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THE

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

A HISTORY

OP THE

COI^GREGATIONAIISTS IN NEW ENGLAND

TO THE REVIVALS OF 1740

/

BY H. F. 'UHDEN.

WITH

A PREFACE BY THE LATE DR. NEANDER. Sranslate^ from tje Seconti ©erman 3STjftfon

B T

H. C. CONANT,

AUTHOK OF "THE ENGLISH BIBLE," ETC. ETC.

BOSTON:

GOULD AND LINCOLN,

59 W A 8 HI N G T 0 N STREET.

NEW YORK: SHELDON, BLAKEMAN & CO.

CINCINNATI : GEORGE S. BLANCHARD.

185 9.

(Xfc

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by

GOULD AND LINCOLN,

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.

EI^CmOTYyKD AND PRINTBC BY W. r, DBAPEB, AKDOVBB, MASS.

'^^

V- NOV 9 ]0C5 /^< ^- .<

2i!^^.'c?3is?2^

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.

It is a singular fact, that the New England Theocracy has foiuid no historian on onr own shores. A subject so rich in interest, so intimately connected with our history as a people, it would seem should long since have busied some master-hand among ourselves. The record of this great experiment of our Puritan fathers, among the most unique and instructive in ecclesiastical history, is here for the first time presented for our study, as a connected whole, by a foreign scholar. Tliis circumstance is, however, a ground rather of con- gratulation than regret ; for the conflicting interests, germinated in the stormy infancy of New England, have still too much vitality, and have spread their roots

IV translator's preface.

too widely, to allow a native historian, of whatever creed, to escape the suspicion of partiality.

In the influences which originated and directed the present Avork, we have special cause of satisfaction. From the Preface by the late Dr. Neander, we learn that it was prepared under his own eye, by one whom he had selected as peculiarly fitted for the task ; and that he gave his unqualified approval to its publication, — thus pledging his own name for its thoroughness, ability, and candor.

The work itself fully justifies this endorsement. From the list of authorities, at the end of the volume, it will be seen that the author had access to the origi- nal sources necessary for forming an independent and comprehensive judgment. The materials, thus obtained from a wide range of works, have been so thoroughly sifted and arranged as to present, within these moderate limits, a philosophical-religious sketch of the Congre- gationalist Tlieocracy, in which all the determining features of its character and career are clearly exhibited, in their inward relation to the system, and in their

translator's preface. V

bearings on the final result. Thus viewed as a whole, the subject offers a study so instructive to all who are concerned for the progress of true religion and of human rights, that it seems strange that Uhden's work was not long since translated into English. This delay is the less to be regretted, as recent indications of change, in the policy of some of the religious bodies interested in tlie working of the principles here exhibited, will give it a fresh practical significance for the present time.

The closing chapter has a two-fold value. From Dr. Xcander's Preface we learn, that the deep interest felt by that great man in the Revivals, which form so striking a feature in the religioiis life of this country, gave occasion to the present volume. The delineation and analysis of their peculiar characteristics, as exhib- ited in that earliest and purest type, the Awakening at Northampton under Jonathan Edwards, occupies the last forty pages ; and the manner leaves us no room to doiibt, that Uhden has here faithfully mirrored the views of his illustrious teacher and friend. His philo- sophic genius, and all-embracing christian heart, glow

1*

VI translator's preface.

through every page. At the present moment, when our land is the scene of one of the most extensive and striking of these religious movements ever witnessed, the suggestions of a man like Neander cannot but have a deep interest for all thoughtful Christians. For those to whom, as preachers and pastors, is committed the guidance of these crises in the life of a great chris- tian community, they possess a special value.

The translator has carefully verified the author's dates and statements of fact, and has given the extracts in their original English form. The liberty which has been taken of breaking the long chapters into sections, aciording to the subjects, will render the work more clear and convenient to the reader. The leading title, " Tlie New England Theocracy," has been prefixed by the translator, as being the term constantly applied by the author himself to the peculiar politico-religious in- stitution of which he treats, and as suggesting at the first glance the precise subject of the work.

H. C. C.

September, 1858.

DR. MEANDER'S PREFACE

FIRST EDITION

The investigations, of which the results are here given to the public, received their first im- pulse from myself. Having been deeply inter- ested, through a volume on the subject by the Hev. Dr. Spi'ague of Albany, in the Revivals of religion in North America, I solicited my highly valued young fi'iend Uhden, (already honorably known by his biography of the great AVilber- force) to present in German these instructive details of occurrences so important, both in a

VIII PREFACE.

psychological view, and in their relation to the history of the christian life. He acceded to my wish ; but soon became convinced that a true understanding and correct judgment of these j)henomena requu-ed a more thorough research into the ecclesiastical and religious condition of a country whose entire social state differs so widely from our own. Thus there grew up in his mind the plan of a more comprehensive his- torical development. From what he communi- cated to me of the j)lan and progress of his work, I was led to encourage him to complete it, and to give to the world the fruits of his extensive orig- inal investigations in this field. In this way arose the present work, as a necessary j)relim- inary to the history of those religious awaken- ings, the delineation of which was at first his sole object.

The present can, indeed, in no case, be rightly

PREFACE. IX

apprehended except in connection with what preceded and contributed to produce it. Hence, this Monograph will serve as preparatory to a correct view of the present ecclesiastical and religious state of that interesting land, so im- portant in the world's commerce, and conse- quently in the world's history. It will show how the reaction from the one-sided principle of a Church-Theocracy, derived rather from the Old than ffom the New Testament, helped to bring about the subsequent total separation of Church and State. The more we suffer from the evils most strongly in contrast with the state of things in North America, — those, namely, proceeding from an intermingling of the Ecclesi- astical and the Political, — the more all among us, to whom the highest interests of humanity are dear, long for an emancipation of the Church from the State, (not, however, that this abso-

X PREFACE.

lutely requires that total separation of the two witnessed in North America) ; so much the greater interest, with reference to the present time, will attach to the development-course here portrayed by my fiiend. To desire and to labor for this, viz., that all the interests of humanity be allowed each its rights, and a free develop- ment according to its own peculiar laws ; that no one of them be sacrificed to another, — this is the genuine, this is Christian Liberalism. *******

DR. NEANDER.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

RISE OF THE INDEPENDENTS IN ENGLAND.— EMIGRATION TO HOL- LAND.

Reformation in England under Henry VIII. — Progress under Edward VI.; first development of the Puritan element. — Mary the Catholic. — TheExiles; their dissensions. — Elizabeth; the Prelatists and the Puri- tans (Cartwright). — More distinct organization of the Puritan party through Brown ; separatistic elements ; these discarded by Robinson, the Father of the Independents. — The Leyden Congregation. — Robinson's views. — Desire of the congregationto emigrate 15

CHAPTER II.

EMIGRATION TO AMERICA. — FORMATION OF THE THEOCRATIC STATE IN NEW ENGLAND. — A GLANCE AT THE POLITICAL HIS- TORY, MISSIONARY EFFORTS, AND FIRST UNIVERSITY OF NEW ENGLAND.

Earlier attempts to colonize the North American Continent from Eng- land.— Emigration of the Leyden Congregation (farewell address of Robinson) and founding of New Plymouth. — Massachusetts Bay Com- pany; expedition of 1629; settling of Salem and Charlestown; emigra- tion of the Governor of this company, and founding of Boston. — The two great principles of Congregationalism. — The CongregationaHst Theocracy. — Political divisions and history of New England. — Mission- ary eflForts among the Indians. — Harvard College 51

XII CONTENTS.

CHAPTER III.

EXPULSION OF EOGEE "WILLIAMS AND OF THE ANTINOMIANS. — EHODE ISLAND.

Pirst opposition to the established Theocracy, by Roger "Williams ; he is banished, and founds Providence, on Narraganset Bay. — Antinomian agitations, occasioned by Mrs. Hutchinson and Wheelwright. — The FIRST SYNOD, 1637; suppresses these divisions. — Expulsion of the Antinomians, who found a colony in Rhode Island; in 1643 this colony unites itself to Providence. — Decided opposition there manifested against every form of Theocracy 86

CHAPTER lY.

EXCLUSION AND PERSECUTION OF BAPTISTS AND QUAKERS.

Alarm at the Anabaptists connected with the history of the Re-baptizers of Germany. — Treatment of Obadiah Holmes and John Clarke. — Cot- ton's defence of this proceeding. — First fanatical Quakers ; their arrival in Boston; laws against them. — Repeated return of the Quakers, and in- creased severity of penalties. — Capital punishment introduced. — Perse- cutions cease after the accession of Chai-les II 108

CHAPTER Y.

SUPPRESSION OF THE INTERNAL OPPOSITION TO THE THEOCRATIC GOVERNMENT. — THE MEASURE SUSTAINED BY THE SYNOD OF

1648.

Gradual change in the original views, produced by later immigrations. — Petition for civil rights without regard to church membership rejected by the Government. — Popular agitations. — The Government convokes a -Synod; Platfonn of church discipline drawn up, 1648, and the Theo- cratic relation confirmed. — The Cambridge Platform; remarks on certain important points in it 135

CONTENTS. XIII

CHAPTER VI,

DISSOLUTION OF THE TIIEOCKATIC RELATION, FROM THE ECCLE- SIASTICAL AND THE rOLITlCAL SIDE.

Subsequent to the political opposition, many non-churchraembers desire baptism for their children; (Dunster rejects Infant Baptism). — Contest in Connecticut, between a rigid and a laxer party, on the terms of admis- sion to baptism and church-membership; Synod of 1657; expedient of a two-fold membersliip, — the Half-way Covenant. — This action con- firmed by the Synod of 1662; opposition to the same. — Connecticut and New Haven united after the accession of Charles II.; opposition there existing to the two-fold membership declines; church-membership no longer a required preliminary of civil rights. — In 1662, the same abroga- tion of tiie Theocracy demanded of Massachusetts by the King ; effected by the Royal Commission in 1664 162

CHAPTER YII.

REACTIONARY INFLUENCES PROCEEDING FROM TIIE THEOCRAC\ AFTER ITS ABROGATION.

Formation of a new church in Boston, resulting from the adherence of the First Church to the principles of strict Congregationalism. — Attempts in Connecticut to introduce a more Presbyterian organization. — Division in Hartford. — Persecution of the Anabaptists in Boston and Charles- towTi, in 1665, and some years following. — Incipient Declension in church-life ; causes of the change ; reaction, in the Reforming Synod of 1679; its doings and results 190

CHAPTER VIII.

DECLINE OF CONGREGATIONALISM.

Relation of the Colonies to the mother country, from the repeal of the old charter by Charles II., to the grant of the new one by William HI. —

2

XIV CONTENTS.

Effects of the Reforming Synod but temporary. — Witch trials. — New churches formed in Haitford and Boston, without the requisition of a par- ticular account of the religious state. — The decline lamented ; conscious- ness of its connection with abandonment of the primitive principles, (Mitchell, Oakes, Increase Mather, Willard) ; Stoddard's views in respect to the Lord's Supper. — Gradual approximation to the Presbyterian disci- pline; decided expression of the same in Connecticut (Gov. Saltonstall), in the Satbeook Platform, 1708; (Yale College). — Progressive de- cline of the ministry in Massachusetts the subject of complaint to Gov- ernment, 1 725 ; petition for a Synod coldly received ; prohibition of the same, from England. — Ciianges in doctrine, out of which, notwithstand- ing the revivals, Unitarianism was subsequently developed. . . . 218

CHAPTER IX.

THE EEVIVALS.

Of Eevivals in general, and those of North America in particular. — The Revivals about the year 1740 a reaction from IndifFerentism. — The Revival in Northampton about the year 1735. — Account of the same; state of the congregation at its commencement. — Exhibition of the work in its various stages ; its results and termination. — Great religious awakenings throughout New England. — Advent of Whitefield. — Re- newal of the religious spirit. — Disturbing and hostile Influences. — Final issues. — Conclusion 239

THE

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

CHAPTER I.

RISE OF THE IXDEPEXDEXTS IX ENGLAND— THEIR EMIGRATION TO HOLLJTND.

REFORMATION IX ENGLAND UNDER HENRY VIII.

