Prraatle Seth ta ita fi saan aera Sethe ow Sols tins ae ao Mea Pn san Sate Me Per ee eee haat amg) a Sree Feta tte ea neg c a etiam tee Ag pete een nthe Roe Lneer on VOYAGES OF THE ADVENTURE AND BEAGLE. VOLUME II. rea =: ta - Ses ig = LS : SAS Se EG? AWN KRENIC A) RATU COVE PED en ce ; ‘oe ay rs a EO ie al Fntran sage NARRATIVE OF THE SURVEYING VOYAGES OF HIS MAJESTY’S SHIPS ADVENTURE AND BEAGLE, THE YEARS 1826 AND 1836, EXAMINATION OF THE SOUTHERN SHORES OF SOUTH AMERICA, AND THE BEAGLE’S CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE. IN THREE VOLUMES. VOL. IT. | LONDON: HENRY COLBURN, GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET. 1839. LONDON: Printed by J. L. Cox and Sons, 75, Great Queen Street, Lincoln’s-Inn Fields. oo: oS UE 3K f eg 2136 ' Ear anes Sy 1924 c.f 4 Wat. VOLUME II. PROCEEDINGS ahs COND EXPEDITION, 1831—1836, UNDER THE COMMAND OF CAPTAIN ROBERT FITZ-ROY, R.N. CONTENTS. VOLUME II. CHAPTER I. s PAGE Explanation—Natives of Tierra del Fuego, or Fuegians—Pas- sages across the Equator (Atlantic) — Letters —Small-pox —Hospital—Boat— Memory—Fuegians in London—At Walthamstow — At St. James’s — Beagle re-commis- sioned —Correspondence with Mr. Wilson—Fuegians re- embark CHAPTER II. Hydrographer’s Opinion — Continuation of Survey — Chain of Meridian Distances—Efficient Arrangements— Repair and raise Deck— Outfit — Boats — Lightning-Conductors —Rudder—Stove— W indlass—Chronometers—Mr. Dar- win—Persons on board—Changes—List of those who returned—Supplies—Admiralty Instructions— Memoran- dum—Hydrographer’s Memorandum ................eeeee0es 17 CHAPTER III. Ready for sea—Detained—Sail from England—Well pro- vided—Bay of Biscay—Compasses— Local attraction — Eight Stones— Madeira— Deception— Squall— Teneriffe —Santa Cruz—Quarantine—Squalls—Cape Verde Islands —Port Praya—Produce—Orchilla—Bad season—St. Paul Rocks—Cross Equator—Fernando de Noronha—Bahia— Slavery—Abrolhos—Cape Frio. .......... ese ee sees seeeo cence 42 Vili CONTENTS. PAGE CHAPTER IV. Loss of the Thetis—Causes of her wreck—Approach to Rio de Janeiro — Owen Glendower — Disturbance in Rio Harbour—Observations—Chronometers— Return to Ba- hia — Deaths — Macacu — Malaria — Return to Rio de Janeiro — Meridian Distances — Regatta — Fuegians — Lightning — Leave Rio — Equipment — Santa Martha— Weather—Santa Catharina—Santos—River Plata—Pam- peroes—Gales off Buenos Ayres—Monte Video—Point Piedras—Cape San Antonio—River Plata—Currents— Tides— Barometer — Absence of Trees—Cattle..........¢. 67 CHAPTER V. Eastern Pampa Coast — Point Medanos — Mar-chiquito — Ranges of Hills—Direction of Inlets, Shoals, and Rivers —Cape Corrientes—Tosca Coast—Blanco Bay— Mount Hermoso— Port Belgrano—Mr. Harris—Ventana Moun- tain — View— Argentino— Commandant—Major—Situa- tion —Toriano—Indians—Fossils—Animals —Fish— Cli- mate—Pumice—Ashes—Conway—Deliberations—Conse- quent Decision—Responsibility incurred —Paz—Liebre— Gale — Hunger — Fossils at Hermoso — Fossils at Point Alta— Express sent to Buenos Ayres — Suspicions and absurd alarm—RodrigueZ............0sccisceras esas vasviesgupinines's 97 CHAPTER VI. Beagle sails with Paz and Liebre — Part company — Beagle visits Buenos Ayres—Nautical remarks on the Plata—Sail from Monte Video for San Blas—Lieut. Wickham and ten- ders — Butterflies — Sail for Tierra del Fuego— White water — Icebergs — Rocks — Cape San Sebastian—Oens men—Cape San Diego—Good Success Bay —Natives— Guanacoes — Cape Horn — St. Martin Cove — Gales — Heavy Seas—Nassau Bay—Goree Road—Prepare to land Matthews andthe Fuegians)/ sehither Jee ae 114 CONTENTS. CHAPTER VII. Southern Aborigines of South America ..........6 secsesseeees CHAPTER VIII. Horse Indians of Patagonia :—Head— Physiognomy— Sta- ture—W anderings—Clothing —Armour—Arms—Food— Chase—Property—Huts— Wizards—Marriage—Children — Health— Illness— Death— Burial—W ar—Horseman- ship—Gambling —Caciques— Superstitions — Warfare — Morality—Disposition—Chups—Zapalios .............000 CHAPTER IX. Fuegians —Form — Paint— Disposition — Food— Doctor — Religious ideas— Superstitions — Marriage —Death—Bu- rial — Cannibalism —-Weapons —Women’s occupation — Training— Obtaining food— Fire—Language— Sagacity and local knowledge — Battles — Ceremony — Natives in Trinidad Gulf—Obstruction Sound—Potatoes—Dogs...... CHAPTER X. Set out to land Matthews and the Fuegians—Their meeting with Natives—Supposed Volcano—Dream—Oens-men— Scene—Arrival at Woollya—Encampment—Concourse of Natives—Jemmy’s Family— Wigwams— Gardens— Dis- trust — Experiment — Westward Exploration — Remove Matthews—Revisit Woollya—Gale—Sail for the Falk- Mem AMICS cc opainises $e or och bite Austckeiceh so 6.62 «store selena dewehn 6 CHAPTER XI. Historical Sketch of the Falkland Islands....................0008 - CHAPTER XII. First Appearance of Falklands—Tides—Currents—W inds— Seasons —Temperature —Rain—Health—Dangers—Cau- 144 175 X CONTENTS, i PAGE tions— View—Settlement — Animals— Foxes — Varieties —Seal—Whales—Fish and Fishery—Birds—Brushwood —Peat — Pasture — Potash — Orchilla — Grazing —Corn —Fruit —Vegetables—Trees —Plants —Land—Situation of principal Settlement— Prospectiveadvantages—Sugges- tions—Vernet’s Establishment — Reflections ............... 241 CHAPTER XIII. Anchor in Berkeley Sound—Le Magellan—British flag hoisted —Ruined Settlement — Mr. Hellyer drowned — Burial— French Whalers—Unicorn—Adventure—Squall—Flashes —Fossils—Killing Wild Cattle—Sail from Falklands— River Negro—Maldonado—Constitucion—Heave down, copper, and refit Adventure—Signs of weather—Sound banks—Los Cesares—Settle with Harris, and part com- pany—Blanco Bay—Return to Maldonado—Monte Video 269 CHAPTER XIV. Paz and Liebre begin work—Chronometers—Fish—Animals —San Blas—Wrecks—River Negro—Del Carmen—lInha- bitants—Indians— Trade— Williams drowned—Port De- sire—Gale—Salinas—Lightning—Bones in Tomb—Trees —Dangers — New Bay—Cattle —Seal—Soil—River Chu- pat— Drift Timber—Fertility— Wild Cattle—Valdes Creek —Imminent danger — Tide Races — Bar of the Negro — Hunting—Attack of Indians—Villarino—Falkner......... 295 CHAPTER XV. Beagle and Adventure sail from Monte Video—Port Desire —Bellaco Rock—Refraction—Port San Julian—Viedma— Drake— Magalhaens— Patagonians—Port Famine— San Sebastian Bay— Woollya—Jemmy —Story— Treachery — Oens men —Improvement — Gratitude —Falklands— Events —Capt. Seymour—Search for Murderers—Lieut. Smith—Brisbane—Wreck—Sufferings—Lieutenant Clive . —Saal from, Falklands: ij ative dialtaclverssiaves w dsidt bel 316 CONTENTS, X1 PAGE CHAPTER XVI. Soundings— Anchor in Santa Cruz—Lay Beagle ashore for repair— Prepare to ascend river—Set out— View of sur- rounding country — Rapid stream — Cold — Ostriches— Guanacoes — Indians — Fish — Cliffs— Firewood—Lava Cliffs — Difficulties — Chalia — See Andes — Farthest West—View round—Return—Danger—Guanaco hunters ——Puma—Cat—Tides—Sail from Santa Cruz............... 336 CHAPTER XVII. Beagle and Adventure sail from Port Famine through Mag- dalen and Cockburn Channel — Enter Pacific — Death of Mr. Rowlett—Chil6e—Chile— Government— Adventure sold — Consequent changes — Plans—Mr. Low—Chonos —Lieut. Sulivan’s party— Moraleda— Ladrilleros—De Vea—Sharp—San Andres—Vallenar—Mr. Stokes—San Estevan—Distressed sailors— Anna Pink Bay—Port Low —Potatoes—TIndian names— Huafo— Volcano—Chilotes —Aborigines — Militia — Freebooters— Climate— Docks —Tides — Witchcraft — Alerse — Calbucanos — Cesares —Search for men— Meteors ............ccccceseeceeseesseees 309 CHAPTER XVIII. Leave Chil6e—Valdivia—Earthquake—Aborigines—Tradi- tions — W ords— Convicts— Tolten— Boroa— Imperial— Mocha—Shocks of Earthquake— Anchor off Talcahuano —Ruins—Account of a great Earthquake, which destroyed the city of Concepcion; and was felt from Childe to Copi- — apo; from Juan Fernandes to Mendoza ..............0cee00 396 CHAPTER XIX. Mocha—Movement of Land—Penco— Ulloa—Shells—Coal ——Maule—Topocalma—Aconcagua—Valparaiso—Horcon —-Papudo — Pichidanque — Conchali — Herradura—Co- Xi CONTENTS. PAGE quimbo —Wreck—Challenger —Blonde—Ride—Estate— Colcura—Villagran—Arauco—Former caciques——Coloco- lo—Caupolican— Scenery —Quiapo—Night travelling— Leiibu—Tucapel—Valdivia—Lautaro—Challenger......... 419 CHAPTER XX. Challenger sails—Sounds off Mocha—Wrecked on the main- land—Crew saved—Stores landed—Camp formed—Great exertions, and excellent conduct—Mr. Consul Rouse— Leiibu—Plague of mice—Curious rats—Return to Blonde —Ulpu—Araucanian dress—Arauco—‘ Boroanos’—Tubul —Bar rivers—A pples—Ferry—Blonde sails—Seek for the Leittbu—Schooner Carmen—Errors and delay—Embark Challenger’s crew— Rescue the Carmen—Talcahuano— New Concepcion — Valparaiso— Coquimbo— Challenger’s sail in Conway — Reflections .0s .<...0.00.0 05 s00058 age wean 451 CHAPTER XXI. Andes— Aconcagua— Villarica— Islay —Powder—Callao— Rejom Beagle—Constitucion—Plans— Wilson—Carrasco —‘Galapagos’—Iguanas—Lava Rocks—Land-tortoises— Craters— Turtle —Shells—Dye—Volcanoes—Settlement —Albemarle Island—Cyclopian Scene—Tagus Cove— Tide Ripples—Settlers—Climate—Salt— Dampier—Birds —'Transportation of Tortoises—Currents— Temperature Of Water... .i....asnasthneesasdishhnnovatecsen See eee 481 CHAPTER XXII. Dangerous Archipelago of the Low Islands — Krusenstern —Squalls— Discoveries — Otaheite—Matavai—Natives— Houses—Point Venus—Theft—Singing—Pomare—Sugar —Papiete— Church —Mr. Pritchard—Thierry—Shells— Mr. Nott—Bible— Paamuto Natives— Falkner—‘Ua’— Papawa— Relics— Divine Service—Hitote—Henry—Au- dience—Queen—Missionaries—Roman Catholics—Form- CONTENTS. x1 PAGE ing head—Meeting at Papiete— Dress—Behaviour—Elo- quence of natives—Honourable feelings —Interesting dis- EMSSLOM eV CUO yo side wn npececieie dios ow suisse pincebbon erbeigeabhecwins Wis 506 CHAPTER XXIII. Continuation of the Meeting at Papiete—Questions—Expla- nation—Meeting ends—Pilotage—Mr. Wilson—Queen’s Visit—Fireworks—School—Intelligence—Letters—Inha- bitants —Dress— Conduct— Abolition of Spirits—Defect in Character— Domestic Scene—Aura Island— Newton at Bow Island — Pearl Oyster Shells — Divers — Steering— Queen’s Letter—Collection—Sail from Otaheite—Why- lootacke—Flight of Birds—Navigators —Friendly—Fee- jee Islands—English Chief—Precautions—La Pérouse...... 540 CHAPTER XXIV. New Zealand—Bay of Islands—Kororareka—Fences—Flag —Paihia — Natives — Features — Tattow—Population— Colour—Manner— War-Canoes —Prospects— Mackintosh — Fern — Church —Resident—Vines—Villages — Houses —Planks—Cooking — Church — Marae—First Mission — Settlers — Pomare— Marion— Cawa-Cawa — Meeting — Chiefs — Rats —Spirits— Wine— Nets—Burial— Divine Service—Singing — Causes of Disturbances-—— Reflections and Suggestions—Polynesian Interests — Resources for pS CMC ACIIC Gosnacigtinlandddn ses suMbord ster eieenl edhe torte. 564 CHAPTER XXV. Waimate— Cultivation — Flax — Apteryx —Gardens — Mis- sionaries — Farm — Barn — Mill — Grave of Shunghi — Horses— Kauri Pine — Keri-keri— Children — Waripoaka —La Favorite—Political condition —Relics—Images, or Amulets—Mats—Leave New Zealand—Remarks—lInter- course — Convicts— Effects of Missionary exertion—Irre- gular Settlements — Trade — Residents and Consuls — X1V CONTENTS, PAGE Missionary Embarrassments— Society’s Lands— Discon- tent of Settlers—Purchase of Land—Influence of Mission- _ aries-—Their sphere of action -...+.-+:0+000esudedee soakeeaees 598 CHAPTER XXVI. North Cape of New Zealand—Superstitions—Cook’s great Lizard — Traditions — Currents — Thermometer — Sydney —Dr. Darwin — Drought— Aqueduct —Position —Disad- vantages —Ill-acquired wealth of Convicts, or Emancip- ists —Hobart Town— Advantages of Van Diemen’s Land King George Sound — Natives— Dance—Keeling Islands —Tides— Soundings — Coral formations —Malays —Fish ——Weather—Mauritius—Cape of Good Hope—St. Helena — Ascension —Bahia—Pernambuco—Cape Verde Islands —Azores—Arrive in England .................ccecseeeeereeees 619 CHAPTER XXVIL Remarks on the early migrations of the human race ......... 640 CHAPTER XXVIII. A very few Remarks with reference to the Deluge............ 657 DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER FOR PLACING THE PLATES. VOLUME II. Chart of Tierra del Fuego Loose, Chart of Childe : - Loose. — Fuegian (Yapoo iat eentda) ie sve es .. Frontispiece. ~ Panoramic View of Madeira ie to face page 46 ¥’ Crossing the Line .. ip as oe cf “s He 57 “San Salvador, Bahia rs Ns Ae A s Si 62 “Patagonians at Gregory Bay 56 se a ie ¥; 136 wv Fuegians—Yacana, Pecheray, &c. a 25 .. ie 141 Fuegians going to trade in si ea with the Patagonians ee 171 W oollya ae 48 er ae Bes 208 ~ Berkeley a ceeraik tod Teena fe ac oe 3 248 “ Bivouac at the Head of Port Desire Inlet e ee a 316 Button Island, near Woollya ws oe i a a 323 “ Fuegians—Y ork Minster, &c. Spe ha > a i. 324 Cove in Beagle Channel, &c. Me ‘ ahs bi os. 15926 Beagle laid ashore in Santa Cruz .. Se ee =A oe 336 ~Santa Cruz—Plan of Port and River... ore c ws 339 ~"Basalt Glen—River Santa Cruz .. ne op nd -s 348 “ Santa Cruz River—distant view of Andes - a és 351 YMystery Plain, near the Santa Cruz " te ee 352 ~Mount Sarmiento, from Warp Bay Br is is ~ 359 Valdivia ; 5 ae a ee ee By 398 wRemains of the Catneical at Concepcion is a re 405 “Albemarle Island, &c. ate ae oa be a ie 498 -Otaheite, or Tahiti 4 , sf 4 ne ane 509 . Otaheite, Eimeo, Matavai, Chapel, ee a ae 517 New Zealanders... ae ae te Bs as - 568 Notr.—The loose Plates are to be folded into pockets in the covers of the volumes. A . hod * , i ‘ i - ea ’ ie i ps ‘ 7 hints eB ee i PeN gs sys ee Dip te eP d ete Wi on . Fi e: : ae : , a ae vi i‘ “ees roel f : 4 ele “ / c at ; x My tna § A = t — ; sie Are lushadialy fi = ‘ Y : ve : ‘ -" om rx *, f ; . 4a) = 3 } . 5 Lae 3 25> ) fi 4 % és F t 4 ¢ 5 1 . tay s ; N / ‘ ; “ » ; Bi o “a ; " ” v % re _ SURVEYING VOYAGES OF ee eB EA Ge ee: 1831—1836. CHAPTER I. Explanation—Natives of Tierra del Fuego, or Fuegians—Passages across the Equator (Atlantic) —Letters—Small-pox—Hospital—Boat Me- mory—Fuegians in London—At Walthamstow—At St. James’s— Beagle recommissioned—Correspondence with Mr. Wilson—Fuegians re-embark. As the following narrative of the Beagle’s second voyage to South America is a sequel to the “« Surveying Voyages of the Adventure and the Beagle,” which are related in the preceding volume, it may be advisable that this chapter should contain a sketch of some few incidents intimately connected with the origin and plan of the second Expedition. Captain King has already mentioned that the two ships under his orders sailed from Rio de Janeiro, on their home- ward passage, early in August 1830. During the time which elapsed before we reached England, I had time to see much of my Fuegian companions ; and daily became more interested about them as I attained a further acquaintance with their abilities and natural inclinations. Far, Wiob.ir, - B Q FUEGIANS. 1830. very far indeed, were three of the number from deserving to be called savages—even at this early period of their residence among civilized people — though the other, named York Minster, was certainly a displeasing specimen of uncivilized human nature. The acts of cannibalism occasionally committed by their countrymen, were explained to me in such terms, and with such signs, that I could not possibly misunderstand them ; and a still more revolting account was given, though in a less explicit manner, respecting the horrible fate of the eldest women of their own tribes, when there is an unusual scarcity of food. This half-understood story I did not then notice much, for I could not believe it ; but as, since that time, a familiarity with our language has enabled the Fuegians to tell other per- sons, as well as myself, of this strange and diabolical atrocity ; and as Mr. Low (of whom mention will often be made in the following pages) was satisfied of the fact, from the concurrent testimony of other Fuegians who had, at different times, passed months on board his vessel, I no longer hesitate to state my firm belief in the most debasing trait of their character which will be found in these pages. At the sea-ports which the Beagle visited in her way from Tierra del Fuego to England, animals, ships, and boats seemed to engage the notice of our copper-coloured friends far more than human beings or houses. When any thing excited their attention particularly, they would appear, at the time, almost stupid and unobservant ; but that they were not so in reality was shown by their eager chattering to one another at the very first subsequent opportunity, and by the sensible remarks made by them a long time afterwards, when we fancied they had altogether forgotten unimportant occurrences which took place during the first few months of their sojourn among us. A large ox, with unusually long horns, excited their won- der remarkably; but in no instance was outward emotion noticed, to any great degree, excepting when they saw a steam- vessel going into Falmouth Harbour. What extraordinary monster it was, they could not imagine. Whether it was a 1830. FUEGIANS— PASSAGES. 8 huge fish, a land animal, or the devil (of whom they have a notion in their country), they could not decide; neither could they understand the attempted explanations of our sailors, who tried to make them comprehend its nature: but, indeed, I think that no one who remembers standing, for the first time, near a railway, and witnessing the rapid approach of a steam- engine, with its attached train of carriages, as it dashed along, smoking and snorting, will be surprised at the effect which a large steam-ship, passing at full speed near the Beagle, in a dark night, must have had on these ignorant, though rather intelligent barbarians. Before relating occurrences subsequent to our arrival in England, I must ask permission to make the first of a few nautical remarks that will be found in this volume, some of which, I hope, may be useful to young sailors. Our passage across the Atlantic, from Rio de Janeiro to Falmouth, was unusually long. In order to sail within sight of the Cape Verd Islands, for a particular purpose, we steered eastward from the coast of Brazil, and crossed the equator far east. This course, unavoidable in our case, carried us into that tract of ocean, between the trade-winds, which in August and September is subject to westerly winds—sometimes extremely strong—and we encountered a very heavy gale, although so near the equator. Afterwards, when close to our own shores, we were unfortunate enough to be delayed by what seamen call a hard-hearted easterly wind ; and not until the middle of October were we moored in a British port. As a remarkable contrast, a Falmouth packet, which sailed from Rio de Janeiro some time after our departure, steered northward, as soon as she had cleared the coast of Brazil, crossed the line far to the west, and arrived in England a fort- night before us. My own humble opinion, with respect to crossing the equa- tor, is, that an outward-bound ship ought to cross near twenty- five—and that one homeward-bound may go even beyond thirty degrees of west longitude—but should not attempt to pass eastward of twenty-five. Ships crossing the line between BQ ow 4 PASSAGES.—FUEGIANS. 1830. twenty-five and thirty degrees west, are, I believe, far less subject to detention—taking the year through—than those which adopt easterly courses. Cape St. Roque, St. Paul Rocks, Pentanda Noronha, and the Roccas, ought not to be thought of too lightly ; but i im avoiding them, on the lee current near St. Roque, many ships have encountered the tedious calms, extremely hot weather, frequent torrents of rain, and violent squalls, which are more or less prevalent between the longitudes of twenty and ten degrees west. To return to the Fuegians. While on our passage home I addressed the following letter to my commanding officer and kind friend, Captain King. (oO Sir, Beagle, at sea, Sept. 12, 1830. ‘¢ T have the honour of reporting to you that there are now on board of his Majesty’s sloop, under my command, four natives of Tierra del Fuego. ‘‘ Their names and estimated ages are, Vork Minster ti. vale ec tne) s dno scot sleet 26 Boat Memory i. ti22 sles seete cern eee 20 James Button.. WrSAS MINES: cua eee rare an ek Fuegia Basket he Lae stab dejneeree ben “‘ I have maintained them ee at my own expense, and hold myself responsible for. their comfort while away from, and for their safe return to their own country: and I have now to request that, as senior officer of the Expedition, you will consider of the possibility of some public advantage being derived from this circumstance; and of the propriety of offer- ing them, with that view, to his Majesty’s Government. ‘‘ Tf you think it proper to make the offer, I will keep them in readiness to be removed according to your directions. **T am now to account for my having these Fuegians on board, and to explain my future views with respect to them. “In February last, the Beagle being moored in ‘ Towns- hend Harbour,’ on the south-west coast of Tierra del Fuego, I sent Mr. Matthew Murray (master), with six men, in a whale-boat, to Cape Desolation ; the projecting part of a small, pix 1830. LETTER—FUEGIANS. o but high and rugged island, detached from the main land, and twelve miles distant from Townshend Harbour. ‘Mr. Murray reached the place, and secured his party and the boat in a cove near the cape: but during a very dark night, some Fuegians, whose vicinity was not at all suspected, approached with the dexterous cunning peculiar to savages and stole the boat. ‘«‘ Thus deprived of the means of returning to the Beagle, and unable to make their situation known, Mr. Murray and his party formed a sort of canoe, or rather basket, with the branches of trees and part of their canvas tent, and in this machine three men made their way back to the Beagle, by his directions: yet, although favoured by the only fine day that occurted during the three weeks which the Beagle passed in Townshend Harbour, this basket was twenty hours on its passage. “‘ Assistance was immediately given to the master and the other men, and a chase for our lost boat was begun, which lasted many days, but was unsuccessful in its object, although much of the lost boat’s gear was found, and the women and children of the families from whom it was recovered, were brought on board as hostages. The men, excepting one of them, escaped from us, or were absent in our missing boat. “At the end of February the Beagle anchored in Christmas Sound ; but before this time all our prisoners had escaped, ex- cept three little girls, two of whom we restored to their own tribe, near ‘ Whale-boat Sound,’ and the other is now on board. “ From the first canoe seen in Christmas Sound, one man was taken asa hostage for the recovery of our boat, and to become an interpreter and guide. He came to us with little reluctance, and appeared unconcerned. “‘ A few days afterwards, traces of our boat were found at some wigwams on an island in Christmas Sound, and from the families inhabiting those wigwams I took another young man, for the same purpose as that above-mentioned. No useful information respecting our lost boat was, however, gained from them, before we were obliged to leave that ccast, and she remained the prize of their companions. | 6 LETTER—FUEGIANS. 1830. ‘¢ Afterwards, when in Nassau Bay, our captives informed us that the natives of that part of the coast, and all to the eastward, were their enemies, and that they spoke a different language. This intelligence was extremely disappointing, and made me anxious to persuade one of this eastern tribe to come on board and stay with us; but I had then no hopes of doing so, and gave up the idea: however, some time afterwards, accidentally meeting three canoes, when away in my boat ex- ploring the Beagle Channel, I prevailed on their occupants to put one of the party, a stout boy, into my boat, and in return I gave them beads, buttons, and other trifles. Whether they intended that he should remain with us permanently, I do not know ; but they seemed contented with the singular bargain, and paddled again towards the cove from which they had approached my boat. We pulled on along shore, attended by other canoes, which had been endeavouring to barter with us - whenever we stopped; but at dusk they ceased following, us and went ashore. “‘ When about to depart from the Fuegian coast, I decided to keep these four natives on board, for they appeared to be quite cheerful and contented with their situation ; and I thought that many good effects might be the consequence of their living a short time in England. They have lived, and have been clothed like the seamen, and are now, and have been always, in excellent health and very happy. They understand why they were taken, and look forward with pleasure to seeing our country, as well as to returning to their own. ‘¢ Should not his Majesty’s Government direct otherwise, I shall procure for these people a suitable education, and, after two or three years, shall send or take them back to their coun- try, with as large a stock as I can collect of those articles most useful to them, and most likely to improve the condition of their countrymen, who are now scarcely superior to the brute creation. “ T have, &c. ‘¢ Phillip Parker King, Esq. Rozert Fitz-Roy, Commander H.M.S. Adventure, Commander.” Senior officer of the Expedition.” 1830. FUEGIANS. 7 This letter was forwarded to the Admiralty by Captain King, as soon as he arrived in England ; and a few days after- wards the following answer was received. < Sir, Admiralty Office, 19th Oct. 1830. “© Having laid before my Lords Commissioners of the Admi- ralty your letter and its enclosure from Commander Fitz-Roy, of the Beagle, relative to the four Indians whom he has brought from Tierra del Fuego under the circumstances therein stated; I am commanded to acquaint you that their Lordships will not interfere with Commander Fitz-Roy’s per- sonal superintendence of, or benevolent intentions towards these four people, but they will afford him any facilities towards maintaining and educating them in England, and will give them a passage home again. ‘TT am, &c. “'To Commander King, (Signed) Joun Barrow.” H.M.S.V. Adventure.” I was, of course, anxious to protect the Fuegians, as far as possible, from the contagion of any of those disorders, some- times prevalent, and which unhappily have so often proved fatal to the aboriginal natives of distant countries when brought to Europe; and, immediately after our arrival in England, they landed with me, after dark, and were taken to comfort- able, airy lodgings, where, next day, they were vaccinated, for the second time. Two days afterwards they were carried a few miles into the country, to a quiet farm-house, where I hoped they would enjoy more freedom and fresh air, and, at the same time, incur less risk of contagion than in a populous sea-port town, where curiosity would be excited. Meanwhile, the Beagle was stripped and cleared out; and the Adventure went to Woolwich fora similar purpose, prepa- ratory to being paid off. On the 27th of October, the Beagle’s pendant was hauled down; and on the 15th of November, the Adventure was put out of commission. 8 FUEGIANS—SMALL- POX. 1830 Both vessels’ crews were dispersed, as usual, unfortunately ; and of those who had passed so many rough hours together, but few were likely to meet again. I much regretted the sepa- ration from my tried and esteemed shipmates, and from our excellent little vessel. Soon afterwards, Captain King and Lieutenant Skyring were promoted : a gratifying proof of the good opinion of their exertions and conduct, which was entertained by the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. Karly in November I received the sad intelligence that the young man, called Boat Memory, was taken ill; and that the symptoms of his disorder were like those of the small-pox. Dr. Armstrong, of the Royal Hospital at Plymouth, whose advice I solicited, suggested that he and the other three Fue- gians should be received immediately into the hospital, with the view of preventing further infection, and ensuring the best treatment for the poor sufferer. Dr. Armstrong applied to the physician, Dr. Dickson (now Sir David Dickson), as well as Sir James Gordon, the superintendent, and by their advice and permission the Fuegians were removed into the hospital without delay ; and an application was made to the Admiralty, of which the following is a copy. ‘s/Sir, ** Devonport, 7th Nov. 1830. ‘‘ I have the honour of addressing you to request that the four Fuegians, whom I brought to England in the Beagle, may be received into the Royal Naval Hospital. *‘ The Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty have stated in a letter to Commander King, dated 19th Oct. 1830, that ‘their Lordships will not interfere with Commander Fitz-Roy’s personal superintcndance of, or benevolent intentions towards these four people, but they will afford him any assistance in maintaining and ed acne them in England, and will give them a passage home again.’ _“ Tn consequence of this assurance, I now ee that you will draw their Lordships’ attention to the circumstance of an erup- tion having broken out upon one of the Fuegian men, since he 1830. IN THE HOSPITAL. 9 was vaccinated, which is supposed, by the medical officers of the hospital, to be the small-pox. *¢ As the other three individuals have been always in com- pany with him, it is to be feared that they also are affected ; and as the vaccination has not yet taken a proper effect, it is the opinion of the medical officers that it would be safer to receive them into the hospital, until the present critical period is passed, than to allow them to remain in private care. ‘‘] have further to request, that my late coxswain, James Bennett, may be permitted to accompany, and remain with the Fuegians, in order to attend upon them, in the event of their Lordships allowing them to be admitted into the hospital; and I hope, Sir, that the peculiar nature of the case may be thought to justify this application. ‘¢ T have, &c. “‘ ‘The Secretary Rogert Firz-Roy, Commander.” of the Admiralty. ce Sir. Admiralty-Office, 10th Nov. 1830. ‘*T am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to acquaint you, in answer to your letter of this day’s date, that directions have been given for the admission of the four Fuegians therein alluded to, into the Naval Hospital at Plymouth, and that James Bennett be allowed to attend them, agreeably with your request. “<< T am, Sir, &c. “Commander Fitz-Roy. —_ (Signed) “ Joun Barrow.” The Admiralty having thus sanctioned the admission of the Fuegians into one of the best hospitals, and assured that they could not be under better treatment than that of the well-known gentlemen whom I have mentioned, I felt less anxiety in leaving them for a time, as I was obliged to do, in order to attend to duties connected with the survey; but I had hardly reached London, when a letter from Dr. Dickson informed me of the untimely fate of Boat Memory. He had been vaccinated four different times ; but the three first opera- 10 BOAT MEMORY. 1830. tions had failed, and the last had just taken effect, when the disease showed itself. It was thought that the fatal contagion must have attacked him previously. This poor fellow was a very great favourite with all who knew him, as well as with myself. He had a good disposition, very good abilities, and though born a savage, had a pleas- ing, intelligent appearance. He was quite an exception to the general character of the Fuegians, having good features and a well-proportioned frame. It may readily be supposed that this was a severe blow to me, for I was deeply sensible of the responsibility which had been incurred; and, however un- intentionally, could not but feel how much I was implicated in shortening his existence. Neither of the others were attacked, the last vaccination having taken full effect ; but they were allowed to remain in the hospital for some time longer, until I could make satisfactory arrangements for them. While they were under Dr. Dickson’s care, in the hospital, his own chil- dren had the measles; and thinking that it would be a good opportunity to carry the little Fuegian girl through that ill- ness, he prepared her for it, and then took her into his house, among his own children; where she had a very favourable attack, and recovered thoroughly. Of course, I was anxious that no time should be lost in arranging a plan for their education and maintenance; and deeming the Church Missionary Society to be in some measure interested about the project I had in view, I applied to their secretary, through whose kindness I became acquainted with the Rev. Joseph Wigram; to whom I am under great obliga- tions for the friendly interest taken at that time in my wishes with respect to the Fuegians, and for introducing them and my- self to the notice of the Rev. William Wilson, of Walthamstow. Mr. Wilson at once relieved my mind from a load of uncer- tainty and anxiety, by saying that they should be received into his parish, and that he would talk to the master of the Infant School about taking them into his house, as boarders and pupils. In a short time, it was arranged that the school- 1830. FUEGIANS IN LONDON. 11 master should receive, and take entire charge of them, while they remained in England, and should be paid by me for their board and lodging, for his own trouble, and for all contingent expenses. Mr. Wilson proposed to keep a watchful eye over them himself, and give advice from time to time to their guardian and instructor. Mr. Wigram also lived at Walthamstow, and as he would have frequent opportunities of offering a useful caution, in case that the numerous calls upon Mr. Wilson’s attention should at any time render additional thoughts for the Fuegians an unfair or unpleasant trouble to him—I did indeed think that no plan could be devised offermg a better prospect ; and immediately made arrangements for conveying them to London. The inside of a stage-coach was taken, and under the guidance of Mr. Murray (the Beagle’s late master), attended by James Bennett, they arrived in Piccadilly, and were imme- diately carried to Walthamstow, without attracting any notice. Mr. Murray told me that they seemed to enjoy their journey in the coach, and were very much struck by the repeated changing of horses. I took them myself from the coach-office to Walthamstow ; they were glad to see me, but seemed bewildered by the mul- titude of new objects. Passing Charing Cross, there was a start and exclamation of astonishment from York. ‘ Look !” he said, fixing his eyes on the lion upon Northumberland House, which he certainly thought alive, and walking there. I never saw him show such sudden emotion at any other time. They were much pleased with the rooms prepared for them at Walthamstow; and the schoolmaster and his wife were equally pleased to find the future inmates of their house very well disposed, quiet, and cleanly people; instead of fierce and dirty savages. At Walthamstow they remained from December 1830 till October 1851; and during all that time were treated with the utmost kindness by the benevolent men whose names I have mentioned; by their families, and by many others in the 12 AT WALTHAMSTOW. 1830. neighbourhood, as well as casual visitors, who became much interested in their welfare, and from time to time gave them several valuable presents. The attention of their instructor was directed to teaching them English, and the plainer truths of Christianity, as the first object ; and the use of common tools, a slight acquaint- ance with husbandry, gardening, and mechanism, as the second. Considerable progress was made by the boy and girl ; but the man was hard to teach, except mechanically. He took interest in smith’s or carpenter’s work, and paid attention to what he saw and heard about animals; but he reluctantly assisted in garden work, and had a great dislike to learning to read. By degrees, a good many words of their own languages were collected (the boy’s differed from that of the man and the girl), and some interesting information was acquired, respect- ing their own native habits and ideas. They gave no particu- lar trouble; were very healthy; and the two younger ones became great favourites wherever they were known. Sometimes I took them with me to see a friend or relation of my own, who was anxious to question them, and contribute something to the increasing stock of serviceable articles which I was collecting for their use, when they should return to Tierra del Fuego. My sister was a frequent benefactress; and they often talked, both then and afterwards, of going to see ‘Cappen Sisser.’ During the summer of 1831, his late Majesty expressed to Colonel Wood a wish to see the Fuegians, and they were taken to St. James’s. His Majesty asked a great deal about their country, as well as themselves; and I hope I may be permitted to remark that, during an equal space of time, no person ever asked me so many sensible and thoroughly pertinent questions respecting the Fuegians and their country, also relating to the survey in which I had myself been engaged, as did his Majesty. Her Majesty Queen Adelaide also honoured the Fuegians by her presence, and by acts of genuine kindness which they could appreciate, and never forgot. She left the room, in which they were, for a minute, and returned with one 1831. AT ST. JAMES’S. 13 of her own bonnets, which she put upon the girl’s head. Her Majesty then put one of her rings upon the girl’s finger, and gave her a sum of money to buy an outfit of clothes when she should leave England to return to her own country. I must now revert to matters more immediately connected with the Beagle’s second voyage. My own official duties, relating to the survey, were com- pleted in March 1831; when my late commanding officer, Captain King, addressed a letter to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty expressive of his approbation of the part I had taken, under his direction, and recommending me to their Lordships. * From various conversations which I had with Captain King, during the earlier period of my service under him, I had been led to suppose that the survey of the southern coasts of South America would be continued ; and to some ship, ordered upon such a service, I had looked for an opportunity of restoring the Fuegians to their native land. Finding, however, to my great disappointment, that an entire change had taken place in the views of the Lords of the Admiralty, and that there was no intention to prosecute the survey, I naturally became anxious about the Fuegians ; and, in June, having no hopes of a man-of-war being sent to Tierra del Fuego, and feeling too much bound to these natives to trust them in any other kind of vessel, unless with myself—because of the risk that would attend their being landed anywhere, excepting on the territories of their own tribes—-I made an agreement with the owner of a small merchant-vessel, the John of London, to carry me and five other persons to such places in South America as I wished to visit, and eventually to land me at Valparaiso. My arrangements were all made, and James Bennett, who was to accompany me, had already purchased a number of goats, with which I purposed stocking some of the islands of Tierra del Fuego—when a kind uncle, to whom I mentioned * Appendix. + Ibid, 14 LETTER—MR. WILSON. 1831. my plan, went to the Admiralty, and soon afterwards told me that I should be appointed to the command of the Chanticleer, to go to Tierra del Fuego. My agreement with the owner of the John was, however, in full force, and I could not alter it without paying a large proportion of the whole sum agreed on for the voyage. The Chanticleer was not, upon examination, found quite fit for service ; and, instead of her, I was again appointed to my well-tried little vessel, the Beagle. My commission was dated the 27th of June, and on the same day two of my most esteemed friends, Lieutenants Wickham and Sulivan, were also appointed. While the Beagle was fitting out at Devonport, I received the following letter from Mr. Wilson. OIL, | Walthamstow, 5th Aug. 1831. ‘¢] am informed that the Fuegians who have been lately resident in this place are shortly to return to their native country under your care. Will you permit me to ask whether, if two individuals should volunteer to accompany and remain with them, in order to attempt to teach them such useful arts as may be thought suited to their gradual civilization, you will give them a passage in the Beagle? and whether, upon your arrival on the coast of Tierra del Fuego, you will be able to give them some assistance in establishing a friendly intercourse with, and settlement amongst the natives of that country ? Would these individuals be required to pay you for their pas- sage, and maintenance on board? or would his Majesty’s Government allow them to be maintained on board at the public expense? Do you think that you would be able to visit them, after their first settlement, supposing so desirable an object should be attained, in order to give them some encou- ragement, and perhaps assistance; or to remove them if they should find it impracticable to continue their residence among the natives ? 1831. MR. WILSON—ANSWER. 15 ‘¢ A subscription has been set on foot by gentlemen who are extremely desirous that this opportunity of extending the benefits of civilization should not be lost ; and, in consequence of their united wishes, I now take the liberty of asking these questions. “Tam, &c. (Signed) *¢ Witit1am WILson.” “ To Captain Fitz-Roy, R.N.” After reading this communication, I wrote to the Secretary of the Admiralty, and enclosed a copy of Mr. Wilson’s letter. The answer is subjoined. Bee Sit, Admiralty Office, 10th Aug. 1831. ‘¢ Having laid before my Lords Commissioners of the Admi- ralty your letter of yesterday’s date, with the letter which accompanied it, from the Rev. William Wilson, respecting the natives of Tierra del Fuego who were brought to England in his Majesty’s ship Beagle ; I am commanded to acquaint you that their Lordships will give the necessary orders for the pas- sage of these individuals, and of the two persons who are to accompany them ; and that your request to be allowed to visit these people, after their arrival, will be taken into consideration in preparing your instructions. “Tam, &c. ; (Signed) “ Joun Barrow.” “To Commander Fitz-Roy, ‘“* H.M.S. Beagle.” In consequence of this reply, it was wished that two per- sons should accompany the Fuegians, and endeavour to pass some time in their country: but it was not easy to find in- dividuals sufficiently qualified, and in whom confidence could be placed, who would willingly undertake such an enter- prise. One young man was selected by Mr. Wilson, but a companion for him could not be found in time to embark on board the Beagle. In October the party from Walthamstow arrived, in a 16 FUEGIANS RE-EMBARK. 1831. steam-vessel, at Plymouth, and not a few boats were required to transport to our ship the large cargo of clothes, tools, crockery-ware, books, and various things which the families at Walthamstow and other kind-hearted persons had given. In the small hold of the Beagle, it was not easy to find places for the stowage of so many extra stores ; and when dividing the contents of large chests, in order to pack them differently, some very fair jokes were enjoyed by the seamen, at the ex- pense of those who had ordered complete sets of crockery- ware, without desiring that any selection of articles should be made. Instructions were given, by the Secretary of the Church Missionary Society, to the young man who wished to accom- pany the Fuegians, which will be found in the Appendix ; and although he was rather too young, and less experienced than might have been wished, his character and conduct had been such as to give very fair grounds for anticipating that he would, at least, sincerely endeavour to do his utmost in a situation so difficult and trying as that for which he volun- teered. CHAPTER IT. Hydrographer’s Opinion—Continuation of Survey—Chain of Meridian Distances—Efficient Arrangements—Repair and raise Deck—Outfit— Boats—Lightning-C onductors—Rudder — Stove—W indlass—C hrono- meters—Mr. Darwin—Persons on board—Changes—List of those who returned — Supplies—Admiralty Instructions—Memorandum—H ydro- erapher’s Memorandum. WHEN it was decided that a small vessel should be sent to Tierra del Fuego, the Hydrographer of the Admiralty was referred to for his opinion, as to what addition she might make to the yet incomplete surveys of that country, and other places which she might visit. Captain Beaufort embraced the opportunity of expressing his anxiety for the continuance of the South American Surveys, and mentioning such objects, attainable by the Beagle, as he thought most desirable: and it was soon after intimated to me that the voyage might occupy several years. Desirous of add- ing as much as possible to a work in which I had a strong interest, and entertaining the hope that a chain of meridian dis- tances might be carried round the world if we returned to England across the Pacific, and by the Cape of Good Hope ; IT resolved to spare neither expense nor trouble in making our little Expedition as complete, with respect to material and preparation, as my means and exertions would allow, when supported by the considerate and satisfactory arrangements of the Admiralty : which were carried iato effect (at that time) by the Navy Board, the Victualling Board, and the Dock- yard officers at Devonport. The Beagle was commissioned on the 4th of July 1831, and was immediately taken into dock to be thoroughly exa- mined, and prepared for a long period of foreign service. As she required a new deck, and a good deal of repair about the upper works, I obtained permission to have the upper-deck VOL. It. c 18 OUTFIT—MR. DARWIN. raised considerably,* which afterwards proved to be of the greatest advantage to her as a sea boat, besides adding so ma- terially to the comfort of all on board. While in dock, a sheath- ing of two-inch fir plank was nailed on the vessel’s bottom, over which was a coating of felt, and then new copper. This sheath- ing added about fifteen tons to her displacement, and nearly seven to her actual measurement. Therefore,*instead of 235 tons, she might be considered about 242 tons burthen. The rud- der was fitted according to the plan of Captain Lihou : a patent windlass supplied the place of a capstan: one of Frazer’s stoves, with an oven attached, was taken instead of a common ‘ galley’ fire-place ; and the lightning-conductors, invented by Mr. Harris, were fixed in all the masts, the bowsprit, and even in the flying jib-boom. The arrangements made in the fittings, both inside and outside, by the officers of the Dock-yard, left nothing to be desired. Our ropes, sails, and spars, were the best that could be procured; and. to complete our excellent outfit, six superior boatst (two of them private property) were built expressly for us, and so contrived and stowed that they could all be carried in any weather. Considering the limited disposable space in so very small a ship, we contrived to carry more instruments and books than one would readily suppose could be stowed away in dry and secure places; and in a part of my own cabin twenty-two chronometers were carefully placed. Anxious that no opportunity of collecting useful informa- tion, during the voyage, should be lost; I proposed to the Hydrographer that some well-educated and scientific person should be sought for who would willingly share such accom- modations as I had to offer, in order to profit by the oppor- tunity of visiting distant countries yet little known. Captain Beaufort approved of the suggestion, and wrote to Professor Peacock, of Cambridge, who consulted with a friend, Pro- fessor Henslow, and he named Mr. Charles Darwin, grandson of Dr. Darwin the poet, as a young man of promising ability, * Kight inches abaft and twelve forward. + Besides a dinghy carried astern. PERSONS ON BOARD. 19 extremely fond of geology, and indeed all branches of natural history. In consequence an offer was made to Mr. Darwin to be my guest on board, which he accepted conditionally ; per- mission was obtained for his embarkation, and an order given by the Admiralty that he should be borne on the ship’s books for provisions. The conditions asked by Mr. Darwin were, that he should be at-liberty to leave the Beagle and retire from the Expedition when he thought proper, and that he should pay a fair share of the expenses of my table. Knowing well that no one actively engaged in the surveying duties on which we were going to be employed, would have time—even if he had ability—to make much use of the pencil, T engaged an artist, Mr. Augustus Earle, to go out in a private capacity ; though not without the sanction of the Admiralty, who authorized him also to be victualled. And in order to secure the constant, yet to a certain degree mechanical attend- ance required by a large number of chronometers, and to be enabled to repair our instruments and keep them in order, I en- gaged the services of Mr. George James Stebbing, eldest son of the mathematical instrument-maker at Portsmouth, asa private assistant. The established complement of officers and men (including marines and boys) was sixty-five: but, with the supernumera- ries I have mentioned, we had on board, when the Beagle sailed from England, seventy-four persons, namely :— TRODETU, LICZ NOY. seins. ers cdriesssesaces Commander and Surveyor. John Clements Wickham............ Lieutenant. Bartholomew James Sulivan ...... Lieutenant. Edward Main Chaffers............... Master. Robert Mac-Cormick ............2.. Surgeon. Geonve Rowlett iii. Qo lie. Purser. Alexander Derbishire ............... Mate Peter Benson Stewart=.35)...0...00.. Mate. alam LorbiStOkes yi sicidsesaesisces fs Mate and Assistant Surveyor. Prem aMIM, ByMOC, (.)niwihwaeeises se cee Assistant Surgeon. PSG CHU PEER SI (oe ache sins vcle aie sin Midshipman. Buin Gidley. Kane... .\..,.%...5.. Midshipman. 20 PERSONS ON BOARD—CHANGES. Alexander Burns Usborne ......... Master’s Assistant. Charles Miusters i ov ideas, Volunteer 1st Class. Jonathan: May. so: rt creb asin. debian: Carpenter. Edward, 11. Hellyer, 2: pests dian. Clerk. Acting boatswain : sergeant of marines and seven privates : thirty- four seamen and six boys. On the List of supernumeraries were— Charles | Darswir (00). Ua ses bets ds ae Naturalist. Augustus) Harle: 22s.) eeunises deen Draughtsman. George James Stebbing ............ Instrument Maker. Richard Matthews and three Fuegians : my own steward : and Mr. Darwin’s servant. Some changes occurred in the course of the five years’ voy- age, which it may be well to mention in this place. In April 1832, Mr. Mac-Cormick and Mr. Derbishire returned to England. Mr. Bynoe was appointed to act as Surgeon. Mr. Mellersh received a Mate’s warrant; and Mr. Johnson joined the Beagle as Midshipman. In May Mr. Musters fell a victim to fever, caught in the harbour of Rio de Janeiro:—Mr. Forsyth took his place. Mr. Earle suffered so much from continual ill health, that he could not remain on board the Beagle after August 1832 ; but he lived at Monte Video several months previously to his return to England. ‘The disappointment caused by losing his services was diminished by meeting Mr Martens at Monte Video, and engaging him to embark with me as my draughts- man. In March 1833, Mr. Hellyer was drowned at the Falkland Islands, in attempting to get a bird he had shot. In September 1833, Mr. Kent joined as Assistant Surgeon. In June 1834, Mr. Rowlett died, at sea, of a complaint under which he had laboured for years: and the vacancy caused by his lamented decease was filled by Mr. Dring. Mr. Martens left me, at Valparasio, in 1834; and Mr. King remained with his father, at Sydney, in Australia, in February 1836. After these changes, and at our return to England in October 1836, the list stood thus— RETURN LIST—SUPPLIKS. 24 Bravert FitzRoy... ects tye ele Captain and Surveyor. John Clements Wickham............ Lieutenant. Bartholomew James Sulivan ...... Lieutenant. Edward Main Chaffers..............- Master. Benjamin Bynoe ..........c2cewescees Surgeon (Acting.) Jonn Kdward Dring........25.4.0000% Purser (Acting.) Peter Benson Stewart ............--. Mate. poum' Lort: Stokesisis: teste. asec secs Mate and Assistant Surveyor. mech Wiellershs ts) ested... esescese. Mate. Charles Richardson Johnson ...... Mate. Ri mle KOMG cease osc 55 cibdiesieiecise sie Assistant Surgeon. MACS OLS 92:5) h ciecevseesie'ee chews Midshipman. Alexander Burns Usborne ......... Master’s Assistant. MNOMIAS COLTON og as nc sicven tat iescees Boatswain (Acting.) Jomathan: May’. .... 0.0.5 ....0.. 005008 Carpenter. And on the List of supernumeraries were Mr. Darwin: George J. Stebbing: my steward : and Mr. Darwin’s servant. Our complement of seamen, marines, and boys was com- plete at our return, and generally during the voyage ; because, although many changes happened, we had always a choice of volunteers to fill vacant places. Many of the crew had sailed with me in the previous voy- age of the Beagle; and there were a few officers, as well as some marines and seamen, who had served in the Beagle, or Adventure, during the whole of the former voyage. These determined admirers of Tierra del Fuego were, Lieutenant Wickham, Mr. Bynoe, Mr. Stokes, Mr. Mellersh, and Mr. King; the boatswain, carpenter, and sergeant; four private marines, my coxswain, and some seamen. I must not omit to mention that among our provisions were various antiscerbutics—such as pickles, dried apples, and lemon juice—of the best quality, and in as great abundance as we could stow away; we had also on board a very large quantity of Kilner and Mcorsom’s preserved meat, vegetables, and soup: and from the Medical Department we received an ample supply of antiseptics, and articles useful for preserving specimens of natural history. Not only the heads of departments exerted themselves for 99 INSTRUCTIONS. the sake of our health and safety, but the officers subordinate to them appeared to take a personal interest in the Beagle ; for which I and those with me felt, and must always feel, most erateful. Perhaps no vessel ever quitted her own country with a better or more ample supply (in proportion to her probable necessities) of every kind of useful provision and stores than the little ship of whose wanderings I am now about to give a brief and very imperfect narrative; and, therefore, if she succeeded in effecting any of the objects of her mission, with comparative ease and expedition, let the complete manner in which she was prepared for her voyage, by the Dock-yard at Devonport, be fully remembered. On the 15th of November I received my instructions from the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. INSTRUCTIONS By the Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, &c. ** You are hereby required and directed to put to sea, in the vessel you command, so soon as she shall be in every respect ready, and to proceed in her, with all convenient expedition, successively to Madeira or Teneriffe; the Cape de Verde Islands; Fernando Noronha; and the South American sta- tion ; to perform the operations, and execute the surveys, pointed out in the accompanying memorandum, which has been drawn up under our direction by the Hydrographer of this office ; observing and following, in the prosecution of the said surveys, and in your other operations, the directions and suggestions contained in the said memorandum. ‘“¢ You are to consider yourself under the command of Rear- Admiral Sir Thomas Baker, Commander-in-chief of his Majesty’s ships on the South American station, whilst you are within the limits of that station, in execution of the services INSTRUCTIONS. 93 above-mentioned ; and in addition to the directions conveyed to you in the memorandum, on the subject of your supplies of provisions, we have signified to the Rear-Admiral our desire that, whenever the occasion offers, you should receive from him and the officers of his squadron, any assistance, in stores and provisions, of which you may stand in need. “ But during the whole time of your continuing on the above duties, you are (notwithstanding the 16th article of the 4th section of the 6th chapter, page 78, of the General Printed Instructions) to send reports, by every opportunity, to our Secretary, of your proceedings, and of the progress you make. ‘¢ Having completed the surveys which you are directed to execute on the South American station, you are to proceed to perform the several further operations set forth in the Hydro- grapher’s memorandum, in the course therein pointed out ; and having so done, you are to return, in the vessel you command, to Spithead, and report your arrival to our Secretary, for our information and further directions. ‘In the event of any unfortunate accident happening to yourself, the officer on whom the command of the Beagle may in consequence devolve, is hereby required and directed to complete, as far as in him lies, that part of the survey on which the vessel may be then engaged, but not to proceed to a new step in the voyage; as, for stance, if at that time carry- ing on the coast survey on the western side of South America, he is not to cross the Pacific, but to return to England by Rio de Janeiro and the Atlantic. *¢ Given under our hands, the 11th of November 1831. (Signed) oT. -M: Haroy, “ G. BarRINGTON.” ‘To Robert Fitz-~Roy, Esq., Commander of his Majesty’s surveying vessel ‘ Beagle,’ at Plymouth.” “« By command of their Lordships, (Signed) ‘Gro. EvLiot.” 24 MEMORANDUM. SSS GIRN Admiralty Office, 11th November 1831. ** With reference to the order which my Lords Commission- ers of the Admiralty have this day addressed to you, I am commanded by their lordships to transmit to you a memoran- dum, to be shown by you to any senior officer who may fall in with you, while you are employed on the duties pointed out in the above order. “ T am, Sir, -&e. (Signed) “ Gro. Exxior.” © "To Commander Fitz-Roy, ‘ Beagle’ surveying vessel, Plymouth.” ‘¢ Admiralty Office, 11th November 1831. ‘¢ Memorandum. ‘¢ My Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty having ordered Commander Fitz-Roy, of his Majesty’s surveying vessel the ‘ Beagle,’ to make surveys of various parts of the South Ame- rican station, it is their lordships’ direction that no senior officer who may fall in with Commander Fitz-Roy, while he is employed in the above important duties, do divert him therefrom, or in any way interfere with him, or take from him, on any account, any of his instruments or chronometers. (Signed) “ Gro, Exuior.” ‘¢ Memorandum. ‘¢ A considerable difference still exists in the longitude of Rio de Janeiro, as determined by Captains King, Beechey, and Foster, on the one hand, and Captain W. I’. Owen, Baron Roussin, and the Portuguese astronomers, on the other; and as all our meridian distances in South America are measured from thence, it becomes a matter of importance to decide be- tween these conflicting authorities. ew vessels will have ever left this country with a better set of chronometers, both public and private, than the Beagle; and if her voyage be made in short stages, in order to detect the changes which take place in all chronometers during a continuous increase of tempera- ture, it will probably enable us to reduce that difference within limits too small to be of much import in our future conclusions. PLAN OF VOYAGE. 95 ‘¢ With this view, the run to Rio de Janeiro may be con- veniently divided into four parts :— “ Ist. Touching at Madeira, the exact position of which has been admitted by all parties. Having obtained a four days’ rate there, or, if the weather and the exposed anchorage will not permit, at Teneriffe, the Beagle should, 2dly, proceed with the least possible delay to Port Praya, in the Cape de Verde Islands, not only to establish a fresh four days’ rate; but that point being the pivot on which all Captain Owen’s longitudes turn, no pains should be spared in verifying the position he has assumed for it. From thence, 3dly, she should make the best of her way across the Line to Fernando Noronha. This island, indeed, lies somewhat to the westward of her track, and may retard her progress a little; yet a series of chronometric observations there is essential to the object in view, because it forms the third nearly equal division of the whole run, and because it was the point of junction of Commander Foster’s double line of longitudes. If two or three days’ delay at either of these two last stations will enable him to obtain satisfactory occultations, and moon culminating observations, which are likely to be seen in this country, the increased certainty of the results will well atone for that loss of time. ‘The Commander will, of course, be careful to adopt, in all those stations, the precise spot of the former observations, with which his are to be compared. ‘The Governor of Fernando Noronha was pecu- liarly obliging to Commander Foster, and gave up part of his own house for the pendulum experiments. There will be no occasion now for trespassing so heavily on his kindness; but the difference of longitude between that station and Comman- der Fitz-Roy’s must be well measured. ‘“¢ However desirable it may be that the Beagle should reach Rio de Janeiro as soon as possible, yet the great importance of knowing the true position of the Abrolhos Banks, and the certainty that they extend much further out than the limits assigned to them by Baron Roussin, will warrant the sacrifice of a few days, if other circumstances should enable her to beat down about the meridian of 36° W. from the latitude of 96 MEMORANDUM. 16°S, The deep sea-line should be kept in motion; and if soundings be obtained, the bank should be pursued both ways, out to the edge, and in to that part already known. “ Its actual extent to the eastward, and its connection with the shoals being thus ascertained, its further investigation may be left to more convenient opportunities. ““ At Rio de Janeiro, the time necessary for watering, &c. will, no doubt, be employed by the commander in every species of observation that can assist in deciding the longitude of Vil- legagnon Island. “‘ It is understood that a French Expedition is now engaged in the examination of the coast between St. Catherine’s and the Rio de la Plata; it would therefore be a waste of means to interfere with that interval; and Commander Fitz-Roy should be directed to proceed to Monte Video, and to rate his chronometers in the same situation occupied by Captain King. «¢ To the southward.of the Rio de la Plata, the real work of the survey will begin. Of that great extent of coast which reaches from Cape St. Antonio to St. George’s bay, we only know that it is inaccurately placed, and that it contains some large rivers, which rise at the other side of the continent, and some good harbours, which are undoubtedly worth a minute examination. Much of it, however, from the casual accounts of the Spaniards, seems to offer but little interest either to navigation or commerce, and will scarcely require more than to have its direction. laid down correctly, and its prominent points fixed. It should nevertheless be borne in mind there, and in other places, that the more hopeless and forbidding any long line of coast may be, the more precious becomes the discovery of a port which affords safe anchorage and whole- some refreshments. ‘¢ 'The portions of the coast which seem to require particu- lar examination are— ‘¢ Ist. From Monte Hermoso to the Rio Colorado, including the large inlet of Bahia Blanco, of which there are three manu- scripts in this office that differ in every thing but in name. PLAN OF VOYAGE. af << Qdly. The gulf of Todos los Santos, which is studded in the Spanish charts with innumerable islands and shoals. It is said to have an excellent harbour on its southern side, which should be verified ; but a minute survey of such an Archipela- go would be a useless consumption of time, and it will therefore be found sufficient to give the outer line of the dangers, and to connect that line with the regular soundings im the offing. “‘ $dly. The Rio Negro is stated to be a river of large capacity, with settlements fifty miles from its mouth, and ought to be partially reconnoitred as far as it is navigable. «4thly. The gulf of San Matias should be examined, espe- cially its two harbours, San Antonio and San José, and a nar- row inlet on the eastern side of the peninsula, which, if easy of access, appears to be admirably situated : and— “‘ 5thly. From the Bahia Nueva to Cape Blanco, including the Gulf of St. George, the coast is of various degrees of interest, and will accordingly require to have more or less time bestowed on its different parts. The position of Cape Blanco should be determined, as there appears to be an error of some miles in its latitude, as well as much doubt about the places of two shoals which are marked near it in the Spanish charts. ‘¢ From Cape Blanco to the Strait of Magalhaens, the coast has been partially corrected by Captain King; and Port Desire, having been carefully placed by him, will afford a good place for rating the chronometers, and an opportunity for ex- ploring the river. ““ Port San Julian, with its bar and wide river, should be surveyed, as well as any parts of that interval which were not visited in the last expedition. ‘The above are the principal points of research between the Rio de la Plata and the Strait. They have been conse- cutively mentioned in order to bring them into one point of view ; but that part of this service would perhaps be advan- tageously postponed till after the Beagle’s first return from the southward ; and, generally speaking, it would be unwise to Jay down here a specific route from which no deviation 28 MEMORANDUM. would be permitted. Where so many unforeseen circumstances may disturb the best-concerted arrangements, and where so much depends on climates and seasons with which we are not yet intimately acquainted, the most that can be safely done is to state the various objects of the voyage, and to rely on the Commander’s known zeal and prudence to effect them in the most convenient order. ‘¢ Applying this principle to what is yet to be done in the Strait, and in the intricate group of islands which forms the Tierra del Fuego, the following list will show our chief desi- derata. | «‘ Captain King, in his directions, alludes to a reef of half a mile in length, off Cape Virgins, and in his chart he makes a seven fathoms’ channel outside that reef; and still further out, five fathoms with overfalls. Sarmiento places fifty fathoms at ten miles E.S.E. from that Cape; thirteen fathoms at nineteen miles ; and, at twenty-one miles in the same direction, only four fathoms, besides a very extensive bank projecting from Tierra del Fuego, between which and the above shoals Malas- pina passed in thirteen fathoms. In short, there is conclusive evidence of there being more banks than one that obstruct the entrance to the Strait, and undoubtedly their thorough exami- nation ought to be ene of the most important objects of the Expedition ; inasmuch, as a safe approach to either straits or harbours is of more consequence to determine than the details inside. ‘* None of the above authors describe the nature of these shoals, whether rock or sand; it will be interesting to note with accuracy the slope, or regularity, of the depths, in their different faces, the quality of their various materials, and the disposition of the coarse or fine parts, as well as of what species of rock in the neighbourhood they seem to be the detritus ; for it is probable that the place of their deposition is connected with the very singular tides which seem to circulate in the eastern end of the Strait. ‘“¢ Beginning at Cape Orange, the whole north-eastern coast of Tierra del Fuego as far as Cape San Diego should be sur- PLAN OF VOYAGE. 