and 1550, ending probably earlier in the west and later in the east. South of the Central Plains phase, and at least partly contempo- raneous with it, are similar and perhaps related complexes such as the Antelope Creek Focus of the Texas Panhandle and the Washita and Custer foci of Oklahoma. Wedel (1959: 628) states, ‘‘The origins of the Central Plains tradition remain to be worked out. That it is basically of eastern or southeastern derivation seems clear. The square earth lodge is well known from prehistoric cul- tures farther south, in eastern Oklahoma and Arkansas; and as we have seen, there is direct evidence of contacts between Smoky Hill valley sites and the lower Arkansas valley. More accurate determination of chronology in the two areas is needed before we can be certain of the significance of the contacts.”’ It is specifically with the Arkansas River area that Southwestern cultures apparently had contacts in the lower Mississippi drainage at about A. D. 700 (Jennings, ed., 1959: 84-86). With some sort of relationship al- ready established between the Southwest and the Arkan- sas River area, it is reasonable to assume that Maiz de Ocho would have reached this area as soon as it did the Davis Site 275 miles straight south. The Arkansas River area, could, in fact, have served as a point from which Maiz de Ocho was dispersed north, south and east. The lack of Southwestern trade items at all of the numerous sites of the Central Plains phase, whereas such trade material is relatively abundant in later periods (Wedel, 1961), helps support the idea that Maiz de Ocho did not enter the Central Plains directly from the Southwest. In the Central Plains, Kivett (1949, p. 280) reported maize cobs with six to twelve rows from Upper Repub- [ 134 ] lican sites in southwestern Nebraska. Our examination of charred cobs in the Peabody Museum Collection from Nebraska Culture sites in eastern Nebraska revealed a very strong Maiz de Ocho component with eight-rowed cobs present from about half of the sites. Although the development from Upper Republican or Nebraska Culture through Lower Loup into Pawnee and Arikara, as suggested by Strong (1940, 382), has not been definitely established, it is generally thought probable; and no other equally plausible fate for the Upper Repub- lican people or origin for the Pawnee and Arikara people has been advanced. In earliest historical times, Pawnee, along with the very closely related Arikara to the north and Wichita and Caddo to the south, formed a nearly solid Caddoan-speaking bloc extending from Texas into South Dakota. Much about the culture of these tribes relates them closely to the southeast. Thus, it seems probable that the Caddo Tribe of Texas remained near the Proto-Caddoan homeland, while the Wichita, Paw- nee and Arikara moved north. When these various lines of evidence are considered together, they suggest that the spread of maize in the Plains probably paralleled the spread of maize in central and northern Utah. The introduction of Maiz de Ocho into the part of the Southeast contiguous to the South- ern Plains may have triggered a population expansion that resulted in a movement of people into the Central Plains, which had not been suited to the growing of the kinds of maize previously available. Furthermore, it seerms very likely that Maiz de Ocho and the Central Plains tradition which it made possible were both carried by speakers of Caddoan languages. Because the western part of the Plains, especially, was environmentally pre- carious for the growing of maize, decreased rainfall in the 1400’s probably caused a withdrawal of these prehis- toric farmers to the northeast. [ 135 ] In spite of the great amount of archaeological salvage work done in the Missouri River Basin since about 1946, the dating of the beginnings of sedentary farming cul- tures in the Dakotas is not exactly known, but Wedel (1961) considers it later than the beginning of Upper Republican farther south. In central South Dakota, Lehmer (1954) and others recognize a blending of two traditions: one from the East and one from the Central Plains, of which Upper Republican is a classic example. The fact that this blending took place apparently well after the beginning of the Central Plains tradition helps support a southern or southwestern origin of maize in the Plains. Later sites in the Plains, most of them dating from after ca. A.D. 1600, have yielded specimens of maize with a very significant percentage of eight-rowed cobs that are predominantly Maiz de Ocho. At some sites, the maize is entirely eight-rowed. Farther east, across the northern United States, Brown and Anderson (1947) showed the same pattern, with a general tendency for the percentage of eight-rowed specimens to be higher in the extreme north. Furthermore, all the sites across the northern United States from which specimens of maize have been collected are apparently of a date later than ca. A.D. 1000 (Brown and Anderson, 1947). As the area of maize cultivation expanded north, natural selec- tion would have played a very important part in filtering out Maiz de Ocho germplasm in the form of the North- ern Flint, which was the sole historic Indian maize from the Dakotas across the northern United States to the Atlantic Ocean. In any case, the introduction of Maiz de Ocho into what is now the United States probably did more to change the way of life of more of its people in a short time than did any other single prehistoric innovation. [ 186 ] Furthermore, if additional archaeological and botanical work bears out the reconstruction of the history of Maiz de Ocho here outlined, and we think that it may, the solution of many local archaeological problems will be greatly facilitated, and an understanding of the original source of Northern Flint germplasm should advance the field of hybrid maize breeding. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Sincere appreciation is expressed to Dr. Paul C. Mangelsdorf, Director of the Botanical Museum, for his suggestions and encouragement during the course of the investigation; to Dr. J. O. Brew, Director of the Peabody Museum, for permission to examine the various collections of maize, including previously unreported ma- terial; to Drs. Mangelsdorf, Brew and R. S. MacNeish for their critical reading of the manuscript; to Dr. Vol- ney H. Jones of the Museum of Anthropology at the University of Michigan for providing us with critical maize cobs from the Davis Site in Texas and the Durango Site in Colorado; to Dr. Charles J. Bareis of the Depart- ment of Anthropology, University of Illinois for provid- ing material from the Cahokia area in Illinois which was examined in Urbana; and to Dr. E. J. Wellhausen of the Rockefeller Foundation for supplying certain critical ears of Mexican races of maize for comparison with our archaeological specimens. [ 137 ] Tass I, Distribution of eight-rowed archaeological maize. Only specimens which show clear evidence of Maiz de Ocho are included in the percentages from col- lections which we examined. Collections containing fewer than five specimens are marked (*). Few of the sites have been precisely dated so most of the dates must be considered close approximations. State and CHIHUAHUA ARIZONA Pima Gila Navajo Apache ? NEW MEXICO Grant Catron Catron UTAH San Juan San Juan San Juan Wayne Wayne Wayne Sevier (County) Site and Date %8 (Cultural Affiliation) A.D. Row Reference Waterfall Cave 1100-36 Cutler (1960) 1600 Swallow Cave, Level I ca.900 33 Mangelsdorf & Lister (1956) Swallow Cave, Level II ca.1000 17 Mangelsdorf & Lister (1956) Reeve Ruin 1250-- 66 Cutler zm: DiPeso (1958) (Western Pueblo) 1550 Richards Cave 1100- 29 Galinat et al. (1956) (Sinagua) 1200 Painted Cave 1247 20 Haury (1945) (Kayenta Anasazi) Cave 8 800- Guernsey & Kidder (1921) (Kayenta Anasazi) 1200 Antelope Cave 1000-12 Cutler & Bower in: Adams et 1150 al. (1961) Cave, Mouth of Shelley 700- 33* Peabody Mus. Cat. 97439 & Canyon (Mogollon) 1200 Cosgrove (1947) Kelly Cave 700- 59 Peabody Mus. Cat. A7251 & (Mogollon) 1200 Cosgrove (1947) Tularosa Cave, Level 4 700- 62 Cutler (1952) (Mogollon) Level 3 73 Level 2 63 Level 1 1200 67 NA6456 1100-24 Cutler & Bower in: Adams et (Anasazi) 1300 al. (1961) NA3732 1150- 33 Cutler & Bower in: Adams et (Anasazi) 1200 al. (1961) NA6813 ? 29 Cutler & Bower in: Adams et (Anasazi) al. (1961) Morss 21 950- 50* Peabody Mus. Cat. A6466 & (Fremont) 1200 Morss (1931) Morss 37 950- 100* Peabody Mus. Cat. A6819 & (Fremont) 1200 Morss (1931) FL 12-4 950- 25* Peabody Mus. Cat. 33-2-10- (Fremont) 1200 196, Gunnerson, (n.d. b) Old Woman 950- ? Taylor (1957) (Fremont) 1200 Taste I (cont. ) Sevier Grand Uintah Carbon Uintah Grand TEXAS Cherokee KANSAS Rice Doniphan Doniphan MISSOURI Platte McDonald NEBRASKA Knox Boyd Douglas Douglas Douglas Frontier SOUTH DAKOTA Stanley Stanley ? Corson Snake Rock (Fremont) Turner-Look (Fremont) ET 6-3 (Fremont) PR 4-27 (Fremont) A 6-1 (Fremont) Luster Cave Davis Site Tobias Site Doniphan Site Fanning Site (Oneota) Steed Kisker Jane Ponca Fort Lynch A-3 (Nebraska Culture) Debelka C (Nebraska Culture) Wright Place (Nebraska Culture) Medicine Creek, Misc. (Upper Republican) Phillips Ranch (Snake Butte Focus) Dodd Site (Stanley Focus) Elk Creek (Historic Arikara) Leavenworth (Historic Arikara) 950- 1200 950- 1200 950- 1200 950— 1200 950- 1200 900- 1000 ca.800- 1000 ca.1550 ca.1750 ca.1700- 1800 ca.1500 1100- 1550 1100- 1550 1100- 1550 1000- 1550 1750- 1800 1700- 1750 ca.1800 ca.1800 [ 189 ] 10 Gunnerson (n.d. a) ? Nickerson in: Wormington (1955) 3 Peabody Mus. Cat. A7612 & Gunnerson (n.d. b) 33 Peabody Mus. Cat. A7984 & Gunnerson (n.d. b) 7 Peabody Mus. Cat. A7944, A7945 & Gunnerson (n.d. b) 33 Nickerson & Hou in: Worm- ington & Lister (1956) 2? Jones (1949) 20 Brown & Anderson (1947) 29 Brown & Anderson (1947) 50* Brown & Anderson (1947) 40 Brown & Anderson (1947) ~w Brown & Anderson (1947) 100 Brown & Anderson (1947) 40 Brown & Anderson (1947) 27 Peabody Mus. Cat. 82528 39 Peabody Mus. Cat. 90409 65 Peabody Mus. Cat. 90579 ~~ Kivett (1949; 280) 100 Lehmer (1954) 100 Lehmer (1954) 100 Brown & Anderson (1947) 100 Brown & Anderson (1947) Tasce I (cont.) Corson Rygh 1750- _25* Brown & Anderson (1947) 1800 ILLINOIS Madison Cahokia Mound Bareis, personal communication MICHIGAN Wayne Gibralter 100* Brown & Anderson (1947) OHIO Lancaster Kettle Hill 78 Brown & Anderson (1947) Lancaster Baldwin 100* Brown & Anderson (1947) ? Gartner Village ca.1500 100* Brown & Anderson (1947) (Fort Ancient) ? Fuert ca.1500 33 Brown & Anderson (1947) (Fort Ancient) ? Baum ca.1350 100* Brown & Anderson (1947) £ Madisonville Mound 1600- 71 Brown & Anderson (1947) 1700 NEW YORK Sackett Sackett Co. ca.1000 91 Brown & Anderson (1947) (Owasco) ? Silver Wheels ca.1500 50* Brown & Anderson (1947) (Iroquois) SOUTH CAROLINA Kershaw McDowell Mound 40 Brown & Anderson (1947) GEORGIA Columbia Stallings Mound probably 50 Brown & Anderson (1947) after 1600 and Claflin (1939) ALABAMA ? Guntersville Basin TVA 25 Brown & Anderson (1947) Houston Seaborn Mound ca.1400 67 Neumann (1961) (Fort Walton) KENTUCKY ? Kings Mound 20 Brown & Anderson (1947) [ 140 ] LITERATURE CITED Adams, W. Y., A. L. Lindsay Jr., and C. G. Turner II, 1961. Sur- vey and excavations in lower Glen Canyon, 1952-1958. Museum of Northern Arizona, Bull. 36. Anderson, E., 1959. Zapalote Chico: An important chapter in the history of maizeand man. Actas del 33 Congreso Internacional de Americanistas: 230-237. and H.C. Cutler, 1942. Races of Zea mays: I. Their recogni- tion and classification. Ann. Missouri Bot. Gard. 29; 69-86. Brown, W. L., 1949. Numbers and distribution of chromosome knobs in United States maize. Genetics 34: 524-536. and E. Anderson, 1947. The northern flint corns. Ann, Missouri Bot. Gard. 34: 1-22. Burgh, R. F. and C. R. Scoggin, 1948. The archaeology of Castle Park Dinosaur National Monument. Univ. of Colorado Studies, Series in Anthropology No. 2. Caldwell, J. R., 1958. Trend and tradition in the prehistory of the eastern United States. Amer. Anthropological Association Memoir 88. Carter, G., 1945. Plant geography and cultural history in the Ameri- can Southwest. Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology No. 5. Claflin, W. H. Jr., 1931. The Stalling’s Island mound Columbia County, Georgia. Papers of the Peabody Museum, Harvard Univ. 14 (1). Cosgrove, C. B., 1947. Caves of the upper Gila and Hueco areas in New Mexico and Texas. Papers of the Peabody Museum, Harvard Univ. 24: 1-181. Cutler, H. C., 1952. A preliminary survey of plant remains of Tula- rosa Cave. Chicago Museum of Natural History. Fieldiana: Anthro- pology 40: 461-479. ——, 1960. Cultivated plant remains from Waterfall Cave, Chihua- hua. Amer. Antiquity 26: 277-279. DiPeso, C. C., 1958. The Reeve Ruin of southeastern Arizona. The Amerind Foundation, Inc. No. 8. Galinat, W.C., P. C. Mangelsdorf and L. Pierson, 1956. Estimates of teosinte introgression in archaeological maize. Bot. Mus. Leafl. Harvard Univ. 17: 101-124. [141 ] ——— and R. J. Ruppé, 1961. Further archaeological evidence on the effects of teosinte introgression in the evolution of modern maize. Bot. Mus. Leafl. Harvard Univ. 19: 163-181. ——, 1963. Form and function of plant structures in the American Maydeae and their significance for breeding. Economic Botany 17: 50-59. Gladwin, H.S., 1957. A history of the ancient Southwest. Portland, Maine. Graner, KE. A. and G. O. Addison, 1944. Meiose em Tripsacum aus- trale Cutler e Anderson. Anais Escola Superior Agric. ‘‘Luis Quei- roz’’ 13. 218-224, Griffin, J. B. and R. A. Yarnell, 1963. A new radiocarbon date from the Davis Site, Cherokee County, Texas. Amer. Antiquity 28: 896-397. Grobman, A., W. Salhuana, R. Sevilla in collaboration with P. C. Mangelsdorf, 1961. Races of maize in Peru. Nat. Acad. Sci., Nat. Res. Council Publication 915: 1-374. Guernsey, S. J. and A. V. Kidder, 1921. Basket-maker caves of northeastern Arizona. Papers of the Peabody Museum, Harvard Univ. 8 (2). Gunnerson, J. H., 1960. The Fremont culture: internal dimensions and external relationships. Amer. Antiquity 25: 373-380. ——., 1962. Plateau Shoshonean prehistory : a suggested reconstruc- tion. Amer. Antiquity 28: 41-45. ——., (n.d. a). Archaeological excavations at Snake Rock, Central Utah. Manuscript. ——, (n.d. b). The Fremont culture: a study in culture dynamics on the northern Anasazi frontier. Manuscript. Haury, E. H., 1945. Painted Cave northeastern Arizona. The Amer- ind Foundation, Inc. No. 3. Jennings, J. D. (ed.), 1955. The American Southwest; A problem in cultural isolation. Society for Amer. Archaeology, Memoir 11: 59-127. Johnson, F. (compiler), 1951. Radiocarbon dating. Society for Amer. Archaeology, Memoir 17. Jones, V. H., 1949. Maize from the Davis Site; its nature and inter- pretation: in H. P. Newell and A.D. Krieger, The George C. Davis site, Cherokee County, Texas. Society for Amer. Archaeology, Memoir 5: 239-249. [ 142 ] and R. L. Fonner, 1954. Plant materials from sites in the Du- rango and La Plata areas, Colorado: im E. H. Morris and R. F. Burgh, Basket Maker II sites near Durango, Colorado. Carnegie Inst. of Washington, Publication 604. Kidder, A.V., and S. J. Guernsey, 1919. Archeological explorations in northeastern Arizona. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of Ameri- can Ethnology, Bull. 65. Kivett, M. F., 1949. Archaeological investigations in Medicine Creek reservoir, Nebraska. Amer. Antiquity 14: 278-284. ——, 1952. Woodland sites in Nebraska. Nebraska State Historical Soc. Publications in Anthropology: 1. Lehmer, D. J., 1954. Archaeological investigations in the Oahe dam area, South Dakota, 1950-51. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, River Basin Surveys Papers, No. 7. MacNeish, R.S., 1962. Second annual report of the Tehuacan archae- ological-botanical project. R.S. Peabody Foundation for Archaeo- logy, Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. Mangelsdorf, P. C., 1954. New evidence on the origin and ancestry of maize. Amer. Antiquity 19: 409-410. and R.G. Reeves, 1939. The origin of Indian corn and its rela- tives. Texas Agric. Exper. Sta. Bull. 574. and J. W. Cameron, 1942. Western Guatemala, a secondary center of origin of cultivated maize varieties. Bot. Mus. Leafl. Harvard Univ. 10: 217-252. and C. E. Smith, Jr., 1949. New archaeological evidence on evolution in maize. Bot. Mus. Leaf. Harvard Univ. 13: 213-247. and R. H. Lister, 1956. Archaeological evidence on the evolu- tion of maize in northwestern Mexico. Bot. Mus. Leafl. Harvard Univ. 17: 151-177. —., R.S. MacNeish and W.C. Galinat, 1956. Archaeological evi- dence on the diffusion and evolution of maize in northeastern Mexi- co. Bot. Mus. Leafl. Harvard Univ. 17: 125-150. Martin, P.S., J.B. Rinaldo, E. Bluhm, H.C.Cutler, and R. Grange, Jr., 1952. Mogollon culture continuity and change. Chicago Mu- seum of Natural History. Fieldiana: Anthropology: 40. McGregor, J. C., 1958. The Pool and Irving Villages. University of Illinois, Urbana. Morris, E. H., and R. F. Burgh, 1954. Basket Maker II sites near Durango, Colorado. Carnegie Inst. of Washington, Publication 604. [ 143 ] Morss, N., 1931. The ancient culture of the Fremont River in Utah. Papers of the Peabody Museum, Harvard Univ. 12 (3). Neuman, R. W., 1961. Domesticated corn from a Fort Walton mound site in Houston County, Alabama. The Florida Anthropologist XIV : 75-80. Nusbaum, J. L., 1922. A Basket Maker cavein Kane County, Utah. Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, Indian Notes and Monographs. 29. Pierson, L., 1956. The archaeology of Richards Caves, Arizona. Pla- teau 28 (4): 91-97. Plumb, C.S., 1898. The geographic distribution of cereals in North America. U.S. Dept. of Agriculture, Div. of Biological Survey Bull. 11: 1-24. Reeves, R. G., 1950. The use of Teosinte in the improvement of corn inbreds. Agron. Jour. 42: 248-251. Roberts, L. M., U. J. Grant, R. E. Ricardo, W. H. Hatheway and D. L. Smith in collaboration with P. C. Mangelsdorf, 1957. Races of maize in Colombia. Nat. Acad. Sci., Nat. Res. Council Publi- eation 510: 1-153. Schulman, E., 1949. An extension of Durango chronology. Tree- Ring Bull. 16 (2). Strong, W. D., 1940. From history to prehistory in the northern Great Plains. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Smithsonian Institution 100: 353-394. Wallace, H. A., and W. L. Brown, 1956. Corn and its early fathers. The Michigan State University Press, The Lakeside Press, Chica- go, Ill. Wedel, W. R., 1959. An introduction to Kansas archeology. Smith- sonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bull. 174. —, 1961. Prehistoric man on the Great Plains. Univ. of Okla- homa Press. Norman. Wellhausen, E. J., L. M. Roberts and E. Hernandez X. in collabora- tion with P. C. Mangelsdorf, 1952. Races of maize in Mexico. The Bussey Institution of Harvard Univ. Wormington, H. M., 1955. A reappraisal of the Fremont culture. Denver Museum of Natural History, Proceedings No. 1. and R. H. Lister, 1956. Archaeological investigations on the Uncompahgre plateau. Denver Museum of Natural History, Pro- ceedings No. 2. [144 ] [ILLUSTRATIONS [145 ] EXPLANATION OF THE ILLUSTRATION Piare XX. Eight-rowed cobs from various sites in the Southwest. Figs. 1-4 are probably just tripsacoid Chapalote types, as is reflected in their slender rachis, tapered butt, narrow cupules and indurated up- curved glumes. Figs. 5-12 represent the new eight-rowed race, Maiz de Ocho, as is reflected in their thick straight rachis, swollen butt and wide cupules. Cultural Affiliation Provenience and Fig. Peabody Museum No. and Date A.D. Reference Catalogue No. 1 Fremont Site PR 3-31. 30 mi. NW of A7800 (950-1200) Price, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) 2 Fremont Site PR 38-31. 30 mi. NW of PR 4-31 (950-1200) Price, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) 3 Fremont Site PR 3-31. 30 mi. NW of AT7761 (950-1200) Price, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) 4 Fremont Site PR 3-31. 30 mi. NW of A7800 (950-1200) Price, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) 5 Fremont Site ET 6-3. 60 mi. S of Ver- A7T612 (950-1200) nal, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) 6 Fremont Site A 6-1. 6 mi. NW of Ver- A7945 (950-1200) nal, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) 7 Fremont Site PR 4-27. 30 mi. NW of AT984 (950-1200) Price, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) 8 Fremont Site PR 4-27. 30 mi. NW of A7984 (950-1200) Price, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) 9 Kayenta Anasazi Cave 8. NW of Kayenta, Ari- A3520 (700-1250) zona. Guernsey and Kidder (1921: 34) 10 Fremont Site FL 12-4, 8 mi. E of 10/196 (950-1200) Fruita, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) 11 Fremont Site 21. 15 mi. S of Fruita, A6466 (950-1200) Utah. Morss (1931: 11-12) 12. Fremont Site 37. 11 mi. N of Fruita, A6819 (950-1200) Utah. Morss (1931: 27) [ 146 ] | PLATE XXI ¢ 7 Ee \\\, ae | Wwe 0 \ is 3 5 ot BE ‘ B2 52 \» p LIFE ZONES x N ~~ a 6 : tag" 4 ZZ Transition | AY — A\ —, 80 | tipi 90 f $b a vere) EZ ZAZA Ze : Wy LA 2 Ven AD AN A sw => \Wr2 SS \W AVAN <2 ie) ay N SS \ Pp R\\ EXSY wwe — —— ¢ 80 to Adapted with modifications from Plumb (1898) Fiate XXII 30 50 = z 5 8 2 5 8 = ES = ee ra 28 s§ 82 = 2m ve wy ns te BS x ° fa) e fe) 70 = a (ole) e \ | 100 Like) 120 EXPLANATION OF THE ILLUSTRATION Prare XXIII. Variation in cobs from sites in southwestern New Mex- ico after the introduction of Maiz de Ocho. Some of the representa- tive Chapalote types (figs. 1-3) remain together with highly tripsacoid forms of Chapalote (figs. 4-6) as well as nearly pure types of the Maiz de Ocho (figs. 7-9) and their most productive hybrid products which approach the best ears of modern Pueblo (figs. 10-12). Fig. No. 1 6 10 12 Cultural Affiliation and Date A.D. Mogollon (?-1200) Mogollon (7—1200) Mogollon (7-1200) Mogollon (?—1200) Mogollon (?—1200) Mogollon (?-1200) Mogollon (27-1200) Mogollon (?-1200) Mogollon (27-1200) Mogollon (?7—1200) Mogollon (?-1200) Mogollon (?-1200) Provenience and Peabody Museum Reference Catalogue No. Cave 7, 26 mi. NE of El Paso, 96848 N.M. Cosgrove (1947 : 38) Cave 7, 26. mi. NE of El Paso, 96848 N.M. Cosgrove (1947 :38) Cave 7, 26 mi. NE of El Paso, 96848 N.M. Cosgrove (1947: 38) Kelly Cave, 10 mi. N of Alma, A7251 N.M. Cosgrove (1947 : 25-26) Cave 2, W.Fork of Gila R. 20 mi. Eof Alma, N.M. Cosgrove (1947: 22) Cave 1, Middle Fork, Gila R. 25 mi. KE of Alma, N.M. Cosgrove (1947: 20) Near mouth of Shelley Can- yon, 25 mi. SK of Alma, N.M. Cosgrove (1947 ) Kelly Cave, 10 mi. N of Alma, N.M. Cosgrove (1947 : 25-26) Kelly Cave, 10 mi. N of Alma, N.M. Cosgrove (1947: 25-26) Steamboat Cave, 30 mi. SE of Alma, N.M. Cosgrove (1947: 10-13) Steamboat Cave, 30 mi. SE of Alma, N.M. Cosgrove (1947: 10-13) Steamboat Cave, 30 mi. SE of Alma, N.M. Cosgrove (1947: 10-13) [ 150 ] L 96959 TIO1O 97439 97143 97143 PiareE XXIII Prare XXIV. EXPLANATION OF THE ILLUSTRATION Prehistoric dent maize from various sites in the Fre- mont area of Utah. Fig. 4, which is from the southeast corner of this area, is slightly older than the other specimens and is essentially a dented form of Chapalote. The rest of the specimens involve Maiz de Ocho as well as Chapalote and teosinte in their origin. Fig, No. eo 10 Cultural Affiliation and Date A.D. Fremont (950-1200) Fremont (950-1200) Fremont (950-1200) Basketmaker (200-700) Fremont (950-1200) Fremont (950-1200) Fremont (950-1200) Fremont (950-1200) Fremont (950-1200) Fremont (950-1200) Fremont (950-1200) Fremont (950-1200) Provenience and Peabody Museum Reference Catalogue No, Site 21. 15 mi. S of Fruita, A6466 Utah. Morss (1931; 11-12) Site PR 4-31. 30 mi. NW of A7769 Price, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) Site A 6-1. 6 mi. NW of Ver- A7T944 nal, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) Site SR 16-6. 35 mi SE of 10/284 Hanksville, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) Site 19. 15 mi. S of Fruita, AG478 Utah. Morss (1931: 10-11) Site 19. 15 mi. S of Fruita, AG4I78 Utah. Morss (1981: 10-11) Site 19. 15 mi. 5 of Fruita, A6520 Utah. Morss (1931: 10-11) Site PR 4-28. 30 mi. NW of A7736 Price, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) Site A 6-1. 6 mi. NW of Ver- A79386 nal, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) Site A 6-1. 6 mi. NW of Ver- AT944 nal, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d b) Site A 6-1. 6 mi. NW of Ver- A7T9O44 nal, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) Site A 6-1. 6 mi. NW of Ver- A7944 nal, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) Pirate XXV. EXPLANATION OF THE ILLUSTRATION Illustration of the close similarities among the races Maize Blando de Sonora, Pima-Papago and Fremont Dent. Fig. No. [a9] Cultural Affiliation and Date A.D. Fremont (950-1200) Hopi Pueblo 1880 Maize Blando de Sonora, modern Provenience and Peabody Museum Reference Catalogue No. Site 19. 12 mi. S of Fruita, A6520 Utah. Morss (1931: 10) Hopi Pueblo, 80 mi. NE of 3641 Flagstaff, Arizona E. J. Wellhausen, Rockefeller Foundation, Mexico PLatE XXV EXPLANATION OF THE ILLUSTRATION Pirare XXVI. A comparison of the most Zapalote Chico-like archaeo- logical specimen available to us from Fremont sites to actual Zapalote Chico. Fig. Cultural Affiliation Provenience and Peabody Museum No. and Date A.D. Reference Catalogue No, 1 Zapalote Chico E. J. Wellhausen, modern Rockefeller Foundation, Mexico 2 Fremont Site A 6-1. 6 mi. NW of AT944. (950-1200) Vernal, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) PLATE XXVI EXPLANATION OF THE ILLUSTRATION Prare XXVII. The evolutionary sequence in maize in the Southwest, as herein presented, is summarized in a pictorial manner in this plate. In the lower-right-hand corner is an example of pre-Chapalote, the first race to appear in the Southwest (about 5000 years ago), When teosinte introgression was introduced into this race at about 500 B.C., it produced the Early and Evolved Chapalote types shown just above. About A.D. 700 a new eight-rowed race, possibly derived from Ca- buya of South America, arrived in the Southwest, where it also hy- bridized with the indigenous types of Chapalote. Sometimes this eight-rowed race reasserted itself in the resulting segregations, except for acquiring flinty kernels, as shown by the vertical ear labeled Maiz de Ocho-S.W. Flint on the lower left, or nearly reasserted itself as illustrated by the adjacent ear, Near Maiz de Ocho. More frequently the truly intermediate conditions such as the Fremont Dent type in the northern part of the Southwest, the Pima-Papago type above it from the southern part of the Southwest or, still farther south, Maiz Blando from the Mexican state of Sonora came to predominate. Even more productive hybrids eventually evolved from the blending of Harinoso de Ocho, Chapalote and teosinte to yield such large ears as those of the Pueblo race (top center right) and its Mexican counter- part, Cristalino de Chihuahua (top center left). Modern counterparts of prehistoric Chapalote and Maiz de Ocho ean still be found growing in areas where they became well adapted. In the upper left corner are modern survivors, apparently only slightly changed, of the Maiz de Ocho which entered the Southwest about A.D. 700. The three modern (1961) ears of Chapalote in the upper right corner match off precisely with the nearly 2000-year-old ears of Early and Evolved Chapalote. The ear of Maiz Blando de Sonora is a modern counterpart of the Fremont Dent and Pima-Papago maize which have persisted for the last 1000 years. (The provenience is given in Table II.) DE OCHO —NORTHERN MAIZ DE OCHO — NORTHERN FLOUR CHAPALOTE HARINOSO DE OCHO TYPE a we F Fy rs 79929 * 43% au : ate we bans: NE CHAPALOTE He ae we we #8 eee: a. Jeet est as va [ PRE ~ CHAPALOTE Taste IL. Provenience of specimens illustrated in Plate XXVII. Archaeological Specimen Maiz de Ocho S.W. Flint Near Maiz de Ocho Fremont Dent Near Chapalote Dented Chapalote Harinoso de Ocho Evolved Chapalote Early Chapalote Pre-Chapalote Cultural Affiliation and Age Fremont (A.D. 950-1200) Kayenta Anasazi (A.D. 700-1250) Fremont (950-1200) Basketmaker (A.D. 200-700) Fremont (A.D. 950-1200) Mogollon (A.D. 700-1200) Basketmaker (A.D. 100-500) Basketmaker (A.D. 100-500) 1600-300 B.C. Provenience and Reference Site 37. 