The Independents, or Congregationalists, came forlfh from the bosom of the English Church \mder the reign of Queen Elizabeth. But to comprehend the distinctive form of these communities requires not only a considera- tion of the state of the English Church at that period, but a general survey of the circumstances which marked the origin and progress of the Reformation in England.

Henry Eighth had not commenced his struggle against the Papacy from a feeling of inadequacy in the existing condition of things to meet the religious wants of himself, or of the EngUsh people. It was solely from personal aims that he espoused a cause which, in the beginning of his reign, he had opposed with vehement denunciation and bloody persecution.

After a union of almost twenty years with Katherine of Arragon, he had become desirous of a divorce. His dis-

16 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

quieted conscience, so he declared, was not appeased by the dispensation granted in 1503 by Pope Juhus II.; such a union being contrary to the word of God, whicli forbids marriage with a deceased brotlier's wife.' These scruples of the king, which he began to express as early as 1526, were listened to Avith favor by Clement VII., and compli- ance was promised with his wishes. But through fear of the Emperor Charles V., nephew of the queen, this was deferred on one pretext after another, through a long course of years. By the advice of Cranmer, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, Henry at length solicited the opinions of the chief universities of Europe. Their answer was the same as had already been given at a convocation of the English clergy, viz., that it was neither according to the law of God that one should marry his brother's wife, nor had the pope power to grant a dispensation from the law of God. The pope, however, declared Katherine's appeal to the See of Rome valid, and cited the king to answer before him in person. Henry now resolved not only to break oif connection with Rome, but to abolish the pope's authority altogether. This authority he transferred to his own hands. But a large portion of the clergy were at first disinclined to recognize the king as "sole and supreme head of the Church of England." Hence the clause Avas added, " so for as may be agreeable to the laws of Christ ; " which Avas acceded to by the king ; but on the subsequent confirmation of that title by Parliament and by another convocation of the clergy, it was stricken out. On tlie 23d of May, 1533, the king's marriage Avas declared void. The folloAving year, an act of Parliament deprived ■ the pope of all his revenues from England, and prohibited appeals to Rome, as also the papal confirmation of bishops.

iLevit. 18: IG. Comp. 20:21.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 17

The severe laAvs against heretics, enacted in former reigns, •were noAV repealed, and license was granted for the transla- tion of the Bible, which had hitherto been opposed with bloody persecution. Parliament, by the Act of 1534, in connection Avitli tlie above-named title, conferred on the king, in express terms, the right of final decision in mat- ters of doctrine. Thereupon followed a visitation of the monasteries, occasioned, in part, by the oi)en resistance of the monks to the king's proceedings. This business was committed to Thomas, Lord Cromwell, vicar-general to the king in spiritual affairs, who as secretary to Wolsey, had already been made acquainted with a similar plan, and initiated into tlie methods for carrying it into effect. The cause of cliurch reform was, moreover, one which lay near his own heart. Anne Boleyn, who had shown herself a zealous 2:)romoter of the Reformation, had, indeed, fallen not long after under the displeasure of the king, and was executed on the 19th of May 1536. But the Reformation was not thereby arrested ; on the contrary, there now appeared the first indications that it was something more than a mere external work which was in progress, and the influence of those who were using Henry VIII. as an instru- ment for the attainment of higher objects, became clearly manifest. About Michaelmas, 1536, were set forth the first Articles of Faith ; these having been apjD roved by the king, Avere confirmed by the convocation of the clergy and by both houses of Parliament. The doctrine of Tran- substantiation was taught in these articles ; auricular con- fession and the worship of saints and images were retained, and the doctrine of purgatory Avas left doubtful. But Avith all this, they recognized the Holy Scriptures and the prim- itive confessions of the church as the standard of a])peal, Avithout reference to tradition or the papal decrees; and

2*

18 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

even admitted, though under somewhat vague terms, the doctrine of Justification by Faith.

These measures found a hearty response in England, Not indeed that tlae assent of Parliament is to be taken in proof; that body being always ready, not merely to gratify, but even to anticipate every arbitrary caprice of the king. But hardly would the pope's bull of excommu- nication have proved so impotent, hardly would the dis- turbances it created have been so easily quelled, had there not existed among the people themselves a disafiection towards their former relations to the Romish See. That direction of the popular mind, which owed its first impulse to the labors of Wickhffe, had not yet expended its force. Not merely had attention been turned to the crying abuses in the lives of the clergy and in the condition of the mon- asteries, but to that which was the source of all these evils, departure from the Holy Scriptures and from the funda- mental doctrines of the Church. The movement thus originated within England itself had been still farther developed by the influence of the Reformation in Ger- many, whose traces we see in the martyi's of the earlier part of Henry's reign, and in Tyndale's English translation of the New Testament, (printed in Antwerp, so early as 1527.^) This connection manifested itself most decidedly in Cranmer. The king's Avish for a divorce he had used for promoting reforms in the constitution and doctrines of the church ; and in respect to the former, so much of a change had indeed been effected, as to transfer to the king ' the power hitherto exercised by the pope.

But because just this was effected and no more, the work came to a stand. True, the Holy Scriptures were trans-

1 In 1525, as shown by Anderson in his " Annals of the English Bible."— Tr.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 19

latcd into English, the monasteries were curtailed, visita- tions "svere instituted ; but no farther steps could the king be induced to take. True, he liad rejected the reconcilia- tion proffered by the pope after the execution of Anne Boleyn ; true, also, that her successor, Jane Seymour, was zealously devoted to the Reformation. But the death of the latter, in 1537, and the sundering of the king's subse- quent m^arriage with Anne of Cleves, were followed by the fall of Cromwell, that active and skilful promoter of the Itcformation. The influence of a powerful catholic party at court, to whose secret intrigues the faA^orite had fallen a victim during Henry's temporary displeasure, Cranmer was in no condition to counteract. Scarcely did the reverence with which his upright and irreproachable character had inspired the king suffice for securing his personal safety. The Six Articles, promulgated in June 1539, retained the doctrine of Transubstantiation, declared communion in both kinds to be unnecessary, the marriage of priests unlaw- ful, vows of chastity of binding obligation, and required the continuance of private masses and auricular confession. In no Catholic country has been witnessed greater rigor against heretics than marked the treatment of such as dis- sented from this royal Confession of Faith. In vain did JMelancthon and the German princes urge the correction of abuses and false doctrines.^ The king's answer was dic- tated wholly by the counsels of Bishop Gardiner,^ whose sentiments came fully to light at a later period, under the reign of Mary the Catholic. It was of no avail, that one

1 Burnet's Historj' of the Reformation contains, in the Appendix to tlie Collections of Ecconls, a letter from Melancthon, of April 1st, I'j-irj, one from the German Ambassadors of Aug. 5, 153S, and an answer to the lat- ter from the»king.

2 Burnet, I., p. 367, Addenda to the Hist, of the Reformation,

20 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

bishopric after another became occujDied by men at heart devoted to the Keformation ; Henry and his advisers Avould hear of no farther progress. So far from this, stejis "were taken in a retrograde direction. Not only was all opposition to the Six Articles punished with the utmost rigor ; not only were the writings of the Reformers and Tyndale's translation of the Bible prohibited; but in 1543 even the reading of the version, once approved and earn- estly recommended by the king himself, was forbidden to the common people.^

Thus had the English Church assumed a new form, by acquiring, through the influence of personal interest and self-will, a diiferent head. How much the Spirit of God, through the agency of His word, had contributed to this change, and what part He would hereafter take in it could not be seen till, on the death of Henry, January 28th, 1547, the reins of government passed into other hands.

PROGRESS or" THE REFORMATION UNDER EDWAKD VI. FIRST DEVEL- OPMENT OF THE PURITAN ELEMENT.

The accession of Edward VI., in his tenth year, under a regency, was adapted to awaken the most cheering hopes. The young king and his advisers were disjDOsed to carry forward the work already begun ; or rather, of that which originated in self-will, to make a genuine reformation. With the existing church constitution, of the highest moment must have been the Parliament Act of 1539,^ empowering the councillors of the king's successor, during his minority, to issue proclamations in his name, which were to be obeyed in the same manner Avith those set forth by the king himself. Numbers of the clergy, who,

1 Biu-nct, I., p. 321. 2 Buniet, Part I., Book III.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 21

during the former reign, liad been driven nway by the harsh enforcement of the Six Articles, now returned to England. With them came many foreign reformers of distinction. Parliament repealed tlie rigorous enactments against heretics. Private masses, denial of the cuj), and celibacy wore done away with, "With these abuses ceased also the hostile attitude which the German princes liad been constrained to take during the preceding reign. The visitation of the cloisters no longer had for its object the plunder of their property for the benefit of the Head of the Church, but the diffusion of the word of God, and of the knowledge of its doctrines among both clergy and laity.

We must here mention a controversy, afterwards re- newed with the first secession of the Independents, which if not the immediate occasion of the subsequent resistance to the Episcopal church under Elizabeth, at least deter- mined its form. Hooper, an English clergyman, who dur- ing the closing years of Henry's life resided in Zurich, had now returned to his native land. His preaching of the divine word was so favorably received, and produced so marked an impression, that he was at first commissioned to preach through certain counties, as a means of influ- encing the public mind in favor of the Reformation, and in July, 1550, he was nominated to the vacant bishopric of Gloucester. This he declined on two grounds. The clause " with the Saints," in the formida of the oath of oflice, seemed to him objectionable, since, as he explained, the appeal should be made to God alone, as the only searcher of hearts. Thereupon, the young king struck out the clause with his own hand. Hooper's scruples in regard to the Romish vestments it was not so easy to relieve. Yet, assuredly, this could not be reckoned a question of sec-

22 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

ondary importance ; these vestments not only being re- garded as a kind of symbol of that worship which had departed from the simplicity of the Scrij^tures and of the primitive church, but being associated in the j^opular mind with a multitude of superstitious notions. The king and his council seem to have been inclined to yield the point. But, in sjiite of the judgment expressed by distinguished foreign reformers in favor of HoojDer's views, a majority of the Bishoj^s were decidedly for retaining the vestments. Cranmer regarded the matter as an adiaphoron,} Hoop- er's resignation was declined, and every method, even that of sending him to j^rison for a time, was used to induce comjDliance. It was not till after nine months of such disci2:)line that he yielded so far as to be consecrated in the robes ; on the condition, however, of being dispensed from the farther use of them. Subsequent ordinations showed the increasing influence of his views. The spirit of genuine toleration was manifested, moreover, in the following ordinance respecting the German church, formed in London, under the superintendence of John a Lasco : " We command the Lord Mayor, the aldermen and mag- istrates of the city of London, that they j^ermit the said superintendent and ministers to enjoy and exercise their own i)roper rites and ceremonies, and their proper and peculiar ecclesiastical discipline, without hindrance, let, or molestation, albeit they difier from the usages and ceremonies of our realm, any law, proclamation or ordi- nance, which may have been set forth, to the contrary notwithstanding:,"

1 So likewise Calvin, who in a letter to Bullinger, March 10th, 1551, sympathizes indeed with Hooper in the<)'ejection of the vestments, but adds, nevertheless : maluissem non usque adeo ipsum pugnare, idque nupcr suadeham.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 23

Still, with all their good intentions, their sngacity an<l zeal, the English Reformers had to contend against great difficulties. Among these, none is more worthy of notice than the one mentioned by Calvin, in a letter to Farel, in the year 1551 ; for it has reference to the inner condition of the church. lie says : " The nobility, having seized on the revenues of the church, during the king's minority, caused the offices of the clergy to be exercised, or their places to be occupied by mercenary hircHngs. The church is robbed of its faithful servants." In this we see the fruits of the policy by which the Reformation was urged forward under Henry VIII. Cranmer's efforts were zeal- ously seconded by the Lord Protector, the Duke of Somer- set, to whose own heart the interests of the Reformation lay very near, as appears from a letter addi'essed to him by Calvin ; Avho also bears witness to what the Duke had to contend -with. The bishops who made oj^cn resistance were indeed dej^osed; but the in-esolution manifest in dealing Avith those Avho held themselves uncommitted, gives evidence that the former were strengthened in their position by members of the regency (for instance. Lord Chancellor Wriothsley), who Avere favorably in- clined to the papacy, as well as by the prospect that a Catholic of the most rigid sort might be Edward's suc- cessor. At length, the king's priA'y council resolved to comply AA'ith the apj^eals made to them from A'arious quar- ters,^ by proceeding to a refoi-mation of the church doc- trines. Cranmer, and Ridley, bishoi^ of Rochester, A^ere charged AAath this undertaking. They drcAV up forty-tAvo articles on the leading points of the Christian faith, copies of which were sent to the rest of the bishops, and other learned clergpnen, for their suggestions ; these being