99 veyed, including the outer edge of the extensive shoals that project from its northern extreme, and setting at rest the question of the Sebastian Channel. ““On the southern side of this great collection of islands, the Beagle Channel and Whale-boat Sound should be finished, and any other places which the Commander’s local knowledge may point out as being requisite to complete his former survey, and sufficiently interesting in themselves to warrant the time they will cost ; such as some apparently useful ports to the westward of Cape False, and the north side of Wakefield Channel, all of which are said to be frequented by the sealers. *‘ In the north-western part it is possible that other breaks may be found interrupting the continuity of S'* Ines Island, and communicating from the Southern Ocean with the Strait ; these should be fully or cursorily examined, according to their appearance and promise ; and though it would be a very useless waste of time to pursue in detail the infinite number of bays, openings, and roads, that teem on the western side of that island, yet no good harbour should be omitted. It cannot be repeated too often that the more inhospitable the region, the more valuable is a known port of refuge. ‘In the western division of the Strait, from Cape Pillar to Cape Froward, there are a few openings which may perhaps be further explored, on the chance of their leading out to sea ; a few positions which may require to be reviewed ; and a few ports which were only slightly looked into during Captain King’s laborious and excellent survey, and which may now be completed, if likely to augment the resources of ships occupied in those dreary regions. ‘In the eastern division of the Strait there is rather more work to be done, as the Fuegian shore from Admiralty Sound to Cape Orange has not been touched. Along with this part of the service, the Islands of Saints Martha and Magdalena, and the channel to the eastward of Elizabeth Island, will come in for examination ; and there is no part of the Strait which requires to be more accurately laid down and distinctly de- scribed, from the narrowness of the channels and the trans- 30 MEMORANDUM. verse direction of the tides. Sweepstakes Foreland may prove to be an Island; if so, there may be found an useful outlet to the long lee-shore that extends from Cape Monmouth ; and if not, perhaps some safe ports might be discovered in that mter- val for vessels caught there in strong westerly gales. “‘Itis not likely that, for the purposes of either war or commerce, a much more detailed account will be necessary of those two singular inland seas, Otway and Skyring Waters, unless they should be found to communicate with one of the sounds on the western coast, or with the western part of the Strait. The general opinion in the former Expedition was cer- tainly against such a communication, and the phenomena of the tides is also against it ; still the thing is possible, and it becomes an interesting geographical question, which a detached boat in fine weather will readily solve. ‘* These several operations may probably be completed in the summer of 1833-34, including two trips to Monte Video for refreshments ; but before we finally quit the eastern coast of South America, it is necessary to advert to our present igno- rance of the Falkland Islands, however often they have been _ visited. The time that would be occupied by a rigorous survey of this group of islands would be very disproportionate to its value ; but as they are the frequent resort of whalers, and as it is of immense consequence to a vessel that has lost her masts, anchors, or a large part of her crew, to have a precise know- ledge of the port to which she is obliged to fly, it would well deserve some sacrifice of time to have the most advantageous harbours and their approaches well laid down, and connected by a general sketch or running survey. Clear directions for recognizing and entering these ports should accompany these plans ; and as most raise statements have been made of the refreshments to be obtained at the east and west great islands, an authentic report on that subject by the Commander will be of real utility. *“‘ There is reason to believe that deep soundings may be traced from these islands to the main, and if regular they would. be of great service in rectifying a ship’s place. PLAN OF VOYAGE. S51 “‘ Having now stated all that is most urgent to be done on this side of the South American Continent as well as in the circuit of Tierra del Fuego, the next step of the voyage will be Concepcion, or Valparaiso, to one of which places the Beagle will have to proceed for provisions, and where Captain King satisfactorily determined the meridian distances. ‘“‘ The interval of coast between Valparaiso and the western entrance of the Strait has been partly surveyed, as well as most of the deep and narrow channels formed by the islands of Hanover, Wellington, and Madre de Dios; but of the sea face of that great chain of islands which stretches from Queen Adelaide Archipelago to Campana Island, little has yet been done. It presents a most uninviting appearance, can probably afford but little benefit to the navigator, and the chief object in urging its partial examination, is to remove a blank from this great survey, which was undertaken by Great Britain from such disinterested motives, and which was executed by Cap- tains King and Fitz-Roy with so much skill and zeal. ‘¢ The experience gained by the latter in that climate will enable him to accomplish all that is now required in much less time than it would have occupied in the beginning of the _ former expedition. “* At the Gulf of Penas the last survey terminated. Of the peninsula de ‘Tres Montes, and of the islands between that and Childe, a Spanish manuscript has been procured from Don Felipe Bauza, which may greatly abridge the examination of that interval. “From thence to Valdivia, Concepcion, and Valparaiso, the shore is straight, and nearly in the direction of the meridian, so that it will require no great expenditure of time to correct the outline, and to fix the positions of ail the salient points. Mocha Island is supposed to be erroneously placed: and the depth, breadth, and safety of its channel are not known. ‘‘ To the south of Valparaiso the port of 'Topocalmo and the large shoal in the offing on which an American ship was wrecked, require special examination ; and according to Captain Burgess, of the Alert, the coast and islands near Coquimbo 32 MEMORANDUM. are very imperfectly laid down. Indeed of the whole of this coast, the only general knowledge we have is from the Spanish charts, which seem, with the exception of certain ports, to have been merely the result of a running view of the shore. Of this kind of half-knowledge we have had too much: the present state of science, which affords such ample means, seems to demand that whatever is now done should be finally done ; and that coasts, which are constantly visited by English ves- sels, should no longer have the motley appearance of alternate error and accuracy. If, therefore, the local Governments make no objections, the survey should be continued to Coquimbo, and indefinitely to the northward, till that period arrives when the Commander must determine on quitting the shores of South America altogether. That period will depend on the time that has been already consumed, and on the previous management of his resources, reserving sufficient to ensure his obtaining a series of well-selected meridian distances in traversing the Pacifie Ocean. ‘“‘ The track he should pursue in executing this important duty cannot well be prescribed here, without foreseemg to what part of the coast he may have pushed the survey, and at what place he may find it convenient to take in his last supplies. If he should reach Guayaquil, or even Callao, it would be desirable he should run for the Galapagos, and, if the season permits, survey that knot of islands. Felix Island, the London bank seen by the brig Cannon, in 1827, in 27° 6’ S. 92° 16’ W., even with the water’s edge, and half a mile in length ; some coral islands, supposed to be 5° or 6° south of Pitcairn Island, and other spots, which have crept into the charts on doubtful authority, would all be useful objects of research if the Beagle’s route should fall in their vicinity. But whatever route may be adopted, it should conduct her to Tahiti, in order to verify the chronometers at Point Venus, a point which may be considered as indisputably fixed by Cap- tain Cook’s and by many concurrent observations. Except in this case, she ought to avoid as much as possible the ground examined by Captain Beechey. PLAN OF VOYAGE. $3 “From Tahiti the Beagle should proceed to Port Jackson touching at some of the intervening islands, in order to divide the run into judicious chronometer stages ; for the observatory at Paramatta (Port Jackson) being absolutely determined in longitude, all those intervening islands will become standard points to which future casual voyagers will be able to refer their discoveries or correct their chronometers. “ From Port Jackson her course will depend on the time of the year. If it be made by the southward, she might touch at Hobart Town, King George Sound, and Swan River, to determine the difference of longitude from thence to the Mau- ritius, avoiding the hurricane months; to Table or Simon’s Bay, according to the season; to St. Helena, Ascension, and home. ‘‘ If she should have to quit Port Jackson about the middle of the year, her passage must be made through Torres Strait. In her way thither, if the in-shore route be adopted, there are several places whose positions it will be advantageous to determine :—Moreton Bay, Port Bowen, Cape Flinders, and one of the Prince of Wales Islands; and in pursuing her way towards the Indian Ocean, unless the wind should hang to the southward, Cape Valsche or the south-west extreme of New Guinea, one of the Serwatty Chain, Coupang, or the extreme of Timor, Rotte Island, and one of the extremes of Sandal- wood Island, may be easily determined without much loss of time. And, perhaps, in crossing the ocean, if circumstances are favourable, she might look at the Keeling Islands, and settle their position. ‘¢ Having now enumerated the principal places at which the Beagle should be directed to touch in her circuit of the globe, and described the leading operations which it would be desir- able to effect, it remains to make some general remarks on the conduct of the whole survey. ‘* In such multiplied employments as must fall to the share of each officer, there will be no time to waste on elaborate draw- ings. Plain, distinct roughs, every where accompanied by explanatory notes, and on a sufficiently large scale to show the VOL. II. D 34 MEMORANDUM. minutize of whatever knowledge has been acquired, will be documents of far greater value in this office, to be reduced or referred to, than highly finished plans, where accuracy is often sacrificed to beauty. *¢ ‘This applies particularly to the hills, which in general cost so much labour, and are so often put in from fancy or from memory after the lapse of months, if not of years, instead of being projected while fresh in the mind, or while any incon- sistencies or errors may be rectified on the spot. A few strokes of a pen will denote the extent and direction of the several slopes much more distinctly than the brush, and if not worked up to make a picture, will really cost as little or less time. The in-shore sides of the hills, which cannot be seen from any of the stations, must always be mere guess-work, and should not be shown at all. | ‘* It should be considered an essential branch of a nautical survey, to give the perpendicular height of all remarkable hills and headlands. It requires but a single angle at each station, adds much to our geographical knowledge, materially assists the draftsman, and by tables which are now printing it will afford to the seaman a ready and exact means of knowing his distance. ‘* All charts and plans should be accompanied by views of the land ; those which are to be attached to the former should be taken at such a distance as will enable a stranger to recognize the land, or to steer for a certain point ; and those best suited for the plan of a port should show the marks for avoiding dangers, for taking a leading course, or choosing an advanta- geous berth. In all cases the angular distances and the angular altitudes of the principal objects should be inserted in degrees and minutes on each of the views, by which means they can be projected by scale, so as to correct any want of precision in the eye of the draftsman. Such views cannot be too numerous; they cost but a few moments, and are extremely satisfactory to all navigators. “‘ 'Trifling as it may appear, the love of giving a multiplicity of new and unmeaning names tends to confuse our geogra- GENERAL REMARKS 35 phical knowledge. The name stamped upon a place by the first discoverer should be held sacred by the common consent of all nations; and in new discoveries it would be far more beneficial to make the name convey some idea of the nature of the place ; or if it be inhabited, to adopt the native appellation, than to exhaust the catalogue of public characters or private friends at home. The officers and crews, indeed, have some claim on such distinction, which, slight as it is, helps to excite an interest in the voyage. “ Constant observations on the tides, including their set, force, and duration, the distance to which they carry salt water up the rivers, their rise at the different periods of the lunation, and the extent to which they are influenced by the periodic winds, by the sea currents, or by the river freshes, form so prominent a part of every surveyor’s duty, that no specific directions on this subject can be necessary. Nor is there any occasion to insist here on the equally important subject of currents; for it is only by a great accumulation of data that we can ever hope to reduce them to regular systems, or that we can detect the mode in which they are affected by change of seasons, or influenced by distant winds. ‘“‘ The periods and limits of the monsoons and trade-winds will naturally be a continual object of the Commander’s ob- servation and study. It is true that he can only witness what occurs during his voyage; but besides collecting facts on this and the last subject, on which others can hereafter reason, it will be of immense advantage that he should endeavour to digest them with the remarks of former voyagers when on the spot. “¢ On the western coast of South America, for instance, some skill is required in making passages at different periods, and much scattered experience has been gained by seamen who have been long occupied there; but this information has not yet been presented to the public in an intelligible form; and it seems to be the peculiar province of an officer expressly em- ployed on a scientific mission like this, to combine that infor- mation with his own, and to render it accessible to every navi- gator. po 36 MEMORANDUM. “ The local attraction of the Beagle will of course have been ascertained before she leaves England ; but when favour- able opportunities occur, it will be satisfactory to swing her again in different latitudes, and under large differences of variation. ** No day should pass at sea without a series of azimuths, and no port should be quitted without having ascertained not only the magnetic angle, but the dip, intensity, and diurnal variation. If these observations should have been well made in the same places before, we shall at once obtain the annual change ; and by multiplying them in new places, we shall have the means of inferring the magnetic curves. , ‘“*’The Commander has been so accustomed to the manage- ment of chronometers, that there is no doubt, with proper pre- cautions and with proper formulze for determining their rates, that he will succeed in obtaining good results in reasonably short intervals of time and in gradual changes of temperature ; but after long periods, and sudden changes of heat and cold, it will be absolutely necessary to check them by astronomical means. ‘* Eclipses, occultations, lunar distances, and moon-cul- minating stars, will furnish those means in abundance: of all these, the last can be obtained with the greatest regularity and certainty ; they have become part of the current business at the establishments of the Cape of Good Hope, Paramatta, and St. Helena, in the southern hemisphere; probably at Madras, and in many of the European observatories, and it will there- fore be scarcely possible that there should not be corresponding observations for al] such, as he may have made. “* The eclipses of Jupiter’s third and fourth satellites should also be sedulously observed whenever both immersion and emersion can be seen, as the different powers of the telescopes employed by the observers do not in that case affect the results. ** "There are also some remarkable phenomena, which will be announced in the Nautical Almanacks, and which will occur durmng the Beagle’s voyage. Some of these will be highly GENERAL REMARKS. BY interesting to astronomers, and if it would not much derange her operations, she should be taken to some convenient ancho- rage for the purpose of landing the instruments. ‘If a comet should be discovered while the Beagle is in port, its position should be determined every night by observ- ing its transit over the meridian, always accompanied by the transits of the nearest known stars, and by circum-meridional altitudes, or by measuring its angular distance from three well- situated stars by a sextant. This latter process can be effected even at sea, and the mean of several observations may give very near approximations to its rea] position. . © Meteorological Registers may be of use in a variety of ways; but then they must be steadily and accurately kept. The barometer should be read off to the third place of decimals, and recorded at regular periods of the day ; nine o’clock and four o’clock may be recommended as the best, as being the usual hours of its maximum and minimum. ‘The temperature should be marked at the same time, and the extremes of the self-registering thermometer should be daily recorded; care being taken that no reflected heat should act on any of these instruments. ‘The temperature of the sea at the surface ought to be frequently observed and compared with that of the air. An officer cruizing on the east coast of South America, be- tween the parallels of 20° and 35°, was enabled by these means to predict with singular precision the direction and strength of the current. “‘ In this register the state of the wind and weather will, of course, be inserted; but some intelligible scale should be assumed, to indicate the force of the former, instead of the ambiguous terms ‘ fresh, ‘ moderate, &c., in using which no two people agree; and some concise method should also be employed for expressing the state of the weather. The sugges- tions contained in the annexed printed paper are recommended for the above purposes, and if adopted, a copy should be pasted on the first page of every volume of the log-book ; and the officer of the watch should be directed to use the same terms in the columns of the log-board. 38 . MEMORANDUM. - ‘¢ "The circularly-formed Coral Islands in the Pacific ocea- sionally afford excellent land-locked harbours, with a sufficient entrance, and would be well adapted to any nice astronomical observations which might require to be carried on in undis- turbed tranquillity. While these are quietly proceeding, and the chronometers rating, a very interesting Inquiry might be instituted respecting the formation of these coral reefs. *¢ An exact geological map of the whole island should be constructed, showing its form, the greatest height to which the solid coral has risen, as well as that to which the fragments appear to have been forced. The slope of its sides should be carefully measured in different places, and particularly on the external face, by a series of soundings, at very short distances from each other, and carried out to the greatest possible depths, at times when no tide or current can affect the perpendicularity of the line. A modern and very plausible theory has been put forward, that these wonderful formations, instead of ascending from the bottom of the sea, have been raised from the sum- mits of extinct volcanoes; and therefore the nature of the bottom at each of these soundings should be noted, and every means exerted that ingenuity can devise of discovering at what depth the coral formation begins, and of what materials the substratum on which it rests is composed. 'The shape, slope, and elevation of the coral knolls in the lagoon would also help the investigation; and no circumstances should be neglected which can render an account of the general structure clear and perspicuous. 3 “A set of observations connected with the theory of the tides might likewise be carried on with peculiar propriety in one of these coral basins, provided the openings should be sufficiently wide and deep to admit the flux and reflux without material impediment. The island selected for such a purpose should be nearly midway in the ocean, and not very far from the equator. There the tidal wave, uninfluenced by the inter- rupting barrier of one continent, and equally far from the reaction of the other, might be measured with very beneficial results. Delicate tide-gauges should be prepared beforehand, GENERAL REMARKS. ‘ 39 ~ and immediately fixed in some snug nook, where the undula- tion of the sea could not reach. The rise and fall of the tide should be registered every hour, during the stay of the Beagle, as well as the moments (stated whether in apparent or mean time) of high and low water, as nearly as they can be obtained ; and the periods at which the sea and land breezes spring up and fail should likewise be noted, with their effects on the tide, if they can be detected. A boat should be detached, on each tide, to some distance from the island, in order to ascertain the strength and direction of the stream; and all these operations should be continued, if possible, through a whole lunation. “ Compiling general and particular instructions, for the navigation of all the places which he may visit, will of course be an essential part of the Commander’s duty ; but he will also have innumerable opportunities of collecting a variety of auxiliary information, which, when judiciously combined with the above instructions, of a purely nautical character, will much enhance their utility to all classes of vessels. Such as the general resources on which ships may depend in different places : the chief productions that can be obtained, and the objects most anxiously desired in return: the effect of seasons, of climate, and of peculiar articles of food on the health of the crew, and many others which will readily occur to his mind, and which become of great value to a stranger. “¢ On all the subjects touched on in these memoranda, Com- mander Fitz-Roy should be directed to draw up specifi¢ reports, and to transmit them from time to time, through their Lord- ship’s Secretary, to the Hydrographic Office, so that if any disaster should happen to the Beagle, the fruits of the expedi- tion may not be altogether lost. Besides such reports, and with the same object in view, he should keep up a detailed corres- pondence by every opportunity with the Hydrographer. “¢ The narrative of every voyage in the Pacific Ocean abounds with proofs of the necessity of being unremittingly on guard against the petty treacheries or more daring attacks of the natives. It should be recollected that they are no longer the _ timid and unarmed creatures of former times, but that many of MEMORANDUM. them now possess fire-arms and ammunition, and are skilful in the use of them. ‘Temper and vigilance will be the best preservatives against trivial offences and misunderstandings, which too often end in fatal quarrels; and true firmness will abandon objects of small importance, where perseverance must entail the necessity of violence; for it would be a subject of deep regret that an expedition devoted to the noblest purpose, the acquisition of knowledge, should be stained by a single act | of hostility. (Signed) ‘ F. BEaurort.” “¢ Hydrographical Office, 11th November 1831.” FIGURES TO DENOTE THE FORCE OF THE WIND. — 0 Calm. 1 Light Air........ Or just sufficient to give steerage way. 2 Light Breeze ..--] 9. inatin which a man-| 2 to 2 knots. 3 Gentle Breeze ..) Of-war, with allsailset,, 3 to 4 knots. and clean full, would go 4 Moderate Breeze in smooth water from | 5 to 6 knots. 5 Fresh Breeze .... Royals, &e. 6 Strong Breeze.---/9, that to which a well- | single-reefed topsails het and top-gall. sails. 7 Moderate Gale ..) Conditioned man-of- | Pouble-reefed top- war could just carry‘ sails, jib, &c. 8 Fresh Gale...... in chase, full and by Treble-reefed _top- sails, &c. 9 Strong Gale...... Close-reefed topsails and courses. 10 Whole Gale ....Orthat with which she could scarcely bear close- reefed main-topsail and reefed fore-sail. Libr yStorm: oy. coi a8 Or that which would reduce her to storm stay- sails. 12 Hurricane ......Or that which no canvass could withstand. de gpaeunw PM vosB ee rem mad WEATHER=——-LETTERS. LETTERS TO DENOTE THE STATE OF THE WEATHER. Blue Sky; (whether clear, or hazy, atmosphere). Clouds; (detached passing clouds). Drizzling Rain. Foggy f Thick fog. Gloomy (dark weather). Hail. : Lightning. Misty (hazy atmosphere). Overcast (or the whole sky covered with thick clouds). Passing (temporary showers). Squally. Rain (continued rain). Snow. Thunder. Ugly (threatening appearances). Visible (clear atmosphere). Wet Dew. Under any letter, indicates an extraordinary degree. 41 By the combination of these letters, all the ordinary phenomena of the weather may be expressed with facility and brevity. Examples :—Bem, Blue sky, with passing clouds, and a hazy atmosphere. Gv, Gloomy dark weather, but distant objects remarkably visible. Qpdlt, Very hard squalls, with passing showers of drizzle, and accompanied by lightning with very heavy thunder. CHAPTER III. Ready for sea—Detained—Sail from England—Well provided—Bay of Biscay — Compasses — Local attraction — Eight Stones—Madeira— Deception—Squall—Teneriffe — Santa Cruz—Quarantine—Squalls— Cape Verd Islands—Port Praya—Produce—Archilla—Bad season— St. Paul Rocks —Cross Equator — Fernando Neronha — Bahia — Slavery—Abrolhos—Cape Frio. In November, the Beagle was ready for sea, but a succes- sion of hard gales from the westward prevented her leaving England until the end of December. 'T'wice she sailed, and went a few leagues; yet was obliged to return in order to avoid the risk of being damaged, or losing a boat, at the very beginning of her voyage. At last the westerly gales seemed exhausted, a dead calm succeeded, and, warned by the ap- pearances so peculiar to easterly winds, we unmoored at day- light on the 27th, and, as soon as the tide would allow, for there was still no breeze, we warped from our sheltered and picturesque retreat in Barn-pool, under that beautiful place Mount Edgecumbe. ; Vessels in the offing, and distant land ‘ looming’ much; a few mottled, hard-edged clouds appearing in the east; streaks (mare’s tails) across the sky, spreading from the same quarter ; a high barometer (30.3) ; and the smoke from chimneys rising high into the air, and then going westward; were the signs which assured us of a favourable wind. sedan* chair, and desires the almost naked bearers to make the best of their way to the ‘ upper town,’ where he will enjoy * An arm-chair, with a high back, a foot-board, and curtains to draw round, hung to a pole which rests on the shoulders of two men. i a 1832. - SHOALS—ABROLHOS. 63 fresh air, a pleasing view, and freedom from annoyances, the less his organs will be offended, and his temper tried. We sailed from Bahia on the 18th. The bank which pro- jects from the light-house point had been minutely examined by us, during the Beagle’s stay in port; on one day, indeed, she went out and anchored at the outer end of the shoal, in order to determine its extent, and assist the boats in sounding ; therefore I did not hesitate to stand across it ; but there is not water enough over the shallower parts for any ship drawing more than fourteen feet, especially if there is a swell. The shoalest spot is near the outer end; ships of any size may pass between the inner extremity and the point of land adjacent to it. There are rocks and dangerous shallows southward of the port, which it is extremely necessary to guard against in approaching it from sea, because the current generally sets towards the south, and ships have got ashore on those shoals in consequence. The land northward of Bahia should be made, and some white sandy patches, looking like linen hung out to dry, should be seen before a ship steers more southerly. After losing sight of the land, our course was shaped to the south-east, towards the eastern limit of the great bank of soundings which extends so far to seaward of the Abrolhos islets. Having reached the parallel of the islands, and being to the eastward of the easternmost soundings laid down in any chart, without finding any ground with three hundred fathoms of line, I began to steer westward—sounding continually, and keeping a sharp look-out at the mast-head. At two in the afternoon of the 26th, we had no bottom, with three hundred fathoms of line; and at the next cast, about an hour afterwards, found only thirty fathoms, without there being the slightest change in the colour of the water, or in its temperature, or any other indication of so sudden a change in the depth. We hauled to the wind directly, worked to the eastward in order to ascer- tain the precise limit of the bank, and lost soundings as sud- denly as we had previously struck them. A grapnel was then put overboard, with two hundred fathoms of line, and we 64 ABROLHOS BANKS AND ISLETS. March again steered westward, till a heavy pull upon the line, and a sudden jerk, showed that we had hooked the bank. The ship was hove-to, and the necessary observations made on the spot. The grapnel, when hauled up, was found to be straightened, a proof, in addition to that afforded by the lead, that the bottom was rocky. Our soundings at this time were thirty-eight fathoms, and thence to the Abrolhos islets we carried a line of soundings, no where exceeding that depth, but extremely irregular, between thirty-six and four fathoms. As far as we had time to examine, the chart of these islands, by the Baron Roussin, appeared to be satisfactory ; but the soundings are so very irregular in the vicinity of the Abrolhos, that little dependence could be placed on the lead. More than once we had four or five fathoms under one side of the vessel, _ and from fifteen to twenty under the other. These sudden and startling changes, called by the French, ‘ Sauts de sonde,’ are very unpleasant and perplexing. The tide, or rather current, which we found when lying at anchor near the islets, set continually to the southward, vary- ing in strength from half a mile to a mile and a half an hour; but we had only three days’ experience. I had imagined, from what I had heard, that the rock of which these islets were chiefly composed was coral ; but was sur- prized to find only coralline growing upon gneiss or sandstone. While sounding near the Abrolhos we made a great num- ber of experiments with Massey’s lead, in order to verify its qualities; and found it agree remarkably well with the com- mon lead, while in less than forty fathoms, but differ from it frequently when the depth of water exceeded seventy fathoms; and wholly fail when used in upwards of one hun- dred and twenty fathoms. The failure, in great depths, was in consequence of the small hollow cylinder, to which the vanes were attached, bursting, or rather, being compressed by the weight of water. Some more remarks upon this instrument will be found in the Appendix. We anchored near the islets, at dusk, on the 28th, after being in frequent anxiety, owing to sudden changes in the eg 1832. ABROLHOS—BIRDS—FISH. 65 depth of water; and next morning, moved to a better berth at the west side, very near them. They are rather low, but covered with grass, and there is a little scattered brushwood. The highest point rises to about a hundred feet above the sea. Their geological formation, Mr. Darwin told me, is of gneiss and sandstone, in horizontal strata. When our boats landed, immense flights of birds rose simultaneously, and darkened the air. It was the breeding and moulting season ; nests full of eggs, or young unfledged birds, absolutely covered the ground, and in a very short time our boats were laden with their contents. A large black bird, with a pouch like that of a pelican, but of a bright red colour, was very remarkable, as it hovered, or darted among the bright verdure, and at a distance looked handsome ; but when seen close, it at once descended to the level of a carrion-eating cormorant or buzzard. Turtle are to be found at times: we observed the shell and skeleton of an extremely large one lying on a sandy spot at the north side of the northern islet. Some very fine fish, of the cod kind, were caught ; one was so large, that, until hauled on board, it was supposed to be a shark. The anchorage is good, and easy of access: all swell is stopped by the shal- low places, and by the islets themselves. There is no fresh water. If a general reader should honour these pages by his perusal, and find such details about wood, water, fish, birds, &c., at places about which few know, and still fewer care— extremely tiresome, he will of course pass them over; but, in my own exculpation, I must beg to be permitted to remind him that the Beagle was employed by Government, to obtain practical information likely to be useful to shipping ; and that I might neglect my duty by omitting to mention such matters, when speaking of places which are seldom visited, and hitherto but slightly known. By those employed in the coasting trade, the Abrolhos are said to be particularly subject to squalls. If this be true, what is the reason? Have the extensive shallows in their VOL. IT. F 66 SQUALLS—SOUNDINGS—CAPE FRIO. vicinity any connection with the fact ? Thinking myself that they have, I would beg the reader to bear this idea in mind, when, at another part of this narrative, the squalls so fre- quent in the dangerous archipelago of the low islands are mentioned. * March 30th. We sailed and sounded im various directions, but such irregular depths I never found elsewhere. Sudden jumps, from thirty to ten, sometimes even to four fathoms, in successive casts of the hand-lead, gave us frequent alarm ; but by keeping a boat a-head, and two leads going briskly, we avoided danger, and giving up exploring, regained before dark the safe channel which runs north and south between the Abrolhos and the main land, and steered to pass near Cape San Tomé, or St. Thomas. Next day we were off that cape, but saw none of the breakers which have been so frequently reported to lie at a dangerous distance from the neighbouring shore; although we looked out for them, and_ steered so as to pass the places where I was informed they would be seen. On the 3d of April, we passed Cape Frio. I wished to visit the cove in which the Lightning and Algerine lay, while recovering the treasure sunk in the unfortunate Thetis, but circumstances were unfavourable. * The Bermuda Islands (“still vexed Bermoothes”) may also be thought of, as being similarly circumstanced. CHAPTER IV. Loss of the Thetis— Causes of her wreck—Approach to Rio de Janeiro —Owen Glendower— Disturbance in Rio Harbour—Observations— Chronometers — Return to Bahia— Deaths — Macacu — Malaria — Return to Rio de Janeiro—Meridian Distances—Regatta—Fuegians —Lightning —- Leave Rio— Equipment — Santa Martha—Weather— Santa Catharina—Santos— River Plata—Pamperoes—Gales off Buenos Ayres— Monte Video— Point Piedras—Cape San Antonio -— River Plata—Currents—Tides—Barometer—Absence of trees—Cattle. Amone the shipwrecks which have taken place during late _ years, perhaps none excited so much astonishment, or caused so much trouble and discussion, as the loss of that fine frigate the Thetis. Had any seaman been asked, on what frequented shore there was least probability of a wreck, I almost think he would have answered on that of Cape Frio. Yet, against the high cliffs of that bold and well-known coast did she run ‘ stem on, going nine knots. One may conceive the shock and general consternation as she crashed against the rocky cliff, and all her masts fell inboard. As some who turn over these pages may not have read the proceedings of the Court-martial held after the return of her officers to England, I will insert a short account, derived chiefly from those of old friends and shipmates, who were on board her at the awful time of her wreck. The Thetis sailed from Rio de Janeiro on the 4th of Decem- ber 1830, and worked to the southward all day, against a southerly wind and thick foggy weather. At Lh. 30m. a.m. on the 5th, she saw Raza Island for the last time, bearing N.W. by W., and distant eight or nine miles. The weather was still hazy, indeed at times very thick, and the wind south- east. She stood off on the larboard tack until seven a.m., and then the wind having increased, and a cross sea getting up, she wore to the eastward. Soon afterwards the wind drew to SS.E., and the ship was kept by the wind on the FQ 68 LOSS OF THE THETIS. December starboard tack until lh. 30m. p.m., when it was considered that Cape Frio bore about N. 40° E., distant thirty-eight miles. ‘The position at noon, by dead reckoning, gave the Cape bearing N. 43. E., distant forty-one miles; all the cal- culations giving results between that and N. 51. E., fifty-three miles; but by dead reckoning only, as neither sun, moon, or stars had been seen. At Lh. 30m. the wind being scant, the ship was steered E. by N., and at two, a cross sea checking her way through the water, the course was altered to E.N. E. At two, when the course was thus changed, she had run nineteen miles since noon, and at four, twenty more miles had been made on the E.N.E. course; at which time, four p.m. (under the idea that she was almost abreast of Cape Frio, supposed to- be then distant about twenty-four miles), seeing a large ship, ‘courses down,’ in-shore of her, steering west or W. by N., with all sail set; and the weather clearing, for an interval, without any land being seen; it was concluded that the Thetis was still further from the shore than had heen estimated, and her course was altered to N.E. by E. At five, the crew was mustered at quarters, after which the reefs were mended, and the fore top-gallant sail, jibs, spanker, and reefed fore top- mast studding-sail were set. From four o'clock to six she ran, by log, twenty-one miles; after six the weather became very thick and rainy : and when the look-out men were relieved at eight o'clock, it was so dark, and rained so fast, that nothing could be distinguished half a ship’s length distant. Soon after eight one of the look-out men, named Robinson, said to ano- ther man on the forecastle,* ‘“‘ Look how fast that squall is coming” (this was the cliff looming indistinctly through the rain and darkness), and next moment, ‘“* Land a-head,” *“* Hard a-port,” rung in the ears of the startled crew, and were echoed terribly by the crashing bowsprit, and thundering fall of the ponderous masts. The hull did not then strike the rocks! having didawecaeil the helm so fast as to be turning off shore when the bowsprit * Borsworthick, Both these men afterwards sailed with me in the Beagle, 4830. LOSS OF THE THETIS,. 69 broke ; but the lee yard-arm irons (boom-irons) actually struck fire from the rocky precipice as they grated harshly against it, the boom ends snapping off like icicles. All three masts fell aft and inward, strewing the deck with killed and wounded men. An immense black barrier impended horribly, against which heavy breakers were dashing with an ominous sound ; but the ship’s hull was still uninjured. Sen- tries were placed over the spirit-room ; a sail was hoisted upon the stump of the main-mast ; the winches were manned; guns fired ; rockets sent up, and blue-lights burned; the quarter- boats were cleared away to be ready for lowermg; and an anchor was let go; but the water was so deep, that before she brought up, her stern drifted upon a more shelving part of the rock. Several men then tried to land ; but, in jumping ashore, many slipped, and were drowned in the surf, or crushed against the rocks. The stern and lee quarter boats were dashed to pieces, as the surf hove the ship against the cliff, and no boat was then available ; for the others were either stove, or so covered with wreck, that they could not be used. Finding that the anchor, which had been let go, did no good, but seemed to keep her tailing upon the rocks, the cable was slipped, after which her head fell off to the westward. It was then found that the water was gaining, and the winches were worked. Successive waves threw her starboard quarter upon the rocks ; and the effects of repeatedly striking were soon but too appa- rent, as the water burst open the spirit-room hatches. At this moment a small opening appeared, into which the ship providentially drove. It was at first thought that this was the opening into Cape Frio Harbour ; but it proved to be only.a very small cove, or indentation of the rocky cliffs. While drifting close along the rocks into this cove, a hawser was passed ashore, by which afterwards several persons landed. The ship struck heavily in the cove, gave some tremendous yawns, and sunk. As she then lay upon the rocky bottom, each succeeding wave broke over and just covered her. By a violent surge, the rock to which the hawser above-mentioned had been made fast, was torn away; and, for a short time, all 70 LOSS OF THE THETIS. Dec. hope of further communication with the land was suspended. Every effort that could be made to convey a rope to the shore was attempted in vain, until Mr. Geach, the boatswain, went out on the stump of the bowsprit, and by the help of two belaying-pins, succeeded in throwing the end of a small rope to the rocks, by which a large one was immediately hauled ashore, and then kept as much stretched as the strength of the men who had landed would allow. On this larger rope each man was slung, in his turn, and hauled by the small one through the surf to a rough craggy rock. Mr. Geach and John Langley, the captain of the forecastle, were among the last to leave the ship, having almost exhausted themselves in slinging their shipmates. As day-light broke, the last man was hauled ashore. Many were terribly bruised and lacerated by the fall of the masts, or during these struggles for life, and twenty-five persons perished. Some of the officers made their way to a small village near Cape Frio, and obtained horses, and a guide who conducted them to Rio de Janeiro, where the melancholy news was com- municated to the commander-in-chief. 'The captain, the other officers, and the crew, remained near the place of the wreck, waiting for assistance. An adequate cause for so great an error in the reckoning of only nineteen hours as that which occasioned the loss of this fine ship and twenty-five souls, besides the personal property of those on board, and a large freight of treasure, is not difficult to find, even without supposing the compasses to have been in error, or affected by local attraction, which, by the way, would in this case have operated in the ship’s favour. The vicinity of Cape Frio, one of the most salient promon- tories on the coast of Brazil, cannot be supposed exempt from currents; set in motion either by temporary causes, such as strong or lasting winds; or by the varying pressure of the atmosphere upon different portions of the ocean :—or from tidal streams, more or less strong. 1830. LOSS OF THE THETIS. 71 Presuming that the Thetis was carried out of her supposed position, by the former cause, about twenty-four miles ; surely rather more than a mile an hour is no surprising current during nineteen hours. But if a stream of tide also affected her, in that time she would have had one whole tide either in her favour or against her. There was no reason to suspect the existence of much cur- rent near Cape Frio, when the Thetis was lost, except on such general grounds as those just mentioned, because no pilot, as far as I know, was aware of such a fact. With strong southerly winds ships of large size do not often leave Rio de Janeiro— coasting vessels never—therefore few persons could have expe- rienced its effect when sailing from the port; and when approaching Rio in similar weather, vessels sail before a fair wind, steer by sight of the land, and take little notice of the log : besides which, they then employ but three or four hours in passing through that space of sea where the Thetis was detained nineteen. ; In all probability, such a current as that which drove the Thetis on the rocks is only to be found during southerly winds, and in the summer season of that climate, when the general set of the current is along the coast, towards the south and west. If a man of war is accidentally lost, a degree of asto- nishment is expressed at the unexpected fate of a fine ship, well found, well manned, and well officered; and blame is imputed to some one: but before admitting a hastily-formed opinion as fact, much inquiry is necessary. As in the case of the Thetis, an English man-of-war may incur risk in con- sequence of a praiseworthy zeal to avoid delaying in port, as a merchant-ship would probably be obliged to do, from her being unable to beat out against an adverse wind, and, like that frigate, may be the first to prove the existence of an unsuspected danger. Those who never run any risk ;_ who sail only when the wind is fair; who heave to when approaching land, though perhaps a day’s sail distant ; and who even delay the performance of urgent duties until they can be done easily and quite safely ; are, 42» APPROACH RIO DE JANEIRO. 1819: doubtless, extremely prudent persons: —but rather unlike those officers whose names will never be forgotten while Eng- land has a navy. Of the measures taken for recovering the treasure sunk in the Thetis, much has appeared in print ; therefore 1 will not add a word to that subject of controversy. | Weather such as that which caused the loss of the Thetis, is only at times met with off Cape Frio; a clear sky, witha hot sun, and but little wind, is more usual; and as my first approach to Rio de Janeiro, on board H.M.S. Owen Glen- dower, in 1819, made much impression upon me, I will endea- vour to describe it’s circumstances. High blue mountains were seen in the west, just after the sun had set, and with a fair wind we approached the land rapidly. ‘The sea was quite smooth, but a freshening breeze upon our quarter carried us on, nearly thirteen knots an hour. Though dark as any cloudy tropical night, when neither moon nor star relieves the intense blackness—astern of us was a long and perfectly straight line of sparkling light, caused by the ship’s rapid way through the water ; and around the bows, as far forward as the bowsprit end, was dazzling foam, by whose light I read a page of common print. Sheet lightning played incessantly near the western horizon: and sometimes the whole surface of the sea seemed to be illuminated. As the moon rose, and the breeze decreased, the contrasts of light and darkness, of swift change of place and apparent tran- quillity, lost their effect. Next morning we had a dead calm: high land towered over the fog-banks, which were slowly drawn upwards and dispersed by the heat of a powerful sun ; and the sea was smooth as a lake. Numbers of that beautiful fish, the dorado, often called a dolphin, were caught; and the vivid, various colours displayed, as they lay upon our deck, exceeded description. Well I remember too the trouble we middies had with the sun at noon on that day ; not with the sun above our heads, but with its image reflected by our quadrants. As he was almost vertical over us, we were dispersed round the ship, each thinking he had brought the reflected image down 1819 —32. RIO DE JANEIRO. "3 to the proper point of the horizon, until, startled by hearing < twelve o'clock,’ reported by the master, we found too late, and much to our annoyance, that it would have been wiser to have looked at the compass before observing the altitude. Soon after mid-day black curling ripples stole along the hitherto glassy surface ; sail was made, the sea-breeze fresh- ened, and we steered towards the entrance of that magnificent harbour, Rio de Janeiro. Often as it has been visited and described, I cannot expect any one to require another sketch, but will merely remark that I know no port equal to it in situation, security, capacity, convenience, and abundant supply of every necessary, as well as in picturesque beauty. A day or two after the Owen Glen- dower anchored, a party of her midshipmen were allowed to take a boat and enjoy a day’s excursion in the beautiful har- bour, or rather gulf. We landed on an island, which seemed to me like an immense hot-bed, so luxuriant and aromatic were the shrubs, and so exotical the appearance of every tree and flower. Years since elapsed have not in the least dimi- nished my recollection of the novelty and charm of that first view of tropical vegetation. To return to the Beagle. On the 3d we were near Raza Island, but detained by calms. The light-house lately erected there showed a bright revolving, or rather intermitting light. On the following day, when the sea-breeze set in, we steered for the harbour. The sun shone brightly, and there were enough passing clouds to throw frequent shadows over the wooded heights and across vallies, where, at other times, the brightest tints of varied green were conspicuous: yet I did not think the place half so beautiful as formerly. The charm of novelty being gone, and having anticipated too much, were perhaps the causes; and it is possible that so much wood has been cleared away in late years, as to have diminished sensibly the rich and picturesque appearance which it certainly once possessed. As we shortened sail under the stern of our flag-ship, I was surprised by finding Sir Thomas Baker, the Commander-in- 4 RIO DE JANEIRO. April ae chief, giving directions for the positions to be taken forthwith by the ships of his squadron then present, and orders for the boats to be prepared for landing marines. This was in conse- quence of one of those disturbances almost usual in South America, especially in Brazil. Some outrages had been com- mitted in the town, and a mutiny had broken out among the troops. Under old and established governments, revolt and mutiny are events which so seldom occur that their shock is not only felt at the time, but transmits vibrations through suc- ceeding ages. In these unsettled states, however, they recur so frequently, that even on the spot they cause little sensation, and excepting by those personally concerned, are scarcely remem- bered afterwards. Few strangers visit the metropolis of Brazil without being disappointed, if not disgusted. Numbers of almost naked negroes, hastening along narrow streets—offensive sights and smells, an uncivil and ill-looking native population — indis- pose one to be pleased, even with novelty ; but impressions such as these soon wear off. In the environs of the city are many good houses, in beautiful situations ; and while enjoying delightful rides amidst the richest and most varied scenery, or resting in the shade of a veranda, refreshed by the sea-breeze, and overlooking a prospect hardly to be surpassed in the world, the annoyances and the nuisances of the town are forgotten. With respect to astronomical observations, I was extremely unfortunate at Rio de Janeiro, except in those simple ones for time and latitude, which depend upon sextants and artificial horizons. Being the rainy season, but few nights were favour- able for observing the transits of stars with the moon, and those few were too near the full moon to be available. But had the weather been otherwise, I doubt whether I should Have obtained satisfactory results, because the transit instrument employed was of an inferior construction, and still more, because I was unaccustomed to its use. So much time: was employed, to the prejudice of other duties, in adjusting and re-adjusting this imperfect instrument, and ineffectually watch- ing for intervals of clear sky, that I resolved to set up the transit 1832. OBSERVATIONS—CHRONOMETERS. 15 no more, until I had an interval of leisure, and a prospect of some cloudless nights. Having so many good chronometers on board ; being prac- tised in observations such as they require; and placing great confidence in their results; I felt inclined to give attention and time to them rather than to perplex myself, and cause much delay in moving from place to place, by attempting series of observations which would give occupation to an astro- nomer, and could not be undertaken by me, while actively engaged in coast-survey, without interfering with other duties. In the Appendix it may be seen how far results obtained by the chronometers agree with those of a higher class, especially with the recent ones of Captain Beechey, to whose determina- tions, resulting from moon-culminating observations, I con- clude that a high value will be attached, because he is a well- practised and able observer. As I found that a difference, exceeding four miles of longitude, existed between the meridian distance from Bahia to Rio, determined by the French expedition under Baron Roussin, and that measured by the Beagle; yet was unable to detect any mistake or oversight on my part; I resolved to return to Bahia, and ascertain whether the Beagle’s measure- ment was incorrect. Such a step was not warranted by my instructions ; but I trusted to the Hydrographer for appre- clating my motives, and explaining them to the Lords of the Admiralty. In a letter to Captain Beaufort, I said, “I have not the least doubt of our measurement from Bahia; but do not think that any other person would rely on this one measure only, differing widely, as it does, from that of a high authority—the Baron Roussin. By repeating it, if it should be verified, more weight will be given to other measures made by the same instruments and observers.” We sailed with the ebb-tide and sea-breeze, cleared the port before the land-wind rose, and when it sprung up steered along the coast towards Cape Frio. Most persons prefer sailing from Rio early in the morning, with the land-wind; but to any well-manned vessel, there is no difficulty whatever in. working 76 RETURN TO BAHIA—DEATHS. May out of the port during a fresh sea-breeze, unless the flood-tide should be running in strongly. On this passage one of our seamen died of a fever, contracted when absent from the Beagle with several of her officers, on an excursion to the interior part of the extensive harbour of Rio de Janeiro. One of the ship’s boys, who was in the same party, lay dangerously ill, and young Musters seemed destined to be another victim to this deadly fever. It was while the interior of the Beagle was being painted, and no duty going on except at the little observatory on Ville- gagnon Island, that those officers who could be spared made this excursion to various parts of the harbour. Among other places they were in the river Macacu, and passed a night there. No effect was visible at the time ; the party returned in apparent health, and in high spirits; but two days had not elapsed when the seaman, named Morgan, complained of headach and fever. The boy Jones and Mr. Musters were taken ill, soon after- wards, in a similar manner ; but no serious consequences were then apprehended, and it was thought that a change of air would restore them to health. Vain idea! they gradually be- came worse ; the boy died the day after our arrival in Bahia; and, on the 19th of May, my poor little friend Charles Musters, who had been entrusted by his father to my care, and was a favourite with every one, ended his short career. My chief object in now mentioning these melancholy facts is to warn the few who are not more experienced than I was at that time, how very dangerous the vicinity of rivers may be in hot climates. Upon making more inquiry respecting those streams which run into the great basin of Rio de Janeiro, I found that the Macacu was notorious among the natives as being often the site of pestilential malaria, fatal even to themselves. How the rest of our party escaped, I know not; for they were eleven or twelve in number, and occupied a day and night in the river. When they left the ship it was not intended that they should go up any river; the object of their excursion being to visit some of the beautiful islets which stud the har- bour. None of us were aware, however, that there was so May 1832. . MACACU—MALARIA: "9 dangerous a place as the fatal Macacu within reach. I ques- tioned every one of the party, especially the second lieutenant and master, as.to what the three who perished had done dif- ferent from the rest ; and discovered that it was believed they had bathed during the heat of the day, against positive orders, and unseen by their companions; and that Morgan had slept in the open air, outside the tent, the night they passed on the bank of the Macacu. As far as I am aware, the risk, in cases such as these, is chiefly encountered by sleeping on shore, exposed to the air on or near the low banks of rivers, in woody or marshy places subject to great solar heat. Those who sleep in boats, or under tents, suffer less than persons sleeping on shore and exposed ; but they are not always exempt, as the murderous mortalities on the coast of Africa prove. Whether the cause of disease is a vapour, or gas, formed at night in such situations, or only a check to perspiration when the body is peculiarly affected by the heat of the climate, are questions not easy to answer, if I may judge from the difficulty I have found in obtaining any satisfactory information on the subject. One or two remarks may be made here, perhaps.—'The danger appears to be incurred while sleeping; or when over-heated; not while awake and moderately cool; therefore we may infer that a check to the perspiration which takes place at those times is to be guarded against, rather than the breathing of any peculiar gas, or air, rising from the rivers or hanging over the land, which might have as much effect upon a person awake, as upon a sleeper. Also, to prevent being chilled by night damp, and cold, as well as to purify the air, if vapour or gas should indeed be the cause of fever, it is advisable to keep a large fire burning while the sun is below the horizon. But the subject of malaria has been so fully discussed by medical men, that even this short digression is unnecessary. To return to the narrative. Mr. Bynoe consulted with the best medical advisers at Bahia,and afterwards at Rio de Janeiro, and he and I had the melancholy satisfaction of knowing that the best had heen done for his patients. "8 RETURN TO RIO DE JANEIRO. May The affectionate kindness of Mr. Bynoe on this, and indeed every occasion where his skill and attention were iii will never be forgotten by any of his shipmates. In our passage from Rio de Janeiro to Bahia, we passed. be- tween the Abrolhos Islands and the main land, having a fresh southerly wind, and cloudy weather, with frequent rain. Of course there was some anxiety until we saw the islands, and it was necessary to keep the lead constantly going; but we got into no difficulty, and, assisted by Massey’s log, as well as Massey’s lead, we madea short passage, without an hour’s delay or scant wind. This was favourable for the chronometer mea- surement, and I was deeply gratified by finding, soon after our arrival, that the measure from Rio to Bahia confirmed that previously made, even to a second of time. On the 23d of May, we sailed the second time from Bahia, and steered to pass as near as possible to the eastern side of the Abrolhos; but, owing to unfavourable winds, could not approach nearer to them than in fourteen fathoms water. When examining many of the cases of preserved meat* with which the Admiralty had ordered us to be provided, we found that several had burst and caused a most disagreeable smell. This was not the fault of the tin cases, but an unavoidable accident consequent upon their being stowed where salt water had occasional access, and corroded the tin. In so small and so crammed a hold as ours, it was not easy to make stowage for every thing that ought to be kept dry, particularly with a hatch-deck, while rolling about in the Bay of Biscay ; but being warned by this first appearance of decay, our internal arrangement was partly changed, and some of the hatches on the lower deck temporarily caulked down. Delayed by southerly winds and a long heavy swell from the southward, we made rather a tedious passage back to Rio, and did not anchor until the night of the 3d of June. Next day (4th) the usual sets of equal altitudes were observed ; and after the chronometer rates were ascertained, I * Prepared by Kilner and Moorsom. June 1832. MERIDIAN DISTANCES—-REGATTA. 19 had the satisfaction of finding that this third meridian distance agreed exactly with the first and second. Upon further exami- nation, it was seen that the Abrolhos Islands were laid down correctly in the French chart, with respect to Bahia; but that the meridian distance between those islands and Rio de Janeiro differed more than four miles from that resulting from three measures made by our twenty chronometers. A few weeks afterwards all the data and results of these measurements were given to the French Commander-in-chief on the station, who promised to forward them to the Baron Rous- sin; but I have heard nothing of their having been received. Even those who are disposed to place little reliance on the performance of chronometers, and who doubt the accuracy of distances measured by the transport of time, might be interested by a glance at the particulars of these meridian distances, which are given in the Appendix. They much imcreased my own confidence in that simple method of ascertaining differences of longitude, and tended to determine my dependence upon a connected chain of meridian distances, in preference to any other mode of finding the precise longitude. While watering, and rating the chronometers, a few compa- ratively leisure days afforded a seasonable opportunity for try- ing the qualities of boats, and exciting fair emulation among their crews. With the Commander-in-chief’s permission, and the encouragement of the officers of his squadron, then in the port, some good boat-races were arranged ; and knowing how much might afterwards depend upon thequalities of the Beagle’s boats, it was very gratifying to find them excellent. Four of the set were built by Mr. Johns, the well-known boat-builder in Plymouth Dock-yard, and the other two by Mr. May, our carpenter. Captain Talbot, of the Warspite, and Captain Waldegrave, of the Seringapatam, tried their best boats and best men on two successive days, to the encouragement of the boats’ crews and boat-sailers of the squadron, and much to the surprise of the Brazilians, who had never witnessed any thing like a regatta, From our first arrival at Rio de Janeiro, until we were 80 FUEGIANS—CLIMATE—LIGHTNING. | July ready to leave, finally, in July, little Fuegia was staying on shore, at the house of an Englishwoman, near Botafogo bay ; and it is worth noticing, that while there, she was supposed by strangers to be one of the aboriginal natives of Brazil: and that I went with York and Jemmy to see a person (who had been many years resident in the interior of Brazil) who remarked, directly he saw them, “ they are extremely like the Brazilian aborigines !” At this time of year (July) the climate of Rio is compara- tively cool and pleasant. Cloudy skies, southerly winds, and rain, are frequent ; but there is less thunder and lightning than in summer, when not only thunder-storms occur often, but every night there is a continual flashing or reflection of light- ning over the distant Organ mountains. Many ships and buildings have been struck, during late years, still there are but a very few protected by lightning conductors. I was a lieutenant on board the Thetis, when her foremast was shattered by lightning, in Rio Harbour, and shall not easily forget the sensation. Some of the officers were sitting in the gun-room, one very dark evening, while the hea- vens were absolutely black, and the air hot and close, to an oppressive degree, but not a drop of rain falling, when a rattling crash shook the ship. Some thought several guns had been fired together—others, that an explosion of powder had taken place ; but one said—* The ship is struck by lightning !” and that was the case. The top-gallant masts were not aloft ; but the fore-topmast was shivered into a mere collection of splinters; the hoops on the foremast were burst, and the inte- rior, as well as outside of the mast, irreparably injured. From the foremast the electric fluid seemed to have escaped by some conductor, without domg further damage; yet it filled the fore part of the ship with a sulphureous smell, and the men who were there thought something full of gunpowder was blown up. . : No person received injury: the foremast was taken out ~ afterwards, and replaced by another, purchased from the Brazi- lian government at a great expense, and made by the carpen- 182%-32. LIGHTNING—LEAVE RIO. SI ters of the Thetis. I should say that the electric fluid shook rather than shattered the fore-topmast, for it did not fall, but resembled a bundle of long splinters, almost like reeds. It twisted round the head of the foremast, instead of descending by the shortest line, went into the centre of the spar, and then out again to the hoops, every one of which, above the deck, was burst asunder. The Thetis was to have sailed in a few days, but was detained by this accident almost two months. She had no conductor in use. Only two or three flashes of lightning were seen afterwards ; they were accompanied by loud peals of thunder, and then heavy rain poured down. Just before the rain began, St. Elmo’s fire was seen at each yard-arm, and at the mast-head. Those who have not seen this light, always a favourite with sailors, because they say it only appears when the worst part of the storm is over, may excuse my saying that it resembles the light of a piece of phosphorus—not being so bright, or so small, as that of a glow-worm, nor yet so large as the flame of a small candle. I was curious enough to go out to a yard-arm and put my hand on a luminous spot ; but, of course, could feel nothing, and when I moved my hand the spot re- appeared. About the same time of the year in which this happened, the Heron corvette was struck by lightning, and damaged, while lying at anchor off Buenos Ayres, in the river Plata, a locality extremely subject to vivid lightning, yet different in every respect from that of Rio de Janeiro: one being a flat, open country, near a fresh water river, and in latitude 34°; the other a mountainous and woody region, near the sea, and within the tropic of Capricorn. On the 5th of July we sailed from Rio de Janeiro, honoured by a salute, not of guns, but of hearty cheers from H.M.S. Warspite. Strict etiquette might have been offended at such a compliment to a little ten-gun brig, or, indeed, to any vessel unless she were going out to meet an enemy, or were returning into port victorious: but although not about to encounter a foe, our lonely vessel was going to undertake a task laborious, and often dangerous, to the zealous execution VOL. IT. c 82 PERMANENT EQUIPMENT. - July of which the encouragement of our brother-seamen was no trifling inducement. While in harbour, a few alterations had been made in the disposition of our guns and stores, as well as some slight changes in the sails and rigging ; and as the Beagle’s equipment afterwards remained unaltered, I will here briefly describe it. She was rigged asa bark; her masts were strongly supported by squarer cross-trees and tops, and by larger rigging than usual in vessels of her tonnage.* Chains were used where found to answer, and in no place was a block or a sheave allowed which did not admit the proper rope or chain freely. There were large trysails between the masts, made of stout canvas, with several reefs, and very useful we found them. On the forecastle was a six-pound boat-carronade : before the ches- tree were two brass six-pound guns: close to the bulwark on each side of the waist were the ‘booms;’ and amidships two boats, on the diagonal principie, one stowed inside the other, _and as close to thedeck as possible; being secured by iron cranks, or supports. Abaft the main-mast were four brass guns, two nine-pound, and two six-pound : the skylights were large ; there was no capstan; over the wheel the poop-deck projected, and under it were cabins, extremely small, certainly, though filled in inverse proportion to their size. Below the upper deck her accommodations were similar to, though rather bet- ter than those of vessels of her class. Over the quarter- deck, upon skids, two whale-boats, eight-and-twenty feet long, were carried ; upon each quarter was a whale-boat twenty-five feet in length, and astern was a dinghy. A few leagues southward of the port is a good situation for enjoying a general view of the picturesque mountains in its vicinity. When near the shore one only sees those of an inferior order; and it is not until an offing is gained that the bold and varied outlines of the distant Organ Mountains,+ the sharp * Two hundred and forty-two tons. + So called because they have a number of pinnacles, somewhat like the pipes of an organ. 1832. SANTA MARTHA—CATHARINA. 