11 mi.N of Fruita, Utah. Morss (1931, p. 27) Cave 8. NW of Kayenta, Ari- zona, Guernsey & Kidder (1921, p. 34) Site A 6-1, 6 mi. NW of Vernal, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) Site SR 16-6, 40 mi. SE of Hanksville, Utah. Gunner- son (n.d. b) Site PR 4-31, 30 mi. NW of Price, Utah. Gunnerson (n.d. b) Kelly Cave. 10 mi. N of Alma, N.M. Cosgrove (1947: 25-26) Cave II, Marsh Pass, SW of Kaventa, Arizona. Kidder & Guernsey (1919, pp. 82-90) Cave II, Marsh Pass, SW of Kayenta, Arizona. Kidder & Guernsey (1919, pp. 82-90) Coxcatlan Cave, Zone H. Tehuacan, Mexico. MacNeish (1962) Modern Specimens Provenience Peabody Museum Catalogue No. A6819 A3520 A7936 10/264 97439 A2481 A2481 Harinoso de Ocho Type Northern Flour Northern Flint Chapalote (three ears) Maiz Blando de Sonora Pima-Papago Cristalino de Chihuahua Pueblo modern grown by Hidatsa Indians and identical to Harinoso de Ocho of Wellhausen ef a/., 1952. modern grown by Mandan Indians, N. Dakota. modern from New England. from E.. J. Wellhausen, grown in Mexico, 1961. from E. J. Wellhausen, grown in Mexico, 1961. collected in 1880 at Hopi Pueblos, N. Arizona. Peabody Museum Catalog No. 3641. from E. J. Wellhausen, grown in Mexico, 1961. modern grown by Pueblo indians. [ 160 | CamsripGar, Massacuusretrrs, NoveMBER 22, 1963 BOTANICAL MUSEUM LEAFLETS HARVARD UNIVERSITY NOTES ON THE PRESENT STATUS OF OLOLIUHQUI AND THE OTHER HALLUCINOGENS OF MEXICO BY R. Gorpon Wasson* Picietl, peyotl, teonanacatl, and ololiuhqui—these were the four great divinatory plants of Mexico at the time of the Conquest. We give the names in Nahuatl, the lingua franca of that time, spoken as a mother tongue by the Aztecs and many other peoples. By ‘divinatory’ we mean plants that served in Middle American cultures as keys to knowledge withheld from men in their normal minds, the keys to Extra-sensory Perception, the Media- tors (as the Indians believed) between men and their gods. These plants were hallucinogens, psychotropic agents, psychotomimetics, if we must use the nonce- words of contemporary science. Among the remote monolingual peoples of Mexico these plants continue to this day playing their divine role. Whenever the Indian family is troubled by a grave problem, it is likely to turn to one or the other of these plants and consult it according to the usage prevailing in the region. There were other drugs, certainly, that be- * Research Fellow, Botanical Museum of Harvard University. This paper was written in honor of Robert J. Weitlaner on the occasion of his 80th birthday and will be published in Spanish in the Homenaje edited under the auspices of a committee headed by Dr. Alfonso Caso in Mexico City. a [ 161 ] long to the same class, and of these more will be said later. But if we may rely on the number and quality of the witnesses, the importance that they attribute to these plants, and the strangely moving episodes that they tell us of the Indians’ utter faith in and defense of them— then these four were preéminent. The civilization of Europe had known nothing like these novel drugs of Mexico, at least not in recorded history. Similar miraculous powers were attributed, in a way, to the Elements in the Mass; and the Catholic Church in Mexico was quick to perceive this, to it, alarm- ing parallel. But belief in the divinity of the Sacrament called for an act of faith, whereas the Mexican plants spoke for themselves. In a number of situations the rec- ord is clear: the friars conceded the miracles wrought by these agents’ but attributed them to the machinations of the Evil One. Root and branch, the Church strove to ex- tirpate what it called this superstition, this idolatry of the miracle-working plants. The Church was unsuccessful ; just how unsuccessful can be seen from the fact that these plants are taken today, throughout the Indian country, in ceremonials invoking the very name of the Virgin Mary, of the Saints (especially St. Peter and St. Paul), of Our Lord. The accessories to the rite are sold in every market place, at a special stall, often in the shadow of the parish church. The miracle-working plants pass from hand to hand by private arrangement; they are never exposed like ordinary garden produce. The rite takes place in midnight vigils, sometimes accompanied by stir- ring age-old chants in the vernacular. The Indians at- tending these rites may include prominent lay officials of the church; rumor hath it that in certain places the priest is the leading eurandero. Let it not be forgotten that the primary use of the sacred plants was and con- tinues to be religious—and by the same token medicinal. [ 162 ] Religion and medicine have not yet been separated out in many of the Indian communities. Picietl — Nicotiana rustica L. The bright green powder of picietl leaves is familiar all over the Indian country in Mexico. The curandero rubs it on the skin, over the forearms, temples, stomach, legs. It is this that constitutes a mpra or ritual cleans- ing. Formerly, when mixed with one part of lime to ten of picietl, it was made into a wad that the Indian inserted between teeth and gums and sucked, much as the Kechua sucks coca, to give him strength. The friars inveighed against picietl with a vehemence that is proof of its im- portance in the native culture. It is still indispensable in the religious life of the Indians. Is it possible that picietl has pharmacological properties not yet discovered by science’ May there be surprises for us in this plant? Picietl is Nicotiana rustica L., a sister species to our ordinary tobacco, Nicotiana Tabacum L. They both grow in Mexico. In Nahuatl together they are yet/, the former alone was piciet/ (now in the vernacular pisiete), the lat- ter alone was quauhyetl. ‘Tobacco was already widely diffused throughout the Americas at the time of the Conquest. The Spaniards found it in the Antilles, the Portuguese in Brazil, the English in Virginia. Along with the plant the Spaniards took the name ‘tobacco’ from the Taino people of Hispaniola and Cuba. Long since dead and gone, this Arawakan tribe bequeathed to the world a legacy of important words that gives us an engaging image of a blameless people: ‘canoe’, ‘ham- mock’, ‘tobacco’, maize’, and ‘potato’, not to speak of a sixth, ‘barbecue’, that is in vogue today. And so the Tainos, cultivating their maize and sweet potatoes, smok- ing tobacco in their hammocks, paddling their canoes to the neighboring barbecue, were destined to be extermi- [ 163 ] nated by the ferocious Caribs and the Europeans!’ The use of tobacco spread throughout the world with epidemic speed. European explorers penetrating to lands far distant in Africa and Asia sometimes found that to- bacco had reached there before them. Even the Church did nothing to combat it,—outside of Mexico, that is. The French abbé with his snuff box is a familiar figure in Europe’s cultural history. Peyotl — Lophophora Wilhiamsn (em.) Coult. The history of peyot/, known to science as Lophophora Williamsii (em.) Coulter, has been utterly different but equally spectacular. A cactus,’ it is by that fact exclu- sively a New World plant, native to the arid regions of northern Mexico —to Coahuila, Zacatecas, San Luis Potosi, and Querétaro. Presumably the plant in colonial times grew only in the north, but its use extended south as far as the state of Oaxaca.* Today the Indians of cen- tral and southern Mexico seem to know it no longer. But the Indians of the north still consume it in their religious ceremonies, and it is extending its range, inching its way northward from tribe to tribe in the Plains area until it has now finally reached Canada. In the same spirit of blind misunderstanding that actuated the Church in co- lonial Mexico, there are elements in the North American community that would invoke the police and courts to stop a practice that gives spiritual solace to our surviving Indian population. On a different cultural plane, peyotl made its bow in the great world in 1888, when the toxicologist Louis Lewin of Berlin published the first paper attempting to classify it botanically and describing its sensational quali- ties. He was followed by Dr. S. Weir Mitchell (1896) and Havelock Ellis (1897), men who commanded wide attention in the English-speaking world.’ These papers [ 164 ] served to alert the scientific and learned world to a new order of vegetable product, and opened the sluice-gates to an astonishing flow of discussion and experimentation. Though a booster dose was hardly needed, Aldous Hux- ley gave the theme a new dimension when he published his The Doors of Perception in 1954 and Heaven and Hell in 1955. The bibliography on peyot/ is enormous: one North American anthropologist, Weston La Barre, has devoted an important part of his professional life to keeping up with it and chronicling current developments.” The ques- tion presents itself seriously whether the output of arti- cles can be laid solely to the scientific interest of a strange drug, or whether supplementing this there is a subjective effect that compels those who have eaten the plant to embark upon a mission to make known what they have experienced. Peyotl (which has commonly been eroded to ‘peyote’ ) isa Nahuatl word. Alonso de Molina in his Vocabulario (1571) gives its meaning as capullo de seda, or de gusano, ‘silk cocoon or caterpillar’s cocoon,” which fits well the small woolly cactus that is its source. This is probably the explanation. Others’ cite a number of similar words in Nahuatl that invoke splendor or illumination. May these words not be secondary, having been born of the splendor of the visions that peyot/ gives! For reasons that seem to have sprung from popular confusion, the E:nglish- speaking population of the Southwest came to call the dried peyot! ‘mescal buttons.” Lewin, Mitchell, and Killis, by their use of the terms, fixed this grievous mis- nomer in the English language. Later, when the active agent came to be isolated, the chemists called the alka- loid ‘mescaline’, thus compounding the mistake. ‘Mes- eal’ comes from the Spanish of Mexico mezcal, derived in its turn from Nahuatl meveall, the name for the agave, [ 165 ] maguey, or century plant from which pulque is made, which, when distilled, yields mezcal. Mezcal has nothing to do with ‘mescal buttons’ or ‘mescaline’. This contfu- sion is the lexicographers’ nightmare, as can be seen in many English-language dictionaries where erroneous citations are given under the respective meanings of the word. On the other hand there is an important meyeanismo that has largely escaped the lexicographers: piule, a generic name in Mexico for the hallucinogens. J. J. Santamaria traces it to Zapotec, in my opinion on in- sufficient grounds. I have heard it applied to hallucino- genic mushrooms among the Zapotec-speakers of the Sierra Costera, at San Augustin Loxicha: pile de barda, piule de cheris, these being distinct species of such mush- rooms, or simply piule.” Does it not stem from peyotl, thus: péyotl/péyutl>> peyile>> pile? As Dr. Aguirre Beltran has shown us, in early colonial times peyot/ was in use in Oaxaca. The present-day currency of the word among some monolingual Zapotecs might come down from that period. Teonanacatl — ‘God's flesh’ At least twenty-five of our early sources, many of them among our most important, speak of feonanacatl, ‘God's flesh’”, the sacred mushrooms of Middle America. Ber- nardino de Sahagun refers to them repeatedly and at some length. He givesin Nahuatl the text of his native informants. Of the Nahuatl poems preserved for us, one mentions them, and probably others refer to them meta- phorically. There are miniatures of them in two of the arly codices. We in the 20th Century would have ex- pected the Kuropean in colonial Mexico to try them out, to satisfy his curiosity as to their properties. There is no record of any such experiment. The Spaniards (if we may | 166 | judge by their words) at first rejected them with horror and loathing as an abomination, and in the ensuing cen- turies simply ignored them. Such was this neglect that in 1915 William E. Safford, a North American economic botanist of established repu- tation, found it possible to read a major paper before a learned society, afterwards published in a respectable learned journal, denying that there had ever been sacred mushrooms in Mexico.”” Virtually no one challenged him. In a world indifferent to such matters, torn by warfare, his arguments won by default. Only a single thin voice was raised in persistent protest, the voice of Dr. Blas Pablo Reko, a Mexican citizen born in Austria of Slavic family background, a tireless and enthusiastic field worker but one given to fanciful theories and so not taken seriously.'' He kept insisting not only that the mushrooms had existed but that the cult survived in places off the beaten track in Oaxaca. Twenty years went by until, one day in 1986, Ing. Roberto J. Weitlaner got his hands on some of the sacred mushrooms in Huautla de Jiménez. He sent them to Reko, who forwarded them to Harvard, where they ar- rived in such a state that they could not be identified. On the record Ing. Weitlaner was the first white man in mocern times to have seen the teonanacat/. '‘'wo years later, on July 16, 1938, his daughter Irmgard, with the young anthropologist who was destined to become her husband, Jean Bassett Johnson, together with two others, Bernard Bevan and Louise Lacaud, attended a mushroom rite in Huautla, in the home of José Dorantes. Johnson later gave a full account of the event.” So far as the sources go, they were the first white persons to attend such a ceremony. One month later, in mid- August, the Harvard botanist Richard Evans Schultes, also in Huautla, received from [ 167 | native informants specimens of three species that they said were of the sacred class. He took them back to Cam- bridge. His field notes describe with unmistakable pre- cision the species that was to be defined in 1956 by Roger Heim as Psilocybe caerulescens Murr. var. mazatecorum Heim.” Dr. David Linder, Harvard mycologist, con- firmed another as Panaecolus campanulatus L. var. sphinc- trinus (Fr.) Bresad. Some time later the third species was identified at Harvard by Dr. Rolf Singer as Stro- pharia cubensis Earle, but he did not disclose his dis- covery, not even to Schultes, until many years later when it was too late to serve a purpose. Then the Second World War supervened. Johnson was killed in North Africa in 1942. Reko died in 1953. Schultes’ activities were diverted to other geographical regions. The outside world had been on the brink of dis- covering the Mexican mushrooms, but the war blanketed everything and the mushrooms slipped back into the well of the forgotten. Meanwhile the matter was being approached from an altogether different angle in New York, by the Wassons, husband and wife, who had spent more than two decades gathering data on the role of mushrooms in primitive societies in Kurasia. This theme in anthropology, which we called ethnomycology, had never before been explored in the West. Eurasia embraced so many cultures and so much history and literature that we had resolved early in our inquiries to stop with Eurasia and leave Africa and the Americas to others. Our Eurasian studies had led us to formulate a bold surmise: viz., that mushrooms had played a religious role in the lives of our remote an- cestors, a role far more important than the world had supposed. We were still preoccupied with this idea when in September 1952, suddenly, we learned that a mush- room cult had been reported in 16th Century Mexico. [ 168 | On receipt of this, to us, sensational news, we resolved to embark upon a quest for surviving traces of that cult. At the time we knew nothing, absolutely nothing, about the cultures of Middle America. What awaited us in Mexico turned out to exceed our most sanguine antici- pations, in the intellectual adventure of discovering for ourselves the rich Indian cultures of Middle America and in our rediscovery of the rite of the sacred mushroom. In the beginning we discovered Ing. Roberto J. Weit- laner. Without minimizing what we owe to others, I rejoice that this occasion presents itself when I may properly define my debt to him. He led us by the hand on our first excursion on muleback into the Indian coun- try, to Huautla de Jiménez; on my second trip to Mazat- lan de los Mixes; then on my visits to San Augustin Loxicha in the Sierra Costera, and to the Mazahua coun- try. Forten years I have had repeated recourse to him, to tap his immense knowledge of the Indians, their ways, their languages, their history. He has guided my steps in tae libraries, unearthed apt quotations in the sources bearing on our theme, introduced me to others working in the field who could also pin down facts. His patience, good humor, and jove de vivre, in the Sierra and in Mexico City, are unfailing. But above all else I have tried to learn from him his secret of dealing with the Indians. The Indians are simply living by the conventions of an orally transmitted culture such as our own forebears lived by only a little while ago. When you visit their villages you make allowances for this time lag. You do not treat them kindly as inferiors or children. You do not treat them as though they were equals. The Indians are quick to see through such fronts. Ing. Weitlaner taught us to treat the Indians as equals—a secret simple yet elusive. As the poet said, truly ‘this is the famous stone that turneth all to gold’. [ 169 ] The news of the Mexican sacred mushrooms burst upon the world in the spring of 1957 with the publica- tion of our book, Mushrooms Russia & History, and our articles in the popular magazines.’” Roger Heim, Mem- bre de Il’Institut, Director of the Muséum National d’ Histoire Naturelle, visited the Indian country of Mex- ico three time in response to our invitation, seeking out the sacred mushrooms. He identified fourteen species belonging to three genera—Psilocybe, Stropharia, and Conocybe—besides a number of subspecies. Most of them were new to science, although they had been known to the Indians for centuries, probably millennia. Dr. Albert Hofmann in the Sandoz laboratories of Basle undertook the delicate task of isolating the active agents, defining their molecular structure, and finally synthe- sizing them. By 1958, a surprisingly short time, he had accomplished his work. Many investigators began to study the properties of psi/ocybine and psilocine, as Dr. Hofmann called the active agents, and their possible use. In a recent bibliography I have listed some 200 papers on work with these mushrooms that have already ap- peared, in the past five years, in learned and scientific journals ;’° not to speak of the hundreds of articles that have come out in a score of countries in the lay press. Here again there seem to be signs that those who have experienced the mushrooms feel a compulsion to impart to others the staggering effects of teonanacatl. Pipiltzintzinth — Salvia divinorum Epling & Javito Though teonanacatl has been rediscovered and identi- fied, there still remain other plants classed with it in the colonial sources as possessed of divine (or Satanic) attri- butes that defeat our efforts at interpretation. Both Sahagtin and Juan de Cardenas refer to a plant that they call respectively poyomatli or poyomate,"’ grouping it with other hallucinogens. Its identity is unknown. In his Medicina y Magia Dr. Aguirre Beltran cites other refer- ences to this plant in the unpublished records of the in- quisition. He likewise supplies numerous references to a second plant that belongs in the divinatory group, a plant the name of which is variously spelled in his sources but that he thinks in the original Nahuatl should be pipiltzintzintli.” Its identity, too, isunknown. The plant grew in the area where ololiuhqui flourished; but whereas dloliuhqui is the seed of a morning glory, the seed of pipiltzintzinth is never mentioned. It is called an /ierba, never an Aiedra or bejuco like the morning glory. There was a macho and an hembra, or male and female varieties. It was cultivated. All of these attributes fit the oajas de la Pastora that the Mazatecs generally use as a divinatory plant. In September 1962 we gathered specimens of the haqjas de la Pastora, and they were found to be a species new to science: Epling and Jativa named it Salvia divinorum.” Among the Mazatecs I have seen only the leaves ground on the metate, strained, and made into an infusion. The colonial records speak of an infusion made from the roots, stems, and flowers. But this is not incompatible with our information about Salvia divinorum: the Mazatecs may confine themselves to the leaves of a plant that has the divine virtue in all its parts. I suggest that tenta- tively we consider pipiltzintzinth, the divine plant of pre- Conquest Mexico, identical with the Salvia divinorum now invoked in their religious supplications by the Mazatecs. Of divinatory plants in use today that could have been used in Middle America before the Conquest, we have had experience with two: toloache, presumably the seeds of Datura meteloides Dun., and colorines, the seeds of Rhynchosia pyramidalis (lam.) Urb. Though I know of Bye PLATE ANAVIII Flowering Salvia divinorum E. & J., “hojas de la Pastora’, held by Irmgard Weitlaner Johnson, 1962, Photo by Wasson no references to co/orines in colonial sources, I think that they are present in the famous Tepantitla fresco where strings of seeds and mushrooms are falling from the hand of Tlaloc, and where some of the seeds are red and black, with the hilum distinctly placed in the red field.”” On the slopes of Popacatepetl the sacred mushrooms are still taken with colorines. It is vital that the hilum be in the red field; if it is in the black patch, it is the toxic seed of Abrus precatorius L., also called colorines and much used for beads by the Veracruzanos. Ololiuhqui — Rivea corymbosa (1.) Hall. fil.* * There have recently been suggestions that the correct name of ololiuhqui is Turbina corymbosa (L.) Raf. These suggestions arise from two articles which have appeared in the past several years: Roberty, G.—‘‘Genera Convolvulacearum’’ in Candollea 14 (1952) 11-60; Wilson, K.A.—‘‘The genera of Con- volvulaceae in the southeastern United States’’ in Journ. Arn. Arb. 41 (1960) 298-317. Roberty separates Ipomoea, Rivea and Turbina, putting the three into different subfamilies. He keeps in Rivea only one species of In- dia and Ceylon. In Turbina, he has three species; 7’. corymbosa (which he states occurs in tropical America, the Canary Islands and the Philippines) and two other species of Mexico. Wilson, ina key tothe genera of Convolvulaceae in the southeastern states, separates out Turbina as a genus distinct from Ipomoea. While Turbina is keyed out as a distinct genus, there is no technical con- sideration of it in the body of the paper which follows the key. One, consequently, must assume that Turbina (as conceived by Wilson) does not occur in southeastern United States. There is, furthermore, no reference to the binomial Turbina corymbosa as such. Wilson pointed out that: ‘‘Generic lines are difficult to draw in this family, and treat- ments vary with different authors depending upon the emphasis placed on the taxonomic characters used. ... ”’ The question of whether to use the binomial Rivea corymbosa or to assign the concept to Ipomoea on the one hand or Turbina on the other is, in effect, one of personal evaluation by botanists of the im- portance of characters. When I first discussed ololiuhqui in 1941 (Schultes, R.E.: “A contribution to our knowledge of Rivea corymbosa, the narcotic ololiu- qui of the Aztecs’’ (1941) ), I looked into the problem of the generic [173 ] position of the concept. I decided that, if indeed one were justified in separating this concept from Ipomoea, it must be accommodated in Rivea. The outstanding Argentinian specialist on the Convolvulaceae, the late Dr. Carlos O’Donell, who was spending a year at Harvard University at that time, worked with me closely in this study and was in complete agreement. I have studied this problem again in connec- tion with Wasson’s recent work and see no reason to change my opinion. Furthermore, it is clear that such an authority as the late Professor E. D. Merrill referred this concept to Rivea, placing Tur- bina in synonymy under Rivea and 7’. corymbosa in synonymy under R. corymbosa. In view of the fact that such authorities as O’Donell and Merrill elected to use Rivea corymbosa; that Wilson acknowledges that ‘‘the entire family is in need of intensive study and . . . all characters must be thoroughly re-evaluated’’; that Roberty’s article is hardly conser- vative and actually adds little to our basic knowledge of the family ; and that the ethnobotanical and chemical literature has accepted Rivea corymbosa—in view of all these circumstances perhaps we might well continue to use the best known name until a really comprehensive study by a recognized specialist indicates that it is wrong. Rivea corymbosa (L.) Hallier fil. in Engler Bot. Jahrb. 8 (1893) Eye Convolvulus corymbosus Linnaeus Syst. Nat. Ed. 10, 2 (1759) 928. Ipomoea corymbosa (L.) Roth Nov. 11. Sp. Ind. Orient (1821) 109. Turbina corymbosa (L.) Rafinesque Fl. Tellur. 4 (1838) 81. —R. E. Scuuttrs The least known in the outside world of our quartet of major Mexican divinatory agents is ololiuhqui;t yet it is perhaps the best known and most widely used among the Indians of that country. In the race for world atten- tion ololiuhqui has been aslow starter. Beyond the con- fines of the Sierra Madre few except specialists have heard of it, and the bibliography on it is short. But its proper- ties are as sensational as those of teonanacatl and peyotl. Its identity was settled in 1941. The enigma of its chem- istry was resolved in 1960, when on August 18 of that year Dr. Albert Hofmann read his paper in Australia { Although the spelling olo/iuqui has gained wide acceptance and is now the commonest orthography, linguistic evidence indicates that this Nahuatl word is correctly written ololiuhqui. [ 174 ] before an audience of scientists, many of whom were plainly incredulous, so astonishing were his findings.” In this number of the Botanical Museum Leaflets he him- self rounds out and completes his discoveries, and I shal] not anticipate them here. Ololiuhqui in Nahuatl is the name of the seeds, not of the plant that yields the seeds. The word means ‘round thing’, and the seeds are small, brown, and oval. The plant itself is a climber, called appropriately coaaihuitl, ‘snake-plant’, in Nahuatl, and Aiedra or bejuco by the Spanish writers. It isa morning glory, and it grows easily and abundantly in the mountains of southern Mexico. Unlike teonanacatl, it bears seed over months and the seed can be kept indefinitely, and carried far and wide, to regions where the plant itself does not grow. In Spanish it is commonly known as semilla de la Virgen, and in the various Indian languages there are names for it that should be carefully assembled by teams of linguists and then studied for their meanings and associations. In Oaxaca, only among the Triqui of Copala have I found no familiarity with it. Past experience has shown that for a divinatory plant to enlist the attention of the outside world two steps are usually necessary. First, it should be correctly and se- curely identified. Second, its chemistry should be con- vincingly worked out. Richard Evans Schultes settled the identity of ololiuhqui inthe definitive paper published in 1941.” It is the seed of a species of Convolvulaceae: Rivea corymbosa (.) Hall. fil. Schultes was not the first to link ololiuhqui with this family, but for decades there had been disputes over its identity, and since Schultes published his paper there has been none. The starting point for any student of the subject is Schultes’s paper. It is not my intention here to tell over again the story told by Schultes. I will only supplement what he had to [ 175 | say with this observation. In the writers of the colonial period ololiuhqui receives frequent mention, especially in the T’ratado of Hernando Ruiz de Alarcon. Throughout these references there runs a note of sombre poignancy as we see two cultures in a duel to death,—on the one hand, the fanaticism of sincere Churchmen, hotly pur- suing with the support of the harsh secular arm what they considered a superstition and an idolatry ; on the other, the tenacity and wiles of the Indians defending their cherished ololiuhqut. ‘The Indians seem to have won out. Today in almost all the villages of Oaxaca one finds the seeds still serving the natives as an ever present help in time of trouble. Thtliltzen — Ipomoea violacea L.* Since the appearance of the Schultes paper in 1941, and apart from the chemical findings of Dr. Hofmann, there has been only one important contribution to our knowledge of the morning glory seeds. In 1960 Don Tomas MacDougall published his discovery that in vari- ous parts of Oaxaca, especially in the Zapotec area, another seed is used exactly as ololiuhqui is.” This is the seed of asecond morning glory, [pomoea violacea L. In Zapotec ololiuhqui is known currently as badoh; the * Taxonomically, the genus Ipomoea is extremely difficult. The bi- nomial Jpomoea tricolor has already crept into the limited literature that has grown up in connection with this second kind of ololiuqui. Inasmuch as some confusion may result in the use of two names— Ipomoea tricolor and I. violacea—we should point out that, after a study of plant material and the taxonomic history of these binomials, I am in agreement with the American specialist in the Convoluvulaceae, H. D. House (House, H. D.: ‘The North American species of the genus Ipomoea’’ in Ann. N.Y. Acad. Sci. 18 (1908) 259), that both names actually refer to one polymorphic species. In this case, then, the older name is /pomoea violacea L. Sp. Pl. (1753) 161 which should be used in preference to its synonym J. tricolor Cav. Ic. Pl. Rar. 3 (1794) 5, t. 208.—R. E. Scuurres second seed is badoh negro or badungas, the full Zapotec equivalent of badoh negro. The black seeds are long and somewhat angular. In Nahuatl they could hardly be called ololiuhqui, since this term means the ‘round things’ or ‘pellets’. The Nahua must have known them: what then did they call them? We believe the answer is to be found in Pedro Ponce’s Breve Relacion de los Dioses y Ritos de la Gentilidad, Par. 46, where he speaks of ololiuhqui, Capsule and seed of /pomoea violacea, enlarged two and one half times. peyote, and tltliltzin, all with the same magnetic proper- ties. The third, possibly a hapax in the corpus of surviv- ing classic Nahuatl documentation, is clearly not ololiuh- qui, since both are mentioned in the same sentence as distinct products. The word comes from the Nahuatl] root meaning ‘black’, with a reverential suffix. May we not assume that this was the name current in classic Nahuatl for the black seeds that Don Tomas found in wide use among the Zapotecs in the 1950’s? Apparently there is a further reference to badoh negro in the records of the Inquisition: a Negro slave who was also acurandero used [ 177 ] the term ololiuhqui del moreno, which Dr. Aguirre Bel- tran thinks was his way of saying ‘black ololiuhqui’. But since this Negro was obviously a stranger both to Na- huatl and to Spanish, little can be deduced from his terminology.” According to Don ‘Tomas, in San Bartolo Yautepac, a village of the Sierra Costera, only the black seed is used, but in many villages both kinds are known. The black is widely regarded as the more potent. In some places the black seed is called macho, ‘male’, and the men take it; the Rivea seed, known as hembra, ‘female’, is for the women. The dose is often seven or a multiple thereof— seven, or 14, or 21; or the seeds are measured in the cup of the hand; or, as one informant in the Sierra Mazateca told me, one takes a beer-cap full of Rzvea seed. In recent years a number of experimenters have taken the Rivea seeds with no effects, and this has led one of them to suggest that the reputation of ololiuhqui is due wholly to auto-suggestion.” These negative results may be explained by inadequate preparation. The Indians grind the seeds on the metate (grinding stone) until they are reduced to flour. Then the flour is soaked in cold water, and after a short time the liquor is passed through a cloth strainer and drunk. If taken whole, the seeds give no result, or even if they are cracked. They must be ground to flour and then the flour soaked briefly in water. Perhaps those who took the seeds without results did not grind them, or did not grind them fine enough, and did not soak the resulting flour. The chemistry of the seeds seems not to vary from region to region, and seeds grown in the Antilles and in Europe are as potent as those grown in Oaxaca. I have taken the black seeds twice in my home in New York, and their potency is undeniable. Don Tomas MacDougall and his colleague Francisco Ortega of Tehuantepec, both old and excellent friends [ 178 | Ipomoea violacea Photo by Wasson LV Gb @.4 “ “ “4 of Ing. Weitlaner, have given us permission to use their notes and photographs for this article. We publish for the first time a map showing the villages in Oaxaca where they have found the Jpomoea seeds in use, 2 group of seven Zapotec villages visited by Don Tomis, and also six Villages in the Chatino country visited at my express request by ‘Chico’ Ortega in 1962, as we had a suspicion that the black seed was used in that linguistic area.” The area of diffusion is certainly far wider than these villages, but this is a start. o ; CHATINO ZAPOTEC Mexico City A-Santiago Yaitepec 1—San Bartolo Yautepec B-—Santa Maria Temaxcaltepec 2—San Carlo Yautepec c—Teotepec 3—Santa Catarina Quieri D—Nopala 4—Santa Cruz Ozolotepec 9 MILES. 