1 See also Calvin, in a letter to Cranmer, in the year 1551.

24 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

added, and the whole thoroughly revised by Cranraer, they were submitted to the Privy Council, and received the confirmation of the king. It is a noticeable circum- stance, that the ai'ticles were neither laid before the clergy in Parliament, nor in the houses of convocation, although reference is made to the latter, in the title under which they appear. This omission is to be attributed, not merely to the jDurpose of establishing the king's ecclesiastical supremacy, but, in part, no doubt, to the fear of an opposi- tion, which it would not have been easy to override. Cranmer had it in mind, moreover, to bring about a better representation of the clergy^ in these assemblies. Soon after the publication of the Articles of Faith, the revision of the service was taken in hand, and a far simpler form of divine worship was set forth in the Book of Common Prayer, and most of the popish ceremonies were abro- gated. While, however, it was merely reforms in existing usages and institutions, Avliich were attempted in these pro- ceedings, it was with the manifest design of extending them, step by step, into a thorough reformation. The Confession of Faith was the Augustine ; through the for- eign advisers, whose agency in the new measures is not to be mistaken, the English Reformation was placed in inti- mate connection with that of the Swiss Church. It was certain that, so soon as Edward VI. should come into the exercise of supreme power, all influences would be made to concur for the furtherance of the work thus begun. The brilliant qualities of the young king were acknowledged by the unanimous voice of his time, and Calvin extols in him the union of superior gifts with rare piety. But he

1 In the year 1558 an ordinance was passed making the Houses of Con- vocation entirely independent of the cmv^n.—NeaVs History of (he Puri- tans, I. p. 132.

NEW ENGLAND TIIEOCRACY. 25

died ill 1ju3, not having yet completed his sixteenth year. Calvin thus writes to Farel, in August of the same year : " "What you say is true ; that country has been deprived of an incomparable jewel, of Avhich it was not worthy. I maintain that, in the death of this minor, the whole nation has lost its best father."

KEIGN OF CATHOLIC MAKT THE PROTESTANT EXILES.

3Iary, daughter of Henry YIII. and of Katherine of Arragon, now ascended the throne. Iler devotion to the papacy finds its solution in the sufferings endured by her- self, as well as by her inotlu'r, in consequence of her father's rupture with the Romish See. At first, indeed, she promised to make no change in the religion, and sub- sequently declared her resolution to constrain no one, except through the teachings of the Word. But, ere long, it became manifest that she was determined to use the ecclesiastical supremacy, now attached to the crown, for the complete restoration of the former relations to Rome. Her first step Avas, to release from prison the adherents of the papacy, and to put in their place the " leaders of the Refoiination." The foreigners who had favored this work w^ere notified to leave the kingdom. These exiles were accomiianied by many English fugitives ; among them, five bishops, as many deans, four archdeacons, and about fifty doctors of theology and distinguished preachers. By the beginning of November, 1553, all the ordinances issued under Edward YI., for the regulation of religion, were abolished. The bishops and ministers known to be hostile to the papacy were then dejiosed by a visitation ; some on the ground that they were married, some simply "by the ' royal pleasure," that being, indeed, the sole tenure on

3

26 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

which their offices were held. The number thus deposed is estimated at three thousand. At the same time, mass was everywhere reestablished. A disputation with the leaders of the suppressed party, appointed to be held at Oxford, in April, foiled of the desired result, through their steadfast confession of the truth, so far as they had at- tained it. In the summons for a 2")arliament, in Xovember of the same year, the title, " Supreme Head of the Church," ■«'as omitted. The sentence pronounced under Henry VIII. against Cardinal Pole, a kinsman of the royal family, for intriguing, from Italy, in favor of the Pope, was annulled. He then made his api^earance, as legate of the Pomish See ; and Parliament, after having first re- ceived pardon for past offences, again subjected the king- dom to the dominion of the Poj^e. In January, 1555, Parliament repealed the laws, all and several, issued against the papal chair since the twentieth year of Henry's reign, and restored the former ordinances respect- ing the burning of heretics. The execution of the ordi- nances, in which Bishop Gardiner (the same who has been already mentioned) made himself especially conspicuous, gave character to Mary's reign. Two hundred and seventy- seven j^ersons, of all ranks and ages, among them Cran- mer, Ridley, and Hooper, sealed their faith with their blood : while not a less number, who Avere ajjpointed to the same fate, were released from prison by Mary's suc- cessor. It must, by no means, be overlooked, that here, also, the blood of the martyrs became the seed of a spir- itual Christianity; for a faith so sealed was a kind of preaching for more impressive and efficacious than any governmental statutes and ordinances.

* Another result of the persecution, not less im2)ortant, was the close and endearing connection into which the

NEW EXGLAXD THEOCRACY. 27

English Reformation Avas bvouglit, tlirougli tlic nnmcvons body of exiles, Avith those foreign churches in Avhicli the great change had begun more M'ithin and beloAF, and thence had worked outwards and upwards. In many places in Switzerland and western Gennany, where the Calvinistic doctrines prevailed, there were formed English churches.

But now a question came up, which hitherto had been kept out of sight or glossed over, aIz. : whether it were lawful, or, if so, whether it were expedient, for the exiles to extend the Reformation beyond the limits determined under Edward VI. The EnoUsh theolo2:ians of Strasburc: and Basle adA'ocated a strict adherence to the liturgy pre- scribed in the Book of Common Prayer. The church in Frankfort, on the contrary, omitted in their jiublic wor- ship certain customary usages, as the litany and responses. To this it was objected, at Strasburg, that, "by deviating at this crisis from King Edward's Book, they seemed to cast reproach on those who were now sealing it with their blood, and gave occasion to their opposers to accuse them of instability." The Frankfort brethren replied, December 2(1, 1554, that "they had set aside as few ceremonies as Avas possible, and. were therefore in no danger of being charged with instability. They suj)posed the martyrs in England did not die in defence of changeable ceremonies ; in reference to doctrine, there existed no difference."

Agreement on the disputed, point not being secured, the Frankfort chui'ch solicited, the advice of Calvin. In a letter dated January 18th, 1555, the Refonner expresses his deep regret, that, under the present circumstances, dis- sensions should haA'e arisen from such causes. He adds : " In the English liturgy there are, I perceive, many Aveak- nesses to be borne Avith. In these tAvo Avords I Avould say,

28 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

that while all the jDurity has not indeed been attained that could be desired, yet, since the defects cannot be remedied all in a moment, and contain nothing openly unscriptural, they should be borne with for a time. On this basis, there might be an accommodation. Still it were advisable that learned, upright, and zealous servants of Christ should make it an object to j^erfect the work into something more pure and edifying. If triie religion is again to flourish in England, some things in it must be amended, and much done away with." He concedes to them the right to insti- tute such changes, and very plainly charges those who op- pose it with narrowness and obstinacy ; whUe at the same time, he warns the Frankfort brethren not to be too rigid. Confirmed by this decision of Calvin, the Frankfort church adhered to the order which they had adopted, under the guidance of their pastor, John Knox, afterwards the cele- brated Scotch Reformer. Not long after, Cox, former tutor to Edward VI., arrived in Frankfort with others of the same views, and attempted to introduce the liturgy unchanged. Being admitted, with his friends, to a voice in the church, he managed to secure a majority; and by an accusation agamic Knox before the magistrate, on the ground of a former .vriting in Avhich the Reformer had indulged in some hard thrusts at the Emperor, obtained his removal. Neither the consciousnesss of their de- pressed state, nor the counsels of the Frankfort govern- ment, with all the confidence it had inspired by its protec- tion of the church, could reestablish peace. Equally unavailing Avas a letter from Calvin to Cox and his ad- herents, who had sought his countenance to their pro- ceedings. He expressed his disapprobation of " burdening the church with corrupting and useless ceremonies, when liberty was enjoyed for introducing a pure and simple

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 29

order. The measures against Knox were neither pious nor brotherly. It was their duty to make any sacrifice for apijoasing the strife; but if it shoukl be impossible to remain in the same place with their opponents, yet let Tuiity in spirit be still maintained." The old church, how- e\-er, was obliged to abandon Frankfort. Some of them went to Basle ; but the greater part, of whom Knox was one, repaired to Geneva, where they adopted the cliurch order there established. They publislied a liturgy on this model, and several distinguished ministers among them occupied themselves with a revision of Tyndale's trans- lation of the Bible. The new church at Frankfort subse- quently experienced still another division, which, though of less importance than the former, again teniiinated in the secession of a minority, in December, 1557. But soon after this, a total change of relations was brought about by the death of Queen ]\[ary. She died on the 17th of Xo- vember, 1558 ; and Elizabeth, daughter of Anne Bolejni, who had been subjected to harsh treatment, and even exposed to great danger under her sister's reign, ascended the English throne.

ELIZABETH — THE PRELATISTS AND PURITANS CAETWRIGHT.

At the beginning of tlic year 1559, a Parliament as- sembled which was decidedly flivorable to a reformation. After the repeal of certain laws passed during the previous reign, the ecclesiastical supremacy of the crown was rees- tablished by an Act, whereby the queen was likewise authorized to constitute a High Commission Court, for the examination and punishment of all errors, heresies, divi- sions, abuses and contempts. These decisions respecting the supremacy, though not void of offence to some, and

so NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

tliougli a disappointment to many who had looked for progress in this respect, were nevertheless acceded to. But the Act, thereupon resolved on in Parliament, for uniformity in divine service, aAvakened the opposition of those who, on account of their eiiorts for the purifica- tion of divine service, were termed Puritans. It is wor- thy of note that the words: "From the tyranny of tlie Bishop of Rome and his abominable cruelties, deliver us," were struck out of the new Litany. Another deviation from the liturgy of Edward, was the omission of the words : " By the kneeling at the sacrament, no worship of a bodily j^resence of Christ is signified." Both these changes were manifestly made in favor of the Catholic party, which, however, refused to be propitiated. T]ie papal bishops agreed on five Articles, which they sub- mitted to Parliament, maintaining the bodily presence of Christ in the sacrament of the altar, transubstantiation, mass, and the supremacy of the Romish See ; and that no authority in matters of faith and discipline is to be con- ceded to the laity. They were thereupon dismissed in a body. Towards the end of the year 1559, the arch- bishoi^ric of Canterbury, having remained a year^ va- cant, Avas conferred on Matthew Parker. By his influence, the queen, who was naturally a lover of pomp, was insti- gated to such severities against the Puritans as could not fail to produce a breach. Still, Elizabeth might have con- sented to a simplification of the ceremonies, as she subse- quently yielded her early prejudice against the marriage of the clergy, had not the question presented itself to her as an infringement of her ecclesiastical supremacy. In the year 1562, the former Confession of Faith under Edward,

1 Cardinal Pole, the successor of Cranmcr, had died on the same day with Queen Maiy.

NEW EXGLAND THEOCRACY, 31

the Thirty-nine Artick'S, so called, was rcestahlished. The clianges were unessential as for as the supplementary clause of the twentieth article : " The Church has ]»ower to institute rites and ceremonies, and authority in religious controversies." It is indeed doubtful whether these words "were added at that time ; hut ineontestably they stand in the Confession of Faith as confirmed by Parliament. But, general as was the subscription of the English clergy to these Articles, an antijiathy to tlie prescribed ceremonies manifested itself on every side, which found support in the views of many bishops and distinguished clergymen of England, as well as in those of the most esteemed foreign theologians. The nation at large, also, and the leading statesmen, gave open signs of dissatisfaction with a cere- monial which reminded them of the preceding unhappy reign. But the queen, under date of 25th January, 15G4, wrote to the archbishops of Canterbury and York that "they should take cftectual means for bringing about an exact order and uniformity in all outward rites and ceremonies, established by law and good usage; and hence- forth only such should be admitted to any spiritual office as were disposed to follow common order, and should for- mally promise to act in accordance thereto." As the result of this letter, a series of advertisements were issued by the commission in spiritual matters, consisting of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishops of London and Rochester, requiring that on the 1st of March, 15G4, all licenses to clerical offices should be renewed, and the former canonical vestments be universally resumed. To these advertisements it was owing that the Puritan views, which had hitherto been merely a denial of, and an oppo- sition to, the dominant views, now assumed a positive foiTU. The requisitions were boldly and firmly protested

32 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

against, botli as the occasion of great offence to the jDeo- ])lc, and as an infringement of the christian liberty projier in such matters. Thirty-seven London ministers, at a conference on the 26th March, 1565, nnited in sucli a protest. Their deprivation, in consequence of this step, left many churches desolate ; but this made as little im- pression as did an appeal to the queen and the commis- sion. The dissenting clergymen then set forth a defence of their proceedings, through the j^ress ; but on the 29tli June, 1566, a law forbade the printing and sale of all writings of this kind. During this time the deprived min- isters liad held assemblies in London, to which resorted great numbers of the laity, unintimidated by the severe penalties incurred by those who did not attend their parish churches. But on the 19th of June, 1567, one of these assemblies was discovered and broken up. Of those who were apprehended on this occasion, seven or eight were tried on the following day. On the charge of having " contemned the royal authority for settling things indif- ferent in respect to divine serA'ice," they were, after a bold and candid defence of their conduct, condemned to impris- onment, Avliich they suffered for about a year.