83 peak of the Corcovado, and the singular heights over 'Tijuca, can be seen at once. Whimsical allusion has been made to the first Lord Hood in the name by which one of these heights is called by English sailors; and in their general outline is a fancied resemblance to a huge giant lying on his back. Off Santa Martha, a sort of Cape Spartivento, near which one rarely passes without having a change of wind, if not a storm, we were detained by strong southerly gales, which raised a high sea. This extreme movement and delay I regret- ted much at the time, on account of the chronometers; but the sequel shewed that such motion did not affect them materially, and that alterations of their rates were caused chiefly, if not entirely, by changes of temperature. Gales in the latitude of Santa Martha generally commence with north-westerly winds, thick cloudy weather, rain, and lightning. When at their height, the barometer begins to rise (having previously fallen considerably), soon after which the wind flies round, by the west, to south-west, and from that quarter usually blows very hard for several hours. But these, which are the ordinary gales, blow from, or along the land, and do not often raise such a sea as is sometimes found off this coast during a south-east storm. After a tiresome continuance of south-west winds, I became anxious to make Santa Catharina, but before we could reach it the wind changed, and enabled us to steer along the coast towards the south. Having mentioned Santa Catharina, I may as well add a few words to the many lavished in its praise by voyagers of all nations; for it is, excepting Rio de Janeiro, and perhaps Bahia, the best trading port on the east coast of South America; and, considering its situation, capa- bilities, and productions, is a place in which seamen must always have an interest. It enjoys the advantages of a tem- perate climate; an extensive and accessible harbour; a most fertile country, abounding in the necessaries of life; and a mer- cantile position of much importance. The people are more inclined to exert themselves than those in northern Brazil; a difference arising partly, no. doubt, from effect of climate; G2 84 SANTA CATHARINA—SANTOS. July but chiefly from their having descended from active and enter- prising, though lawless settlers, who were ejected from other places ; and from a few respectable colonists induced to emi- grate from the Azores. Before I quit the neighbourhood of frequented ports on this coast, one possessing peculiar interest, Santos, ought to be mentioned; to remind seamen that they may there also obtain any refreshments, and secure their ships in a sheltered creek, quite éasy of access. For several leagues round Santos there is an extensive flat, covered with thick woods, but intersected by rivers and salt water inlets, whose banks are lined with thickets of mangrove trees. Inland a mountain range abruptly rises to the height of two or three thousand feet, every where clothed with almost impenetrable forests. The climate is, however, unhealthy in December, January, and February ; and during the whole year there is a great deal of rain. : Returning to the coast southward of Santa Catharina, I may mention that Cape Santa Martha, and the shores extending northward of it, are high and woody, like the greater part of the coast of Brazil; but that on the south side of the promon- tory there is a complete change of character: lofty ranges of mountains sinking into low treeless shores, whose outline is as tame and unvarying as that of the former is bold and pic- turesque. While sailing along the level uninteresting coast just men- tioned, with a fresh breeze off the land, we found it bitterly cold, though the thermometer never was below 40°. Faht: so much does our perception of heat or cold depend upon com- parison. Some of our exaggerated opinions as to the coldness of the southern hemisphere may have arisen from the circum- stances under which voyagers usually visit high southern lati- tudes, immediately after enduring the heat of the tropics, and without staying long enough to ascertain the real average tem- perature during a whole year. On the 22d of July we were near the river Plata, and as the weather, after sunset, became very dark, with thunder and lightning, though with but little wind, we anchored in the 1832. — - ENTER RIVER PLATA. 85 vicinity of Cape Sta Maria to avoid being drifted about by irre- gular currents. For upwards of an hour St. Elmo fires were seen at each mast-head, and at some of the yard-arms: the mast-head vane also, fixed horizontally, and framed with cop- per, had an illuminated border round it. Heavy rain, much thunder, and a fresh southerly wind followed ; but as we were prepared for bad weather, and the sea did not rise much, we maintained our position till daylight next morning, notwith- standing an officer of the watch startling me by reporting that we must be very near the land, because he heard bullocks bellowing.* On the 23d we entered the great estuary of this shallow though wide river, a hundred and twenty miles across at this part, yet averaging less than ten fathoms in depth ; and above fifty miles wide between Monte Video and the opposite point, called Piedras, where the average depth is not more than three fathoms. Very great care is required by vessels navigating the Plata, because of its exceedingly dangerous shoals, its strong and irregular currents, and the sudden tempests to which it is subject. ‘he shoals and currents may be guarded against by a very careful attention to the lead, and a ground-log ; but the fury of a violent pampero}t must be endured. The land on each side of the Plata is so low, and those extraordinary plains called pampas, hundreds of miles in extent, are so perfectly free from a single obstacle which might offer any check to the storm, that a pampero sweeps over land and water with the weight of a rushing hurricane. Captain King has already de- scribed one, by which the Beagle suffered severely, in 1829 ;{ but having, to my sorrow, been more immediately concerned, I will endeavour to give a brief account of that disastrous affair, as a warning to others. On the 30th of January 1829, the Beagle was standing in, _* These noises must have been sty discordant ‘ braying’ of the bird called by seamen ‘ jack-ass penguin.’ t So uailed because it appears to come toni the vast plains called ‘ pampas.’ EVO], i,. pp..189, 190,191. 86 EXTRAORDINARY PAMPERO. 1829. from sea, towards the harbour of Maldonado. Before mid-day the breeze was fresh from N.N.W., but after noon it became : moderate, and there was a gloominess, and a close sultry feel- ing, which seemed to presage thunder and rain. I should men- tion that during three preceding nights banks of clouds had been noticed near the south-west horizon, over which there was a frequent reflection of very distant lightning. The barometer had been falling since the 25th, slowly, but steadily, and on the 30th, at noon, it was at 29.4, and the ther- mometer 78°. I, and those with me, thought little about the fall of the mercury, and still less about the threatening aspect of the south-west horizon. “ Heavy rain,” I thought, “at night, will not signify when we are moored in Maldonado:” and there was then every prospect of our reaching that port before night. Having been often in the river Plata, and once for eight months successively, I had acquired a familiarity with the place, and a disregard for pamperoes, which was not surprising in a young man who had witnessed many, but certainly, as it happened, not one of so serious a nature as to cause any par- ticular impression on his mind. I had not then learned never to despise an enemy. At about three o’clock the wind was light, and veering about from north-west to north-east. There was a heavy bank of clouds in the south-west, and occasionally lightning was visible even in daylight. Myriads of insects, such as butterflies, dragon-flies, and moths, came off from the land; driven, as it appeared, by gusts of heated wind. At four the breeze fresh- ened up from N.N.W., and obliged us to take in all light sails. Maldonado Tower then bore west, and Lobos Island (centre) S.W.b.S. The weather became more unsettled and threatening, though still we had no expectation of any material change before night: but soon after five it became so dark towards the south-west, and the lightning increased so much, that we shortened sail to the reefed topsails and foresail; still hoping to reach our destination before the pampero began. Shortly before six the upper clouds in the south-west quarter 1829. BEAGLE ALMOST UPSET. 87 assumed a singularly hard, and rolled or tufted appearance, like great bales of black cotton, and altered their forms so rapidly, that I ordered sail to be shortened, and the topsails to be furled, leaving set only a small new foresail. The water was smooth, and, not being deep, there was none of that agitated swell usually noticed before a storm in the great ocean. Gusts of hot wind came off the nearest land, at intervals of about a minute. The fore-topsail was just furled, and the men down from aloft, the main-topsail in the gaskets, but the men still on the yard, when a furious blast from the north-west struck the ship. The helm was put up, and she paid off fast ; yet the wind changed still more quickly, and blew so heavily from south-west, that the foresail split to ribands, and the ship was thrown almost on her beam-ends, and no longer answered her helm. The main-topsail was instantly blown loose out of the men’s hands, whose lives were in imminent danger ; the fore-topsail blew adrift out of the gaskets; the mainsail blew away out of the gear; the lee hammock-netting was under water; and the vessel apparently capsizing, when topmasts and jib-boom went, close to the caps, and she righted considerably. Both anchors were cut away (for the land was under our lee), and a cable veered upon each, which brought her head to wind, and upright. The heaviest rush of wind had then passed, but it was still blowing a hard gale, and the Beagle was pitching her forecastle into the short high waves which had risen. As the depth of water was small, and the ground tenacious clay, both anchors held firmly, and our utmost exertions were immediately directed towards clearing the wreck, and saving the remains of our broken spars and tattered sails. Had we suffered in no other way, I should have felt Joy at having escaped so well, instead of the deep regret occasioned by the loss of two seamen, whose lives, it seemed, might have been spared to this day had I anchored and struck topmasts, instead of keeping under sail in hopes of entering Maldonado before the pampero began. When the main-topsail blew away from the men, who strug- 88 EFFECTS OF PAMPERO. 1829. gled hard to keep it fast, they could scarcely hold on, or get off the yard, and one young man fell from the lee yard-arm into the sea. Poor fellow, he swam well, but in vain: the ship was unmanageable, almost overset, the weather quarter boat stove, and the lee one under water: a grating was thrown to him, and the life-buoy let go, but he was seen no more. Another man was supposed to have been carried overboard — with the main-topmast, as he was last seen on the cap. The starboard quarter boat was stove by the force of the wind ; and the other was washed away: and so loud was the sound of the tempest, that I did not hear the masts break, though standing, or rather holding, by the mizen rigging. Never before or since that time have I witnessed such strength, or, I may say, weight of wind: thunder, lightning, hail, and rain, came with it, but they were hardly noticed in the presence of so formidable an accompaniment. After seven the clouds had almost all passed away; the wind settled into a steady south-west gale, with a clear sky ; the barometer rose to 29.8, and the thermometer fell to 46°. Lobos Island was set $.E., bearing distant two miles. In this pampero the masts of a vessel, at anchor off Monte Video, were carried away; and the upper cabin bulkhead of a Brazilian corvette was blown in while lying at anchor, head to wind, with her masts struck. But Maldonado seemed to feel its utmost violence; and there it certainly commenced like a whirlwind. A small boat, belonging to a poor man who carried fruit and vegetables to ships in the bay, was hauled ashore, just above high-water mark, and fastened, by a strong rope, to a large stone. After the storm it was found far from the beach, shattered to pieces, but still fast to the stone, which it had dragged along. Not many days after our disas- ter, while lying in Maldonado bay, repairing damages, another pampero assailed the Beagle ; but though it did her no injury, it blew the boat, stove by its predecessor, away from the place on shore where she was being repaired, and left no trace of her behind. _ EFFECTS ON THE PLATA. 89 _ Singular fluctuations occur in the river Plata before and after these pamperoes.* For some days previously the river rises, and it is always higher than usual when the south-west wind begins’: but, after a few hours, the water falls rapidly, and ves- sels are left aground: indeed instances have been known of the upper parts of the river, near Buenos Ayres, being so much emptied by strong south-westerly, or westerly winds, that men. have rode several miles into its bed, to places where ships usually anchor. I have myself known the water fall, in the outer road, off Buenos Ayres, from six to two fathoms, in less than twelve hours, in a place where the usual depth was four fathoms. Such a change as this would not be thought remark- able where tides usually rise several fathoms ; but in the river Plata, where there is very little, if any, tide, where the width of the channel is so great in proportion to its depth, and the confin- ing boundaries are so low, and in many places easily overflowed, a variation of four fathoms cannot take place without causing great difficulties and destruction. In this particular instance,+ a heavy gale from the eastward dammed up the river for some days; and then changing, by the south, to the west- ward, emptied it again proportionably. Small craft were left literally scattered about the low country bordering on the river near Buenos Ayres, and many vessels never floated again. By that gale, which blew directly up the river, and raised a heavy sea, every vessel was driven ashore from the inner road of Buenos Ayres, except a schooner. Fourteen English mer- chant vessels lay high and dry upon the shore next day, most of them totally lost. The Owen Glendower, bearing the broad pendant of Sir Thomas Hardy, the Icarus brig, and two or three merchant vessels, anchored in the outer road, weathered it out with topmasts struck ; but all drove considerably, except the frigate, and she brought both anchors ahead, backed by * Although generally considered by strangers to refer solely to a squall, or storm, the term pampero is applied by the natives of the country to every south-westerly wind, whether moderate or a hurricane. + In the year 1820. 90 LOSS OF A BOAT: 1820-32. stream anchors with half a cable on each, and riding with a whole cable on each bower, in four fathoms water, over very soft tenacious ground. Part of her forecastle netting was washed away by the sea, though she was an excellent roadster, and at that time drawing a foot less water than usual. She also lost a boat in a manner so likely to be of future occurrence, that I will yet digress, in hopes of being useful, by relating the incident. : Her barge, ably managed by an experienced seaman,* had tried to beat off from the town to the ship, during the com- mencement of the gale, but could get no farther than the leewardmost merchantman in the outer road. Astern of that vessel she was made fast by a strong hawser, and there rode out the gale admirably until the current began to set out of the river: when the boat was carried against the vessel, and knocked to pieces before any thing could be done to save her, as the sea was running high, and the wind still blowing a gale. The Druid frigate, when lying there, would have lost a boat in the same way, had it not been one of those excellent diagonal boats, built by Mr. Johns; for it was taken, by the strong weather current, under the ship’s bot- tom, and kept striking there long enough to have broken any ordinary boat into a thousand pieces; but nevertheless she appeared again with only her gunwales injured, the bottom being still perfectly sound. The Plata has been called by the Spaniards ¢ El Infierno de Jos marineros ;’ sufficient stress has not however been laid on the redeeming qualities which it possesses in having anchoring ground every where, and in soundings, whose nature tells whether you are approaching danger; as on and near the banks the bottom is hard; while in the deeper water it is very soft. : I have remarked that before a continuance of southerly winds the water rises considerably in this river; and I may * The first who took a steam-vessel to the West-Indies. + In 1832. LEVEL OF RIVER AND OCEAN. 91 add, that the reverse takes place under opposite circumstances. Some persons attribute this change of level to the horizontal action of wind ; but I am inclined to think it occasioned chiefly by vertical pressure of the atmosphere, increased, doubtless, during strong winds by their driving force. _. Before a pampero, the barometer continues to fall during several days, and invariably the water then rises. ‘The gale commences, the barometer ceases falling and begins to rise, and very soon afterwards the level of the river is found to be sink- ing. For many following days the glass remains high, but the water continues to fall, and, generally speaking, the river is low while the mercury is steady and above the average height, which I should consider to be 29:-9inches. In the Plata I never saw the barometer higher than 30-3, nor lower than 29°4.* Iwill not delay here to speak of corresponding ele- vations or depressions of the ocean at other parts of the South American coast, and attempt to trace out the effects of gales in high latitudes, the space through which those winds extend, and whether they reach or affect places in a low or even middle latitude; but leaving such inquiries for another place, take a few more glances at the vicinity of the Plata, and then con- tinue the narrative. Having already noticed the width and average shallowness of this immense river, and the lowness of its adjacent shores, I need only add, that on the northern side there is a sprinkling of hills, of a granitic structure, scattered amidst extensive plains, while on the south, or right bank, there is neither a hill, a rock, or even a stone. So low is the land between Point Piedras and Cape San Antonio, that around the great bay, called Sanborombon, it is extremely difficult tosay where the water ends, or the coast line begins. ach difference, of * In estimating weather, or force of wind, by the height of the mer- curial column, due regard should be had to the goodness of the instrument, as some barometers, used in ships, differ from others even tenths of an inch. + Which has not been carried there by man, or by running water. 09 TOSCA——-GRA NIT E—>~SOUNDINGS. even a foot, in the height of the water, makes a change of cables’lengths, if not of miles, in the position of the limiting line between water and land. In consequence it is very dangerous for ships to approach that shore; and, although the bottom is in many places soft, often extremely deep mud, there are other spaces in which hard lumps of tosca* are found, almost as injurious to a ship’s bottom as actual rock. I am not aware that there is any granite on the south side of the river Plata, near the shore; and although the name ‘ Piedras’ would incline one to suppose there are rocks or stones near it, I could only find tosca. But towards the northern shore rocks are found, and the dangerous shoal called ‘ Banco Yngles, is said to have a granitic foundation. The ridge, of which the English Bank is the north-west extremity, extends eastward, inclining to the south, considerably beyond a line drawn from Cape Santa Maria to Cape San Antonio, and less than ten fathoms water may be found upon it out of sight of land. Northward of the ridge the depth of water varies from ten to thirty fathoms over a very soft bottom of bluish mud; and to the southward of it there are from twelve to three fathoms (diminishing as you approach San Antonio) over a softish bottom of brown or yellow muddy sand. When it is considered that three very large rivers, besides a host of smaller streams, enter the ocean by the estuary whose more remarkable features we are noticing, that two of those rivers are flooded periodically by tropical rains,} and that very heavy gales assist in emptying or filling the shallow wide gulf, in which floods of fresh water contend against the volume of a powerful ocean; not only will frequent * Tosca is a kind of hardened earth, rather than soft stone, about the consistence of slightly baked clay: it is of a dark brown colour, and varies in hardness from that which is almost stony, to the texture of a sound old cheese. + Near Cape San Antonio and Point Tuyu there is very soft mud. t The Paraguay rises so far northward, that (excepting a portage of three miles) a canoe may go from Monte Video to the mouth of the Amazon. 1832. TIDES—ABSENCE OF TREES. 93 variations in depth be expected, asa natural consequence, but also strong and varying currents. Little or no tide has been hitherto noticed with any degree of accuracy in the estuary of the Plata; but this anomaly may be more apparent than real : for where the depth of water is so fluctuating, and the currents are so variable, it is difficult to distinguish the precise effects of tides, except by a series of observations far longer than has yet been made. To say much of Maldonado village, the town of Monte Video, or the city of Buenos Ayres, would be to repeat an * oft-told tale.” The views attached to this volume will give a tolerably clear idea of a few striking peculiarities which are immediately noticed by the eye of a stranger; and of the inha- bitants themselves I will only venture to say, upon my slight acquaintance with them, that although prejudiced by their erroneous ideas of freedom, and deficient in high principles, they are courteous and agreeable as mere acquaintances, kind to strangers, and extremely hospitable. It is well known that there are very few trees* on either bank of the Plata near its mouth, or on those immense plains, called pampas, excepting here and there an ‘ombu,’+ or some which have been planted near houses; or a few copses of small trees (mostly peach) planted for fuel: but I have not heard any sufficient reason given for this scarcity of wood, in a country covered with a great depth of alluvial soil, and adjoining dis- tricts in which trees are abundant. ‘The only second causes for such a peculiarity, which I can imagine, are the following: the nature of the soil, which may be unsuited to most trees, although very productive of grass and gigantic thistles: the furious storms which sweep along the level expanse, and would demolish tender, unprotected young trees: the general want of water, which in some years is so great as to become a severe drought: and the numerous herds of wild cattle which range * The exceptions are so few, that one might almost say there are no trees which have not been planted. _ +t A kind of elder. 04 DROUGHTS—CATTLE——FERTILITY. 1812. over the plains, and eat up every leaf which retains any mois- ture during the dry heats of summer. Before there were herds of cattle, guanacoes ranged over the country, in great num- bers, as they now do to the southward of the river Negro, where I have seen them grazing in large companies, like flocks of sheep. During the droughts above-mentioned vast num- bers of cattle die for want of water, and perhaps this may be the principal reason why so few trees grow there naturally ; but it cannot be the only one, because they grow where Re and partially sheltered, though not watered, Most people are aware of the scale upon which the hile farms of the ‘ Banda Oriental’ and ‘ Republica Argentina’ were carried on: but the civil wars which have succeeded the steady government of Spain have broken up and ruined many of the largest establishments, where from one hundred to two hun- dred thousand head of cattle were owned by one man—where the annual increase was about thirty per cent—-and where the animals were, generally speaking, slaughtered for their hides alone. What must be the natural fertility of a country, which, without the slightest assistance from man, can nourish such enormous multitudes of cattle, besides immense droves of horses and flocks of sheep, and yet, except near its few towns, appear almost destitute of inhabitants. To return to our little vessel—entering the Plata in 1832, Unfavourable winds, and currents setting out of the river, delayed our progress, and obliged us to anchor frequently. We arrived at Monte Video on the 26th, and lost no time in making observations for our chronometers, and preparing for surveying the coasts southward of Cape San Antonio: but as I found that it would be advisable to visit Buenos Ayres, in order to communicate with the Government, and obtain information, we sailed from Monte Video on the 31st, and two days afterwards anchored off Buenos Ayres. There, however, we did not remain an hour; for the misconduct of a Buenos Ayrean officer on board a vessel under their colours, and a vexatious regulation with respect to quarantine, decided my August. BUENOS AYRES—MONTE VIDEO. 95 returning forthwith to Monte Video; and commissioning a capable person to procure for me copies of some original charts, which I thought would be exceedingly useful, and which could only be obtained from the remains of hydrographical in- formation, collected by Spain, but kept in the archives of Buenos Ayres. The Beagle anchored again off Monte Video, on the 3d of August, and as soon as the circumstances which occasioned her return were made known to Captain G. W. Hamilton, commanding the Druid frigate, that ship sailed for Buenos Ayres. Scarcely had the Druid disappeared beneath the horizon, when the chief of the Monte Video police and the captain of the port came on board the Beagle to request assistance in preserving order in the town, and in preventing the aggres- sions of some mutinous negro soldiers. I was also requested by the Consul-general to afford the British residents any pro- tection in my power; and understanding that their lives, as well as property, were endangered by the turbulent mutineers, who were more than a match for the few well-disposed soldiers left in the town, I landed with fifty well-armed men, and remained on shore, garrisoning the principal fort, and thus holding the mutineers in check, until more troops were brought in from the neighbouring country, by whom they were sur- rounded and reduced to subordination. The Beagle’s crew were not on shore more than twenty-four hours, and were not called upon to act in any way ; but I was to!d by the principal persons whose lives and property were threatened, that the presence of those seamen certainly prevented bloodshed. Some days after this little interruption to our usual avo- cations, we sailed across the river to Point Piedras, anchored there for some hours to determine its position, then went to Cape San Antonio, and from that point (rather than cape) began our survey of the outer coast. To relate many details of so slow and monotonous an occupation as examining any shore, of which the more interesting features have long been known, could answer no good purpose, and would be very tiresome to 96 PLAN OF WRITING. 1832. a general reader; therefore I shall hasten from one place to another, dwelling only, in my way, upon the few incidents, or reflections, which may have interest enough to warrant their being noticed in this abridged narrative, or are absolutely necessary for carrying on the thread of the story. CHAPTER VY. Eastern Pampa Coast—Point Medanos—Mar-chiquito—Ranges of Hills —Direction of Inlets, Shoals, and Rivers—Cape Corrientes— Tosca Coast—Blanco Bay—Mount Hermoso—Port Belgrano—Mr. Harris— Ventana Mountain— V iew—Argentina—Commandant—Major—Situ- ation — Toriano — Indians — Fossils — Animals — Fish — Climate— Pumice — Ashes — Conway — Deliberations—Consequent Decision— Responsibility incurred — Paz — Liebre—Gale—Hunger—Fossils at Hermoso—Fossils at Point Alta—Express sent to Buenos Ayres— Suspicions and absurd alarm—Rodriguez. Ave. 22. From Cape San Antonio (which, though so called, is only a low point) to rather more than half-way towards Cape Corrientes, the sea-coast is sandy and low. Behind the beach are sand-hills, and farther inshore are thickets affording shelter to numbers of jaguars. In sailing along, even with both leads going, we were, for a few minutes, in imminent danger of grounding upon a bank, or ledge, which extends six miles E.S.E. from Point Medanos. The water shoaled so suddenly, and so irregularly, that I could not tell which way to steer ; and as we had been running directly before the wind, it was impossible to retreat by the safest track (that which we had made in approaching): however, by persevering in pushing eastward, away from the land, steering one way or another as the water deepened, we at last got clear. We then stood out to gain an offing, rounded the bank, and hauled close inshore again nearly opposite to a large salt lagoon, called Mar- chiquito, which approaches the sea so closely as to have occa- sioned an idea that, by cutting through the narrow strip of land which separates them, a fine port might be formed. Some persons assert that there is always a communication between the lagoon and the sea; that cattle cannot pass along the isthmus on account of that opening; and that a boat might swim from orfe to the other. If this is the case, we were much deceived on board the Beagle; for when she passed so near the spot that the lagoon was overlooked by the officers at her mast- VOL. II. H 98 MAR-CHIQUITO—RANGES OF HILLS. August heads, nothing like an opening could be detected, though the beach was scrutinized with good glasses, as well from the deck as by those who looked down upon it from aloft as we sailed by. I suspect that there has been some confusion of ideas respecting the little river San Pablo, and a supposed entrance to the lagoon: but, be this as it may, very great difficulty would be found in attempting to form a large and permanent communication at a spot so exposed to heavy south-east gales. At Port Valdez (in latitude 42°S.) the entrance is some- times completely blocked up by shingle and sand, during and after a strong south-east gale; and I think it probable that such an effect would be caused here, at times, whether there were a natural or an artificial opening; and as there is no great rise and fall of tide, I much doubt whether the opening would be again cleared, as at Port Valdez, by the mere ebb and flow of water. In the vicinity of Mar-chiquito, the country (campo) is very fertile, and well watered. Sheltered to the south by a range of down-like hills, whence numerous small brooks originate, it gives abundant pasturage to many thousands of cattle, and is considered by the Buenos Ayreans to be the finest district of their territory. This range of hills extends in a west north- west direction for more than fifty leagues, and varies in name at different places. That part next to Cape Corrientes is called » Sierra Vuulcan ;* twenty leagues inland is the ridge named Tandil, and at the western extreme is a height called Cayru. Between 'Tandil and Cayru there are many hills known by particular names, but they are all part of the range above- mentioned ; and it is a remarkable fact, that not only this range, that nearer to Buenos Ayres called Cerrillada, and that of which the Sierra Ventana forms a part, extend nearly in an east-south-east and west-north-west direction; but that most of the ranges of high land, most of the rivers, and the greater number of inlets, between the Plata and Cape Horn, have a similar direction, not varying from it above one point, or at most two points of the compass. After we became aware * An Indian word, which means ‘ opening,’ or ‘ having openings.” 1832. CAPE CORRIENTES—TOSCA COAST. 99 of this peculiarity, it was far easier to avoid shoals, as they all lay in a similar direction. On a round-topped hill, near Mar-chiquito, we saw an 1m- mense herd of cattle, collected together in one dark-coloured mass, which covered many acres of ground. A few men, on horseback, were watching them, who, seeing us anchor, drove the whole multitude away at a gallop, and in a few minutes not one was left behind. Probably they suspected us of ma- rauding inclinations. Cape Corrientes is a bold, cliffy promontory; off which, notwithstanding the name, I could not distinguish any remark- able current. It is said to be hazardous for a boat to go along- shore, near the high cliffs of that cape, because there are rocks under water which sometimes cause sudden and extremely dangerous ‘ blind breakers.” More than one boat’s crew has been lost there, in pursuit of seals, which are numerous among the rocks and caves at the foot of those cliffs. Hence to Bahia Blanco is a long and dreary line of coast, without an opening fit to receive the smallest sailing vessel, without a remarkable feature, and without a river whose mouth is not fordable. Even the plan of it, on paper, has such a regular figure, that an eye accustomed to charts may doubt its accuracy; so rarely does the outline of an exposed sea-coast extend so far without a break. A heavy swell always sets upon it; there is no safe anchorage near the shore; and, as if to complete its uninviting qualities, in the interior, but verging on this shore, is a desert tract, avoided even by the Indians, and called, in their lan- guage, Huecuvu-mapu (country of the Devil). In explor- ing this exposed coast, southerly winds sometimes obliged us to struggle for an offing; and we lost several anchors in conse- quence of letting them go upon ground which we thought was hard sand lying over clay, but which turned out to be tosca, slightly covered with sand, and full of holes. The lead indi- cated a sandy, though hard bottom; but we found it every where so perforated and so tough, that, drop an anchor where we might, it was sure to hook a rock-like lump of tosca,, which sometimes was torn away, but at others broke the anchor. H 2 100 TOSCA—=BLANCO BAY. Sept. Finding this to be the case, I had a stout hawser ‘ bent” to the ‘ crown’ of the anchor, and after shortening in cable, tripped the anchor by the hawser, and then weighed it, uninjured, without much difficulty. Along this extent of sea-coast, half way between the cur- rents in the vicinity of the Plata, and those occasioned by strong ~ tides near Blanco Bay and the river Negro, we found no cur- rent. Whether there was a rise of tide it was not easy to ascer- tain by the lead-line, when at anchor, from the bottom being so uneven ; and to land was impossible, on account of a furious surf. Several kinds of fish were caught at our temporary anchor- ages, and noticed carefully by Mr. Darwin. Anchorage is not a word I should use in this case (where the anchor was only let go for a short time while the ship’s position could be fixed with accuracy, and our triangulation carried on ina satisfactory manner), as it might deceive a stranger to the coast : stopping- place would be better. While examining the positions nearest to Blanco Bay, we had occasional alarms—such as the wind shifting and blowing strong directly towards the land; our soundings shoaling sud- denly to three, or less than three fathoms; or thick weather coming on while a boat was away sounding ;—but these are every-day events in a surveying vessel actively employed. Near Blanco Bay we found the water greatly discoloured, and the soundings were not such as to tempt us onwards; how- ever, it was necessary to proceed. We steered towards a little hill, which I fancied must be Mount Hermoso,* and soon after sun-set, on the 5th, anchored in what we afterwards found to be the roadstead near that hillock, at the head of Blanco Bay, close to the entrance of Port Belgrano, but divided from it by a bank. As the bad apologies for charts of this place, which we pos- sessed at our first visit, left us as much at a loss as if we had * Mount Hermoso is but 140 feet above the sea; yet, on this low coast, it is somewhat remarkable, as being the only peaked hill close to the water ; and having under it a low cliffy point, the only one thereabouts. 1832. MOUNT HERMOSO—PORT BELGRANO. 101 none, I set out with the boats next morning to seek for a pas- sage into Port Belgrano.* Our boats were soon stopped by shoal water, and | found, to my vexation, that the Beagle was anchored at the head of an inlet, between the shore and a large bank extending far towards the south-east, and that before going farther west she must retreat eastward, and look for another passage. ‘This was an unexpected dilemma; but our prospect was improved by the appearance of a small schooner running towards us, from Port Belgrano, with a Buenos Ayrean (or Argentine) flag flying. Very soon she came near enough for our boat to reach her, and an Englishman came on board, who offered to pilot the Beagle to a safe anchorage within the port. This was Mr. Harris, owner of the little schooner in which he sailed, (a resi- dent at Del Carmen, on the river Negro, and trading thence along the coast), with whom we had much satisfactory inter- course during the next twelvemonth. By his advice we weighed anchor, stood across the great north bank, in very little more water than we drew, until we got into a channel where there was water enough for any ship, and a soft muddy bottom : there we hauled up west-north-west,+ by his direction, and with a fresh wind sailed rapidly into the extensive and excellent, though then little known harbour, called Port Belgrano; and at dusk anchored near the wells under Anchorstock Hill (or Point Johnson). To give an idea of the general appearance, or almost disap- pearance, of the very low Jand around this spacious port, I will mention, that when the Beagle had crossed the north bank, and hauled up in the fair way, Mount Hermoso was nearly beneath the horizon ; some bushes on the flat land southward * Often erroneously called Bahia Blanco; a name originally given to the quter bay, in compliment to General Blanco. + So constantly did Mr. Harris give this course, on subsequent occa- sions, that it became quite a joke; but it is nevertheless a strong cor- roboration of what I stated respecting the general direction of the inlets, and ridges, or ranges of hills. 102 MR. HARRIS——ARGENTINA. Sept. of us (Zuraita Island) could be just distinguished ; and ahead in the north-west quarter, no land could be made out, except the distant Ventana mountain, which we saw for the first time on that day. In consequence of this extent of water being intersected by banks, and having so few marks, it is very difficult of access ; and no place can offer less that is agreeable to the eye, espe- cially when the tide is out, and much of the banks shows above water. A more disagreeable place to survey, or one that would occupy more time, we were not likely to find, I thought, as I looked around from the mast-head ; but upon questioning Mr. Harris, I learned that a succession of similar inlets indented a half-drowned coast, extending hence almost to the Negro ; and that, although the dangers were numerous, tides strong, banks muddy, and the shores every where low, the intervening ports were so safe, and so likely to be useful, that it was abso- lutely necessary to examine them. Sept. 7. Messrs. Darwin, Rowlett, and Harris set out with me to visit the Buenos Ayrean settlement, called Argentina. Mr. Harris undertook to be our guide, but after two hours’ sailmg and pulling we found ourselves near the head of a creek, between two soft mud banks, where we could neither row nor turn the boat. We could not land because the mud was too soft to bear our weight, so there we staid till the tide flowed. About two hours after this stoppage there was water enough for us to cross a large bank, and gain the right channel, from which we had deviated, and then, with a flowing tide, we made rapid progress, until the ‘ Guardia’ was announced to us. This was a small hut near the water side, but to reach it we had to wind along a tortuous canal, between banks of soft mud : and when we arrived at the landing-place seven hours had been passed among rushy mud banks, surrounded by which we were often prevented from seeing any solid land. The water was every where salt, the tide running strongly, and the boat often aground. Waiting to meet us was an assemblage of grotesque figures, which I shall not easily forget—a painter would have been 1832. GROTESQUE GROUP—SUSPICIONS. 103 charmed with them. A dark visaged Quixotic character, partly in uniform, mounted on a large lean horse, and attended by several wild looking, but gaily dressed gauchos,* was nearest tous. Behind him, a little on one side, were a few irregular soldiers, variously armed, and no two dressed alike, but well mounted, and desperate-looking fellows; while on the other side, a group of almost naked Indian prisoners sat devouring the remains of a half roasted horse ; and as they scowled at us savagely, still holding the large bones they had been gnawing, with their rough hair and scanty substitutes for clothing blown about by the wind, I thought I had never beheld a more sin- gular group. The tall man in uniform was the Commandant of the settle- ment, or fortress, called Argentina: he and his soldiers had arrived to welcome us, supposing that we were bringing sup- plies from Buenos Ayres for the needy colony. The Indian prisoners had been brought to work, and assist in carrying the supplies which were expected. Finding that we were neither Buenos Ayreans, nor traders from any other place, it was supposed that we must be spies sent to reconnoitre the place previous to a hostile attack. Neither the explanations nor assertions of Mr. Harris had any weight, for as he was our countryman, they naturally concluded he was in league with us; yet, as the commandant had some idea that we might, by possibility, be what we maintained we were, he disregarded the whispers and suggestions of his people, and offered to carry us to the settlement for a night’s lodging. Leaving the boat’s crew to bivouac, as usual, I accepted a horse offered to me, and took the purser up behind; Mr. . Darwin and Harris being also mounted behind two gaucho soldiers, away we went across a flat plain to the settlement. Mr. Darwin was carried off before the rest of the party, to be cross-questioned by an old major, who seemed to be considered the wisest man of the detachment, and he, poor old soul, * Countrymen, employed in keeping and killing cattle, breeding and training horses, hunting, war, &c. 104 FORTALEZA—ARGENTINA. Sept. thought we were very suspicious characters, especially Mr. Darwin, whose objects seemed most mysterious. In consequence, we were watched, though otherwise most hospitably treated ; and when I proposed to return, next morning, to the boat, trifling excuses were made about the want of horses and fear of Indians arriving, by which I saw that the commandant wished to detain us, but was unwilling to do so forcibly ; telling him, therefore, I should walk back, and setting out to do so, I elicited an order for horses, maugre the fears and advice of his major, who gave him all sorts of warn- ings about us. However, he sent an escort with us, and a troop of gaucho soldiers were that very morning posted upon the rising grounds nearest to the Beagle, to keep a watch on our movements. We afterwards heard, that the old major’s suspicions had been very much increased by Harris’s explanation of Mr. Darwin’s occupation. ‘ Un naturalista’ was a term unheard of by any person in the settlement, and being unluckily explained by Harris as meaning ‘a man that knows every thing,’ any further attempt to quiet anxiety was useless. As this small settlement has seldom been visited by strangers, I will describe its primitive state. In the midst of a level country, watered by several brooks, and much of it thickly covered with a kind of trefoil, stands a mud-walled erection, dignified with the sounding appellation of ‘ La fortaleza pro- tectora Argentina.” It is a polygon, 282 yards in diameter, having about twenty-four sides, and surrounded by a narrow ditch. In some places the walls are almost twenty feet high, but in others I was reminded of the brothers’ quarrel at the building of ancient Rome, for there is a mere ditch, over which a man could jump. It is, however, said by the gauchos, — that a ditch six feet wide will stop a mounted Indian, and that their houses require no further defence from attacks of the aborigines. How, or why it is that such excellent horse- men do not teach their horses to leap, I cannot understand. Within, and outside the fort, were huts (ranchos) and a few 1832. SITUATION ~-ADVANTAGES. 105 small houses :—more were not required for the imhabitants, who, including the garrison, only amounted to four hundred souls. Some half-dozen brass guns were in a serviceable con- dition; and two or three other pieces occupied old carriages, but did not seem to be trustworthy. The fort was commenced in April 1828, by a French engineer, named Parchappe. ‘The first commandant was Es- tomba: his successor, Morel, was killed, with ninety followers, by a party of Indians under Chenil, in 1829. Valle and Rojas succeeded, and the latter was followed by Rodriguez. Placed in the first instance as an advanced post, at which to watch and check the Indians, rather than asa colony likely to increase rapidly, Argentina has scarcely made any progress since its establishment, though it is the beginning of what may here- after be a considerable place. Situated favourably for com- municating with Concepcion—by way of the pass through the Cordillera, near ‘Tucapel—it is also the only port, between 25° S$. and Cape Horn, capable of receiving in security any number of the largest ships. There is pasture for cattle near the streams which descend from the ‘ Sierra Ventana:’ large salinas (spaces covered with salt) lie within an easy distance of the settlement : of brush- wood for fuel there is plenty, though there are no large trees: and report says that there are valuable minerals, including coal and iron,* in the Ventana} mountain. The most serious objection to the locality, as an agricul- tural, or even as a mere grazing district, is the want of rain. T'wo or three years sometimes pass without more than a slight shower; and during summer the heat is great. In winter, there are sharp frosts, sometimes snow; but neither ice nor _snow ever lasts through the day. Good fresh water may be generally obtained, independent of the few running streams, by digging wells between four and * I believe there is no good foundation for this report. Mr. Darwin’s opinion is against the supposition. + The name ‘ Ventana’ was given because of an opening, at the south side, resembling a-window. 106 TORIANO—INDIANS. Sept. ten feet deep: and in this way we found no difficulty in obtain- ing an ample supply. Three months before our visit to Argentina, a number of Indians had been surprised and taken prisoners by Rodriguez ; and among them was the famous old cacique, 'Toriano, whose mere namewas a terror to the frontier settlers. The commandant attacked their ‘tolderia’? (encampment) just before sunrise— when the young men were absent on an expedition—and made prisoners of the old men, women, and children. 'Toriano was shot in cold blood; with another cacique, and several Indians of infe- rior note : and his head was afterwards cut off, and preserved for some time at the fort, in order to convince his adherents of his death. 'Toriano was a noble Araucanian, upwards of seventy years old when surprised asleep and taken prisoner by his mer- ciless enemies. So high was his acknowledged character as a warrior, that his followers supposed him invincible; and until convinced by the melancholy spectacle seen by their spies, they would not believe him gone. Perhaps it is not generally known, that many of the most desperate incursions upon the Buenos Ayrean colonists have been made by flying troops, or hordes of Indians, whose head- quarters are in the Cordillera of the Andes, or even on the west coast, between Concepcion and Valdivia. Mounted upon excellent horses, and acquainted with every mile of the coun- try, they think lightly of a predatory or hostile excursion against a place many hundred miles distant. We returned to the Beagle without another delay among the mud-banks, and found the rising grounds (heights they could not be called), nearest the ship, occupied by the troop of gaucho soldiers. As they did not interfere with us, our surveying operations were begun, and carried on as usual. Mr. Darwin, and those who could be spared from duties afloat, roamed about the country; and a brisk trade was opened with the soldiers for ostriches and their eggs, for deer, cavies, and armadilloes. My friend’s attention was soon attracted to some low cliffs near Point Alta, where he found some of those huge fossil 1832. FOSSILS—ANIMALS. 107 bones, described in his work ; and notwithstanding our smiles at the cargoes of apparent rubbish which he frequently brought on board, he and his servant used their pick-axes in earnest, and brought away what have since proved to be most interesting and valuable remains of extinct animals. The soldiers appointed to watch our movements soon relaxed so far as to spend nearly all their time in hunting animals for us. Besides those already mentioned, they one day brought a fine living puma, in hopes I should offer a good price, and embark it alive; but having no wish for so troublesome a companion in our crowded little vessel, I only bargained for its skin. The soldiers made a hearty meal of the flesh, and asserted that it was good, though inferior to that of a horse, which I had seen them eating a day or two previously. Four kinds of armadilloes were described to us by these men, of which we saw but two: the quiriquincha, with nine bands; the mataca-bola, which rolls up into a ball; the pelu- do, which is large and hairy ; and the molito, of which I heard only the name. Mr. Rowlett saw a black fox, and he was told that there are wolves in the neighbourhood. ‘T'wo small bur- rowing animals are also found: the zorillo, or skunk ; and the tucu-tucu. While speaking of animals, I should say that the commandant (Rodriguez) told me, that he had once seen, in Paraguay, a ‘ gran bestia,’ not many months old, but which then stood about four feet high. It was very fierce, and secured by a chain. Its shape resembled that of a hog, but it had talons on its feet instead of hoofs; the snout was like a hog’s, but much longer. When half-grown, he was told that it would be capable of seizing and carrying away a horse or a bullock. I concluded that he must have seen a tapir or anta; yet as he persisted in asserting that the animal he saw was a beast of prey,* and that it was extremely rare,* I here repeat what he said. (See extract from Falkner.—Appendix—No. 11.) Abundance—I may well say shoals of fish were caught by our men, whenever we hauled the nets at a proper time (the beginning of the flood-tide); and as they were chiefly un- * Neither of which remarks apply to the Anta. 108 CLIMATE—PUMICE. Sept. known to naturalists, Mr. Earle made careful drawings of them, and Mr. Darwin preserved many in spirits. We pro- cured plenty of good fresh water from wells near the beach, and small wood for fuel in their immediate neighbourhood. The climate is delightful, and healthy to the utmost degree, notwithstanding such extensive flats, half-covered with water, and so many large mud-banks. Perhaps the tides, which rise from eight to twelve feet, and run two or three knots an hour, tend to purify the air; indeed, as the whole inlet is of salt water, there may be no cause for such effects as would be expected in similar situations near fresh water. In our rambles over the country, near Port Belgrano, we every where found small pieces of pumice-stone; and till Mr. Darwin examined the Ventana, supposed they had been thrown thence: he has, however, ascertained that it is not volcanic ; and, I believe, concludes that these fragments came from the Cordillera of the Andes.—(See Vol. III. by Mr. Darwin.) Falkner, in whose accounts of what he himself saw I have full faith, has a curious passage illustrative of this supposition ; and it is not impossible—nor even, I think, improbable—that some of the pumice we saw fell at the time mentioned.in the following extract :—‘ Being in the Vutlcan, below Cape St. Anthony, I was witness to a vast cloud of ashes being carried by the winds, and darkening the whole sky. It spread over great part of the jurisdiction of Buenos Ayres, passed the river of Plata, and scattered its contents on both sides of the river, insomuch that the grass was covered with ashes. This was caused by the’ eruption of a volcano near Mendoza, the winds carrying the light ashes to the incredible distance of three hundred leagues or more.”—Falkner, p. 51. As an indisputable, and very recent instance of the distance to which volcanic substances are sometimes carried, I might mention the fact of H.M.S. Conway having passed through quantities of pumice-stone and ashes, in latitude 7° north, and longitude 105° west, being more than seven hundred miles from the nearest land, and eleven hundred from the volcano near Realejo, whence it is supposed that they proceeded ; but as it 1s 1832. VENTANA~— DELIBERATIONS. 109 possible that those substances might have been thrown out of a volcano in the Galapagos Islands, and drifted on the surface of the sea by currents, which near there run from twenty to eighty miles in twenty-four hours, towards the north-west, one cannot, with certainty, rely upon that fact as evidence of a distance to which pumice has been carried by wind. Captain Eden informed me, that the Conway was sur- rounded by ashes and pumice-stone for a day and a half (on the 5th and 6th of May 1835), and that they were supposed to have been ejected from a volcano near Realejo, at the time of the great earthquake; and an eruption which darkened the air during three days. The aborigines of these regions attach considerable impor- tance to the Ventana,* chiefly on account of its use as a Jand- mark ; for, rising abruptly to the height of 3,340 feet in a flat country, where there is not another hill of consequence, it is of no small use to them in their wanderings. I was told by Mr. Darwin, that he found it to be chiefly of quartz forma- tion; but I need not risk causing a mistake, by repeating here the information which he gave me, when it is given fully in his own words in the accompanying volume. After a few days’ examination of Port Belgrano, and making inquiries of Harris, as well as those persons at Argentina who knew something of the neighbouring waters and shores, I was convinced that the Beagle alone could not explore them, so far as to make her survey of any real use, unless she were to sacrifice a great deal more time than would be admissible, considering the other objects of her expedition. What then was to be done? Open boats could not explore the seaward limits of those numerous shoals which lie between Blanco Bay and the river Negro, because there are dange- rous ‘ races,’ and often heavy seas. The Beagle herself, no doubt, could do so, and her boats might explore the inlets ; but, the time that such a proceeding would occupy was * The Puel Indians called the Ventana Casu-hati (high hill); and the Molu-che, Vuta-calel (great bulk.)—Falkner, p. 74. + Tide-races, or ripples. 110 DECISION—RESPONSIBILITY. | Sept. alarming to contemplate. I might run along the outer line of danger in the Beagle, and connect it with the soundings in the offing; but how could an English ship surveying a fre- quented coast overlook six large ports,* only because their examination required time, and was dangerous? At last, after much anxious deliberation, I decided to hire two small schooners —or rather decked boats, schooner-rigged—from Mr. Harris, and employ them in assisting the Beagle and her boats. Mr. Harris was to be in the larger, as pilot to Lieutenant Wick- ham—and his friend Mr. Roberts, also settled at Del Carmen, on the river Negro, was to be Mr. Stokes’s pilot in the smaller vessel. These small craft, of fifteen and nine tons respec- tively, guided by their owners, who had for years frequented this complication of banks, harbours, and tides, seemed to me capable of fulfilling the desired object—under command of such steady and able heads as the officers mentioned—with this great advantage ; that, while the Beagle might be procur- ing supplies at Monte Video, going with the Fuegians on her first trip to the southward, and visiting the Falkland islands, the survey of all those intricacies between Blanco Bay and San Blas might be carried on steadily during the finest time of year. One serious difficulty, that of my not being autho- rized to hire or purchase assistance on account of the Govern- ment, I did not then dwell upon, for I was anxious and eager, and, it has proved, too sanguine. I made an agree- ment with Mr. Harris,-- on my own individual responsibility, for such payment as seemed to be fair compensation for his stipulated services, and I did hope that if the results of these arrangements should turn out well, I should stand excused for having presumed to act so freely, and should be reim- bursed for the sum laid out, which I could so ill spare. However, I foresaw and was willing to run the risk, and now console myself for this, and other subsequent mortifications, by the reflection that the service entrusted to me did not sufier. * Blanco Bay and Port Belgrano, False Bay, Green Bay, Brightman Inlet, Union Bay, and San Blas Bay. + See Appendix. 1832. PAZ—LIEBRE—REFIT. 111 The formal agreement with Mr. Harris being duly signed, I despatched him forthwith to the river Negro, in search of his vessels, and sent the purser with him to ascertain the state of things at Del Carmen, especially with a view to future supplies. They went in a small coasting vessel, belonging to another Englishman (H. Elsegood), settled at Del Carmen; for the schooner, from which Mr. Harris came to us near to Mount Hermoso, did not delay, but continued her course towards the river Negro. Our boats were constantly employed while these arrange- ments were pending, and directly they were finished, the Bea- gle got under sail to examine the entrance and outer parts of the port. For several days she was thus engaged, anchoring always at night. Ina week the schooners arrived, bringing our purser and their owners. The Paz, of about fifteen tons burthen, was as ugly and ill-built a craft as I ever saw, covered with dirt, and soaked with rancid oil. The Liebre, of about nine tons burthen, was a frigate’s barge,* raised and decked— oily like the other ; but as both had done their owners good service in procuring seal and sea-elephant oil, I saw no reason to doubt our being able to make them answer our pur- pose. Yet the prospect for those who had so handsomely volunteered to go in any thing, with or without a deck, could not be otherwise than extremely unpleasant; for they did not then foresee how soon a thorough cleansing and complete outfit would be given to both vessels, and how different they would afterwards appear. Lieutenant Wickham, with the sailmaker, armourer, cooper, and a small party, were immediately established under tents, on the banks of a small creek (Arroyo Pareja). The little schooners were hauled ashore for examination and a thorough refit; and then, having left them the stores and other neces- saries which they would require, I went with the Beagle towards Blanco Bay; completed the examination of a narrow though deep channel, by which any ship may * She had been the barge of the Brazilian frigate Piranga. 11Z GALE—HUNGER—FOSSILS. Sept. enter Port Belgrano, passed round the great north bank, and again anchored under Mount Hermoso. While some officers and men were on shore there, building a sea-mark on the mount, and otherwise employed for the survey, a gale of wind came on from. S.E., which soon sent so heavy a sea into the road- stead near the mount, that the Beagle was obliged to strike topmasts and veer a long scope of cable upon two anchors, besides having another under foot. Unluckily, our party on shore had only one day’s provisions, so while the gale lasted their situation was sufficiently disagreeable; the keen air and hard exercise sharpening their appetites, while they had nothing to eat after the first day; and having no guns, they had no prospect of procuring anything. Mr. Darwin was also on shore, having been searching for fossils, and he found this trial of hunger quite long enough to satisfy even his love of adventure. Directly it was possible to put a boat on the water, one was sent, with provisions secured in a cask which was thrown overboard at the back of the surf, and soon drifted ashore to the famishing party. This gale lasted several days, and proved to us not only how heavy a sea is thrown into this bight (rincon, Sp.), by a south-east gale; but also, that the holding-ground is sufficiently good to enable a ship to withstand its effects. One of our party on shore (who is not likely to forget building a mark on Mount Hermoso) discovered many curious fossils in some low cliffs under the mount; and judging from what Mr. Darwin then found, future collectors may reap a rich harvest there, as well as at Point Alta. We next returned to the Wells, and while some assisted. the outfit of Lieutenant Wickham’s little vessels, others explored the upper parts of the port, quite to its end, and Mr. Darwin took advantage of the opportunity to make some of those interesting excursions which he describes in his volume. At this time there were no soldiers to watch us, neither was there any longer a suspicion: of our character ; for it appeared that an express had been sent off to Buenos Ayres, at our first arrival, giving an exaggerated and rather ludicrous account of Oct. 1832. ABSURD ALARMS. 113 our officers, instruments and guns—to which an answer had been immediately returned, desiring the commandant to afford us every facility in his power, and checking the old major rather sharply for his officious and unnecessary caution. Had we not been hastily treated in the roads of Buenos Ayres, when I went there to communicate with the Government, and obtain information, I should doubtless have carried with me orders, or a letter, to this commandant, which would have prevented a moment’s suspicion: but, as it happened, no real delay was occasioned, and no person was much disturbed except the major, who fancied that our brass guns were dis- guised field-pieces, our instruments lately invented engines of extraordinary power, our numerous boats intended expressly for disembarking troops ; and an assertion of mine, that any number of line-of-battle ships might enter the port, a sure indication that the Beagle was sent to find a passage for large ships: which would soon appear, and take possession of the country. Such was the substance of his communication to the Government at Buenos Ayres, and as he acted as secretary— (Rodriguez being a man of action rather than words)—he had free scope for his disturbed imagination. I shall not easily forget his countenance, when I first told him—thinking he would be glad to hear it-—that there was a deep channel leading from Blanco Bay to the Guardia near Argentina, and that a line-of-battle ship could approach within gunshot of the place where I first met the commandant. He certainly thought himself almost taken prisoner ; and I really believe that if he had been commanding officer, we should have been sent in chains to Buenos Ayres, or perhaps still worse treated. Fortunately, Rodriguez the commandant, being a brave man, and a gentleman, contemplated no such measures. VOL. II. I CHAPTER VI. Beagle sails with Paz and Liebre—Part company—Beagle visits Buenos Ayres—Nautical remarks on the Plata—Sail from Monte Video for San Blas—Lieut. Wickham and tenders—Butterflies—Sail for Tierra del Fuego—W hite-water—Icebergs—Rocks—Cape San Sebastian— Oens-men—Cape San Diego—Good Success Bay—Natives— Guana- coes—Cape Horn-—St. Martin Cove—Gales—Heavy Seas—Nassau Bay—Goree Road—Prepare to land Matthews and the Fuegians. 18th October. No person who had only seen the Paz and Liebre in their former wretched condition, would easily have recognised them after being refitted, and having indeed almost a new equipment. Spars altered, and improved rigging, well-cut sails, fresh paint,* and thorough cleanliness, had transformed the dirty sealing craft into smart little cock-boats: and as they sailed out of Port Belgrano with the Beagle, their appear- ance and behaviour were by no means discouraging. At dusk, Lieutenant Wickham and his small party of ven- turous associates separated from us, and steered into False Bay.f The Beagle anchored for the night, and next day pur- sued her route towards Monte Video, where she arrived on the 26th. Desirous of communicating with the Government at Buenos Ayres, and measuring the difference of meridians between that city and Monte Video, we weighed anchor on the 31st, pro- ceeded up the river, and remained in the outer roadstead, off Buenos Ayres, until the 10th of November. We then em- ployed three days in verifying the positions of some banks,} as laid down in Heywood’s and other charts, and returned to Monte Video on the 14th. * Or rather red-ochre, coal-tar, and white-wash; + See orders to Lieut. Wickham, in the Appendix. t Ortiz, Chico, and Ensenada. 1832. NAUTICAL REMARKS—SAIL. 115 It is not prudent for any vessel drawing more than ten feet water to remain under sail in this part of the river, while it is dark, unless a good pilot is on board ; and even the best prac- tical experience is not always a sure guide, so uncertain and fluctuating are the currents and depths of water. There are a few simple precautions, useful in such circumstances, of which I may be excused for reminding young sailors. A eround-log ought to be hove frequently, and compared with a common log; there should be a leadsman in each chains, one, at least, of whom should sound constantly : the deep-sea lead* ought to be used now and then, even in shallow water, as a check upon the hand-lead: from the vessel’s draught of water to two fathoms more than that depth, the hand-line should be ° marked to feet, by alternate marks of dark-coloured hair and small line: strong lanterns should be suspended under the chain-wales, near the water, but close to the ship’s side; while a careful person ought to superintend the leadsman, and occa- sionally take a line into his own hand, so that by ‘ plumbing’ the bottom himself he may ascertain how far reliance is to be placed upon the Jeadsman’s opinion. In the Plata, as well as in many other pilot-waters, to feel the ground thus is often more useful than knowing the precise depth of water, or even the colour, or nature, of the bottom. 27th Nov. Our arrangements and observations being satis- factorily completed, a sufficient quantity of provision on board to last eight months, at full allowance, and an extra sup- ply of iron and coals for the forge, in case of any serious accident, the Beagle sailed from Monte Video; and, after filling water near Cape Jesu Maria,+ hastened to look after her little assistants, left near Bahia Blanco. In this trip we benefitted by the assistance of Mr. Robert N. Hamond, an early and much esteemed friend of mine, who was lent to the Beagle from H.M.S. Druid, of which he was then a mate. * Massey’s is preferable. + Above Monte Video, on the north shore. 12 116 . OFF SAN BLAS. Dec. December 8d. Soon after daylight we saw the very low islands, just to the northward of San Blas. I wished to have made Point Rubia, but was set twenty miles northward, during the night, by the flood tide. We stood directly towards the shore, but when eight miles from it found a wide breadth of discoloured water, and the depth shoaled suddenly from ten to three fathoms in a few casts of the lead. Hauling off, we steered southward, with the ebb tide. ‘There was no ripple on the banks, but the water was quite yellow, and at the time we altered our course, in consequence of such shallow water, the nearest land was, at least, eight miles distant. While tracing the outer edge of this bank we descried our cock-boats coming out to meet us, and soon afterwards Mr. Wickham came on board. He gave us gratifying news with little drawback; but had he been half-roasted his own appearance could hardly have been more changed. Notwith- standing the protection of a huge beard, every part of his face was so scorched and blistered by the sun that he could hardly speak, much less join in the irresistible laugh at his own expense. His companions were similarly sun-burned, though not to such a degree. They had been much occupied in sounding extensive banks and harbours, under a hot sun, and while a fresh wind kept them constantly wet with spray. But this inconvenience was trifling; one of more importance was excessive sea-sickness, in consequence of the short and violent movements of such small craft under sail among the tide-races and eddies so numerous on that coast. In other respects all had prospered so well, that I deter- mined to give Mr. Wickham fresh orders,* enlarging conside- rably his share of surveying operations. He was desired to continue exploring the coast, even as far as Port Desire, until the Beagle’s return from her visit to Tierra del Fuego and the Falkland Islands. Asthe weather promised well, an anchor was dropped where we were, outside the banks, but the schooners sought shelter in the harbour of San Blas. Next day they came out and anchored * See Appendix. 