49 E—Cuixtla 5—San Andrés Lovene —— a) F—Tiltepec 6—Roala San José—Ozolotepec PAC The black seeds are called variously in the Zapotec country : badoh negro seems to be the prevalent name. But in the Zapotec dialect spoken in San Bartolo Yaute- pec they are called /a’qja shnash, ‘seed of the Virgen’. In this town Francisco Jiménez (‘Chico Bartolo’) took aseries of photographs in the course of a routine vigil. A relative of his, Paula Jiménez, is a curandera, and she officiated, and also dictated an account of the steps taken in the rite. We give a paraphrase of what she said. 180 | IPOMOEA, violacea Linnaeus Drawn approximately one-half natural size. Drawn by Ermer W. Situ First, the person who is to take the seeds must solemnly commit himself to take them, and to go out and cut the branches with the seed. There must also be a vow to the Virgen in favor of the sick per- son, so that the seed will take effect with him. If there is no such vow, there will be no effect. The sick person must seek out a child of seven or eight years, a little girl if the patient is a man, a little boy if the patient is a woman. The child should be freshly bathed and in clean clothes, all fresh and clean. The seed is then measured out, the amount that fills the cup of the hand, or about a thimble full. The time should be Friday, but at night, about eight or nine o'clock, and there must be no noise, no noise at all, As for grinding the seed, in the beginning you say, ‘In the name of God and of the Virgencita, be gracious and grant the remedy, and tell us, Virgencita, what is wrong with the patient. Our hopes are in thee.’ To strain the ground seed, you should use a clean cloth—a new cloth, if possible. When giving the drink to the patient, you must say three Pater Nosters and three Ave Marias. A child must carry the bowl in his hands, along with a censer. After having drunk the liquor, the patient lies down. The bowl with the censer is placed underneath, at the head of the bed. The child must remain with the other person, waiting to take care of the patient and to hear what he will say. If there is improve- ment, then the patient does not get up; he remains in bed. If there is no improvement, the patient gets up and lies down again in front of the altar. He stays there a while, and then rises and goes to bed again, and he should not talk until the next day. And so everything is revealed. You are told whether the trouble is an act of malice or whether it is illness. The photographs illustrate the cuwrandera’s account of a ceremony invoking the divine power of the morning glory seeds. A feature of this recital is the child who serves the beverage. He (or she) is ritually cleansed, a symbol of purity. I encountered this practice for the first time in 1960, in the Mixteca, in the Valley of Juxtla- huaca, when Robert Ravicz and I were looking for sur- vivals of the mushroom cult. The mushrooms were to be gathered by a virgen, they were ground on the metate by a virgen.” In 1962, in Ayautla and also in San José Tenango, in the Sierra Mazateca, again a maiden ground the leaves of the Salvia divinorum. Here then is a general pattern, whether in the Sierra Mazateca, or among the [ 182 ] ”- venter 1ild serving the infusion to patient, with incense burner. igh atient taking infusion of /. (Center) Child ing the infusion to patient, witl b (Right) Patient taking inf f / violacea seeds, to be enlightened as to the cause and cure of his malady. Photos by Cuico Bartoio INN NX FLW Td Mixtecs of the Valley of Juxtlahuaca, or among the Zapotecs of San Bartolo Yautepac, for the preparation of the divinatory agent, either the seeds of the morning glory or the mushrooms or the hojas de la Pastora. (Had we been warned in advance to look for this, perhaps we should have discovered the same custom in other regions, visited in years previous to 1960.) Suddenly it dawns on us that a deep-seated harmony exists between the role of the child in preparing the divine agent and the names circulating throughout the Nahuatl area for the sacred mushrooms themselves: we have found them called /os ninos, ‘the children’, and los hombrecitos y las mujereitas, ‘the little men and the little women’, and Jos senroritos, the lordlings.” Marina Rosas, eurandera of San Pedro Nexapa, on the slopes of Popocatepetl, called the sacred mushrooms in Nahuatl apipiltzin, ‘the noble princes of the waters’, a singularly appropriate name, in which the a conveys the sense of ‘water’. And here we re- prefix vert to the miraculous plant that we think is the Salva divinorum, called (as we believe) in Nahuatl pipiltzintzinth in the records of the Inquisition dating from 1700. This is obviously related to the name for the sacred mush- rooms used by Marina Rosas. Dr. Aguirre Beltran trans- lates it as ‘the most noble Prince’ and relates it to Pi/t- zinth, the young god of the tender corn. In the accounts of the visions that the Indians see after they consume the sacred food — whether seeds or mushrooms or plant — there frequently figure hombrecitos, ‘little men’, mujer- citas, ‘little women’, duendes, “supernatural dwarfs’. Beginning with our maiden at her metate, here is a fas- cinating complex of associations that calls for further study and elaboration. For example, are these Noble Children related perchance to the Holy Child of Atocha, which gained an astonishing place in the hearts of the Indians of Middle America’ Did they seize on this [ 184 | PLATE NXXII eh Ae ; : OA eS on (Top) Young girl grinding sacred mushrooms ( Psilocybe mexicana Heim) in Juxtlahuaca, Oaxaca, in Mixteea), 1960. (Bottom) Young girl grind- ing Salvia divinorum leaves, Ayautla, Sierra Mazateca. Sept. 1962. Photos by Wasson Catholic image and make it a charismatic icon because it expressed for them, in the new Christian religion, a theme that was already familiar to them in their own supernatural beliefs / The tradition of the doncella at the metate is of vener- able age. Jacinto de la Serna, writing his Manual para Ministros toward the middle of the 17th Century, said in his Chap. NV:8 about olodiuhqui and peyotl: como para algunas medicinas es menester molerlo, dicen que para que haga éste etfecto 4 de ser molido por mano de doncella. Nor is this citation unique. An Indian afflicted in his nether limbs was told to take pipidtzintzintl > que la habia de beber molida por una doncella, desleida en agua tibia, en ayunas, habiendo contesado y comulgado antes de tomarla y ayun- ado viernes y sibado y el dia siguiente beberlo en el nombre de la Santisima Trinidad y de la Virgen de Guadalupe y de San Cayetano . y que el aposento habia de estar muy abrigado, sin luz, ni aire, ni ruido, y que no se habia de dormir, sino estar en silencia aguard- ando a ver dichas figuras (un viejecito vestido de blanco y unos much- achos pequenitos vestidos del mesmo color) que ellas lo untarian y desenganarian si tenia remedio su mal o no. What an extraordinary recapitulation of the salent features of the divinatory ritual as practiced in Middle America! There is the interweaving of Christian ele- ments and pagan. There is the maiden grinding the divine element, and the preparation of the supplant, confessing and communicating before he consults the Mediator. There is the sheltered spot,—-protected from sound and light. There is the consultation on an empty stomach. There is the clear intimation as to what one sees: a little old man clothed in white and little boys garbed in the same. Finally there is the august pronouncement whether the affliction of the suppliant can or cannot be remedied. All these features are always present, regardless of the divinatory plant that is consulted. [ 186 ] Piatre AS ALI Two views of mushroom stone in Namuth collection; early pre-classic, B.C. 1000- 500. The figure emerging from stipe is believed to be that of a young woman before metate or grinding stone. Note her breasts. Photos by Hans Namutu Perhaps there is testimony far older than the colonial records of the Inquisition. In the collection of Hans Namuth of New York is a‘mushroom stone’ of extraord- nary features.” The cap of the mushroom carries the grooved ring that, according to Stephan F. de Borhegy1, is the hallmark of the early pre-Classic period, perhaps 1000 B.C. The stone comes from the Highlands of (;uatemala. Out of the stipe there leans forward a strong, ager, sensitive face, bending over an inclined plane. It was not until we had seen the doncel/a leaning over a metate and grinding the sacred mushrooms in Juxtlahuaca in 1960, that the explanation of the Namuth artifact came to us. The inclined plane in front of the leaning human figure must be a metate. It follows that the face must be that of a woman. Dr. Borhegyi and I went to see the artifact once more: it was a woman! A young woman, for her breasts were only budding, a doncella.. How ex- citing it is to make such a discovery as this: a theme that we find in the contemporary Mixteca, and in the Sierra Mazateca, and inthe Zapotec country, is precisely the same as we find recorded in Jacinto de la Serna and in the records of the Santo Oficio. Again it is precisely the same, if our interpretation of the silent witness in the New York studio of Mr. Namuth be correct, as inastone ‘carving that dates back perhaps 2,500 vears ! [ 188 | NOTES Abbreviations : or ~ ie AGN: Archivo General de la Nacién, ramo Inquisicion. AB: Gonzalo Aguirre Beltran: Medicina y Magia, 1955, Mexico. (A thoughtful monograph with numerous quotations from AGN, indispensable for every student of its subject. ) Vide, e.g., AGN, vol. 340, folios 354-359. The Caribs were also called Canibs or Calibs. From ‘Canib’ the English-speaking world derived ‘cannibal’, which is preferred by it to ‘anthropophage’. Shakespeare in his 7'empest took his foul monster Caliban from the ‘Calibs’. There is a well known sentence in Sahagin, Bk. X, Chap. XXIX, 2, that is usually read as follows: ‘Hay otra hierba como tunas de tierra que se llama peyotl. . . ° According to Professor Charles E. Dibble, the Florentine Codex, folios 129v—-130r, reads thus: ‘Ay otra yerva, como turmas de tierra, que se llama peyotl. . .° Turmas is a Spanish word of ancient lineage and obviously makes sense. It was more familiar in Mexico in Sahagtin’s time than now. Vide Joan Corominas: Diccionario Critico Etimologico de la Lengua Castellana, entry turmas. AB, Chap. 7, Area Cultural and Foco de Difusién. a) Lewis Lewin: ‘Uber Anhalonium Lewinii’, Arch. fiir experim. Path. und Pharma., 24:401: 1888. In translation this article also appeared in the same year inthe Therapeutic Gazette, Lon- don. In these initial articles there was a misunderstanding about which species of cactus peyot/ was. b) Havelock Ellis: “A Note on Mescal Intoxication.” The Lancet, No. 3849, June 5, 1897. c) S. Weir Mitchell: “Note upon the Effects of Anhalonium lew- inii.’ Brit, Med. Journal, Dec. 5, 1896. After their initial papers these three authors continued writing on the subject in books and articles. Lewin in his 1888 paper did not report on human experiences with peyot/: the first such report appeared in The Therapeutic Gazette, on Sept. 16, 1895: ‘Anhalo- nium Lewinii (Mescal Buttons), A study of the drug, with espe- cial reference to its physiological action upon man, with report of experiments’, by D. W. Prentiss and Francis P. Morgan. Vide Weston La Barre: “I'wenty years of peyote studies’, Cur- rent Anthropology, Vol. 1, No. 1, Jan. 1960. AB, Chap. 7, Etimologia. [ 189 ] 8. 10. 12, 13; Vide V. P. Wasson and R.G. Wasson: Mushrooms Russia and His- tory, Pantheon Books, N.Y., 1957, pp. 311, 318, and 315. ‘Teo’ means ‘god’ in Nahuatl; no Nahuatl word is more richly documented than this. he resemblance to the Latin and Greek word for ‘god’ is one of those fortuitous convergences of sound and meaning that occur in language studies. Given the multipli- city of languages in the world and the limited number of sounds that the human voice can utter, they are inevitable. “Nacatl’ means ‘flesh’, and ‘nanacatl’ is used for mushroom, a plural form of the word for ‘flesh’. This interpretation of the word was ac- cepted from the beginning: three early colonial sources take it for granted. No modern Nahuatl scholar disputes it. ‘Identification of the Teonanacatl, or ‘‘Sacred Mushroom’’ of the Aztees, with the narcotic cactus, Lophophora, and an account of its ceremonial use in ancient and modern times’, an address de- livered May 4, 1915, before the Botanical Society of Washington. Published as ‘An Aztec Narcotic (Lophophora Williamsii)’ in Journal of Heredity, Vol. 6, July 1915. For Reko references vide my bibliography on the hallucinogenic mushrooms published in the Botanical Museum Leaflets, Harvard Univ., Sept. 7, 1962, Vol. 20, No. 2, Entries 144-147. Second edition, with corrections and addenda, March 10, 1963, No. 2a. ‘The Elements of Mazatec Witchcraft’, Gothenburg Ethnographi- ‘al Museum. Ethnographical Studies 9, 1939, pp. 119-49. Also “Some Notes on the Mazateec’. Lecture before Sociedad Mexicana de Antropologia, Mexico, Aug. 4, 1938, published by Editorial Culture, 1939. In both papers Johnson speaks of the Mazatec practice of consuming an infusion of a plant knownas hierba Maria for divination purposes. This is surely the plant that we have called hojas de Moria, ‘leaves of the Virgen Mary’, and that has lately been named Sa/via divinorum Epling & Jativa: we suppose it is the pipiltzintzintli of Colonial Nahuatl. Incidentally Ing. Weitlaner discovered a Mazatec informant in the Chinantla who gave him the most extensive testimony about this plant that we had had until it was identified in 1962. See ‘Curaciones Mazate- ras’, AINAH, Vol. IV, No. 32, 1949-50. Vide Harvard Botanical Museum Leaflets, Feb. 21, 1939, Vol. 7, No. 3, p. 38 ftnt. Vide Roger Heim and R. Gordon Wasson: Les Champignons Hal- lucinogenes du Mevique, Archives du Muséum National d’ Histoire Naturelle, Series 7, Vol. VI, p. 184. Vide above, Note 8. Also ‘Seeking the Magic Mushroom’, Life, May 13, 1957; International Edition, June 10; ‘En Busca de los Hongos Magicos’, Life en Espanol, June 3. Also ‘T Ate the Sacred ( 190 | 20. i 22. 23. 24, 25. 26. Mushroom’, by Valentina P. Wasson, This Week, May 19, 1957. Vide Harvard Botanical Museum Leaflets, Sept. 7, 1962, Vol. 20, No. 2; also second edition, with corrections and addenda, March 10, 1963, No. 2a. . Sahagtin: X:24:27. Juande Cardenas: De los problemas y secre- tos maravillosos de las Indias, Mexico, 1591, folio 243v. Also AB: Chap. 5, Note 9, and Chap. 7, Note 97. AB: Chap. 5, Pipiltzintzintl. Harvard Botanical Museum Leaflets, Dec. 28, 1962. Vol. 20, No. 3. Carl Epling and Carlos D. Jativa-M.: ‘A New Species of Sal- via from Mexico. V. P. Wasson and R. Gordon Wasson: Mushrooms Russia and His- iory, pp. 324-6; also Plate LIV. Also Roger Heim and R. Gor- don Wasson, Les Champignons Hallucinogenes du Mexique, Chap. WI, Fig. 15 bis. ‘The Psychotropic Active Principles of Ololiuqui, an ancient Aztec Narcotic’, lecture delivered at the IUPAC Symposium on “The Chemistry of Natural Products’, in Melbourne, August 18, 1960. ‘A Contribution to our Knowledge of Rivea corymbosa, the nar- cotic ololiuqui of the Aztecs’, published by Botanical Museum of Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., 1941. Thomas MacDougall: ‘Ipomoea tricolor: A Hallucinogenic Plant of the Zapotecs’, published in Boletin del Centro de Investiga- ciones Antropolégas de México, No. 6, March 1, 1960. AB: Chap. 6, El Complejo del Ololiuhqui, Para. 7. The author cid not know of the use of [pomoea seeds when he published his book; in fact, he associated ololiuhqui with the Solanaceae rather than the Convolvulaceae. He explained the blackness of the seeds as an attribute caused by age. For example, V. J. Kinross-Wright: “Research on Ololiuqui: The Aztec Drug.’ Nuero-Psychopharmacology. Vol. 1. Proc. 1st. Inter. Cong. of Nuero-Pharmacology, Rome, Sept. 1958. pp. 453-56. Also ‘Das Mexikanische Rauschigift Ololiuqui,’ by Blas Pablo. El México Antiquo. Vol. III. Nos. 3/4. Dec. 1934. pp. 1-7; es- pecially p. 6. But fora powerful reaction see Humphrey Osmond : “Ololiuqui; the ancient Aztec Narcotic,’ published in Jour. ef Mental Science, Vol. 101, No. 424, July 1955. Vide R. Gordon Wasson: ‘The hallucinogenic fungi of Mexico: An inquiry into the origins of the religious idea among primitive peoples.’ Harvard Botanical Museum Leaflets, Vol. 19, No. 7, Feb. 1961., pp. 152-3, ftnt., last sentence. Chico’s visit to the Chatino country served a dual purpose. In teyond Telepathy (Doubleday, N.Y., 1962) Andrija Puharich on [ 191 | p. 20 had said this: “The author was also informed by certain Brujos among the Chatino Indians (living in Southern Caraca) that they used the Amanita muscaria for hallucinogenic purposes. The proper dose is one-half of a mushroom. If true, this would be sensasional. It is not true. A. muscaria is the hallucinogenic mushroom of the Siberian tribesman in their rites. It is not used in Mexico. When we first began visiting the Indian country of southern Mexi- co, we were expecting to find that the hallucinogenic mushroom there was 4. muscaria. For ten years we have combed the various regions and we haveinvariably found that it played no role in the life of the Indians, though of course it is of common occurrence in the woods. We had visited the Chatino country, where we were accompanied by Bill Upson of the Instituto Linguistico de Verano, who speaks Chatino. Later he likewise helped Puharich, but he informs us that no brujo in his presence testified to the use of a mushroom answering to the description of 4. muscaria. After the Puharich statement had appeared, I gave Bill a photograph in color of A. muscaria, and he returned to Juquila and Yaitepec. An informant named Benigno recognized the mushroom at once and identified the stage of development that it had reached, as would be expected of a countryman intimately familiar with his environment. He said the people in his area do not take that kind of mushroom. Chico Ortega is a Zapotec Indian of mature years, keen intelligence, high sense of responsibility, and vast experi- ence throughout the villages of the State of Oaxaca. In the sum- mer of 1962 I sent him, with the color photo, to sound out Chatino villagers as to the use they made of it. Discreetly, he went from village to village. The results were uniformly and unanimously negative. Puharich in The Magic Mushroom as well as in his most recent book is unduly impressed with the occurrence of A. muscaria, Wherever the species of trees occur with which it lives in mycor- rhizal relationship, it is common. It is one of the commonest of fungi in North America and Eurasia. Puharich quotes at length as an authority Victor Reko, a notorious farceur, not to be con- fused with his cousin, Blas Pablo Reko. Puharich does not identify the spot where he met his bryos, though it seems probable that he did not get beyond the mestize town of Juquila. He does not identify his brujos. He does not explain how he put his question to them, how he explained over a double linguistic barrier what A. muscaria looked like. He does not explain what precautions he took to avoid a leading question that would almost certainly produce his desired answer. [ 192 ] Oo7 sie Vide Robert Raviez: ‘La Mixteca en el Estudio Comparative del Hongo Alucinante.” AINAH, Vol. XIII, 1960 (1961), pp. 73- 92; see pp. 79, 80, 86. AB: ‘La Familia de los Solanos,’ ftnt. 45. It is important to note that the nine miniature mushroom stones found at Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala, and reported by Borhegyi, 1961, figure 1, were found in a sealed cache together with nine miniature legless metates accompanied by manos. The fact that the metates were found together in association with the mushroom stones indicates the possibility that they were used together in ceremonials, probably for crushing or grinding mushrooms or ololiuhqui seeds. (Stephan F. de Borhegyi: “Miniature Mushroom Stones from Guatemala’, Amer. Antiquity, Vol. 26, No. 4, pp. 498-504, April 1961.) [ 193 ] THE ACTIVE PRINCIPLES OF THE SEEDS OF RIVEA CORY MBOSA AND IPOMOEA VIOLACEA BY ALBERT HormMann* Background of the present investigations Trt preceding article by R. Gordon Wasson described the history and ethnobotanical aspect of ololiuhqui and emphasized the significant position that this drug occu- ples in relation to the other Mexican divinatory agents. The following account will consider the chemical inves- tigations that led to the isolation of the active principles of this old Aztec magic drug and to the elucidation of its chemical structure. The road that led to the discovery of the active prin- ciples of ololiuhqui is both remarkable and significant. It is, therefore, excusable to pretace the chemical report with a short account of the background and results of these investigations. It all started exactly 20 years ago, when I was engaged in the synthesis of lysergic acid derivatives in the phar- maceutical-chemical research laboratory of Sandoz Ltd. in Basle, Switzerland. Lysergic acid is the foundation stone of the ergot alka- loids, the active principles of the fungus-product ergot. Botanically speaking, ergot is the sclerotia of the filamen- tous fungus Claviceps purpurea which grows on grasses, * Sandoz Ltd., Basle 13, Switzerland. This article is dedicated to Robert J. Weitlaner on the occasion of his 80th birthday. [ 194 ] especially rye. The ears of rye that have been attacked by the fungus develop into long, dark pegs to form ergot. The chemical and pharmacological investigation of the ergot alkaloids has been a main field of research of the natural products department of the Sandoz laboratories since the discovery of ergotamine by A. Stoll in 1918. These investigations have resulted in a variety of useful pharmaceuticals which find wide application in obstetrics, in internal medicine, in neurology and psychiatry. On the 16th of April 1948, upon recrystallizing d- lysergic acid diethylamide tartrate, which I had produced from natural lysergic acid and diethylamine by way of the lysergic acid hydrazide and azide, I suddenly became strangely inebriated. ‘The external world became changed as in. a dream. Objects appeared to gain in relief; they assumed unusual dimensions; and colors became more glowing. Even self-perception and the sense of time were changed. When the eyes were closed, colored pictures flashed past in a quickly changing kaleidoscope. After a few hours, the not unpleasant inebriation, which had been experienced whilst I was fully conscious, dis- appeared. What had caused this condition? Subsequent systematic self-experimentation with the chemicals that I had used on that day were to provide the answer. Ly- sergic acid diethylamide was tested, amongst other sub- stances, as it was possible that a drop had fallen on my fingers and had been absorbed by the skin. I com- menced my experiments on this compound by taking 0.5 ml. of a 0.5 per mille aqueous solution, corresponding to 0.25 mg. of d-lysergic acid diethylamide tartrate. This extremely small quantity proved to be a substantial over- dose. A state of inebriation, lasting for a number of hours and filled with dramatic experiences, which have been described in former publications,‘ ° followed. This is how the most active psychotomimetic hallucinogenic com- [ 195 | pound known up to the present was discovered, a com- pound which subsequently attained great importance under the name of LSD 25 (Delysid ®) in experimental psychiatry and recently also in psychotherapy as well. Lysergic acid diethylamide (formula I) was produced during the course of large scale investigations on semi- synthetic amides of lysergic acid after d-lysergic acid L-propanolamide-(2) (formula II), which was found to be identical with the natural alkaloid ergometrine (also known as ergonovine), had been synthesized. This was the first synthesis of a natural ergot alkaloid.’ After the discovery of the psychotomimetic activity of LSD, a great number of further simple lysergic acid amides were synthesized in our laboratories‘ so as to ascertain the re- lationship between chemical structure and psychic ac- tivity in this group of compounds. The unsubstituted d-lysergie acid amide (=ergine) (formula III) and the d-isolysergic acid amide (isoergine) (formula IV), were amongst these semi-synthetic analogues of LSD. Ergine, isoergine and ergometrine were later, as will be shown below, found to be active principles of ololiuhqui. The discovery of LSD and subsequent research in the tield of psychotomimetics caused the Mexican fungi to be brought to our laboratories. The history of the dis- covery of these fungi and the contribution to it by en- gineer Roberto J. Weitlaner and his daughter Irmgard Weitlaner-Johnson, the work of Reko and of Schultes, as well as their rediscovery by the husband and wife team of Valentina P. and R. Gordon Wasson in collaboration with the mycologist Professor Roger Heim, were de- scribed in the preceding article. After chemical analysis ina Paris laboratory had proved unsuccessful, Professor Heim sent a few of the hallucinogenic fungi to us in Basle on the assumption that the necessary conditions for a successful chemical investigation would be present [ 196 ] E; rgomelrine : (E. a : vine) 7 ¥-Ch Hf Erg: ne Jsoer gine Chan yee il IV V Elymoclavine Lysergol Vi Wil in the laboratory in which LSD was discovered. During the course of chemical studies on ‘‘teonanicatl’’, psilo- cybin and psilocin were discovered as active principles of the most important hallucinogenic fungi.’ Thus it was that the present investigations were crowned with suc- cess within an unusually short time, as these two active principles are indole compounds that are structurally re- lated to LSD and ergot alkaloids. In the chain of events that led to the ololiuhqui problem, the most important factor was that the writer came into personal contact with Wasson as a result of investigations on the active principles of ‘‘teonanacatl’’. Fired by the discussions with this outstanding expert onthe Mexican magic drugs and encouraged by our suc- cesses with the hallucinogenic fungi, we decided to tackle the chemical investigation of the third most important Mexican psychotomimetic after ‘“‘peyotl’’ and ‘‘teonan- acatl’’—namely ‘‘ololiuhqui’’. With the help of Wasson, we obtained authentic ‘‘ololiuhqui’’, as he sent us two samples from his expedition in Mexico in the late sum- mer of 1959. With the samples, he wrote from Mexico City on August 6, 1959, the following: ‘*. . . Iam send- ing you. ..asmall parcel of seeds that I take to be Rivea corymbosa, otherwise known as “‘ololiuhqui’’, well known narcotic of the Aztecs, called in Huautla ‘“‘la semilla de la Virgen’’. This parcel, you will find, consists of two little bottles, which represent two deliveries of seeds made to us in Huautla, and a larger batch of seeds, delivered to us by Francisco Ortega (Chico), the Zapotec guide, who himself gathered the seeds from the plants at the Zapotec town of San Bartolo Yautepec... > The first mentioned light brown, roundish seeds (see Plate XXXVI, top left) from Huautla (21 g.), upon botanical investigation, were found to be Rivea corymbosa (L.) Hall.f., whilst the black and angular seeds (see Plate [ 198 | XXXVI, bottom left) were found to represent Ipomoea violacea L. (204 g.). The first small samples were sufficient for a number of chemical-analytical experiments, which showed the pres- ence of indole compounds. This interesting result induced us to order greater quantities of these two seeds from Wasson. This second, large contingent of seeds (12 kg. of seeds of Rivea corymbosa and 14 kg. of Ipomoea violacea) was obtained with the aid of the Weitlaners, about whom Wasson gave the following information to the writer in a letter of 10th December 1959: ‘‘Robert Weitlaner is an Austrian, a naturalized Mexican citizen... Heisa field anthropologist and likes being in the field much better than lecturing to the students in the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, where he has a post. He is past 70 already, but still goes out for months at a time with almost no luggage, living in the villages. Irmgard is his daughter, the native-textile expert of the Museo Nacional... ’’ These Rivea seeds obtained with the aid of the Weitlaners were gathered in the vicinity of Ocozocoautla (Chiapas), the Ipomoea seeds in the Zapotec region by Thomas MacDougall and Francisco Ortega. In 1960, MacDougall published his important dis- covery that, especially in the region of the Zapotecs, the seeds of a second twining species, which he found to be Ipomoea violacea, were used in conjunction with or in- stead of ololiuhqui.” By using the large quantities of seeds of Rivea corym- bosa and Ipomoea violacea, which we received in the early part of 1960 in the manner already described, we were able to isolate the main active principles and identify these chemically during the course of the summer. This isolation and identification will be reported in detail be- low. In a number of ways, the results of these investi- [ 199 | gations were surprising. The active principles of the Mexican morning glory drugs proved to be ergot alka- loids. The two main components were, in the case of both seeds, d-lysergic acid amide (ergine) and d-isolyser- gic acid amide (isoergine), whilst four additional alkaloids were present. The former are closely related to d-lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD), which we had, as has already been mentioned, produced synthetically and investigated many years before. From the phytochemical point of view, this finding was unexpected and of particular in- terest, because lysergic acid alkaloids, which had hitherto been found only in the lower fungi in the genus Clavi- ceps, were now, for the first time, indicated for the higher plants, in the phanerogamic family Convolvulaceae. The isolation of lysergic acid amides from ololiuhqui closed what is in reality a most strangely coincidental circle of research. It was with the discovery of lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD) as a highly active psychotomimetic agent, during investigations on simple lysergic acid amides, that our research in the field of hallucinogenic compounds com- menced. It was within the framework of this activity that the sacred Mexican fungi came to our laboratories. It was during the course of these investigations that I made personal contact with Wasson. And it was as a result of this contact that the investigations of ololiuhqui were conducted. In this sacred drug, lysergic acid am- ides, which made their appearance in the initial stages of our psychotomimetic research, were again found as active principles. Former investigations on ololiuhqui In the classical study of the ololiuhqui problem by R. E. Schultes, published in 19417 (in which the histori- eal, ethnographical and taxonomical aspects are treated [ 200 | in an excellent manner), the only chemical investigation that had been done on the active principles of the seeds of iivea corymbosa before the studies carried out by us, is discussed. It was carried out by the pharmacologist, C. G. Santesson, in Stockholm in 1937.