Still, the proceedings against Puritans were as }'et restrained within certain limits, since, in some of the remote districts of England, they found protectors even in the bishops themselves.

It was during this very period that the attention of the queen was especially directed towards the Catholics. Tlie Catholic princes had concluded a league among themselves, against the Reformation ; in the north, insurrections had broken out under distinguished leaders ; and, in 1509, the l^ope excommunicated the queen and kingdom.

But, in spite of all this, the breach continually widened.

KEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 33

The vestments, though they gave the first impulse to the controversy, formed but one among many points, in wliich the Puritans dissented from the State Church. In 1570, these points, wliieh had previously come singly under con- sideration, were exhibited in connection by Thomas Cart- wright, the same who has been called the father of the Puritans, though his labor was rather that of apologist than founder. Cartwright was a Professor at Cambridge, and, in Beza's opinion, there was no more learned man under the sun. His main positions were these : " E] very- thing in the church must be brought back to the apostolic form; hence the only offices should be those of bishop and deacon ; not only the archbishops and archdeacons, but the bishops, chancellors and officials should be dis- pensed Avith ; the sign of the cross at baptism, the fasts, and festivals, should be abrogated, and, on the other hand, an exact observance of the Sabbath be introduced. Bish- ops should not be appointed by civil authority, but be chosen by the church, and each congregation should have its own pastor. He protested also against the requirement of the liturgy, ordained by special command of the queen, that every person must kneel at the reception of the sac- rament." For maintaining these opinions, Cartwright was expelled from the University. Leaving England, he officiated for two years as preacher to the English mer- chants in Holland. On his return to England, he was sub- jected to severe persecutions ; but at length the favor of the Earl of Leicester obtained for him a quiet retreat.

In Parliament, the Puritans seem to have found a pow- eiful support, voices of weight being there repeatedly raised in their favor. When, in 1571, an act was j^asscd confirming the thirty-nine Articles, and requu'ing sub- scription to the same, the clause "which concerns only

34 NEW ENGLAND TnEOCRACY.

tlie confession of the true faith, and the doctrines of the saci-ament," was added, to prevent the differences in ref- erence to disciphne and ceremonies being made a ground of removal from office. To this, however, the ecclesiastical commission paid no attention ; while the queen sent to the tower those members who had ventured to sj^eak their minds freely. On a subsequent occasion of this kind, she even Avent so tar as to tell Parliament that " they might busy themselves with what was out of the way in their respective shires ; but affairs of State they were to leave to herself and her privy council; and, in like manner, those of the Church to herself and the bishops." The persecutions were also continued against such of the laity as neglected their parish churches. Yet in 1572 there arose, in the immediate neighborhood of London, a pres- bytery wherein elders were elected whose members were so fortunate as to remain for a time undiscovered. The Puritans were not permitted to connect themselves Avith the foreign churches existing in London; nor were they allowed ])ublic disputations, whose results, or rather want of result, it was to be sure easy to foresee.

In the year 1575 Archbishop Parker died. Soon after, two Anabaptists perished at the stake, the first martyrs to their opinions under this reign. Grindal, Archbishop of York, having succeeded to the See of Canterburj^, pushed on at first the persecution of the Puritans ; but when the queen peremptorily required the cessation of those assemblies, in which clergymen had been accustomed to meet for their own edification and improvement, Grindal took these exer- cises under his protection. Nay, he even admonished the queen, "That she should not pronounce so absolutely and peremptorily in matters of faith and religion, wliere the will of God, and not of any earthly creature, is to take

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. OO

place." But the queen immediately deprived him of his archiepiscopal functions, in Avliieh he Avas not reinstated till the ycav before his death, Avhich happened in 1.383. Still the persecutions did not cease. In 1582, two clergy- men Avere executed for circulating anti-prelatical writings, though the author himself, Robert Brown, of whom Ave shall hear more jjarticularly by and by, Avas released from prison.

On the accession of Whitgift, the personal enemy of CartAvright, to the See of Canterbury, the measures for the suppression of the Puritans became yet more rigorous. He j^etitioned the queen for the new organization of a High Commission, which should be clothed Avitli the poAver of the former vicar general of the kingdom,^ for applying all ways and means for the detection and punish- ment of dissent. Among these is particularly mentioned the oath, by which the accused Avas compelled to testify all he kneAv concerning himself and others.

HoAv the articles of this Commission Avere regarded may be seen by a letter from Lord Treasurer Burleigh to the Archbishop, dated loth July, 1584. After explaining that he had been solicited, not alone by sundry ministers, but by councillors and statesmen, to oppose the hard dealing of the archbishop, as affording encouragement to j^apists, and exposing the queen to great danger, he proceeds : "I find the articles so full of branches and circumstances, as I think the Inquisitors of Sjiain use not so many ques- tions to comprehend and to trap their preys This

sifting of poor ministers is not to edify or reform. I Avrite Avith the testimony of a good conscience. I desire the peace of the church. I desire concord and unity in the

1 Thomas Cromwell, under Henry VIII. See p. 23.

36 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

exercise of our religion. I favor no sensual and Avilful recusants. But I conclude that, according to my sim])le judgment, this kind of proceeding is too much savoring of the Romish Inquisition, and is rather a device to seek for offenders than to reform any."

But this letter had as little effect as the opinion expressed this same year by the whole Privy Council, to the High Commission, "that the people ought not to be robbed of their faithful, learned and godly ministers on account of certain points respecting ceremonies, by which their con- sciences were disquieted." The clergy Avere depri\'ed in great numbers, so that comp! ints of the Avant of ministers l^oured in from every quartar ; and imprisonments of the severest kind were inflicted on both clergy and laity. It should not indeed be omitted that, in many cases, the demeanor of the Puritans in courts of justice, and the tone of their satirical writings, were not such as tended to pro- mote a reconciliation. But in general they seem to have been constrained to resistance by the force of conscience. Nor had they as yet relinquished the hope of some modi- fication of these rigorous positions, on the part of the Church leaders; for their dissent thus far had reference chiefly to single jioints, and no clearly defined princii>le, embracing all these, had distinctly confronted the teach- insrs of the Church.

ORGANIZATION OF THE PURITAN TARTY THROUGH BROWN; SEPARATISTIC ELEMENTS.

A firmer organization was at length given to Puritanic dissent by a man Avhose headstrong and self-seeking tem- per certainly did not qualify him to be the founder of a

NEW E^TGLAXD THEOCRACY. 37

new church-party, and who served in his kibors merely as a transition to the Independents of a later period. It -was in the year 1586, that Robert Brown, from whom his adhe- rents derived the name of Brownists, propounded a more complete theory in reference to church government. Brown, who was born in 1549, was descended from a dis- tinguished family, and was a relative of Lord Treasurer Burleigh. As early as 1517, when a preacher in London, he had been cited before Archbishop Parker for some departures fi'om the prescribed ceremonies ; but his position as chaplain to the Duke of Xorfolk had then saved Jiini from punishment. Subsequently, he assailed the discipline and cex-emonies of the Church with great violence, and counselled his hearers on no conditions to submit to them. Having been thrown into prison on this account at Nor- wich, in 1580, and then brought to London at the instance of the Lord Treasurer, he confessed that he had en-ed, re- tracted, and was dismissed. Two years after appeared his book: "The Life and Manners of true Christians." Again cited to answer for the charges therein contained against the bishops, he confessed himself the author of the book, but declared that it had been published against his will. Again his powerful friends stepped in and saved him; though, as has been already mentioned, in 1583 two minis- ters were executed for circulating this very book. Brown now kept himself quiet for several years. But in the year 1586, he began to itinerate through the country, preaching against bishops, ceremonies, spiritual courts, and the forms used in ordaining the clergy. He afterwards boasted of having lain in thirty-two prisons. At length he succeeded in organizing'a church on his own principles; but so vigi- lant Avas the persecution against him, that he saw himself comj^elled to leave England. Several of his friends accom-

4

38 NEW ENGLAXD THEOCKACY.

panied him to Holland, wliere they obtained leave of the government to worship God after their own manner, and founded a church in Middleburg. Divisions soon suc- ceeded which disclosed the arbiti'ary and imperious temper of Brown. In 1589, he returned to England, recanted his former opinions, and became rector of a church in North- amjDtonshire. At a later period, he neither exhibited the strictness of the Puritans in his domestic life, nor con- ceraed himself about the duties of his office ; Avhile the rigor with which he enforced his personal claim to the tithes was in glaring contrast with the j^i'iiiciples he had formerly expressed.

These principles, which were for a time adhered to by his followers in England, were, in respect to their negative as well as their positive side, sej^aratistic in character. Though not dissenting from the Articles of Faith held by the English church, the Brownists declared it " to be no true church, and the ordination of the clergy in the same to be null ; since its discipline was popish and antichristian, . and it bore the sign of a false church in its persecution for matters of conscience," Hence all association Avith it in prayer, in attendance on preaching, or in any part of i:)ublic worship Avhatever, was foi-bidden to their communities. Nay, they were not only to abstain from all fellowship with the church of England, but with all other reformed churches not modelled after their own pattern. Their docti-ine was, that each church is to be bounded by the limits of the single congregation, and must be purely dem- ocratic in its government. At the formation of such a congregation or church, the members, all being j^resent, agreed on a Confession of Faith, and siibscribed a cove- nant by which they bound themselves to walk according to the ordinances of the gospel, and expressed their assent

NEW EXGLAXD THEOCRACY. 39

to cortnin stated laws and regulations. In respect to tlie admission or exclusion of members, and all matters of debate, the decision Avas in the hands of the collective body. The church ofiicers both for preaching the word and caring for the jioor, "were chosen by themselves, and Avere set apart to their several offices by flisting, prayer, and the laying on of hands by certain of the brethren. The priests were neither to form a distinct class, nor, necessarily, to remain priests in peii^ctuity. As it Avas the voice of the body which gave to each his office, and per- mission to exercise it among them by preaching and the administration of the sacraments, so might the same poAver dismiss him from office, and reduce him again to the posi- tion of a common church member. In case the number of members became too great for one and the same ])lace of assembly, they Avere to divide ; fonning, by the choice of ncAV officers, sister churches in fellowship Avith each other. Xo church might exercise any judicial right or authority OA'cr another; but merely counsel and admonish, if it Avalked disorderly, or renounced the fundamental truths of religion ; but if the offiinding church did not receive the admonition, the rest were to AvithdraAv themselves from it, and publicly disown it as no true church of Christ. The exercise of the church offices Avas restricted Avithin the nar- roAv limits of the single society ; a pastor being alloAvod to administer baptism and the Lord's Supper, only to the members of his OAvn charge or to their immediate children. The Bi'OAvnists Avere opposed to every prescribed form of prayer, and permitted the lay members to take part in preaching and exhortation in the congregations.