1832. PAZ—LIEBRE——-BUTTERFLIES. iy close to us, in order to receive stores and various supplies which we had brought for them from Buenos Ayres and Monte Video. I was a little uneasy when I saw that the pilot of the Liebre, Mr. Roberts, was one of the largest of men, and that his little vessel looked, by comparison, no bigger than a coffin ; but Mr. Wickham allayed my doubts by assuring me that his moveable weight answered admirably in trimming the craft; and that, when she got a-ground, Mr. Roberts stepped overboard, and heaved her afloat. ‘ Certainly,” said Mr. Wick- ham, “he did harm onone day, by going up to look-out, and breaking the mast.” In the afternoon of this day (4th) we weighed anchor and parted company from the Paz and Liebre. They returned to San Blas, and the Beagle steered southward. Secure and capacious as is the port just mentioned, it is one of the most difficult and dangerous to enter on this coast. The best, indeed only approach to it, is called by those sealers and sea- elephant fishers who have hitherto frequented it,—* Hell-gate.’ At about four the weather was very hot, the sky cloudless, and varying flaws of wind drove quantities of gossamer, and numbers of insects off from the land. The horizon was strangely distorted by refraction, and I anticipated some vio- lent change. Suddenly myriads of white butterflies surrounded the ship, in such multitudes, that the men exclaimed, ‘‘it is snowing butterflies.” They were driven before a gust from the north-west, which soon increased to a double-reefed topsail breeze, and were as numerous as flakes of snow in the thickest shower. The space they occupied could not have been less than two hundred yards in height, a mile in width, and several miles in length. Our next object was to visit Tierra del Fuego, examine some portions of that country—yet unexplored—and restore the Fuegians to their native places ; but in our passage, strong southerly winds, severe squalls, and cold weather, though it was near midsummer in that hemisphere, caused delay and discom- fort, as they must always in a small and deeply-laden vessel, where little can be done except in fine weather. / 118 WHITE WATER—ITCEBERGS. ' Dec. We passed through a space of sea,* many miles in extent, where the water was of a very much lighter colour than usual ; not of a light-green or muddy hue, such as one sees near land, but of a milky white tint. Being in soundings, one naturally attributed such a change of colour to some peculiarity in the ground ; but I have since thought differently, and am now inclined to believe that the light-coloured water came from a distance, in one of those great, though slow-moving currents, which sweep past the Falkland Islands, and thence northwards : but to what cause its unusual whiteness is to be attributed, I know not. The dissolution of a huge iceberg, or of many ice- bergs, might alter the colour, and certainly would change the temperature of a considerable body of water; but in this case, a thermometer immersed in the sea did not indicate a degree lower than that of the previous or following day. During the three days, our soundings varied only from fifty to sixty fathoms. The lead certainly brought up fine grey sand while the water was light-coloured, and dark sand at other times ; but I can hardly think that so decided a change— different from any I noticed elsewhere—could have been caused in fifty fathoms water by so small an alteration in the quality of the bottom, Icebergs have been seen in latitude 40° S., and near the lon- gitude of 50° W.; perhaps they are sometimes carried nearer the coast, in which case they would ground, and melt away. I suspect that some of the rocks, so often, yet so fruitlessly, sought for—and instead of which many persons have supposed dead whales, wrecks, or large trees, were seen—may have been icebergs, against and upon which sea-weed, drift-wood, or other substances, may have lodged temporarily, causing a rock-like appearance. In this way, perhaps, arose the report of a rock said to have been seen by Lieutenant Burdwood ; of the Aigle and Ariel rocks—and even of those islets sought for meffec- tually by Weddell, a few degrees eastward of the Falkland Islands. + * Lat. 46° 8. Long. 63° W. + On this subject there are a few more remarks, under the head—Cur- rents of the ocean,—in the last chapter but one. 1832. TIERRA DEL FUEGO. 119 In the first volume some notice was taken of the supposed Ariel Rocks, and I will avail myself of this opportunity to say that at various times the Beagle passed over and near their asserted position; and that she likewise searched for the reported Aigle shoal or rock, without ever finding the slightest indication of either. On the 15th, we saw the land off Tierra del Fuego, near Cape San Sebastian, and next day closed the shore about Cape Sunday, ran along it past Cape Peias, and anchored off Santa Inez. A group of Indians was collected near Cape Penas, who watched our motions attentively. They were too far off for us to make out more than that they were tall men, on foot, nearly naked, and accompanied by several large dogs. To those who had never seen man in his savage state—one of the most painfully interesting sights to his civilized brother—even this distant glimpse of the aborigines was deeply engaging ; but York Minster and Jemmy Button asked me to fire at them, saying that they were ‘‘ Oens-men—very bad men.” Our Fuegian companions seemed to be much elated at the certainty of being so near their own country ; and the boy was never tired of telling us how excellent his land was—how glad his friends would be to see him—and how well they would treat us in return for our kindness to him. We remained but a few hours at anchor under Cape Santa Inez, for so heavy a swell set in, directly towards the shore, caused probably by a northerly gale at a distance, that our situation was dangerous as well as disagreeable. Our only chance of saving the anchor and chain was by weighing imme- diately ; yet if we did so, there would be a risk of drifting ashore : however, we did weigh, and drifted some distance, roll- ing our nettings in; but a breeze sprung up, freshened rapidly, and soon carried us out of danger. This happened at three in the morning, so my hopes of observations and angles were frus- trated, and I had no choice but to run for the strait of Le Maire. At noon, very high breakers were reported by the mast-head man, off Cape San Diego; at that time the flood-tide was set- 120 GOOD SUCCESS BAY. Dec: ting strongly against a northerly wind and high swell ; but when the tide was slack, at one, the breakers disappeared ; and when we passed close to the cape, at two, the water was com- paratively smooth. There is a ledge extending from Cape San Diego, over which the flood-tide, coming from the southward, sometimes breaks with such violence, that a small vessel might be swamped by the ‘ bore’ which it occasions. As we sailed into Good Success Bay, a Fuegian yell echoed among the woody heights, and shout after shout succeeded from a party of natives, posted on a projecting woody emi- nence, at the north head of the bay, who were seen waving skins, and beckoning to us with extreme eagerness. Finding that we did not notice them, they lighted a fire, which instantly sent up a volume of thick white smoke. I have often been astonished at the rapidity with which the Fuegians produce this effect (meant by them as a signal) in their wet climate, where I have been, at times, more than two hours attempting to kindle a fire. | Scarcely was our ship secured, when the wind shifted to south-west, and blew strongly, bringing much rain with it ; and we had indeed reason to rejoice at having attained so secure an anchorage. During the night, heavy squalls (williwaws) disturbed our rest very often, but did no injury, the water being quite smooth. _ 18th. Mr. Darwin, Mr. Hamond and others, went with me to the natives who had so vociferously greeted our arrival ; and deeply indeed was I interested by witnessing the effect caused in their minds by this first meeting with man in such a totally savage state. There were five or six stout men, half-clothed in guanaco- skins, almost like the Patagonians in aspect and stature, being near six feet high, and confident in demeanour. ‘They scarcely bore resemblance to the Fuegians, except in colour and class of features. I can never forget Mr. Hamond’s earnest expression, «< What a pity suca fine fellows should be left in such a bar- barous state!” It told me that a desire to benefit these igno- 1832. INTERESTING MEETING. 121 rant, though by no means contemptible human beings, was a natural emotion, and not the effect of individual caprice or erro- neous enthusiasm ; and that his feelings were exactly in unison with those I had experienced on former occasions, which had led to my undertaking the heavy charge of those Fuegians whom I brought to England. Disagreeable, indeed painful, as is even the mental contem- plation of a savage, and unwilling as we may be to consider ourselves even remotely descended from human beings in such a state, the reflection that Ceesar found the Britons painted and clothed in skins, like these Fuegians, cannot fail to aug- ment an interest excited by their childish ignorance of matters familiar to civilized man, and by their healthy, independent state of existence. One of these men was just six feet high, and stout in proportion; the others were rather shorter: their legs were straight and well formed, not cramped and mis- shapen, like those of the natives who go about in canoes; and their bodies were rounded and smooth. 'They expressed satis- faction or good-will by rubbing or patting their own, and then our bodies; and were highly pleased by the antics of a man belonging to the boat’s crew, who danced well and was a good mimic. One of the Fuegians was so like York Minster, that he might well have passed for his brother. He asked eagerly for “ cuchillo.” About his eyes were circles of white paint, and his upper lip was daubed with red ochre and oil. Another man was rubbed over with black. They were (apparently) very good-humoured, talked and played with the younger ones of our party, danced, stood up back to back with our tallest men to compare heights, and began to try their strength in wrest- ling—but this I stopped. It was amusing and interesting to see their meeting with York and Jemmy, who would not acknowledge them as countrymen, but laughed at and mocked them. It was evident that both of our Fuegians understood much of the language in which the others talked; but they would not try to interpret, alleging that they did not know enough. York betrayed this by bursting into an immoderate fit of laughter at something the oldest man told him, which 122 GUANACOES—CAPE HORN. Dec. he could not resist telling us was, that the old man said he was dirty, and ought to pull out his beard. Now, if their language differed much from that of York Minster, or was indeed other than a dialect of the same original, it is not probable that York could have understood the old man’s meaning so readily when he spoke quietly, without signs. Richard Matthews was with us, but did not appear to be at all discouraged by a close inspection of these natives. He remarked to me, that ‘they were no worse than he had sup- posed them to be.” 20th. Soon after day-light this morning, some very large guanacoes were seen near the top of Banks Hill.* ‘They walked slowly and heavily, and their tails hung down to their hocks. To me their size seemed double that of the guanacoes about Port Desire. Mr. Darwin and a party set off to ascend the heights, anxious to get a shot at the guanacoes and obtain an extended view, besides making observations. They reached the summit, and saw several large animals, whose long woolly coats and tails added to their real bulk, and gave them an appearance quite distinct from that of the Patagonian animal ; but they could not succeed in shooting one. 21st. Sailed from Good Success Bay. On the 22d we saw Cape Horn, and being favoured with northerly winds, passed close to the southward of it before three o’clock. The wind then shifted to north-west, and began to blow strong. Squalls came over the heights of Hermite Island, and a very violent one, with thick weather, decided my standing out to sea for the night under close-reefed topsails. The weather continued bad and very cold during that night and next day. On the morning of the 24th, being off Cape Spencer, with threatening weather, a high sea, the barometer low, and great heavy-looking white clouds rising in the south-west, indicative of a gale from that quarter, I determined to seek for an an- chorage, and stood into (the so-calledt) St. Francis Bay. In * So named in remembrance of Sir Joseph Banks’s excursion. + In the first volume doubts are expressed (in a note to page 199) respecting the place named by D’Arquistade, St. Francis Bay; or rather» T said’ 1832. ST, MARTIN COVE—CONTRAST. 123 passing Cape Spencer we were assailed by such a furious hail- squall, that for many minutes it was quite impossible to look to windward, or even to see what was a-head of us. We could not venture to wear round, or even heave to, for fear of getting so far to leeward as to lose our chance of obtaining an anchorage ; however, we stood on at hazard, and the squall passed away soon enough to admit of our anchoring in seventeen-fathoms water, quite close to a steep promontory at the south side of St. Martin Cove. After being for some time accustomed to the low barren shores and shallow harbours of the Pampa and Patagonian coasts, our position almost under this black precipice was sin- gularly striking. The decided contrast of abrupt, high, and woody mountains, rising from deep water, had been much remarked in Good Success Bay; but here it was so great that I could hardly persuade myself that the ship was in security —sufficiently far from the cliff.* 25th. Notwithstanding violent squalls, and cold damp weather, we kept our Christmas merrily; certainly, not the less so, in consequence of feeling that we were in a secure posi- tion, instead of being exposed to the effects of a high sea and heavy gale. I said, that “Ido not think the bay adjacent to Cape Horn is that which was named by D’Arquistade, ‘St. Francis,’ and, if my supposition is correct, Port Maxwell is not the place which was called ‘ St. Bernard’s Cove.’ ” If the modern chart be compared with that issued by the Admiralty a few years ago, published by Faden in 1818, it will be seen that the par- ticular plan of St. Francis Bay, given in Faden’s chart, agrees much better with the west side of Nassau Bay than with any other place ; and that the “remarkable island, like a castle,’ noticed in the plan, is evidently “ Packsaddle Island,” of the modern chart. The rough sketch of land towards the north and east, as far as Cape Horn, on that plan, I take to be the random outline of land seen at a distance by the person who drew the plan, and the name “ Cape Horn,” affixed to the southernmost land then in sight; which must have been Cape Spencer. But it is now too late to remedy the mistake, which is indeed of no consequence. * As the shores of Tierra del Fuego are so much spoken of in other places, I say no more of them here. 124 GALES—DIEGO RAMIREZ. ~ Jan. At sun-set, there was a reddish appearance all over the sky —clouds shot over the summits of the mountains in ragged detached masses—and there was a lurid haze around, which showed a coming storm as surely as a fall of the barometer. The gale increased, and at midnight such furious squalls came down from the heights, that the water was swept up, and clouds of foam were driven along the sea. Although we were close to a weather shore, with our top-gallant masts down and yards braced sharp up, we hardly thought ourselves in secu- rity with three anchors down and plenty of chain cable out.* Dec. 31. Tired and impatient at the delay caused by bad weather, we put to sea again the first day there was a hope of not being driven eastward ; and during a fortnight we tried hard to work our way towards Christmas Sound. My purpose was to land York Minster and Fuegia Basket among their own people, near March Harbour, and return eastward through the Beagle Channel, landing Jemmy Button also with his tribe, the Tekeenica. Part of Whale-boat Sound and the wes- tern arms of the Beagle Channel were to be surveyed: and by this scheme I proposed to combine both objects. Jan. 2d. We were rather too near the Diego Ramirez Islands, during a fresh gale of wind, with much sea; but by carrying a heavy press of sail, our good little ship weathered them cleverly, going from seven and a half to eight knots an hour, under close-reefed topsails and double-reefed courses— the top-gallant-masts being on deck. On the 5th, the same islands were again under our lee—a sufficient evidence that we did not make westing. In fact, no sooner did we get a few reefs out, than we began taking them * During such sudden, and at times tremendous squalls as these, it is absolutely necessary to have a long scope of cable out, although the ves- sel may be in smooth water, in order that the first fury of the blast may be over before the cable is strained tight ; for otherwise, the chain or anchor might snap. When the violence of the squall is past, the weight of a chain cable sinking down, draws the ship a-head, so far as to admit of her recoiling again at the next williwaw; thus, a kind of elasticity may be given to a chain, in some degree equivalent to that always possessed by a hemp cable. 1833. GALES—CRITICAL TIME. 125 in again; and although every change of wind was turned to account, as far as possible, but little ground was gained. On the 11th we saw that wild-looking height, called York Minster, ‘looming’ among driving clouds, and I flattered my- self we should reach an anchorage ; but after tearing through heavy seas, under all the sail we could carry, darkness and a succession of violent squalls, accompanied by hail and rain, obliged me to stand to seaward, after beg within a mile of our port. All the next day we were lying-to in a heavy gale —wearing occasionally. At three in the morning of the 13th, the vessel lurched so deeply, and the main-mast bent and quivered so much, that I reluctantly took in the main-topsail (small as it was when close- reefed), leaving set only the storm-trysails (close-reefed) and fore-staysail.* At ten, there was so continued and heavy a rush of wind, that even the diminutive trysails oppressed the vessel too much, and they were still farther reduced. Soon after one, the sea had risen to a great height, and I was anxiously watching the successive waves, when three huge rollers ap- proached, whose size and steepness at once told me that our sea-boat, good as she was, would be sorely tried. Having steerage way, the vessel met and rose over the first unharmed, but, of course, her way was checked ; the second deadened her way completely, throwing her off the wind; and the third great sea, taking her right a-beam, turned her so far over, that all the lee bulwark, from the cat-head tothe stern davit, was two or three feet under water. For a moment, our position was critical; but, like a cask, she rolled back again, though with some feet of water over the whole deck. Had another sea then struck her, the little ship might have been numbered among the many of her class which have disappeared : but the crisis was past—she shook the sea off her through the ports, and was none the worse—excepting * I have always succeeded in carrying a close-reefed main-topsail (five reefs) in the Beagle, excepting on this and two other occasions ; but were I again under similar circumstances, I think I should try to carry it— even then—for some time longer. 126 GALES—HASTY OPINIONS Jan. the loss of a lee-quarter boat, which, although carried three feet higher than in the former voyage (1826-1830), was dipped under water, and torn away.* From that time the wind abated, and the sea became less high. The main-topsail was again set, though with difficulty, and at four o'clock the fore-topsail and double-reefed foresail were helping us towards False Cape Horn, my intention being to anchor in Nassau Bay. When the quarter-boat was torn away, we were between the Ildefonsos and Diego Ramirez : the wind varying from W.S.W. to 8.W. This gale was severely felt on all parts of the coast, south of 48°, as I afterwards ascertained from sealing-vessels: and at the Falkland Islands, a French whaler, called Le Magellan, was driven from her anchors and totally wrecked in that land- locked and excellent port, Berkeley Sound. Some persons are disposed to form a very premature opinion of the wind or weather to be met with in particular regions, judging only from what they may themselves have expe- rienced. Happily, extreme cases are not often met with; but one cannot help regretting the haste with which some men (who have sailed round Cape Horn with royals set) incline to cavil at and doubt the description of Anson and other navi- gators, who were not only far less fortunate as to weather, but had to deal with crazy ships, inefficient crews, and unknown shores ; besides hunger, thirst, and disease. Before midnight we anchored under shelter of the land * It was well that all our hatchways were thoroughly secured, and that nothing heavy could break a-drift. But little water found its way to the lower deck, though Mr. Darwin’s collections, in the poop and forecastle cabins on deck, were much injured. Next to keeping a sharp look-out upon the sky, the water, and the barometer, we were always anxious to batten down our hatches in time—especially at night, during a gale, or in very squally weather. + The roller which hove us almost on our beam ends, was the highest and most hollow that [ have seen, excepting one in the Bay of Biscay, and one in the Southern Atlantic; yet so easy was our little vessel that nothing was injured besides the boat, the netting (washed away), and one chronometer. 1833. NASSAU BAY—GOREE ROAD. 12% near False Cape Horn; and next morning (14th) crossed Nas- sau Bay in search of a convenient harbour near the Beagle Channel. Having found so much difficulty in getting to the westward by the open sea, I decided to employ boats in the interior passages, and leave the Beagle at a secure anchorage. Furious squalls prevented our effecting this purpose; and we anchored for the night in Windhond Bay.* The following day (15th) we again tried to get to the head or north-west corner of Nassau Bay, but ineffectually, for repeated squalls opposed us, and at last obliged me to bear up for Goree Road; one of the most spacious, accessible, and safe anchorages in these regions. Here, to my surprise, York Minster told me that he would rather live with Jemmy Button in the Tekeenica country than go to his own people. This was a complete change in his ideas, and I was very glad of it; because it might be far better that the three, York, J emmy, and Fuegia, should settle together. I little thought how deep a scheme master York had in contem- plation. 18th. Having moored the Beagle in security, and made arrangements for the occupation of those who were to remain on board, I set out with four boats (yawl and three whale- boats), carrying Matthews and the Fuegians, with all the stock of useful things which had been given to them in England.+ A temporary deck having been put upon the yawl, she carried a large cargo, and was towed by the other boats when the wind was adverse. Matthews showed no sign of hesitation or reluctance ; on the contrary, he was eager to begin the trial to which he had been so long looking forward. Messrs. Darwin, Bynoe, Hamond, Stewart, and Johnson, with twenty-four seamen and marines, completed the party. My intention was to go round the north-east part of Navarin Island, along the eastern arm of the Beagle Channel, through Murray Narrow, to the spot which Jemmy called his country : * So named by the Dutch in 1624, after one of their ships, the Wind- hond. + By far the larger part of their property, including Matthews’s outfit, was sent by Mr. Coates, Secretary of the Church Missionary Society. 128 ARRANGEMENTS. Jan. 1833- there establish the Fuegians, with Matthews :—leave them for a time, while I continued my route westward toex- plore the western arms of the channel, and part of Whale- boat Sound: and at my return thence decide whether Mat- thews should be left among the natives for a longer period, or return with me to the Beagle. But before I briefly relate this attempt to form a temporary settlement among the Fuegians, it may be advisable to give a general sketch of the aborigines who thinly people the south- ernmost regions of South America: including not only the various tribes of Fuegians (as far as we know them), but the Patagonians, and those natives of Western Patagonia who are supposed to be a remnant of the tribe called Chonos. CHAPTER VII. SOUTHERN ABORIGINES OF SOUTH AMERICA. Or the tribes which scantily people Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego, far less is yet known than might generally be expected. Although frequently seen by white men, and often holding intercourse with them, probably no person even mode- rately educated, excepting Falkner, has staid among them long enough to become acquainted with, and describe their peculiarities. His description of the aboriginal natives who, in his time (1740-80), roamed over the fertile ‘ Pampas’ of Buenos Ayres, or the sterile plains of Patagonia; of the western mountaineers ; and of those unconquerable tribes which repulsed the Peruvian Yncas, opposed Spanish conquerors, and are still independent, is so decidedly corroborated by Molina, by many Spanish authors, and by modern testimony, that in attempting to de- scribe the Patagonians, I shall try to unite his account (bear- ing in mind the time elapsed, and consequent changes) to the information which has been obtained during late years. Of the Fuegians, a few notices are to be found in narratives of various voyagers ; but the imperfect description here given is principally derived from the natives who went to England in the Beagle; and from Mr. Low, who has seen more of them in their own country than any other person. About the middle of the last century, the aboriginal inhabi- tants of that portion of South America which lies between the parallels of thirty and forty, formed two principal divisions, more or less separated by the only real barrier existing in that extent of country, the Cordillera of the Andes. Those who lived eastward of the Andes were called ¢ Puel-che,’ signifying VOL. It. K 130 SOUTHERN ABORIGINES. east people; and those on the other side were known by the term ‘ Molu-che,’ which signifies war people, or warriors: and these terms are still in habitual use. Numerous subdivisions have perplexed all whose attention has been attracted to the aboriginal population of Southern America. Falkner’s account is the least confused, in every way the most probable, and agrees the best with what is now found to be the condition of that portion of uncivilized man. For our present purpose, I believe, it will be sufficient to remark, that the Puel-che and Molu-che called the tribes who lived towards the south, ‘ Tchuel-het’* and * Huilli-che,’ both of which terms signify people of the south. The Huilli- che were again divided into Pichi Huilli-che and Vuta Huilli- che; * pichi,’ meaning little; and ‘vuta,’ great. Both the Tehuel-het and the Vuta Huilli-che lived to the southward of forty degrees of latitude. A branch or tribe of the Tehuel-het who lived farthest towards the south, on the eastern side, had no horses, and that tribe was called ‘ Yacana-kunny,’+- (foot people). Westward of those people, separated from them by a ridge of mountains, was a tribe called Key-uhue, Key-yus, or Key-es ; and northward, the Sehuau-kunny}. Falkner, in his account, rather confuses the habits of the Yacana-kunny with those of the Key-uhue, which is not to be wondered at, as he described those tribes solely from the accounts of others. The Key-uhue have neither ‘ bowls,’ or balls (bolas), nor ‘ ostriches,’ (see Falkner, p. 111), in their rugged tempestuous islands: neither do the Yacana-kunny ‘live chiefly on fish. The former live on fish, while the latter kill guanacoes, birds, and seals. Between the Key-uhue and the Chonos tribe were the Poy- yus, or Pey-es, living on the sea-coast. ‘The Chonos inhabited the Archipelago so called, and part of Childe. These three last-mentioned tribes—Key-uhue, Poy-yus, and Chonos—were called ‘ Vuta Huilli-che.’ * Called by themselves ‘ Tehuel-kunny.’ + ‘Che,’ ‘het,’ and ‘ kunny,’ signify people, in different dialects. _} The Sehuau-kunny are a part of the ‘Tehuel-het. SOUTHERN ABORIGINES. 181 Rather than occupy time in attempting to give an account of the past state of these ever-varying tribes,— whose numbers have been so much altered, and whose locations may be now changed,—I will endeavour to give some idea of the present condition, distribution, and probable numbers of the people called Patagonians; of the natives of Tierra del Fuego, or Fuegians, and of the western tribe called Chonos. By those who have frequented the Strait of Magalhaens or its vicinity, the latter are often called ‘ Canoe Indians;’ and the Patago- nians, ‘ Horse Indians.’ The Patagonians (‘Tehuel-het) travel on horseback over the country between the River Negro and the Strait of Magalhaens; from the Atlantic to the Cordillera of the Andes. They have no boats or canoes of any kind; and their disposition, habits, and language are very different from those of the Fuegians (Ya- cana-kunny, Key-uhue, and Poy-yus). ‘Those who live in the north-eastern part of Tierra del Fuego have neither canoes nor horses. The natives of the southern and western islands, and of the shores of Otway and Skyring waters, also the people who live upon the western islands and coast of Patagonia, have canoes, but no horses. The Patagonians are now divided into four parties, each of which has a separate though ill-defined territory. Each of these parties has a leader, or cacique; but they speak one language, and are evidently subdivisions of one tribe. When mutually convenient, they all assemble in one place: but if food be- comes scarce, or quarrels happen, each party withdraws to its own territory. At such times one body will encroach upon the hunting grounds of another, and a battle is the consequence. About four hundred adults, and a rather large proportion of children, are in each of these parties: the number of women being to that of the men as three to one. Near the Strait of Ma- galhaens about fourteen hundred Patagonians have been lately seen encamped together for a short time ; but usually there is only one horde, of about four hundred grown people, in that neighbourhood. Less is known of the Yacana-kunny than of any other tribe, K 2 ow 1382 SOUTHERN ABORIGINES. or portion of a tribe. It may consist of about six hundred men and women, besides children. _ Beyond a range of high mountains to the southward of the Yacana, is the tribe formerly called Key-uhue, now probably the Tekeenica. These are the smallest, and apparently the most wretched of the Fuegians. They inhabit the shores and neigh- bourhood of the Beagle Channel. The number of adults in this tribe may be about five hundred. (Note 1.) To the westward, between the western part of the Beagle Channel and the Strait of Magalhaens, is a tribe now called Alikhoolip (which may be the Poy-yus), whose numbers amount perhaps to four hundred. About the central parts of Magalhaens Strait is a small and very miserable horde, whose name I do not know. ‘Their usual exclamation is ‘ Pecheray !’ ‘ Pecheray !’ whence Bougainville and others called them the Pecherais. For want of a more correct term I shall here use the same word. The number of adults among them 1s about two hundred. Near Otway and Skyring waters is a tribe, or fraction of a tribe, whose name I could not learn; for the present I shall call them ‘ Huemul’—because they have many skins of a kind of roebuck, which is said to be the animal described by Molina as the ‘ Huemul’ *. Their number may be one hundred, or thereabouts. I am inclined to think that these Huemul Indians are a branch of the Yacana people, whom Falkner describes as living on both sides of the Strait. On the western coast of Patagonia, between the Strait of Ma- galhaens and the Chonos Archipelago, there is now but one tribe, in which there are not above four hundred grown people. - Each of the tribes here specified speaks a language differing from that of any other, though, as I believe, not radically dif- ferent from the aboriginal Chilian. Some words are common to two or more ‘tribes; as may be seen by reference to the frag- ment of a vocabulary in the Appendix ; and differences must increase because neighbouring tribes are seldom at peace. The numbers above stated are mere estimations. The diffi- * See Note 2, at the end of this chapter. SOUTHERN ABORIGINES. 133 culty of obtaining either language or information from the Fuegians can only be well appreciated by those who have had intercourse with them, or with the New Hollanders; whose mimickry of what one says is as perplexing as the same trick is when speaking to the Fuegians. Allowing that the Tehuel-het or Pata- GONIANS AMOUNL tO ...csereeseeeeeees 1,600 INIACATIA Lovccceeestesces Mevlessescisesocseeces - 600 MACON Cas aes ccces ets cicawece an vcisieele cues 500 PNPIMOULIDE toc osccnrotsenessecucseeees esas 4.00 IRECMEEAY vee cesetscecscsensassensencesesce) UU MSMCUIU vas ode noes ss seesecsiciees as sessee’ 7 LOU,*and ESMOMOS cae sigeiees/sinssee'oes cae:6 Gu aisteterste'si se 400 Phevwtotaliwill be i .2...6..iiscdseeescoecgesosesses- 3,900, Which I do not think is five habeeeeli in error: and I should say, in round numbers, that there are about four thousand adults south of the latitude of forty degrees, exclusive of Childe. By Patagonia is meant that part of South America which lies between the River Negro and the Strait of Magalhaens. Fastern Patagonia is the portion of this district which lies eastward of the Cordillera; and Western Patagonia, the part lying between the summits of the Andes and the Pacific Ocean. Tierra del Fuego takes in all the islands southward of the Strait of Magalhaens (including Staten Land), as far as the Diego Ramirez islets. Before entering into a more detailed account of these abori- gines, I will try to give a slight general idea of their personal appearance ; of their horses and canoes; of their houses and country ; in short, an outline sketch of that which is observed at the first glance of a stranger’s eye. The minuter details, which will follow, may be tedious to many readers. Magalhaens first gave the name of Patagones to the natives whom he saw at Port San Julian in 1520. They were of very large (gigantic) stature, and their feet, being wrapped in rough guanaco skin, by way of shoes, were remarked particularly- Probably their footsteps in the sand were noticed, and excited 134 SOUTHERN ABORIGINES. some such exclamation as ‘ que patagones!’ (what great feet !) patagon meaning a very large foot—(See note 3.) Tierra del Fuego was also named by Magalhaens, because many fires were seen, in the night, upon that land. The aboriginal natives of Eastern Patagonia are a tall and extremely stout race of men. Their bodies are bulky, their heads and features large, yet their hands and feet are compa- ratively small. Their limbs are neither so muscular nor so large boned as their height and apparent bulk would induce one to suppose: they are also rounder and smoother than those of white men. Their colour is a rich reddish-brown, between that of rusty iron and clean copper, rather darker than copper, yet not so dark as good old mahogany.* But every shade of colour between that just mentioned and the lighter hue of a copper kettle, may be seen among individuals of various ages. Excepting among old or sickly people, I did not notice a tinge of yellow: some of the women are lighter coloured— about the tint of pale copper—but none are fair, according to our ideas. Nothing is worn upon the head except their rough, lank, and coarse black hair, which is tied above the temples with a fillet of platted or twisted sinews. A large mantle, made of skins sewed together, loosely gathered about them, hanging from the shoulders to their ankles, adds so much to the bulkiness of their appearance, that one ought not to wonder at their having been called ‘gigantic.’ I am not aware that a Patagonian has appeared, during late years, exceeding in height six feet and some inches; but I see no reason to disbelieve Falkner’s account of the Cacique Cangapol, whose height, he says, was seven feet and some inches. When Falkner stood on tiptoe he could not reach the top of Cangapol’s head. It is rather curious, that Byron could only just touch the top of the tallest man’s head * The colour of these aborigines is extremely like that of the Devon- shire breed of cattle. From the window of a room in which I am sitting, I see some oxen of that breed passing through the outskirts of a wood, and the partial glimpses caught of them remind me strongly of the South American Yed men. SOUTHERN ABORIGINES. 135 whom he saw. Ever restless and wandering, as were the Tehuel-het, of which tribes that cacique was chief, might not Byron have measured Cangapol?* Who disbelieves that the Roman Emperor, Maximinus, by birth a Thracian, was more than eight feet in height? yet who, in consequence, expects all Thracians to be giants? At present, among two or three hundred natives of Patagonia, scarcely half-a-dozen men are seen whose height is under five feet nine or ten; and the women are tall in proportion. I have nowhere met an assemblage of men and women whose average height and apparent bulk approached to that of the Patagonians. ‘Tall and athletic as are many of the natives of Otaheite, and other islands in the Pacific Ocean, there are also many among them who are slight, and of low stature. The Patagonians seem high-shouldered—owing perhaps to the habit of folding their arms in their mantles across the chest, and thus increasing their apparent height and bulk, as the mantles hang loosely, and almost touch the ground. Until actually measured, I could not believe that they were not much taller than was found to be the fact. But little hair shews itself on their faces or bodies. From the former it is studiously removed by two shells, or some kind of pincers. Although they do not augment the coarse~ ness of their features by piercing either nose or lips, they dis- figure themselves not a little by red,+- black,{ or white§ paint, with which they make grotesque ornaments, such as circles around their eyes, or great daubs across their faces. Upon particular occasions, all the upper part of their body, from the waist upwards, is strangely decorated (or disfigured) by paint, awkwardly laid on with very little design. On their feet and legs are boots made out of the skins of horses’ legs. Wooden spurs, if they cannot get iron ; sets of balls (bolas), and a long tapering lance of bamboo, pointed with iron, complete their equipment. These lances are seldom seen near the Strait of Magalhaens, but the natives are not always without them. The women are dressed and booted like the men, with the * Byron’s voyage, 1765.—Falkner, 1740-80. + Ochre. +t Charcoal and oil. § Felspathice earth and oil. 136 SOUTHERN ABORIGINES. addition of a half petticoat, made of skins, if they cannot pro- cure foreign coarse cloth. They clean their hair, and divide it into two tails, which are platted, and hang down, one on each side. Ornaments of beads, bits of brass, or silver, or any similar trifles, are much prized, and worn in necklaces, or as bracelets; sometimes also as ear-rings, or round their ankles. Mounted upon horses of an inferior size, averaging only about fourteen hands and a half in height, though rather well-bred, the Patagonians seem to be carried no better than the full- accoutred dragoons, who rode eighteen stone upon horses equal to twelve; yet those horses, so slight in comparison with their masters, carry them at full speed in chase of ostriches or guana- coes; and we all know what our dragoon horses have done under their heavily-weighted, but determined riders. With bridles of hide tied to the lower jaw, when there is not a Spanish bit, and a light saddle of wood, covered with some skins and placed upon others, a Patagonian rides hard when there is occasion— but frequently changes his horse. Many large dogs, of a rough, lurcher-like breed, assist them in hunting, and keep an excellent watch at night. (Note at end of Chapter VIII.) The toldos (huts) of these wanderers are in shape not unlike gipsy tents. Poles are stuck in the ground, to which others are fastened, and skins of animals, sewed together, form the covering, so that an irregular tilt-shaped hut is thus made. Three sides and the top are covered; but the front, turned towards the east, is open. These toldos are about seven feet high, and ten or twelve feet square; they are lower at the back, or western side, than in front, by several feet. These are their ordinary dwellings; of other rather larger construc- tions a description will be given hereafter. The country inhabited by these Patagonians is open and, generally speaking, rather level, but with occasional hills and - some extensive ranges of level-topped heights (steppes). ‘There are very few trees, and water is scarce. ‘The eye wanders over an apparently boundless extent of parched, yellow-looking semi-desert, where rain* seldom falls, and the sky is almost * Except during a few days in each year, or perhaps at intervals of two or three years, when it pours down in torrents. ve i | = I z | = eS ———— = ——— = ee : = aoe —— ———— 2 = =: Se we SOUTHERN ABORIGINES. 137 always clear. The heats of summer are very great; but in winter, though the days are not cold, the frosts at night are severe ; and at all times of the year, in the day-time, strong *~vinds sweep over the plains. The Yacana-kunny, natives of the north-eastern part of Tierra del Fuego, resemble the Patagonians in colour, stature, and clothing.* They seem to be now much in the condition in which the Patagonians must have been before they had horses.+ With their dogs, with bows and arrows, balls (bolas), slings, lances, and clubs, they kill guanacoes, ostriches, birds, and seals. The north-eastern portion of Tierra del Fuego is a better country than Patagonia. The woody mountains of the south- western islands are succeeded, towards this north-east district, by hills of moderate height, partially wooded; northward of which are level expanses, almost free from wood, but covered with herbage adapted to the pasturage of cattle. | The climate is a mean between the extremes of wetness and drought, which are so much felt by the neighbouring regions ; and when a settlement is made, at some future day, in that part of the world, San Sebastian Bay, in the Yacana country, called by Narborough, King Charles South Land, would be an advantageous position for its site. { The Tekeenica, natives of the south-eastern portion of Tierra del Fuego, are low in stature, ill-looking, and badly proportioned. Their colour is that of very old mahogany, or rather between dark copper, and bronze. The trunk of the body is large, in proportion to their cramped and rather crooked limbs. Their rough, coarse, and extremely dirty black hair half hides yet heightens a villanous expression of the worst description of savage features. Passing so much time in low wigwams, or cramped in small * Excepting boots. + See Magalhaens’ first interview. Burney, vol.i. p. 34. } Falkner says (p. 93, speaking of this country), “ It is evident that this place has the conveniences of wood, water, and soil; and, if there could be found a tolerable harbour, it would be much more convenient for a colony, and have a better command of the passage to the South Sea than Falkland’s Islands.” 138 SOUTHERN ABORIGINES. canoes, injures the shape and size of their legs, and causes them to move about in a stooping manner, with the knees much bent; yet they are very nimble, and rather strong. They suffer very little hair to grow, excepting on their heads. Even their eyebrows are almost eradicated —two muscle- shells serving for pincers. This aversion to the smaller tufts of hair does not extend to the thatch-like covering of their ugly heads, which is lank, covered with dirt, hanging about their ears, and almost over their faces. Just above their eyes it is jagged away by a broken shell, if they have not a piece of iron hoop for a knife, the pieces cut off being scrupulously burned. In height varying from four feet ten to five feet six, yet in the size of their bodies equalling men of six feet, of course they look clumsy and ill-proportioned ;. but their hands and feet are rather small with respect to the size of their bodies, though not so in proportion to their limbs and joints, which, excepting the knees, are small. Their knees are all strained, and their legs injured in shape, by the habit of squatting upon their heels, Awkward and difficult as such a posture appears to us, it is to them a position of easy rest. ) Sometimes these satires upon mankind wear a part of the skin of a guanaco or a seal-skin upon their backs, and perhaps the skin of a penguin or a bit of hide hangs in front ; but often there is nothing, either to hide their nakedness or to preserve warmth, excepting a scrap of hide, which is tied to the side or back of the body, by a string round the waist. Even this is only for a pocket, in which they may carry stones for their slings, and hide what they pick up or pilfer. A man always carries his sling around his neck or waist, wherever he goes. Women wear rather more clothing, that is, they have nearly a whole skin of a guanaco, or seal, wrapped about them, and} usually a diminutive apron. The upper part of the wrapper, above a string which is tied around the waist, serves to carry an infant. Neither men nor women have any substitute for shoes. No ornaments are worn in the nose, ears, or lips, nor on the fingers ; but of necklaces, and bracelets, such as they are, the women are very fond. With small shells, or pieces of the bones SOUTHERN ABORIGINES. 139 of birds, strung upon lines made of sinews, these necklaces and bracelets are made, when nothing preferable is to be found ; but beads, buttons, pieces of broken glass, or bits of fractured crockery-ware are most highly esteemed. The hair of the women is longer, less coarse, and certainly cleaner than that of the men. It is combed with the jaw of a porpoise, but neither platted nor tied ; and none is cut away, excepting from over their eyes. They are short, with bodies largely out of proportion to their height; their features, especially those of the old, are scarcely less disagreeable than the repulsive ones of the men. About four feet and some inches is the stature of these she-F'uegians—by courtesy called women. They never walk- upright: a stooping posture, and awkward movement, is their natural gait. They may be fit mates for such uncouth men ; but to civilized people their ap- pearance is disgusting. Very few exceptions were noticed. The colour of the women is similar to that of the men. As they are just as much exposed, and do harder work, this is a natural consequence: besides, while children, they run about quite naked, picking up shell-fish, carrying wood, or bringing water. In the colour of the older people there is a tinge of yellow, which is not noticed in the middle-aged or young. Both sexes oil themselves, or rub their bodies with grease ; and daub their faces and bodies with red, black, or white. A fillet is often worn round the head, which upon ordinary occasions is simply a string, made of sinews; but if going to war, or dressed for show, the fillet is ornamented with white down, white feathers, or pieces of cloth, if they have obtained any from shipping. Small lances, headed with wood; others, pointed with bone; bows, and arrows headed with obsidian, ‘ agate, or jasper; clubs; and slings ; are the weapons used by the 'Tekeenica. The smoke of wood fires, confined in small wigwams, hurts their eyes so much, that they are red and watery ; the effects of their oiling, or greasing themselves, and then rub- bing ochre, clay, or charcoal, over their bodies; of their often feeding upon the most offensive substances, sometimes in a 140 SOUTHERN ABORIGINES. state of putridity ; and of other vile habits, may readily be imagined. As a Tekeenica is seldom out of sight of his canoe or a wig- wam, a slight idea of these—his only constructions—should be given with this sketch. The canoe is made of several large pieces of bark, sewed together ; its shape is nearly that which would be taken by the strong bark of the trunk of a tree (twelve to twenty feet in length, and a foot, or two feet, in diameter), separated from the solid wood, in one piece. If this piece of bark were drawn together at the ends, and kept open by sticks in the middle, it would look rather like a Fuegian canoe. A Tekeenica wigwam is of a conical form, made of a number of large poles, or young trees, placed touching one another in a circle, with the small ends meeting. Sometimes, bunches of grass or pieces of bark are thrown upon the side which is exposed to the prevailing winds. No Fuegians, ex- cept the Tekeenica, make their huts in this manner. The country of this people may be briefly described by say- ing that deep but narrow arms of the sea intersect high moun- tainous islands, many of whose summits are covered with snow, while the lee or eastern sides of their steep and rocky shores are more than partially covered with evergreen woods. Between projecting rocky points are sandy or stony beaches, fronting very small spaces of level Jand, on which the huts of the natives are generally placed. Almost throughout the year, cloudy weather, rain, and much wind prevail ; indeed, really fine days are very rare. Being so near the level of that great climate agent, the ocean, frost and snow are far less frequent than might be expected in a high latitude, among snow-covered mountains, of which the sight alone inclines one to shiver. The men of the Alikhoolip tribe are the stoutest and har- diest, and the women the least ill-looking of the Fuegians. Though not very dissimilar, they are superior to the Tekeenica ; but they are inferior to the Yacana, and far below the natives of Patagonia. Their canoes are rather better than those of the Tekeenica, made, however, in the same manner. eS ee = == SSS , Wy f Ii Hi) \TAGONDANS, <1 a WM In au / Ui eat Mi ei) find Wii) : Wii oa i y 25 a SUL LAE LAL 5s : I) & A lop) eG is) = fa ae na > m Se Ve) we # 1 =} i = Sees SS 0) > a ce = c 1 N s Pablished by Henry Co TO TRADE QING G S TAN G FU CHICO—-SLAVE TRADE. 171 Yet Mr. Low did not think that the little capitan belonged to any of the families residing near Gregory Bay, but to some part of the same tribe who live far inland. Maria’s son, Chico, was subsequently cacique, or acting as cacique of the Gregory Bay party. Had this western tribe been under the dominion of the Gregory Bay party, would the successor to Chico have been taken from a tribe who live far inland ? The apparent mixture of horse and canoe Indians appears to me to have been an accidental consequence of the fire made as a signal, which called to the spot horsemen from the north and canoes from the south. The novelty of a vessel anchoring in a place never before disturbed by such a visitor, might well suspend hostilities between neighbouring tribes, even had they been at war; but there is every reason to conclude that the canoe men of the south side of those waters have frequent and even amicable intercourse with the horsemen of Patagonia. A part though of that amicable intercourse consists in selling their children to the Patagonians for slaves. The following incident led to the discovery of this slave-trade: Mr. Low heard Maria talking of ¢ zapallos,’* and asked her if she could get some for him—and how many? He thought she meant pumpkins (for which zapallos is Spanish); Maria replied, ““ two boat loads,” and to show of what, pointed to a young slave, lately purchased from the Fuegians. When there are more zapallos among them than are wanted for slaves, or than suits their convenience, what becomes of them? While young, they may be more useful than when they grow old; and a wandering people, subsisting by hunting, would not in all probability take the trouble of providing for useless slaves, who might maintain themselves. ‘The Patagonians are not so bar- barous as to kill them; then what becomes of those zapallos ? If they are not sent to the borders of the Skyring and Otway Waters, there to shift for themselves, with perhaps a few old horses, and even some young men who help them to hunt, the employment of their later years is unexplained. * “Zapallos,’ or some word of similar sound. ¥7Z COUNTING—-RESPECT TO AGE. The canoe Indians are in reality despised by the Patago- nians ; but, for the sake of trade, are generally kept upon half- friendly terms. For dogs, old horses, guanaco meat, and old mantles, the former give pieces of iron pyrites (used for striking fire), their captives, or their children. Patagonians have a great antipathy to negroes. As soon as: they see a black man, they shout, hoot, hiss, and make faces at him. No signs of hieroglyphics or writing have been noticed among the Patagonians. They can reekon as far as thousands. Time is counted by years and moons, days and nights. There are parti- cular words denoting the various phases of the moon, the sea- sons of the year, and the times of day and night. In counting, the fingers and toes are used, as well as words expressing num- bers, especially when trying to make their meaning clear to strangers. Once, when Mr. Low was leaving Gregory Bay, he gave Maria to understand that he would return again in four moons, and asked her to have some guanaco meat ready for him when he should arrive. He returned a fortnight before his time. No meat was ready. Maria said he was too soon, explaining herself by holding three fingers up, and the fourth bent half down. ‘The few words of their language which have been collected by me are mentioned in the Appendix. The Patagonians pay respect to old people, taking great care of them; they seldom move about on ordinary occasions, but remain near the tolderia (village or encampment) with the herds of mares. It has been mentioned that the Patagonians have lately taken a liking to spirits. When intoxicated, they are very noisy, but not quarrelsome. ‘They are very fond of tobacco ; and use some sort of pipe, frequently ornamented with brass and tassels: it is passed round from one to the other. They neither work, nor use any metal but what is obtained from white men. There is no kind of pottery made by them: wooden vessels, or bladders, being used for containing water. Many of them now have iron kettles, in which meat is some- times boiled, but their usual mode of cookery is roasting; a WOMEN—GRATITUDE. 173 piece of meat being put upon a wooden skewer, which is stuck into the ground near their fire. The conduct of the women does not correspond to their cha- racter drawn by Falkner; but their ideas of propriety may have been altered by the visits of licentious strangers. Both at Gregory Bay (on the north shore of Magalhaens Strait), and at the: River Negro, the Patagonian women are now thought to be unfaithful to their husbands, and to care little about chas- tity. The men appear to give themselves no anxiety on the subject. Spirits, provisions, and (to them) valuable articles of hardware, or clothing which they receive, occupy much more of their attention. These Indians do not appear very sensible of heat or cold, if one may judge from their habits of life, and from their cloth- ing; in the latter, the only difference made during the coldest part of winter is wearing horse-hide boots more constantly. In summer, their feet and legs are generally naked. Both men and women wash themselves occasionally, neither regularly nor often; but the women are rather less uncleanly than the men. I have elsewhere mentioned that they comb their hair with the jawbone of a porpoise (obtained from the zapallos). They have also a small brush, made of coarse grass, twigs, or rushes, with which their toilet is assisted. When Mr. Low was returning from Monte Video, with the boy. on board who has been spoken of as recognizing Capitan Chups, some natives were seen on Elizabeth Island (Strait of Magalhaens). A boat was sent, with the boy in her, to trade with them for skins. When near enough to distinguish per- sons, he seemed extremely frightened—clung to the thwarts of the boat—and begged not to be landed. These were canoe Indians, but of what tribe was not ascertained: he said they would certainly kill him. Some time after this boy had rejoined his family, Mr. Low was informed, by the Gregory Bay people, that he had collected seal-skins for ‘ Capitan Low,’ which he would not part with to any other person, as he knew they were the object of his friend’s trading voyages. This instance of gratitude ‘for kind treatment speaks well for both 174 PATAGONIAN DOGS. parties : but, indeed, every white man who has passed any time among the Patagonian Indians agrees in giving a favourable account of the treatment experienced. The ‘ Basket-maker,’ however, would fare better than the ‘Scholar,’ I fancy, with these, as well as with most other tribes of savages, until ideas could be communicated clearly.* The dogs now found in the southern part of Patagonia have a wolfish appearance—their size, colour, hair, ears, nose, tail, and form being in general much like those of a wolf; though some black or spotted dogs are also seen. The roof of the mouth is black: the ears are always erect, and the nose sharp-pointed. IT should say that their usual height is about that of a large fox- hound. Generally the coat is harsh or wiry, and rather short ; but there are some dogs among them which have thick woolly coats, like those of Newfoundland or large shepherd’s dogs, which some resemble; others being more like lurchers; but all have a wild wolf-like look, not at all prepossessing. I had a fine dog of this kind, rather like a Newfoundland, except in physiognomy, but his habits were so savage that he came to an untimely end. These dogs hunt by sight, without giving tongue; but they growl or bark loudly at the approach of strangers. As to attachment to their masters, the dogs we had could hardly give fair testimony, having been taken (bought) from them ; but to strangers they were always snappish. * With reference to what has been already mentioned about their migratory inclinations, I will here annex an omitted date:—Maria and her companions were at Gregory Bay in November 1831: at the River Negro in September 1832: and again at Gregory Bay, in the Strait of Magalhaens, in March 1833, CHAPTER IX. Features— F orm—Paint—Disposition—F 0ood—Doctor—Religious ideas Superstitions — Marriage — Death—Burial—Cannibalism—W eapons —Women’s occupation—Training—Obtaining food—Fire—Language —Sagacity and local knowledge —Battles — Ceremony — Natives in Trinidad Gulf—Obstruction Sound—Potatoes—Dogs. THE most remarkable traits in the countenance of a Fue- gian are his extremely small, low forehead; his prominent brow; small eyes (suffering from smoke) ; wide cheek-bones ; wide and open nostrils; large mouth, and thick lips. Their eyes are small, sunken, black, and as restless as those of savages in general. Their eyelids are made red and watery by the wood smoke in their wigwams. ‘The chin varies much; that of a 'Tekeenica is smaller and less prominent than that of an Alikhoolip, in whom it is large and rather projecting, but there is much variety. ‘The nose is always narrow between the eyes, and, except in a few curious Instances, is hollow, in profile out- line, or almost flat. The mouth is coarsely formed (I speak of them in their savage state, and not of those who were in England, whose features were much improved by altered habits, and by education); their teeth are very peculiar: no canine, or eye-teeth, project beyond the rest, or appear more pointed than those; the front teeth are solid, and often flat-topped like those of a horse eight years old, and enamelled only at the sides: the interior substance of each tooth is then seen as plainly, in proportion to its size, as in that of a horse. Their hair is black, coarse, and lank, excepting the few instances mentioned in the next page. It grows by single hairs, not by piles, or by little bunches like very small camel-hair pencils. It does not fall off, nor does it turn gray until they are very old. Little, if any, hair is seen on the eye-brow. ‘They would have a strag- gling beard, but scrupulously pull out every hair with tweezers made of muscle-shells. 176 HAIR=~-FEATURES—FORM. As exceptions to the general appearance of these people, it ought to be said that, among the Fuegians, I have seen several individuals, both men and women, with curly or frizzled hair (like that of some of the Polynesians or Malays), with rather high foreheads, straight or aquiline noses; and in other fea- tures allied to the natives of New Zealand rather than to their countrymen of Tierra del Fuego. I was much struck by those exceptions, and, at the time, conjectured that they might be descendants of the Spanish colonists at Port Famine: but since then, having seen the Polynesians, I have been led to think otherwise; as will be mentioned in a future page relating to New Zealand. Phrenological remarks on the forms of their heads are added in the Appendix: some were made on the spot by Mr. Wilson, the former surgeon of the Beagle, and others by a person in London. Mr. Wilson’s paper also contains anatomical remarks and measurements. In this place it will be sufficient to remark that their heads are remarkably low, but wide; and full from the ears backward. The neck of a Fuegian is short and strong. His shoulders are square, but high;-his chest and body are very large. The trunk is long, compared to the limbs and head. His arms and legs are rounder, and less sinewy, than those of Europeans ; his joints are smaller, and his extre- mities are likewise comparatively less. The hands are shaped like those of Europeans, but the feet, from always going bare- footed, are square at the toes, and would, by some persons, be considered of the Papua form. Most of them are rather bow- legged, and they turn their feet a little inwards in walking. The knee is strained by the custom of sitting so long on their heels, so that, when straightened, there are considerable folds or wrinkles of loose skin above and below the joint. The muscles of their thighs are large, but those of the legs, small. Little children are nearly of the same hue as their parents’ skin is when cleaned; but infants are, for a few days, rather lighter coloured. | As I have already said, a small fillet is all that is worn around the head. Usually this is a mere string, made of the SIGNS—- PAINT—SHYNESS. ys sinews of birds or animals; but, to make a show, they some- times stick feathers, bits of cloth, or any trash given to them, into these head-bands. White feathers, or white down, on the fillet, is a sign of hostility, or of being prepared for war. Red is the favourite colour, denoting peace, or friendly intentions, and much admired as ornamental. Red paint, made with ochre, is profusely used. Their white* paint is added to the red when preparing for war; but the marks made are mere daubs, of the rudest, if of any design. Black is the mourning colour. After the death of a friend, or near relation, they blacken themselves with charcoal, and oil or grease. Any sort of clay is used, if their paint 1s scarce, to preserve warmth rather than as an improvement to their appearance. When discovered by strangers, the instant impulse of a Fuegian family is to run off into the wood with their children, and such things as they can carry with them. After a short time, if nothing hostile is attempted by the intruders, and if they are not too numerous, the men return cautiously, making friendly signs, waving pieces of skins, rubbing and patting their bellies, and shouting. If all goes on quietly, the women fre- quently return, bringing with them the children; but they always leave the most valuable skins hidden in the bushes. This hasty concealment of seal or otter skins is the result of visits from sealers, who frequently robbed Fuegian families of every skin in their possession, before the natives understood the mo- tives of their expeditions in boats into the interior waters of Tierra del Fuego. Sometimes nothing will induce a single indi- vidual of the family to appear; men, women, and children hide in the thick woods, where it would be almost impossible to find them,-and do not show themselves again until the strangers are gone: but during the whole time of their conceal- ment a watchful look-out is kept by them upon the motions of their unwelcome visitors. Scarcity of food, and the facility with which they move from one place to another in their canoes, are, no doubt, the reasons * Aluminous earth, indurated pipe clay, or decomposed feldspar. VOL. II. N 178 FOOD—DOCTOR. why the Fuegians are always so dispersed among the islands in small family parties, why they never remain long in one place, and why a large number are not seen many days in society. They never attempt to make use of the soil by any kind of culture ; seals, birds, fish, and particularly shell-fish, being their principal subsistence; any one place, therefore, soon ceases to supply the wants of even one family ; hence they are always migratory. In a few places, where the meeting of tides causes a constant - supply of fish, especially porpoises, and where the land is broken into multitudes of irregular islets and rocks, whose shores afford an almost inexhaustible quantity of shell-fish, a few families may be found at one time, numbering altogether among them from twenty to forty souls; but even those approaches towards association are rare, and those very families are so migratory by nature, that they do not remain many months in such a spot, however productive it may be, but go wandering away among the numerous secluded inlets or sounds of their country, or repair to the outer sea-coast in search of seals, a dead whale, or fragments of some wrecked ship. During the summer they prefer the coast, as they then obtain a great quantity of eggs and young birds, besides seal, which come ashore to breed at that season; and in the winter they retire more into the interior waters in search of shell-fish, and the small but numerous and excellent fish which they catch among the sea-weed (kelp). The substitutes for clothing, the arms, canoes, and dwell- ings of the Fuegians have been so often described already, that I will not tire the reader by a repetition. Some of their customs, hitherto not related, may be more interesting. 3 There is no superiority of one over another, among the Fuegians, except that acquired gradually by age, sagacity, and daring conduct ; but the ‘ doctor-wizard’ of each party has much influence over his companions. Being one of the most cun- ning, as well as the most deceitful of his tribe, it was not surpris- ing that we should always have found the ‘doctor’ concerned in all mischief and every trouble arising out of our intercourse IDEAS OF RELIGION. 