° He was, how- ever, unsuccesful in isolating defined, crystallized com- pounds. Certain reactions seemed to suggest the pres- ence of gluco-alkaloids. Following Schultes’ work, only two original publica- tions have appeared that deal with the psychic action of ololiuhqui seeds on volunteers. In 1955, a Canadian psy- chiatrist, H. Osmond, conducted a series of experiments on himself. After taking 60 to 100 Rivea seeds, he passed into a state of apathy and listlessness accompanied by in- creased visual sensitivity. After about four hours, there followed a period in which he had a relaxed feeling of well-being, a feeling that lasted for some time.” In con- trast to this result, V.J. Kinross-W right in 1958 published the results of experiments performed on eight male volun- teers who had taken doses of up to 125 seeds administered without any ascertainable effect in a single case." Isolation and chemical identification of the active alkaloidal principles Plate XXXVI shows the seeds of Rivea corymbosa (L.) Hall.f. and of Ipomoea violacea L., the origin of which has been given above and which were used for the chemical investigations now described. Plate XX XV shows plants in bloom that were cultivated from these seeas. We started our extraction studies with Rivea corym- bosa. Since we knew nothing of the chemical nature and sensitivity of the active principles, only neutral solvents were used and all extracts were evaporated carefully at low temperature. The finely powdered seeds were ex- [201 | tracted with methanol, and the evaporated methanol ex- tracts were defatted with petroleum ether. The defatted residue was tested for various kinds of alkaloids, espe- cially for indolic compounds, since the indole structure was known to occur in psychotomimetic agents. Indeed, when paper chromatograms of this Rivea extract were developed by spraying with a benzene solution of p- dimethylamino benzaldehyde and subsequently treated with hydrochloric acid gas, violet-blue spots appeared, indicating the presence of indolic compounds. In order to assess whether this indole fraction actually represented the active principle, we collected some milligrams of this fraction from a great number of paper chromatograms and my laboratory assistant H. ’scherter and I tested it on ourselves. After my experience with LSD, I have become cautious: we started by taking doses as small as 0.1 mg., gradually increasing the dosage. With 2 mg. of this crude indole fraction we got clear-cut psychic effects : a dream-like state resulted with drowsiness and altera- tions inthe perception of objects and colors. This showed that the indole fraction of the Rivea extract contained the psychic active principles. The paper chromatographical testing of the extract of Ipomoea violacea showed that here, too, the same or a similar indole compound was present. An even better separation than by the paper chromatogram was attained by thin layer chromatography. In Plate XNNVI, right, the chromatograms of the extracts of Rivea corym- bosa and Ipomoea violacea, which were obtained on plates with aluminum oxide layer, using chloroform containing 5% of methanol as the moving phase, are shown side by side. ‘The indole compounds were made visible by spray- ing with a5% solution of p-dimethylamino benzaldehyde in concentrated hydrochloric acid and treating with the fumes of aqua regia. [ 202 Rivea corymbosa Ipomoea violacea aALVIg A When larger quantities of seeds of Rivea corymbosa and Ipomoea violacea were available, the indole compounds could be obtained in preparative quantities. It was found that they were alkaloidal in nature and that they could be isolated by the usual methods used for the extraction and purification of alkaloids. For this purpose, the finely ground seeds were made alkaline with sodium bicarbon- ate, then extracted with ethyl acetate. The alkaloids were then removed from the extracts, which had been concentrated to asmall volume in vacuum, with aqueous tataric acid from which they were again shaken with ethy] acetate after making the mixture alkaline with a sodium bicarbonate solution. From the alkaloid fractions thus obtained, the individual components visible in the thin layer chromatogram could be separated by fractional crystallization, chromatography on aluminum oxide col- umns and thin layer plates with aluminum oxide and silica gel layers, on a preparative scale. The separated compounds were obtained in crystalline form and could be identified chemically. For further details, the reader is referred to our chemical publications. 1 ™ Only the results of the chemical investigations can be summarized briefly within the scope of this article. These are given in ‘Table I. The fact that Ipomoea violacea contains a greater total of active principles than does Rivea corymbosa explains why the Indians used smaller quantities of badoh negro (Ipomoea) than of badoh (Rivea). Identification of the individual indole bases showed that ergot alkaloids were present. ‘The main component of the alkaloid mixture in the Rivea and Ipomoea seeds, which corresponds to spot A, is d-lysergic acid amide (ergine) (formula TLL), a compound that was first ob- tained as a cleavage product upon alkaline hydrolysis of ergot alkaloids" and then also by partial synthesis from [ 204 ] ae i, v tj : - * Py TI : 6 Seeds of Rivea corymbosa (top, left) and Ipomoea violacea (bottom, left). (Right) Thin layer chromatogram of the alkaloidal fraction, each 25y of Rivea corym- bosa (1) and Ipomoea violacea (11). ALT i O.D.@.' Tasre | Alkaloids of Rivea corymbosa and Ipomoea violacea seeds. Thin layer Rivea corymbosa [pomoea chromatogram (ololiuhqui, violacea (Plate XXXVI, right) badoh) (badoh negro) A d-Lysergic acid amide 0.0065 % 0.0385 % (ergine) B d-Isolysergic acid amide 0.0020 % 0.005 % (isoergine) c Chanoclavine 0.0005 % 0.005 % \ Elymoclavine 0.0005 Yo 0.005 % D Lysergol 0.0005 % — Ergometrine — 0.005 % Total alkaloid content 0.012 % 0.06 % (colorimetrically determined calculated on a mol, weight of 300) lysergic acid and recently as a genuine alkaloid from the ergot of Paspalum grass.’” The alkaloid corresponding to spot B in the chromatogram was found to be identical with d-isolysergic acid amide (isoergine) (formula IV) which, asin the case of ergine, was already known as the hydrolysis product of ergot alkaloids" and as a natural alkaloid. The third alkaloid, chanoclavine (formula V), which forms spot C in the chromatogram, had been dis- covered by us in ergot of the tropical millet cob Pennise- tum typhoideum." Klymoclavine (formula VI), contained in spot I), was first isolated from the ergot of the wild grass Elymus mollis.” Krgometrine (formula II), the alkaloid which is mainly responsible for the uterotonic hemostatic action of the ergot drug, could only recently be identified as one of the active principles of Ipomoea violacea.” Together with elymoclavine, it forms spot D in the thin layer chromato- gram (Plate NXXNNV1), right. The seeds of Rivea corym- bosa either do not contain this compound or else only [ 206 ] traces thereof. Instead, we found lysergol (formula VII) in the last mentioned seed, an alkaloid absent from the seeds of Ipomoea violacea. Lysergol was produced syn- thetically “ in our laboratories (as were d-lysergic acid amide, d-isolysergic acid amide and ergometrine) before it was discovered as one of the active principles of a Mexican magic drug. The compounds corresponding to spots KE and F are present in such small quantities that they have hitherto not been identified. In Plate NN XIV, the structural formulas of the six alkaloids now isolated from ololiuhqui and badoh negro are depicted. These formulas clearly show the close relationship between ololiuhqui’s active principles and the most active hallucinogenic agent known thus far, the synthetically produced LSD (formula I). As has already been pointed out, the discovery of ergot alkaloids in the higher plants is amost unexpected phyto- chemical discovery. In view of the uniqueness of these findings, other investigators found it necessary to ascer- tain whether these alkaloids were actually produced by plant tissue or whether they were produced by fungi or bacteria present in the seeds. Before publishing our re- sults, we examined our seed samples for attack by fungus and found that they were healthy and had not been in- fected. Furthermore, we had detected the alkaloids in fresh leaves, stalks and roots of Ipomoea violacea and, to a very small extent also, in the leaves of Rivea corym- bosa.”” These were results that showed that ergot alka- loids were in fact produced by tissues of Rivea corymbosa and Ipomoea violacea and not by fungi infecting the seeds. Our results were confirmed by the detailed investiga- tions of W. A. Taber and R. A. Heacock who ascertained that the alkaloids are concentrated in the embryo of the seeds and are absent from the shells that had occasion- ally been attacked by fungi.” The occurrence of small [ 207 ] quantities of alkaloids in the leaves and stems of Rivea corymbosa was also confirmed.” W. A. Taber, L. C. Vining and R. A. Heacock then also investigated the seeds of a number of commercially available varieties of Morning Glory (Ipomoea and Convolvulus spp.) and were able to trace the presence of alkaloids in a number of these ornamental plants.” The quantitative determination and the identification of clavine and lysergic acid alkaloids, however, was done only colorimetrically or by means of paper and thin layer chromatography. In no instance were the individual alkaloids isolated and crystallized by the authors. Pharmacological and clinical activity of the isolated alkaloids There is no doubt that the alkaloids isolated from the seeds of Rivea corymbosa and Ipomoea violacea are the active principles of these magic plants. Aside from the described alkaloids, a large quantity of a new glucoside, which was named turbicoryn by M. C. Pérezamador and J. Herran, was isolated from the seeds of Rivea corym- bosa.** ® It is most improbable that the presence of this glucoside has anything to do with the psychotomimetic action of ololiuhqui as, according to our observations, the seeds of Ipomoea violacea, which are stronger than the Rivea seeds, contain none of this glucoside or only small traces of it. On the other hand, the high pharmacological and psychic activity of the lysergic acid amides, as well as of elymoclavine and lysergol, is certain. D-lysergic acid amide (designation of compound un- dergoing tests: LA 111) was tested pharmacologically and clinically during the course of investigations on d- lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD 25) and related com- pounds long before it was known to be a component of ololiuhqui. Already at that stage we had, in experiments [ 208 ] on ourselves, ascertained a psychotomimetie activity with a marked narcotic component with dosages of 0.5 to 1 mg. The following paragraph is taken from a hitherto un- published record of the first experiment which the writer performed upon himself with LA 111 on 80.10.1947. 10.00 h: Intramuscular injection of 0.5 ml of 1 per mille solution of LA 111 (=0.5 mg d-lysergic acid amide). 11.00 h: Tiredness in the neck, slight nausea. 11.05 h: Tired, dreamy, incapable of clear thoughts. Very sensitive to noises which give an unpleas- ant sensation. 11.10 h: Desire to lie down and sleep. Genuine physical and mental tiredness, which is not experienced as an unpleasant sensation. Slept for 3 hours. 15.00 h: Return of normal condition with full capacity for performing work. This action of d-lysergic acid amide was later confirmed by the comparative systematic investigation of H. Solms.” 7? He describes the action as follows: LA 111 induces indifference, a decrease in psychomotor activity, the feeling of sinking into nothingness and a desire to sleep. . . until finally an increased clouding of conscious- ness does produce sleep. Clinical investigations have been initiated with d- isolysergic acid amide but no results are available yet. Upon taking 2 mg. of isoergine himself, the writer ex- perienced tiredness, apathy, a feeling of mental empti- ness and of the unreality and complete meaninglessness of the outside world. Klymoclavine and lysergol elicit an excitation syn- drome in various animals that is caused by a central stimulation of the sympathicus.* The results of clinical testing are not, as yet, available. [ 209 | Psychotomimetic effects are unknown for ergometrine, which is used to a large extent in obstetrics as a utero- tonic and hemostatic agent. When using the small dos- ages which are administered for this purpose, the alkaloid apparently has no action on the psychic functions. Its occurrence in the alkaloid mixture of Ipomoea violacea can thus have no significant effect on the action of badoh negro. Furthermore, chanoclavine, which has no out- standing pharmacological activity, appears to play no part in the occurrence of the psychic effects of badoh and badoh negro. According to the results of experiments performed thus far with pure alkaloids, it appears as though d- lysergic acid amide, elymoclavine and lysergol and pos- sibly also d-isolysergic acid amide are mainly responsible for the psychic effect of ololiuhqui. Systematic comparative investigations are presently being performed with the pure alkaloidal principles of ololiuhqui and total extracts from the seeds so as to as- certain the psychic effect on humans. These will show whether the alkaloids described alone are responsible tor the psychotomimetic effects, which, in view of our pres- ent knowledge, seems probable, or whether other factors play a part. [ 210 ] to ~ 10. 11. lla. LITERATURE . The History of LSD 25. “‘Triangel’’. Sandoz Journal of Medical Science 2: 117 (1955) . A. Hofmann: Psychotomimetic Drugs. Chemical and Pharma- cological Aspects. Acta Physiol. Pharmcol. Neerlandica 8: 240 (1959). . A. Stoll und A. Hofmann: Partialsynthese von Alkaloiden vom Typus des Ergobasins. Helv. Chim. Acta 26: 944 (1943). . A. Stoll und A. Hofmann: Amide der stereoisomeren Lyserg- siuren und Dihydro-lysergsiuren, Helv. Chim. Acta 88: 421 (1955). . A. Hofmann, R. Heim, A. Brack, H. Kobel, A. Frey, H. Ott, Th. Petrzilka und F. Troxler: Psilocybin und Psilocin, zwei psy- chotrope Wirkstoffe aus mexikanischen Rauschpilzen. Helv. Chim. Acta 42: 1557 (1959). Th. MacDougall: Ipomoea tricolor, a Hallucinogenic Plant of the Zapotecs. Boletin del Centro de Investigaciones Antropologicas de Mexico, No. 6, March 1 (1960). . R.E. Schultes: A Contribution to Our Knowledge of Rivea corym- bosa, the Narcotic Ololiuqui of the Aztecs. Botanical Museum of Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts (1941). . ©. G. Santesson: Notiz tiber Piule, eine mexikanische Rausch- droge. Ethnol. Stud. 4: 1 (1937), Gothenburg; Arch. Pharm. und Ber. Deutsch. Pharm. Ges. 1937, 532. . H. Osmond: Ololiuqui: The Ancient Aztec Narcotic. J. of Men- tal Science 101: 526 (1955). V.J. Kinross-Wright: Research on Ololiuqui: The Aztec Drug. Proc. Ist Internat. Cong. Neuro-Pharmacol., Rome (1958). In: Neuro-Psychopharmacology. Ed. by: P. B. Bradly, P. Deniker und C, Radouco-Thomas ; Elsevier Publ. Co., Amsterdam-London- New York-Princeton (1959) p. 453. A. Hofmann und H. Tscherter: Isolierung von Lysergsiure- Alkaloiden aus der mexikanischen Zauberdroge Ololiuqui (Rivea corymbosa (L.) Hall. f.), Experientia 16: 414 (1960). A. Hofmann, “‘Hallucingenic Principles of Ololiuhqui’’ paper read at the International Symposium on the Chemistry of Natu- ral Products, Melbourne, August 18 (1960). . A. Hofmann: Die Wirkstoffe der mexikanschen Zauberdroge Olo- liuqui. Planta Medica 9: 354 (1961). . «Aw Hofmann und A. Cerletti: Die Wirkstoffe der dritten azteki- schen Zauberdroge. Deutsche Med. Wschr. 86: 885 (1961). [ 211 | 14. S. Smith und G. M. Timmis: The Alkaloids of Ergot. Part VII. isoErgine and isoLysergie Acids. J. Chem. Soc. 1936: 1440. 15. F. Arcamone, C. Bonino, E. B. Chain, A. Ferretti, P. Penella, A. Tonolo und L. Vero: Production of Lysergic acid derivatives by a strain of Claviceps paspali Stevens and Hall in submerged Culture. Nature 187: 238 (1960). 16. A. Smith and G. M. Timmis: The Alkaloids of Ergot. Part III. Ergine, a New Base obtained by the Degradation of Ergotoxine and Ergotinine. J. Chem. Soc. 1932: 7683. 17. A. Hofmann, R. Brunner, H. Kobel, und A. Brack: Neue Alka- loide aus der saprophytischen Kultur des Mutterkornpilzes von Pennisetum typhoideum Rich. Helv. Chim. Acta 40: 1358 (1957). 18. M. Abe, T. Yamano, Y. Kozu und M. Kusumoto: Production of Alkaloids by Ergot Fungus parasitic on Elymus mollis Trin. J. Agr. Chem. Soc. Japan 29: 364 (1955). 19. Unpublished results from the Research Laboratories for Pharma- ceutical Chemistry, Sandoz Ltd., Basel (Switzerland). 20. A. Stoll, A. Hofmann und W. Schlientz: Die stereoisomeren Ly- sergole und Dihydro-lysergole. Helv. Chim. Acta 32: 1947 (1949). 21. W.A. Taber und R.A. Heacock: Location of Ergot Alkaloids and Fungi in the Seed of Rivea corymbosa (L.) Hall.f. “‘Ololiuqui’’ Can. J. of Microbiol. 8: 137 (1962). 22. W.A.Taber, R. A. Heacock and M. E. Mahon: Ergot-Type Al- kaloids in vegetable Tissue of Rivea corymbosa (L.) Hall.f. Phyto- chem. 2: 99 (1963). 23. W.A.Taber, L. C. Vining und R. A. Heacock: Clavine and Ly- sergic Acid Alkaloids in Varieties of Morning Glory. Phytochem. 2: 65 (1963). 24, M.C. Pérezamador and J. Herran: Turbicoryn, a new glucoside obtained from the seeds of a sacred plant. Tetrahedron Letters 1960: 30. 25. W.B. Cook and W. E. Kealand: Isolation and partial characteri- zation of a glucoside from Rivea corymbosa (L.) Hall.f. J. Org. Chem. 27: 1061 (1962). 26. H.Solms: Chemische Struktur und Psychose bei Lysergsaure- Derivaten. Praxis 45: 746 (1956). 27. H. Solms: Relationships between chemical Structure and Psy- choses with the Use of psychotoxic Substances. J. Clin. Exp. Psychopath. and Quart. Rev. of Psychiat. Neurol. 17: 429 (1956). 28. T. Yui and Y. Takeo: Neuropharmacological Studies on a New Series of Ergot Alkaloids. Jap. J. Pharmacol. 7: 157 (1958). . e204 BOTANICAL MUSEUM LEAFLETS HARVARD UNIVERSITY Campripcre, Massacuusetts, November 29, 1963 Vor. 20, No. 7 A NEW GOSSYPIUM FROM THE CAPE VERDE ISLANDS BY Duncan CLEMENT! AND LYLE L. Paruuirs? Durinc the course of our investigations on the evolution and distribution of diploid and tetraploid cotton,’ we have gradually assembled living collections of the wild and cultivated species of the genus Gossypium. 'Through the efforts of Dr. Thomas Kerr, Cotton Branch, Agri- cultural Research Service, United States Department of Agriculture and of Director Professor A. Quintanilha and Ing. L. A. Grandvaux Barbosa of Centro de Inves- tigacao Cientifica Algodoeira, Mocambique, we received in 1961 a packet of seed collected by Mr. Barbosa on one of the Cape Verde Islands, where he had been asked to look for G. capitis-viridis Mauer, an endemic species known only from the type collection. From these, one plant was grown in a greenhouse at Raleigh, and it soon became evident that we had neither G. capitis-viridis nor any other known species of the genus. In recognition of Mr. Barbosa’s special effort to find this unusual Gos- sypium material, we name the species for him. ' Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. ? North Carolina State College, Raleigh, North Carolina. ®'These investigations are partially supported by National Science Foundation grant no. G-14203 to North Carolina State College. Li aN [ 213 ] Gossypium Barbosanum Phillips & Clement sp. nov. Frutex perennis, erectus, usque ad 2 m. altus, cum ramis paucis, gracilibus, patentibus; rami frugiferi uni- vel biarticulati. Folia in lobos quinque ad septem ovato- ellipticos profunde divisa, cum nectario subtus in nervo medio. Corolla infundibuliformis, fulva cum macula pur- purea in dimidio inferiore. Calyx post anthesin marces- cens, cum bracteolis linearibus in lobos lanceolatos tres vel quattuor divisis. Capsula circiter duplo longior quam latior, rostellata, tri- vel quadrilocularis, glandulis atris prominentibus maculata. Semina circiter duplo longiora quam latiora, atrofulva, glabra, stratu unico fibrarum fulvarum circiter 6 mm. longarum obtecta. Tyre: Plant grown in greenhouse, North Carolina State College, Raleigh, North Carolina, from seed collected by L. A. G. Barbosa at Monte do Trigo, near Tarrafal, Ilha de Santo Antao, Cape Verde Is- lands. Phillips & Clement 891 (U.S. Nat. Herb. ; Econ. Herb. Oakes Ames). Upright perennial shrub 1—2 m. tall; branches slender, flexuous, spreading, becoming glabrate in age, the young twigs dotted with darkly pigmented glands, strigose;: petioles 3-4 cm. long, sparsely strigose; leaves ca. £ cut into 5-7 ovate-elliptic lobes, stellate-pubescent above and below, an elongate-elliptic nectary on mid-vein 2-8 mm. long; fruiting branches usually 1—2 Jointed; pedicels 1-2 cm. long, gland-dotted, strigose; corolla funnel-form, petals cream with a magenta spot covering lower half, sparsely gland-dotted over entire surface but glands more numerous along one side, stellate-pubescent on portion exposed in bud; staminal column ca. 1 cm. long, 0.5 em. wide, antheriferous throughout, unpigmented ; style pro- jecting $ length of androecium above uppermost anthers, sparsely gland-dotted, stigmas united to top: calyx cupulate, minutely stellate-pubescent, gland-dotted, [ 214 ] 8-10 mm. long, tube ca. 5 mm. long, lobes 8-5 mm. long, deltoid, subequal, entire calyx becoming necrotic following formation of an abscission layer at its base shortly after anthesis; bracteoles narrow, stellate-pubes- cent, gland-dotted, $—% cleft into 8-(4) lanceolate lobes, subtended by a nectary; capsules about twice as long as broad, glabrous, acuminately beaked, 3-4 locular, dotted with prominent darkly-pigmented glands, sutures form- ing partial, false septa at base and bearing a few long hairs above, ovules 4—6 per locule; seeds ca. twice as long as broad, covered with a single layer of brown fibers ca. 6 mm. long; seed coat dark-brown, smooth. The affinities of G. Barbosanum are with the species of Section Anomala, which contains the botanically well- known G. anomalum Wawra and Peyr. and G. triphyl- lum Hochreutiner, as well as G. capitis-viridis, known only from the type specimen (which we have not seen). The major differences between the species of Section Anomala are indicated in Table I. Characteristics for G. capitis-viridis are taken from the type description, those for the other species from living material. One G. Barbosanum characteristic is worthy of special note since it distinguishes this species from all other spe- cies of Gossypium. Shortly after anthesis, an abscission layer forms at the base of the calyx, leading to its gradual and progressive necrosis; by the tenth day after anthesis the calyx is completely necrotic. The gametic chromosome number of G. Barbosanum is 18, the basic number of all the known diploid species of the genus. On the basis of comparative cytology (Beasley, 1942), each species of Gossypium is assigned to one of six ge- nome groups (A, B, C, D, E, or AD); G.anomalum and G.triphyllum have thus been assigned to the B genome group as B; and Ba, respectively. Preliminary cytologi- [ 215 ] Plant pubescence Climax leaf shape Foliar nectaries Bracteole shape Corolla Petal spot Capsule locule no. G. anomalum usually villous 3/4—-4/5 cut into 3-5 ovate lobes entire to 3-4 toothed cream, occasionally with magenta flush large usually $-locular TaBLe | triphyllum short tomentose 3-foliolate, leaflets sublinear entire cream with lavender flush large 8-locular [ 216 ] Barbosanum sparsely strigose 7/8 cut into 7 ovate-elliptic lobes, mid-lobe usually second- arily lobed 1-3 3(4) teeth, one-half to two-thirds cleft cream large 3—4 locular capitis-viridis sparsely strigose unknown no. (prob. 4-5) ovate lobes 2-3 toothed yellow absent 5-locular PratE XXXVII Upper left: Flowers at anthesis, nearest bracteole removed ( ~ 1). Upper right: Same flower, partially dissected (1). Lower: Two typical climax leaves ( « 2/3). cal analyses of G. Barbosanum X G.anomalum hybrids indicate a close homology between the chromosomes of the two species, and G. Barbosanwm is therefore assigned the genome symbol Bs. ACKNOWLEDGMENT We wish to express our thanks to Mr. Charles Schwein- furth of the Botanical Museum for preparing the Latin description, LITERATURE CIPED Beasley, J. O., 1942. Meiotic chromosome behavior in species, spe- cies hybrids, haploids, and induced poly ploids of Gossypium. Gene- ties 27: 25-54. [ 218 ] Portion of flowering branch ( a 1.6). LWT MWIAXXX PLANTAE COLOMBIANAE XVI SAURAUIAE PROVINCIAE PUTUMAYONIS SPECIES NOVA BY RicHarp Evans SCHULTES SELDOM in a large genus such as the dilleniaceous Saur- auia does a new species appear with a distinguishing character so sharp as that in the following hitherto un- described concept. Saurauia Alvaroi R. E. Schultes sp. nov. Arbor aliquid robusta, usque ad quadraginta pedes alta. Rami fusci, lepidoti, squamis minutissimis, albis suberystallinisque. Ramuli similes. Foliorum lamina petiolata, valde coriacea, obovata, apice acuminata, basi cuneata, minute et irregulariter (apicem versus praeci- pue) serrulata, supra vivo atroviridis et glabra, infra (in nervis densiore) minutissime stellato-pilosa, nervi cen- tralis partem basalem versus laciniis duabus vexilliformi- bus ad perpendiculum directis 6.5 em. longis, usque ad 1.2 cm. altis extremis ambis cohaesis ex lamina prorump- entibus atque septum canaliculatum formantibus, usque ad 35 cm. longa, 16 cm. lata; nervis plusminusve duo- deviginti, subparallelis; petiolus robustus, 3-5 cm. lon- gus, 5mm. in diametro. Inflorescentiae multiflorae, foliis breviores, usque ad 25 cm. longae; pedunculis aureo- fuscis, lepidotis; bracteis siccis, subulatis, setosis, usque ad 5 mm. longis. Flores subsessiles, aromatico-fragrantes, [ 221 ] alabastro 5-6 mm. in diametro. Sepala quinque, aurea, in maturitate sicca atque persistentia, obovata vel subro- tundata, 6-7 mm. lata, plusminusve 9 mm. longa, extus dense aureo-setoso-secabrida, inter setis minutissime et densissime albido-subcrystallino-squammata, margine minutissime ciliata, intus glaberrima. Petala quinque, alba, fere usque ad basim libera, membranacea, glabra, subquadrangulate rotundato-ovata, margine undulata, plusminusve 7 mm. lata, 7 mm. longa. Stamina plus- minusve quadraginta, corollae basi valde adhaerentia, basi longe et dense lanato-barbata. Staminum filamenta 2.5-8 mm. longa; antherae flavae, versatiles, 8 mm. lon- gae. Ovarium globosum, quinque-partitum, glabrum, 2.5 mm. in diametro, quinque cum stylis carnosis parvis- que. Fructus adhuc ignotus. Saurauia Alvaroi may be distinguished from all other known concepts of the genus by a most curious canal- like pouch which is formed by two conspicuous vexilli- form flaps arising perpendicularly from the base of the leaf blade along the midrib and which are joined together at their apical and basal ends. The purpose of this un- usual structure is not clear. In none of the many leaves examined on the type tree and others was there evidence that the flaps might in any way be concerned with insect habitation. In all examples, the canal was empty. This species, which I can relate closely to no known concept, likewise differs from most Colombian species of Saurauia in its large number of stamens and in having an almost entirely glabrous upper surface of the leaves. The exceptionally rich cloud forest which clothes the Portachuelo or Sachamates range between the Valley of Sibundoy and the great Amazonian planada beginning east of Mocoa constitutes one of the botanically most virgin areas of Colombia. The genus Saurauia is rela- tively well represented in the parts of this forest lying [ 222 ] PraTe 3% Xo LX. SAURAUIA Alvaroi RUE Schultes fy /, My ‘Th / / yf WN rT /; ih yf Mh /, SauravuraA Atvaror R. EF. Schultes. 1, flowering branch, approximately one half natural size. 2, basal portion of leaf, showing flap, approximately one half natural size. 3, flower, approximately twice natural size. Drawn by Dorotay H. Marsu between about 2100 and 3400 meters, where typical spe- cies are S. brachybotrys, S. portachuelensis and S. putu- mayonis. Saurauia Alvaroi appears to be limited to an altitudinal band of perhaps 150 meters near the lowest range of the genus in this mountain chain. In spite of its limited altitudinal range, the species is well repre- sented in the forest. A large number of individuals, mostly not in flower, were studied along a very short stretch of the automobile road leading to the town of Mocoa. Saurauia Alvarot is named in honor of my Colombian colleague, Dr. Alvaro Fernandez Pérez, botanist, chem- ist and plant explorer, Curator of the Herbario Nacional Colombiano of the Instituto de Ciencias Naturales, Uni- versidad Nacional, Bogota, Colombia. Dr. Fernandez has advanced the cause of science in Colombia not only through his own extensive field work and research but also through willing and efficacious help to foreign bota- nists who visit Colombia for the purpose of studying its unequalled tropical flora. CotomsBiA: Comisaria del Putumayo. Road from San Francisco to Mocoa, at ten kilometers above Pepino Camp. Cloud forest. About 2250 m. ‘“Tree up to 40 ft. tall. Leaves with basal flap. Flowers aromatic, white.’’ July 27, 1960, Richard Evans Schultes 22551 (Tyre in Herb. Gray; Dupticate tyre in Herb. Nac. Colomb.; Econ. Herb. Oakes Ames; Herb. Chicago). BOTANICAL MUSEUM LEAFLETS HARVARD UNIVERSITY VoL. 20, No. 8 Campripas, Massacuusetts, May 8, 1964 PRESENT STATUS OF BOTANICAL STUDIES OF AMBERS’ BY JEAN H. LANGENHEIM Desprire the fact that amber is known to be fossilized resin, there is a general lack of knowledge regarding the plants from which it was derived, as well as the kinds of forests and environmental conditions in which the source trees lived. The following discussion is a survey of exist- ing botanical investigations of ambers, and a discussion of approaches and present progress in studies of amber from Chiapas, Mexico. Since the earliest stages of man’s social development, ambers have had esthetic appeal. They also have long been used to ward off evil powers, as well as to cure ill- nesses such as rheumatism, stomach disorders, asthma, toothaches, etc. In some measure, the attribution of these special powers to amber may be a result of the negative electrical properties exhibited when most ambers are rubbed. Thales recognized these electrical properties, and they were reported early in the annals of electricity. 1 Grateful recognition is made to the American Association of Uni- versity Women Educational Foundation for the Margaret L. Wiley post-doctoral fellowship which enabled me to carry out this study. Support from the Radcliffe Institute for Independent Study likewise is acknowledged. Thanks are due to Professor J. Wyatt Durham, Professor Elso S. Barghoorn and Dr. Virginia Page for critically re- viewing this manuscript and offering valuable suggestions. [ 225 ] In fact, the term ‘‘electricity’’ evolved from ‘‘electron,”’ the Greek name for amber. There was much speculation in the classical literature regarding the origin of amber. One of the first allusions to its botanical origin may be traced to the Greek myth in which amber was considered to be the coagulated tears of Phaethon’s sisters, who were turned to poplars while weeping about his death. Pliny, in his Historia Natu- ralis (77 A.D.), was of the opinion that ‘‘amber is pro- duced from a marrow discharged by trees belonging to the pine genus, like a gum from the cherry, and the resin from an ordinary pine’’ (Bostock and Riley, 1857). The first author to deal in any satisfactory manner with bo- tanical origin, however, was Philip Hartman, who pub- lished ‘*Succini Prussici Historia Physica et Civilis’’ in 1677. So great was interest in the botanical aspects of amber that the ideas in this treatise were presented before the Royal Society in 1697 by Robert Hooke. Hooke’s subsequent and more nearly complete discourses were published in 1705 (Williamson, 1932). The beautiful preservation of organisms or fragments of them (spiders, insects, small lizards, flowers, leaves, etc.) within a mass of resin has interested scientist and layman alike. The earliest work containing figures of plants in amber is Nathaniel Sendel’s ‘‘Historia Succin- orum Corpora Aliena....°’ (1742), which describes collections in the Dresden Museum. Although amber is a plant product, botanists have paid less attention to its study than have either entomologists or mineralogists. Insect inclusions often are more prominently abundant and more completely intact than plant remains. Certainly entomologists have pursued more diligently the taxono- mic description of insects, and their phylogenetic impli- cations, than have the botanists with regard to plant re- mains. Relatively entire flowers, fruits, and leaves do [ 226 ] occur, but not so commonly as fragments of plant tissues and organs. These fragmentary remains have created little enthusiasm on the part of botanists. Pollen and spores may be present, but they have received only lim- ited attention. This results probably from the fact that the microflora is difficult to see except in thin section, and that palynology has developed as a science since the great period of work onamber. Since evident inclusions are not common in some fossil resins and since these resins qualify as gems, mineralogists took on the task of routine physical and chemical characterization. Because the mineralogist’s interest did not lie specifically in the plant source of the resinous material, and as a result of the inherent difficulties of its determination, relatively little attempt has been made to synthesize botanical with chemical evidence for this purpose. CLASSIFICATION OF AMBERS Fossil resins from many parts of the world have been described in terms of some of the physical and chemical properties. Not only has the question of the plant source often been neglected, but the geological age of the de- posits frequently is not well documented. One of the most widely used classifications of fossil resins divides them into two series, with the succinites containing suc- cinic acid and the retinites lacking it (Dana, 1895; Hintze, 1933). More recently, Steuzel (1931) and Hey (1950) not only distinguished the succinite from the reti- nite series on the presence or absence of succinic acid, but set off a tasmanite series consisting of sulphur-bearing resins. Plonait (1985) and Hilterman (1949) indicated that these properties vary within the same species and should not be used as a basis of classification. Paclt (1958a) stated that the main criteria should be botanical derivation and the geologic age of the deposits. Accord- [ 227 ] ingly, he presented a system based upon: 1) resins de- rived from coniferous sources, 2) resins derived from angiosperm sources, 8) resins of uncertain geologic age and unknown botanical derivation or otherwise inade- quately characterized. Unfortunately, as previously noted, the botanical derivation often is not known or well substantiated; hence Paclt’s criteria of classification are difficult to apply. His recognition of these characters as primary criteria, however, may have a useful influence upon future investigations. The term ‘‘amber’’ has been variously used. In its strict sense, it has been synonymous with the succinites; various other names have been used for the retinites. On the other hand, in a wide sense, ‘‘amber’’ is used for all fossil resins. It is in this broad sense that I shall employ the term in this paper. Part of the difficulty in establishing a classification of fossil resins or ambers has been the chaotic state of mod- ern resin nomenclature. This has resulted probably from the complex nature of the material. In the study of ambers, the distinction between gums and resins is sig- nificant. The former are water-soluble carbohydrates ; the latter consist of substances soluble in hydrocarbons. If the material is entirely water-soluble, it is not likely to become fossilized. Some gums are only partially water-soluble, and hence are known as gum-resins. The principal constituents of resins are resin acids, with aro- matic and aliphatic acids also present in some cases. Free or combined with these acids are two somewhat different kinds of alcoholic compounds called resinols and resino- tannols or, collectively, resin alcohols. The third primary constituent is a resene, which is usually less abundant than the resin alcohols and quite inert. The resene ap- pears to act as a protective colloid, and its effect on the behavior of the resin toward solvents seems great (Barry, f 228 | 1932). Essential oils occur in some resins, but they are usually lost by oxidation in the fossilization process. In most studies of fossil remains, it has not been feasi- ble to carry out detailed structural analyses of the con- stituent acids, aleohols and resenes. It has been more practical to determine hardness, specific gravity, degree of solubility, kind of fluorescence, as well as elementary analyses such as carbon, hydrogen and oxygen ratios. The range of differences within these properties, how- ever, is neither sufficient to provide key characters for a classification system nor very helpful in the determina- tion of plant source. For example, although there is some variation, the empirical chemical composition of most ambers approaches C,,H,,O. The hardness varies from 1 to 8 on Mohs scale or as soft as can be scratched by a fingernail to that scratched by a pocket knife. The de- gree of hardness may depend not only on chemical con- stitution, but also on the environmental conditions under which the resin dried or on the geological processes to which it has been subjected. Whether the resin remains tacky for a long period of time or dries readily may de- termine its degree of hardness. Furthermore, as Kirchner (1950) pointed out, hardness is greater in amber associated with wood than in that with aquatic inclusions. Submer- sion in water obviously provides conditions for solidifica- tion very different from those in the atmosphere, where each layer hardens as it emerges from tissues of the trunk. Resin contained in the roots solidifies under soil atmos- pheric conditions which may produce still another varia- tion in hardness. Specific gravity may vary from 1.00 to 1.25, but it commonly averages between 1.05 and 1.08 and hence is not a good distinguishing character. Melting points range from 150° C to 420° C; consequently, there is more variation evident here than in many other proper- [ 229 | ties. Melting point, however, does not appear to be a useful property in defining categories, although the ex- tremes might be suggestive of plant source. Degree of fluorescence under ultraviolet light varies appreciably with surface as well as with kind of material. Solubility also varies from nearly insoluble to almost completely soluble in various hydrocarbons such as chloroform, ben- zol, ether, acetone and various alcohols. Comparative behavior in different solvents may be helpful in deter- mining plant sources, but this has not as yet been care- fully evaluated. Thus, the presence of relatively large amounts of succinic acid (8 to 8%), which so strikingly sets off most of the Baltic amber from most other fossil resins, has appeared to provide a good distinguishing character for classification of all fossil resins. Neverthe- less, as viewed now, not only succinic acid, but other resin acids typical of certain kinds of trees, should be taken into account if plant source is to be determined. As Barry (1982) emphasizes, most of the classic methods of chemical examination of resins are of limited applica- tion. In analysis of amber, consequently, further inves- tigation directed toward understanding the relevance of specific chemical and physical properties to the problem of plant source and related post-depositional conditions is urgently needed. SURVEY OF OUTSTANDING AMBER DEposITs Ambers have been reported from deposits of Carbon- iferous to Pleistocene age, but they appear to be best represented in Cretaceous and Tertiary strata (Plate XL). Some question has arisen regarding the nature of the so-called resin rodlets reported from Carboniferous coal. Since the prevailing opinion holds that these are transformation products either of pollen exines or of cuticle rather than true resins (Freund, 1952), this materi- [ 2380 ] al does not appear pertinent to our discussion of ambers. Amber has been reported from several North Ameri- can Cretaceous deposits. Langenheim, Smiley and Gray (1960) discussed one of the oldest occurrences of amber known from late Early Cretaceous beds along rivers on the Alaskan Arctic Coastal Plain. The inclusions in the amber have not been studied as yet, but they appear to be pollen, spores and possible fungal mycelia, as well as other fragmentary plant parts. This amber likewise has been analyzed neither chemically nor physically. Several lines of evidence seem to indicate that the Cretaceous rocks containing the Alaskan amber are of non-marine origin. This Alaskan amber has never been found with florules lacking taxodiaceous remains ( T’avodium or Para- tavodium). Although pollen of the Pinaceae constitutes the most abundant single microfloral remains, there is a conspicuous lack of megafloral evidence of the pines. Langenheim, Smiley and Gray assumed that pine pollen was derived from upland areas, and that its great abun- dance reflects the enormous production of pollen and its wind dissemination. On the other hand, the presence of abundant taxodiaceous-like grains augments abundant foliage remains. These authors think that the close asso- ciation of the amber with these taxodiaceous remains sug gests the source of the resin. They, therefore, concluded that the fossil resin might have been derived from taxo- diaceous trees growing in proximity to lakes, coastal swainps and other bodies of water. Late Cretaceous amber is known from several locali- ties along the Atlantic Coastal Plain. Knowlton (1896) described amber from Cape Sable, Maryland, where it was found in the interstices of logs determined as Cu- pressinoxylon bibbinsi Knowl. (considered synonymous with a Sequoia at that time). Other small deposits in- clude those at Gay Head at Martha’s Vineyard, Massa- [ 2381 J Geographic distribution of the best known amber deposits (see explanation on opposite page). WX F1v1g Hm O89 2% - 1TH oN oo Pirate XL Locality Alaskan Arctic Coastal Plain (Kuk, Koalak and Ketik Rivers) Cedar Lake, Manitoba, Canada Atlantic Coastal Plain (Mass. to Maryland) Simi Valley, California Southeast Coast of England Baltic Coast (Denmark to Estonia) Sicily Rhine Valley (German Brown Coals) Savoy, France Dominican Republic . Chiapas, Mexico Roumania . Burma . Central Sumatra . West Java . Luzon, Philippine Islands . Victoria, Australia . North Island, New Zealand Israel . West Africa (Angola and Congo) . East Africa (Tanganyika, Zanzibar and Madagascar) Age Early Cretaceous Late Cretaceous? Late Cretaceous Eocene Eocene Eo-Oligocene r Eocene-M iocene Oligocene Late Oligocene Oligo-Miocene Miocene Miocene Miocene Pliocene Pliocene Pliocene Quaternary Pleistocene Quaternary Quaternary Localities in which plant origin is discussed in the text are num- bered. Other small occurrences mentioned, but with neither geologic nor botanic data, are indicated by a cross. [ 233 ] chusetts; near Trenton and Camden, New Jersey; along the Chesapeake and Delaware Canals; etc. The most extensive of these deposits is at Kreischerville on Staten Island, New York, where the amber occurs with lignites. Leaves of Sequoia heterophylla Vel. and S. reichenbachu (Gein) Heer, Widdringtonites, Juniperus and question- ably Dammara, as well as a few remains of Pinus, occur in close association with the amber. Hollick (1905) con- cluded that the most probable source was Sequoia. This was also the conclusion concerning the source of amber occurring in Japan. Other amber (chemawinite) of presumed Late Creta- ceous age has been reported from Cedar Lake, Manitoba, Canada (Harrington, 1891; Walker, 1984; Carpenter et al, 1938), although the source rocks from which this material is derived are not definitely known. A consider- able concentration of amber occurs with fragments of decayed wood along the shores of the lake. Neither the plant fragments in the amber nor the wood have been investigated. Lack of succinic acid, difference in reaction with solvents, and a greater resistance to heat led to the conclusion that it was distinct from Baltic succinite (Har- rington, 1891). It contains more carbon and less oxygen; in this respect, Harrington believed that it more closely resembles walcowite and some of the more recent copals from India. Smallness of the amber grains (58% being less than eight mesh and only 8% being larger than two mesh) was pointed out by Walker (1984) as differing from the larger size of the masses characteristic of the Baltic deposits. He further suggested that this might indicate conifers of the types yielding little resin when wounded, in contrast to those which produced copious resin in the Baltic forests. Consequently, although the material ap- pears different from succinite, no specific plant source has been demonstrated. [ 284 ] Other small occurrences of Cretaceous amber have been reported from: Hardin County, Tennessee; the Black Hills of South Dakota; Canon Diablo of Arizona: the coals of Kagle Pass and ‘Terlingua Creek in Texas; and Baja California. Coals from Coalmont, British Co- lumbia, also contained amber which is used commercially for varnish. There has not been a general investigation as yet of these ambers, and no plant source has been indicated. By far the most extensive deposits of amber thus far discovered occur in more or less isolated basins of Eo- Oligocene strata along the shores of the Baltic Sea from Kstonia to Denmark. The largest amber mines were located in the basin on the Samland Peninsula at Palm- nicken. Because this amber has been studied more inten- sively than any other, it has provided the classical concept of amber for most laymen and even for most scientists. In fact, it has led to preconceptions concerning the bo- tanical sources of ambers in general. For these reasons, the Baltic amber will be discussed separately in a later part of this paper and in more detail than the other deposits. Copalite or Highgate resin occurs as irregular pieces of pale, honey-colored material in the Kocene London Clay formation from the southeast coast of England. W hitaker(1889)stated that this amber resembles ‘‘copal’’ in hardness, color, transparency and relative insolubility in alcohol. There is some semantic confusion, as the term ‘“*copal’’ is used to connote resins from different families of plants. Probably reference here is made to African copal of commerce which comes from such leguminous genera as T'rachylobium and Copaifera. The affinities of the London Clay Flora are considered by Reid and Chandler (1933) and Chandler (1961) to be predominantly tropical, with most of the flora allied to genera inhabit- ing present-day tropical or montane rain-forests of Indo- [ 285 ] Malaya. Members of the Leguminosae, however, occur sparingly in this fruit and seed flora. Furthermore, the Dipterocarpaceae, which generally characterizes the Indo-Malayan forests and which produce such copious amounts of resin, are significantly lacking. Seeds of members of the Burseraceae, closely related to such abundant resin producers as Protium and Canarium, oc- cur and would represent possible sources. No systematic attempt, however, has been made to study the plant source of this resin. Succinite has also been reported from the east coast of England from Essex to Yorkshire. Conwentz (1896) has assumed that the beds in which the amber was originally deposited were continuous with those along the Baltic from Denmark eastward to the Samland Peninsula. Therefore, the general conclusion is that the plant source was the same as for amber from the Baltic deposits. Amber from Eocene (Domingene) strata in Simi Val- ley, California, has been found in association with fossil woods. The woods were determined as Quercus and ‘‘a heavy dicotyledonous type, possibly a legume’’ (Mur- doch, 1984). The physical and chemical properties ap- pear relatively similar to succinite; therefore, because the woods were not coniferous, it was assumed that the amber did not originate from the trees which produced them. This reasoning is based probably upon the conclu- sion that Baltic amber (succinite) is derived from mem- bers of the Pinaceae, or at least conifers. Because the physical and chemical properties obtained are not neces- sarily indicative of pines, however, it seems important that a number of leguminous trees should be taken into account as the possible source. Another well known amber (burmite) is mined from lignites and a blue earth in Burma. It is characterized by its ruby-red color, its high degree of fluorescence and [ 2386 ] its small amount of succinic acid. Only a few insect and leaf inclusions have been found in burmite, and the plant source has not been indicated (‘T'schirch and Stock, 1986). Williamson (1982) reported that in addition to burmite, other fossil resins are mined in Asia at Vladivostock, in Siam, Cochin-China, Manchuria, Kamchatka and Sak- halin. Neither the age nor the plant derivation of the ambers has been discussed. Brown coals of both Kocene and Miocene age are wide- ly distributed throughout Europe, but have been ex- ploited particularly in Germany. Because of their com- mercial importance, much is known about them. There has been considerable study of the wood in the Rhine coals (Jurasky, 1981, 1988; Schénfeld, 1958), as well as of fruits and seeds (Kirchheimer, 1986, 1987, 1957; Weyland, 1934 et al.), of leaf cuticles (XKrausel and Weyland, 1951, 1954) and of pollen (Potonié and Venitz, 1984; Pflug, 1957; Thomson, 1958 et al.). Resin apparently consti- tutes about 3% of most humic brown coals (Henderson, 1958). Reports of resins from European brown coals have been relatively common (Steinbrecher, 19385; Tschirch and Stock, 1936 et al.), although these resins have not received the attention that Baltic succinite has. Stein- brecher contrasts two types of resin from the brown coals: ‘*Bitumenharze’’ and retinite. The Bitumenharze are mixed in the coal with waxes and isolated only by solu- tion of the coal matrix. Among the retinites he lists eosmite, sheibite, kranztite, muchite, trinkerite, hartite, ixolite, and Greenland bernstein. In comparing their specific gravities, melting points and carbon, hydrogen, oxygen ratios, he concluded that they should be con- sidered different types. Because of their relatively poor quality and their dispersion as small pieces throughout the coal, there has been little investigation of these resins. These occurrences are of particular importance in studies [ 287 | of plant sources of the resin, however, because of the availability of correlative botanical information. Three types of moors have been recognized in recent attempts to reconstruct the vegetation types that pro- duced the German brown coals (Thomson, 1951; Teich- muller, 1958). One is the Reidmoor (marsh), similar to that existing inthe Everglades of Florida today. Another is the Nyssa-Taxvodium swamp woods compared with those presently found in the Mississippi Delta, Florida, Georgia and North Carolina. Several reports of taxodia- ceous resin from the Rhine brown coals have been re- ported, and the derivation has been substantiated by wood associated with it (Jurasky, 1981; Tschirch and Stock, 1936). A third type is described by Teichmuller as a Myrica-Cyrilla moor accompanied by Sequoia woods. The Myrica-Cyrilla moor has produced more peat in the lower Rhine brown coals than any other vegetation type. Here Liquidambar played a significant role. Seigburgite from these coals has been considered by Klinger and Pitschi (1884) to be derived from Liquidambar, because it produced cinnamic acid and styrolene upon distillation. Jurasky (1931) has also reported resin from sections of wood referred to Juniperowylon. Relatively few state- ments regarding botanical derivation have been made for the retinites, although some of the physical and chemi- cal characteristics have been described. It seems possible that a systematic attempt to relate all relevant chemical and botanical information about this material might, in some cases, indicate the plant sources. Allingite from upper Oligocene deposits in Savoy is called Swiss amber. It appears to differ from Baltic suc- cinite in the presence of both sulphur and nitrogen, and a resin acid differing from succinic acid (Tschirch and Stock, 1936). The botanical source has not been discussed. Amber from the Dominican Republic, presumed to be [ 288 ] late Oligocene in age, was first reported by Christopher Columbus during his second voyage to the West Indies. This amber contains small fragments of wood, leaves and flowers, as well as insects. The plant source again is not known, but Sanderson and Farr (1960) indicated the possibility of pines, as the amber possesses a strong pine- like odor when sawed or scratched with a file. Small traces of amber also have been noted in a core sample from a lignite deposit in the Central Plateau of Haiti. Simetite occurs in outcrops along streams in the cen- tral part of Sicily, near Mt. Etna, where it is associated usually with lignites. It is famous both for its beautiful colorss being ruby-red to opalescent-blue, and also its strong fluorescence. hese characters, in addition to its hardness, the presence of sulphur and little succinic acid, distinguish it from succinite (Helm, 1881). Neither the geologic nor plant source has been discussed, although Helm questioned whether it differs essentially from the Baltic succinite or merely has been altered by geologic processes. Rumanite is mined from a blue earth in Miocene sand- stones in several localities in Rumania (Protescu, 1937). Although these are not extensive deposits, the amber has been known and used for centuries. Amber is known also from the Ukraine (Khandros, 1941), and a resin similar to rumanite has also been found in Poland (Helm, 1891). Rumanite has a wide color range varying from yellow, rose-red, to dark smoky-gray. It contains many cracks, giving it an iridescent aspect, and it is highly fluo- rescent. These and other physical and chemical characters led Helm to believe that rumanite was different from succinite. Organic remains appear to be rare, and specific botanical derivation characteristically has not been dis- cussed. Amber of a dark reddish-brown color and an impure [ 289 ] earthy nature, containing insects, occurs in Miocene de- posits of central Sumatra (Durham, 1956). A similar amber has been observed in western Java, but it is more common in Pliocene than in Miocene rocks. Pieces of an amber of like characteristics have also been reported from Pliocene deposits on Luzon Island in the Philippines. In both Java and Sumatra, and possibly by analogy in Luzon, the amber occurs erratically in the marine sedi- mentary section with no local concentrations being re- ported. I have dissolved the Sumatra amber in methy!- ene chloride, and it appears to contain pollen and spores which have not been studied as yet. The physical nature of this amber is distinctive from that of the Baltic suc- cinite. There are many copious resin producers in the general Jndo-Malayan region. Good prospective candi- dates are members of the Dipterocarpaceae from which resin, varying in age from recent to fossil, is excavated from the ground around the trees (Howes, 1949). Also Tschirch and Stock (1986) reported a ‘‘kind of copal’’ from brown coals in Java, derived supposedly from A gathis alba (iamb.) Foxw. Ambrite, occurring in masses as large as a human head, is found in the Hawakawa coal deposits in the province of Auckland, New Zealand (Tschirch and Stock, 1936). It resembles the resin of A gathis australis (Lamb.) Steudel, or Kauri pine, which abounds on the island and which is often exported with ambrite. Paclt (1958a) pointed out, however, that ambrite differs from agathocopalite in being wholly insoluble in ether or al- cohol. Fossil Kauri resin is found in both hilly clay ranges and in peat swamps on the North Island of New Zealand. Another resin of this general type has been reported from Victoria, Australia (Watson, 1925; Hills, 1957). A large specimen, weighing 84 pounds, with impressions [ 240 ] of dicotyledonous leaves as well as a leaf of A gathis, ants, beetles, etc., was found in a formation of black clays. Detailed chemical analysis shows that this amber is comparable with resin of Callitris, Araucaria, or A gathis. Hills stated that all the fossils suggest moist climatic conditions. A gathis is perhaps the best climatic indicator among the fossils and today is restricted to tropical and subtropical regions. Its presence indicates a climate very different from that existing in the area now. Although there is some evidence that this material might be Pleis- tocene, Hills regards it as Pliocene. Fossil ‘‘copals’’ occur abundantly in Africa, where natural resins have been extensively exploited commer- cially. The age of these materials is not presented defi- nitely (T'schirch and Stock, 1986; Paclt, 1958a), but they are considered to be post-Tertiary. Paclt referred to these fossil copals as ‘‘legumocopalite.’’ He considered most of the West African (Angola and Congo) legomo- copalites to be derived from either Guibourtia( Copaifera) spp. or Daniella spp. The occurrence of some of these fossil resins, however, coincide with the geographical distribution of Adansonia digitata L., a member of the Bombacaceae. The East African (Tanganyika, Zanzibar and Madagascar) legumocopalites appear to be derived primarily from T’rachylobium verrucosum (Gaertn.) Oliv. Paclt (1953b) described jaffaite, probably Pleistocene in age, from Israel. It is characterized chemically as a gum-resin of the resene series, and contains some tri- chomes which resemble those from Pistacia lentiscus L. He concluded, however, that the resin was derived proba- bly from P. palaestina Boiss., which is now known to occur on the Plain of Sharon where jaffaite was found. Another amber of unknown plant source is reported from southern Lebanon by T’schirch and Stock (19386). Reports of amber from Central and South America [241 J include those from Costa Rica, Colombia, Brazil, Ecua- dor, Chile and Uruguay (Tschirch and Stock, 1936). In none of these cases, however, has the geologic age been established nor has the plant source been indicated. The deposits of amber from Chiapas, Mexico, will be dis- cussed later in this paper. Other sporadic occurrences of amber have been re- ported, but an exhaustive review here is not intended. I want merely to attempt to show the status of botani- cal investigations of the better known or what might appear to be more botanically significant deposits. Batric AMBER Amber from the Baltic region varies in its physical and chemical properties, although most of the material is considered to be succinite. It varies in color from yel- low, typical amber-colored to black and from transparent to cloudy or bony-opaque. Hardness ranges from soft and brittle to that which permits scratching with a knife. Some of it melts at approximately 350° C; some car- bonizes without melting. Some is practically insoluble, whereas 20-30% of the other pieces may be dissolved in alcohol, chloroform or ether. On the basis of these dif- fering chemical and physical properties, and the absence of succinic acid, ambers other than succinite (beckerite, gedanite, stantienite, glessite and krantzite) have been described from the Baltic deposits. The Baltic amber occurs within a relatively restricted sequence of greenish glauconitic sands, a ‘‘blue earth”’ and lignites. Although amber occurs scattered through all of these beds, it is most concentrated in the blue earth at the base of the green sands. The blue earth layer varies from one to seven meters in thickness, and amber occurs here so plentifully that yields of several thousand kilo- grams were obtained from an area of ten square meters (242 | (Black, 1919). The blue earth is a marine deposit of late Kocene to early Oligocene age, according to the paleon- tologic evidence. Most commonly the deposit is assigned to an early Oligocene age (Czeczott, 1960). Czeczott has inferred that, because the amber is considered to be re- worked, it must be somewhat older than Oligocene and hence Eocene in age. Nevertheless, Kirchner (1950) has reported the occurrence of coral polyps and other marine organisms in some specimens of amber, indicating that the resin had not hardened before entering the marine environment. This suggests that no significant amount of time was involved in the transportation of at least some of the amber, and that therefore, geologically speaking, it is of the same age as the enclosing beds. Thus it appears that reworking prior to the amber’s deposition in the blue earth and immediately adjacent beds may have been over- emphasized in the literature. Suggestions such as those by Black (1919) and Czeczott (1960) seem to indicate the transportation of essentially contemporaneous detri- tal materials from land into the marine environment, a process which, geologically speaking, is essentially con- tem poraneous. Amber from Schleswig-Holstein has been given a Mio- cene age. Wetzel (1939) thought that this amber in the western Baltic region was formed from trees on a sepa- rate land mass from that in the eastern area. Andrée (1942), on the other hand, concluded that the amber was formed during the Oligocene in the eastern Baltic area and that it was transported and reworked into the Mio- cene deposits in the western area. Carvings of amber, and especially beads found in caves and tombs, indicate its significance in human activities since the Stone Ages (Williamson, 1932). Amber trade routes crossed Europe from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Seas in the Bronze and [ron Ages, as well as [ 243 ] during the Roman and Greek periods. It has even been postulated that, together with tin, it was one of the chief objects which led the Romans to penetrate the Gallic regions to the west and north of the Mediterranean. Amber provided a distinctive and imperishable barter item. As stated by Harris (1925), ‘‘The luxuries of life went out in search of the necessities,’ as the ‘‘uncivilized North sent treasures to the civilized South.’’ Previous to the 14th Century, amber was the property of the finder, and it was sought among seaweeds or washed up along the shores, especially after heavy November storms along the Baltic. Following this time in Prussia, how- ever, the ‘‘Rittenorder’’ (Order of Knights) made them- selves the owner of all amber. Amber was considered of sufficient value that, in 1466, any withholding of amber collected was punishable by hanging. The Order pro- moted the formation of guilds of amber-turners, erected warehouses and conducted sales over a large part of EKu- rope. Until the last war, the largest commercial produc- tion and sale of amber was from mines on the Samland Peninsula. In earlier times, the “‘gold of the sea’’ was collected commercially along the shores by amber fisher- men with specially constructed nets (Plate X LI) by men on horseback and later by divers. Extensive development of commercial operations began in 1837, when the state farmed out the mining to private companies. In 1860 the amber trade received additional impetus from the enterprising mining techniques developed by the Stan- tien and Becker Firm. Complaints were so great against their monopoly, however, that the amber industry re- turned to the hands of the Prussian State in 1899. Many thousands of pounds were excavated by steam dredging, as well as by techniques involving quarrying out large open pits and subsequent washing by electrical ma- chinery. At one time amber was sorted into about 200 [ 244 ] grades, distinguished partly by size and partly by color and purity for three primary uses: 1) smoking items, 2) jewelry, 3) varnish. With the great tonnage of amber taken from the Bal- tic deposits, more opportunities for obtaining pieces with inclusions, seemingly so rare or lacking in other deposits, have been possible. The scientific importance of the in- clusions was recognized by the state corporation, so that pieces with inclusions were sorted and carefully saved for study. This resulted in the availability of material that otherwise would have been lost for investigation. Even in the case of the Baltic amber, the percentage of pieces that have obvious inclusions is relatively small. This points to the fact that inclusions depend upon the liquid resin’s being exposed in such a manner that insects or plant fragments might become incorporated. These con- ditions vary greatly with different kinds of trees as well as their habitat conditions. Faunal inclusions, particularly insects and spiders, are much more common than obvious plant remains. The insects have been studied exhaustively by many investi- gators, with the studies brought up to date by Anders (1942) as well as summarized by Bachofen-Echt (1949). Fifty-one percent of the known animal remains are flies, 5% are bees and wasps, 6% mayflies, 5% beetles, and 5% spiders. Some of these inclusions have botanical significance in that a few taxa indicate particular forest habitats. Between 1830 and 1987, approximately 750 specific names of plants and generic names without specific iden- tification appeared in such outstanding floristic works as those of Goeppert and Berendt (1845), Goeppert and Menge (1883), Conwentz (1886a, 1890) and Caspary and Klebs (1907), as well as in about 70 smaller contribu- tions. In a reevaluation of these taxonomic entities, [ 245 ] Czeczott (1960) has reduced the 750 entities to 216. The inclusions represent a uniquely restricted sample of the original forest, and differ from that presented by either a leaf ora fruit and seed flora. Unfortunately, aside from amber inclusions, a few ligneous remains are the only other indication of the amber forest. Czeczott pointed out that an amazing number of cryptogams are preserved. Five species of bacteria, a slime mold, 18 types of mush- rooms, two lichens, 18 hepatica, 17 mosses and two ferns have been described (Caspary and Klebs, 1907; Blunck, 1929; Magdefrau, 1957). The most common inclusions are conifers with 88 species recognized at present. In the Pinaceae, there are eight species of Pinus, one of Picea and one of Abies. In the Taxodiaceae, there is one spe- cies of Glyptostrobus and three of Sequoia. There are 18 species of five genera recognized in the Cupressaceae (three Widdringtonia, four Thuites— including Thyja, Thwyopsis and Biota—one Libocedrus, four Chamae- cyparis and two Juniperus). Most of the conifers were identified on the basis of male fructifications, a few on female cone, and some on needle or scale leaves. The angiosperms are represented by seven species in seven monocotyledonous genera, and 94 species in 57 dicotyledonous genera (Plate XLII). Forty-seven per- cent of the angiosperm inclusions are flower or flower parts, and leaves also are relatively prevalent. The most abundant angiosperm remains are stellate hairs of oak which are almost as common as conifer remains. That extensive evidence of pollen has not been recorded seems rather surprising, particularly since male inflorescences are common. Von Duisberg (1860, 1863) was one of the first workers interested in the microflora, although Goep- pert had indicated in 1858 that pollen should be found. Pollen was not rare in Von Duisberg’s collection, but it was difficult to observe in the relatively thick sections [ 246 ] PLiatre XLI cp Roden be" eee gst ) i SOO al — Seventeenth Century amber fishermen with nets and leather cuiras- ses for collecting ‘“Schéppen’’ among seaweeds along the shore of the Baltic Sea (from Hartmann, 1677). of amber. Goeppert and Menge (1883) and Conwentz (1890) illustrated only a few pollen grains in their mono- graphic systematic studies. Kirchheimer (1937) obtained pollen by grinding the amber into small grains, dissolv- ing these in alcohol and centrifuging the material. Un- fortunately, he did not identify the pollen obtained in this manner. He reported that angiosperm pollen was distributed in amber and he intended to discuss this sub- Ject further in a subsequent paper. Wetzel (1953)reported pollen and fern spores in amber from Schleswig- Holstein. As it was impossible to dissolve completely this amber to tree the pollen and spores, preparations for microscopic study of the microflora were made of small amber parti- cles remaining from partial solution of the material in a mixture of alcohol and xylol. The most abundant spores found are members of the Poly podiaceae ; the most com- mon pollen is Sequova and a form closely related to Quer- cus. There are also specimens that are possibly Pseudot- suga, Tsuga, as well as a member of the Ericaceae and another of the Compositae. Schubert (1961) pointed out that pollen apparently was not found in thousands of pieces of amber in the collections of the University of KoOnisberg, nor in his own specimens containing wood and bark. He suggested that this absence might be a result of these collections consisting primarily of ‘‘brack”’ amber. *‘Brack”™’ is a refuse grade and, although it may contain numerous inclusions, such as wood and bark, it is not the best type of amber in which to observe pollen. Schubert, therefore, indicated that it might be possible to find pollen in especially clear grades, e.g. **Schlauben, using the lackfilmmethode (Voigt, 1986), a technique which frees inclusions from the amber matrix. It also seems probable that a considerable accumulation of pol- len and spores might be located in the outer crust of the amber. This crust unfortunately has generally been re- r [ 248 | PraTre AL! Tat XI Naturforschende Gesellschaft in Danzig t 3 % é Conwentz, Fiore des Bernsteins Lith Destw Werner & Waren Prafkfart °M Example of angiosperm remains from Baltic amber. Plate from Conwentz’ monograph of 1890. 1, Papilionaceae. 2-20, Ericaceae. 21-23, Myrsinaceae. moved in the process of commercial preparation of the amber by rotating the pieces in a barrel with sand and water, thus simulating the polishing action of surf on a sandy shore. Kirchheimer and Schubert agree that a search for pollen and spores should be made and, if these structures can be properly studied, may yield valuable in- formation regarding the composition of the amber forest. The total inclusion flora, as revised by Czeczott (1960), has almost twice as many tropical families represented as temperate (23% versus 12%). ‘Tropical plants belonging to such families as Palmae, Olacaceae, Lauraceae, M yr- sinaceae, Apocynaceae, Theaceae, Dilleniaceae, ete. are typically mixed with more temperate elements such as representatives of families as the Aceraceae, Saxifraga- ceae, Umbelliferae, Rosaceae and Hamamelidaceae. The largest number of families (46% ), however, are cosmo- politan, e.g. Gramineae, Liliaceae, Geraniaceae, Oaxal- idaceae, Ericaceae, Aquifoliaceae, ete. Various reconstructions of the amber forest and _ its environmental conditions have been attempted (Heer, 1860, 1869; Conwentz, 1890; Caspary and Klebs, 1907: Bachofen-Echt, 1949; Anders, 1942; Schubert, 1953, 1958, 1961: Czeczott, 1960, et al.). Because the most prevalent remains are of pines and oaks, the amber forest has generally been considered to have been primarily a mixture of these genera. Conwentz (1890) indicated that the oaks characterizing the forest were evergreen. Anders (1942), however, was puzzled by this conclusion, because so few of the many oaks could be shown to be evergreen. Bachoten-Echt (1949) and Schubert (19538) suggested that the forest was probably comparable to the present hammock vegetation of Florida with Magnolia, Cinna- momum and Sabalites occurring in patches amid pines and oaks. Thuites and Ilex were also abundant. Bachofen- cht emphasized that the many inclusions of grass show [ 250 } that there must have been a grass understory. Members of the Ericaceae, especially Andromeda, must also have occurred in the understory immediately under the pines, because flowers, fruits and leaves were all preserved in the resin. Schubert (1958) emphasized that the dry con- dition of the forest was particularly indicated by the nar- row annual rings in many of the small branches of pine. Czeczott (1960), however, agreed with Anders that the Florida hammock-type forest is more xerophytic than is indicated by both the overall nature of the amber flora and many members of the insect fauna. They believe that the mixed oak-pine forest was dense and moist. Other deciduous trees occurred on the outskirts of the oak-pine forest and in open glades. The more tropical plants lived on the southern slopes of an area that must have been partly mountainous. On the basis of additional wood and bark studies, Schubert (1961) emphasized that there was not just one forest-type, but that there probably were pine-palm, pine-oak, and pine-hardwood types forming a mosaic pattern on mountain slopes. He holds, nonethe- less, that his studies (Schubert, 1958; 1961) support an hypothesis of a warm-dry woods of a savannah-type. He compares the amber forest to the situations now occurring in mountainous areas in Cuba (Lotschert, 1957), as well as possibly in southern Mexico, Guatemala, and British Honduras (Martinez, 1948; Loock, 1950; Schwerdt- feger, 1953). It was suggested by Heer (1860, 1869) and followed by Tornquist (1910) that the amber forests covered an extensive area. ‘Tornquist thought that the southern boundary of the forest extended across what is now cen- tral Sweden eastward through Finland into western Russia, whereas the adjacent northern sea occupied not only what is now northern Germany but also the region drained by the Vistula and Dnieper Rivers as far as the [ 251 J Black Sea. Heer gave a more southern boundary to the amber forests, inferring their occurrence in the area of present northern Germany. He was convinced that the resin had been carried in mountain torrents to the low- lands and shores of the sea. This view of the topography of the amber country received confirmation from the work of Ulmer (1915) on caddisflies. He concluded that fully 35 genera with 73 species from the amber passed their larval stages in torrents, that 14 genera with seven species lived in quiet water and that seven genera with seven species were probably indifferent to their aquatic habitat. Brues (1988, 1947) concluded from Ulmer’s studies, as well as from his own work on amber Hymenoptera, that the amber forest type was close to that occurring in the mountains of New England today. He thought that the presence of pines, spruces, oaks, beeches, chestnuts, etc., as well as a similarity of amber insects with modern insects collected on tanglefoot fly paper at Petersham, Massachusetts, indicated that ‘‘the ecological conditions are rather closely reproduced in the hilly forested areas of New England at the present time. . .. the flora and the fauna were quite similar to those now existing in that region.”’ Thus, in his conception that the forest was similar to our present boreal ones, Brues did not pro- vide an explanation for the tropical elements. W heeler (1915) was impressed with the predominance of the boreal (Palearctic) affinities of the ants, although there were numerous specimens of ants with Indian, Malayan and Australian affinities. Rather than explain the mixed tropical and boreal assemblages by altitudinal or latitudinal variation, he believed that the tropical and boreal ants probably did not occur simultaneously. If the boreal types were being washed in from the uplands, he thought they would not be more numerous than the [ 252 | lowland, tropical forms. He suggested that the climate was probably warmer during the early part of the exist- ence of the amber forest, and that the shift to a fauna typical of a cooler area is indicated by the later pre- dominance of boreal types. He did not deny, however, that in some instances the representation of ants might be due to coexistence of habitats at different altitudes. Wetzel (1953), on the basis of a pollen flora, presented evidence for an entirely different kind of amber forest in the Schleswig-Holstein area than in the areas to the east. He indicated that the forest in the western Baltic region was dominated by Sequoia, Quercus and Pseudotsuga in contrast to the eastern forests which were dominated by ‘‘Pinus and Abietineen types.’’ He further thought that these two forests occupied different land masses. Since the Schleswig-Holstein amber occurs in Miocene beds, he related these amber forests to the more extensive and better known Miocene brown coal forests, some of which contained Sequova. As with attempts to construct the composition of the amber forest, there has been much speculation regarding the trees which actually produced the great quantities of resin accumulated as amber. Despite the variety of coniferous genera represented in the inclusions, the general opinion has been that almost all of the amber was produced by pines. This conclusion has resulted largely from the association of resin with pieces of wood which were identifiable. Goeppert in 1858 distinguished eight amber-bearing species, but in 1883 he reduced this number to six species. In 1890, Conwentz included these six species of pine, as well as another species of pine and a species of Picea, within the inclusive concept of Pinus succinifera. In 1961, Schubert, after studying anatomi- cally wood and bark collected from the entire Samland shore, suggested that P. succinifera should include only [ 253 ] pines. Anatomical features do not supply evidence for distinguishing particular species of pine. The amber pines characteristically had low production of wood and strong production of bark. The production of resin occurred not only in the epithelial cells of the resin canals, but to still greater extent in parenchymatous cells of the inner liv- ing bark. Although pines provide the most probable source of abundant resin among the genera known to have occurred in this forest, other trees occasionally have been suggested as possible additional contributors. The variety of chemi- cal and physical properties evident in the amber produces suspicion of the possibility of several kinds of source trees for the resin. Examination for plant remains in stantien- ite, beckerite, glessite and gedanite, recognized for their distinctive chemical properties, unfortunately does not yield conclusive evidence of other kinds of trees. Stantienite contains a few specimens of a three-needle pine, and wood and bark remains of maple. Beckerite has remains of Sequova, ferns and a cycad. However, Schubert (1961) felt that this material has abundant in- sect larval debris and decomposition products that ob- scure its basic composition, and hence its composition might not be sufficiently different to have come from a tree other than pine. Fragments of wood, bark and leaves, as well as many insects, have been obtained from gedanite. Schubert (1961) again indicated that, despite the chemical and physical differences, the preponderant evidence from the remains is that of a pine-type. There- fore, he considered that the chemical differences must be explained in terms of some type of variation produced within the pine group. Glessite has practically no inclu- sions that have been observed, but it is thought to be chemically similar to ‘‘benzoin.*’? This suggests a mem- ber of the Styracaceae. Remains similar to Styraa ben- [ 254 ] zoim occur in the brown coals, but no representative of the Styracaceae has yet been discovered in the Baltic amber. Actually in abundance of foliage remains, specimens of the Cupressaceae, especially Thuites, exceed those of pines (Caspary and Klebs, 1907). Members of the Cu- pressaceae are known to be resinous, although they are not copious producers. Kirchner (1950) suggested that the producers of amber might have been swamp trees related to the ‘Tertiary swamp cypress.’’ He presented this possibility on the basis of the high frequency of cu- pressoid twigs as well as on the presence of aquatic in- clusions. The taxonomic discrepancy between ‘“Tertiary swamp cypress’’ and ‘‘cupressoid,’’ however, is puzzling. I assume that “‘swamp cypress’’ refers to T'axodium, which is not a member of the Cupressaceae. Schubert (1961) stated that Tavodium generally has not been de- tected, and Czeczott did not list this genus in her re- vised list of the amber flora. Schubert also pointed out that this apparent absence of Taxodium is in contrast to the German brown coal floras where remains of both Taxodium and Sequoia predominate. Kirchner’s other point supporting the possibility of swamp vegetation is the large variety of aquatic inclusions obtained from the Palmnicken amber mines. Only a few aquatic inclusions had been found from the Kénigsberg collections, and these were considered to have been incorporated under fortuitous circumstances. However, the number and va- riety of both fresh water and marine organisms discovered at Palmnicken led to the conclusion that, under certain conditions, liquid resin must have entered the water and thence enclosed these plants and animals. Members of the Volvocales, Protococcaceae, Cyanophyceae, and radio- larians supposedly were caught in the viscous resin. Dis- cophyton electroneion, considered to be a blue-green alga [ 255 ] but not described systematically, provides 70% of the aquatic inclusions reported by Kirchner (1950). He fur- ther offered this alga as an indication of swamp vegeta- tion, although the evidence does not seem conclusive. Some of the marine organisms included in the amber are part of a starfish, a young fish, a polychaete, some mus- sels and several corals, as well as various kinds of plank- ton. These remains suggest either that the trees were depositing resin directly into the water or, in some cases, that pieces of wood containing liquid resin were floated into sites where aquatic organisms could be picked up. Explanations for the concentration of the amber found in the Baltic deposits have not been entirely satisfactory. It is evident from the discussion of other amber deposits throughout the world that particularly favorable condi- tions must have existed, not only for resin production but also for its preservation and accumulation. Amber is not of common occurrence under any circumstances, but the Baltic deposit is the only one known to have reached such an extraordinary extent. Conwentz (1890) was so overwhelmed with the quantity preserved that he assumed that the resin had to be produced by unhealthy forest conditions—‘‘Es gab kaum einen gesunden Baum in ganzen Bernsteinwald—das pathologische war die Regel, da Normale die Ausnahme!’’ He even felt the necessity of using a special term for the excessive pro- duction of resin, calling it ‘‘succinosis.’’ He tried to enumerate all the possible sources of injury that would increase flow of resin, such as violent storms, forest fires, swarms of insects, activities of birds, squirrels, fungi and other parasitic plants. Activity of hurricanes, tornados and thunderstorms(and consequently lightning-produced fires) might have been expected to reach high proportions during the Eo-Oligocene in the Baltic area. The forests occupying the Fennoscandian Mountains and the sub- [ 256 } tropical Tethys Sea occurring to the south provided an excellent opportunity at this latitude for the occurrence of violent storms, in part comparable to conditions which exist today along the Gulf Coast of North America. Of the various groups of insects, Bachofen-Echt (1949) sug- gested that bark beetles probably did the most damage to the trees (Schedl, 1947). Czeczott (1960) speculated that the unhealthy condition of the amber woods might have been reflected in their insect fauna. This point, however, apparently has not been discussed by the en- tomologists. Feathers of woodpeckers in the amber in- dicate possible effects of increased damage by birds. Likewise, the presence of such parasitic fungi as T'’remetes and Polyporus, as well as members of the Loranthaceae, suggest these additional possibilities for physical injury. As pointed out by Czeczott (1960), the picture of a vanishing amber pine forest was so masterfully presented by Conwentz that it hypnotized workers for almost sixty years. Schubert (1958, 1958) was the first to ask what factor might have induced the excessive yield of resin. He suggested the possibility that trees might be more susceptible to injury near the periphery of their distribu- tion. He further suggested in 1961 that the abnormally intensified resin production must have been caused by a ‘*strong disturbance of physiological balance.’’ As “‘great specialists,’ Pinus succinifera might have reacted to the change in climate in the late Eocene with the abnormally strong production of resin. This change in climate for the northern part of Europe was produced supposedly by the transgression of a sea from the northwest. However, in order to try to discover the reasons for such abundant resin production among living pines, a series of experi- ments were initiated (Schubert, 1958). Pines from Florida and I] Salvador are being grown under different ecologi- cal conditions to see what ‘‘geological-climatological”’ [ 257 | factors might determine abundant resin production. Studies were also made of the reactions of Pinus sylvestris L., P. strobus L., P. nigra Arn., P. ellottii Englm., P. palustris Mill, and P. oocarpa Scheid. to artificial wound- ing. Samples of wood and bark from wounded trees of different ages were studied physiologically by micro- chemical techniques. After a certain period of time, other samples were taken above and below the first wound for both anatomical and physiological investigations of the production of resin around the wound. These experimen- tal approaches offer the best solutions to many of the unanswered questions, but they will have to be continued for considerable time before the answers are obtained. Other investigators, such as Klebs (Kunz, 1903), have thought that ‘“‘normal’’ trees could produce adequate amounts of resin to account for the amber accumulation. He compared the amount of resin produced commer- cially from such trees as Pinus nigra Arn., P. maritima Poir., P. sylvestris L. and Abies excelsa DC. He then calculated that approximately 11 kilos per cubic meter of amber was obtained from the blue earth in 1902. A tree of P. nigra between 60 and 80 years old requiring a surface of about ten square meters, produces 120 kilos, or over ten kilos more than the same surface area of am- ber pine. Furthermore, P.nig7a does not produce as much resin as many other pines, especially certain species liv- ing in warm temperate regions. Klebs thus concluded that, when not just one pine but generations of them covering a vast area are considered, no special conditions appear to be needed to account for the concentration of amber. ‘This does, however, assume that there were mechanisms for naturally injuring the trees comparable to that done commercially. Bachofen-Echt (1980, 1949) also thought that this material could be accounted for as a result of amber forests persisting over an extensive area for millions of years. [ 258 ] CHIAPAS AMBER One of the smaller, but potentially very significant, deposits of amber occurs in the state of Chiapas in south- ern Mexico. It has remained unknown largely because it occurs in a fairly inaccessible tropical region inhabited primarily by Indians. The amber has been noted in mineralogical discussions (Helm, 1891; Kunz, 19038; Tschirch, 1906; Hintze, 1983; Buddue, 1935; Tschirch and Stock, 1936) but not described physically and chemi- cally in detail. The geologic occurrence was first recorded in 1905 by Bose. A coordinated scientific investigation was initiated by entomologists from the University of California at Berkeley in 1953, after receiving evidence that the material contained abundantinsect remains (Duby, 1957; Hurd and Smith, 1957; Hurd, Smith and Durham, 1962). There are many indications that Chiapas amber was utilized for ornaments in pre-Columbian times (Blom, 1959). Amber found in one of the tombs at Monte AI- ban, Oaxaca, most likely came from Chiapas. The amber became known to the Spaniards almost at their first en- couriter with the Indians in Chiapas. Fray Tomas de la Torre reported in 1554 that the Indians had the cartilage of their nose opened and inserted a bead of amber that made their noses stick out like trunks. Fray Alonso Ponce stated in 1586 that there were mines of yellow, transparent amber from which the natives made rosaries and other objects. Furthermore, an expedition into the Lacandon forest in 1695-96 reported that the women used amber for earrings, nose ornaments and rosaries. The amber was sufficiently prized by the Aztecs that traveling merchants disguised themselves to barter for it before the conquest of Tzinacatlan. Tzinacatlan (Zina- cantan) was the most important trade center, and the [ 259 | Zinacantecas monopolized the trade with the Aztecs and probably also with other nations. They protected this trade by murdering the Aztec intruders when caught. The traders wanted the amber in order to make lip and ear plugs worn by warriors as a sign of bravery. Like- wise the Aztecs used amber in their temple rites, and it was employed for a similar purpose in the Catholic churches in the early days of Spanish rule. Today, the amber is collected primarily from landslides (Plate XLII) or along banks of rivers in central Chiapas, as rock exposures are infrequent in these densely forested areas. ‘The natives pick it up when fresh exposures occur and occasionally mine it. They may carve it crudely into ornaments themselves or sell it to women who make jewelry, particularly in the environs of Simojovel. The Indians here feel that the amber brings health and es- pecially that it will ward off the influence of the evil eye. Because of the importance of establishing the geologic age of amber, systematic paleontologic and stratigraphic studies of the amber-bearing beds were initiated in 1956. The amber-bearing beds in the Simojovel area are in a sequence of primarily marine calcareous sandstones and mudstones. The associated marine invertebrate fossils are being studied in stratigraphic sequence by J. W. Durham and his students. All amber-bearing localities reported thus far are now considered to occur in latest Oligocene-earliest Miocene (‘‘Orthaulaw zone’) beds (Licari, 1960; Hurd, Smith and Durham, 1962). For the most part, the amber seems to have been deposited near a coastline or at least in estuarine conditions, as evidenced by the interfingering of marine fossiliferous beds with lignitic seams and carbonaceous material. Often a lignitic zone occurs in close proximity to beds containing abundant amber, sometimes above and at other times below. No recognizable wood remains have [ 260 ] been discovered in the lignites. In general, the amber which occurs in these