This rigid opposition to the state church, expressed not unfrequently Avith unbecoming heat and violence, as Avell as this more determinate form of the churches of the

40 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

Brownists, drew upon them the special attention of the bish- ops. Their number, in spite of tlie recantation of their leader, was now greatly multiplied in England. Several among them were executed ; many of them lay long years in prison ; some were banished, and others fled voluntarily to their brethren in Holland. Yet in 1592 their number was stated, by Sir Walter Raleigh in Parliament, to be about tAventy thousand. Among tlie communities which they formed in Holland, that spirit of rigid exclusiveness in respect to other churches seems to have been soon mod- erated; in England it was still kept up by persecution. This sufiered no interruption by the death of Elizabeth in 1G03. James I, who had grown up in Scotland under Presbyterian influences, deceived the hopes of tlie Puri- tans. At the Conference at Hampton Court, in 1604, he himself took decided ground against them; and as the result of renewed ordinances, about three hundred minis- ters were, the same year, deprived, thrown into j^rison, or banished from the country. By these persecutions, that man also was driven from England -who is to be regarded as the Father of the Independents ; that is, of the Brown- ists, as purified from separatistic elements.

ROBINSON, THE FATHER OF THE INDEPENDENTS.

As early as 1602, a number of Brownists living in the north of England had subscribed a Confession of Faith, in which they renounced connection with the estabUshed church. Their residences being remote from each other, and being obhged therefore to assemble for woi'ship in two diflerent houses, they formed two churches, which chose for their Pastors John Smith and John Robinson, The former soon left England, however, and went to Am-

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 41

sterdam, Avlicrc he found Brownists already settled. Divis- ions had arisen among- them, whose eftect had been to moderate their pastor, Ains\vorth, in his oi)position to other cliurches. But Smith', a man wlio had not hesitated to say that his present views must be looked for only in his last writings, could not unite with these Brownists, He connected himself with the Anabaptists, 14ft Amsterdam, and settled in Ley, (perhaps Leeum, in Brabant), where, being unable to find any qualified administrator of the sac- rament of baptism, he first baptized liimself, whence he received the name Se-Baptist, and then performed the rite for others. Subsequently, he professed himself of the doc- trine of Arminius, in whose defence he came out openly in IGll. At his death, soon after, the church itself became extinct. Robinson, in connection with Elder "William Brewster, presided several years longer o^•er the chuix-h in the north of England. In 1G08'- the continued persecu- tions, by the bishops and the spiritual courts, obliged them to leave England and follow their brethren in the faith to Holland. Finding, on his arrival in Amsterdam, that the controversies among them were still kept up, Robinson re- moved with his congregation, and settled in Leyden. Here they obtained from the magistracy pei'mission to rent a house for their meetings, and established a form of public worship in accordance with their own piinciples.

At first, the views of Robinson in resj^ect to other churches were strictly those of the Brownists. But after some interchange of opinions with the ministers of the churches previously established in Leyden, it seemed to him, that though right and necessary still to remain separated from the reformed churches among which he lived, yet this

1 Neal's Histoiy of the Puritans 11. p. -lO.

2 Neal's History of New England, I. p. 76.

4*

42 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

should not be in the spirit of harsh antagonism. " We acknowledge, " says he, in liis Apology for the Brownists, " before God and man, that we liarmonize so perfectly with the reformed cliurches of the Netlierlands in matters of religion, as to be I'eady to subscribe their Articles of Faith, and every one of them, as they are set forth in their Con- fession. We recognize these reformed churches as true and genuine ; we hold fellowship with them as far as Ave can ; those among us who understand Dutch, attend their preaching ; we offer the Supper to such of their members as are known to us, and may occasionally desire it." But, at the same time, he steadfastly maintained that each single church, or society of Christians, possesses within itself full ecclesiastical aiithority for choosing officers, for administer- ing all tlis ordinances of the gospel, and for all exercise of authoiity and disci])line over its members; that, conse- quently, it was independent of all synods, convocations, and councils. He granted that synods and councils might be useful for healing divisions between the churches, and im- parting to them friendly advice ; but not for exercising any judical right or authority whatever over them, or for impos- ing on them any canon, or any article of faith without the free assent of the church itself He rejected, as national, the constitution of the church of England, her liturgy, her prescribed prayers and unrestricted communion. He held it necessary to exclude imworthy communicants, and that those who desired the privilege of christian fellowship should be able to give proofs of the operation of the grace of God in their hearts. Tiiis latter principle, opposition to unrestricted communion, was of the greatest moment in the develop- ment of the Independent churches, especially in America. While in a single congregation, isolated among a foreign people, it could be carried out without any special difficulty,

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 43

it gave rise, Avben applied to a groat community, to those disputes and conflicts amidst ■svliicli the Xew England church unfolded into its peculiar form.

Before passing to the emigration of the Independents from Holland to America, we will mention some farther opinions and views of Robinson, which serve to indicate the stand-point of this remarkable man. Especially char- acteristic is his language respecting the Reformation, in his " Justification of separation from the Church of England," a work published in 1610 as an answer to the objections of an Episcoi)al clergyman. He says •}

"You speak much of the reformation of your church after popery. There was, indeed, a great reformation of things in your church, but very little of the church, to speak truly and properly. The people are the church ; and to make a reformed church, there must first be a reformed people ; and so they should have been with you, by the preaching of repentance from dead works, and faith in Christ ; that the people, as the Lord should have vouch- safed grace, being first fitted for, and made cajiable of the sacraments and other ordinances, might afterwards ha\'e communicated in the pure use of them ; for want of which, instead of a pure use, there hath been, and is at this day, a most profane abuse of them, to the great dishonor of Christ and his gospel, and to the hardening of thousands in their imponitency. Others also endeavoring yet a further reformation, have sued and do sue to kings, and to queens, and parliaments, for the rooting out of the prelacy, and with, it of such other evil fruits as grow from that bitter root ; and, on the contrary, to have the ministry, govern- ment, and discipline of Christ set over the parishes as they stand; the first fruit of which reformation, if it were

1 Backus's History of New England, Boston, 1777. Vol. I. p. 25.

44 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

obtained, would be the i^rofanation of the more of God's ordinances upon such as to whom they appertained not ; and so to the further provocation of his majesty unto anger against all such as so practised, or consented thereunto. Is it not strange that men, in the reforming of a church, should almost, or altogether, forget the church, which is the l^eople, or should labor to crown Christ a king over a peo- ple whose i:»rophct he hath not first been ? Or to set him to rule, by his laws and officers, over the professed subjects of antichrist and the devil ? Is it possible that they should ever submit to the discipline of Christ, which have not been first prepared, in some measure, by his holy doctrine, and taught with meekness to stoop luider his yoke ? "

The following passage discusses one peculiarity in the working of the English Reformation, and points out the connection of the kingdom of Christ Avith the priest- hood:^

" What sway authority hath in the Church of England, appeareth in the laws of the land, which make the gov- ernment of the church alterable at the magistrate's pleasure ; and so the clergy, in their submission to King Henry VIII., do derive, as they pretend, their ecclesiastical authority from him, and so execute it. Indeed many of the late bishops and their proctors, seeing hoAV monstrous the ministration is of divine things by an human au- thority and calling, and growing bold ujion the jiresent disjiosition of the magistrate, have disclaimed that former title, and do professedly hold their ecclesiastical power de j}fre dimno, and so, consequently, by God's law lui alter- able. Of whom I would demand this one question: ' What if the king should discharge and expel the present ecclesiastical government, and plant instead of it the jDres-

1 Backus, I. p. 29.

NEW EXGLAND THEOCRACY. 45

bytcry or cldorsliip, Avoukl they submit unto llic gov- ernment of tlie ciders, yea, or no?' If yea, then Avere tliey traitors to the Lord Jesus, submitting to a govern- ment ovci'throwing his government, as doth the Presby- terian government that which is Episcopal. If no, then how could they free themselves from such imputations of disloyalty to princes, and disturbance of states, as where- ■\vith they load us and others opposing them. But to the question itself: as the kingdom of Christ is not of this Avorld but spiritixal, and he a s])iritual king (John 18 : 3G), so must the government of this spiritual kingdom under this spiritual king needs be spiritual, and all the laws of it. And as Christ Jesus hath, by the merits of his priest- hood, redeemed as well the body as the soul (1 Cor., 6 : 20), so is he also by the sceptre of his kingdom to rule and reign over both. Unto which, christian magistrates, as well as meaner persons, ought to submit themselves, and the more christian they are, the more meekly to take the yoke of Christ iipon them ; and the greater authority they haA-e, the more effectually to advance his sceptre over themselves and their people, by all good means. Neither can there be any reason given Avhy the merits of saints may not as well be mingled with the merits of Christ, for the saving of the church, as the laws of men with his laws, for the ruling and guiding of it. lie is as absolute and entire a king as he is a priest, and his people must be as careful to preserve the dignity of the one, as to enjoy the benefits of the other."

To these extracts we add some remarks of Robinson on the power of the keys, which exhibit also his style of interpreting Scripture :

" It is gi-anted by all sides that Christ gaA'C unto Peter the keys of the kingdom, that is, the power to remit and

46 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

retain sins declaratively, as they speak; as also, that in what respect this jjower was given to Peter, in the same respect it was and is given to such as succeed Peter. But the question is, in what respect or consideration this power spoken of was delegated to him ? The papist affirms it was given to Peter as the prince of the apostles, and so to the bishops of Kome, as Peter's successors, and thus they stablish the pope's primacy. The prelates say nay, but unto Peter, an apostle, that is, a chief officer of the church, and so to us, as chief officers succeeding him. Others af- lirni it to belong to Peter here as a minister of the word and sacraments, and the like, and so, consequently, to all ministers of the gospel equally, which succeed Peter in those and the like administrations. But we, for our parts, do believe and profess that this promise is not made to Peter in any of these respects, nor to any office, order, estate, dignity or degree in the church or world, but to the confession of faith which Peter made by way of answer to Christ's question : " Thou art Christ, the Son of the living God.' To this Christ replies : ' Blessed art thou ; thou art Peter, and ujjon this rock will I build my church ; I will give unto thee the keys,' etc. So that the building of the chu.rch is upon the rock of Peter's confession, that is, Christ whom he confessed. This faith is the foundation of the church ; this faith hath the keys of the kingdom of heaven ; what this faith shall bind or loose on earth is bound and loosed in heaven. Thus the Protestant di- vines, when they deal against the pope's supremacy, do generally expound this Scripture. Now it followeth, that whatsoever person hath received the same precious faith Avith Peter, as all the faithful have (2 Pet. 1:1), that person hath a part in this gift of Christ. Whosoever doth con- fess, publish, manifest, or make known Jesus to be the

NEW ENGLAND XnEOCRACY. 47

Christ, the Son of the living God, and Saviour of the world, that person opens heaven's gates, looseth sin, and partakes ■svith Peter in the use of the keys ; and hereupon it fol- loweth necessarily, that one faithful man, yea, or Avoman either, may as truly and effectually bind, both in heaven and earth, as all the ministers in the v\'orld. But here, I know, the lordly clergy, like the bulls of Bashan, will roar loud upon me, as speaking things intolerably derogatory to the dignity of the priesthood ; and it may be some others also, either through ignorance or superstition, will take offence at this speech, as confoimding all things ; but there is no such cause of exception. For howsoever the keys be one and the same in nature and efficacy, in what faith- ful man or men's hands soever, as not dei^ending either on the number or excellency of any persons, but upon Christ alone ; yet it is ever to be remembered that the order and manner of using them is very different. The keys, in doctrine, may be turned as well upon them which are without the church, as upon them which are within, and their sins either loosed or bound (Matt. 28: 19); but in discipline not so, but only i;pon them which are within (1 Cor. 12:13). Again, the apostles by their office had these keys to use in all churches, yea, in all nations upon earth; ordinary elders for their particular flocks, (Acts 14:23, and 20:28). Lastly, there is a use of the keys publicly to be had, and a use jDnvately ; a use of iherw by one person severally, and a use of them by the whole church jointly and togethe^; a use of them ministerially or in office, and a use of them out of office. But the })ower of the gospel is still one and the same, notAvith- stauding the diverse manner of using it."