179 with these natives. It became a saying among us, that such a person was as troublesome as a Fuegian doctor. In each family the word of af old man is accepted as law by the young people; they never dispute his authority. War- fare, though nearly continual, is so desultory, and on so small a scale among them, that the restraint and direction of their elders, advised as they are by the doctors, is sufficient. Ideas of a spiritual existence—of beneficent and evil powers —they certainly have ; but I never witnessed or heard of any act of a decidedly religious nature, neither could I satisfy myself of their having any idea of the immortality of the soul. The fact of their believing that the evil spirit torments them in this world, if they do wrong, by storms, hail, snow, &c., is one rea- son why I am inclined to think that they have no thought of a future retribution. ‘The only act I have heard of which could be supposed devotional, is the following. When Matthews was left alone with them for several days, he sometimes heard a great howling, or lamentation, about sun-rise in the morn- ing; and upon asking Jemmy Button what occasioned this outcry, he could obtain no satisfactory answer; the boy only saying, ‘‘ people very sad, cry very much.” Upon one occa- sion, when some canoes were alongside the Beagle, at a subsequent visit to the Beagle Channel (in 1834), a sudden howl from one of the Fuegians aroused several others who were near, and at the opposite side of the vessel, when a ge- neral howl of lamentation took place, which was ended by a low growling noise. By this, as well as by pulling their hair, and beating their breasts, while tears streamed down their faces, they evinced their sorrow for the fate of some friends who had perished, some days before the Beagle’s arrival, by the upsetting of a loaded canoe.* There was no regular weeping, nor any thing at all like the downright cry of a civilized being ; it was a noise which seemed to be peculiar to a savage. This howling was mostly among the men, only one young woman was similarly affected. Now whether the noises heard by * The bottom of a Fuegian canoe is full of mud, or clay, for the fire- place. nQ 180 SUPERSTITIONS. Matthews were occasioned by similar feelings, or by those of a devotional nature, I cannot pretend to say. The natives whom I carried to England often ve thin us ie their superstitious ideas, which showed, nevertheless, that their ideas were not limited by the visible world. If any thing was said or done that was wrong, in their opinion it was certain to cause bad weather. Even shooting young birds, before they were able to fly, was thought a heinous offence. I remember York Minster saying one day to Mr. Bynoe, when he had shot ‘some young ducks with the old bird—* Oh, Mr. Bynoe, very -bad to shoot little duck—come wind—come rain—blow—very much blow.” A great black man is supposed to be always wandering about the woods and mountains, who is certain of knowing every word and every action; who cannot be escaped, and who influences the weather according to men’s conduct. York related a curi- ous story of his own brother, who had committed a murder. “In woods of my country,” said he, ‘some men go about alone; very wild men—have no belly (meaning probably that they were very thin), live by stealing from other men.” He then went on to say, that his brother had been getting birds out of acliff, and, on coming down, hid them among some long rushes, and went away. Soon afterwards he returned, and, see- ing feathers blown away by the wind from the spot, suspected what was going on; so taking a large stone in his hand, he crept stealthily towards the place, and there saw one of these wild men plucking a bird which he had got out of the cliff. Without saying a word, he dashed the stone at the wild man’s head, and killed him on the spot. Afterwards York’s_bro- ther was very sorry for what he had done, particularly when it began to blow very hard. York said, in telling the story, <‘ rain come down—snow come down—hail come down—wind blow—blow—very much blow. Very bad to kill man. Big man in woods no like it, he very angry.” At the word ‘blow,’ York imitated the sound of a strong wind; and he told the whole story in a very low tone of voice, and with a mysterious manner; considering it an extremely serious affair. DEATH— BURIAL. 181 Jemmy Button was also very superstitious, and a great believer in omens and dreams. He would not talk of a dead person, saying, with a grave shake of the head, “no good, no good talk ; my country never talk of dead man.” While at sea, on board the Beagle, about the middle of the year 1832, he said one morning to Mr. Bynoe, that in the night some man came to the side of his hammock, and whispered in his ear that his father was dead. Mr. Bynoe tried to laugh him out of the idea, but ineffectually. He fully believed that such was the case, and maintained his opinion up to the time of finding his relations in the Beagle Channel, when, I regret to say, he found that his father had died some months previously. He did not forget to remind Mr. Bynoe (his most confidential friend) of their former conversation, and, with a significant shake of the head said, it was “‘ bad—very bad.” Yet those simple words, as Mr. Bynoe remarked, seemed to express the extent of his sorrow, for after that time he said no more about his father. This subsequent silence, however, might have been caused by the habit already noticed, of never mentioning the dead. When a person dies, his family wrap the body in skins, and carry it a long way into the woods; there they place it upon broken boughs, or pieces of solid wood, and then pile a great quantity of branches over the corpse. ‘This is the case among the Tekeenica and Alikhoolip tribes, as well as the Pecheray ; but how the others dispose of their dead, I know not, excepting that, on the west coast, some large caves have been found, in which were many human bodies in a dried state. One of these caves 1s mentioned in Byron’s narrative of the wreck of the Wager: and another was seen by Mr. Low, which will be spoken of in describing the natives of the western coast of Patagonia (the Chonos Indians), who from their intercourse with the Spaniards may be supposed to have acquired ideas somewhat more enlarged than those of the southernmost regions —the Alikhoolip and Tekeenica. I prefer relating all that I know of these tribes, in consequence of the intercourse carried on with them by the Beagle’s officers and myself, and the visit 182 MARRIAGE. of York, Jemmy, and Fuegia to England, before any of Mr. Low’s account is given ; because, as his intercourse was chiefly with the Chonos tribe, and was quite unconnected with the Beagle’s visit, it will be more satisfactory to the reader to be enabled to compare accounts from different sources, which in some points are so strikingly similar, that their agreement giveg great weight to the whole. The Fuegians marry young. As soon as a youth is able to maintain a wife, by his exertions in fishing or bird-catching, he obtains the consent of her relations, and does some piece of work, such as helping to make a canoe, or prepare seal-skins, &c. for her parents. Having built or stolen a canoe for himself, he watches for an opportunity, and carries off his bride. If she is unwilling, she hides herself in the woods until her ad- mirer is heartily tired of looking for her, and gives up the pur- suit; but this seldom happens. Although this is undoubt- edly the custom among many of them, we had some reason to think there were parties who lived in a promiscuous manner—a few women being with many men. It is, however, hardly fair to judge from what we saw during our short visit, when the ordi- nary habits of their life were certainly much altered. We observed, while at Woollya, a disproportionately small num- ber of females ; but it ought to be remembered, that the people whom we then saw came to look at us from a distance, and that the greater part of their women and children were pro- bably left in security at various places, as were the women and children of those who stole our boat in the former voyage (vol. i. p. 394) whom we found in a retired nook, far out of ordinary observation. Jemmy Button often talked of his father, mother, brothers, and sisters, also of uncles* and aunts, after he knew enough of our language to understand distinctly the relationship. Now this could not have been the case had not his father and mother lived together permanently as man and wife, according to the clear account which he himself always gave of their custom in this respect. * It was an uncle who gave him to me for some buttons. CANNIBALISM. 183 From the concurring testimony of the three Fuegians above- mentioned, obtained from them at various times and by many different persons, it is proved that they eat human flesh upon particular occasions, namely, when excited by revenge or extremely pressed by hunger. Almost always at war with adjoining tribes, they seldom meet but a hostile encounter 1s the result; and then those who are vanquished and taken, if not already dead, are killed and eaten by the conquerors. ‘The arms and breast are eaten by the women ; the men eat the legs ; and the trunk is thrown into the sea. During a severe winter, when hard frost and deep snow prevent their obtaining food as usual, and famine is staring them in the face, extreme hun- ger impels them to lay violent hands on the oldest woman of their party, hold her head over a thick smoke, made by burn- ing green wood, and pinching her throat, choke her. ‘They then devour every particle of the flesh, not excepting the trunk, as in the former case. Jemmy Button, in telling this horrible story as a great secret, seemed to be much ashamed of his coun- trymen, and said, he never would do so—he would rather eat his own hands. When asked why the dogs were not eaten, he said * Dog catch iappo” (iappo means otter). York told me that they always eat enemies whom they killed in battle ; and I have no doubt that he told me the truth. When the Dutch fleet were in Nassau Bay (1624), a boat's crew were attacked by the natives, murdered and partly eaten. But previous to this (in 1599), Oliver Van Noort had attacked some Fuegians in a cave near acape, then called Nassau, where he killed several men, and took four boys and two girls pri- soners. Jemmy Button told me that there are two tribes of Te- keenica, differing only in situation, who go to war sometimes with one another, though usually at peace; they live east and west, respectively, of some islets in the Beagle Channel, a short distance north-eastward of Woollya. With these two tribes or subdivisions of the Tekeenica there is constant war made by the Yacana, called by Jemmy ‘ Oens-men ;’ but they (the Tekeenica) are sometimes at peace with the Alikhoolip. 184 FOOD—WEAPONS. The food of the Fuegians has been mentioned so often in the preceding pages of this or the former volume, that I will only add here a few remarks which have not hitherto been made. When there is time, the natives roast their shell-fish, and. half-roast any other food that is of a solid nature; but when in haste, they eat fish, as well as meat, in a raw state. A seal is considered to be a grand prize; for, besides the flesh, they feast on the oil; and a porpoise is much valued, for a similar reason. Seal are often killed on the rocks, by striking them on the nose with a club, or large stick : and rather than let a seal go, which has been intercepted by getting between it and the water, they will risk having a severe bite by attacking it with a stone in hand. Both seal and porpoises are speared by them from their canoes. When struck, the fish usually run into the kelp, with the spear floating on the water, being attached by a short line to a moveable barb; and there the men follow with their canoe, seize the spear, and tow by it till the fish is dead. To them, the taking of a seal or porpoise is a matter of as much consequence as the capture of a whale is to eur countrymen. On moonlight nights, birds are caught when roosting, not only by the men but by their dogs, which are sent out to seize them while asleep upon the rocks or beach ; and so well are these dogs trained, that they bring all they catch safely to their masters, without making any noise, and then return for another mouthful. Birds are also frequently killed with arrows,* or by stones slung at them with unerring aim. Eggs are eagerly sought for by the natives; indeed, I may say that they eat any thing and every thing that is eatable, without being particular as to its state of freshness, or. as to. its having been near the fire. Penguins are much prized ; the otter is also valued, excepting the body part, which they seldom * These arrows are of hard wood, well polished, and quite straight. They are about two feet in length, and in a notch at the point have a sharp triangular piece of agate, obsidian, or broken glass; which is not permanently fixed, and therefore remains in a wound, though the shaft may be drawn out. The bow is from three to four feet long, quite plain, with a string made of twisted sinews. FOOD—DRINK—WOMEN. 185 eat unless hard pressed by hunger. Sometimes they spear fine fish, like cod-fish—fifteen or twenty pounds in weight. Small fish are caught in abundance by the method formerly de- scribed,* and they are the staple article of food among the Tekeenica. The fins of a dead whale are esteemed; but if other food is to be had, they do not eat the blubber. In the Tekeenica country, near the Beagle Channel, there are many small animals, about the size of a cat, which they some- times take and eat. These, I think, are nutria; for, on one occasion, a fresh nutria skin was obtained from them, the only sign I ever found of a small animal in that neighbourhood. Of vegetable food they have very little: a few berries, cran- berries, and those which grow on the arbutus, and a kind of fungus, which is found on the birch-tree, being the only sorts used. This fungus is very plentiful in some places: it grows upon the birch-tree much as the oak-apple upon an oak-tree. Mr. Darwin describes it fully in his journal (vol. 11). There is also another much larger kind of fungus, which is sometimes eaten. On what tree it grows, I know not, but it was mentioned to me as being about two feet in circumference. The Fuegians drink only pure water, but often, and in large quantities. The women or children fetch it in small buckets, made of birch- bark ; and two or three times in the course of a night they wake to eat and drink. In the day-time also they eat and drink very frequently. The men procure food of the larger kind, such as seal, otter, porpoises, &c.; they break or cut wood and bark for fuel, as well as for building the wigwams and canoes. They go out at night to get birds; they train the dogs, and of course under- take all hunting or warlike excursions. The women nurse their children, attend the fire (feeding it with dead wood, rather than green, on account of the smoke), make baskets and water-buckets, fishing-lines and necklaces,+ go out to catch small fish in their canoes, gather shell-fish, dive for sea-eggs, take care of the canoes, upon ordinary occa- sions paddle their masters about while they sit idle ;—and do any other drudgery. * See vol.i. p. 428, + See note at end of chapter. 186 SWIMMING—TRAINING. Swimming is a favourite amusement of the Fuegians during summer ; but the unfortunate women are obliged to go out into rather deep water, and dive for sea-eggs in the depth of win- ter as often asin summer. Men, women, and children are excel- lent swimmers; but they all swim like dogs. Directly they come out of the water they run to the fire, and rub their bodies all over with oil or grease and ochreous earth, to keep out the cold. Swinging between branches of trees, as our children do, is also a favourite pastime, the ropes being made of strips of seal- skin. Frequently the men are lowered down by such ropes over the faces of high cliffs in search of eggs and young birds, or to attack the seal which herd in caves washed by the surf, and inaccessible to man from seaward. When ill, however seriously, they know of no remedies but rubbing the body with oil, drinking cold water, and causing perspiration by lying near the fire, wrapped up in skins. Both men and women are remarkably fond of the little chil- dren, and were always much pleased at any notice taken of them by our parties, when they felt sufficient confidence in us to bring the children forward. Much respect is said to be paid to age; yet we never saw either man or woman who appeared to be very old—certainly no one was decrepit. It is rather curious that usually each of these natives is trained to a particular pursuit: thus, one becomes an adept with the spear; another with the sling; another with a bow and arrows; but this excellence in one line does not hinder their attaining a considerable proficiency in all the others.* Hostilities are usually carried on with slings and stones rather than by close encounters; yet occasional surprises happen, especially when the Oens-men make an attack, and then there is savage work with clubs, stones in the hand, and spears. In the winter, when snow lies deep on the ground, the Tekeenica people assemble to hunt the guanaco, which then comes down from the high lands to seek for pasture near the sea. ‘The long legs of the animal stick deeply into the snow and soft boggy ground, disabling him from escape, while the * Mr. Low has seen Fuegians with balls (bolas) in the northern part of their country. GUANACOES—FIRE. 187 Fuegians and their dogs hem him in on every side, and quickly make him their prey. Jemmy Button’s division of the 'Tekeenica, living westward of Murray Narrow, never obtain guanacoes; but the other division, who live eastward of that small passage, often kill them in winter ; and at other times of the year they sometimes get them by lying in wait, and shooting them with arrows, or by getting into a tree near their track, and spearing them as they pass beneath the branches. An arrow was shewn to Low, which was marked with blood two-thirds of its length in wounding a guanaco, afterwards caught by dogs. Low held out his jacket, making signs that the arrow would not penetrate it : upon which the native pointed to his eye. Some of the families of this eastern division of the Tekeenica have no canoes, living entirely at a distance fromthe shore, and subsisting upon berries, birch-fungus, guanacoes, and birds. The bows and arrows of those men are longer and better, and they have some very fine dogs, which are trained to search for and bring home food. These dogs often surprise the larger birds, while feeding on the ground, as well as when they are at roost, so quietly do they steal upon their prey. Byron men- tions that the Chonos Indians send their dogs away to fish, and that they assist their owners in fishing, by swimming about, and driving the fish into a corner. This I have not witnessed or heard of among the Fuegians; but their dogs assist in a similar manner when in pursuit of an otter, by swimming and diving after it with the utmost eagerness. Fire, that essential necessary to man in every state and every climate, is always kept alive by these savages wherever they go, either in their canoes, in their wigwams, or even in their hand, by a piece of burning wood ; but they are at no loss to rekindle it, should any accident happen. With two stones (usually iron pyrites) they procure a spark, which received among tinder, and then whisked round in the air, soon kindles into a flame. The tinder used is the inner down of birds, well dried; very fine dry moss; ora dry kind of fungus found on the under side of half-rotten trees. Where the pyrites is 188 LANGUAGE — CAUTIONS. usually obtained, I do not know ; but it cannot be plentiful in the 'T'ekeenica country, since every woman keeps small pieces by her, in the basket which holds their paint and ornaments, and will not easily be prevailed upon to part with them. Some of the sealers have fancied these pieces of pyrites were silver or gold ore, and have eagerly sought for the mines whence they came. Qne person finding a large quantity in a rock some- where near the Gulf of Trinidad, employed his crew and him- self for many days in loading his ship with it, being quite sure it was gold. . Of the Fuegian language we know but little, although three of the natives were so many months with us. JI found great difficulty in obtaining words, excepting names for things which could be shown to them, and which they had in their own country ; however, the few which I have collected are given in the Appendix to this volume, and I can assure the reader that the utmost pains were taken to spell each word so as to ensure having the correct sound when pronounced by other persons; and to place the marks of accent, as well as quantity, with precision. All the Fuegian sounds are imitable by using our letters, excepting one, a curious sort of ¢cluck,’ meaning ‘no. Many of their words are exceedingly guttural in their pronunciation, yet I have twice heard their women sing, and not disagreeably. Weddell, in his narrative (p. 173), gives some Fuegian words, and endeavours to trace a simila- rity to the Hebrew language. Molina also, in his vocabulary of the Araucanian language, which appears to be related to the Fuegian, traces some singular correspondences. Mr. Low, who has had more intercourse with the Fuegians than perhaps any other individual, gave me much information about them. He says that, generally speaking, they appear to be friendly when meeting strangers, but that their subsequent conduct depends entirely upon their relative numbers. ‘They ought never to be trusted, however, as they have hasty tempers, and are extremely revengeful. They show much hardiness and daring, being always ready to defend their own property, or resent any ill treatment; and they are enterprising thieves. CANNIBALISM. 189 When the intentions of the natives are hostile, the women and children are kept out of the way; the men are quite naked, their bodies painted more than usual, and the leader of the party hasa band of white feathers around his head. Mr. Low had a Fuegian boy on board the Adeona, who learned to speak English very tolerably, during eighteen months that he staid on board as a pilot and interpreter. This boy, whose name, among the sealers, was Bob, was one of the Chonos tribe, and had never been south of Magalhaens Strait before he embarked with Mr. Low. He said, that in cases of extreme distress, caused by hunger, human flesh was eaten, and that when they had recourse to such food, the oldest women inva- riably suffered. The poor creatures escaped to the woods, if possible, at such a time, but were soon found and brought back by force. They were killed by suffocation, their heads being held over the thick smoke of a fire made of green wood, and their throats squeezed by the merciless hands of their own relations. ‘This boy imitated the piercing cries of the miserable victims whom he had seen sacrificed. He also men- tioned that the breasts, belly, hands, and feet, were most liked. When first questioned on this subject, he showed no reluctance in answering any questions about it; but after a time, perceiv- ing how much shocked his English companions were at the story, and how much disgust it excited among the crew of the vessel, he refused to talk of it again. The different tribes of canoe Indians are generally upon hostile terms with each other, as well as with the horse Indians. This may be more particularly noticed about the western entrance of Magalhaens Strait, where the tribes which inhabit opposite sides* are particularly inveterate in their hostility. On the west coast of Patagonia, from the Strait of Magal- haens to Cape Tres Montes, Mr. Low found that the natives seemed to be of one tribe, and upon friendly terms with one another. A man, whose native name was Niqueaccas, was taken on board Mr. Low’s vessel, near Cape Victory, as a pilot, * Chonos and Alikhoolip. 190 RELIGIOUS IDEAS.. and he afterwards proved to be acquainted with all the natives met with along the coast as far north as the parallel of 47°. He was always glad to see the various parties of Indians whom they met, and was invariably well received by them. Per- fectly acquainted with every part of the coast, he was able to point out excellent harbours, as well as the best seal ‘ rooke- ries.” Niqueaccas and the boy Bob were of the same tribe; but whenever he was spoken to about eating people, he became sullen, and not a word could be obtained from him. He spoke English very fairly before leaving the vessel in his own country, after being with Mr. Low fourteen months. The people of this tribe* are by no means without ideas of a superior Being. They have great faith in a good spirit, whom they call Yerri Yuppon, and consider to be the author of all good: him they invoke in time of distress or danger. They also believe in an evil spirit, called Yaccy-ma, who they think is able to do all kinds of mischief, cause bad weather, famine, illness, &c.: he is supposed to be like an immense black man. After being hard pressed for food, and then obtaining a good quantity, much form is observed in dis- tributing the first supplies. Mr. Low witnessed a ceremony of this kind, during which the greatest order prevailed. ‘The whole tribe was seated round a fire, and the oldest man gave each individual a share, repeatedly muttering a short prayer, and looking upwards. Not one of the party, although nearly starved, attempted to touch the food, a large seal, until this ceremony was ended: one share was offered to Mr. Low. At another time, on Madre de Dios Island, after having been detained in port upwards of three months, owing to very bad weather, during which time the natives were almost famished, being unable to reach the outer rocks in quest of food, Mr. Low went with his boats and procured a few seals, taking an Indian in each boat. At his return the carcasses of the seals were sent ashore, but not one of the natives, ravenous as they were, attempted to touch a morsel until all was landed, till the * Chonos. See page 194. BURIAL PLACES—CUBBA. 191 ceremony above-mentioned had been duly performed, and till the natives who had been in the boats had chosen what they pleased for their share. This tribe appears to have regular places for depositing their dead; as on a small out-lying island, a little southward of Madre de Dios, Mr. Low found a cave which had been used for sucha purpose : it was strewed with human bones, and the body of a native child was found in a state of putrefaction. The bodies seemed to have been placed in shallow graves, about a foot deep, which had been dug along the sides of the cave, and covered with twigs and leaves. Slips of a peculiar plant, resembling box, had been carefully planted along the outer sides of each grave, and those near the mouth of the cave had taken root and were growing, but all those in the interior had decayed. One evening, while at sea, Mr. Low called the boy to him, and said, ‘“ Bob, look at the sun; it is going to be drowned.” The boy shook his head, saying, “‘ No, no drown ; to-morrow morning get up again. Sun go round earth; come again to- morrow.” The natives of this tribe* suppose that all white people originally came from the moon; they call them “ cubba;” and often make use of an expression with reference to them which means * White men of the Moon.” ‘These Indians, in com- mon with those of the other southern tribes, are exceedingly superstitious, implicitly believing omens, signs, and dreams, as well as the ‘wise men’ among them, who are thought infal- lible as prophets, doctors, and magicians. Once, when Mr. Low was detained about three weeks by contrary winds and bad weather, his crew became discontented, and attributed their ill-luck to a native who was detained on board against his will. ‘To pacify those who were, in this instance, every bit as superstitious as the aborigines themselves, a fire was made on shore, to invite the Indians to approach ; and when they came he delivered their countryman to them, explaining at the same * Chonos. 192 SAGACITY. time that he would depart as soon as the wind became fair. An old Indian, then, in a very ceremonious and mysterious manner, gave Low what he understood to be a charm, with strict injunctions not to look at it until next morning ; when, at sunrise, there would be a fair wind, and the vessel might sail. Notwithstanding the old man’s orders, he was no sooner out of sight than Low opened the mysterious packet, which appeared to contain human hair, mixed with the scrapings of the shaft of an arrow. Next morning, however, at sunrise, a fair (easterly) wind sprung up, and the vessel sailed. How the old man foreknew the change—whether he judged by the sky, the tides, or other indications, did not transpire; but this was by no means a singular instance of extraordinary accuracy shown by the natives in foretelling changes of weather. The sagacity and extensive local knowledge of these people is very surprising; Niqueaccas was so well acquainted with all the coast between 47° and the Strait of Magalhaens, that, upon being taken to a high hill, immediately after landing from a cruise, in which they had been far out of sight of land, he pointed out the best harbours and places for seal then visible ; and in one direction, a long way off (pointing towards Eyre Sound, then far out of sight), he said there were great numbers of fur seals. The boy Bob also described that same place, when he was with Mr. Low at the Galapagos Islands. On a calm day, while there was nothing going on, he made a chart with chalk upon the vessel’s deck, reaching from the windlass to the taff- rail, and Mr. Low has since felt quite certain that the boy meant Eyre Sound, though at that time these interior waters on the west coast of Patagonia had not been explored by any white man. Niqueaccas was always anxious and timid about taking the Adeona through a passage where he knew danger existed, and proportionably pleased when the dangers were safely passed, and the vessel anchored in a safe position. The boy Bob, when only ten years old, was on board the Adeona at sea. As the vessel approached land, Low asked LOCAL KNOWLEDGE—WAR. 193 him where a harbour could be found? As soon as he under- stood what was meant, which was an affair of some difficulty, for he then could speak but very little English, he got up on the vessel’s bulwark, and looked anxiously around. After some hesitation, he pointed to a place where the ship might go, and then went to the lead-line, and made signs to Mr. Low that he must sound as he approached the land. ‘The cove was found to have a shoal and narrow entrance, but was safe and sufficiently spacious within. Such knowledge at so early an age is an extraordinary proof of the degree in which the perceptive and retentive faculties are enjoyed by these savages. Whenever the advice of Niqueaccas or any of his tribe was rejected, much sullenness and displeasure were shown. Upon one occasion his services were refused, and a harbour tried against his advice, which proved to be a bad one; it was left to seek for that which he had previously recommended, and his sullenness suddenly changed into delight; but when his harbour was pronounced excellent, and he was duly praised, his joy knew no bounds. Generally speaking, both Niqueaccas and the boy Bob were well-behaved and good-tempered ; but the boy was sometimes inclined to be mischievous, and would hide the people’s clothes, or put salt into their mouths while asleep. When much annoyed, he would use both teeth and nails, and attack any one, however superior to himself in size and strength. Battles between parties of the same tribe seem to occur occasionally, as this boy showed Mr. Low two spots where quarrels had been decided. Both were open spaces, clear of trees, and near them were the remains of wigwams. One of those battles occurred in consequence of one party wishing to take some seal-skins away from the other; but it did not distinctly appear from the boy’s account whether these encoun- ters were between parties of his tribe, or whether an encroach- ment upon their territory, with a view to plunder, had been made by some other tribe. ‘That parties occasionally cross overland from Skyring Water to Obstruction Sound is evident from Mr, Bynoe’s account (page 198), and that people of the VOL. II. O 194, - SIGNAL OF WAR. tribe to which Niqueaccas belonged either make excursions themselves southward of the Strait of Magalhaens, or that the Alikhoolip invade their territory and take away canoes, is evident from the fact of plank canoes* having been seen in and about the Barbara Channel. The arms used are similar to those of the Alikhoolip already described. A method of declaring war, ascertained by the following cir- cumstance, is rather curious. ‘The boy Bob had been taken on board the Adeona, in consequence of some dispute with the natives, who had stolen things from the vessel. Mr. Low intended to keep him as a hostage until the missing pro- perty should be restored; but the tribe decamped, and as Low was obliged to sail, he carried the boy away with him. At the return of the vessel, about eight months afterwards, the boy saw something on shore, at the entrance of the harbour, which he looked at for some time very earnestly, and then gave Mr. Low to understand that the natives had declared war against him and his ship, and intended to attack her at her return. No natives being visible, Low went ashore with the boy, to see what it was that had attracted his attention, and found a number of spears, arrows, and clubs, roughly cut out of wood, painted red, and stuck into the ground, across a point of the island, and having in the middle a large block of wood, roughly carved into a strange figure (said by the boy to be that of their evil spirit) curiously painted, with long red teeth, and having a short halter of hide (seal-skin) round the part intended to represent a neck. Notwithstanding this outward demonstration of anger and intent to revenge, not a native was seen in the neighbourhood during the many months which Low passed there, and in consequence he had no opportunity of restoring the boy to his own tribe ; but he was afterwards kindly received, and treated as Low’s son, among the Patago- nians of Gregory Bay. The natives of Niqueaccas’ tribe (Chonos) are less dishonest and deceitful than those of the southernmost islands. Mr. Low * Plank canoes are used on the west coast. See page 142. REMARKABLE CONDUCT. 195 has sometimes left his vessel, while he was away sealing, with only two men on board; and although in one instance, at Madre de Dios, there were about a hundred and fifty natives assem- bled, no hostile or predatory attempt whatever was made by them in his absence : indeed so careful were they to prevent any cause for misunderstanding, that in no instance did more than two of their party go on board the vessel during the absence of the boats; though, after their return with Low, they went to her as usual in great numbers. This tribe was in extreme distress for want of food; the whole party looked thin and miserable. Continual gales had prevented the rocks from being uncovered at low water, and no canoe could be launched on account of the surf, therefore they could get neither shell-fish nor seal. A small party were observed going away, as if on an excursion, and the others who remained explained to Low, by signs, that in four sleeps they would return with food. On the fifth day they were met by Low, returning, but almost dead with fatigue, each man having two or three great pieces of whale-blubber, shaped like a poncho with a hole in the middle, on his shoulders. The blubber was half putrid, and looked as if it had been buried under ground. When they entered the largest wigwam, an old man cut very thin slices off one piece, broiled each successively, and distributed to the party in rota- tion; but before doing so, he muttered a few words over each piece in a mysterious manner, while strict silence was kept by the by-standers. One slice was offered to Low. The boy Bob once noticed marks where a whale had been cast ashore; taking a sharp stick, he probed the sand in several places, and found many large pieces of blubber, which were taken on board and boiled down for oil. One of the men of this tribe, seeing two long powder-horns on board the Adeona, placed them to his head and made a noise like the bellowing of cattle ; but he and his tribe were much frightened by sheep and pigs. They would not land on a small island where some pigs were turned loose, and when talking of them, made signs that they had very big noses which alarmed them. When a pig was killed by the crew 0 2 196 REMARKABLE CONDUCT. and part of it cooked, the natives refused even to taste the meat. One day several of these people had gone on board the Adeona with some old axes and pieces of iron, which they wished to have ground at her grindstone (a favour which had often been granted) ; but in consequence of something having gone wrong in the vessel, which had ruffled Low’s temper, he rather roughly refused to let them stay on board. They went away quietly, but left their axes, &c. behind; and while returning were met by the mate of the vessel, who asked if they had ground them; they replied negatively, and gave the mate to understand that the captain’s face was too long, but that they would come again when it was shorter. This occurred before either Niqueaccas or the boy had been taken on board the Adeona. Mr. Low remarked to me that the conduct of these Indians on this occasion of his harshly refusing to comply with a slight request, was quite different from that which the Fuegians would have shown under similar circumstances: they would have been angry, and in all probability have returned his ill-temper with a display of their own, evinced by a shower of stones. Once, when Low was in the Magdalen Channel, he desired some Fuegians who were on board to leave the vessel while his men were below at dinner. They refused to comply, and offered resistance ; but being obliged to go, went in their canoes to a short distance a-head, and there remained slinging large stones on board, which broke several windows. 'To drive them away muskets were used, though without injuring any of their party. Next day the hardy fellows came alongside again, as unconcernedly as ever. When the Fuegians are inclined to attack an enemy with _ stones, they generally try to raise a breastwork of boughs or logs; but no such preparation was ever noticed among the natives of the western coast of Patagonia. While the Adelaide tender was examining the inner pas- sages and sounds of the western shores of Patagonia, under Lieutenant Skyring, some interesting remarks were made by TRINIDAD NATIVES. 197 Mr. Bynoe, which do not appear in the narrative of that cruise given in the preceding volume. I shall here insert them in his own words :— “We entered the Gulf of Trinidad, and while surveying thereabouts met two large canoes, which were thought to be whale-boats when first seen at a distance ; but as we concluded that some sealing vessel was in the neighbourhood, and that these were her boats, little notice was taken of them until they had approached very near, when, to our astonishment they proved to be large plank canoes, pulled with oars, and full of fine stout Indians. Just within hail they stopped, lay on their oars, halloed to us most vociferously, and waved skins above their heads. One man was very conspicuous, having on his head a tall leathern cap, tapering to a point, which was orna- mented with feathers of various gaudy colours; and around the brim of this high conical hat there was also a fringe of feathers. This singular character was painted black all over from head to foot, except a circle of white round each eye, and a few white dots upon his cheeks. By signs we succeeded in tempting them to come alongside the schooner, and were then still more struck by their appearance: they were far superior to any Fuegians I had seen, being a taller race, more upright, and better proportioned ; their limbs were better formed, more muscular, rounder, and fuller than those of any canoe Indians of the Strait of Magalhaens or Barbara Channel; and their skins were cleaner as well as clearer, which was probably the reason why we thought them lighter coloured than the others whom we had seen. The length of back, so remarkable in a Fuegian, was not very discernible in these people, neither were they by any means so ugly as the former; indeed a rather pleasing smile was sometimes noticed on the younger faces. None among them were much smoke-dried, nor did their eyes look red and watery. There did not appear to be one of the party above a middle age, and most of them were young. Three of the men had lost each an upper incisor tooth, and one had a long though not deep scar upon the breast. We all pro- nounced these people to belong to a finer race than we had 198 TRINIDAD NATIVES. seen on the water, and the size of their canoes was quite beyond anything hitherto noticed : they were near thirty feet in length and seven feet broad, with proportionate depth, being made of planks sewn together with strips of twisted bark and rushes: the bow and stern were flat, and nearly upright. Six round pieces of wood formed the thwarts, which were fastened to the gunwale by ropes of twisted rushes; and there were six short oars on each side. These oars were about seven feet long, the blade being a flat piece of wood about sixteen inches in length, fastened to the handle by rush rope passed through two holes in the blade. Of such burthen were these boats (rather than canoes), that two men standing on one gunwale did not bring it down to the water. ach was steered by an old woman, who sat silently abaft with a paddle. All the party were quite naked excepting the old women. ‘* From one of the old women a small bag was obtained, in exchange for a shirt and some woollen stuff, which proved to contain white dust, feathers, parrots’ heads, hawks’ feet, white earth, and red ochre. One of the men had an old hatchet, and made signs that he wanted to sharpen it at our grindstone: of course we complied with his request, and allowed a man and a young lad to come on board for that purpose. The lad turned the stone, while the man held the axe; and extremely well it was sharpened. The spears and slings were similar to those seen in other places. “¢ Although these natives seemed to be remarkably well dis- posed, it was not quite pleasant to see thirty of them looking over the schooner’s bulwark, while our boats were away and only five or six men left on board: however, they made no attempt to do any thing improper, and before sunset left us peaceably, striking up a song as they paddled away.” Mr. Bynoe remarked, that in the neighbourhood of Easter Bay (Obstruction Sound), the country had much the appear- ance of English park scenery ; large clumps of trees growing straight and tall, with intervening spaces of clear ground co- vered with long grass. In this place he found great numbers of wigwams and deserted canoes. Some of the former were of OBSTRUCTION SOUND. 199 large dimensions, and various shapes: two were like inverted whale-boats, each of which might hold forty or fifty people ; and in the long ones (six feet high), Mr. Bynoe could walk upright. All of them were built of slight materials, such as branches of trees covered with long grass. Five or six large wigwams stood together in each place; and near them canoes had evidently been built, for many trees had been felled and barked close by. The traces of fire were visible, which had been trained around the roots of the trees; and many large pieces of bark were lying about, partly sewed together. Four good canoes were found in one place, one of the four being quite new : and there were many old or broken ones. They also saw on nearly every sandy point a neatly-constructed small wigwam, about two feet high, at the entrance of which was a platted rush noose, intended as a snare to catch swans pro- bably, which were numerous about the adjoining grounds, and generally roost on those sandy points. Many deer, like a kind of roebuck, were seen by Mr. Bynoe, but he did not suceeed in shooting one. Horse tracks were seen near the upper part of Obstruction Sound; showing that the eastern Patagonians occasionally visit this part of the western coast. Mr. Bynoe suggested the possibility of the natives of Skyring Water tra- velling overland, building canoes, and then going northward along the west coast; but I do not myself think it so likely as that the Chonos Indians should select such a spot, abounding in food, to pass their winter in, or to stay at for a considerable time while building canoes. Probably, when Mr. Bynoe was there (being summer-time) the tribe, whose winter quarters it had been, were dispersed along the sea-coast in search of seal, eggs, and young birds. In support of his idea Mr. By- noe says, ‘* I only met one canoe, and that of the bark kind, in the Mesier Channel: whence could that one have come ? None of the bark canoes have been seen by us on the west coast, excepting in that instance, and in Obstruction Sound. The distance from Skyring Water to the head of Obstruction Sound is small, though sufficiently difficult to traverse to prevent transporting canoes, because of low prickly brushwood. 200 POTATOES. How can we account for the numerous canoes stranded in Ob- struction Sound, excepting by a supposition that the natives, after using them in a north-westerly excursion, left them behind at their return, as they may have left others on the shores of Skyring Water? These canoes were all of bark, and rather smaller than those usually made by the southern Fuegians.” Should this be the case, there can no longer be any doubt of the non-existence of a direct passage between Skyring Water and the Smyth Channel (leading northwards from Magalhaens Strait). Perhaps the horse Indians sometimes stay in the neighbourhood of Obstruction Sound, and oblige their slaves (zapallos) to build canoes and swan-traps, to fish for them, aftd even make excursions for seal. | Mr. Bynoe saw many nutria among the islands of Western Patagonia, anda great number of otters. Brant-geese, swans, ducks, and rock-geese were also plentiful in particular places, but not generally. Besides the wild potato, found on the Guaianaco islands (mentioned in the first volume), Mr. Bynoe noticed, in the Gulf of Penas, an abundance of the plant called ‘ pangue,’ which grows also in Childe, and is so much liked by the Chilotes. Mr. Low said that natives whom he met in the Gulf of Tri- nidad relished potatoes which he gave them, and asked for more. They pointed towards the north and used the word ‘ aquinas,’ which he recognized as being the term used. for potatoes by the aborigines at the south of Chiloe. A native who was on board the Adeona in one of her excur- sions among: the western islands of Patagonia induced Low to take long walks in search of potatoes, which never were found ; and afterwards, in the Mesier Channel, he persuaded him to go about in quest of seals, until an opportunity offered for escap- ing to a small party of his own tribe whom he met there. When taxed -by the crew with deceiving Mr. Low about the potatoes, he fell into (or affected) a violent passion, and sprung at the nearest man, grappling him in a most determined and malicious manner. Having now mentioned all that I know respecting the Canoe DOGS. 201 Indians (éxcepting some facts related by Capt. King in vol. i.), I will add a few words about their constant and faithful com- panion, the dog: and then continue the narrative. The dog of a Fuegian or Chonos Indian is small, active, and wiry, like a terrier with a cross of fox. His hair is usually rough, and dusky, or dark-coloured ; but there are many dogs among the Fuegians almost white, or prettily spotted, some of which have fine smooth hair. All that were examined had the roof of their mouth black, the ears erect, large, and pointed ; the nose sharp, like that of a fox; the tail drooping, and rather inclined to be bushy. They are exceedingly vigilant and faithful. heir sagacity is shown in many ways, some of which I have already noticed ; and not least, in their providing for themselves, each low-water, by cunningly detaching limpets from the rocks, or by breaking muscle and other shells, and then eating the fish. These dogs bark at strangers with much fury: and they give tongue eagerly when hunting the otter.* * Byron says they do so likewise when driving fish into corners. Nore to page 185.—The Fuegian necklaces show some ingenuity in those who make them, being composed of small shells, perforated very neatly, and fastened together on strings of sinews or gut, so finely divided and platted, that one is, at first, inclined to doubt their being the manu- facture of such uncouth savages. CHAPTER X. Set out to land Matthews and the Fuegians—Their meeting with Natives —Supposed V oleano—Dream—Oens-men—Scene—Arrival at W oollya —Encampment—Concourse of Natives—Jemmy’s Family— Wigwams —Gardens—Distrust— Experiment— Westward Exploration—Remove Matthews—Revisit Woollya—Gale—Sail for the Falkland Islands. Av the end of Chapter vi., 1 described our preparations for landing the Fuegians, who had been in England, among their own countrymen; and now, having attempted to give a fuller idea of those people, the narrative of our applica & shall be continued. Jan. 19, 1833. The yawl, being heavily laden, was towed by the other three boats, and, while her sails were set, went almost as fast as they did; but after passing Cape Rees, and altering our course to the westward, we were obliged to drag her along by strength of arm against wind and current. The first day no natives were seen, though we passed along thirty miles of coast, and reached Cutfinger Cove. (‘This name was given because one of our party, Robinson by name, almost deprived himself of two fingers by an axe slipping with which he was cutting wood.) At this place, or rather from a hill above it, the view was striking. Close to us was a mass of very lofty heights, shutting out the cold southerly winds, and collecting a few rays of sunshine which contrived to struggle through the frequent clouds of Tierra del Fuego. Opposite, beyond a deep arm of the sea, five miles wide, appeared an extensive range of mountains, whose extremes the eye could not trace; and to the westward we saw an immense canal, looking like a work of gigantic art, extending between parallel ranges of mountains, of which the summits were capped with snow, though their sides were covered by endless forests. This sin- gular canal-like passage is almost straight and of nearly an MEET NATIVES—VOLCANO. 203 uniform width (overlooking minute details) for one hundred and twenty miles. 20th. We passed the clay cliffs, spoken of in the former volume, first visited by Mr. Murray. They narrow the channel to less than a mile, but, being low, were beneath the horizon of our eye at Cutfinger Cove :—westward of them the chan- nel widens again to its usual breadth of two miles. Several natives were seen in this day’s pull; but as Jemmy told us they were not his friends, and often made war upon his people, we held very little intercourse with them. York laughed heartily at the first we saw, calling them large monkeys; and Jemmy assured us they were not at all like his people, who were very - good and very clean. Fuegia was shocked and ashamed; she hid herself, and would not look at them a second time. It was interesting to observe the change which three years only had made in their ideas, and to notice how completely they had forgotten the appearance and habits of their former associates ; for it turned out that Jemmy’s own tribe was as inferior in every way as the worst of those whom he and York called *¢ monkeys—dirty —fools—not men.” We gave these ‘ Yapoos,’ as York called them, some pre- sents, and crossed over to the north side of the channel to be free from their importunities; but they followed us speedily, and obliged us to go on further westward than was at all agreeable, considering the labour required to make way against a breeze and a tide of a mile an hour. When we at last landed to pass the night, we found that the forests on the sides of the mountains had been burned for many leagues ; and as we were not far from the place where a volcano was supposed to exist, in consequence of flames having been seen by a ship passing Cape Horn, it occurred to me that some conflagration, like that of which we found the signs, might have caused appear- ances resembling the eruption of a distant volcano: and I have since been confirmed in this idea, from having witnessed a volcano in eruption ; and, not long afterwards, a conflagration, devouring many miles of mountain forest ; both of which, at a distance, shewed lines of fire, fitful flashes, and sudden gleams. 204 CONFLAGRATION—DREAM. Jan. Persons who have witnessed a forest burning on the side of a mountain, will easily perceive how, when seen from a distance, it may resemble the eruption of a volcano; but to those who have not seen fire on such a scale, I may remark that each gust of wind, or temporary calm ; each thick wood, or comparatively barren space ; augments or deadens the flames so suddenly, as the fire sweeps along the mountain side, that, at a distance of fifty miles or more, the deception may be complete. 22d. Favoured by beautiful weather, we passed along a tract of country where no natives were seen. Jemmy told us it was ‘“‘Jand between bad people and his friends ;” (neutral-ground probably). This evening we reached a cove near the Murray Narrow; and from a small party of Tekeenica natives, Jemimy’s friends, whom we found there, he heard of his mother and brothers, but found that his father was dead. Poor Jemmy looked very grave and mysterious at the news, but showed no other symptom of sorrow. He reminded Bennett* of the dream (related in the previous chapter), and then went for some green branches, which he burned, watching them with a solemn look : after which he talked and laughed as usual, never once, of his own accord, recurring to the subject of his father’s decease. The language of this small party, who were the first of Jemmy’s own tribe whom we met, seemed softer and less guttural than those of the “ bad men” whom we had passed near the clay cliffs ; and the people themselves seemed much better disposed, though as abject and degraded in outward appearance as any Fuegians I had ever seen. There were three men and two women : when first we were seen they all ran away, but upon two of our party landing and advancing quietly, the men returned and were soon at their ease. Jemmy and York then tried to speak to them ; but to our surprise, and much to my sorrow, we found that Jemmy had almost forgotten his native language, and that, of the two, York, although belonging to another tribe, was rather the best interpreter. In a few minutes the natives comprehended that we should do them no harm ; and they then called back their women, who were hiding in the * My coxswain. 1833. JEALOUSY—OENS-MEN. 205 woods, and established themselves, very confidently, in a wig- wam within a hundred yards of our tents. During this and the preceding day, we found the weather, by comparison, so mild, even warm, that several of our party bathed ; yet the ther- mometer ranged only to 53° in the shade, and at night fell to 40°. ‘The temperature of the sea was 48°. Being within a few hours’ pull (row) of Jemmy’s ‘ own land,’ which he called Woollya, we all felt eager, though anxious, and I was much gratified by seeing that Matthews still looked at his hazardous undertaking as steadily as ever, betraying no symptom of hesitation. The attentions which York paid to his intended wife, Fuegia, afforded much amusement to our ‘party. He had long shewn himself attached to her, and had gradually become excessively jealous of her good-will. If any one spoke to her, he watched every word; if he was not sitting by her side, he grumbled sulkily ; but if he was accidentally separated, and obliged to go in a different boat, his behaviour became sullen and morose. ‘This evening he was quizzed so much about her that he became seriously angry, and I was obliged to interpose to prevent a quarrel between him and one of his steadiest friends. On this and previous evenings, as we sat round the blaz- ing piles, which our men seemed to think could never be large enough, we heard many long stories from Jemmy about the Oens, or Coin men, who live beyond the mountains at the north side of the Beagle Channel, and almost every year make despe- rate inroads upon the Tekeenica tribe, carrying off women and children, dogs, arrows, spears, and canoes; and killing the men whom they succeed in making prisoners. He told us that these Oens-men made their annual excursions at the time of ‘red leaf ;’ that is in April or May, when the leaves of deci- duous trees are changing colour and beginning to fall; just the time of year also when the mountains are least difficult to pass. At that period these invaders sometimes come down to the shores of the Beagle Channel in parties of from fifty to a hun- dred; seize upon canoes belonging to the Yapoo division of 206 OENS-MEN—ARRIVALS. Jan. the Tekeenica tribe, cross over to Navarin Island, and thence ‘sometimes to others, driving the smaller and much inferior Tekeenica people before them in every direction. By Jemmy’s own account, however, there are hard battles sometimes, and the Oens tribe lose men; but as they always contrive to carry away their dead, it seems that the advantage of strength is on their side. | These periodical invasions of a tribe whose abode is in the north-eastern quarter of Tierra del Fuego are not to be con- founded with the frequent disputes and skirmishes which take place between the two Tekeenica tribes; and it is interesting to compare what we thus heard with the account obtained by Oliver Van Noort in 1589: who learnt that the people lived in caves dug in the earth, * and that there were five tribes—four of ordinary stature and one of gigantic size. These giants, called 'Tiremenen, lived in * Coin.” The other tribes were called Enoo, Kemenites, Karaike, and Kenneka. 23d. While embarking our tents and cooking utensils, seve- ral natives came running over the hills towards us, breathless with haste, perspiring violently, and bleeding at the nose. Startled at their appearance, we thought they had been fight- ing; but it appeared in a few moments, that having heard of our arrival, they lost not a moment in hurrying across the hills from a place near Woollya, and that the bloody noses which had surprised us were caused by the exertion of running. This effect has been noticed among the New Hollanders, I believe the islanders of the Pacific Ocean, as well as the Esquimaux, and probably others; but to our party it was then a novelty, and rather alarming. Scarcely had we stowed the boats and embarked, before canoes began to appear in every direction, in each of which was a stentor hailing us at the top of his voice. Faint sounds of deep voices were heard in the distance, and around us echoes to the shouts of our nearer friends began to reverberate, and warned me to hasten away before our movements should be- * The ground within a wigwam is scooped out considerably. HOSTAGE—SCENE—NOISE. 207 come impeded by the number of canoes which I knew would soon throng around us. Although now among natives who seemed to be friendly, and to whom Jemmy and York con- trived to explain the motives of our visit, it was still highly necessary to be on our guard. Of those men and boys who ran over the hills to us, all were of Jemmy’s tribe excepting one man, whom he called an Oens-man; but it was evident, from his own description, that the man belonged to the Yapoo, or eastern Tekeenica tribe, and was living im safety among his usual enemies, as a hostage for the security of a man belonging to Jemmy’s tribe who was staying among the eastern people. As we steered out of the cove in which our boats had been sheltered, a striking scene opened : beyond a lake-like expanse of deep blue water, mountains rose abruptly to a great height, and on their icy summits the sun’s early rays glittered as if on a mirror. Immediately round us were mountainous emi- nences, and dark cliffy precipices which cast a very deep shadow over the:still water beneath them. In the distant west, an opening appeared where no land could be seen; and to the south was a cheerful sunny woodland, sloping gradually down to the Murray Narrow, at that moment almost undis- tinguishable. As our boats became visible to the natives, who were eagerly paddling towards the cove from every direction, hoarse shouts arose, and, echoed about by the cliffs, seemed to be a continual cheer. In a very short time there were thirty or forty canoes in our train, each full of natives, each with a column of blue smoke rising from the fire amidships, and almost all the men in them shouting at the full power of their deep sonorous voices. As we pursued a winding course around the bases of high rocks or between islets covered with wood, continual additions were made to our attendants; and the day being very fine, without a breeze to ruffle the water, it was a scene which carried one’s thoughts to the South Sea Islands, but in Tierra del Fuego almost appeared like a dream. After a few hours (pulling hard to keep a-head of our train) we reached Woollya, and selected a clear space favourably situated for our encampment, landed, marked a boundary-line, 908 WOOLLYA—ENCAMP. placed sentries, and made the various arrangements necessary for receiving the anticipated visits of some hundred natives. We had time to do all this quietly, as our boats had distanced their pursuers several miles, while running from the Murray Narrow before a favourable breeze which sprung up, and, to our joy, filled every sail. We were much pleased by the situation of Woollya, and — Jemmy was very proud of the praises bestowed upon his land. Rising gently from the water-side, there are considerable spaces of clear pasture land, well watered by brooks, and backed by hills of moderate height, where we afterwards found woods of the finest timber trees in the country. Rich grass and some beautiful flowers, which none of us had ever seen, pleased us when we landed, and augured well for the growth of our garden seeds. At our first approach, only a few natives appeared, who were not of Jemmy’s family. The women ran away and hid themselves, but Jemmy and York contrived (with difficulty) to make the men comprehend the reason of our visit; and their awkward explanation, helped by a few presents, gradually put them at ease. They soon understood our meaning when we pointed to the boundary-line which they were not to pass. This line was on the shore between our tents and the grass- land ; immediately behind the tents was a good landing-place, always sheltered, where our boats were kept in readiness in case of any sudden necessity. Soon after our arrangements were made, the canoes which had been following us began to arrive; but, much to my satis~ faction, the natives landed in coves at some distance from us, where the women remained with the canoes while the men and boys came overland to our little camp. This was very favourable for us, because it divided their numbers and left our boats undisturbed. We had only to guard our front, instead of being obliged to look out all round, as I had expected ; and really it would have been no trifling affair to watch the pilfering hands and feet of some hundred natives, while many of our own party (altogether only thirty in num- RY ais FAMILY ARRIVE. 209 ber) were occupied at a distance, cutting wood, digging ground for a garden, or making wigwams for Matthews, York, and Jemmy. As the natives thronged to our boundary-line (a mere mark made with a spade on the ground), it was at first difficult to keep them back without using force; but by good temper on the part of our men, by distributing several presents, and by the broken Fuegian explanations of our dark-coloured ship- mates, we succeeded in getting the natives squatted on their hams around the line, and obtaining influence enough over them to prevent their encroaching. Canoes continued to arrive ; their owners hauled them ashore on the beach, sent the women and children to old wigwams at a little distance, and hastened themselves to see the strangers. While I was engaged in watching the proceedings at our encampment, and poor Jemmy was getting out of temper at the quizzing he had to endure on account of his countrymen, whom he had extolled so highly until in sight, a deep voice was heard shouting from a canoe more than a mile distant : up started Jemmy from a bag full of nails and tools which he was distributing, leaving them to be scrambled for by those nearest, and, upon a repetition of the shout, exclaimed *“* My brother!” He then told me that it was his eldest brother’s voice, and perched himself on a large stone to watch the canoe, which approached slowly, being small and loaded with several people. — When it arrived, instead of an eager meeting, there was a cautious circumspection which astonished us. Jemmy walked slowly to meet the party, consisting of his mother, two sisters, and four brothers. The old woman hardly looked at him before she hastened away to secure her canoe and hide her property, all she possessed—a basket containing tinder, fire- stone, paint, &c., and a bundle of fish. The girls ran off with her without even looking at Jemmy; and the brothers {a man and three boys) stood still, stared, walked up to Jemmy, and all round him, without uttering a word. Animals when they meet show far more animation and anxiety than was displayed at this meeting. Jemmy was evidently much morti- VOL. Il. P 210 MAKE WIGWAMS-—GARDENS. Jan. fied, and to add to his confusion and disappointment, as well as my own, he was unable to talk to his brothers, except by broken sentences, in which English predominated. After a few minutes had elapsed, his elder brother began to talk to him; but although Jemmy understood what was said, he could not reply. York and Fuegia were able to understand some words, but could not or did not choose to speak. This first evening of our stay at Woollya was rather an anxious one; for although the natives seemed inclined to be quite friendly, and they all left us at sunset, according to their invariable practice, it was hard to say what mischief might not be planned by so numerous a party, fancying, as they probably would, that we were inferior to them in strength, because so few in number. Jemmy passed the evening with his mother and brothers, in their wigwam, but returned to us to sleep. York, also, and Fuegia were going about among the natives at their wigwams, and the good effect of their inter- course and explanations, such as they were, was visible next day (24th) in the confident, familiar manner of the throng which surrounded us while we began to dig ground for gar- dens, as well as cut wood for large wigwams, in which Mat- thews and his party were to be established. Canoes still arrived, but their owners seemed as well-disposed as the rest of the natives, many of whom assisted us in carrying wood, and bringing bundles of grass or rushes to thatch the wig- wams which they saw we were making, in a pleasant shel- tered spot, near a brook of excellent water. One wigwam was for Matthews, another for Jemmy, anda third for York and Fuegia. York told me that Jemmy’s brother was “very much friend,” that the country was ‘‘very good land,” and that he wished to stay with Jemmy and Matthews. A small plot of ground was selected near the wigwams, and, during our stay, dug, planted and sowed with potatoes, carrots, turnips, beans, peas, lettuce, onions, leeks, and cabbages. Jemmy soon clothed his mother and brothers, by the assis- tance of his friends. For a garment which I sent the old woman she returned me a large quantity of fish, all she had to offer ; 18338. WASHING—DOCTOR. Aah and when she was dressed, Jemmy brought her to see me. His brothers speedily became rich in old clothes, nails and. tools, and the eldest were soon known among the seamen as ‘Tommy Button and Harry Button, but the younger ones usually staid at their wigwams, which were about a quarter of a mile distant. So quietly did affairs proceed, that the following day (25th) a few of our people went on the hills in search of guanacoes : many were seen, but they were too wild to approach. An old man atrived, who was said to be Jemmy’s uncle, his father’s bro- ther ; and many strangers came, who seemed to belong to the Yapoo Tekeenica tribe. Jemmy did not like their visit ; he said they were bad people, ‘no friends.’ — 26th. While some of my party were washing in a stream, stripped to the waist, several natives collected round, and were much amused at the white skins, as well as at the act of washing, so new probably to them. One of them ran to the nearest wigwams, and a troop of curious gazers collected, whose hands, however, were soon so actively employed in abstracting the handkerchiefs, shoes, &c., which had been laid on the bank, that a stop was put to the ablutions. We discovered that Jemmy’s eldest brother was a ‘ doctor,’ and though young for his occupation of conjuring and pre- tending to cure illness, he was held in high estimation among his own tribe. I never could distinctly ascertain whether the eldest man, or the doctor of a tribe had the most influence; but from what little I could learn, it appeared to me that the elder of a family or tribe had a sort of executive authority, while the doctor gave advice, not only in domestic affairs, but with respect to most transactions. In all savage nations, I believe there is a person of this description—a pretended prophet— conjuror—and, to a certain degree,—doctor. This evening our party were employed for a short time in firing at a mark, with the three-fold object of keeping our arms in order—exercising the men—and aweing, without frightening, the natives. While this was going on, the Fuegians sat about on their hams, watching our proceedings, and often eagerly talk- ing to each other, as successful shots were made at the target, 0) ow 912 SCOUT—DEPARTURE. Jan. which was intentionally placed so that they could see the effect of the balls. At sunset they went away as usual, but looking very grave, and talking earnestly. About an hour after dark, the sentry saw something moving along the ground near our tents, within the boundary line, which he thought was a wild animal, and had just levelled his musket to fire at it, when he discovered it was aman, who instantly darted off, and was lost in the darkness. Some native had doubtless stolen to the tents, to see what we were doing; perhaps with a view to surprise us, if asleep, perhaps only to steal. 27th. While a few of our party were completing the thatch of the last wigwam, and others were digging in the garden which was made, I was much surprised to see that all the natives were preparing to depart ; and very soon afterwards every canoe was set in motion,—not half a dozen natives remaining. Even Jemmy’s own family, his mother and bro- thers, left us; and as he could give no explanation of this sudden departure, I was in much doubt as to the cause. Whether an attack was meditated, and they were removing the women and children, previous to a general assembly of the men, or whether they had been frightened by our display on the preceding evening, and feared that we intended to attack them, I could not ascertain; but deeming the latter by far the most probable, I decided to take the opportunity of their departure to give Matthews his first trial of passing a night at the new wigwams. Some among us thought that the natives intended to make a secret attack, on account of the great temptation our pro- perty offered ; and in consequence of serious offence which had been taken by two or three old men, who tried to force them- selves into our encampment, while I was at a little distance ; one of whom, when resisted by the sentry, spit in his face ; and went off in a violent passion, muttering to himself, and every now and then turning round to make faces and angry ges- tures at the man who had very quietly, though firmly, pre- vented his encroachment. | In consequence of this incident, and other symptoms of a 1833. STRANGERS—MATTHEWS. 213 disposition to try their strength, having more than three hun- dred men, while we were but thirty, I had thought it ad- visable, as I mentioned, to give them some idea of the wea- pons we had at command,’ if obliged to use them, by firing at a mark. Probably two-thirds of the natives around us at that time had never seen a gun fired, being strangers, coming from the Beagle Channel and its neighbourhood, where no ves- sel had been ; and although our exercise might have frightened them more than I wished, so much, indeed, as to have induced them to leave the place, it is not improbable that, without some such demonstration, they might have obliged us to fire at them instead of the target. So many strangers had arrived during the few days we remained, I mean strangers to Jemmy’s family —men of the eastern tribe, which he called Yapoo—that his brothers and mother had no longer any influence over the majority, who cared for them as little as they did for us, and were intent only upon plunder. Finding this the case, I con- clude that Jemmy’s friends thought it wise to retreat to a neighbouring island before any attack commenced; but why they did not tell Jemmy their reasons for going, I know not, neither could he tell me more than that they said they were going to fish, and would return at night. This, however, they did not do. In the evening, Matthews and his party—Jemmy, York, and Fuegia—went to their abode in the three new wigwams. In that made for Matthews, Jemmy also took up his quarters at first: it was high and roomy for such a construction; the space overhead was divided by a floor of boards, brought from the ship, and there most of Matthews’ stores were placed ; but the most valuable articles were deposited in a box, which was hid in the ground underneath the wigwam, where fire could not reach. Matthews was steady, and as willing as ever; neither York nor Jemmy had the slightest doubt of their being all well- treated ; so trusting that Matthews, in his honest intention to do good, would obtain that assistance in which he confided, I decided to leave him for a few days. The absence of the 914 PILFERING—TRIAL. Jan. natives, every one of whom had decamped at this time, gave a good opportunity for landing the larger tools belonging to Matthews and our Fuegians, and placing them within or beneath his wigwam, unseen by any one except ourselves ; and at dusk, all that we could do for them being completed, we left the place and sailed some miles to the southward. During the four days in which we had so many natives about us, of course some thefts were committed, but nothing of consequence was stolen. I saw one man talking to Jemmy Button, while another picked his pocket of a knife, and even the wary York lost something, but from Fuegia they did not take a single article; on the contrary, their kindness to her was remarkable, and among the women she was quite a pet. Our people lost a few trifles, in consequence of their own carelessness. Had they themselves been left among gold and diamonds, would they all have refrained from indulging their acquisitive inclinations ? ’ Notwithstanding the decision into which I had reasoned myself respecting the natives, I could not help being exceed- ingly anxious about Matthews, and early next morning our boats were again steered towards Woollya. My own anxiety was increased by hearing the remarks made from time to time by the rest of the party, some of whom thought we should not again see him alive; and it was with no slight joy that I caught sight of him, as my boat rounded a point of land, car- rying a kettle to the fire near his wigwam. We landed and ascertained that nothing had occurred to damp his spirits, or in any way check his inclination to make a fair trial. Some natives had returned to the place, among them one of Jemmy’s brothers ; but so far were they from showing the slightest ill- will, that nothing could be more friendly than their behaviour. Jemmy told us that these people, who arrived at daylight that morning were his friends, that his own family would come in the course of the day, and that the ‘bad men,’ the stran- gers, were all gone away to their own country. A. further trial was now determined upon. The yawl, with one whale-boat, was sent back to the Beagle, and I set out on 1833. WESTWARD EXPLORATION. 215 a westward excursion, accompanied by Messrs. Darwin and Hamond, in the other two boats: my intention being to com- plete the exploration of Whale-boat Sound, and the north-west arm of the Beagle Channel; then revisit Woollya, either leave or remove Matthews, as might appear advisable, and repair to our ship in Goree Road. With a fair and fresh wind my boat and Mr. Hamond’s passed the Murray Narrow, and sailed far along the channel towards the west, favoured, unusually, by an easterly breeze. Just as we had landed, and set up our tent for the night, some canoes were seen approaching; so rather than be obliged to watch their movements all night, we at once embarked our tent and half-cooked supper, and pulled along the shore some miles further, knowing that they would not willingly follow us in the dark. About midnight we landed and slept undisturbed. Next day we made little progress, the wind having changed, and landed, earlier than usual, on the north side of the channel, at Shingle Point. Some natives soon appeared, and though few in number, were in- clined to give trouble. It was evident they did not know the effect of fire-arms ; for if a musket were pointed at them, and threatening gestures used, they only made faces at us, and mocked whatever we did. Finding them more and more inso- lent and troublesome, I preferred leaving them to risking a struggle, in which it might become necessary to fire, at the hazard of destroying life. Twelve armed men, therefore, gave way to six unarmed, naked savages, and went on to ano- ther cove, where these annoying, because ignorant natives could not see us. On the 29th we reached Devil Island, and found the large wigwam still standing, which in 1820 my boat’s crew called the ‘ Parliament House.’ Never, in any part of Tierra del Fuego, have I noticed the remains of a wigwam which seemed to have been burned or pulled down ; probably there is some feeling on the subject, and in consequence the natives allow them to decay naturally, but never wilfully destroy them. We enjoyed a grand view of the lofty mountain, now called Darwin, with its immense glaciers extending far and wide. Whether 916 ICE CLIFFS—GLACIEES. - Jan. this mountain is equal to Sarmiento in height, I am not cer- tain, as the measurements obtained did not rest upon satisfactory data; but the result of those measures gave 6,800 feet for its elevation above the sea. 'This, as an abstract height, is small, but taking into consideration that it rises abruptly from the sea, which washes its base, and that only a short space intervenes between the salt water and the lofty frozen summit, the effect upon an observer's eye is extremely grand, and equal, probably, to that of far higher mountains which are situated at a distance inland, and generally rise from an elevated district. We stopped to cook and eat our hasty meal upon a low point of land, immediately in front of a noble precipice of solid ice; the cliffy face of a huge glacier, which seemed to cover the side of a mountain, and completely filled a valley several leagues in extent. Wherever these enormous glaciers were seen, we remarked the most beautiful light blue or sea green tints in portions of the solid ice, caused by varied transmission, or reflection of light. Blue was the prevailing colour, and the contrast which its extremely delicate hue, with the dazzling white of other ice, afforded to the dark green foliage, the almost black pre- cipices, and the deep, indigo blue water, was very remarkable. Miniature icebergs surrounded us; fragments of the cliff, which from time to time fall ito a deep and gloomy basin beneath the precipice, and are floated out into the channel by a slow tidal stream. In the first volume the frequent falling of these masses of ice is noticed by Captain King in the Strait of Magalhaens, and in the narrative of my first exploring visit to this arm of the Beagle Channel ; therefore I will add no fur- ther remark upon the subject. Our boats were hauled up out of the water upon the sandy point, and we were sitting round a fire about two hundred yards from them, when a thundering crash shook us—down came the whole front of the icy cliff—and the sea surged up in a vast heap of foam. Reverberating echoes sounded in every direction, from the lofty mountains which hemmed usin; but our whole attention was immediately called to great rolling waves 1833. HAZARD—DARWIN SOUND. Q17 which came so rapidly that there was scarcely time for the most active of our party to run and seize the boats before they were tossed along the beach like empty calabashes. By the exer- tions of those who grappled them or seized their ropes, they were hauled up again out of reach of a second and third roller ; and: indeed we had good reason to rejoice that they were just saved intime; for had not Mr. Darwin, and two or three of the men, run to them instantly, they would have been swept away from us irrecoverably. Wind and tide would soon have drifted them beyond the distance a man could swim; and then, what prizes they would have been for the Fuegians, even if we had escaped by possessing ourselves of canoes. At the extre- mity of the sandy point on which we stood, there were many large blocks of stone, which seemed to have been transported from the adjacent mountains, either upon masses of ice, or by the force of waves such as those which we witnessed. Had our boats struck those blocks, instead of soft sand, our dilemma would not have been much less than if they had been at once swept away. Embarking, we proceeded along a narrow passage, more like a river than an arm of the sea, till the setting sun warned us to seek a resting-place for the night; when, selecting a beach very far from any glacier, we again hauled our boats on shore. Long after the sun had disappeared from our view, his setting rays shone so brightly upon the gilded icy sides of the summits above us, that twilight lasted an unusual time, and a fine clear evening enabled us to watch every varying tint till even the highest peak became like a dark shadow, whose outline only could be distinguished. No doubt such scenes are familiar to many, but to us, surrounded even as we so often were by their materials, they were rare; because clouds continually hang over the heights, or obscure the little sunshine which falls to the lot of Tierra del Fuego. The following day (30th) we passed into a large expanse of water, which I named Darwin Sound—after my messmate, who so willingly encountered the discomfort and risk of a long cruise in a small loaded boat. Desirous of finding an opening 918 DESOLATION—SARMIENTO. Feb. northwards, I traced the northern shore of this sound, mile by mile, leaving all islands to the southward until we entered Whale-boat Sound, and I recognized Cape Desolation in the distance, as well as a number of minor points which had become familiar to me during the search after our lost boat in the former voyage (1830). Feb. 2. Having done what was necessary and attainable for the purposes of the survey, we traversed Whale-boat Sound, | and stopped for a time at an old bivouac, used by me twice before, on an islet near the east extremity of the largest Stew- art Island. While the boat’s crew were occupied in preparing our meal, I went to Stewart Island, and from a small eminence saw Mount Sarmiento quite distinctly. We next steered east- ward, along the north side of the Londonderry Islands, and passed the night in a narrow passage. On the 3d we got to the open sea at the south side of Darwin Sound, and entered the south-west arm of the Beagle Channel rather too late, for it had become so dark we could distinguish no place fit to receive us; however, after much scrutiny and anxious sounding, to ascertain if our boats could approach without danger of being” stove, we were guided by the sound of a cascade to a shel- tered cove, where the beach was smooth. Excepting for the novelty and excitement of exploring unknown places, however uninteresting they may be, there was little in this trip worthy of general notice, considering how much has already been said of these unprofitable regions. Even to a professed naturalist, there was scarcely anything to repay the time and trouble, as it was impossible to delay long enough in any one place to give time for more than a most cursory examination. I need hardly say that the survey of such places as were visited in this hasty manner is little more than an eye-sketch, corrected by frequent bearings, occasional latitudes by sun, moon, or stars, and meridian distances, measured by two chro- ‘nometers, which were always kept in a large box and treated very carefully. To have attempted more, to have hoped for such an accurate delineation of these shores, at present almost useless to civilized man, as is absolutely necessary where ship- 1838. SOUTH-WEST ARM—FIRE. 219 ping may resort, would have been wrong, while so many other objects demanded immediate attention. Ath. We sailed along the passage very rapidly, a fresh wind and strong tide favouring us. The flood-tide stream set two or three knots an hour through this south-west arm of the Beagle Channel, but the ebb was scarcely noticed: certainly its strength did not, even in the narrowest places, exceed one knot an hour. A few Alikhoolip Fuegians were seen in a cove on the south shore, ten miles west of Point Divide; the only natives, except a very small party in Darwin Sound, that had been met in the excursion since we left the Tekeenica people. Near Point Divide we saw a large fire, and approached the ‘spot guardedly, supposing that a number of Fuegians must be there. No one appeared; but still the fire burned brightly, and we began to think there might be an ambush, or that the natives who had been there had fled, but were still in the neighbourhood. Approaching nearer, we found that the fire was in a large tree, whose trunk it had almost consumed. Judging from the slow rate at which the tree burned while we were present, I should say it had been on fire two or three days, and that the frequent heavy rain had prevented the flames from making head. Had the weather been some time dry, the adjoining woodland would have blazed, and, as the mountain side is steep and covered with trees, the conflagration would have been immense. At Point Divide the slate rock seemed to be of excellent quality, fit for roofing; but when will roofing slates be required in Tierra del Fuego? Perhaps though sooner than we suppose ; for the accidental discovery of a valuable mine might effect great changes. On the south shore, nearly opposite to Shingle Point, we met a large party of natives, among whom those who disturbed us at that place as we passed westward were recognized. All of them appeared in full dress, being bedaubed with red and white paint, and ornamented, after their fashion, with feathers and the down of geese. One of their women was noticed by several among us as being far from ill-looking: her features were regular, and, excepting a deficiency of hair on the eyebrow, 290 NATIVES—WOOLLYA. Feb. and rather thick lips, the contour of her face was sufficiently good to have been mistaken for that of a handsome gipsy. What her figure might be, a loose linen garment, evidently one that had belonged to Fuegia Basket, prevented our noticing. The sight of this piece of linen, several bits of ribbon, and some scraps of red cloth, apparently quite recently obtained, made me feel very anxious about Matthews and his party: there was also an air of almost defiance among these people, which looked as if they knew that harm had been done, and that they were ready to stand on the defensive if any such attack as they expected were put into execution. Passing therefore hastily on, we went as far as the light admitted, and at daybreak next morning (6th) were again hastening towards Woollya. As we shot through the Murray Narrow several parties of natives were seen, who were ornamented with strips of tartan cloth or white linen, which we well knew were ob- tained from our poor friends. No questions were asked; we thought our progress slow, though wind and tide favoured us: but, hurrying on, at noon reached Woollya. Several canoes were on the beach, and as many natives seemed to be assembled as were there two days before we left the place. All were much painted, and ornamented with rags of English clothing, which we concluded to be the last remnants of our friends’ stock. Our boats touched the shore; the natives came halloo- ing and jumping about us, and then, to my extreme relief, Matthews appeared, dressed and looking as usual. After him came Jemmy and York, also dressed and looking well: Fuegia, they said, was in a wigwam. Taking Matthews into my boat, we pushed out a short distance to be free from interruption, and remained till I had heard the principal parts of his story: the other boat took Jemmy on board, and York waited on the beach. Nearly all the Fuegians squatted down on their hams to watch our pro- ceedings, reminding me of a pack of hounds waiting for a fox to be unearthed. Matthews gave a bad account of the prospect which he saw. before him, and told me, that he did not think himself 1833. CONDUCT TO MATTHEWS. 22] safe among such a set of utter savages as he found them to be, notwithstanding Jemmy’s assurances to the contrary. No violence had been committed beyond holding down his head by force, as if in contempt of his strength; but he had been harshly threatened by several men, and from the signs used by them, he felt convinced they would take his life. During the last few days, his time had been altogether occupied in watch- ing his property. At first there were only a few quiet natives about him, who were inoffensive; but three days after our departure several canoes full of strangers to Jemmy’s family arrived, and from that time Matthews had had no peace by day, and very little rest at night. Some of them were always on the look-out for an opportunity to snatch up and run off with some tool or article of clothing, and others spent the greater part of each day in his wigwam, asking for every thing they saw, and often threatening him when he refused to comply with their wishes. More than one man went out in a rage, and returned immediately with a large stone in his hand, making signs that he would kill Matthews if he did not give him what was demanded. Sometimes a party of them gathered round Matthews, and, if he had nothing to give them, teased him by pulling the hair of his face, pushing him about, and making mouths at him. His only partizans were the women; now and then he left Jemmy to guard the hut, and went to the natives’ wigwams, where the women always received him kindly, making room for him by their fire, and giving him a share of whatever food they had, without asking for any thing in return. The men never took the trouble of going with him on these visits (which, however, ceased when so many strangers ar- rived), their attention being engrossed by the tools, clothes, and crockeryware at our shipmate’s quarters. Fortunately, the most valuable part of Matthews’ own things were under- ground, in a cave unsuspected by the natives, and other large tools were hidden overhead in the roof of his hut. York and Fuegia fared very well; they lost nothing ; but J emmy was sadly plundered, even by his own family. Our garden, upon which much labour had been bestowed, had been trampled 229 MATTHEWS RE-EMBARKS. Feb, over repeatedly, although Jemmy had done his best to explain its object and prevent people from walking there. When questioned about it, he looked very sorrowful, and, with a slow shake of the head, said, ‘‘ My people very bad ; great fool ; know nothing at all; very great fool.” It was soon decided that Matthews should not remain. I considered that he had already undergone a severe trial, and ought not to be again exposed to such savages, however willing he might be to try them farther if I thought it right. The next difficulty was how to get Matthews’ chest and the remainder of his property safely into our boats, in the face of a hundred Fuegians, who would of course understand our object, and be much more than a match for us on land; but the less hesitation shown, the less time they would have to think of what we were about; so, dividing our party, and spreading about a little to create confidence—at a favourable moment the wigwam was quickly cleared, the cave emptied, and the contents safely placed in our boats. As I stood watching the proceedings, a few anxious moments passed, for any kind of skirmish would have been so detrimental to the three who were still to remain. When the last man was embarked, I distributed several useful articles, such as axes, saws, gimblets, knives and nails, among the natives, then bade Jemmy and York farewell, promising to see them again in a few days, and departed from the wondering throng assem- bled on the beach. When fairly out of sight of Woollya, sailing with a fair wind towards the Beagle, Matthews must have felt almost like a man reprieved, excepting that he enjoyed the feelings always sure to reward those who try to do their duty, in addition to those excited by a sudden certainty of his life being out of jeopardy. We slept that night in a cove under Webley Head; sailed early the following morning (7th) along the north side of Nassau Bay, and about an hour after dark reached the Beagle—found all well, the surveying work about Goree Road done, the ship refitted, and quite ready for her next trip. A day or two was required for observations and arrange- ments, after which (10th) -we beat. to windward across Nassau ~ 1833. ‘PONSONBY SOUND. 993 ‘Bay, and on the 11th anchored in Scotchwell Bay. A rough night was passed under sail between Wollaston and N avarin Islands, in which we pretty well proved the clearness of that passage, as it blew fresh and we made a great many boards. Next day I set out to examine the western part of Ponsonby Sound and revisit Woollja. In my absence one party was to go westward, overland, to look at the outer coast between False Cape and Cape Weddell, and another was to examine and make a plan of the bay or harbour in which the Beagle lay. In 1830, Mr. Stokes had laid down its shores with accuracy on a small scale, but there was not then time to take many soundings; and as I conceived that Orange Bay and this harbour were likely to be useful ports, it was gy are making:a particular plan of each. 12th. With one boat I crossed Tekeenica Sound, and ex- plored the western part of Ponsonby Sound. Natives were seen here and there, but we had little intercourse with them. Some curious effects of volcanic action were obsevred, besides masses of conglomerate, such as I had not noticed in any other part -of Tierra del Fuego. On one islet I was placed in an awkward predicament for half an hour ; it was a very steep, precipitous hill, which I had ascended by climbing or creeping through ravines and among trees; but, wishing to return to the boat’s crew, after taking a few angles and bearings from its sum- mit, I could find no place by which it appeared possible to descend. ‘The ravine up which I crawled was hidden by wood, and night was at hand. I went to and fro, like a dog on a wall, unable to descend, till one of the boat’s crew who was wandering about heard me call, and, ascending at the only accessible place, showed me where to plunge into the wood with a prospect of emerging again in a proper direction. This night we had dry beautiful weather, the leaves and sticks on the ground crackling under our feet as we walked, while at the ship, only sixty miles distant, rain poured down inces- ‘santly. The night of the 13th was passed on Button Island. This Q94 WOOLLY A—HOPES. Feb. also was quite fine, without a drop of rain, while at the ship, in Packsaddle Bay, it rained frequently. I mention these instances to show how different the climate may be even in places so near one another as Packsaddle Bay and Woollya. 14th. With considerable anxiety I crossed over from Button Island to Woolly¥a. Several canoes were out fishing, women only being in them, who did not cease their occupation as we passed: this augured well; and in a few minutes after we saw Jemmy, York, and Fuegia, in their usual dress. But few natives were about them, and those few seemed quiet and well disposed. Jemmy complained that the people had stolen many of his things, but York and Fuegia had contrived to take better care of theirs. I went to their wigwams and found very little change. Fuegia looked clean and tidily dressed, and by her wigwam was a canoe, which York was building out of planks left for him by our party. The garden was uninjured, and some of the vegetables already sprouting. Jemmy told us that strangers had been there, with whom he and his people had ‘very much jaw,’ that they fought, threw ‘great many stone,’ and stole two women (in exchange for whom Jemmy’s party stole one), but were obliged to retreat. Jemmy’s mother came down to the boat to see us; she was decently clothed, by her son’s care. He said that his brothers were all friendly, and that he should get on very well now that the ‘ strange men’ were driven away. I advised Jemmy to take his mother and younger brother to his own wigwam, which he promised to do, and then, finding that they were all quite contented and apparently very happy, I left the place, with rather sanguine hopes of their effecting among their country- men some change for the better. Jemmy’s occupation was hollowing out the trunk of a large tree, in order to make such a canoe as he had seen at Rio de Janeiro. I hoped that through their means our motives in taking them to England would become understood and appreciated among their associates, and that a future visit might find them so favourably disposed towards us, that Matthews might then 1833. GOREE ROAD—SUCCESS BAY. 995 undertake, with a far better prospect of success, that enter- prise which circumstances had obliged him to defer, though not to abandon altogether. Having completed our work in Packsaddle Bay on the 18th, the Beagle went to the inlet originally called Windhond Bay, a deep place full of islets: thence, on the 19th, she moved to Gretton Bay, on the north side of Wollaston Island, and to Middle Cove. On the 20th, it was blowing a gale of wind from the south-west, but we pushed across before it to Goree Road, knowing that we should there find secure anchorage, and be unmolested by the furious williwaws which whirled over the high peaks of Wollaston Island. - We weighed from Goree Road on the 21st, and ran under close-reefed topsails to Good Success Bay, where our anchors were dropped in the evening. The night of the 22d was one of the most stormy I ever witnessed. Although close to a weather shore in a snug cove, upon good holding ground, with masts struck and yards braced as sharp as possible, the wind was so furious that both bowers were brought a-head with a cable on each, and the sheet anchor (having been let go early) had half a cable on it, the depth of water being only ten fathoms. During some of the blasts, our fore-yard bent so much that I watched it with anxiety, thinking it would be sprung. The storm being from the westward, threw no sea into the cove, but I several times expected to be driven out of our place of refuge, if not shelter. During part of the time we waited in Good Success Bay for an interval of tolerable wea- ther, in which we might cross to the Falkland Islands without bemg molested by a gale, there was so much surf on the shore that our boats could not land, even while the wind was mode- rate in the bay. While we were prisoners on board, some fish were caught, among which was a skate, four feet in length and three feet wide. Several fine cod-fish, of the same kind as those off Cape Fairweather, were also hooked, and much relished. On the 26th we sailed, passed through a most disagreeable swell off Cape San Diego, and ran before a fresh gale towards VOL. II. Q 926 SOUNDING—CURRENT. Feb.- the Falkland Islands. Towards evening we rounded to for soundings, but the sea was so high and short, that a man* at the jib-boom-end was pitched more than a fathom under water. He held on manfully, both to the boom and the lead-line, and as he rose above the wave, blowing and dripping, hove the lead forward as steadily as ever.+ My own feelings at seeing him disappear may be imagined :—it was some time before we sounded again. This heavy though short sea seemed to be caused by the flood tide, coming from the southward, and meeting waves raised by strong north-west winds. The stream of tide set us a mile each hour north-eastward. At eight the wind and sea were too much for us to run with ; therefore, watching an opportunity, we rounded to ¢ under close-reefed main-topsail, trysails, and fore-staysail. Next morning (27th) we bore up, though the sea was still heavy, and steered to pass south of the Falklands. Our observations at noon showed that since leaving Good Success Bay we had been set more than thirty miles to the north-east. ‘This effect, whe- ther caused by the flood tide-stream, or by a current indepen- dent of the tide, would be dangerous to ships endeavouring to pass westward of the Falklands during bad weather, and in all probability caused the embayment of H.M.S. Eden, Captain W. F. W. Owen, when she was saved by his skill: also of a French storeship, the Durance ; and of several other vessels. At noon, on the 28th, we found that the current or stream of tide had set us more towards the east than to the northward, during the preceding twenty-four hours, while we were at the south side of the islands. At daylight on the Ist of March (having passed the pre- ceding night standing off and on under easy sail), we made Cape Pembroke, at the eastern extremity of the Falklands. The weather was very cold and raw, with frequent hail-squalls, * Nicholas White. + Two men in the staysail netting were also dipped under water, at a second plunge, from which White eseaped. } The barometer was below 29 inches. See Meteorological Journal in Appendix. . 1833. FALKLAND ISLANDS. 297 although in the month corresponding to September of our hemisphere; and while working to windward into Berkeley Sound, the gusts of wind were sometimes strong enough to oblige us to shorten all sail. I did not then know of Port William—so close to us, and so easy of access. The aspect of the Falklands rather surprised me: instead of a low, level, barren country, like Patagonia, or a high woody region, like Tierra del Fuego, we saw ridges of rocky hills, about a thousand feet in height, traversing extensive tracts of sombre-looking moorland, unenlivened by a tree. A black, low, and rocky coast, on which the surf raged violently, and the strong wind against which we were contending, did not tend to improve our first impressions of those unfortunate islands—scene of feud and assassination, and the cause of angry discussion among nations. In a cove (called Johnson Harbour) at the north side of Berkeley Sound, was a wrecked ship, with her masts standing, and in other places were the remains of two more wrecks. We anchored near the beach on which Freycinet ran the Uranie, after she struck on a rock off Volunteer Point, at the entrance of Berkeley Sound; and from a French boat which came alongside learned that the Magellan, French whaler, had been driven from her anchors during the tremendous storm of January 12-13; that her crew were living on shore under tents, having saved every thing; that tnere were only a few colonists left at the almost ruined settlement of Port Louis; and that the British flag had been re-hoisted on the islands by H.M.S. Tyne and Clio. WO. 1. a2 CHAPTER XI. HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE FALKLAND ISLANDS. Tue Falkland Islands, lying between the parallels of 51° and 53° S., and extending from near 57° almost to 62° W., are in number about two hundred, but only two are of considerable size. Between these latter, called East, and West Falkland, is the channel to which our countryman, Strong, gave the name of Falkland Sound, he himself calling the adjacent country Hawkins’ Land. Plausible assertions have been made by parties anxious to disprove the claim of Great Britain to these islands, and so few persons, excepting those immediately concerned, have inclina- tion to refer to original documents, that I may be pardoned for recalling to the recollection of those to whom the subject is still interesting, a few well-known facts, which, if fairly con- sidered, place the question above dispute. It has been asserted, that Americus Vespucius saw these islands in 1502,* but if the account of Americus himself is authentic,}- he could not have explored farther south than the right bank of La Plata. In 1501-2 Americus Vespucius, then * Il me paroft qu’onen peut attribuer la premiére découverte au célébre Ameéric Vespuce, qui, dans son troisitme voyage pour la découverte de Amérique, en parcourut la céte du nord au mois d’Avril 1502. Il ignoroit a la vérité si elle appartenoit 4 une fle, ou si elle faisoit partie du continent; mais il est facile de conclure de la route qu’il avoit suivie, de la latitude a laquelle il étoit arrivé, de la description méme qu’il donne de cette cdte, que c’étoit celle des Malouines. J’assurerais, avec non moins de fondement, que Beauchesne Goiiin, revenant de la mer du Sud en 1700, a mouillé dans la partie orientale des Malouines, croyant étre aux Sebaldes.— Voyage de Bougainville, 2d édit. 1772, tom. i. p. 63. + Letters of Americus Vespucius, in Ramusio’s Collection, vol. i. fol. 128. FALKLAND ISLANDS. 999 employed by the King of Portugal, sailed 600 leagues south and 150 leagues west from Cape San Agostinho (lat. 8° 20/8.) along the coast of a country then named Terra Sancte Crucis.* His account of longitude may be very erroneous, but how could his latitude have erred thirteen degrees in this his southernmost voyage ? The south shore of the Plata is low, and appears to be woody, though it is not ; the depth of water off it is moderate, and the currents are strong—all which peculiarities have been remarked on the northern coasts of the Falklands; therefore the ‘ description’ alluded to by De Bougainville would apply equally well to the right bank of the Plata. The late Mr- Dalrymple published an extract from a chart printed at Rome, in 1508, in which it is said, that ships of Portugal dis- covered a continuation of land as far south as fifty degrees,+ which did not there terminate. In that chart the name Ame- rica is not to be found. Brazil is there called Terrat Sancte Crucis. If the Portuguese or any other people actually traced or even discovered portions of coast south of the Plata before 1512, it appears strange that so remarkable an estuary, one hundred and twenty miles across, should have been overlooked ; especially as soundings extend two hundred miles seaward of its entrance :—and that the world should have no clear record of its having been discovered prior to the voyage of Juan de Solis, in 1512. Vespucius has already robbed Columbus and his predecessor, Cabot, of the great honour of affixing their names to the New World—shall he also be tacitly permitted to claim * The name America was not given before the year 1507. (Herrera, Dee..], 7,5.) + The Falklands are beyond fifty-one degrees of south latitude. t In 1507 (the admiral Christopher Columbus being dead), Americus Vespucius was taken into the service of the King of Spain, with the title of ‘ Pilote mayor,’ and was employed in making charts of the new disco- veries, which gave him an opportunity to affix his own name to the land of South America. (Herrera, Dec. 1, 7, 5.) 230 FALKLAND ISLANDS. even the trifling distinction of discovering the Falklands, when it is evident that he could not have seen them ? * On the 14th of August 1592, John Davis, who sailed with Cavendish on his second voyage, but separated from him in May 1592, discovered the islands now called Falkland. In Mr. John Jane’s relation of Davis’s voyage (Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 846), there is the following simple, but distinct account of this dis- covery: ‘‘ Aug. 14, 1792. We were driven in among certain isles, never before discovered by any known relation, lying fifty leagues or better from the shore, east and northerly from the Strait” (of Magalhaens). At this time Davis was striving to enter the Strait of Magal- haens, but had been long at sea, and driven far by tempests. His bearing is correct, though the distance (by estimation only) is too small. In 1683-4, Dampier and Cowley saw three islands in lat. 51° to 51° 20’ S., which they (correctly) supposed to be those seen and named by Sebald de Weert. However, the editor of Cow- ley’s narrative, one William Hack, published a different lati- tude for the land they saw, and called it Pepys Island, in com- pliment to the then Secretary of the Admiralty, intending that it should be supposed a new discovery. The false latitude given by Hack was 47°S.: in his drawing of the island he did not omit the insertion of an Admiralty Bay and a Secretary Point. Hawkins sailed along the northern shores of these islands in 1594, and he, ignorant of Davis’s discovery, named them Haw- kins’s Maiden Land. His account appearing first, and promi- nently, before the public, procured for them the name by which they were known until Strong, in 1690, sailed through and anchored in the channel which he named Falkland Sound. The Welfare’s journal, written by Strong, is in the British Museum, together with Observations made during a South Sea Voyage, written by Richard Simson, who sailed in the * Could the constructor of the chart, published at Rome in 1508, have been misinformed, owing toa mistake of 5 for 3 (50 for 30)? Such errors occur frequently in modern compilations. FALKLAND ISLANDS. B31 same ship; but a few sentences in each are so relevant to the present subject, that I shall quote them verbatim :—‘ 1690. Monday 27th January. We saw the land ; when within three or four leagues, we had thirty-six fathoms. It is a large land, and lieth east and west nearest. 'There are several quays that lie among the shore. We sent our boat to one, and she brought on board abundance of penguins, and other fowls, and seals. We steered along shore E. by N., and at eight at night we saw the land run eastward as far as we could discern. Lat. 51° 3/ S. “ Tuesday 28th. This morning at four o'clock we saw a rock that lieth from the main island four or five leagues. It maketh like a sail.* At six, we stood into a sound that lies about twenty leagues from the westernmost land we had seen. The sound lieth south and north nearest. There is twenty- four fathoms depth at the entrance, which is four leagues wide. We came to an anchor six or seven leagues within, in fourteen fathoms water. Here are many good harbours. We found fresh water in plenty, and killed abundance of geese and ducks. As for wood, there is none. “¢ On the 31st we weighed from this harbour, with the wind at W.S.W. We sent our long-boat a-head of the ship, to sound before us. At eight o’clock in the evening, we anchored in nine fathoms. The next morning we weighed, and sent our boat before us. At ten, we were clear out of the sound. At twelve, we set the west cape bearing N.N.E., which we named Cape Farewell. This sound, Falkland Sound as I named it, is about seventeen leagues long ; the first entrance lies 8. by E., and afterwards S. by W.” How it happened that the name Falkland, originally given to the sound alone, obliterated Hawkins, and has never yielded to Davis, is now a matter of very trifling importance. I may be permitted to remark particularly, that Hawkins and Strong not only saw both East and West Falkland, but that in 1690 Strong anchored repeatedly between them, and landed : and I do so, because stress has been laid upon the fact * This rock was seen by Hawkins, and named by him ‘ White Con- duit.’ Now it is called Eddystone. 932 FALKLAND ISLANDS. of Beauchesne Goiiin having anchored in 1700 on their eastern coast. In the year 1600, the islands now called Jasons, Salvages, or Sebaldines, at the north-west extremity of the Falklands, were seen and named by Sebald de Weert; and during the next two centuries many other navigators, sailing to or from the Pacific, saw the Falklands; but it does not appear that any further landing was effected, or even that any vessel anchored there, after Beauchesne, except the Saint Louis, of St. Malo, until M. de Bougainville landed to form his settlement, in February 1764. Several ships of St. Malo passed near the Eastern Falklands between the years 1706 and 1714, from whose accounts M. Frezier compiled his chart, published in 1717; and in com- pliment to the owners of one of them (the Saint Louis), her commander, M. Fouquet, named the cluster of islets near which he anchored, the Anican Isles. In consequence of the visits of these ships of St. Malo, the French named the islands Les Malouines; but this was not till after 1716, when Frezier compiled the chart in which he called them ‘Isles Nouvelles,’ although in his own narrative (p. 512, Amsterdam edition, 1717), he says, ‘ Ces isles sont sans doute les mémes que celles que le Chevalier Richard Hawkins découvrit en 1593.” The Spaniards adopted the French name, slightly altered, by changing Malouines into Malvinas: even now .the term ‘ Maloon,’ a corruption of Malouine, * is sometimes used by English or Americans instead of island, in writing as well as in speaking. During the early part of the last century, France maintained a lucrative commerce with Chile and Peru, by way of Cape Horn, and the advantages which might be derived from a port of refuge and supply at the eastern extremity of the Falklands did not escape her active discernment. De Bougainville says, ‘‘Cependant leur position heureuse * “ Fortunately, it is on this maloon, or island, that bullocks and horses are found running wild,”—(Weddell, p. 97.) ie of rent pig Sie FALKLAND ISLANDS. 933 pour servir de reliche aux. vaisseaux qui vont dans la mer du sud, et d’échelle pour la découverte des terres Australes, avoit frappé les navigateurs de toutes les nations. Au commence- ment de année 11763, la cour de France résolut de former un établissement dans ces iles. Je proposai au ministere de le com- mencer a mes frais, et secondé par MM. de Nerville et d’Ar- boulin, Pun mon cousin-germain et Pautre mon oncle, je fis sur le champ construire et armer a Saint Malo, par les soins de M. Duclos Guyot, aujourd’hui mon second, lAigle de vingt canons, et le Sphinx de douze, que je munis de tout ce qui étoit propre pour une pareille expédition. J’embarquai plusieurs familles Acadiennes, espéce dhommes laborieuse, intelligente, et qui doit étre chére 4 la France par linviolable attachement que lui ont prouvé ces honnétes et infortunés citoyens. “«¢ A’ Monte Video nous primes beaucoup de chevaux, et de bétes a corne,—nous atterrames sur les iles Sébaldes le 31 Janvier 1764. “La méme illusion qui avoit fait croire 4 Hawkins, a Woodes Rogers, et aux autres, que ces iles étoient couvertes de bois, agit aussi sur mes compagnons de voyage, et sur moi. Nous vimes avec surprise, en débarquant, que ce que nous avions pris pour du bois en cinglant le long de la céte, n’étoit autre chose que des touffes de jonc fort élevées et fort rappro- chées les unes des autres. Leur pied, en se desséchant recoit la couleur @herbe morte jusqu’a une toise environ de hauteur ; et de 1a sort une touffe de joncs* d’un beau verd qui couronne ce pied; de sorte que, dans léloignement, les tiges réunies présentent Vaspect d’un bois de médiocre hauteur. Ces joncs ne croissent qu’au bord de la mer, et sur les petites fles; les montagnes de la grande terre sont, dans quelques endroits, couvertes entiérement de bruyéres, qu’on prend aisément de loin pour du taillis.".—(Voyage autour du Monde, 1766-69, séconde édition, 1772, tom. i. p. 66-69.) On the 17th of March De Bougainville decided to place his * Now called Tussac by the sealers and colonists. IBA FALKLAND ISLANDS. establishment on the spot where the present settlement stands, and forthwith disembarked to commence the laborious under- taking of founding a colony. In the year 1764, a squadron was sent to the South Seas by George III., in whose instructions, dated June 17th, 1764, it is said, “‘ And whereas his Majesty’s islands, called Pepys Island and Falkland Islands, lying within the said track,” (the track between the Cape of Good Hope and the Strait of Magalhaens), “ notwithstanding their having been first disco- vered and visited by British navigators, have never yet been so sufficiently surveyed, as that an accurate judgment may be formed of their coasts and product, his Majesty, taking the premises into consideration, and conceiving no junction so pro- per for enterprises of this nature as a time of profound peace, which his kingdoms at present happily enjoy, has thought fit that it should now be undertaken.” On the 23d January 1765, Commodore Byron went on shore at these islands, with the captains and principal officers of his squadron, “ when the Union Jack being erected on a high staff, and spread, the commodore took possession of the harbour and all the neighbouring islands for his Majesty King George ITI., his heirs, and successors, by the name of Falkland Islands. When the colours were spread, a salute was fired from the ship.” In consequence of Byron’s favourable report, Captain Mac- bride was sent out in H.M.S. Jason to begin their colonization. He arrived in January 1766. Spain, hearing of the French settlement, immediately laid claim to the islands, as forming a part of her American posses- sions ; and France, influenced by various considerations, agreed to deliver up to Spain her newly-formed colony, upon condi- tion that the projectors and colonists should be indemnified for their losses: an agreement honourably fulfilled by Spain. On the 1st of April 1767, De Bougainville gave up posses- sion to the Spanish officer appointed to take charge ; the stan- dard of Spain was hoisted, and royal salutes fired by the ves- FALKLAND ISLANDS. 235 sels present. Some of the French colonists remained, but the greater part preferred returning to France, and passages were given to them on board Spanish ships. In 1770, a Spanish armament attacked the British colony at Port Egmont, and obliged its small garrison to surrender to an overpowering force, and quit the place. England, indig- nant at the insult, armed for war, and demanded satisfaction from Spain for the injury inflicted. At first Spain argued and temporized ; but finding that Great Britain continued firm, and that the English people were even more disposed for action than their Government, she relinquished her views—disavowed the act of her officer—and restored Port Egmont. England was satisfied—or rather, the court party professed to be satis- fied; but the opposers of government angrily declared that Spain had not done enough; and that, though compelled to make restitution, her insult was unatoned for. In 1774, finding the establishment at the Falklands expen- sive, and almost useless,* England quietly withdrew it; but the marks and signals of possession and property were left upon the islands, and when the governor departed, the British flag remained flying, and various formalities were observed, intended to indicate the right of possession, as well as to show that the occupation of them might be resumed. The reports made by officers employed at Port Egmont were of such a discouraging tendency, that no person at that time entertained the least wish to have any further concern with the islands—and for years they were unnoticed—though not forgotten by England. Spain, however, jealous of in- terference with her colonial possessions, and regarding the Falklands as a vantage-ground, from which those in the south might be suddenly or secretly invaded, maintained a small garrison at the eastern extremity of the Archipelago, where her ships occasionally touched, and from time to time recon- noitred the adjacent ports, in order to ascertain whether any visitors were there. At what precise time the Spaniards with- * The fact was, it was injudiciously situated, and therefore seldom visited, except by a few fishermen. 236 FALKLAND ISLANDS. drew this small garrison, and left the Falkland. archipelago uninhabited by man, I am not certain; but it must have been early in this century, because from 1810 to 1820 there was no person upon those islands who claimed even a shadow of authority over any of them. In 1820, a ship of war was sent from Buenos Ayres to Port Louis; her captain, Jewitt, hoisted the Argentine flag, and saluted it with twenty-one guns; notifying, at the same time, to the sealing and whaling vessels present, that he was ‘ com- missioned by the Supreme Government of the United Provinces of South America to take possession of these islands in the name of the country to which they naturally appertain.”— (Weddell, p. 103.) This act of the Buenos Ayrean Govern- ment was scarcely known in Europe for many years ; and not until 1829 was it noticed formally by Great Britain. After reading this short statement of facts, one may pause to consider what nation is at this moment the legitimate owner of the Falklands. Do the discovery, prior occupation, and settlement of new and uninhabited countries give a right to possession? Ifso, Great Britain is the legal owner of those islands. Davis first discovered them; Hawkins first named them; Strong first landed on them; and (excepting the French), Byron first took formal possession of them; and (again excepting the French), Macbride first colonized them. Respecting the French claim, depending only upon first settle- ment, not discovering, naming, or landing; whatever validity any one may be disposed to allow it, that value must be destroyed, when it is remembered that Spain asserted her superior claim, and that France actually admitted it, resigning for ever her pretensions to those islands. Whatever France might have been induced to do for political reasons, of which the most apparent now is the continuance of the trade she then carried on with Chile and Peru, England never admitted that the Spanish claim was valid: and France having with- drawn, the question is solely between Spain and Great Britain. Spaniards neither discovered, landed upon, nor settled in the Falklands before Englishmen ; and their only claim rests upon FALKLAND ISLANDS. Ot the unstable foundation of a papal bull, by virtue of which Spain might just as well claim Otaheite, the Sandwich Islands, or New Zealand. As to the pretensions of Buenos Ayres, I shall only re- mark, that in a paper transmitted by her government to Mr. Baylies, chargé-d’affaires of the United States of North Ame- rica, on the 14th August 1832, the advocate of her claims asserts, that “it is a political absurdity to pretend that a colony which emancipates itself, inherits the other territories which the metropolis may possess. If that singular doctrine were to be found in the code of nations, the Low Countries, for example, on their independence being acknowledged, in 1648, would have succeeded to Spain in her rights to America ; and in the same manner, the United States would have appro- priated to themselves the British possessions in the East-Indies. Inheritance, indeed! the United States did not inherit the rights of England in Newfoundland, notwithstanding its con- tiguity ; and are they to inherit those which she may have to the Malvinas, at the southern extremity of the continent, and in the opposite hemisphere.”* The writer of the preceding sentences, in his haste to attack the United States of America for an assertion made by one of their journalists, to the effect that the United States inherited from Great Britain a claim to fish around the Falklands, must have overlooked the simple fact, that his arguments were even more applicable to Buenos Ayres than they were to the United States of North America. When Captain Jewitt arrived at the Falklands, he found more than thirty sail of vessels engaged there in the seal fishery, besides others which were recruiting the health of their crews after whaling or sealing voyages in the antarctic regions. By the crews of these ships numbers of cattle and pigs were killed, as well as horses, the wild descendants of those taken there by Bougainville and his successors. * Papers relative to the origin and present state of the questions pend- ing with the United States of America on the subject of the Malvinas (Falkland Islands). Translated and printed at Buenos Ayres in 1832. 938 FALKLAND ISLANDS. In 1823, the Buenos Ayrean Government took another step, in the appointment of a ‘ comandante de las Malvinas ;’ and in the same year, Lewis Vernet, by birth a German, in concert with his friends at Buenos Ayres, “ solicited and obtained from the Government the use of the fishery and of the cattle on the Eastern Malvina, and likewise tracts of land thereon, in order © to provide for the subsistence of the settlement.* This under- taking did not prosper; but the next year Mr. Vernet pre- pared a second expedition, in which he himself sailed. His own words (translated) are: + “* After many sacrifices, I was enabled to surmount great obstables; but still that which we expected to effect in one year was not realized before the expi- ration of five. My partners lost all hope, and sold me their shares. I bought successively three vessels, and lost them; I chartered five, one of which was lost. Each blow produced dismay in the colonists, who several times resolved to leave that ungrateful region, but were restrained by their affection for me, which I had known how to win, and by the example of constancy and patience which my family and myself held out to them.” In 1828, the Government of Buenos Ayres granted to Mr. Vernet (with certain exceptions) the right of property in the Falkland Islands—and in Staten Land! ‘ It also conceded to the colony exemption from taxation for twenty years, and for the same period the exclusive right to the fishery in all the Malvinas, and on the coast of the continent to the southward of the Rio Negro, under the condition that within three years I (Vernet) should have established the colony.” ¢ About this time merchant-vessels of all nations visited the Falkland Islands, both in their outward voyage and when returning from the Pacific; but advantageous as their visits were, those of numerous sealers had a very different effect : for, instead of frequenting the settlement, their crews killed the seal indiscriminately at all seasons, and slaughtered great numbers of wild cattle. ‘ For this reason,” says Vernet, “ I * See note in preceding page. + Idem. t Idem. FALKLAND ISLANDS. 239 requested the Government to furnish me with a vessel of war, to enable me to cause the rights of the colony to be respected. The Government was aware of the necessity of the measure ; but not being then able to place a vessel at my disposal, it resolved to invest me with a public and official character, and for that purpose issued the two decrees of the 10th of June: the one re-establishing the governorship of the Malvinas and Tierra del Fuego; and the other nominating me to fulfil that office.” * In 1829, Vernet warned off some North American sealers ; and in 1831, upon their repeating the sealing excursion of which he had complained, he detained them by force. This act, and various circumstances arising out of it, drew upon him and his unfortunate colony the hasty indignation of Captain Silas Duncan, of the United States corvette Lexington, who, on his own responsibility, without waiting to communicate with his Government, sailed from the Plata to the Falkland Islands, surprised, assaulted, and made prisoners of many unoffending people, and unwarrantably destroyed both property and build- ings. Mr. Brisbane and several others were put into confine- “ment, and carried away, on board the Lexington, to Buenos Ayres, where they were delivered up to the Buenos Ayrean Government, in February 1832. The United States supported their officer, and immediately despatched a chargé-d’affaires to Buenos Ayres, with instructions to demand compensation for the injury done to North American trade, and full reparation to all North American citizens for personal wrongs. While the United States and Buenos Ayres were discussing the questions at issue, Great Britain, following up the solemn warnings she had given Buenos Ayres (especially in the pro- test addressed to that Government by Mr. Parish, in November 1829), issued orders to her Commander-in-chief on the South American station, to send a vessel of war to re-hoist the British flag upon the Falkland Islands; to assert her right of sove- reignty, and to cause every thing belonging to the Buenos Ayrean Government to be embarked and sent away. * See note, page 236. 240 FALKLAND ISLANDS. On the 2d of January 1833, H.M.S. Clio anchored in Berke- ley Sound, to carry these orders into effect; H.M.S. Tyne, about the same time, anchoring in Port Egmont. In each place the British colours were hoisted and saluted: the small Buenos Ayrean garrison at Port Louis quietly withdrew, and sailed for the Plata in an armed schooner, belonging to Buenos Ayres: and from that time those unhappy islands have been more ostensibly British, though but little has yet been done to draw forth the resources, and demonstrate the advantages which they unquestionably possess. When the 'T'yne and Clio sailed, after a very short stay at the islands, no authority was left there, but the colours were entrusted to an Irishman, who had been Mr. Vernet’s storekeeper.* In 1834, a lieutenant in the navy, with a boat’s crew, was sent to reside at Port Louis, and since that time various small ships of war have succeeded each other in visiting and exploring the numerous islands and harbours of that archipe- lago. Those who may wish for more historical information on this subject—for further details of former negociations between Spain and England, or of the late discussions between North America and Buenos Ayres—should refer to Dr. Johnson’s “ Thoughts respecting the Falkland Islands” (Johnson’s Works, vol. viii. p. 96, Murphy’s Edition, 1816) ; to Junius’s 42d Letter ; and to papers published at Buenos Ayres in 1832; in addition to general history. * Not long before the Clio arrived, there had been a mutiny in the gar- rison, and the Buenos Ayrean commanding officer had been barbarcusly murdered. In the early part of 1834, Mr. Brisbane fell a victim to treachery. These fatal occurrences will be mentioned again in the course of my narrative. CHAPTER XII. First Appearance — Tides —Currents — W inds— Lightning —Seasons— Temperature — Rain—Health—Dangers —Cautions —V iew— Settle- ment—Animals— Foxes— V arieties—Seal— W hales—Fish and Fishery —Birds—Brushwood—Peat—Pasture—P otash—Orchilla—Grazing— Corn—Fruit— V egetables—Trees—Plants—Land—Situation of prin- cipal Settlement — Prospective advantages —Suggestions —V ernet’s Establishment—Reflections. In the appearance of the Falkland Islands, there is very little either remarkable or interesting. About the greater part of the archipelago, barren hills, sloping towards low and broken ground, or rocky surf-beat shores, are the only objects which meet the eye. On the West Falkland, and some small islands near it, there are high precipitous cliffs in a few parts exposed to the western seas; but other places, and especially the southern portions of East Falkland, are so low that they cannot be seen from the deck of a vessel five miles distant. The average height of the western island is greater than that of the eastern, although the highest hills seem to be in the latter, where they rise to about thirteen hundred feet above the sea level. | Around the islands, especially toward the south-eastern and north-western extremes, there are numerous islets and rocks, whose distance from shores, where tides run strongly and winds are violent as well as sudden, makes them exceedingly dange- rous ; more particularly near the north-west extremity of the group: and as seamen require information on these matters before entering a port, I will notice the tides, winds, and cli- mate previous to other subjects. The tides differ much as to strength and direction in dif- ferent parts of the archipelago, but the times of syzigial high water only vary from five to eight o’clock ; and the rise of tide is almost similar every where, about four feet at neap, and eight VOL. II. R 942 TIDES—CURRENTS. feet at spring tides. The principal swell of the ocean, which causes the tidal streams about these islands, comes from the south-east. Scarcely any stream is perceptible on the south-east coast of East Falkland ; but along the north, south, and west shores it increases in strength, until among the Jason Islands it runs six miles an hour, causing heavy and dangerous races. Off Berkeley Sound, across the entrance, and near Cape Carysfort, the tide runs about two knots, at its greatest strength; and thence westward it increases gradually. Into Falkland Sound the tide flows from both openings, and meets near the Swan Islands; shewing, I apprehend, that the principal wave or swell impinges upon the coast considerably eastward of south. The tidal currents are stronger along the northern shores of the archipelago than they are along the south coasts; and the stream of flood is stronger than the ebb. At Port William, the easternmost harbour, the time of high water at full moon is five; and thence westward, the times: increase gradually to half-past eight, at New Island, which is nearly the western- most of the group. Generally speaking, the sea is much deeper near the south- ern and western shores than it is near those of the north; and to those local differences I attribute the varying velocity of the minor tide streams. Besides these movements of the surrounding waters, there is a current setting past the islands from south-west to north- east: a current which continually brings drift wood to their southern coasts, and has brought Fuegian canoes. On all parts of the southern shores that are open to the south-west, the beaches or rocks are covered with trees, which have drifted from Staten Land or Tierra del Fuego. Great quantities of this driftwood may be found between Cape Orford and Cape Mere- dith ; upon the Arch, Speedwell, George, and Barren Islands : indeed, there are few places between Cape Orford and Choi- seul Bay where a vessel may not find a good supply of fuel. On Long Island, and in the bay behind the Sea-Lion Islands, portions of Fuegian canoes have often been found; one con- sisted of an entire side (pieces of bark sewed together), which WINDS—STORMS. 943 could not have been made many years. At sea, when north- eastward of the Falklands, great quantities of drift kelp* are seen, besides water-worn trunks and branches of trees, near which there are generally fish, and numbers of birds. T hese sure indications of a current from the south-west have been met with upwards of two hundred miles to the northward of Berke- ley Sound. There is not, however, reason to think that this current ever runs more than two knots an hour, under any cir- cumstances, and in all probability its usual set is even less than: one knot. Wind is the principal. evil at the Falklands: a region more exposed to storms, both in summer and winter, it would be difficult to mention. The winds are variable; seldom at rest, while the sun is above the horizon, and very violent at times; during the summer a calm day is an extraordinary event. Generally speaking, the nights are less windy than the days, but neither by night nor by day, nor at any season of the year, are these islands exempt from sudden and very severe squalls; or from gales which blow heavily, though they do not usually last many hours. It has been stated by Bougainville and others that in sum- mer the wind generally freshens as the sun rises, and dies away about sunset: also, that the nights are clear and starlight. The information I have received, with what I have myself wit- nessed, induces me to agree to the first of these statements in its most general sense, and to a certain degree I can admit the second; but, at the same time, it is true that there are many cloudy and very many windy nights in the course of each year, I might almost say month. The Magellan was driven from her anchors, though close to a weather shore in the narrowest part of Berkeley Sound, and totally wrecked in Johnson Har- bour about midnight of the 12th of Januaryt 1833. The prevalent direction of the wind is westerly. Gales, in general, commence in the north-west, and draw or fly round to the south-west; and it may be remarked, that when rain * Sea-weed detached from the rocks and drifting with the current. + The month which, in that hemisphere, corresponds to July in ours. no Q44, WINDS—LIGHTNING. accompanies a north-west wind it soon shifts inte the south- west quarter, and blows hard. Northerly winds bring cloudy weather ; and when very light, they are often accompanied by a thick fog: it is also worth notice that they almost always occur about the full and change of the moon. North-east and northerly winds bring gloomy overcast weather, with much rain; sometimes they blow hard and hang in the N.N.E., but it is more common for them to draw round to the westward. South-easterly winds also bring much rain, they are not frequent, but they blow hard, and as the gale increases it hauls southward. During winter the winds are chiefly from the north-west, and in summer they are more frequently south-west. Though fogs occur with light easterly or northerly winds, they do not often last through the day. Gales of wind, as well as squalls, are more sudden, and blow more furiously from the southern quarter, between south-west and south-east, than from other directions. ; Wind from the east is rarely lasting, or strong ; it generally brings fine weather, and may be expected in April, May, June, and July, rather than at other times, but intervals of fine weather (short indeed), with light breezes from E.S.E. to E.N.E., occur occasionally throughout the year. Neither lightning nor thunder are at all common, but when the former occurs easterly wind is expected to follow. If lightning should be seen in the south-east while the barometer is low,* a hard gale from that quarter may be expected. South- east and southerly gales last longer than those from the west- ward, and they throw a very heavy sea upon the southern shores. In the winter there is not, generally, so much wind as in the summer, and in the former season the weather, though colder, is more settled, and considerably drier. * A seaman may naturally ask here, and at other passages where refe- rence is made to the barometer, “‘ What is considered low for that place ?”’ and as a reply may be obtained more satisfactorily by consulting the Meteorological Journal, in the appendix, than by receiving an answer in figures (barometers and direction of wind varying so much), I will beg him to look at that Journal. SEASONS—TEMPERATURE. 245 In different years seasons vary so much, that those who have been longest about the islands hardly venture to predict what weather will be found during any particular month. All they say is, that January, February, and March, though warmest, are the windiest months, and that May, June, and July, though cold, are much less stormy.* I must here add one word in favour of the barometer, or sympiesometer. Every material change in the weather is fore- told by these invaluable. instruments, if their movements are tolerably understood by those who consult them, and if they are frequently observed. Mr. Low said to me, ‘* The baro- meter is worth any thing in these countries” (alluding to Tierra del Fuego, as well as the Falklands); ‘some say they dislike it because it is always so low, and foretelling bad weather ; but how often do we have any other?” 'They must, somehow, think the barometer ominous, and overlook the use of the omen. The temperature may be considered equable; it is never hot, neither is it ever very cold; but the average is low, and in consequence of frequent rain and wind, a really moderate degree of cold is much more noticed than would probably be the case if the weather were dry and serene. Since 1825 Fahrenheit’s thermometer has only once been observed so low as 22° in the shade, at mid-day, and it has been but once above 80° in the shade. Its ordinary range is between 30° and 50° in the winter, and from 40° to 65° in the summer. Ice has not been known to exceed an inch in thickness; snow seldom lies upon the low lands, or at any period exceeds two inches in depth. Although rain is so frequent, it does not continue falling for any considerable time; and as evaporation is rapid, im consequence of so much wind, there are no un- wholesome exhalations; indeed, .the climate is exceedingly healthy, and no disease whatever has been hitherto contracted, in consequence of its influence, excepting ordinary. colds and coughs, or rheumatic affections, brought on by unusual expo- “ Mr. Low scarcely ever found two succeeding years alike, as to wind and weather, during the corresponding seasons. 246 DANGERS—KELP. sure to weather. It is said by those who have had the most experience there, that the climate of West Falkland is milder than that of the Eastern large island. Probably the west winds are chilled in passing over the heights, and upon reaching Port Louis are several degrees colder than when they first strike upon the western islands. In Tierra del Fuego, and many other places, the case is similar, the western regions having a milder climate than is found about the central or eastern districts. Excellent harbours, easy of access, affording good shelter, with the very best holding ground, abound among these islands, and, with due care, offer ample protection from the frequent gales. In approaching the land, and especially while entering a harbour, a careful look-out should be kept for ‘fixed kelp,’ the seaweed growing on every rock in those places, which is covered by the sea, and not very far beneath its surface. Lying upon the water, the upper leaves and stalks show, almost as well as a buoy, where there is a possibility of hidden danger. Long stems, with leaves, lying regularly along the surface of the sea, are generally attached to rocky places, or else to large stones. Occasionally a few straggling stalks of kelp are seen in deep water, even in thirty fathoms: many of which are attached to stones, and so firmly, that their long stems will sometimes weigh the stone adhering to their roots. Such scattered plants as these need not be minded by a ship; but in passing to windward of patches or beds of kelp, or rather in passing on that side from which the stems stream away with the current, care should be taken to give the place a wide berth, because the only part which shows, when the tide is strong, lies on one side of, not over the rocks. Where the stream of tide is very strong this kelp is quite ‘run under,’ or kept down out of sight, and can no longer be depended on as a warning. When a clear spot is seen in the middle of a thick patch of fixed kelp, one may expect to find there the least water. Drift kelp, or that which is floating on the surface of the sea, unattached to any rock or stone, of course need not be CAUTIONS—VIEW. 24:7 avoided ; it may be known at a glance, by the irregular hud- dled look which it has. Off the south-east shores of the Falk- lands there are several rocky shallows, on which the sea breaks heavily during south-east gales, though not at other times: all those shallows are marked by kelp, and in one place, thus indicated, not more suspicious in appearance than others, a rock was found, almost ‘awash’ at low water. Many wrecks have occurred, even on the land-locked shores of harbours themselves, and in 1833-4, some of their remains served as a warning to strangers to moor their ships securely : but with good ground tackle, properly disposed, and the usual precautions, a vessel will lie in absolute safety, as the holding- ground is excellent : indeed, in many places so tenacious, that it is exceedingly difficult to weigh an anchor which has been some time down. Particular directions for making the land, approaching and entering harbours, and taking advantageous berths, will be found in another place: generally speaking, the local pilotage is very simple. The country is remarkably easy of access to persons on foot ; but half-concealed rivulets and numerous bogs, oblige a mounted traveller to be very cautious. ‘There are no trees any where, but a small bush is plentiful in many vallies. Scarcely any view can be more dismal than that from the heights: moor- land and black bog extend as far as eye can discern, intersected by innumerable streams, and pools of yellowish brown water, But this appearance is deceptive ; much of what seems to be a barren moor, is solid sandy clay soil, covered by a thin layer of vegetable mould, on which grow shrubby bushes and a coarse grass, affording ample nourishment to cattle; besides which, one does not see into many of the vallies where there is good soil and pasture. Some tracts of land, especially those at the south of East Falkland, differ in character, being low, level, and abundantly productive of excellent herbage. Mr. Darwin’s volume will doubtless afford information as to the geological formation of the Eastern Falkland. He did not visit the western island, but obtained many notices of it from 248 PEAT—ANIMALS. those who were there. The more elevated parts of East Falk- land are quartz rock ; clay-slate prevails in the intermediate districts. Sandstone, in which are beautifully perfect impres- sions of shells, occurs in beds within the slate formation : and upon the slate is a layer of clay, fit for making bricks. Near the surface, where this clay is of a lighter quality, and mixed with vegetable remains, it is good soil, fit for cultivation. In some places, a great extent of, clay is covered by a layer of very solid peat, varying in depth from two to ten feet. The solidity of this peat is surprising; it burns well, and is an excellent substitute for other fuel. To the clay and to the solid peat may be attributed the numerous bogs and pools of water, rather than to the total amount of rain. Is the peat now growing, or was the whole mass formed ages ago ? The settlement, now consisting only of a few huts, some cot- tages, and a ruinous house or two, occupies the place originally selected by Bougainville, close to Port Louis, at the head of Berkeley Sound. Standing in an exposed situation, scattered over half a mile of rising ground, without a tree or even a shrub near it, the unfortunate village has a bleak and desolate appearance, ominous of its sad history. Previous, however, to entering upon the affairs of the settlement, I will continue my sketch of the islands and their present produce, independent of the settlers now there. By the French, and afterwards by the Spanish colonists, a number of black cattle, horses, pigs, and rabbits, were turned loose upon East Falkland ; and, by considerate persons, en- gaged in whale or seal-fishery, both goats and pigs have been left upon smaller islands near West Falkland. These animals have multiplied exceedingly; and, although they have been killed indiscriminately by the crews of vessels, as well as by the settlers, there are still many thousand head of cattle, and some thousand horses, besides droves of pigs, perfectly wild, upon the eastern large island: while upon Carcass Island, Saunders Island, and others, there are numbers of goats and pigs. In 1834, the smallest estimate exceeded twelve thou- - Ms ss ))) Z Di: LACS r BERKE Lo Publishes 3 ie by [OU ND BULLS—~HORSES—FOXES. 2Q49 sand cattle, and four thousand horses; but there were no means of ascertaining their number, except by comparing the accounts of the gaucho colonists, who were accustomed to pursue them, not only for ordinary food or for their hides, but even for their tongues alone, not taking the trouble to carry off more of the animal so wantonly slaughtered.* The wild cattle are very large and very fat, and the bulls are really for- midable animals, perhaps among the largest and most savage of their race. At Buenos Ayres, the ordinary weight of a bull’s hide is less than fifty pounds, but the weight of such hides in the East Falkland has exceeded eighty pounds. The horses look well while galloping about wild, but the gauchos say they are not of a good breed, and will not bear the fatigue of an ordinary day’s work, such as a horse at Buenos Ayres will gothrough without difficulty. Perhaps their ‘ softness,’ as it is there called, may be owing to the food they get, as well as to the breed. The wild pigs on East Falkland are of a long- legged, ugly kind; but some of those on Saunders Island and other places about West Falkland are derived from short- legged Chinese pigs. ‘The only quadruped apparently indige- nous is a large fox, and as about this animal there has been much discussion among naturalists, and thespecimens now in the British Museum were deposited there by me, I am induced to make a few remarks upon it. * “The settlers, when they abandoned the eastern island, left behind them several horses and horned cattle, which have increased so much, that, on going a few miles into the country, droves of both animals may be seen. I have taken several of the bullocks by shooting them. They are generally ferocious, and will attack a single person; and thus, those who hunt them are enabled to get within pistol-shot of them by the fol- lowing stratagem. Four or five men advance in a line upon the animal, and, by appearing only as one person, it stands ready to attack, till within one hundred yards, when the hunters spread themselves, and fire, endea- vouring to shoot the bullock either in the head or in the fore-shoulder. The horses will also attack asingle person, and their mode of doing so is by forming a circle round him, and prancing upon him; but by means of a musquet they may be’ readily dispersed.”—Weddell’s Voyage, pp. 102, 103. 250 FOXES—SIMSON. It has been said, that there are two varieties of this ‘ wolf- fox,’ as it has been called,* one being rather the smaller, and of a redder brown; but the fact is, that no other difference exists between the two apparent varieties, and as the darker coloured larger animal is found on the East Falkland, while the other is confined to the western island, the darker colour and rather thicker furry coat may be attributed to the influence of a some- what colder climate. The fox of West Falkland approaches nearer the large fox of Patagonia, both in colour and size, than its companion of East Falkland does; but allowing that there is one shade of difference between the foxes of East and West Falkland, there are but two, or at most three shades between the animal of West Falkland and the large fox of Port Famine. In Strong’s voyage (1690), Simson describes these foxes as being twice as large as an English fox, but he does not say upon which island.+ * “Le loup-renard, ainsi nommé parce qu’il se creuse un terrier, et que sa queue est plus longue et plus fournie de poil que celle du loup, habite dans les dunes sur le bord de la mer. II suit le gibier et se fait des routes avec intelligence, toujours par le plus court chemin d’une baie 4 lautre; Anotre premiére descente a terre, nous ne doutémes point que ce ne fussent des sentiers d’habitans. Il y a apparence que cet animal jefine une partie de l’année, tant il est maigre et rare. [1 est de la taille d’un chien ordinaire dont il a aussi l’aboiement, mais foible. Comment a-t-il été transporté sur les fles?’”—Voyage de Bougainville, seconde édition, tome i. p. 113. ; + “They saw foxes on this land, which, Simson says, ‘ were twice as big as those in England. Having brought greyhounds with us, we caught a young fox alive, which we kept on board some months, but on the first firing our great guns in the South Sea, he was frighted overboard, as were also some St. Jago monkies. As to the antiquity of these foxes, as they cannot fly, and it is not likely they should swim so far as from America, nor again is it probable that any would be at the pains of bringing a breed of foxes so far as Hawkins’ Island is from any other land, it will follow that there have either been two distinct creations, or that America and this land have been formerly the same continent.’ There are means more within the common course of nature than those which occurred to Simson, by which foxes may have become inhabitants of this land. Islands of ice are met at sea in much lower southern lati- tudes, FOXES—WOLVES. Q51 All who have seen these animals alive have been struck by their eager ferocity and disregard of man’s power. Byron says, “ Four creatures of great fierceness, resembling wolves, ran up to their bellies in the water to attack the boat !” also, “¢ When any of these creatures got sight of our people, though at ever so great a distance, they ran directly at them.”—“ They were always called wolves by the ship’s company ; but except in their size and the shape of the tail, I think they bore a greater resemblance to a fox. They are as big as a middle-sized mastiff, and their fangs are remarkably long and sharp.” “* They burrow in the ground, like a fox.” The Beagle’s offi- cers, when employed in surveying the Falklands, were often annoyed, as well as amused, by the intrusion of these fearless animals. In size, the larger ones are about twice as bulky as an English fox, and they stand nearly twice as high upon their legs.* Their heads are coarser, and their fur is not only thicker as well as longer, but it is of a woolly nature. Referring again to a resemblance between the Falkland and Patagonian foxes, I may remark, that there is as much difference in size, in coat, and in tail, between the guanaco of Port Desire and that of Navarin Island (near Cape Horn), as there is be- tween the fox of West Falkland and that of Port Famine. What the Patagonian animal is which the Blanco Bay people called ‘ wolf, or to which Pigafetta alluded in his vocabulary of words used by the Patagonians at Port San Julian, as equi- valent to ‘ani,’t I cannot say: I was inclined to suspect an equivoque arising out of the word ‘lobo,’ which means seal as well as wolf; but Lieut. Wickham says he saw a wolf near the Colorado River. § The Falkland foxes feed upon birds, rab- tudes, many of which, no doubt, are formed in the bays and rivers of the continent. Seals and sea-birds repose on the edge of the shore, whether it is ice or land, and foxes, or other animals, in search of prey, will fre- quently be carried away on the large pieces of ice which break off and are driven out to sea.””—Burney, vol. iv, pp. 331-332. * The country they range over being open, without trees, does not require them to steal along under branches, like the foxes of a woody country. + Page 107 of this volume. } Burney, vol. i. p. 37. § Page 296, 952 CHANGES IN ANIMALS. bits, rats and mice, eggs, seals, &c., and to their habits of attacking king-penguins, if not seal, while alive, I presume that a part of their unhesitating approach to man may be traced. Naturalists say that these foxes are peculiar to this archipe- lago, and they find difficulty in accounting for their presence in that quarter only.* ‘That they are now peculiar cannot be doubted ; but how long they have been so is a very different question. As I know that three hairy sheep, brought to Eng- land from Sierra Leone in Africa, became woolly in a few years, and that woolly sheep soon become hairy in a hot coun- try (besides that their outward form alters considerably after a few generations) ; and as I have both seen and heard of wild cats, known to have been born in a domestic state, whose size surpassed that of their parents so much as to be remarkable ; whose coats had become long and rough ; and whose phy- slognomies were quite different from those of their race who were still domestic; I can see nothing extraordinary in foxes carried from Tierra del Fuego to Falkland Island becoming longer-legged, more bulky, and differently coated. But how were they carried there? In this manner :—In page 242, the current was mentioned which always sets from Staten Land towards the southern shores of the Falklands—icebergs or trees * Forster, as an exception, saw no difficulty in accounting for their involuntary migration. ‘“ M. Forster, Anglais, de la Société Royale, qui a fait a cet ouvrage Vhonneur de le traduire, a accompagné sa traduction de plusieurs notes.’”’—“ Je dois dire que toutes ses notes ne sont pas égale- ment justes; par exemple, dans le chapftre de |’Histoire Naturelle des Iles Malouines, il est surpris de ce que je le suis davoir trouvé sur ces fles un animal quadrupéde, et de mon embarras sur la maniére dont il a été transporté. Il ajoute qu’ayant passé comme je l’ai fait plusieurs années en Canada, j’aurois di savoir que des quadrupédes terrestres se trouvant sur de grandes glaces au moment ot elles sont détachées des terres, sont emportées a la haute mer, et abordent a des cdtes fort éloi- gnées de leur pays natal, sur lesquelles ces masses de glace viennent échouer. Je sais ce fait; mais M. Forster ne sait pas que jamais les voyageurs n’ont rencontré de glaces flottantes dans les environs des {les Malouines, et que dans ces contrées il ne s’y en peut pas former, n’y ayant ni grand fleuve ni méme aucune riviére un peu considérable.—-Voyage de Bougainville, séconde édition, tom. i. pp. xiv. et xv. (note). : TRANSPORT OF ANIMALS. 953 drifted by that current and westerly winds afford the ‘means of transport; and I appeal to the quotations already made from Forster’s and Bougainville’s works for proof that animals may be so carried. Because we do not know that there are foxes at this time upon Staten Land, it does not follow that there are none, or that they have never been there ; and as guanacoes, pumas, and foxes are now found on Eastern Tierra del Fuego, why might not foxes have been carried to Staten Land and thence to the Falklands, or, which is still more probable, drifted from Eas- tern Tierra del Fuego direct. I have heard somewhere, though I cannot recollect ie authority, that aman in North ei Grit hauled a large old tree to the bank of a river in which it was floating tawrairde the sea, and proceeded to secure it on the bank, when to his astonishment, out of a hole in the tree jumped a fine fox. Clusters of trees are often found floating, which have fallen off a cliff, or have been carried out of a river ; and once in the ocean, they are drifted along partly by currents and partly by wind acting upon their branches or exposed surfaces. Rats and mice were probably taken to the Falklands by the earlier navigators who landed there, whose ships were often plagued with their numbers.* That they have varied from the original stock in sharpness of nose, length of tail, colour, or size, is to be expected, because we find that every animal varies more or less in outward form and appearance, in consequence of altered climate, food, or habits; and that when a certain * In Viedma’s Diary of an Expedition to Port San Julian in 1780, he says, “ Kl Bergantin San Francisco de Paula entrd en el riachuelo para descargarlo y dar humazo a las ratas.” (The brig San Francisco de Paulo went into the creek to be unloaded and smoked, to kill the rats (or mice, ratas signifying either). In Magalhaens’ voyage (1520) “ Juan (a Patagonian) seeing the Spaniards throwing mice into the sea, desired he might have them for food; and those that were afterwards taken being: given to him, he carried them on shore.” —Burney, vol. i. p. 34. Perhaps some of those mice reached land alive, as the ships lay close to the ‘shore. Many other vessels, however, afterwards staid some time in Port San Julian, particularly those of Drake. 954 VARIETIES OF ANIMALS. change, whatever it may be, is once effected, the race no longer varies while under similar circumstances; but to fancy that every kind of mouse which differs externally from the mouse of another country is a distinct species, is to me as difficult to believe as that every variety of dog and every variety of the human race constitute a distinct species. [ think that naturalists who assert the contrary are bound to examine the comparative anatomy of all these varieties more fully, and to tell us how far they differ. My own opinion is, judging from what I have gathered on the subject from various sources, that their ana- tomical arrangement is as uniformly similar as that of the dogs and of the varieties of man. On East Falkland there are numbers of rabbits, whose stock is derived from those carried there by Bougainville or the Spa- niards. Among them were some black ones (when I was there), which had been pronounced indigenous, or, at all events, not brought from Europe. A specimen of these pseudo-indigenous animals has been carefully examined by those to whom a new species is a treasure, but it turns out to be a common rabbit. Sea-elephant and seal (both hair and fur-seal) were abundant along the shores of the archipelago in former years, and by management they might soon be encouraged to frequent them again ;* but now they are annually becoming scarcer, and if means are not taken to prevent indiscriminate slaughter, at any time of year, one of the most profitable sources of revenue at the Falklands will be destroyed. Whales frequent the surrounding waters at particular sea- sons, and they are still to be found along the coasts of Pata- gonia and Tierra del Fuego (within easy reach from the Falk- lands), though their numbers are very much diminished by the annual attacks of so many whale-ships, both large and small, which have made the Falklands their head-quarters during the last twenty years. A valuable source of daily supply, and by salting, of foreign * On the little island ‘Lobos,’ in the river Plata, passed and there- fore to a certain degree disturbed daily by shipping, seals are numerous ; being preserved like game, and destroyed only at intervals. FISHERY—BIRDS. 955 export, is the inexhaustible quantity of fish which swarm in every harbour during the summer. The description which most abounds is a kind of bass, from two to three feet long, and six inches in depth: it takes salt well, and has been ex- ported by cargoes to the river Plata* and to Rio de Janeiro ; and there are delicious small fish in such shoals, that our boats’ crews were sometimes obliged to let a large portion escape from the net before they could haul it ashore without tearing.+ Mr. Vernet said, “* We have a great abundance of fish in all the bays, where they come at the beginning of spring to spawn. In the winter season they retire. They enter regularly twice in the twenty-four hours, at about half-flood. They are caught in such numbers, that ten or twelve men salted about sixty tons in less than a month. Generally, they are caught with a net, but they will also take the hook ; they are of a species be- tween the mullet and the salmon, and become very fat towards the end of the summer. They are very good eating, and when salted, some prefer them to the cod-fish."—Vernet, MS. 1831. In the fresh-water ponds, so numerous on the large islands, there is a very delicate fish, somewhat resembling a trout, which may be caught by angling. The shell-fish are chiefly muscles and clams, both of which are very abundant, and easily ga- thered at low water. It may here be remarked that the cod-fishery off Patagonia and 'Tierra del Fuego might be turned to very good account by settlers at the Falklands. Of the feathered tribe there are numbers, but not much variety has been found—a natural consequence of the absence of trees. ‘Three or four kinds of geese,} two kinds of snipe, several varieties of the duck, occasionally wild swans of two * Where fish, though plentiful, does not take salt well. + Many tons have been taken at a haul. { One kind of goose, that which has erroneously been called a bustard, arrives in a tame condition, about April or May, with easterly winds, Perhaps these birds come from Sandwich Land, or even Enderby Land. Their tameness may be a consequence of being ignorant of man, or of the half-tired state in which they arrive. 256 BRUSHWOOD—PEAT—-GRASS. kinds, a sort of quail (ike that of Tierra del Fuego), carrion- hawks or vultures, albatrosses, gulls, petrel, penguins, sea- hens, shags, rooks, curlew, sandpipers, rock-hoppers, and a very few land-birds, are found about most of the islands. * Although there are no trees, a useful kind of brushwood grows abundantly in vallies, to the height of three or four feet, and thickly set together. Over level plains it is but thinly scattered. ‘The settlers use this brushwood for lighting their peat-fires. There are three kinds of bushes : one grows straight, from two to five feet high, with a stem from half an inch to an inch and half in diameter: this kind is found abundantly in most of the vallies. Another is common about the southern parts of the islands, and has a crooked trunk, as thick as a man’s arm, growing to about three feet in height. The third is smaller still, being little better than heather ; it grows almost every where, though scantily. Peat is inexhaustible; and, if properly managed, answers every common purpose of fuel, not only as a substitute, but pleasantly. It will not, however, in its natural state, answer for a forge; but if dried and subjected to heavy pressure for some time before use, a much greater heat might be derived from it. There is but little difference in the quality of the grass, either on high or low land ; but in sheltered valleys it is longer, softer, and greener, than elsewhere. The whole face of the country is covered with it; and in some places, especially over a peaty soil, its growth becomes hard and rank. In the * ‘Birds’ eggs are so numerous at the proper season, that “ eight men gathered at one place alone, in four or five days, upwards of sixty thou- sand eggs, and might have collected twice that number had they re- mained afew days longer.”’—Vernet, MS. 1831. + “The want of wood on these islands would be a great inconvenience, were it not that good peat is very abundant. I have burned many tons, and found it an excellent substitute for coal. In order to get it dry, it is necessary to pull it from the sides of the pit, not very deep ; and as there are several peat-holes, by working them alternately, the material may be procured in a state fit for use.”—-W eddell’s Voyage, p. 88. GRASS—SOIL-——POTASH. ASW southern half of East Falkland, where, as I mentioned, the soil is good, there is abundance of long, but brownish grass over all the country, and at the roots of it there are sweet tender shoots, sheltered from the wind, much liked by cattle. In that district there are several varieties of grass growing on fine dark-coloured earth, mixed with light white sand; and, although, from never being cut, it has a rugged and brown appearance, its nutritive properties must be considerable, as the finest cattle are found feeding there. Mr. Bynoe remarked to me, that wherever the surface of the ground had been broken by cattle, he found a very dark-coloured earth mixed with sand or clay, or else clay mixed with gravel and sand. That the clay is good for bricks has been mentioned; but I have not said that there is stone of two or three kinds suitable for building, and that any quantity of lime may be obtained by burning fossil shells brought from the coast of Patagonia, where the cliffs are full of them, or by collecting the shells scattered upon the Falkland shores. Another natural produc- tion, of more value than it has hitherto been considered, is the common sea-weed or kelp;* and I am told by Sir Woodbine Parish that the archil or orchilla weed was obtained there by the Spaniards. It is to be remarked, that the soil of East Falkland has been very much improved in the neighbourhood of the settlement, as well as around the estancia, or farm, where the tame cattle are kept, in consequence of the treading and manuring it has * The manner of extracting potash from sea-weed is as follows :— When a sufficient quantity of kelp has been collected, it is spread out in a place where it will be dried by the sun and wind, and when dry enough to burn, a hollow is dug in the ground three or four feet wide; round its margin are laid stones, on which the weed is placed and set on fire. Quantities of this fuel being continually heaped upon the circle, there is in the centre a constant flame, from which a liquid substance, like melted metal, drops into the hollow beneath. This substance is worked, or stirred, with iron rakes, and brought to an uniform consistence while in a state of fusion; and when cool, it consolidates into a heavy, dark- coloured alkaline substance, which undergoes in the glass-houses a second vitrification, and then assumes a perfect transparency. VOL. Il. S) 258 WOOL—GRAZING—CORN. received. ‘The grass is there as short and as sweet as horses could desire; and does ‘not this show, that by folding, on a large scale, any extent of pasture land might, by degrees, be brought to a similar condition? Why sheep have not been carried there in greater numbers I am not aware, but judging from the climate, and the fur of the foxes, I should suppose that the long-woolled sheep would do well, and perhaps improve the staple of its wool, as the merino sheep has done in an oppo- site manner—by transportation to Australia. Pigs have in- creased in great numbers on the small islands, where their young are safer from the foxes, and where there is abundance of the sedgy grass called tussac, the roots and stalks of which are much liked by them. The size and fatness of the wild cattle is a clear proof that the country is adapted for grazing. Of twenty wild bulls which were killed during one excursion of the settlers, shortly before the Beagle’s arrival, the average weight of each hide was above seventy, and a few weighed eighty pounds. Some of these animals are so fat and heavy, that the gauchos say they cannot drive them across the marshy grounds which are passed by the other cattle, as well as by men on horseback. It has been also ascertained that meat takes salt remarkably well in that climate; and as salt of excellent quality, as well as salt- petre, abounds on the coast of Patagonia, there is no reason why large quantities of salt meat and salt fish should not be prepared there, and exported to the Brazils, to the East, to Chile, and Peru, besides supplying a number of the ships which would touch there. But there are alleged disadvantages to contend against, which must not be overlooked for a moment. It is very doubtful whether corn will ripen. Fruit, which requires much sun, certainly will not, and culinary vegetables have been said to run to stalk and become watery. Nevertheless, Mr. Brisbane assured me that wheat had been tried in Vernet’s garden, and that there it grew well, producing a full ear and large grain. The garden was small, slightly manured, and defended from wind by high turf fences. Potatoes, he said, VEGETABLES—FRUIT—TREES. 959 erew large, though watery; but it was easy to see that justice had not been done to them, whole potatoes having been put into holes and left to take their chance, upon a soil by no means so suitable for them as might have been found. Planted even in this rough way, Mr. Bynoe collected three pounds weight of potatoes from one root. By proper management, I think that they, as well as turnips, carrots, cabbage, lettuce, and other esculent plants, might be brought to great perfec- tion, particularly on sheltered banks sloping towards the north-east. 'The turnips which I saw and tasted were large and well-flavoured: the largest seen there weighed eight pounds and a-half. Flax has been tried in a garden, and suc- ceeded. Mr. Bynoe saw some of it. Hemp has never yet been tried. Currant bushes (sibes antartica) have been transported from Tierra del Fuego, and tried near the settlement, but their fruit did not ripen properly. It ought, however, to be remembered that those currants are wild, a bad sort of black currant, and that when ripe in Tierra del Fuego they are scarcely eatable. We read in Bougainville and Wallis, that thousands of young trees were taken up by the roots in the Strait of Magalhaens, and carried to the Falkland Islands; but no traces of them are now visible either at Port Egmont or Port Louis. Perhaps they were taken out of their native: soil at an improper period, exposed to frost or salt water, while their roots were uncovered, and afterwards planted by men who knew more of the main brace than of gardening. Bougainville, however, had industrious ‘ familles Acadiennes’ with him, under whose care the young trees ought to have fared better than under the charge of Wallis’s boatswain. Mr. Brisbane told me that he had brought over some young trees from Tierra del Fuego for Mr. Vernet; that some had died, but others (which he showed me) were growing well in his garden. From the opinions I have collected on the subject, and from what has been effected on waste lands, downs, and exposed hills in England and Scotland, by planting thousands at once instead of tens, I have no doubt whatever that trees may be s 2 260 TREES—PLANTS—-BALSAM. grown upon either Falkland, and that the more are planted the better they would grow—assisting and sheltering each other. At first, young plants or trees should have banks of earth raised near them, to break the fury of south-west storms, and the most sheltered situations, with a north-east aspect, should be chosen for a beginning. Anti-scorbutic plants are plentiful in a wild state, such as celery, scurvy-grass, sorrel, &c.; there are also cranberries,* and what the settlers call strawberries, a small red fruit, growing like the strawberry, but in appearance and taste more like a half-ripe blackberry. I must not omit the ‘tea-plant,’ made from which I have drank many cups of good tea,+ and the settlers use it frequently. It has a peculiar effect at first upon some people, which is of no consequence, and soon goes off.} This little plant grows like a heath in many parts of the Falk- lands as well as in Tierra del Fuego, and has long been known and used by sealers.§ The large round gum plant ( Hydrocelice gummifere), common in Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego, is abundantly found, and, when dried, is useful for kindling fires, being extremely combustible. The gum which exudes from its stalks when cut or broken, is called by the settlers ‘balsam,’ and they use it quite fresh for wounds; at the least it answers the purpose of sticking-plaister. In summer it may be collected in considerable quantities, without injuring the plants, as it then oozes out spontaneously ; even while green, the whole plant is very inflammable. The gauchos, when in the interior of the islands, tear it asunder, set it on fire, and roast their beef before it. Within the stems of the tall sedgy grass, called tussac, is a white sweetish substance, something like the kernel of an unripe nut; this is often eaten by the set- * One reason for the arrival of flights of geese during April and May may be, that the cranberries are then ripe, of which they are very fond. + At my own table I have seen it drank by the officers without their detecting the difference: yet the only tea I used at other times was the best that could be obtained at Rio de Janeiro. Pal m ciens. § It produces a small berry, of very pleasant taste, which when ripe is eaten as fruit. IMPROVEMENTS—SETTLEMENT. 261 tlers, and is so much relished by cattle, horses, and pigs, that the plant itself is greatly diminished in quantity, and now can only be found in its former luxuriance upon islands where cattle or hogs have not access. ‘These flags or rushes are more than six feet high; they make good thatch and a soft bed. There is a shrub, or rather creeper, of which the French made a kind of beer, thought to be wholesome and anti-scorbutic ; and there are other vegetable productions which are of little consequence, perhaps, except to botanists,* and as most of them were long ago well described by Bougainville, I may beg the reader to refer to his fourth chapter (Détails sur Phis- toire naturelle des Iles Malouines) for a very faithful and well- written account, to every statement in which, as far as my own knowledge goes, I can bear testimony. Having mentioned the principal productions, it remains to say what more may be effected and what improvements may be made by an industrious colony. Land, which is now in a state of nature, might be surprisingly improved by ploughing and manuring with burned peat or with kelp, which is so abundant on every part of the shore. Walls, or rather mounds of turf, a few feet in height, would assist the slopes of the ground in sheltering cultivated soil from south-west winds, and where stones, as well as turf, are so plentiful, it would be worth while to make a number of small enclosures for fields as well as gar- dens, taking care always to select the sides of hills, or rather sloping grounds which incline towards the north-east. Fresh water being abundant everywhere, and the islands being so much cut into by the sea, that water carriage could be obtained to within a very few miles of any place, there can be no great preference for one locality rather than another, with a view to agriculture alone ; but of course the principal settlement must be near the eastern extremity of the archipelago, because that part 1s most accessible to shipping, and even now frequently visited. A colony planted near Port William, or at Port Louis, with a small establishment to supply the wants of ship- * “On a spot, twelve feet square, chosen indiscriminately on the rising grounds in the interior, twenty-seven different plants were counted.” — (Vernet, MS.) 262 PROSPECTIVE ADVANTAGES. ping at Port William, could not fail to prosper, if a free port were offered there to ships of all nations. Homeward-bound ships from our rapidly growing colonies in Australia, as well as those from Mexico, Peru, and Chile, are often in want of a port to which they can resort about the middle of their voy- age. The River Plata is out of the way and dangerous; Santa Catharina is almost as much out of reach, and deficient in many articles of supply ; Rio de Janeiro and Bahia are also out of the line and very expensive, though they are often resorted to ; St. Helena is too far east, scantily supplied, and more expensive than the Brazils. But almost every one of those ships ‘sight’ the eastern end of the Falklands as they pass by, to correct or verify their longitude, and how very little delay then would they experience, if the course were shaped so as to pass a little nearer Port William, and there heave to under the lee of the land, or let go an anchor, as might be most suitable. Water and fresh provisions might be speedily pro- cured, at a price now moderate, and if a colony were once well organized, in a short time as low as in any part of the world. A. few small vessels should be attached to the colony, and two small men of war, one of which should be always about the chief harbour, and the other visiting the various ports of the archipelago. I have alluded more than once to the fact of excellent fresh water being plentiful every where, and I may here add, that if a sailing tank-vessel were kept at Port Wil- liam in readiness to supply ships without delay, that one con- venience only, when generally known, would ensure the visits of almost every Australian and Mexican trader, besides many others. No one making a long voyage hesitates to take in an additional supply of good water during his passage, if he can do so without delay (of consequence) and without danger. It is the natural unwillingness to get in with the land—to be delayed in port—to pay heavy port dues, and to risk losing men—that generally induces seamen in command of vessels to avoid every port excepting that to which they are bound ; but if you could ensure to a ship loading at Sydney a safe ‘ half-way house’ at the Falklands, she would hardly prefer carrying a quantity of EXPORTS—SUGGESTIONS. 263 water, no longer necessary, to the proportion of cargo that might be stowed in its place. Local circumstances, such as the relative position of the land, the set of the tides and currents, the prevailing winds, and the accessibility of Port William or Berkeley Sound, con- tribute to make the easternmost part of the Falklands safer and more easy to approach than almost any place that I am acquainted with. With the supply of shipping, and the establishment of a fre- quented free port in view, as the first source of prosperity, colo- nists should augment the number of animals, birds, and vege- tables, which they see thrive so well there, and take little thought about corn, except for home consumption (unless indeed oats should be found to grow well). They should assiduously increase their stock of cattle, sheep, pigs, and poultry, make butter and cheese, rear calves, and breed horses; they should salt meat and fish; bring wood and lime from Tierra del Fuego and Patagonia, and turn their thoughts to supplying ships with water, fuel (perhaps dried peat), and provisions, in the quickest and cheapest manner. Hides, pig-skins, goat-skins, sheep-skins, wool, foxes’ fur, rabbit-skins, bird-skins and down, horns, salt meat, salt butter, cheese, potash, orchilla weed, potatoes, salt-fish, seal-skins, seal-oil, whale-oil, and whale-bone, would form no indifferent return cargo for vessels carrying there implements of husbandry, stores of various kinds, flour and biscuit, clothing, lumber, furniture, crockery-ware, glass, cut- lery, and household utensils. North American vessels, laden with flour or lumber, might make very profitable voyages. IT have always thought the Falklands an admirable place for a penal establishment, a thorough convict colony. A healthy, temperate climate, far removed from civilized countries, and (if used for such a purpose only) incapable of being injured by the presence of bad characters, as our mixed settlements have been—fully supplied with necessaries, yet without any luxuries—sufficiently extensive to maintain a large population, though small enough to be kept under the strictest martial law, and inspected every where, by water as well as by land— 964 CATTLE—DEPOT—PRODUCE. it seems to me the very best situation for locating those bad characters who are unfit to remain at home. But to whomso- ever it may happen to colonize these islands, there can be no doubt that industry will be well rewarded, that health, safety, and a frequent communication with the mother country, will be as certain as in any other colony, and that the only draw- backs to be anticipated are those likely te be caused by wind and deficiency of solar heat. Animals increase rapidly, and the quality of their hides or fur improves. Cows give a large quantity of excellent milk, from which good butter and cheese may be made. Not long since, a letter was received from the Hon. George Grey, Cap- tain of H.M.S. Cleopatra, in which he said that the milk and butter at Howick was not superior to that which he tasted at the Falklands. In the event of steamers engaging in the navi- gation of those seas,* a port of supply and repair, in short, a maritime depot would be required, in or near Tierra del Fuego; but no such establishment could easily be formed there without a military force, and occasional hostilities with the natives, whereas, at the Falklands, the only native opponents would be foxes, horses, and bulls.f- ‘This immense advantage over most habitable and fertile countries—the having no abo- riginal population—should be duly considered by those who may contemplate planting a colony there. Weddell says, “A settlement at this point of the South Atlantic would evidently afford great facilities to navigation. The extensive tracts of ground, well clothed with grass, and the quantity of fine cattle running wild on the island, are sufficient proofs of its being a country that might be settled to advantage. The win- ters are mild, the temperature being seldom so low as the freezing point. Several of my crew, indeed, went without * From Concepcion (37° 8.) to Elizabeth Island, near the eastern entrance of Magalhaens Strait, there is every where abundance of wood fuel for steamers. + It is very dangerous for persons on foot to approach the wild horses or cattle, especially the bulls, unless they are armed with rifles or balls (bolas); and even then, no one ought to venture alone. FREE PORT OF REFUGE. 965 stockings during the greater part of the winters we spent there. The south wind, however, is cold and stormy, but it is not frequent; the prevailing winds are between S.W. and N.W., which, blowing from the coast of Patagonia, are com- fortably temperate. This climate appears to be in general much more temperate now than it was forty years ago, the cause of which may probably be, that immense bodies of ice were then annually found in the latitude of 50°; this ice, between the Falkland Islands and South Georgia, would necessarily lower the temperature of both air and water, and consequently an unfavourable opinion of the climate was pro- duced.”— Weddell’s Voyage, pages 94-95. For much of the produce of the islands, such as salt-meat and fish, potatoes, oil, butter, cheese, tallow, &c. a ready market would always be found on the coasts of South Ame- rica, while other articles, previously mentioned, would have a free sale in Europe and North America. Should any accident happen to a vessel in doubling Cape Horn, obliging her to make for the nearest port at which she can obtain supplies, where can she now go? Tothe River Plata on one side, or to Childe on the other—either of which is twelve hundred miles from Cape Horn! A great temptation to shipping would be, the certainty of supplies, and freedom from harbour dues as well as pilotage. Twenty years after the first establishment of a colony would be quite soon enough to think of any port charges, and till that time, every encouragement ought to be given to vessels, by piloting them gratis, and charging for nothing but the sup- plies which they may choose to purchase, and for those, upon the lowest possible terms. As to pilotage, indeed, I may say that none is required, if a stranger has the chart now published by the Admiralty, for there isno danger in any of the Falkland harbours that is not distinctly buoyed by kelp. A few rocks in the offing are indeed to be guarded against, such as the Uranie Rock, and those near the Jason Isles; but a ship must have passed all those before a pilot could board her, under ordinary circumstances, and afterwards there would be no 266 PORTS—WOOL—VERNET. danger, if a vigilant look-out and common skill were exer- cised. Berkeley Sound (besides many other ports) would contain a large fleet in security, while around it are coves and basins in which any repairs might be carried on. Probably some intercourse might be opened with the Pata- gonians, and, by them, with other roving tribes on the conti- nent, who would exchange guanacoes, horses, cattle, poultry, hides, horns, tallow, and hair, for hardware, clothing, cutlery, ornaments, saddles, spurs, bridles, &c. ; and as the guanaco is so warmly clothed in the high southern latitudes, and is capable of being domesticated,* it might be found a valuable animal to encourage among sheep and cattle at the Falklands. Mr. Bris- bane told me, that some wool, sent by Mr. Vernet from East Falkland to Liverpool, sold for nearly double the price of Buenos Ayres wool ; and this was the produce of sheep which had only been a few years on the island, of the Buenos Ayrean stock, unmixed with any superior breed. ‘To show how well the little colony, established by Mr. Vernet, was succeeding, prior to its harsh and unnecessary ruin by Captain Silas Dun- can, I will give an extract of a letter received from a brother officer who visited Port Louis. “¢ The settlement is situated half round a small cove, which has a narrow entrance from the sound; this entrance, in the time of the Spaniards, was commanded by two forts, both now lying in ruins, the only use made of one being to confine the wild cattle in its circular wall when newly brought in from the interior. The governor, Louis Vernet, received me with cordiality. He possesses much information, and speaks several languages. His house is long and low, of one story, with very thick walls of stone. I found in it a good library, of Spanish, German, and English works. A lively conversation passed at dinner, the party consisting of Mr. Vernet and his wife, Mr. *“Magalhaens, in his voyage, saw Patagonians who had with them four young guanacoes, led about with a kind of halter.”—Burney, vol. i. p.34, anno 1520.—And others on which they placed their wives. Pennant. At Mocha the natives had tame guanacoes, or alpacoes, in 1598, In Peru, the llama has been a domestic animal as long as we have any record. ESTABLISHMENT—DELUSION. 267 Brisbane, and others; in the evening we had music and dancing. In the room was a grand piano-forte ; Mrs. Vernet, a Buenos Ayrean lady, gave us some excellent singing, which sounded not a little strange at the Falkland Isles, where we expected to find only a few sealers. “Mr. Vernet’s establishment consisted of about fifteen slaves, bought by him from the Buenos Ayrean Government, on the condition of teaching them some useful employment, and having their services for a certain number of years, after which they were to be freed. ‘They seemed generally to be from fifteen to twenty years of age, and appeared contented and happy. « ea we Za 3. ——_ P pa ‘ Pe TRS ASS at=s: Wl == | ( (YQ) : Tel | A\ (( | ( [t \ | S Il ( ) j + 1 ; 5 Het iI er 5} 1834. GRATITUDE—PORT LOUIS. 327 to establishing a missionary with the Fuegians who were in England, among their countrymen, was on too small a scale, although so earnestly assisted by Mr. Wilson,* Mr. Wigram, Mr. Coates, and other kind friends. I cannot help still hoping that some benefit, however slight, may result from the intercourse of these people, Jemmy, York, and Fuegia, with other natives of Tierra del Fuego. Perhaps a ship-wrecked seaman may hereafter receive help and kind treatment from Jemmy Button’s children; prompted, as they can hardly fail to be, by the traditions they will have heard of men of other lands; and by an idea, however faint, of their duty to God as well as their neighbour. That Jemmy felt sincere gratitude is, I think, proved by his having so carefully preserved two fine otter skins, as I men- tioned; by his asking me to carry a bow and quiver full of arrows to the schoolmaster of Walthamstow, with whom he had lived; by his having made two spear-heads expressly for Mr. Darwin ; and by the pleasure he showed at seeing us all again. As nothing more could be done, we took leave of our young friend and his family, every one of whom was loaded with pre- sents, and sailed away from Woollya. On the 9th of March we were off Beauchesne Island.+ Many persons have fancied that there are two islands near together in that place, having been deceived by two hummocks on the only island, which from a distance show just above the horizon like two islets. Next day we anchored in Berkeley Sound ; first in Johnson Cove, and afterwards in Port Louis. We found a state of affairs somewhat different from that of March 1833 ; but though more settled, in consequence of the presence of an established authority, resident at Port Louis (a lieutenant in the navy), my worst forebodings had not equalled the sad reality. In a note to page 240, I alluded to the murder of the Buenos _ Ayrean commanding officer; and to that of Mr. Brisbane. A few weeks before the Clio arrived in 1833, there was a small * Of Walthamstow. + Near the Falklands. 228 EVENTS IN THE FALKLANDS. March garrison at Port Louis, consisting of a sergeant’s guard of sol- diers, a subaltern, and a field officer. The men mutinied be- cause their superior was thought to be unnecessarily severe, and occupied them unceasingly in drill and parade, to the pre- judice of their obtaining food sufficient for health. They were obliged, in consequence of his system, to live upon worse fare than the settlers, because they could not go about to forage for themselves ; and the result was that, after many threats, they murdered him. A small armed schooner* arrived a few days afterwards from Buenos Ayres, by whose officers and crew, assisted by some French sailors, the principal mutineers, nine in number, were taken and put into confinement on board. They were afterwards carried to Buenos Ayres. On the 26th of August 1833, three ‘ gauchos’ and five In- dians}- (the prisoners before mentioned), set upon and murdered Mr. Brisbane; Dickson, the man in charge of Vernet’s store ; { Simon, the capataz; the poor German; and another settler ; after which atrocious acts they plundered the settlement and drove all the cattle and horses into the interior. Only that morn- ing Mr. Low, who was then living with Mr. Brisbane, left Port Louis on a sealing excursion, with four men. Hardly was his boat out of sight, when the deceitful villains attacked Brisbane in Vernet’s house: suspecting no treachery, he fell at once by the knife of Antonio Rivero. Simon defended himself desperately, but was overpowered ; the others, overcome by fear, fell easy victims. The rest of the settlers, consisting of thirteen men, three women, and two children, remained with the murderers two days, and then escaped toa small island in the Sound ; where they lived on birds’ eggs and fish, till the arrival of the English sealer Hopeful, on board which was an officer of the navy, || who in some measure relieved their immediate distress, but could not delay to protect them from the assaults which * Sarandi. + Antonio Rivero, J. M. Luna, M. Godoy,—J. Brasido, M. Gonzales, L. Flores, F. Salazar, M. Lattore. t Ba cad, § Nov. 1833. || Mr. Rea, Phe Hopeful belonged to Messrs. Enderby. 1834. SEARCH FOR MURDERERS. 329 they anticipated. About a month after the Hopeful sailed, H.M.S. Challenger, Captain M. Seymour, arrived, having a lieutenant of the navy and four seamen on board, who had volunteered from H.M.S. Tyne, and were duly authorized to remain at the Falklands. ‘he following extract from a letter will show what took place on Captain Seymour’s arrival. “¢ Captain Seymour, and the consuls, being anxious to visit the settlement of Port Louis, landed some distance from it (the wind being strong from §$.S.W.), intending to walk there. About a mile from the houses they were met by an Englishman named Channon, sent by the gauchoes to see who they were, and whether the ship was a whaler in want of beef, or a man- of-war. He informed them that the gauchoes and Indians had murdered Mr. Brisbane: Dickson, who had been left in charge of the flag by Captain Onslow: Simon; and two others: and had pillaged the houses, destroying every thing in their search for money. He then pointed them out, sitting under a wall, with their horses behind the remains of the government house, ready saddled for a start on our nearer approach. ‘They had two gauchoes, prisoners, who had not been concerned in the murders, and whom they threatened to kill, if he, Channon, did not return. He also stated that one of them was willing to turn king’s evidence, and would bring back all the horses, if possible, provided Captain Seymour would ensure his pardon. ‘The whole of them, nine in number, retreated into the interior as soon as they found out it was a ship of war, taking all the tame horses, between fifty and sixty.* As his party were not armed, Captain Seymour thought it right to return on board ; but after dark, Lieutenant Smith was sent with a party of marines, and two boats, to try and take them, if they should be still about the houses, and to leave with Channon a bottle containing a crucifix, as a signal for Luna.+ On their landing, Lieutenant Smith took all necessary precautions, left six men in charge of the boats, and proceeded cautiously with the * Thirteen men and three women had escaped to an island in the Sound, as they could do nothing against the murderers, who had all the arms. + The gaucho who offered to become king’s evidence. 330 NEW SETTLEMENT BEGUN. March rest. He carefully searched every building in the place, with- out seeing even a trace of them. All was desolation; yet he learned afterwards from the two innocent gauchoes, that An- tonio Rivero and another, suspecting who the party were, had watched them closely : that at one time Lieut. Smith was near treading on them; which seemed hardly credible, until the arrangements made on landing, the marching in Indian file to hide his men, &c. were mentioned. Mr. Smith left with Chan- non Luna’s pardon, who, on the fourth day, brought in two horses—not having been able to obtain more, as the murderers were very watchful and fearful of each other, so much so, that one of them had fallen a sacrifice to suspicion; and Luna’s desertion reduced their number to six. With Luna for their guide, on the sixth day Lieut. Smith, four midshipmen and twelve marines, were despatched into the interior. They were absent four days, and marched more than a hundred miles, enduring much fatigue, which was increased by the boisterous state of the weather, and by continual rain for three * out of the four days. Water in ravines, which on going out hardly rose above their ankles, on their return had increased to torrents: in crossing them some nearly lost their lives, and on the bleak moors they sunk at every step knee-deep in bog. Without sleep or shelter, they lived for the last two days on beef just warmed through, by fires that it took hours to kindle. They were not successful in capturing any of the murderers, but at one time were so near, that they had the mortification to see them drive their horses away at a gallop, and having all the tame ones but two, they were quickly out of reach of musket-shot. So hasty however was their retreat, that they left their provisions behind them. Captain Seymour finding that capturing the Indians would be a tedious and uncertain task, made one of the ruined houses habitable, and leaving six marines as an additional protection to Lieut. Smith and his boat’s crew, proceeded as ordered. The lieutenant endea- voured to make his abode comfortable, by clearing away rub- bish and bones, and putting a garden into some order. With the two horses he succeeded in catching and taming two cows, 1834. RIVERO TAKEN—LOW. 331 which gave about two gallons of milk daily, besides fourteen others, five or six of which were in calf. By one means or other all but one of the murderers were taken, and a cutter was hired to remove them to the flag-ship at Rio de Janeiro.” Before the Beagle’s arrival Lieut. Smith had succeeded in capturing the principal murderer, and transporting him to an islet in the Sound, where he was watched, and furnished with provisions by the boat’s crew. The lieutenant applied to me for assistance, and knowing that he was not safe while such a desperate character as Rivero was at large, though on an islet, and that the life of Luna (the king’s evidence) was still more risked, I took those men, and one named Channon, who was said to have been an accomplice in the plot, though not an active agent, on board the Beagle. Rivero was put in irons, Channon confined to the ship, and Luna left at liberty, though watched. When Mr. Low returned from his sealing expedition he found that his life was sought, asa friend of Mr. Brisbane ; and as he could do nothing on foot against the mounted gau- choes, he retired to Kidney Islet, at the entrance of Berkeley Sound, to await the arrival of some ship. Tired, however, of inaction, he set out to go westward, in search of some whaler, and on the 6th of February, when in great distress, he fell in with our tender, the Adventure, and immediately offered his services as a pilot: they were accepted, provisionally, by Lieut. Wickham, and afterwards by me, trusting that the Admiralty would approve of my so engaging a person who, in pilotage and general information about the Falklands, Tierra del Fuego, Patagonia, and the Galapagos Islands, could afford us more information than any other individual, without exception. Mr. William Low is the son of a respectable land-agent in Scotland; he was brought up as a sailor, and possesses strong common sense, quick apprehension, a readiness at description, and an extraordinary local memory. On the 13th the Adventure arrived: shehadalmost completed her examination of the west, south, and south-east outer coasts, Ina very satisfactory manner, having been greatly forwarded 332 BRISBANE—WRECK. March 1834. and helped by Mr. Low’s minute acquaintance with every port, and almost every danger. Our tender sailed to continue her coasting examination on the 21st. She returned on the 26th, and sailed again on the 30th. Meanwhile our own boats were constantly occupied in and near Berkeley Sound and Port William. When I visited the settlement it looked more melancholy than ever; and at two hundred yards’ distance from the house in which he had lived, I found, to my horror, the feet of poor Brisbane protruding above the ground. So shallow was his grave that dogs had disturbed his mortal remains, and had fed upon the corpse. This was the fate of an honest, indus- trious, and most faithful man: of.a man who feared no danger, and despised hardships. He was murdered by villains, because he defended the property of his friend ; he was mangled by them to satisfy their hellish spite; dragged by a lasso, at a horse’s heels, away from the houses, and left to be eaten by dogs. Besides my own acquaintance with him and opinions derived from the personal knowledge of the Beagle’s officers, some of whom had known Brisbane when his vessel, the Saxe Cobourg, was wrecked in Fury Harbour (owing to no fault of his), Mr. Weddell bears testimony to his character on many occa- sions, particularly by an observation in page 48 (Weddell’s Voyage), where he says, “I had full confidence in the care and ability of Mr. Brisbane.” (1823.) In 1830 Mr. Brisbane was wrecked on the eastern coast of Tierra del Fuego, near Policarpo Cove, (54° 38’ S.), when seal- ing there in partnership with Mr. Bray, who afterwards com- manded the sealing schooner ‘Transport,’ lost in 1833, at Hope Harbour. Ihave a copy of their log in my possession, from which the following extracts are selected, to show with what enduring patience some of those hardy sealers bear mis- fortune and distress. / ‘Feb. 23d. Employed saving things from the wreck: six Indians came tous. 24th. Twenty-five Indians came, with their women and children. 25th. Another visit from natives: men, women, and children. 26th. Indians began to be very trou- 1830. LOG OF SHIPWRECKED CREW. 333 blesome. 27th. Forty Indians came to us, all armed with bows, arrows, and slings, without women or children. Some of our people employed in building a shallop out of the wreck. 28th. More Indians, with twelve strong women and eighteen chil- dren : but unarmed on this day. “¢ March Ist. More Indian visitors. 2d. Fifty-one natives, armed,” 'To the 9th the crew continued to build their shallop, and were almost daily visited by natives, whom two-thirds of the party were obliged to watch with arms in their hands. On the 21st sixty-one natives visited them (these Indians always went away before dusk). On the 26d the time of high-water was observed to be 4°. 40™, and the rise seventeen feet, during moderate westerly wind and settled weather. Mr. Brisbane made the latitude, by observation, 54° 38’S. and the longitude he estimated at 65°. 30’. W. ‘29th. Much troubled every day by natives, who tried to steal our tools; and hard pressed by hunger. No supper(a) the last three days. *¢2d April. Four long guns were found to the eastward, lying on a piece of the forecastle of some large ship, supposed to be a large frigate(b), also two leaden hawse pipes attached to the woodwork. 8th. A large party of Indians, who were plaguing us, quarrelled among themselves, and had a severe fight. 9th. Our last remainder of provisions finished. 15th. Employed eaulking the shallop’s deck, and getting limpets from the rocks. N. B. Almost starving. 17th. Not being troubled to-day by natives, and the sea being smooth, went out in a little boat which we had saved, and caught eleven skate.” After this day several fish were caught at times, which, with shell-fish, afforded a scanty subsistence; but before this time they had been reduced to eating hide, and half putrid blubber, which they got by barter from the Indians. Mr. Bray, as well as Brisbane, told me that hunger and anxiety so wore and excited them, that they could seldom sleep more than an hour (a) Supper was their principal meal; as during the day, while the Indians were about, they had no time to cook or eat. R. F, (b) Perhaps the O’Higgins—(Chilian). R. F. 334 SUF FERINGS—DISASTERS. 1830. or two at night, though working all day, while they were so hard pressed for food. ‘© 22d. Launched the shallop, or rather, hauled her down at low water, and let her float. 24th. Indians more troublesome than ever; obliged to fire at them repeatedly. 27th. Almost starved, eating bullock’s hide. 30th. Nothing to eat but bul- lock’s hide and berries. Could not get the shallop over the reef because of a heavy surf. ‘¢ May Ist. Got out to sea ; found the shallop leak very much: nothing to eat but hide. 2d. Lat. 54°. 00’. Long. east. 63°. 50’. 5th. Made Cape Meredith (in the Falklands), but could not get near for want of wind. 6th. Two men gave out (c) for want of food: they had gone six days with but one pound of hide. 7th. A heavy gale; the shallop under bare poles, and almost sinking; sea making a clear breach over her; men quite worn out by constant pumping and baling, and by want of food: we had a very hard job to keep her from sinking: at dusk saw land through the rain and spray, half a mile to leeward ; showed the head of the jib, and bore away right before the wind for the nearest part : saw a cove, ran into it, and anchored. Killed numbers of geese; thanked God for our safety. 11th. Many of our men ill from the sudden change. 17th. Went ashore in Pleasant Harbour; saw a great number of cattle; the dog caught two of them, and held them for us to kill.(d) 30th of May. Anchored in Port Louis, landed, and hauled the shallop ashore at high-water.” The vessel in which Brisbane and Bray were wrecked, was driven ashore in a northerly gale, while sealing near Policarpo Cove. Their crew consisted of about twenty men, most of whom had fire-arms, and plenty of ammunition. ‘Though it will swell yet more the catalogue of his disasters, I must add that Brisbane was once wrecked on South Georgia, and escaped thence to Monte Video in a shallop, which he and his compa- nions in distress built out of the wreck of their sealing vessel. (ce) Could work no longer. R. F. (ad) Seized them by the lip. He was a large, strong animal, between a bull-dog and amastiff. R.F. April 1834. BURIAL OF LIEUT. CLIVE. 