deposits does not appear to have been reworked. In one site, at the base of a younger non-marine tuffa- ceous sequence, a single piece of amber was found in a bed containing numerous fragmentary and some marine fossils that clearly indicate reworking. Much of the bed- ding in this sequence suggests a lacustrine environment, an inference which locally is substantiated by the occur- rence of fresh water gastropods and charophytes. Hurd, Smith and Durham (1962) reported that studies of faunal inclusions, made in cooperation with more than 50 participating scientists, have thus far revealed mem- bers of the following classes of animals: Myriopoda, Arachnida, Insecta, Mollusca and Reptilia. There are specimens representing one order of the Myriopoda and an anolid lizard among the Reptilia. Gastropods and pelecypods are represented among the Mollusca. The Arachnida, now known on the basis of ten families, are about equally divided between mites and spiders. The class Insecta, of which 15 orders have been recognized, is represented by 81 families. These include collembola, cockroaches, termites, earwigs, crickets, book lice, psy]- lids, leafhoppers, fugarids, true bugs, scorpion flies, thrips, dusty wings, caddis flies, moths, beetles, flies, ants, wasps and bees. It is obvious that some types of insects would be more prone to be trapped than others, and hence only a few of the many diverse insects that occurred in Chiapas at that time have been preserved. Somie types such as the stingless bees, now represented by only more than 100 individuals, probably were more easily trapped as a result of their habit of utilizing resin in their economy. Also ants are readily caught in exud- ing resin, but it appears that most of the other insects were trapped only fortuitously. In an examination of the [ 261 ] contemporaneous situations in Chiapas forests by Hurd, Smith and their students, almost all of the modern insects caught were small in size. Certainly this is the case in the fossil fauna, with 90% of the insects being small to mi- nute flies, bees or wasps. The largest insect found thus far is an immature cricket, approximately 20 mm. in length. Most of the organisms identified to date belong to modern genera. Although present investigations indi- cate that most of the fossils differ from any hitherto de- scribed species, available information on the tropical biota is not sufficiently adequate to exclude the possibility that at least some species are still living. The habitats repre- sented by the insect fauna will not be evident until the taxonomic studies approach completion, but this infor- mation could potentially contribute significantly to re- construction of the amber-producing forests. The plant inclusions, excluding pollen and spores, are not so common as those of animal origin, particularly small insects. The botanical study of this amber is es- pecially significant, however, because the deposits occur in an area which probably has had tropical vegetation since late Mesozoic times. Despite topographic changes, some evolution as well as extinction of various elements of the vegetation, and some shifting and differentiation of vegetational patterns, there is high probability that the modern vegetation may provide important clues to the nature of the past vegetation and environment. Use of information about modern genera that produce resin abundantly seems to be particularly feasible. Trees that produce copious amounts of resin are not common, and it seems probable that, at the generic level at least, many of their characteristics would still be identifiable in the Oligo-Miocene. These genera are far more abundant in the tropics than in temperate regions. Thus, the study of the present ecological relationships of resin producers [ 262 ] Santa Catarina landslide, Simojovel been collected. ¥ 4 tis . AP oy Se Area, Chiapas, where abundant amber has ALV 1 IIx and the variety of trees that are possible sources distin- guishes the Chiapas investigation from those of the Baltic wunber, as well as other deposits that are located at higher latitudes. In the latter cases, vast climatic and vegeta- tional shifts since the time of amber deposition preclude comparison with present conditions in the same area. Clues as to the kinds of plants that may have produced the resin, as well as to the composition of the forest, might be derived from several sources. ‘The most obvious source is the included plant remains. These consist of a few com- plete flowers, isolated floral parts, a few leaves, stellate hairs, seeds, pollen and spores and some cryptogams. Tapirira durhamu (Plate NLIV) and Acacia sp. have been described (Miranda, 1963), but most of the remain- der is stillin the process of being identified. No specimen of wood has yet been found immediately associated with the amber. Even the lignites, the woody material thus far has appeared to have been sufficiently decomposed by tropical weathering to be unidentifiable. Pollen in the lignites is being investigated as it may be of some signi- ficance in determining the forest type. The insects, when they are adequately studied, may suggest important habi- tat preferences, Just as they have in the Baltic amber. Pertinent data concerning the plant source of amber may be obtained from chemical and resinographic analy- ses of the amber and compared with similar analyses of known modern resins. Comparison of fossil with modern resins is inherently difficult due to oxidation and poly- merization in the fossilization process. Structural changes have taken place in the constituent acids, esters, alcohols, etc. The relative differences between the composition of resins in different genera may, however, be sufficient to find recognizable patterns. It is not feasible in this in- vestigation to attempt detailed organic analyses of the components of the resins and ambers. The previous [ 264 ] PLATE. 3 LAV Flower of Vapirira durhamii from Chiapas amber. Photograph by Ramon Ripa ns characterization of ambers in terms of carbon, hydrogen and oxygen ratios, melting points, specific gravity, solu- bility in certain standard chemicals can be used in a gen- eral way to distinguish different fossil materials, but it does not permit comparison with modern resins, ‘Tests for the presence or absence of succinic acid also are of rela- tively little help, as many plants contain small amounts of succinic acid, but none are known to have as high a per- centage as occurs in succinite. [tis possible that this high percentage is due to post-depositional oxidation or, per- haps, to techniques of analysis such as dry distillation. Recent techniques, such as infra-red spectrophotometry and gas chromatography, hopefully may provide distine- tive patterns. Resinographic methods (Rockow, 1961), such as study of etch patterns or examination of natural, fractured or prepared surfaces of the whole material and of its separate phases by vertical reflected light are po- tentially valuable. Klectron microscopy on the level of discrete, giant macromolecules may produce additional useful information. Collections of resins from living pro- ducers are necessary to establish comparative spectra, chromatographs, micrographs, etc. .A survey of the de- scribed flora of Chiapas (Miranda, 1952-538) indicates possible sources not only among conifers but also among angiosperms (Howes, 1949). Among the conifers, there are numerous members of the Pinaceae, several of the Cupressaceae, and one representative of the Taxodiaceae. Among the angiosperms there are various genera of Le- guminosae, Burseraceae, Anacardiaceae, Combretaceae, Styracaceae, Hamamelidaceae, Guttiferae, Rutaceae and Zygophyllaceae. The next relevant question concerns which of these resin producers occupy habitats where resin could easily become incorporated into the geologic record. Intorma- tion regarding the environmental relations of these trees | 266 | and their occurrence in various vegetation types has been obtained from Miranda (1952-58) and supported by my field observations. Miranda’s classification will be fol- lowed throughout the discussion of the vegetation types. Chiapas today is characterized by considerable vegeta- tional variation controlled partially by topographic diver- sity, which also controls many of the climatic conditions. Chiapas is bounded on the north and south by coastal plains. On the north the coastal plain is a prolongation of the extensive Tabasco plain; on the Pacific side it is only 20-80 kilometers wide. The greatest heights (1500- 4000 m.) occur in the Sierra Madre, located immediately to the north of, and rising parallel to, the Pacific coast. The Central Mesa of Chiapas averages 1200-2200 m., but with local higher peaks. Between the Tabasco coastal plain and the Central Mesa, an abrupt, highly eroded hilly area ranges between 1400 and 1800 m. ‘To the south of «he Central Mesa, and between it and the Sierra Madre, is the large Central Depression with the altitude varying from 42 to 800 m. The precipitation patterns are mainly controlled by the northeast trade winds and are modified by topo- graphic effects. There are two definite wet seasons alter- nating with dry seasons. Relatively violent storms occur as ‘‘Nortes,’’ and hurricanes are known to sweep in from the Gulf of Mexico and the Antilles. The highest annual precipitation recorded for Mexico (4-5 m.) occurs along the Chiapas and Tabasco coastal plain, and there are no truly arid conditions (less than 500 mm. annual precipi- tation) in Chiapas (Miranda, 1952). It is assumed, how- ever, that relatively drier conditions exist locally now than existed in the Oligo-Miocene. This is a result of rain shadow effects of currently higher ]and masses and latitudinal extension of tropical conditions much farther north in the past then than they are today. [ 267 ] Along the coasts there is a fringe of Manglares (man- groves), succeeded inland by a narrow zone of Selva Baja Caducifolia. This predominantly deciduous forest type generally covers the sides of the highlands or almost flat land, especially in the Central Depression, where the an- nual precipitation is less than 1200 mm. Also prominent on the coastal plains and in the Central Depression are Sabanas and Selva Alta Subcaducifolia, occurring along the floodplains of the larger river valleys. The Sabanas are xerophytic grasslands with scattered low-growing trees typically developed in areas with an annual precipi- tation of about 1200 mm. The deep soils are often flooded during temporary rains, but during the dry season the water table is deep, and the top soil is very dry. During the dry season, this vegetation type, and others that have a dense grass cover, are constantly being burned. Palm- ares are often interspersed within the Sabana. The sepa- rate patches of palms are usually characterized by differ- ent species, and hence the groves vary from one locality to another. The Selva Alta Subcaducifolia contains a number of trees that are common in both the Selva Alta Perenni- folia and Selva Baja Caducifolia, and consequently ap- pears to be a transition forest assemblage between the last two types. The most extensive humid lowland vege- tation is the Selva Alta Perennifolia, which Miranda considers a northern extension of the equatorial tropical rain forests. He also believes that this vegetation type covered at least one third of Chiapas in recent times, but has been largely destroyed by human occupation. This forest develops in an area with an annual precipitation of at least 2000 mm. It has relatively few shrubs and herbs in the understory, and its composition varies greatly from one locality to another. Trees from temperate re- gions descend into the humid lowlands along the rivers. [ 268 ] This riverside vegetation also commonly tends to have abundant tall bamboo and cane-type grasses, such as Guadua and Gynerium, as ground cover. The most widespread vegetation in the temperate re- gions of Chiapas are Encinares and Pinares. Considerable areas of the mountains in the north, the Central Mesa and peaks of the Central Depression, and the Sierra Madre are covered with oak and pine forests. In most of these locations, oaks usually occupy the deep soils and pines the shallow soils, although the two types can be mixed with the pines occupying more area than the oaks. The oak forests are extremely variable in composition. Forests dominated by oaks may occur in contact with either the Selva Alta Perennifolia in the hot country or with the Bosque Caducifolio in temperate regions. Cer- tain species of oak, however, occur in patches intercalated within the Selva Alta Perennifolia, and other species are a normal component in the Bosque Caducifolio. Both the oak and pine forests generally have a grass understory and are marked by repeated burning. The lower altitu- dinal limit of pines is in a transition area between hot and temperate zones. Pines extend to about 4000 m., which is the upper limit of tree growth. In the more humid areas at high elevations (2800-8500 m. ), 4 bes and Cupres- sus rnay occur with the pines. Species of Juniperus form a low forest on dry sites between 1600-2200 m., as well as occurring in dense stands at tree line. The Bosque Caducifolio is characterized by the clear- cut dominance of a relatively few tall, typically temper- ate, deciduous species. This type of vegetation occupies a considerable area in Chiapas, especially on the escarp- ments of the Central Mesa between 1000-2000 m., most exposed to northerly, moisture-laden winds. Living producers of abundant resin in Chiapas occur in most of these vegetation types (Plate XLV). In some [ 269 ] cases the trees range through several of these communi- ties, whereas generally they are more restricted. T'awo- dium mucronatum Tenore forms Sabinales along river valleys in most of the vegetation types from hot to tem- perate regions. Sabinales are most common in the Sa- banas, Selva Alta Subcaducifola and Selva Baja Caduci- folia. The resin of T'awodium, which has a distinctive red color, is produced in moderate quantities in the bark. The color is of particular interest, as specimens of amber from a few Chiapas localities have this same red hue. Bursera simaruba (L.) Sarg., which produces large quan- tities of a gum-resin, also occupies a wide range of eco- logical conditions. It occurs commonly in the Selva Alta Perennifolia, Selva Alta Subcaducifolia and Selva Baja Caducifolia. It frequents upland sites but may occur along rivers. Calophyllum brasiliense Camb. and Myroxylon balsa- mum (L.) Harms. occur frequently within the Selva Alta Perennifolia and Selva Alta Subcaducifolia. Calophyllum produces a yellow resinous material in considerable abun- dance. The resin of Myroxylon is used commercially, particularly in Honduras, although artificial stimulation is necessary for abundant production. Verminalia ama- zonia (Gmel.) Exell and Protium copal (Schl. and Cham.) Engl. primarily occupy the Selva Alta Perenni- folia. Terminala does not appear to produce large quan- tities of resin, whereas Protiwm produces sufficient amounts for it to be used commonly for incense, espe- cially in Guatemala. Three important resin-producing trees occur principally along the rivers in the Selva Alta Subcaducifolia. These include Hymenaea courbaril L., Amyris attenuata Standl. and Styrax argenteus Presl. Hymenaea is espe- cially interesting, because it produces enormous quanti- ties of resin which are used commercially throughout { 270 | RESIN PRODUCERS SELVA ALTA PFRENNIFOLIA ABANAS LVA ALTA ROUCIFOGLIA ENCINARES Y PINARES BOSQUE CADUCIFOLIO Taxodium mucronatum Bursera simaruba Calophyllum braziliense Myroxylon balsamum Terminalia amazonia Protium copal Amyris attenuata Hymenagea courbaril Styrax argenteus Bursera excelsa B. bipinnata Pistacia mexicana Guaiacum sanctum Pinus teocote P. oocarpa P, montezumae P, pseudostrobus P. tenuifolia P, strobus v. chiapensis P. ayacahuite P. hartwegii P. rudis Abies guatemalensis Cupressus lindileyi Juniperus spp Liguidambar styracifiua | Mu Distribution of abundant resin producers in certain vegetation types of Chiapas. ATX &1v Ig Central and northern South America. The resin is ob- tained either from wounds in the bark and wood, or as hardened masses in the soil around the base of the tree. Amyris and Styrax produce only moderate amounts of resin. Bursera simaruba and Calophyllum brasiliense are often associated with Hymenaea, Amyris and Styrax. Thus, there are five resin-producing trees that occur along rivers in low, hot country in habitats that could be con- sidered excellent sites for supplying resin capable of be- coming incorporated in the geologic record. Bursera excelsa (HBK.) Engl., B. bipinnata Engl., Pistacia bipinnata HBK. and Guaiacum sanctum IL. grow principally in the Selva Baja Caducifolia, although these species of Bursera do appear in the Selva Alta Subcaducifolia. The narrow belt of Selva Baja Caduci- folia, which occurs along the coast today, might well provide a favorable habitat for preservation of the resin. These species of Bursera and Pistacia produce consider- able quantities of resin spontaneously, but large amounts of resin from Guaracum are obtained primarily by artifi- cial treatment of the heartwood. The numerous species of pine have to be taken into account as a possible source of amber. Most of the pines here, however, occur at relatively high elevations, and hence the resin would have to be carried an appreciable distance to a lowland environment of sedimentation. Pinus oocarpa Scheide has the widest distribution, occur- ring from 350 to 3000 m. in somewhat dry localities. In more humid sites there also are P. pseudostrobus Lindl. and P. tenuifolia Benth., whereas at higher altitudes P. montezumae Lamb and P.teocote Schl. and Cham. become more abundant. Also at higher elevations, where pre- cipitation likewise is high, P. strobus var. chiapensis Martinez and P. ayacahuite Eht. occur. Pinus strobus is likewise found in association with Liquidambar styraci- | 272 | flua L. on steep escarpments in the Bosque Caducifolio. Pinus hartwegu Lindl. and P. rudis Engl. occur above 2800 m. at the limits of tree growth, and on escarpments between 2800-8500 m. They may be accompanied by Abies guatemalensis Rehd. and Cupressus lindleyi Kluts. Pinus pseudostrobus, P. montezumae, P. hartwegu, P. teocote and P. oocarpa produce large quantities of resin, and hence are used for turpentine. The Pinares have a grass understory that is subject to periodic burning, and this provides a constant source of injury that increases resin production. Thus, if one assesses the possible habitats in which resin producers occur today in Chiapas, some seem more likely than others to provide opportunities for preserva- tion of resin. For this purpose, it is also important to consider the topographic and land-sea relations during the Oligo-Miocene to determine the environmental con- ditions in which the amber was being deposited. It ap- pears that the Chiapas amber was deposited near the southern edge of a broad seaway that covered much of southeastern Mexico and northern Guatemala. The en- vironment was primarily marine, but one in which oscilla- tions of the strand line produced occasional intertonguing of non-marine sediments. Geological evidence indicates that the ancestral Sierra Madre mountains were in exist- ence to the south at that time, although not as high as at present. It also appears that these mountains are the source of detrital materials in the amber-bearing sediments. It might be assumed that pines occurring in the Sierra Madre could have contributed the resin in Chiapas, just as it has been suggested that the resin was derived from pines in a mountainous area near the Baltic Sea. It ap- pears, however, that the proximity of the mountains was closer in the Baltic than in Chiapas, where they were [ 273 | quite distant from the site of deposition. It would seem logical, since the primary conditions in which the amber was deposited were coastal or estuarine, that trees which grew along the rivers near the coast would have been in a more favorable position to contribute resin than those from a distant mountainous source. Also, at one locality at least, relatively large pieces of amber have shells of marine organisms (clams, snails, etc.) embedded in the surface, indicating that the resin was still soft when it entered the marine environment. This suggests either that the source of the resin was trees growing along the seashore or that the resin was transported only very short distances before the shells were caught in it. Likewise, the fact that the Chiapas amber deposits are characterized by relatively small, dispersed accumulations of different kinds of material could possibly indicate a riverside en- vironment with several kinds of resin producers contrib- uting to the sediments. This is somewhat in contrast to the Baltic blue earth deposits, which consist of extensive concentrations of pieces of relatively comparable materi- al, a situation suggesting that the resin was derived from a forest dominated by the resin producers. It thus appears that such trees as Hymenaea, Styrax, Bursera, Taxodium, etc., which occur along the rivers in the present-day Sabanas and Selva Alta Subcaducifolia near the coast, would be a more probable source than the upland conifers such as Pinus, Abies and Cupressus. They also seem more probable than such trees as Myrovylon, Terminalia and Protium, that occur scattered through the Selva Alta Perennifolia, rather than either as domi- nants in this forest type or as riverside inhabitants. The occurrence of lowland pines in the Chiapas area during the Oligo-Miocene, however, cannot be discounted com- pletely. Today in British Honduras, Pinus caribaea Morelet (or P. hondurensis Loock, depending upon tax- [ 274 | onomic viewpoint) grows along the coast in savannahs and extends inland into the mountains to an elevation of about 100 m. In mountainous sites in both British Honduras and Guatemala, it grows with Pinus oocarpa. Although Pinus caribaea has not been found in Mexico, P. oocarpa does descend to 350 m. at one point along the Pacific coast in Chiapas. This population of P. oocarpa, as well as those occurring in other localities on the Tehuantepec Isthmus and in Guatemala, have been re- ferred to P. oocarpa var. ochoterenae Martinez. Pinus oocarpa is closely related to the variable P. caribaea complex, and it is possible to speculate that this variety, in particular, might have occurred in lowland sites in the past. Also P. strobus var. chiapensis occurs at 250 m. in small isolated stands or mixed with the Selva Alta Peren- nifolia near Tlapacoyan, Veracruz. Here it occurs on the banks of streams and in ravines, sometimes growing very close to the water. Additional ecological investigation is necessary further to substantiate these possibilities. The same sources of injury to the trees which could result in excessive production of resin, discussed for the Baltic amber, were possible in Chiapas. Hurricanes oc- casionally cross Chiapas today (Tannehill 1988), and simi- lar tropical storm patterns might well have existed during the Oligo-Miocene. Damage from tropical storms could have initiated injuries which led to additional damage from parasitic plants, insects and other animal activity. More observations are needed regarding the degree of injury necessary to produce quantities of resin under ‘‘natural’’ conditions. Knowledge regarding resin pro- duction of most of the trees considered in Chiapas has come as a result of artificial wounding. Although some field observations have been made concerning natural agencies which induce resin production, more are needed to assess adequately the problem of whether or not trees (275 | must be diseased to produce sufficient resin for amber ac- cumulations. Furthermore, present-day ecological studies need to be made on the types of material that become in- corporated in resin, as well as on the conditions under which the resin is preserved. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Despite man’s interest in amber from earliest times, relatively little is known about the plant sources of the resins and types of forests in which the trees lived. Evi- dence for the kinds of trees producing the resin may be derived from four sources: 1) chemical character of the amber; 2) inclusions in the amber; 8) fossils from the amber-bearing beds; 4) habitats and general nature of resin production from possible modern equivalents. Evi- dence for composition of the forest may be obtained from both the inclusions and the fossils in the amber-bearing beds, if these beds have not been secondarily deposited, and from the habitats and general associates of the possi- ble modern equivalents. Because amber is considered a gem, the mineralogist has been largely responsible for its routine chemical and physical characterization, resulting in data which are usually not useful in determining plant source. Only recently has the desirability of including plant source as an important criterion in a mineralogical classification system been expressed. Ambers have been reported from Cretaceous to Pleis- tocene deposits throughout the world. In most cases, however, the geological age is not well documented, and discussion of plant source is avoided. The primary inter- est, other than mineralogical description, has been dis- cussion of insect inclusions. With the possible exception of the Baltic amber,synthesis of data pertinent to answer- ing the botanical questions has not been attempted. The Baltic deposits are the most extensive known and [ 276 | have been the most intensively studied. Because of com- mercial mining for centuries, large volumes of material have been available for examination. From 1845 to the present, more than 70 papers have presented systematic descriptions of plant inclusions, most of them written during the late 19th Century. Attempts to assess the total flora were not initiated until 1937, but 750 taxa had been reduced to 215 by 1960, and the geographical affinities of the flora were being discussed. The kinds of trees which produced the resin, the causes and nature of excessive resin production and the composition of the forest were considered in 1890, but there was little sub- stantiating evidence. Recent work, using the lackfilm- method to study anatomically the bark and wood, rein- forced the widely held view that the resin was produced by pines in the Baltic area. However, the variety of physical and chemical properties suggests a multiple source for at least some of the material. ‘‘Swamp trees’’ have been presented as possible resin producers on the basis of cupressoid foliage and aquatic inclusions. Possi- ble raodern equivalents of amber forests have been dis- cussed recently, but no actual investigation of these equivalents has been made. Notwithstanding a relatively large background of information about plants in the Bal- tic amber, much still needs to be done in synthesizing the data and correlating them with present-day conditions. A more thorough study of the resins associated with the German brown coals might produce illuminating results, because corroborative evidence from wood, fruits and seeds, leaf cuticles and pollen is available. Thus far, resins from taxodiaceous and cupressaceous sources, as well as from Liquidambar, have been identified. Although little information is usually available regard- ing the plant sources of ambers from other geographic areas, a variety of trees seems to be indicated. ‘The Cre- [ 277 ] taceous ambers from both the Alaskan Arctic Coastal Plain and the Atlantic Coastal Plain appear to be from taxodiaceous trees. In Alaska evidence points to T'axo- dium or Parataxodium, and along the Atlantic Coast to Sequoia. In both of these cases, inferences are made from fossils associated in the amber-bearing beds with no sub- stantiation from either the nature of the resins or the in- clusions in them. The source of Canadian amber has not been discussed, apparently because of the absence of obvious inclusions and of other fossils from the amber- bearing beds. Due to lack of succinic acid and other physical differences, it often is assumed that these ambers might come from a different source than that of Baltic succinite. Copalite from southeastern England has been referred to copal, thus inferring probably a member of the Leguminosae. However, associated fruits and seeds in the London Clay flora are more indicative of members of the Burseraceae than of the Leguminosae. Legumo- copalite from West Africa is considered to have been produced by various species of Guibourtia (Copaifera) and Daniella and that from East Africa by Trachylobium verrucosum, all members of the Leguminosae. Amber from Israel appears to be derived from Pistacia, a mem- ber of the Anacardiaceae. A gathis alba, the Kauri pine, seems to be the most probable source of amber from Australia and at least some of the material from New Zealand and Java. Physi- cal properties of amber from Sumatra, other localities in Java and the Philippine Islands differ greatly from those of Baltic succinite. It seems probable that they are from members of various genera of the Dipterocarpaceae, as they are copious resin producers in the area today. It has been assumed that amber in the Dominican Republic is from pines, although this assumption has no botanical support. Amber from California has been found [ 278 | in association with wood of Quercus and leguminous trees. Because the amber somewhat resembles succinite chemically, however, it has been considered to be of coniferous origin. Coordinated efforts of geologists, paleontologists, zool- ogists, botanists and chemists in studying the amber from Chiapas, Mexico may provide an opportunity to solve some of the previously unanswered questions about am- bers in general. Solution of a number of problems will result probably only from concomittance of evidence. The tropical location of Chiapas allows study of modern ecological conditions that provide clues to past condi- tions. This is true because: 1) genera which produce copious amounts of resin occur predominantly under tropical conditions, 2) despite evolution within species populations and some differentiation of vegetation pat- terns, there has probably been sufficient stability since Cretaceous times to provide a possible framework of com- parison of the ecological conditions of the fossil and mod- ern genera. In addition, study of the natural conditions under which trees produce excessive amounts of resin, the types of material included in it, and the ways in which it is preserved can be studied under conditions that may be similar to those that existed when the amber was being formed. Present evidence suggests that pos- sible amber producers in Chiapas may have been from sources not considered in previous studies. Modern techniques of analysis, such as infra-red spec- trophotometry, gas chromatography, as well as resino- graphic methods, may provide additional corroboration of the plant source through comparison of modern resins with the fossil. Related studies concerning the nature of oxidation and polymerization which have taken place during fossilization will be helpful in understanding the chemical changes in the resin as well as possible altera- tion of the inclusions. [ 279 ] REFERENCES Andrée, K. 1936. Die wissenschaftliche Bedeutung des Bernsteins und neurere Bernsteinforschungen. Forsch. u. Forschr. 