Having shown by these statements how the doctrine of the independence of each church was understood, supported.

48 XEW ENGLAND THEOCPtACY.

and explained by Robinson, vre will noAv add his defence of the opposition to unrestricted communion. In refer- ence to this point, the parable of the tares among the Avheat had been urged upon Robinson. Pie answers : " Since the Lord Jesus, who best knew his own meaning, calls the field the world and makes the harvest, which is the end of the field, the end of the world and not of the church, why should we admit of any other interpretation ? Neither is it likely that Christ, in the ex2:)oiinding of one jDarable, would speak another, as he should have done, if in calling the field the world he had meant the church. As God there in the beginning made man good, and placed him in the field of the world, there to groAV ; whereby the envy of the serpent he was soon corrupted, so ever since hath the seed of the sei-pent, stirred up by their fatlier the devil, snarled at the heel of the woman's seed, and like noisome tares vexed and ]3estered the good and holy seed ; which, though the children of God both see and feel to their pain, yet must they not therefore, forgetting Avhat spirit they are of, presently call for fire from heaA-en, nor prevent the Lord's hand, but Avait his leisure, either for the converting of these tares into Avheat, Avhich in many is daily seen (and then how great j^ity had it been they should so untimely have been plucked up), or for their final per- dition in the day of the Lord, when the church shall be no more offended by them. And that the Lord Jesus no Avay speaks of the toleration of profiine persons in the church, doth appear by these reasons: 1. Because he doth not contradict himself, by forbidding the use of the keys in one place, Avhich in another he hath turned upon impeni- tent oftenders. Matt. 18. 2. In the excommunication of sinners apparently obstinate, Avith due circumspection, and in the spirit of Avisdom, meekness, and long-suffering, Avith

NEW EJfGLAND TUEOCRACY. 49

sucli other general christian virtues as Mith which nil our special sacrifices ought to be seasoned, what danger can there be of any such disorder, as the plucking up of the Avheat Avith the tares, which the husbandman fcareth? 3. The Lord Jesus speaks of the utter ruinating and de- struction of the tares — the plucking them up by the roots. But excommunication rightly administered is not for the ruin and destruction of any, but for the salvation of the party thereby humbled, 1 Cor. 5 : 5. The Lord's field is sown only with good seed — his church, saints beloved of God, all and every one of them, though by the malice of Satan and negligence of such as should keep this field, Aineyard, and house of God, adulterated seed and abomin- able persons may be foisted in, yea, and suffered also."

In the year 1613,^ Robinson Avas drawn by the solicita- tions of Polydorus, the op^ionent of Episcopius, into active participation in the Arminian controA'ersy ; for he Avas then regarded in Holland as a no less gifted than zealous defender of the fundamental truths of the gosj^el. It is worthy of note, that the Indiiferentisra in matters of faith, which was promoted by the adherents of Arminius, univer- sally repelled the Puritans, who, neA'ertheless, claimed freedom in regard to discipline and rites ; Avhile on the contrary, it soon spread A'eiy generally through the Episco- pal Church.

The Independents- continued to live in Leyden AA'ithout any disturbance on the part of the Holland government, as Avithout any dissensions among themselves. Under the care of their teacher, they remained free from those divi- sions to Avhich their brethren had been exposed who came prcA-iously to Holland. But after some years, the ajjprc-

1 Backus, I. 37. Mather's Slagnalia Dei Americana I, II. p. 1. - Ncal's History of New England.

5

60 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

hcnsion awoke among them of becoming gradually ex- tinct. Their older members were dying out ; the acces- sions from England, which were at first numerous,^ soon ceased, and so far from having a prospect of spreading their views among a people who did not understand their language, their younger members frequently married into Holland families. So vital, and so deeply stamped into their being, was the feeling of their church relations, that although left undisturbed to worship God according to their own convictions, that extinction, and the prospective disappearance of their distinctive church characteristics, seemed to them an evil, escape from which demanded the greatest personal sacrifices. A return to their native coun- try was not to be thought of, if they wished still to main- tain the free exercise of their religion. They now di- rected their eyes towards a newly discovered land.

1 Backus, I. p. 32.

CHAPTEE II.

THE OnCRATION TO AMERICA — FORMATION OF THE THEOCRATIC STATE IN NEW ENGLAND — A GLANCE AT THE POLITICAL HIS- TORY, THE MISSIONARY EFFORTS, AND FIRST L'NIVERSITY OF NEW ENGLAND.

EARLY ATTEMPTS TO COLOXIZE THE NORTH AMERICAN CONTINENT FROM ENGLAND. EMIGRATION OF THE LEYDEN CHURCH. NEW PLY3IOUTH.

The first discovery of the continent of ISTorth America, after the visits of the Normans several hundred years pre- vious, was made by Sebastian Cabot, during the reign of Henry VII. of Enghind, Yet ahnost a century liad passed away, before the plan was formed of a settlement in the country. In 1584, Sir Walter Raleigh obtained a patent for that jDurpose ; and in connection with certain merchants and other men of wealth, fitted out an expedition, which landed in what is now the State of North Carolina. In honor of Queen Elizabeth, the new territory, including the whole eastern coast of the present North American republics, was named Virginia. That first attempt had, however, as little permanence as those wliich followed. Most of the colonists perished either in expeditions against the Indians, or from excessive toils and privations ; the remainder returned to England in ships Avliich liad been sent out for their assistance. In the year 1G02, Captain Gosnold, by a direct course towards the more northerly regions of North America, reached Avhat is now called

62 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

Massachusetts Bay, He entered into traffic with the natives, and on his return to Enghnnd gave a very favor- able description of the excellent harbors, the capacity of the soil, and of the natural facilities both for commerce and fisheries. This revived the desire for establishing set- tlements in the country, and in 1G06, two companies re- ceived from James I. a i^atent for this purpose. Tliey were destined for South and North Virginia, by whicli latter designation was understood the region north of the jDresent State of Maryland. Both companies fitted out ex- peditions ; the former founded Jamestown, in the State of Virginia; the latter, in 1608, effected a settlement on the river Sagadehoc in Maine, which, however, shared the fate of the earlier attempts, and was soon abandoned. A farther attemj^t was made in 1614, by Captain John Smith,^ W'ho gave the name of New England to the region around Massachusetts Bay, and brought a chart of the same to England. Still the Company for North Virginia, (called also Pljauouth Company, on account of its mem- bers being mostly from the county of Devonshire), did not succeed in forming a permanent settlement till, after the lapse of several years, they connected themselves with the Independent churches in Leyden.

In the year 1617, the latter concluded decisively on emi- gration, and sent agents to the Virginia Company, to negotiate respecting an extensive tract in the northern part of the new continent. The proposition was favorably

1 John Smith, one of the boldest adventurers of that age, had been of great sei-vicc also in the colonization and permanent settlement of South Virginia, where he was for a time governor. A description of his eventful life is found in The Library of American Biographj^ by Jared Sparks : Bos- ton, 1834. He himself wrote a history of the colonies : The general history of Virginia and New England, by Capitaine John Smith, sometimes gov- emour in those countrys, and Amirall of New England. London, 1627.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCIIACY. 53

entertained, the more so, from tlic encouragement tlicy hail for believing that this settlement j^ossessed the neces- sary elements of permanence.^ The emigrants were suffi- ciently numerous ; inured, by long sej)aration from their native land, to privations ; industrious and temperate ; their peculiar organization tended to internal unity and firm mutual adherence ; and as their object "was simj)ly the promotion of pure religion, so they doubted not of the blessing of Almighty God upon their undertaking. Ajipli- cation was made in their behalf to the Privy Council, set- ting forth the advantages to be derived by the crown of England from such a settlement, in regard to the promo- tion of commerce. But the King's hostility to the Puritans gave rise to serious difficulties. lie promised not to molest them there, so long as they demeaned themselves peace- ably, but refused them the warrant of his signature, as tolerated and recognized. They hesitated, without some such security, to emigrate to a land which was yet to be reduced to tillage. The negotiations were consequently broken off; but, two years after, the wishes of the church being seconded by the encouraging assurances of the company, they were again resumed. By unremitted efforts, a jiatent was at length obtained fi'om government, under the seal of the Virginia Comj^any, and they now resolved to put their plan in execution without delay. As all of their number were not fully prepared for the emigration, it was concluded that a part should go first, under the guid- ance of their Elder, William Brewster, while Robinson should, for a while, remain behind with the others ; both divisions, however, still constituting one church, neither of them formally dismissing members to the other, nor requir- ing of them new evidence before admission. They 2:)ur-

1 Backus, I. 34.

54 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

chased, in England, two ships, in the hirger of which, tlie "Mayflower," of one linndred and eighty tons, tlie emi- grants embarked from liolhmd. All being now in readi- ness, Kobinson and his church held, on the 2d of July, 1G20, a day of solemn fasting and jorayer, for supplicating the divine blessing on this bold adventure. We subjoin the closing part of Robinson's address to them on this occasion, as showing that tlie Independents regarded their organization as a necessary step in the progress of the Reformation ; while, on the other hand, they exj^ressly disclaimed the separatistic element, jji'oi^erly so called, which had proceeded from Brown :

" Brethren : we are now quickly to part from one another, and whether I may ever live to see your faces on earth any more, the God of heaven only knows ; but, whether the Lord has apjDointed that or no, I charge you, before God and his blessed angels, that you follow me no fiTrtlier than you liave seen me follow the Lord Jesus Christ. If God reveal anytliing to you, by any other instrument of his, be as ready to receive it as ever you were to receive any truth by my ministry ; for I am A^crily persuaded the Lord has more ti'uth yet to break forth out of his holy word. For my j)art, I cannot sufficiently be- wail tlie condition of the Reformed churches, who are come to a period in religion, and will go, at present, no farther than the instruments of their reformation. The Lutherans cannot be drawn to go beyond what Luther saw ; whatever part of his will our God has revealed to Calvin, they will rather die than embrace it ; and the Cal- vinists, you see, stick fast where they were left by that great man of God, who yet saw not all things. Tliis is a misery miich to be lamented, for though tliey were burn- ing and shining lights in their times, yet they jienetrated

NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 55

not into the whole counsel of God ; but, were they now living, "svould be as willing to embrace farther light, as that which they first received. I beseech you remember — it is an article of your church covenant — that ye be ready to receive whatever truth shall be made known to you from the wi-itten word of God. Kemember that, and every other article of your sacred covenant. But I must here, withal, exhort you to take heed what you receive as trxxth, — examine it, consider it, and comjiai-e it with other scriptures of truth bcfpre you receive it ; for it is not ])os- sible the christian world should come so lately out of such thick, antichristian darkness, and that jicrfection of knowledge should break forth at once. I must also advise you to abandon, avoid, and shake oflE* the name of Brown- ists ; it is a mere nickname, and a brand for making re- ligion and the professors of it odious to the christian world. Unto this end, I should be extremely glad if some godly minister would go with you, or come to you, before you can have any company ; for there will be no difference between the unconformable ministers of Eng- land and you, when you come to the practice of evangeli- cal ordinances out of the kingdom. And I would wish you, by all means, to close with the godly people of Eng- land; study union with them in all things wherein you can have it without sin, rather than in the least measure to effect a di\'ision or separation from them, Neither would I have you loth to take another pastor besides myself; in- asmuch as a flock that hath two shepherds is not tliereby endangered, but secured."

The emigrants left Leyden soon after, accompanied, as far as Delfthaven, by Robinson and the greater part of those who remained behind. On taking leave, they were commended by their pastor to the protection of Pleaven,

56 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

and amidst heartfelt demonstrations of mutual attach- ment the travellers dejDarted, in order to set sail from SouthamjDton in the county of Hampshire. Here they received a letter from Robinson,^ in which he exhorted them to make sure their own peace with God, to avoid all offences among themselves, mutually to forbear each other, to subordinate their private interests to the common good, and after choosing their civil governors with wisdom, to submit to their authority as an ordinance established by God.