335 I have now by me two of the tools, almost the only ones, which they had to use: one is a cooper’s adze, nearly worn down to the middle ; and the other a saw, made out of a piece of iron hoop, fixed to a wooden frame. — | 6th April. While the Beagle was preparing for sea the body of Lieut. Clive,* late of H. M. S. Challenger, was found lying at high-water mark, in an unfrequented part of Berkeley Sound ; and the following morning I buried it in a grave on shore, not far from the tomb of our regretted shipmate Hellyer. After noon, on the same day, we sailed from the Falklands, depressed more than ever by the numerous sad _ associations connected with their name. * Lieut. Clive was drowned accidentally, by the upsetting of a small boat :—his body could not then be found. CHAPTER XVI. Soundings—Anchor in Santa Cruz—Lay Beagle ashore for repair— Prepare to ascend River—Set out—View of surrounding country—= Rapid stream—Cold—Ostriches—Guanacoes—Indians—F ish—Cliffs — Firewood—Lava Cliffs — Difficulties—Chalia—See Andes—Far- thest West—View round — Return — Danger — Guanaco hunters— Puma—Cat—Tides—Sail from Santa Cruz. In working to the westward from Berkeley Sound to the River Santa Cruz, we sounded frequently, and found that the depth is nowhere much above one hundred fathoms between _ those places. But the water is not of so little depth between the Falklands and Cape Virgins, or Tierra del Fuego; for there we could not strike soundings in some places, towards the islands, with one hundred and fifty fathoms of line. On the 13th we anchored in the Santa Cruz, and imme- diately prepared to lay our vessel ashore for a tide, to ascertain how much injury had been caused by the rock at Port Desire, and to examine the copper previous to her employment in the Pacific Ocean, where worms soon eat their way through unpro- tected planks. (16th.) When on the beach, at a place we after- wards called ‘ Keel Point,’ it was found that a piece of the false keel under the ‘ fore-foot,’ had been knocked off, and that a few sheets of copper were a good deal rubbed. By Mr. May’s exer- tions all was repaired in one tide; and the following day we were making preparations for an excursion up the river. 17th. An examination, or rather a partial exploring, of the River Santa Cruz had long been meditated. During the former voyage of the Beagle, Captain Stokes had ascended the rapid current as far as a heavy boat could be taken ; but his account served only to stimulate our curiosity, and decided my follow- ing his example. Three light boats were prepared (whale-boats strengthened ): as much provision as they could stow with safety was put into them, and a party of officers and men selected. Lieut. Sulivan, \ A yeas i bss << Sen Py ees ek 1834. RIVER SANTA CRUZ—BANKS. 337 having to take charge of the ship during. our absence, could not go; neither could Mr. Stewart, or Mr. King, who were required to attend to duties on board; but Mr. Darwin, Mr. Chaffers, Mr. Stokes, Mr. Bynoe, Mr. Mellersh, Mr. Martens, and eighteen seamen and marines prepared to accompany me. Early on the 18th we left the Beagle, and with a favouring wind and flood tide sailed up the estuary, into which the river flows. This wide and turbid estuary receives a torrent which rushes through a confined opening into the ocean, during seven hours, and is opposed and driven back by the flood tide during about five hours of the twelve. On each side of both the estuary and river lie extensive plains of arid desert land: these plains are not, however, on the same level ; for, on the northern bank the land is very little raised above the level of high spring tides ; while, on the southern side of the river, high, perpendicular cliffs form a striking contrast : but after ascending these heights, by any of the ravines which intersect them, one finds a dead level expanse, similar in every respect to that on the northern shore. In the horizon, another ‘ steppe,’ or parallel plain, at a higher elevation, is seen; which, at a distance, appears like a range of hills of equal height. Excepting in the porphyry districts, all the eastern coasts of Patagonia, and the little of the interior which I have seen, seemed to me to be a similar succession of horizontal ranges of level land varying in height, intersected here and there by ravines and water-courses. ‘There are, certainly, hills in many places which appear when one is passing at sea, or in the dis- tance, conical, or at all events peaked; but even those hills are but the gable ends, as it were, of narrow horizontal ridges of land, higher than the surrounding country. The cliffs on the south side of the river have a whitish appearance; and are similar to those on the outer coast, which were said by Sir John Narborough to resemble the coast of Kent. Their upper outline, when seen from a dis- tance, is quite horizontal. Brownish yellow is the prevailing colour, lighter or darker, as the sun shines more, or becomes obscured. Here and there, in hollow places and ravines, a VOL. IL. Z 338 -BARRENNESS—ANIMALS. April few shrubby bushes are seen. But over the wide desola- tion of the stony barren waste not a tree—not even a soli- tary ‘ombu’ *—can be discerned. Scattered herds of ever- wary guanacoes, startled at man’s approach, neighing, stamp- ing, and tossing their elegant heads ; a few ostriches striding along in the distant horizon, and here and there a solitary con- dor soaring in the sky, are the only objects which attract the eye. Certainly, upon looking closely, some withered shrubs and a yellow kind of herbage may be discerned ; and, in walk- ing, thorns and prickles assure one painfully that the plain is not actually a desert: but I am quite sure that the general impression upon the mind is that of utter hopeless sterility. Is it not remarkable that water-worn shingle stones, and dilu- vial accumulations, compose the greater portion of these plains? On how vast a scale, and of what duration must have been the action of those waters which smoothed the shingle stones now buried in the deserts of Patagonia. Fresh water is seldom found in these wastes; salinas- are numerous. The climate is delightful to the bodily sensations ; but for productions of the earth, it is almost as bad as any, except that of the Arabian, or African deserts. Rain is sel- dom known during three quarters of the year ; and even in the three winter months, when it may be expected, but little falls excepting on rare occasions, when it comes down heavily for two or three days in succession. Sea winds sometimes bring small misty rain for a few hours, at any time of year, but not enough to do good to vegetable productions. The only ani- mals which abound are guanacoes, and they care little for fresh water, for they have often been seen drinking at the salinas. The puma probably quenches its thirst in their blood; of other animals, supposed to require much liquid, there are none in these regions. _'The climate is healthy and pleasant; generally a bright, sunny day is succeeded by a cloudless and extremely clear night. In + A kind of elder, growing here and there in Patagonia and the Pam- pas. See page 93. + Salt depositions or incrustations, vin Te” 73° RIVER SANTA CRUZ ies, Hest Lava ze 1° fang. | i LA em SN pile ny S* Lava p iu ? iat Rug Mig Sats “ge ip waite SS - 4 PAELEAG O04 Gi9° | jl? West from Greenwich MOUTH OF THE RIVER SANTA CRUZ Surveyed by the Officers of H.M.S. Beagle. Port Santa Cruz (Heel Point) Lat. 50. 6.45 S. sep mei tell ea eR a Long. 68. 24.0. W. SNe ey ee ett ote Strength of tide 3 to 6 Knots. Scale, Half an Inch=one Mile. Published by Henry Glbun, Great Marlborough Street. 183 9. 1834. CLIMATE— BANKS—TIDES. 339 summer the heat is scorching, but not sultry; and in winter, though the weather is sometimes searchingly cold, especially during southerly winds, the air is always elastic and whole- some. Changes of wind are sudden, and cause rapid, though not very great, variations of temperature. Sometimes the sky is slightly or partially overcast, occasionally clouded heavily ; but on most days there is bright sunshine, and a fresh or strong westerly wind. : ~'The confluence of a continental torrent of fresh water, with great tides of the ocean, which here rise forty feet perpendicu- larly, has embarrassed the mouth of the Santa Cruz with a number of banks. They are all composed of shingle and mud, and alter their forms and positions when affected by river- floods, or by the heavy seas caused by south-east gales. | Into the entrance of the Santa Cruz, the flood-tide sets about four knots an hour; one may say, from two to five knots, according to the time of tide, and the narrower or broader part of the opening; and outwards, the water rushes at least six knots on an average in mid-channel. There are places in which at times, when acted upon by wind or unusual floods, it runs with a velocity of not less than seven or eight knots an hour—perhaps even more; but near either shore, and in bights between projecting points, of course the strength of the outward as well as inward current is very inferior. In such a bight, almost under some high cliffs on the south- ern shore, the Beagle was moored, and it is easy to conceive the different views presented in this situation, with forty feet change in the level of the water. At high water, a noble river, unimpeded, moves quietly, or is scarcely in motion: at other times, a rushing torrent struggles amongst numerous banks, whose dark colour and dismal appearance add to the effect of the turbid yellow water, and naked-looking, black, muddy shores. The boats sailed on between some of the banks, with a fresh southerly wind, disturbing every where immense flights of sea-birds. Now and then a monstrous sea-lion lifted his un- wieldy bulk a few inches from the stony bank, lazily looked 72 340 WEDDELL’S BLUFF—FRESH WATER. April around, and with a snort and a growl, threw his huge shapelessness, by a floundering waddle, towards the nearest water. As far as Weddell’s Bluff* we sailed merrily ; but there took to the oars, because the river makes a sudden turn, or rather, the river Santa Cruz (properly so called), enters the estuary of the same name from the south-west, as far as can be seen from Weddell’s Bluff :—but a little beyond where the eye reaches, it takes a westerly direction. Another river, the Chico of Viedma, also enters the estuary at this place from the north-west. Here, a little above the Bluff, the water was fresh on the surface, and sometimes it is quite fresh, even into the estuary ; but in filling casks, or dipping any thing into the stream for fresh water, it is advisable not to dip deep, or to let the hose (if one is used), go many inches below the surface, since it often happens that the upper water is quite fresh, while that underneath is salt. "This occurs, more or less, in all rivers which empty themselves into the sea: the fresh water, specifi- cally lighter, is always uppermost. Wind failing us entirely, we pulled to the south-west. On our left, high cliffs still continued, and at their base a wide shingle beach offered tempting landing-places, with many spots ex- tremely well adapted for laying a vessel ashore, to be repaired or cleaned ; on our right, a low shore extended, rising gradually, however, in the north-west, + to cliffs like those near Keel Point. The flowing tide favoured us until about five, when we landed on the north shore, at a spot where the rise and fall of the tide had diminished to four feet. Here the river was six hundred and forty yards in breadth, running down at the rate of about six knots during a part of the ebb, and from two to four knots an hour during the greater part of the flood-tide. It was perfectly fresh to the bottom, and in mid-channel about three fathoms deep; but this depth extended very little way * Named after the enterprizing southern navigator. + On the south side of the north-west arm of the Santa Cruz. i 1834. CHANGE OF SCENERY—COLD. 341 across, the deep channel being extremely narrow, not more than twenty yards in width. The distinct difference between the opposite banks of the river had been diminishing, until at this spot* both sides were much alike. We had left the cliffs and salt water, and had fairly entered the fresh-water river. Instead of having a wide extent of dismal-looking banks and dark-coloured muddy shores, we were at the side of a rapid stream, unvarying in width, on whose banks shrubs and grass agreeably relieved our eyes from muddy shingle covered with hosts of crabs. Our first night passed well, for there were plenty of bushes to supply us with fire-wood. Early next morning, some of the party went upon the nearest hills to look for guanacoes, when they saw that although the surface of the country appeared to an observer near the river to be irregular and hilly, upon ascending the heights it became apparent that the stream ran in a large valley; that the general character of the country was similar to what I have already described, and that those which had appeared to be hills were the terminating sides of extensive plains, whose level was about three hundred feet above the river. Near the fresh water, shrubs, bushes, and grass were not scarce; but every where on the higher ground a sterile, stony waste met the eye. Mr. Stokes} and I went on the heights, to obtain a view of the river ; and for a considerable distance we could trace its windings, but were sorry to see a great number of small islands, thickly covered with brushwood, which seemed likely to impede our progress if obliged to track } the boats. The southerly wind blew keenly over the high land, and the surface of the ground was frozen hard; but the air was healthily fresh and bracing. Where, indeed, could it be purer than on these dry hills? At first setting out we tried the oars, but very soon found them unable to contend with the * The northern bight, or cove, a few miles north-eastward of Islet Reach. + It was his office to make a map of the country we passed through. t Pull, or tow them along by a rope. 342 TRACKING—MEASUREMENT, April strength of the stream; so landing all our party, except two in each boat, we made the boats fast to one another, at a few yards apart, in a line a-head: and then taking the end of a coil of whale-line ashore, half our party fixed themselves to it by laniards of broad canvas straps, which passed across their breasts and over one shoulder, and walked together steadily along the river’s bank. The bight of the line was passed round a stout mast, stepped in the headmost boat and attended by the two men, who veered away or shortened in the line as the varying width of the stream, or frequent impe- diments rendered necessary. In this manner, one-half of our party relieving the other about once an hour, every one wil- lingly taking his turn at the track rope,* we made steady progress against the stream of the river, which rather increased in rapidity as we ascended, until its usual velocity was be- tween six and seven knots an hour. While among the islands which I mentioned tracking was difficult and tedious, many were the thorny bushes through which one half of the party on the rope dragged their companions. Once in motion no mercy was shewn: if the leading man could pass, all the rest were bound to follow. Many were the duckings, and not trifling the wear and tear of clothes, shoes, and skin. At intervals stoppages were made for refreshment and obser-— vations. Three chronometers were carried in the boats, with other necessary instruments: among them two mountain barome- ters, with which Mr. Darwin and myself wished to measure the height of the river above the level of the sea, and the heights of the neighbouring ranges of hills above the level of the river. This afternoon we picked up a boat-hook upon the south bank of the river, which was immediately recognized to be one which had been left by accident sticking in a mud- bank, by the party who accompanied Captain Stokes in his excursion up this river in the year 1827. It was very cold at our bivouac this night, being a sharp * Mr. Stokes alone being excepted, as his duty required continual attention. 1834. FROST—OSTRICHES- SWIMMING. 343 frost : and while observing the moon’s meridian altitude, dew was deposited so fast upon the roof of the artificial horizon, and froze there so quickly as it fell, that I could hardly make the observation. My sextant was injured a little by the frost, for not having been used before in very cold weather, the brass contracted so much as to injure the silvering at the back of the index glass, and slightly change the index error. In the morning it was so cold that our usual ablutions were shunned, and all were anxious to have the first spell at the rope in order to warm themselves, though few had slept many minutes, and many had hard work the previous day. The ther- _ mometer was at 22° Fahr.—nothing,—indeed warm weather to - Polar voyagers, but to us, accustomed to temperate climates, it appeared a severe degree of cold. 20th. As we were going along the bank of the river, which to our great benefit was becoming more accessible and clearer of bushes, we saw some dark coloured animals crossing the stream at a distance, but no one could guess what they were until the foremost of them reached the shore, and rising upon his stilt-like legs, showed himself to be an ostrich. Six or seven of these birds were swimming across: till then I had no idea that so long-legged a bird, not web-footed, would, of its own accord, take to the water and cross a rapid stream : this, however, was a certain proof to the contrary, for nothing had disturbed them that we could discern. As far as we could tell, at so great a distance, they seemed to be of the kind which the Spanish-patagonians call ‘ Avestruz-petis. They were, however, far too wild to be approached with agun. We saw smoke at a distance and anticipated meeting Indians, in the course of our next day’s journey. The country around con- tinued similar to that already described : but islands no longer impeded our progress, though some high cliffy banks gave us trouble. Atthe next place where we passed a night, Mr. Dar- win tried to catch fish with a casting net, but without success ; ‘so strong a stream being much against successful fishing. A very sharp frost again this night. The net and other things, which D344 RAPIDITY OF STREAM—GUANACO.- April had occupied but little room in the boat, were frozen so hard as to become unmanageable and very difficult to stow. 21st. We proceeded as usual, dragging the boats up the stream (or rather torrent, for it never ran less than six knots, and in many places more) at the rate of about two miles an hour: and as we were approaching near to the smoke, we chose our position for the night, rather more cautiously than usual, upon a little peninsula. 22d. We had not advanced a mile this morning, when fresh tracks of Indians, on horseback, trailing their long lances, aroused our utmost vigilance. We thought they had been reconnoitring our party, at day-light, and perhaps such was the case. ‘The smoke of their fires was seen behind the nearest range of low hills, on our side of the river, being then on the north bank, but the boats had been tracking on either side, as better ground for walking was found. Proceeding on, a dead animal was found in the water, which proved to be a ° guanaco; how it came by its death did not appear, as it showed no external wound, but some of our party, hungrier or less squeamish than the rest, immediately proposed dividing and eating it; and hunger carried the day: the dead animal was hauled on shore, cut to pieces, and distributed. The guanaco steaks were much relished by all except two or three, who could not conquer their antipathy to supposed carrion. Our meal was eaten close to the place where we thought a tribe of Indians was encamped: and, in consequence, our arms were kept in readiness, and a careful watch set. After- wards cautiously proceeding, we arrived at the spot whence the smoke had issued, but saw no human beings: though marks of very recent fire, and numerous tracks of feet upon a soft muddy place at the side of the river, showed that a party of Indians had lately crossed over, and a smoke rising at some distance on the southern shore, pointed out where they were gone. At this spot there was about an acre of good pasture land, by the water side: and the breadth of the riveritself was something less than usual, reasons which had induced the na- 1834. ‘ INDIAN PASS —SHINGLE BEDS. 345 tives to select it as a crossing place.* 'To pass a river running at the rate of six or seven miles an hour, and about two hun- _ dred yards in width, can be no easy task to women and chil- dren. But as we saw many prints of very small feet on the - muddy bank, both women and children must have crossed at this place with the men. How did they get over? there is no wood, neither are there rushes with which they might make -balsas.- Perhaps some of the women and children were put into rough, coracle-like boats, made of hides,{ and towed across by the horses, holding by whose tails the men swam and perhaps many of the women. This method of holding by the tail, while swimming, is said to be better than resting a hand upon the horse’s neck and holding by the mane. None of the Indians sit upon their horses while swimming. This day (22d) we passed two places which we considered rapids, the stream of the river ran so violently, and we had so much difficulty in passing, even with all hands upon the rope. Besides the strength of the stream we had to contend against high cliffs, over whose upper edges it was difficult to convey the tow-line : yet we made good about twelve miles in the day. The night of the 22d was not so cold as the pre- ceding, but we always found the nights wintry though the days were warm, so much so, indeed, that we were often ‘annoyed by the heat of the sun. So winding was the course of .the river that we certainly walked double the distance which was advanced in a direct line: yet very little of inte- -rest, ‘as a picturesque subject, had been seen; for no country excepting a desert could wear a more triste and unvarying appearance. , Immense accumulations of shingle, rounded stones, imbed- ded, as before mentioned, in diluvial deposition, form. the level plain, or valley, through which the river pursues its very winding course. ‘The width of this vale varies from one mile to five miles, and the level of the shingle plain is from * Marked ‘Indian Pass’ on the plan. ‘+ Floats or rafts. t “ Me envio tres indios nadadores, provisto de cueros y palos para formar una pelota.” (Diario de Viedma, p. 58.) 346 HEIGHTS —VALLEY—SCARCITY OF FUEL. April three hundred to one thousand feet below that of the adjacent — higher, but still horizontal ranges—whose broken-down ends, or sides, form the boundaries of the valley through which the river flows. ‘Those of the higher ranges look like hills when one is in the valley, and it is not until after ascending to their summits that their real nature is seen; when, instead of being inclined to consider those heights as hills, one be- comes disposed to think the valley of the river a vast exca- vation, cut down below the level of the neighbouring country. But on the height, or in the valley, all is an unprofitable waste. Scarcely, indeed, could we find bushes enough, even near the river, to make our nightly fires, after the third day’s journey. The wiry, half-withered grass upon which the guanacoes feed ‘is so scanty, that they are obliged to wander over much ground in search of their food. Those few stunted bushy trees which are found here and there, near the river, are a kind of thorn trees, the wood of which is extremely hard and durable.* The night of the 22d we passed by the side of a little cove, which sheltered the boats from the strength of the stream : and, as all hands were tired, we rested during the morning of the following day. After noon (23d) we went on, and at dark stopped on the south shore. Scarcity of fuel and a cold night, made it neces- sary to take good care of the wood when cut. There may be honour among thieves, but there was little to be found during a cold night among our party, for the fire of those who hap- pened to be on watch was sure to blaze cheerily, at the expense of the sleepers. A little incident occurred here very unim- portant certainly to those unconcerned, yet of much conse- quence to us: we left our stock of salt behind, and a spade, which latter was much wanted for earthing up the sides of our tents, to keep out the cold wind. 24th. I noticed more than usual a curious effect of the river water being so much warmer than the air over it-— At * A guanaco was shot this day by the running fire of ‘several guns. He was soon cut up and stowed in the boats. + The temperature of the air being 30°, that of the water 46°. 1834. CLIFFS OF EARTH—PROGRESS—LAVA. 347 daybreak, and until after sunrise, the river was smoking, quite as if it were boiling. ‘This day we passed some earthy cliffs between two and three hundred feet in height, and where they came in our way it was extremely difficult to manage the boats and tow-lines ; but by veering out at those times a great length of rope, our object was accomplished without any disaster. Near these cliffs the valley of the river begins to contract and become more irregular, and the sides or breaking down of the higher ranges become more abrupt and are nearer to the river. In most places we found a cliffy side opposite to a low pro- jecting point of shingle, but in some spots that we passed both sides were high, and we had no choice on which to take the tow-line. The difference, also, between the level of the higher ranges and that of the river, was observed to be much Increased. On this day (25th) our best shots succeeded in killing two guanacoes, but they died out of our reach, and probably became food for pumas, instead of man. The order of our march was usually one or two riflemen in advance, as scouts —Mr. Darwin, and occasionally Mr. Stokes, or Mr. Bynoe, upon the heights—a party walking along the banks, near the beats, ready to relieve or assist in tracking, and the eight or ten men who were dragging the three boats along at the rate of about two miles an hour over the ground, though full eight knots through the water. Difficult places to pass— delays caused by embarking and disembarking frequently to change banks, and avoid impediments—the necessary observa- tions, rest, and meals, occupied so much time that we did not average more than twelve miles in one day: and even that small distance was not accomplished without making both shoulders and feet sore. 26th. In the distance some very level topped, dark looking cliffs, were seen at the summits of elevated ranges, which Mr. Darwin thought must have a capping or coating of lava. Of course we were very anxious to verify a fact so curious, and at noon were quite satisfied that it was so, having approached to the foot of a height thus capped, whose frag- 348 LAVA DISTRICT—* BASALT GLEN.” April ments had in falling not only scattered themselves over the adjacent plain, but into the bed of the river, in such a manner as to make the passage exceedingly dangerous ; because large angular masses, in some places showing above the stream in others hidden beneath, but so near the surface that the water eddied and swelled over them, menaced destruction to the boats as they were with difficulty dragged through the eddy- ing rapid ; sometimes the rope caught under or around one of those masses, and caused much trouble. Near the spot where we stopped at noon there is a glen, quite different in character from any place we had passed.* Indeed, upon enter- ing the lava district, or that part of the country over which lava formerly flowed, there was no longer a Patagonian aspect around. Steep precipices, narrow, winding vallies, abundance of huge angular fragments of lava, a more rapid and nar- rower river, and plains of solid lava overlying the whole sur- face of the country, make this district even worse in its appear- ance than the eastern coast of Patagonia. Excepting in an occasional ravine nothing grows. Horses could not travel far, the ground being like rough iron; and water, excepting that of the river and its tributary in Basalt Glen, is very scarce. The glen above mentioned is a wild looking ravine, bounded by black lava cliffs. A stream of excellent water winds through it amongst the long grass, and a kind of jungle at the bottom. Lions or rather pumas shelter in it, as the recently torn remains of guanacoes showed us. Condors inha- bit the basaltic cliffs. Near the river some imperfect columns of basalt give to a remarkable rocky height, the semblance of an old castle. Altogether it is a scene of wild loneliness quite fit.to be the breeding place of lions. No signs of human visitors were discovered: indeed, the nature of the country must almost prevent horsemen from traversing these regions, there is so little food and such bad ground: only in glens or ravines such as this can any grass or bushes .be found. Guanacoes absolutely swarm upon the * © Basalt Glen.’ + * Leonum arida nutrix.” Xiang i pp itinie a al WHA i ae 1834. MIRAGE—DRIFTED TREES—ANDES. 349 heights, a consequence probably of their being undisturbed. They spread over the face of the high country like immense flocks of sheep. During a long walk this evening Mr. Stokes and I were repeatedly disappointed by the mirage over an extensive stony plain, between two bends of the river. We were tired and very thirsty, and went from one apparent piece of water to another, only to be tantalized and to increase still more our dilemma. 27th. Similar country. On the banks of the river some drift wood was found ; the trunks of trees of considerable size. ‘Small trees had been found lying by the side of the river, from time to time, but none so large as these, some of which were almost two feet in diameter, and about thirty feet in length. 'The wood appeared to be ‘Sauci,’ of the red kind. That these trees had been drifted from a great distance was evident, because they were much water worn. 28th. In passing a rapid, whose difficulties were much in- creased by rugged blocks of lava lying in the bed of the river, one of our boats was badly stove and barely rescued from sinking in the middle of the stream: fortunately we got her on shore and there patched her up. There was still no change in the scenery, nor any signs of inhabitants: and our work was as monotonous as heavy. 29th. While upon a high range of lava-capped land, Mr. Stokes and Mr. Darwin descried distant mountains in the west, covered with snow. At last, then, the Andes were in sight! This was inspiriting intelligence to the whole party ; for small had been our daily progress, though continual and severe the labour. ‘The river increased in rapidity, while but little diminution had taken place in the quantity of water brought down: the breadth was rather less, certainly, but the depth in most places greater. No fish had yet been eaught ; indeed, only two had been seen, and those seemed to be like trout. 30th. The snowy summits of the distant Cordillera were more distinctly seen from the heights, near the river, that rise 850 BIRDS OF PREY—GUANACOES. April about a thousand feet above its level, which, there, is about three hundred feet above that of the sea. ‘Two guanacoes were shot with my rifle by H. Fuller,* who hastened to the boats for assistance. Some of our party went directly with him to bring in the animals, but condors and cara-caras} had eaten every morsel of the flesh of one; though the other was found ‘untouched and brought to the boats. Four hours had sufficed to the cara-caras and condors for the cleaning of every bone. { When our party reached the spot some of those great birds were so heavily laden that they could hardly hop away from the place. The guanaco that was eaten by the birds must have been, by his size, at least fifty pounds heavier than any shot by us in Patagonia, therefore about 300lbs. Mr. Darwin and Mr. Stokes had much amusement with these animals, upon the heights. Being so much tamer there and more numerous, whole flocks were driven by them into nar- row defiles, where dozens might have been killed had there been more people with guns, lassoes, or balls. Though the bed of the river is there so much below the level of the stratum of lava,§ it still bears the appearance of having worn away its channel, by the continual action of run- ning water. The surface of the lava may be considered as the natural level of the country, since, when upon it, a plain, which seems to the eye horizontal, extends in every direction. How wonderful must that immense volcanic action have been which spread liquid lava over the surface of such a vast tract of country. Did the lava flow from the Cordillera of the Andes, or was it thrown out from craters in the low country ? Its position with respect to subaqueous deposits, its horizontal surface and cellular texture, are reasons, among others, for thinking that it was thrown out of the earth, while these plains were covered by a depth of sea. The valley, or channel of the river, varies hee from one mile, or less, to about three miles ; but it looks narrower, owing * My steward. + A carrion-eating eagle. } The animal thus eaten lay on high ground : the other was in a hollow: § From ten to twelve hundred feet. stnlnn ‘at ANDES. THE re if IN i DISTA IVER, AND “a any Cf ANT A & =), May 1834. WEATHER—COUNTRY—CORDILLERA. 351 to the deception caused by high land on each side. Some of the views are certainly striking, and, from their locality, inte- resting ; 1 could not, however, have believed that the banks of any large fresh water river could be so destitute of wood, or verdure of any kind, or so little frequented by man, beast,* bird, or fish. May Ist. The weather was invariably fine during the earlier part of our journey; but this day it began to change, and two or three gloomy clouded ‘days were succeeded by a few hours only of small rain, and by some strong wind. This night (1st) we slept at the foot of heights whose summits were covered with snow, but the temperature was many degrees warmer than that of the first nights, when it froze so sharply. There was no particular frost after the 21st of April. We had great difficulty with the boats on the 2d, the river being contracted in width, without any diminution of the body of water pouring down. On the 3d, we found a more open country, the lava-capped heights receding gradually on each side, leaving a vale of flat, and apparently good land, from five to fifteen miles in extent. The width of the river increased ; on its banks were swampy spaces, covered with herbage ; and low earthy cliffs, without either shingle or lava, in some places bounded the river. A little further, however, the usual arid and stony plains of Patagonia were again seen, extending from the banks of the river to ranges of hills, about fourteen hundred feet above its level, on which the horizontal lava-capping could be distinctly discerned. Be In the distant west the Cordillera of the Andes stretched along the horizon. During three days, we had advanced to- wards those far distant mountains, seeing them at times very distinctly ; yet this morning our distance seemed nearly as great as on the day we first saw their snow-covered summits. A long day’s work carried us beyond the flat and into the rising country, whose barren appearance I just now mentioned. * Excepting guanacoes, 352 WALKING PARTY—VIEWS. el May We were all very tired of the monotonous scene, as well as of the labour of hauling the boats along. 4th. Our provisions being almost exhausted, and the river as large as it was beyond the lava country, our allotted time being out, and: every one weary and foot-sore, I decided upon walking overland to the westward, as far as we could go in one day, and then setting out on our return to the Beagle. I was the more inclined to this step, because the river here made a southerly bend, to follow which would have required at least a day, without making much westing, and because I thought that some of our party might walk in that time at least twice as far as they could track the boats, and then return before night. ‘To have followed the course of the river two days longer, we should have needed all the small remainder of our provi- sions, and probably without being enabled to see further than we might by one day’s walk directly westward. Leaving those who were the most tired to take care of the boats, a party set out early, in light marching order. A large plain lay before us, over which shrubs, very small trees, and bushes were sparingly scattered; yet parts of this plain might be. called fertile and woody, by comparison with the tracts between us and the eastern sea-coast. At noon we halted on a rising ground, made observations for time, latitude, and bearing ; rested and eat our meal; on a spot which we found to be only sixty miles from the nearest water of the Pacific Ocean. 'The Cordillera of the Andes. extended along the western side of our view; the weather was. very clear, enabling us to discern snow-covered mountains far in the north, and also a long way southward ; hence much of the range was visible, but of the river we could discern nothing. Only from the form of the land could we conclude that at the end of the southerly reach I have mentioned, the direction of the river is nearly east and west for a few miles, and that then it may turn northward, or rather come from the north along the base of the Cordillera. There are many reasons for inducing one to suppose that it comes not only from the north, but from a considerable dis- wi Searcat i a “‘W Gr Of Published by Henry Colburn. Great Marlborough Street. 1338 1834. WATER—DRAINAGE—LAKE. 353 tance northward. At the place where we ceased to ascend the stream, the Santa Cruz was almost as large as at the places _ where we passed the first and second nights near the estuary. The velocity of the current was still at least six knots an hour ; though the depth remained undiminished. The temperature of the water was 45°, while that of the air was seldom so high, even in the day-time, and at night was usually below the freez- ing point. Trees, or rather the trunks of trees, were found eins upon the banks, whose water-worn appearance indicated that they had been carried far by the stream. The water was very free from sediment, though of a whitish blue colour, which induces me to suppose that it has been chiefly produced by melted snow, or that it has passed through lakes in which the sediment it might have brought so far was deposited. If filled from the waters of the nearer mountains only, its temperature would surely be lower, approaching that of melted snow : it would also, in all probability, bring much sediment, and would therefore be muddier, and less pure in colour. When one considers how large an extent of country there is between the River Negro and the Strait of Magalhaens, and that through that extensive region only one river of magnitude flows, it may be difficult to account for the manner in which the drainage of the eastern side of the great Cordillera is car- ried off, or where the melted snow and occasional heavy rains disappear. The Gallegos is small, though it runs into a large estuary. The Chupat river is very small: that at Port Desire is scarcely more than a brook. At times, it is true, these smaller rivers are flooded, but their floods (added to their usual streams) seem unequal to carrying off the continual drainage of the Andes. South of the Negro only the Santa Cruz flows with a full and strong stream throughout the whole year, and my idea is that the sources of the river Santa Cruz are not far from those of the southern branch of the Negro, near the forty-fifth degree of latitude; and that it runs at the foot of the Andes, southward, through several lakes, until it turns to the eastward in the parallel of fifty degrees. VOL. II. 2A 354 LAKE VIEDMA OR CAPAR—FLOODS. May oe In Viedma’s Diary I find that he heard from the Indians at : Port San Julian (in 1782) that the river Santa Cruz flowed from a large lake near the Cordillera of the Andes, and that there was abundance of wood on its banks. In consequence of this information, he went, in November, with a party of Spaniards and Indians on horseback, to explore this lake. In his way, Viedma crossed the river Chico, which flows into the estuary of the Santa Cruz, just above Weddell Bluff. The Chico, though small at times and then fordable, was subject, the Indians said, to great floods in the spring, when the melt- ing snows of the Cordillera over-filled a lake, far in the north- west, whence this river ran. Afterwards, Viedma crossed the river Chalia, which they told him rose in another lake near the Cordillera, was likewise subject to floods, and emptied itself into the Santa Cruz: when he passed, it was only up to the horses’ knees (after searching many leagues, however, for a ford), but at his return it was deeper. This Chalia can be no other than the stream which flows through Basalt Glen, a mere brook when we saw it in the dryest season of the year. Viedma reached the lake,* and found every thing correspond to the description ; for it was deep and large, surrounded by snow- covered mountains, on which were many forests. Some persons have doubted whether there is ever much drainage to be carried off from the eastern side of the Andes, between the parallels of forty and fifty ; but if they. will take the trouble to read Viedma’s Diary, and some other notices to be found in the work of Don Pedro. de Angelis, I think they will be convinced that there is always a considerable drain- age, and that at times there are heavy floods to be carried off.+ * Called Capar, or Viedma. MS. Chart. + As one proof of this assertion, I may quote a passage from Viedma: —‘“ Reconocido pues todo” (all that there was to see in the neighbour- hood of the lake whence the Santa Cruz flowed), “nos expusdé el Indio Patricio nos debiamos apartar luego de aqui, porque con los vientos fuer- tes, y el sol, solia derretirse tanta nieve que era impos:ble vadear los arro- yOs para regresar, y tendriamos que pasar el verano en aquel pasage hasta que las heladas empezasen.’’—(Diario de Viedma, p. 57.) im 1834. LEVEL OF RIVER— BONES. 355 Reference to the accompanying plan will shew our position when we halted, and I decided to return, not having explored, T should think, more than one-third of its course. At that place the level of the river was found to be four hundred feet higher than that. of the sea at the entrance; and as the distance is about two hundred miles,* the average descent or fall of the water must be near two feet in a mile, which, I apprehend, is unusually great. I could not, indeed, believe that the compu- tation and data were correct, until after repeated examination.+ Two barometers were used at the river-side, and a very good one was carefully watched on board the Beagle.t Certainly, the rapid descent of the river, in many places, was such, that even to the eye it appeared to be running down-hill ; and this remark was often made in the course of our journey. Two days before we reached our westernmost point, many traces of an old Indian encampment were seen; but excepting at that place and at the spot which we passed on the 22d, no signs of inhabitants were any where found. Scarcity of pas- ture, and the badness of the ground for their horses’ feet, must deter Indians from remaining in this neighbourhood ; but that they frequently cross the river, when travelling, is well known. The quantities of bones heaped together, or scattered near the river, in so many places which we passed, excited conjec- tures as to what had collected them. Do guanacoes approach the river to drink when they are dying? or are the bones remains of animals eaten by lions or by Indians? or are they washed together by floods? Certain it is they are remarkably numerous near-the banks of the river ; but not so elsewhere. I can hardly think that the guanaco is often allowed to die a natural death; for pumas are always on the alert to seize invalid stragglers from the herd. At night the guanacoes choose the clearest places for sleeping, lymg down together like sheep ; and in the day they avoid thickets, and all such places as might * Following the course of the river. + The data will be found in the Appendix. { At the level of the sea. 2a 2 356 RETURN—ANIMALS—FISH: May shelter their ever-watchful enemy. Condors, also, and fierce little wild cats* help to prevent too great an increase of this beautiful, inoffensive, and useful animal. Late on the 4th we returned to our tents, thoroughly tired by a daily succession of hard work, and long walks. At this bivouac we were about one hundred and forty miles, in a straight line, from the estuary of Santa Cruz, or from Wed- dell Bluff; and about two hundred and forty-five miles dis- tant by the course of the river. Our station at noon on the 4th, was eight miles in a straight line farther westward, and about thirty miles from the Cordillera of the Andes. ‘The height of those mountains was from five to seven thousand feet above our level, by angular measurement with a theodolite. Early on the 5th we began the rapid descent. Sometimes the wind favoured, and we passed the land at the rate of ten knots an hour ; sometimes dangerous places obliged us to turn the boat’s head to the stream, pull against it, and so drop down between the rocks. Though easy, the return was far more dangerous than our ascent of the river. 5th. Our first day’s work in returning was a distance of eighty- five miles, which had cost us six days hard labour in ascending. Next day we made good about eighty-two miles; and on the {th we reached the salt water. Although we made such quick progress in returning, our halts for observations were similar to those made in going. While descending the rapid stream, so quickly and quietly, we saw many more guanacoes and ostriches than we had seen before; but our flying shots only frightened them, and time was too precious to admit of any delay. Only one fish was got, and that was a dead one, which had been left on the bank: it was similar to a trout. Not more than half a dozen live fish were seen, and none could be caught either with hooks or nets. Leaving a very small party near Weddell Bluff to look for guanacoes, I hastened on board with the boats ; and with the ebb tide reached the Beagle before noon on the 8th. ‘The ship being ready for sea, except- * Though the wild cat could not injure a full-grown animal, it might destroy a young one with great ease. 1834. TIDES—-PUMAS—AIGLE ROCK. 357 ing a ton or two of fresh water, the yawl and cutter were dis- patched to get it and bring on board the shooting party. Dur- ing my absence satisfactory observations on the tides had been made, which showed that the neap tides rise about eighteen feet, and the springs from thirty-eight to forty-two feet. One day when walking through a woody ravine, not far from the anchorage, Mr. Stewart saw a puma lying under a bush, glar- ing at him: taking a steady aim, he fired, and laid the animal dead. It was avery large one ; and the skin 1s now in the British Museum. The moment of thus looking a lion in the face, while taking aim, at only a few yards distance, must be somewhat trying to the nerves, I should imagine. A beautiful wild cat was also added to our collections, besides condors and foxes. 9th. The boats, and shooting party, arrived with water and two guanacoes. As the sportsmen were returning with their burthens on the preceding evening, darkness overtook them while yet distant from their tent; and they were soon made uncomfortably* conscious that an enemy was at hand, for the strong and peculiar smell of a lion warned them that one was near. ‘They trudged on with their cargoes, talking to one another ; but the scent was still strong until they approached the fire, which had been kept up by their companion, when it ceased entirely. Such a weight as a lion’s, added suddenly to that of a guanaco, would have been rather distressing. We were detained for a day or two by an overcast sky, which prevented my obtaining equal altitudes; but on the 12th the Beagle left the Santa Cruz, and stood towards the alleged place of the shoal, or rock, called ‘ Aigle,’ not far from the western- most of the Falkland Islands. No such danger, nor any sign of shallow water being found, but, on the contrary, no bottom with one hundred fathoms of line, we steered towards Magalhaens Strait, and on the 18th anchored off Cape Virgins. Next morn- ing I landed on the Cape, taking Mr. Darwin and Mr. Stokes with me, and remained till after the noon observation, when, returning on board, the Beagle weighed and sailed to another station. From this time (till the 25th) we were busily em- * Being only two in number. 358 ADVENTURE—FORT FAMINE. May, June. ployed im sounding in the neighbourhood of Cape Virgins, Point Catherine, Lomas Bay, and Possession Bay. On the 23d, at day-light, we saw the Adventure coming from the Falklands. After communicating with us, she went on to survey the portion of coast extending from Sweepstakes Foreland to Cape Monmouth; and we remained to complete our own task of sounding the banks about- the First Narrow, and examining the south shore of St. Philip Bay. On the 3d of June both vessels were moored in Port Famine, preparing for their passage to San Carlos in Childe. Tuer next chapter will take the Beagle into the Pacific by a route not hitherto used, except by sealing vessels: although it possesses many advantages over either the passage round Cape Horn, or that through the western reaches of the Strait of Magalhaens. Mr. Low is said to be the first discoverer of it, and he certainly was the first to pass through in a ship; but I think one of the Saxe Cobourg’s boats had passed through it previously, and I much question whether Sir Francis Drake’s shallop did not go by that opening into the Strait of Magalhaens in 1578.* Before I finally leave Tierra del Fuego, a remark or two may here be made respecting the language of the natives. ‘ Pichi,’ in the Huilli- che or Araucanian language, means ‘small’ or ‘a little,” and ‘re’ sig- nifies ‘only,’ ‘ but,’ ‘purely,’ or ‘simply.’ Hence, Pecheray, always uttered in a begging, or whining tone, may have some such signification. In Beauchesne’s voyage it is said, that the natives in the Hastern parts of Magalhaens Strait were called ‘ Laguedi-che,’ and those westward, ‘Haveguedi-che.’+ These words are to me very interesting, because I suppose the first to be a corruption of Laque-che, which means, in Arau- canian, ‘ People with balls’ (bolas), and the second is not far removed from Huapi-gulu-che, which means ‘people of mountainous islands heaped together,’ terms respectively most appropriate for natives of eastern and western Tierradel Fuego. * See Burney, vol. i. p. 368 and p. 327, where he shows that Drake discovered Cape Horn, and anchored near it (in or near St. Martin Cove?) in 1578. Another early southern discovery is mentioned in vol. ii. p. 198, where it is stated that Dirck Gherritz discovered land in 649. S. in 1599, (part of or near South Shetland ?) + Voyage of Beauchesne, in Burney’s History, vol. iv. p. 378. NS E | Ni ify y ii ys y Wha ra\' Ly \ gy OR ey wi wo IE A TR MM 1 SB -OM WARP BAY ) c ile 1OwUN Ml NV ER { moos Colburn, Great Mari fem-y by 1G ublishe CHAPTER XVII. Beagle and Adventure sail from Port Famine through Magdalen and Cockburn Channel — Enter Pacific—Death of Mr. Rowlett—Childe - —Chile—Government—Adventure sold—Consequent changes—Plans _. —Mr. Low—Chonos—Lieut. Sulivan’s party—Moraleda—Ladrilleros — De Vea — Sharp—San Andres—V allenar—Mr. Stokes—San Este- van — Distressed sailors — Anna Pink Bay — Port Low—Potatoes— Indian names — Huafo — Volcano—Chilotes—Aborigines—Militia— Freebooters — Climate — Docks— Tides—W itchcraft — Alerse—Cal- bucanos— Cesares—Search for men— Meteors. June 9th. Good equal altitudes having been obtained, after an interval of time sufficient for rating our chronometers,* we sailed from Port Famine, went down the Magdalen Chan- nel, enjoying some fine scenery, ainong which Sarmiento was pre-eminent, and anchored in a cove under Cape Turn. The following day we beat to windward through the Cockburn Channel, and would have anchored at night had a safe place offered in time, but as the only cove near us at dusk was a very small one, I preferred leaving that unoccupied for the Adventure, and remaining under way in the Beagle. The night was long and very dark, small rain fell nearly all the time, and squalls from the westward were frequent. There were but four square miles in which it was safe to sail to and fro after dark, and for fourteen hours we traversed that area in every direction. It was necessary to keep under a reason- able press of sail part of the time, to hold our ground against the lee tide; but with the ebb we had often to bear up and run to leeward, when we got too near the islets westward of us. Ina case of this kind a ship is so much more manage- able while going through the water than she is while hove-to, and those on board are in general so much more on the alert than when the vessel herself seems half asleep, that I have always been an advocate for short tacks under manageable sail, so as to keep as much as possible near the same place, in pre- ference to heaving-to and drifting. * The Adventure had four chronometers. 360 DEATH OF MR. ROWLETT. June When the day at last broke on the 11th, we saw the Adven- ture coming out to us from the cove where she had passed the _ night, and then both vessels sailed out of the Channel, past Mount Skyring and all the Furies, as fast as sails could urge them. At sunset we were near the Tower Rocks,* and with a fresh north-west wind stood out into the Pacific, with every inch of canvas set which we could carry. On the 26th we were still together, in latitude 43° and net gitude 75°, although gales had occasionally separated us for a few hours. After passing the latitude of 45° we had a succes- sion of bad weather, and adverse (N.W.) winds. Trusting too much to our usual good fortune I had steered in too direct a line towards Childe, and in consequence all these north-west winds were against us. Had I shaped a course which would have taken us farther from the land, while we had the wind south- ward of west, we might have made a fair wind of these pro- voking north-westers, and arrived at Chiloe at least a week sooner. A few remarks upon the wind and weather, between the parallels of forty and forty-seven, off Childe and the Chonos Archipelago, will be found in the Appendix (No. 19): On the 27th we witnessed the last moments of Mr. Row- lett’s existence in this world. He had long been sinking under an internal complaint of which it was impossible to cure him, except by a vigorous and uniform mode of treatment to which he was not willing to conform until too late : but-his illness had no relation whatever to the service in which he had been em- ployed. He was much regretted by all of us, having been a kind, honourable friend. The following day we committed the body of our deceased companion to the seaman’s grave, that ‘‘ ever-changing and mysterious main.” In the evening we were near the north-west end of Childe, and at midnight an anchor was let go in our former berth, off Point Arena. The Adventure arrived two days afterwards, her main-boom having. broken in a heavy squall on the 27th, in consequence of which she got to leeward, and was prevented from sooner weathering the north end of the island. A supply of fresh provisions * Not far from Cape Noir, on Noir Island. 1834. _- CHILIAN GOVERNMENT. 361 and good rates for the chronometers were obtained, after which we sailed (14th July) for Valparaiso, and arrived there together on the 22d. My first object would have been, after seeing the vessels securely moored, to go to Santiago, present my instructions in the proper quarter, and ask for the sanction of the Chilian government, in prosecuting the survey of the coasts of Chile ; -but I was so much in arrear with respect to computations and charts, that I could not venture to give even a week to an excursion to that agreeable place, where a thousand attractive novelties would inevitably have diverted my attention in some ‘measure from the dull routine of calculation, and attention ‘to the data accumulated by many months’ exertion of those on board the Adventure, as well asin the Beagle; therefore I sent Lieutenant Wickham, who spoke Spanish, and had been at Santiago before, to show my instructions to the Authorities, and request their approval of our examination of the shores under their jurisdiction. Nothing could be more satisfactory than the reply (Appendix No. 20), and from that time until the Beagle left Chile she received every attention and assist- ‘ance which the Chilian officers could afford. As I proposed to remain at Valparaiso during the winter months, Messrs. Stokes, King, Usborne, and myself, whose oc- cupation would be sedentary and would require room, as well as more light and quiet than we could always have on board, took up our quarters on shore ; while those on board attended to the refit and provisioning of our vessels. At this time I was made to feel and endure a bitter dis- appointment ; the mortification it caused preyed deeply, and the regret is still vivid. I found that it would be impossible for me to maintain the Adventure much longer: my own means had been taxed, even to involving myself in difficulties, and as the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty did not think it proper to give me any assistance, I saw that all my cherished hopes of examining many groups of islands in the Pacific, besides making a complete survey of the Chilian and Peruvian shores, must utterly fail. I had asked to be 362 ADVENTURE SOLD—CHANGES. Nov. allowed to bear twenty additional seamen on the Beagle’s books, whose pay and provisions would then be provided by Government, being willing to defray every other expense myself; but even this was refused. As soon as my mind was made up, after a most painful struggle, I discharged the Adventure’s crew, took the officers back to the Beagle, and sold the vessel.* Early in November our charts of the eastern coasts of Pata- gonia and Tierra del Fuego, as well as those of the Falkland Islands (the work of the Adventure) were finished, and shipped off for England; and on the 10th we sailed, alone, to resume our more active occupations on the southern coasts. My former intention was to have filled up all blanks in the charts of the outer west coast of Patagonia, between the parallels of fifty- three and forty-eight, and then carried a connected survey along the coast to the equator; after which the Galapagos Islands ; Dangerous Archipelago; Marquesas, Society, Friendly, and Feejee Islands; besides New Zealand; were to have had as earnest an examination as could be effected by both vessels during 1836 and part of 1837. That this plan might have been carried out by the divisions of labour and exertions of the Beagle and her tender may, I think, be inferred from what has actually been executed with inferior means and in much less time. But my reduced arrangements were on a much smaller scale: I could only look to the most useful objects that might be effected within the limited time to which I dared to look forward. | All on board partook, more or less, of the mortification caused by parting with our consort, just as she was most wanted, and most able to take an effective part ; and I confess that my own feelings and health were so much altered in. consequence—so deprived of their former elasticity and soundness—that I could myself no longer bear the thoughts of such a prolonged sepa- ration from my country, as I had encouraged others to think * Though her sale was very ill-managed, partly owing to my being dispirited and careless, she brought 7,500 dollars, nearly £1,400, and is now (1838) trading on that coast, in sound condition. 1834. PLANS FOR FUTURE—MR. Low. 363 lightly of, while I could hold out to them the prospect of seeing as well as doing a great deal among the islands of the Pacific, besides completing the surveys of Chile and Peru. I now proposed, first, to go to San Carlos, there set two of our boats at work among the islands eastward of the large island, while the Beagle would survey the more exposed coasts, those to the west and south; then the ship was to examine the seaward shores of the Chonos archipelago, while another of her boats was employed among those islands; and, the Chonos explored, she would return to San Carlos, collect her scattered parties, and proceed along the coast, northwards, taking all the ports and islands in her way. On the 21st we arrived at San Carlos, and were pleased to find that Mr. Low had returned safe from his difficult under- taking ; and that a person (Mr. Douglas) whom I had engaged to make an excursion to Calbuco and into the forests of ‘Alerse,’ on the Cordillera of the Andes, had also come back with the required information, and was ready to engage himself to act as a pilot and interpreter. When last at San Carlos I proposed to Mr. Lew, then serving as pilot on board the Adventure, to pass the time of our absence at Valparaiso, in exploring part of the Chonos Archipelago with a whale-boat belonging to me, and a crew of natives (Chilotes). Low, ever restless and enterprising, entered eagerly into my views ; so furnishing him with money, achart, and a few instruments, I explained where I wished him to go, and when he should be again at San Carlos, all further arrange- ment being left to him. Mr. Low hired a crew of six men,* and set out. After he had quitted the southernmost place at which provisions could be procured, called Caylin, or ‘ El fin de la, Christiandad,’ one of his men} persuaded some of the others} to eat up the stock * A Welshman, two Chilotes, a Chilian, and two Sandwich Islanders who had been left at San Carlos by a whaler. + The Chilian. } The Chilotes and Sandwich Islanders. Taffy remained faithful: he and Low, being able-bedied active men, frightened the rest into reluctant submission. 364 ISLAND OF SOCORRO—INDIANS. Dec. of provisions in the boat as soon as possible, in order that they might be obliged to return without going far. But Low was too much inured to hardship to be so easily diverted from his plan; he went on, directly south, even after his provisions were consumed ; obliging them to live for fourteen days upon shell-fish and sea-weed. After exploring much of the Chonos Archipelago, sufficiently to facilitate our survey materially, he returned with his hungry crew to Caylin. 24th. Lieutenant Sulivan set out with the yawl and a whale- boat, to survey the east side of Childe and the islets in the Gulf of Ancud.* With him were Messrs. Darwin, Usborne, Stewart and Kent; Douglasas a pilot, and ten men. 'T'wo days afterwards, the Beagle sailed, to examine the western coast of Childe, and the Chonos Archipelago. Dec. 2d. While standing towards distant mountainous land, about the latitude of 45°, we saw a comparatively low and level island ;+ considerably detached from those which seemed like Tierra del Fuego, being a range of irregular mountains and hills, forming apparently a continuous coast. This level island T have since ascertained to be that formerly called Nuestra Senora del Socorro, where Narborough anchored and landed, in 1670. It was selected in 1740, by Anson, as a rendezvous for his squadron ; but no one seemed to know where to look for it : the Anna Pink having made the land in 45°. 35’, and the unfor- tunate Wager in 47°, near Cape Tres Montes. Narborough mentions seeing ‘ an old Indian hut’ on this island; and in a MS. journal, written by Moraledat (now in my possession) it is said that the former natives of the. Chonos used to make annual excursions to that as well as other outlying islands. After witnessing the distance to which savages venture in such frail canoes as those of Tierra del Fuego, it does not surprise one to find them going fifteen or twenty miles across an open. * Orders in Appendix, No. 21. + About three or four hundred feet in height, excepting one hill, which is seven hundred feet. t MS. Diary of Moraleda’s examination of Childe and part of the Chonos Islands in 1787-93, given to me at Lima, by a friend to whom 9 am much indebted for valuable information. 1834. HUAFO—BREAK ANCHORS. ~~ 365 space of sea in such large canoes as those of the Chonos Indians, which are indeed boats. Fuegian wigwams have been found upon Staten Land and upon Noir Island, each of which is as far from any neighbouring coast as Socorro is from the nearest shore. While Narborough’s ship was under sail, near Socorro, he went in his boat to the island which is nearest to it, by him named Narborough Island.* There he landed, and took posses- sion for his Majesty and his heirs.-f 3d. Having passed the night quietly at single anchor, near the north-east point of Socorro, we weighed and continued our route to and fro along the coast, taking angles, soundings, and observations. On the 5th, we were near Huafo,t which, to our surprise, we found to be twenty-five miles farther north than the Spanish charts (following Moraleda) showed its position, yet the longitude was almost correct. In a small cove, near the south-east point of Huafo, we anchored, but broke a bower-anchor in doing so; for the cove is small—an unexpected puff of wind gave us too much way—and dropping the bower in haste, it fell upon arock, and broke.§ Only two days before another anchor was broken, near Socorro, by the ship pitching while a short scope of cable was out, and the anchor hooking to arock. I found, on landing, that the formation of the island, like that of Socorro and Narborough Island, isa soft sandstone, which can be cut with a knife as easily as a cake of chocolate. * “ Neither the chart in Ulloa, nor any of the Spanish charts lately in use, show the name of N.S. del Socorro to any island near the coast here- abouts. The Spanish Atlas of 1798, places an island very near the coast; in 44° 50/ S. latitude, which in shape and situation answers nearly to Nar- borough’s description of the island, to which he gave his own name.”— (Burney, vol. iii. p. 360. Note.) + “IT saw no kind of mineral in it. Not finding this island noted in any draught (chart), I called it after my own name, Narbrough Island, and took possession of it for his Majesty and his heirs.’”,-—(Narborough’s Voyage to Patagonia and Chile, in 1669-1671.) { Called by Narborough ‘“* No-man’s Island.”’ § Or between two rocks, so that the first sudden strain snapped the shank. 366 HUAMBLIN MOUNTAIN—VALLENAR. Dec. These three outlying islands are thickly wooded, rather level, compared with their neighbours, and not exceeding eight hun- dred feet in height. There are few, if any others, like them in the Chonos Archipelago ; almost all the rest, however portions of some may resemble them, being mountainous, and very like those of Tierra del Fuego and the west coast of Patagonia, beyond 47° south; therefore I need only remark, that the vegetation is more luxuriant ; that there isa slight difference in it, consequent probably upon a milder climate; that some productions, such as canes and potatoes, &c., are found there which do not grow near the Strait of Magalhaens ; and that in other respects, as to appearance, nature, and climate, the Chonos Archipelago is like Tierra del Fuego in summer. | We remained a few days in San Pedro harbour; and on the 9th Mr. Sulivan and his party joined us. Next day Mr. Stokes and I endeavoured to get to the top of the moun- tain named Huampelen, Huamblin, or San Pedro; but after climbing, creeping, struggling, and tumbling about, among old decayed trees, strongly interwoven canes, steep, slippery places, and treacherous bog, we failed, and gave up the attempt. Mr. Darwin, Douglas, and others were with me, but we were all foiled. 11th. Having despatched Mr. Sulivan, with the same party excepting Mr. Darwin, we got under weigh, and hastened towards the middle of the Chonos group, in order to find a port whence Mr. Stokes might set out to explore northwards, while I should examine the southern half of the archipelago. 13th. We succeeded in finding a sheltered, and apparently safe anchorage in a road named by me Vallenar, because it corresponded in situation to an island so called in an old chart, said to be of the Chonos, but which bore no resemblance what- ever to them. However, being anxious to remove no “ neigh- bour’s landmark,” and retain original names, when they could be ascertained, I kept them wherever I was able to doso.