12: 357- 359. —, 1937. Der Bernstein und seine Bedeutung in Natur und Geis- tewissenschaften, Kunst und Kunstgewerbe, Technik, Industrie u. Handel. Konigsberg. 219 pp. —, 1942, Die Herkunft des Nordsee-Bernsteins. Forsch. u. Fort- schr. 18. Anders, K. 1942. Insektenfauna des baltischen Bernstein nebst damit verkupten zoogeographischen Problemen. Lunds Univ. Arsskrift N. F. 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The meaning of Mexico’s amber. Pac. Dis. 10 (2): 6-7. ssamaae and J. W. Durham. 1962. The fossiliferous amber of Chia- pas, Mexico. Ciencia 21 (3): 107-118. Jurasky, K. A. 1931. Uber rezentes und fossiles Harz. Brennstoffe- Chemie 12: 161-163. ——., 1988. Die Beteilung verholtzer Pflanzen am Aufbau der Braun- kohle. Braunkohle 37: 901-919. Khandros, L, 1941. Yantar v. zapadnykh oblastyakh Ukrainy. Am- ber in the western regions of the Ukraine. Priroda (Akad. Nauk. USSR) 30: 69-70. Kirchheimer, F. 1936. Beitrage zur Kenntnis der Tertiar flora: Fruchte und Samen aus dem deutschen Tertiir. Paleontographica Bd. B, 82: 73-141. ——, 1937a. Grundziige einer Pflanzenkunde der deutschen Braun- kohlen. Halle (Knapp). 153 pp. —r . 1937b. Beitrige zur Kenntnis der Flora des baltischen Bern- steins I. Beih. Bot. Centralbl., Abt. B. Bd. LVII, H. 3: 441-482. ~——, 1947. Die Laubgewachse der Braunkohlenzeit. Halle (Saale). 783 pp. Kirchner, G. 1950. Amber inclusions. Endeavour 9 (34): 70-75. Klinger and Pitschki. 1884. Uber den Siegburgit. Deut. Chem. Ges. Berlin 17: 2742-2746. Knowlton, F. H. 1896, American amber-producing tree. Sci. 3: 532- 584, Krausel, R. and H. Weyland. 1951. Kritische Untersuchungen zur Kuticularanalyse tertiirer Blatter I. Palaeontogr. Abt. B, 91: 7-92. ——, ——. 1954. Kritische Untersuchungen zur Kuticularanalyse tertiérer Blatter I]. Palaeontogr. Abt. B, 96: 106-163. Kunz, G. F. 1903. Precious stones. Min. Res. of U.S.: 911-975. Langenheim, R. L., C. J. Smiley and Jane Gray. 1960. Cretaceous amber from the arctic coastal plain of Alaska. Bull. Geol. Soc. Am. 71: 1345-1356. Ley, W. 1951. Dragons in amber. The Viking Press, New York. 328 pp. Licari, R. 1960. Geology and amber deposits of the Simojovel area, Chiapas, Mexico. Unpub. thesis, M.A., Dept. of Geol., Univ. of California, Berkeley. [ 284 | Loock, E. E. M. 1950. The pines of Mexico and British Honduras, Union South Africa Dept. For. Bull. 35: 244 pp. Lotschert, W. 1957. Vegetationsbilder aus West-Cuba. Natur. u. Volk. 87: 194-201. Magdefrau, K. 1957. Flechten und Moose im Baltischen Bernstein. Ber. Deutsch. Bot. Ges. 70: 433-435. Martinez, M. 1945. Las pinaceas mexicanas. Ann. Inst. Biol. 16: 1-345, —-, 1948. Los pinos mexicanos. Seg. Ed., Ediciones Botas, Mexi- co, 361 pp. McNair, J. B. 1930. Gum, tannin and resin in relation to specificity, environment and function. Am. Jour. Bot. 17 (3): 187-196. Miranda, F. 1952-53. La vegetaci6n de Chiapas. I and II. Depart- mento de Prensa y Turismo, Tuxtla Gutierrez, Chiapas, Mexico. 426 pp. ——. 1963. Two plants from Chiapas amber. Jour. Paleo. 37: 611- 614. Morton, S. G. 1830. Synopsis of the organic remains of ferruginous sand formation of the United States with geological remarks. Am. Jour. Sei, 17: 274-295. Murdoch, J. 1934. Amber in California. Jour. Geol. 42 (3): 309-310. Paclt, J. 1953a. A system of caustolites. Tschermaks Miner. u. Pet- rog. Mitt. Bd. 3, H. 4: 332-347, ——, 1953b. Ona new subfossil liptobiolite from the Plain of Sharon in Israel. Israel Explor. Jour. 3 (4): 242-245. Pflug, H. 1957. Die Untersuchung von Flozprofilen aus dem Norde- vier der rheinischen Braunkohle auf ihre Brikettiereigenschaften. Freiberger Forsch. H. A. 64: 68 pp. Plonait, G. 1935, Entstehung, Bau und chemische Verarbeitung des Bernsteins. Ang. Chem. 48: 605-607. Potonié, R. and H. Venitz. 1934. Zur Mikrobotanik des miozainen Humodils der Niederrheinischen Bucht. Arb. Inst. Palaeobot. u. Petr. Brennstein, Preuss. geol. L.A.: 5-54. Protescu, O. 1937. Etude géologique et paléobiologique de l’ambre roumain; les inclusions organique de ]’ambre de Buzau; premiére partie. Soc. Romana Geol. B, 3: 65-110. Reid, E.M. and M.E. ‘Chandler. 1933. The flora of the London Clay. British Museum (Natural History), London. 513 pp. [ 285 ] Rockow, T. G. 1961. Resinography of high polymers, Anal. Chem. 33: 1810-1816. Sanderson, M. W. and T.H. Farr. 1960. 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Die fossilen Friichte und Samen in der niederrheinischen Braunkohlenformation. Fortschr. Geol. Rheinld. u. Westf. 2. Tornquist, A. 1910. Geologie von Ostpruessen. Berlin. Tschirch, A. 1906. Die Harze und die Harzebehilter. Leipzig. —— and E. Stock. 1936. Die Harze. Ed. 3. 2 Vol., Berlin. Ulmer, G. 1915. Die Trichopteren des baltischen Bernsteins. Schrift. phys.-okonom. Ges., Konig. Beitr. 2, Naturkde Preuss. 10: 388 pp. Voigt, E. 1936. Die Lackfilmmethode, ihre Bedeutung und Anwen- dung i. d. Palaeontologie, Sedimentpetrographie und Bodenkunde. Z. Deutsch. Geol. Ges. 88: 272-292. Walker, T. L. 1934. Chemawinite or Canadian amber. Univ. Toronto Stud., Geol. Ser. 36: 5-10. Watson, J. C. 1925. Fossil resins (retinite) from Yallourn, Allendale and Lal Lal. Rec. Geol. Surv. Vict. 4 (4): 438-485. Wetzel, W. 1939. Mioziiner Bernstein im Westbaltikum. Z. Deut. Geol. Ges., Bd. 91, H. 11: 815-822. ——., 19538. Mikropaliontologische Untersuchung des schleswighol- steinischen Bernsteins. Neues Jahrbuch Geol. u. Palaont. Mitt., H. 7: 311-321. Weyland, H. 1934. Beitrage zur kenntnis der rheinischen Tertiir- flora. I. Abh. preuss. geol. L. A., H. 161: 122pp. Wheeler, W. M. 1915. The ants of the Baltic amber. Schrift. phys.- dkonom,. Ges. Konig., Bd. 55: 1-142. Whitaker, W. 1889. Geology of London. Vol. 1. Williamson, G. C. 1932. The book of amber. Ernest Benn, London. 268 pp. [ 287 ] UL BOTANICAL MUSEUM LEAFLETS HARVARD UNIVERSITY CamBripcr, Massacuusetts, JuNE 30, 1964 Vo. 20, No. 9 TRIPSACUM AS A POSSIBLE AMPHIDIPLOID OF WILD MAIZE AND MANISURIS BY Watton C. Gatrnat!, Ragu 8. K. Cuacanti’ AND Fioyp D. Hacer® AN understanding of the origin and evolution of Tripsa- cum is important not only from the standpoint of theo- retical cytogenetics but also because of the past and possible future contributions of this genus to the im- provement of maize, the basic food plant of this hemi- sphere (Mangelsdorf, 1961). Tripsacum has previously been considered to represent the product of collateral evolution with maize with both genera stemming from an ancient common ancestor. According to this view, the so-called diploid 'Tripsacum with 18 pairs of chromosomes is actually a polyploid spe- cies with a basic number of nine pairs. There is cytolo- gical evidence consistent with this view (Anderson, 1944; Randolph, 1955). ‘Research Associate and 7 Research Fellow at the Bussey Institution (mailing address: Botanical Museum of Harvard University, Cam- bridge, Mass. 02138). >The embryo culture work which made these studies possible was accomplished by Dr. Hager as his tribute to the memory of the late Professor Edward Murray East. Dr. Hager notes that ‘‘It is satisfy- ing that from the helpfulness he offered some 30 years ago in my lily work at the historic Bussey Institution, there developed a skill which made possible a contribution in a field that meant a great deal to him.’’ ei age c [ 289 ] grt ist y f nmenong Data from studies of morphology and cytogenetics now seem to justify the presentation of a new hypothesis regarding the origin of ‘Tripsacum, an hypothesis that has already been described in a preliminary statement by the senior author (Galinat, 1964). It now seems possi- ble that Tripsacum has a closer relationship to maize than has previously been suspected; Tripsacum may be an ancient amphidiploid hybrid between wild maize and another grass, probably Manisuris (Plate XLVI). MorpPHOLOGICAL EVIDENCE Even though evidence from histological characters has been essential in determining the probable phylogeny of certain grasses (Avdulov, 1931 and others), the early stage of our investigations permits consideration here of only the more traditional taxonomic characters based on gross morphology. In this case, however, they are sup- ported by evidence from cytogenetics. Previous taxonomical, morphological and cytological evidence suggests that Tripsacum is closely related to Manisuris and may even be a polyploid hybrid having Manisuris as at least one of its parents. Among the genera of the tribe Andropogoneae, Manisuris shows closest morphological relationship to the maize tribe, Maydeae, especially to Tripsacum (Weatherwax, 1935). Indeed, Manisuris has in the past been regarded by some taxonomists as a species of T'ripsacum (Michaux, 18083— cf. Hitcheock, 1935). As noted by Mangelsdorf and Reeves (1939): ‘‘The most striking differences between the two genera are that Manisuris has perfect flowers and Tripsacum does not and that Tripsacum has the stami- nate and pistillate spikelets in separate portions of the inflorescence ; and these differences may not be sufficient justification for considering the relationship of the two genera to be very remote.”” ‘I'wo of the nine species of ( 290 | PuateE XLVI alt i f) 5 B¥s dé v Av JORaOEBAL DOLOHDOOOOHOHOHOCa’ IILII IMI IIIA HHOHDHNHOOHDOHVOTE (DOE VOOURDEE ale IOUOVOVONHHE , WC Z XZ ZZ) ZZXZ) A pictorial and symbolic representation of the new hypothesis suggesting that Tripsacum, XZ, may have originated as an amphidiploid hybrid between Mani- suris, X, and wild maize, Z, of the type illustrated here by the reconstructed prehistoric wild maize from Tehuacain, Mexico. Teosinte, Z(XZ), and modern maize, Z(ZXZ), would, on this same notation, represent two different evolved products involving Manisuris introgression into maize. Drawn by Wavtron C. Gatinat Tripsacum, 7’. floridanum and especially 7°. zopilotense, have a delicate habit of growth approaching that of Mani- suris, while the other species of ‘T'ripsacum are more mai- zoid (maize-like), especially 7". australe and 7. maizar. Tripsacum, like maize, is confined to the New World. A preliminary survey of seven species of T'ripsacum was made by Cutler and Anderson (1941); and since then two additional species have been discovered (Hernandez X.and Randolph, 1950). Although taxonomically Mani- suris is often confused with Rottboellia and Hemarthria, it is clear that Manisuris has a world-wide distribution (Bor, 1960) and that at least five of its 12 or 18 species are native to the New World (Hitchcock, 1930, 1935). The differentiation of l'ripsacum into nine diverse spe- cies distributed throughout much of the New World suggests a considerable age for this genus, perhaps as much as 2,000,000 years. On the same basis, Manisuris would seem to be even older, an obvious requirement for a parent of ‘T'ripsacum, since Manisuris has differentiated into an even greater number of species (12 or 18) and has a world-wide distribution. The finding of nine chromosomes in Manisuris cylin- drica by Reeves and Mangelsdorf (1985) suggested to them that this grass was related to T'ripsacum. In further developing this idea, Anderson (1944) states: ‘‘ The cy- tological evidence would suggest that the 18-paired 'Trip- sacum might have acytological formula of X XY Y where X and Y stand for sets of 9 chromosomes, and that Mani- suris might be X X on the same notation.’’ On the basis of frequency of chiasma configurations per cell, Anderson postulated further ‘‘that the 86-paired varieties (of 'T'rip- sacum) arose as octoploids (XXYYXXZZ) between XXYY and XXZZ varieties.”” Anderson made no sug- gestion about the origin of the YY and ZZ genoms, and there is no reason to believe that the **Z’’ symbol in his [ 292 ] notation was intended to designate a genom of Zea. We are, however, using it so ‘‘on the same notation’’ (Plate XLVI). Assuming then that Manisuris is one parent of Trip- sacum, one test of whether wild maize could be the other parent lies in a comparison of the recently discovered prehistoric wild maize to these other two grasses. Such comparisons were made by Mangelsdorf and Reeves (1939) in determining if teosinte might be a derivative from maize-Tripsacum hybridization, and by Sarkar and Stebbins (1956) in determining what characteristics the other putative parent of the tetraploid wheats must have possessed if EKinkorn were one parent. They found that Aegilops speltoides met virtually all of the requirements. Studies of this nature have been based on the general rule that, where an intermediate condition is possible, the presumed hybrid should show at least a tendency to be intermediate. An examination of Table I, which compares 18 of the important botanical characteristics which distinguish Manisuris, Tripsacum and Zea, shows that Tripsacum tencls to be intermediate in most cases where an interme- diate condition is possible. Some detailed consideration is needed, however, to explain the functional possibilities for intermediacy and one case of apparent evolutionary elaboration of a hybrid product. Monoecism is not only the definitive characteristic which separates Manisuris of the tribe Andropogoneae from Tripsacum of the tribe Maydeae, but it is also one of the few characteristics of Tripsacum which is non- intermediate between its putative parents. ‘The monoe- cism of Tripsacum could have come as a dominant trait from wild maize, as reconstructed from archaeological remains of this grass uncovered in the valley of ‘Tehua- cin in Mexico (Mangelsdorf et al, 1964) and illustrated [ 293 ] TasLe |. A comparison of some of the important botanical characteristics which distinguish Manisuris, Tripsacum and Zea. pt pd pet — Wn Re a an > 17. in Plate XLVI. The dominance of monoecism might be expected, since this evolved trait is dominant within maize itself to certain recessive mutations, ‘‘anther ear”’ and ‘‘dwarf-1°’ which, among their effects, cause develop- ment of perfect flowers. Although monoecism occurs also in the Oriental Maydeae, these grasses can be ruled out as putative parents of Tripsacum because they are lack- ing in other essential characteristics, such as the thick- ened rachis with cupule development found in maize. Long styles and large pollen could be derived better from maize than from any other known grass, although the wild maize which we are considering as a parent of Tripsacum probably had shorter styles and smaller pollen than any living race of maize, if the small size of archaeo- SCWOMNAUOLWNH eS Characteristic Manisuris Tripsacum Zea . Perfect flower vs monoecious perfect flowers monoecious monoecious . Length of styles short intermediate long . Styles, bifurcation separate basal fusion fused . Styles, hairs profuse intermediate sparse . Size of anthers small intermediate large . Size of pollen small intermediate large . Size of rachis slender intermediate thick Cupules in rachis absent present present . Rachis abscission present present absent . Rachilla to rachis parallel parallel (pistillate) right angles (pistillate ) . Glume texture indurated indurated herbaceous! . Glume surface smooth? or sculptured smooth smooth . Spikelets binate 1 fertile, 1 sterile staminate staminate & pistillate . Phyllotaxy distichous distichous polystichous . Leaf width narrow intermediate broad . Height of tillers relative tall 3 intermediate 3 short to main stalk Growth habit perennial perennial annual Root stocks present present absent 18. 1 Herbaceous or nearly so in archaeological wild maize. 2 Smooth first glumes in M. aurita. The other New World species are sculptured. 3 On two year old plants. [ 294 | logical wild maize ears and the present-day correlation between ear size and pollen grain size are indicative (Galinat, 1961). Our data (Table II and Plate XLVIT) on the variation in pollen size of three species of Tripsa- cum, show that Tripsacum pollen is, on the average, larger than that of Manisuris, but not substantially so. This might be expected, if the wild maize parent of Tripsacum had pollen about the size of modern teosinte or slightly smaller, since the ranges of size variation of Tripsacum and teosinte do presently overlap. The first 4 or 5 mm. of style length immediately above the pistil in Tripsacum are fused, a feature usually not observed because it is usually concealed by the outer glume. This partial fusion may be an expression of germ- plasm from maize since this grass is unusual in having its styles (actually stigmatic branches) fused for almost their entire length. In Manisuris, the bifurcation of styles is complete. The styles of Manisuris also have numerous long hairs presenting a feather-like appearance, while those of maize usually have sparse hairs; and here, too, Tripsacum is intermediate though extremely variable. The cupulate fruit case of Tripsacum, a device which protects the grain by means of a complicated relation- ship between spikelet and rachis segment, appears at first to be a sudden development in an otherwise gradual trend in the tribe Andropogoneae leading towards its formation (Galinat, 1956). Its structure may be the re- sult of an elaboration upon a combination of features coming in from both putative parents. From maize came the unique and essential feature of the cupule, a corneous cavity with wide lateral wings that develops in the rachis immediately above the attachment point of the pistillate spikelets. The specialization of the cupule in ‘Tripsacum as a functional part of the fruit case may have occurred sometime after the origin of this species. Since the wild [ 295 ] MAIZE TEOSINTE TRIPSACUM MANISURIS POLLEN SIZE VARIATION 7/7 4 LT 30 Kes) 40 45 5O 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 See Table II for details. MICRONS ITA'TX FV Id maize which would be one parent of the original hybrid with Manisuris was probably a form of pod corn and since the tunicate locus which is responsible for pod corn is dominant over the non-tunicate condition in hybrids of tunicate maize with both teosinte (Galinat, 1959) and Tripsacum (Galinat, unpub. ), it seems probable that the original Tripsacum would have had the slender rachis with small cupules and the long herbaceous glumes char- acteristic of pod corn. Sometime during its evolutionary history, these may have been replaced by the thick rachis with large cupules and the indurated outer glumes char- acteristic of the non-tunicate condition and of modern Tripsacum. Despite its slender rachis segments, Manisuris has a substitute for a cupule or a false cupule formed by the close position of sterile pedicels along alternate edges of successive rachis segments. Possessing this pedicel- formed cavity, it required only the true cupule from maize to form the cupulate fruit case characteristic of Tripsacum. Essentially unchanged from Manisuris might have come the sessile spikelets borne parallel to the rachis in a manner in which they could develop within the protective confines of a true cupule once it was intro- duced by maize germplasm. Also derived from Manisuris are the distichous arrangement of the spike and, at ma- Tasie II. Pollen size variation in microns? Grass pd Min. Max. o n Manisuris cylindrica 37.4 28 46 4.10 93 Tripsacum” 40,4 26 58 5.28 489 Teosinte ® 73.0 56 86 5.10 233 Maize (Chapalote) S782 74 102 6.12 228 ‘From stored pollen that has been swollen with 85% lactic acid and stained with IKI solution. ? Pooled data from T\. zopilotense, T. floridanum and T’. dactyloides. * Pooled data from Florida teosinte and Arcelia teosinte. [ 297 ] turity, an extreme induration of the outer glume and rachis segment followed by rachis disarticulation with basal callus. The outer glume of T'ripsacum and maize is smooth, while it is usually sculptured in native New World species of Manisuris, the exceptions being MW. aurita of the New World tropics, and apparently certain variants of M. cylindrica. In any case, the smooth glume feature could have been derived as a dominant feature from maize. Some vegetative features of Tripsacum, such as its broader leaves or capacity to evolve broader leaves than Manisuris, must have come from maize, while other vegetative features are better ascribed to Manisuris. The profuse tillering and perennial habit of growth in Trip- sacum would probably have come from Manisuris. There is no evidence that the mere doubling of the number of chromosomes would convert an annual such as maize into a perennial such as Tripsacum. Certainly the perennial character would have been initially useful in the 2n hy- brid by allowing it to persist despite sterility until a fertile 4n amphidiploid could arise through somatic doubling. Assuming, then, that the perennial habit did originate with Manisuris (because the oldest archaeological remains of maize from Tehuacin, Mexico, indicate that wild maize, like modern maize, was an annual (Mangelsdorf et al, 1964) ) it must have been strongly dominant in its expression. All known New World species of Manisuris are perennial, and the rhizomatous habit is especially strong in M. rugosa, in which underground shoots may extend horizontally for several feet. Even more significant than the general intermediate position of Tripsacum is the fact that when we use the technique of Anderson (1949) in asking the question of what source among grasses now known could make the necessary modifications in an assumed parent (Manisuris) [ 298 | to produce a given offspring (Tripsacum), then we find that the other parent could only have been either wild maize or teosinte. Of the two, wild maize is more promis- ing than teosinte as the putative parent. The chief evidence that indicates wild maize rather than teosinte (Zea mexicana (Schrad.) Reeves and Man- gelsdorf) as the non-Manisuris parent of Tripsacum is the nature of the phenotypic effects described below of two genetic types of Tripsacum chromosomes which we have experimentally superimposed as ‘‘addition mono- somics’” upon maize. Also the cytogenetic and morpho- logical evidence presented by Mangelsdorf and Reeves (1939), Reeves and Mangelsdorf (1959), that teosinte is a derivative of maize-Tripsacum hybridization suggests that it is of more recent origin than Tripsacum, and, if so, could not be the parent of Tripsacum. Although a detailed study of their phenotypes is still in the early stage, the morphological effects which we have been able to observe so far support our hypothesis as to the parents of Tripsacum. That is, there is one type of 'Tripsacum chromosome which is both genetically similar to maize and has ‘‘maizoid’’ effects which tend in the direction of wild maize. The other type seems to be genetically foreign to maize and has ‘‘manisuroid’’ effects tending in the direction of both teosinte and Manisuris. The effects suggestive of the characteristics of wild maize of only two addition monosomics of the maizoid type can be included in this preliminary report. First, the Tripsacum chromosome which is known to bear at least one locus, gi (maize marker liguleless;), and prob- ably many more, including G/z (maize marker glossy seedlings) and W’s3 (maize marker white sheaths) as found by Maguire (1962) has effects on the ear which we con- sider tend toward wild maize. Although the reduction [ 299 | in plant height and possibly the increase in tillering (Table III), as also observed by Maguire (1956), may be effects only from a chromosomal unbalance, the com- bination of longer internodes in the rachis (measured as thicker kernels) with shorter ears bearing a lower num- ber of kernel rows would not result from just a general reduction of vigor. In the background of modern maize, long internodes in the rachis are associated with longer ears, even under conditions of stunting, but in primitive maize such as Confite Morocho of Peru (Grobman et ai, 1961) and in the archaeological wild maize of Tehuacan, Mexico (Mangelsdorf et a/, 1946), relatively long inter- nodes in the rachis are associated with tiny eight-rowed ears. The data (Table II1) show that there was no over- lapping in the range of variation for ear length and almost none for kernel rows and kernel thickness. The one 10- rowed ear which occurred in the 21-chromosome plants was actually eight-rowed at the tip of the ear and, there- by, showing a tendency to be eight-rowed like the other ears bearing the extra chromosome. None of the 20- chromosome plants were eight-rowed. Thus, the Trip- Taste III. Phenotypic effects of the 7’. dactyloides counterpart for chromosome 2 when added to maize. ! Character 20-chrom 21-chrom. 4 Min. Max. = Min. Max. Plant height cm. 96.0 75.0 120.0 90.5 738.0 110.0 No. of tillers 2.8 2.0 3.0 4.3 4.0 5.0 Ear length cm. 14.2 13.5 17.0 10.5 Tel 12.0 Kernel rows 11.5 10.0 12.0 8.1 8.0 10.0 Kernel thickness mm.” 3.6 3.3 3.8 4,2 3.7 4.7 1 Since the population is small (16 plants), maximum and minimum are given rather than standard deviations. ? Averaged from 10 consecutive kernels in the central region of each ear. [ 800 ] sacum homeolog' or counterpart for chromosome 2 has several wild-maize-like effects on the ear. The Tripsacum homeolog for maize chromosome 9 pro- duces a staminate tipped ear, a characteristic of wild maize as reconstructed in Plate XLVI. These changes suggestive of wild maize are not associated with increases in glume or rachis induration, as they might be had they been caused by either teosinte or Manisuris germ- plasm. Also both of these maizoid isolates from Tripsa- cum as well as others bearing several genetically marked chromosomes from Tripsacum are usually completely female fertile and at least partially if not completely male fertile. In sharp contrast are the effects of the ‘‘manisuroid”’ isolates which have extra chromosomes not markable by any of the seven marker genes of W MT maize (described later) which, if Manisuris is one parent of Tripsacum, may represent the chromosomes originally from Mani- suris. he manisuroid isolates tiller more profusely, have narrower leaves, smaller spikelets, smaller kernels, in- creased induration of rachis and glumes, less specializa- tion. between the staminate and pistillate glumes and are partially female sterile and usually completely male sterile. The tendency for the staminate and pistillate glumes to be more alike through a reduction in the usual development of wings on the pistillate glumes and a re- duction of the usual increased elongation of the staminate glumes, is of significance because with the perfect flowered condition of Manisuris, there is no pressure for glumes which are specialized into two shapes, one for protecting kernels, the other for protecting anthers. 6 ‘4 term sometimes spelled homoeologue, used first by Huskins (Am. Nat. 75: 329-344, 1941) to designate the genetically similar chromo- somes in the hexaploid wheat genom. [ 301 ] CyToGENETIC EVIDENCE The conception of Tripsacum as an amphidiploid of wild maize and Manisuris originated from the rather sur- prising results of a segregation of Tripsacum chromo- somes from a hybrid of 7 dactyloides with a unique multiple tester stock of maize which has recessive marker genes on seven chromosomes (1, 2, 8, 4, 7, 8, 9). This “WMT” stock of maize was developed by Mangelsdorf some years ago expressly for the purpose of crossing with Tripsacum. Its development started in Texas on a back- ground of the variety ‘‘Mexican June.’’ Later, after being moved to Massachusetts where earlier maturity proved to be necessary, germplasm from two northern inbreds, P39 and A158, was added. The original hybrid of 7. dactyloides with this multiple tester was actually produced on a vigorous line cross between two inbred strains of the WMT stock. The principal purposes in making this hybrid with Tripsacum were: (1) to deter- mine whether T'ripsacum carries dominant alleles of the maize recessives; (2) to determine whether Tripsacum, having almost twice as many chromosomes as maize, carries the dominant alleles in duplicate in some cases; (3) to identify cytologically the Tripsacum chromosomes which carry the dominant alleles. A hybrid plant, obtained by the embryo culture work of Dr. Hager, exhibited none of the seven recessive characters introduced from maize but proved to be com- pletely sterile. Consequently, colchicine treatment to double the chromosome number was required in order to produce a tetraploid hybrid. This proved to have only about 50 per cent female fertility (Galinat, 1961), al- though virtually full female fertility of the Fy on the 2n level occurs in maize-Tripsacum hybrids involving another species, 7. floridanum (Galinat, 1962). Back- [ 302 ] crosses of the F; hybrid to the WMT maize stock pro- duced triploid plants having 20 maize and usually 18 Tripsacum chromosomes. The second backcross to W MT yielded a population of 92 plants segregating for varying numbers of extra T'ripsacum chromosomes, ranging from one to thirteen, of which seven were marked by dominant genes. Our genetic analysis (Galinat, Mangelsdorf and Chag- anti, 19638) of the transmission frequencies of the seven dominantly marked Tripsacum chromosomes indicated a negative answer to the second question: 7.e., does Tripsacum carry the dominant alleles in duplicate? The frequencies of these dominants were similar, averaging 32.2 per cent with the exception of J; which was present in almost twice this frequency (Table IV). We now know that at least part of the high frequency of Ji was the re- sult of a poor expression of 7; which is characteristic of this gene. The progeny of another generation of back- crossing to WMT of one plant classified as Ji proved to be all.j1, while another similar backcross progeny proved to be all green, perhaps because of the presence of one of the R# alleles which is known to be associated with a factor inhibiting the expression of 7; (Emerson, Beadle and Fraser, 1935). The average transmission frequency of 32.2 per cent for each dominantly marked chromosome (except J1) was interpreted as a deviation from the expected 50 per cent on random segregation of a single chromosome. This was Tasir IV. Genetic data for transmission rate to 92 WMT maize plants of seven dominantly marked 7’. dactyloides chromosomes derived from a maize-Tripsacum BC, hybrid. Maize Chromosome ] ? 3 4 t 8 9 Dominant from Tripsacum Bm, Lg,