On the 5th of August, 1620, they set sail in their two ships from Southampton. Soon after their departure, the captain of the smaller vessel declared it unseaworthy. Although it was repaired in Dartmouth harbor, yet, after running out a second time, he repeated his apprehensions, and both ships were compelled to return again to Plymouth. The smaller one remained behind, and with it some of the voyagers ; the remainder embarked in the Mayflower, which on the 6th of September again put out to sea, "with one hundred and twenty jjassengers. After a very diflicult voyage, they arrived on the 9th of November at Cajie Cod, 42° north latitude, and between 52° and 53° west longitude. Their destination was not this region, but the mouth of the Hudson. But on again weighing anchor, the captain ran the ship among dangerous cliffs and break- ers, and a storm drove them back to the Cape; and they now resolved, on account of the advanced season, to attempt a settlement where they were. It has been asserted that the captain was bribed by the Dutch, wlio wished tliemselves to take possession of the mouth of the Hudson. They did, indeed, found there the colony of New Amsterdam soon after, but subsequently Avere

1 Backus, I., p. 35, flf. Appendix I.

NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 57

obliged to rclinquisli it to the English. Of our settlers, forty-one men, making with their families in all one hun- dred and one jiersons, reached America. On their arrival, they organized themselves by the following act :

"In the name of God, Amen. "We whose names are iinderwrittcn, loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord, King James, by the grace of God of Great Britain, France and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, etc. Having undertaken, for the glory of God and advancement of the christian faith and honor of our king and country, a voy- age to jjlant the first colony in the northern parts of Vir- ginia, by these presents do solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves into a civil body politic for our better ordering and preservation and furtherance of the ends aforesaid, and by virtvie hereof to enact, constitute and frame such just and equal laws and ordinances, acts, constitutions and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the colony, unto which we promise all due subjection and obedience.

Cape Cod, the 11th November, 1620."

Their next object was to select a landing-j^lace suitable for a settlement, a task the more difficult and wearisome on account of the ice Avith which the sea had already cov- ered the shore. From their place of anchorage, they sent out several little expeditions for the exjoloration of the coast ; and at length, after five weeks, they again weighed anchor on the loth of December, to run into the harbor of Cape Cod. On the 20th they left the ship, and chose a hill Avhich commanded the surrounding country and over- looked the Bay, as their place of settlement. Hei-e, on the 23d of December, they laid the foundations of a town to which they gave the name of New Plymouth. The con-

68 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

stancy and firmness of the settlers would, however, hardly have saved them from the fate of their predecessors, had not a contagious sickness shortly before swept away nine- tenths of the Indians in this region. A few months after, a treaty of peace was concluded with the remainder, which, with unimportant interruptions, (as for instance the war carried on in 1637, particularly in Connecticut, against the Pequots,) secured quiet to the colony, for more than half a century, that is, down to the great Indian war with King Philip, in the year 1675. These friendly relations were maintained by strict attention to justice in dealing with the Indians. The land needed for the settlement "was jiur- chased of them; a court of justice was established for j^ro- tecting them against frauds by private j)ersons ; and in all their relations with them the English were subjected to the full rigor of the law. It was, moreover, regarded as a holy duty to communicate to the Indians the imperisha- ble blessings of Christianity ; and in truth, it was in New England that the first successful missionary efibrts of the evangelical church had their birth.

On the other side, the settlers had to contend witli diffi- culties and calamities, whose severity, especially during the first winter, threatened the very existence of the col- ony. The hardshijis incident to their voyage and settle- ment, the Avant of houses to j^rotect them against the inclemency of the season, as well as of many necessities of life, and in addition, the unusual severity of the winter, had given rise to diseases which carried off, within the first four or five months, one half of their number. For several years they Avere obliged to dej^end for their subsistence chiefly ui^on hunting and fishing. Often, through the fail- ure of their crojDS, they had scarcely corn enough for seed, and the sujijilies from England relieved only their most

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 59

pressing necessities. But there was another M\ant which they felt still more painfully. The greater part of their brethren who had remained in Leyden now shrunk from following them, and by this means, Kobinson was pre- vented from coming to New England. He died on the 19th of Febniary 1025, lamented not only by his own con- gregation, but by the Hollanders also, who testified at his funeral their appreciation and esteem for his character. For several succeeding years they were obliged to depend for their instruction and guidance on their Elder, Mr. Brewster, or on other gifted laymen. Among those who subsequently joined them from England, was a minister by the name of Ralph Smith, who in 1629 was chosen to be their preacher. As their circumstances improved, they dissolved connection with the Company of Merchant Adventurers, after refunding the money advanced by it for their assistance. Under Charles I the colony obtained a patent, which had been drawn in favor of Governor \Yil- ham Bradford, but was made over by hini to the General Court of New Plymouth.

MASSACHUSETTS BAY COMPANY — SETTLEMENT OF SALEM AND CUAKLESTOAVN.

Soon after the founding of New Pl}Tnouth, several attempts were made to colonize the more northerly regions of Massachusetts Bay; but these undertakings, which orig- inated solely in worldly aims, remained without any per- manent result. This, howcA^ er, did not discourage similar enterprises. When it became kno^vn that the colony of New Pl}Tiiouth was beginning to prosper, the wish, stimu- lated by the continued j^ersecution of the Puritans, of find- ing an asylum for religious freedom, became active in Eng- land. At this same time a Company for the establishment

60 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

of larger settlements Avas formed, which soon extentled its operations, as such attemj)ts at new settlements began to prove more successful. On the 4th of March, 1629, this association was, by a royal charter, incorporated as a political body, under the name of " the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay in New England." Its members were empowered to choose yearly their gov- ernor, lieut. governor, and eighteen assistants or magis- trates,^ from the free citizens- of the aforenamed company. They were to hold quarterly a general assembly, or supreme court ; they could admit freemen, choose officers, apjjortion land, and as it seemed to them desirable for the Avelfare of the settlement, could make laws, these being not in contravention of the laws of England ; while to all who might settle in this region, the right was guaran- teed of worshipping God according to their own con- sciences. The provisions of this charter foi'med the basis of the subsequent constitution of the colany. Immedi- ately after the choice of a governor, agents were sent over partly to aid the present settlers, partly to obtain more exact information. Two Nonconformist ministers, Hig- ginson^ and Skelton by name, Avere then persuaded to accompany the expedition of six ships which was about being sent out. With them Avent also the aboA-e-men- tioned Ralph Smith, and thirty-five families from the Ley- den church, which had been dissolved after Robinson's death. They landed on the 24th of June, 1629, and founded the toAvns of Salem and NeAvton, afterwards called Cambridge.

1 These constituted the governor's council.

2 The documents respecting these transactions are contained in a col- lection of original papers relative to the history of the colony of Massachu- setts Bay. Boston, 1760. Here also is Higginson's diaiy of his journey.

NEW EXGLAND TnEOCRACY. 61

With tlicsc nc^\- comers also, religion had hocn the mov- ing cause of emigration. Tliey immediately aj.plicl, there- fore, to their Plymouth brethren for information respecting the churdi order and disci])line here established, which had been derived from Robinson; and after several conferences on the subject, resolved to form a church after the same model. Higginson thereupon drew up the following covenant, as an expression of the sentiments of these cof- onists : —

" We covenant with our Lord and one with another ; and we do bind ourselves in the presence of God, to 'walk together in all his ways, according as he is pleased to reveal himself unto us in his blessed word of truth ; and do explic- itly, in the name and fear of God, profess and protest to walk as followeth, through the power and grace of our Lord Jesus Christ.

" We avouch the Lord to be our God, and ourselves to be bis people, in the truth and simplicity of our spirits.

" We give ourselves to the Lord Jesus Christ and the word of his grace for the teaching, ruling, and sanctifving us in matters of worship and conversation, resolving to cleave unto him alone for life and glory, and to reject all contrary ways, canons and constitutions of men in his wor- ship.

"We promise to walk with our brethren with all watch- fulness and tenderness, avoiding jealousies and suspicions, backbitings, censurings, provokings, secret risings of spirit against them; but in all offences to follow the rule of our Lord Jesus, and to bear and forbear, give and forgive, as he hath taught us.

"In public or private, we will willingly do nothing to the offence of the church ; but will be willing to take advice for ourselves and ours, as occasion shall be presented.

G

62 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

" "We Avill not in the congregation be forward either to show our own gifts in speaking or scrupling, or there dis- cover the weakness or failings of our brethren ; but attend an orderly call thereunto, knowing how much the Lord may be dishonored, and his gospel and the profession of it slighted by our distempers "and weaknesses in public.

" We bind ourselves to study the advancement of the gospel in all truth and peace ; both in regard of those that are within or without ; no way slighting our sistei'-churches, but using their counsel, as need shall be ; not laying a stumbling-block before any, no, not the Indians, whose good we desire to promote ; and so to converse, as we may avoid the very appearance of evil.

" We do hereby promise to carry ourselves in all lawful obedience to those that are over us, in church or common- wealth, knowing how well-pleasing it will be to the Lord that they should have encouragement in their places by our not grieving their spirits through our irregularities.

" We resolve to api^rove ourselves to the Lord in our particular callings, shunning idleness as the bane of any state; nor will we deal hardly or oppressively with any wherein we are the Lord's stewards.

" Promising, also, imto our best ability to teach our children and servants the knowledge of God, and of his will, that they may serve him also ; and all this not by any strength of our own, but by the Lord Christ ; whose blood we desire may sprinkle this our covenant made in his name."

In presence of the delegates from the church of New Plymouth, the persons assembled thereupon declared sol- emnly and each one for himself, their agreement with this Confession of Faith. They then proceeded to choose Hig- ginson and Skelton as their pastors, and ordained them to

NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 63

the office through the layiiio; on of hands by certain breth- ren appointed by tlie cluirch for that i)urpo.se. The church being tluis constituted, a number more "were accepted as members; some, on a decharation of their agreement Avith the covenant ; others, on a written statement of their faitli and hope ; and others, again, on an oral relation before the church in regard to their sjiiritual state ; but no one was admitted without satisfactory evidence of a blameless life and conversation. A sufficient warrant in regard to faith and life was the only condition of fellowship ; in what form, was left to the discretion of the elders. They furthermore agreed with the Pl^-mouth church in regarding the children of believers as chm-eh-mcmbers with their parents, and bap- tism as a seal of this membership. Only it was required that, before admission to the Lord's Supper, each one should be examined by the church-officers ; if found to be sufficiently instructed in the essential doctrines of religion, free from open scandal, and willing to confess publicly to the covenant, he was then admitted.

It is obvious that the regulations here adopted were lia- ble to fluctuation ; for in matters of conscience, everything cannot be foreseen and a complete system formed at once. It appears, too, by com23aring the Avords of Iligginson when leaving England with the course pursued by his church towards members of the Episcopal communion, that such opposition resulted from no settled plan, but was more or less forced upon them. Mather^ relates that Iligginson, on setting sail from the Isle of Wight, looked back on his native land and exclaimed : " We will not say as the Sepa- ratists were wont to say at their leaving of England, Fare- well Babylon ! farewell Rome ! but we Avill say. Farewell,

1 Magnalia, Book III. p. 74. In the diarj- and letters of Iligginson (col- lection of original papers,) nothing is found in relation to this point.

64" NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

dear England ! farewell, the church of God in England, and all the christian friends there ! We do not go to New England as separatists from the Church of England; though Ave cannot but separate from the corruptions in it ; but we go to practise the positive part of H;hurcli reformation, and propagate the gospel in America." But they wished, nev- ertheless, to be free from that which had so agitated the Church of England, and hindered the full development of the Reformation. Soon after the formation of the cluirch in Salem, some among the settlers opposed the establish- ment of public worship, because the Liturgy of the Church of England had been discarded. They charged the minis- ters with favoring separatism, out of which Avould soon grow anabaptism ; and they declared that they would, for their part, adhere to the order of the English Church. But the ministers replied that "they were neither Separatists nor Anabaptists; that they did not separate from the Church of England, nor from the ordinances of God there, but only from the corruptions and disorders of that clmrch ; that they came away from the common prayer and cere- monies, and had suffered much for their non-conformity in their native land ; and therefore, being in a place where they might have their liberty, they neither could nor would use them; inasmuch as they judged the imposition of these things to be a sinful violation of the worship of God." The leaders of the opposite party, two brothers by the name of Brown, attempted to set up a church of their own ; but, by authority of the magistrates, in which the clergy unreseiw- edly concurred, they were immediately sent back to Eng- land. Perhaps some civil offence was connected with this disagreement;^ perhaps, also, men who had fled from per-

1 Neal, in his History of New England, I. p. 145, cliarges tlienx with

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. ' 65

secution, mli^ht find cause of apprehension in the estahUsli- mcnt of a church which attached so liigli a vahio to the very things on account of which they liad been persecuted and exiled. The government regarded the measure as one of self-defence.

GOVEUNMEXT OF THE COLOXY TRANSFERRED TO NEW ENGLAND

FOUNDING OF BOSTON.

The Massachusetts Bay Company, Avhich had been char- tered by royal authority, on being informed of the pros- perous condition of the settlements made in 1G20, wished to adopt some special measures for their advancement. It was resolved to transfer the government of the colony to Xew England itself; and accordingly John Winthrop, who with many other distinguislied and wealthy men was desirous of settling in New England, was chosen Gov- ernor. Harmonizing with the cohmists in religious views, lie had also had opportunity for showing, under very diffi- cult circumstances, his capacity for this office, to which, with brief interruptions, he was reelected for twenty suc- cessive years. A few days after the departure of the expedition (consisting of ten ships) a little writing was published,^ entitled "The humble request of his Majesty's loyal subjects, the Governor and Company lately gone for New England, to the rest of their brethren in and of the Church of England ; for the obtaining of their prayers, and the removal of suspicions and misconstructions of their intentions." "We desire," — such is its language — "you would be pleased to take notice of the jiriucipals and body of our company, as those who esteem it our

" endeavoring to raise a mutiny;" but this assertion is not sustained by evidence, and Mather says nothing of the kind.

1 Hutchinson's Historj' of Massachusetts, Vol. I., Appendix.

6*

66 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

honor to call the Church of EngL^nd, from whence we arise, our dear mother, and cannot part from our native country where she specially resideth, without much sad- ness of heart, and many tears in our eyes ; ever acknowl- edging that such hoi)e and part as we have obtained in the common salvation, we have received it in her bosom, and sucked it from her breasts. We leave it not, there- fore, as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished there, but, blessing God for the parentage and education as members of the same body, shall always rejoice in her good, and unfeignedly grieve for any sorrow that shall ever betide her ; and, while we have breath, sincerely de- sire and endeavor the continuance and abundance of her welfare, with the enlargement of her bounds in the king- dom of Christ Jesus. You are not ignorant that the spirit of God stirred up the ajjostle Paul to make a continual mention of the church at Philippi, which was a colony from Rome ; let the same spirit, we beseech you, put you in mind that are the Lord's remembrancers, to pray for us without ceasing, who are the weak colony from your- selves. — What goodness you shall extend unto us, in this or any other christian kindness, we your brethren in Christ Jesus shall labor to repay, in Avhat duty we are or shall be able to perform ; promising so far as God shall enable us, to give him no rest on your behalfs ; wishing our heads and hearts may be fountains of tears for your everlasting welfare, when we shall be in our poor cottages in the wil- derness overshadowed with the spirit of supplication, through the manifold necessities and tribulations which may, not altogether unexpectedly, nor we hope unprofit- ably, befall us."

The exiles who in this manner bade fai-ewell to their native land, landed in Salem, July, 1630. From this place

NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 67

they settled CharlestOAvn and Dorchester, and to-svards the end of the same year founded the town of Boston, wliich, as the seat of government, and through its superior com- mercial position, soon rose into great importance. In the years following, under the oppressive administration of Archbishop Laud, emigration became a still more pressing necessity ; so that settlements were speedily formed, not only on the coast of Massachusetts Bay, but farther west, as at the mouth and on the shores of the Connecticut. These later colonics did not, however, rise into the rank of Massachu- setts, which at the very outset had left the older settle- ment of Xew Plymouth far behind. But in tracing the historical development which the church-system of the Indejiendents exhibited in New England, Massachusetts will preeminently demand consideration, not alone on account of her extent of territory, but because here the principles of the Independents Avere most distinctly cx- ]iound(jd, and most powerfully defended ; and it was from this chief theatre of outward assault and inward conflict, that the consequences of the struggle passed OA'cr to the rest of Xew England. But before attempting to portray these conflicts, we must now consider what appears as characteristic of this new church-party in America ; and we must also, in connection with a retrospect of the orig- inal character of the Independents, particularly exhibit the change wrought in this respect by the emigration.

THJE TWO FUXDAMliXTAL PRIXCIPLES OF COXGREGATIOXALISM.

Ix separating from the Episcopal Church, the Church party of tlie Independents, as we have seen, not merely took ground against certain specific abuses, but assumed a peculiar character, through the two following positions, viz:

68 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACT.

1. The several churches are altogether mdei^endent of one another.

2. Evidence of the requisite qualifications is required by the church, before admission to the Lord's Supper.

These principles, first announced in Holland, and brought thence to New Plymouth, found almost universal acceptance among such of the New England settlers as had forsaken their native land on account of religion. From the very outset their institutions were regulated, and the conflicts which arose were conducted, by these fundamental principles. The most exj^licit and decided expression of them is found in the platform of church dis- cipline, projDosed in a synod held at Cambridge, in Massa- chusetts, 1648, which was generally adopted. This Confession of Faith belongs, indeed, to a later period, and we shall have occasion to recur to it farther on;^ but, as it expresses throughout, as we shall see, the principles of the early colonists unchanged,^ we may here borrow from

1 See Chapter V.

2 In the Collection of original papers is found a document called An Ab- stract of the Laws of Neiu England, probably from the year 1G37. This abstract was printed in London in 1635, and is mentioned by the editor, William Aspinwell, as a work of Cotton, who will claim our notice farther on. Those of the enactments which relate to the Church, contain the germ of the Synodial-conclusions of 1648. Thus, among the duties of the gov- ernor is reckoned the preservation of religion, and the general court is to support him in maintaining the purity and the unity of religion. Civil rights belong alone to members of the churches which have been regularly formed with the concun-ence of the churches already established; as such members those are designated who are admitted to the Lord's Supper. We here subjoin the following characteristic laws : According to Ch. 3. § 4. no one is to build his house above half a mile, at most a mile, from the place where the church assembles. Ch. 8. k 5- declares that heresy is the stubborn maintenance of a destructive error which subverts the foun- dations of the christian religion; if connected with attempts to seduce others, it shall be punished with death, such a heretic being no less than

NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 69

it the official declarations of the same. In the socontl chapter, after making the distinction between the cliurcli militant and the churcli triumphant, as Avell as between tlie visible and the invisible church, it thus proceeds, in reference to fellowship in the church :

"5. The state of the members of the militant visible church, Avalking in order, was either, before the law (Gen. 18 : 10, Ex. 19 : 6), economical, that is, in families ; or, under tlie law, national: or, since the coming of Christ, only- congregational,^ — therefore neither national, provincial, nor classical."'

" 6. A congregational church is, by the institution of Christ, a part of the militant visible church, consisting of a company of saints by calling, united into one body by a holy covenant, for the public worship of God, and the mutual edification of one another in the fellowship of tlie Lord Jesus."

By the term "saints by calling" is to be understood, according to chaj^ter 3, 5 2 : "1. Such as have not only attained the knowledge of the i)rinciples of religion, an<J are free from open and gross scandals, but also do, together with the profession of their faith and repentance.^ walk in Nameless obedience to the icord. 2. The children of such, who are also holy." The more particular determinations,

an idolater, h 6. Such members of the church as obstinately, after due admonition and conviction, refuse to submit to the will of the well grounded churches, and to their christian reproof and discipline, shall be cut off by banishment, or be punished according to the judgment of the court.

1 Here occurs in parentheses the words : " tlie term Independent we ap- prove not." This change of names, Brownists, Independents, Congrega- tionalists, is certainly not without significance.

2 The last term has reference to the synodical, classical, and congrega- tional assemblies of Presbyterianism. The classes embrace several con- gregations and are subject to the synods.

70 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

in respect to the requisites for church membership, which are contained in the twelfth chapter of this platform, and have reference to a certain contrary view, previously men- tioned, will be given in full presently. Respecting the other i^oint, the limits of church government, we hei"e notice the princi2:>le, laid down in chapter 3, § 4, that the bounds of a church shall not overgo such limits as that all the members may not conveniently meet together in one place. On a gi'eater increase of the jDopulation they should, as indeed happened continually, form two churches. So also, through the choice of ministers, elders, and, deacons, was maintained the direct partici23ation of the whole body in church government. In regard to this, a distinction is made between the power exercised by the officers of the church, as such, and that belonging to all the members. Thus, chaj)ter 5, § 2, it is said : " The latter is in the breth- ren, formally and immediately from Christ ; that is, so as it may be acted and exercised immediately by themselves ; the former is not in them fonnally or immediately, and therefore cannot be acted or exercised immediately by them, but is said to be in them, in that they design the persons unto office, who only are to act or to exercise this power." Even though it is said, chapter 10, that these two powers are supplementary to each other, yet has the church the right to dismiss her officers ; not only because she has herself chosen them, but because in her resides the power of church government. This constitution, which is, in the proper sense of the word, democratic (so, indeed, it is ex- i:)ressly designated), essentially conti'ibuted to maintain, in the relations of the churches thus existing side by side, the principles of independency. It is true, several synods were soon called, and even empowered to " debate and- determine controversies of faith and cases of conscience,"

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRA.CY. 71

to issue admonitions in reference to single churches, and even to exclude from fellowship such churches as departed from the right way. Still it is declared, in chapter 16, ^ 4, that the synods " cannot exercise church censures^ in way of disciplitie, nor any other act of church authority or jurisdiction^

THE COXGREGATIONALIST THEOCRACY.

The two principles here mentioned, which are still held by the Congregationalists of the present day, were cher- ished as of vital imj^ort by our colonists, to whom the affairs of religion, the exercise of their o"\vn form of Avor- ship, and the enjoyment of the divinely instituted means of grace, appeared the goal of all their efforts. Tliey regarded themselves, moreover, not as single fugitives, but as a body politic — an idea brought out in the Instru- ment, siibseribed at Cape Cod in 1620,^ with a clearness "wiiicli excites astonishment. What they wished was a State, Avhich they could enjoy in common as an ordinance of God. But the State was to unfold within the church. As they regarded the government as God's servant, so likewise all citizens, as such, were to serve God. Thus " it was resolved in the General Court, at Boston, May 18," 1631, that "for the future no one shall be admitted to the freedom of this body politic, unless he be a member of some church within the limits of the same." Thus Avas here dcA'cloped a State church. One CAidence of this is fui'nished by this fact, among others, that the clergy Avere to be supported, not merely by the contributions of actual church members, but " all who are instructed in the Word must contribute for those by Avhom they are taught in all good things." [Platform, chap. 1 1, ^ 4.] The views then

1 See p. 57.

72 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

entertained of the relation between the civil and the eccle- siastical government, serve to exj)lain the measures pur- sued in the controversies, as well as in the develoj^ment of the Congregationalist church in general. We here quote fi'om the articles of the jilatform, thus giving the views, in their very words, of those who professed them. The 17tli chapter treats oi '■'• the power of the civil authority in church matters^'' and maintains :

" 1. That it is lawful, lirofitable, and necessary for Chris- tians to gather themselves together into church estate, and therein to exercise all the ordinances of Christ, according unto the Word, although the consent of the magistrate could not be had thereunto ; because the apostles, and Christians iup their time, did frequently thus practise when the magis- trates being all of them Jewish and j^agan, and most per- secuting enemies, would give no countenance or consent to such matters.

" 2. Church-government stands in no oiiposition to civil government of commonwealths, nor any way intrencheth uj^on the authority of civil magistrates in their jurisdic- tions ; nor any whit weakeneth their hands in governing, but rather strengtheneth them, and furthereth the people in yielding more ready and conscionable obedience to them, whatsoever some ill-affected jiersons to the ways of Christ have suggested, to alienate the affections of kings and princes from the ordinances of Christ ; as if the king- dom of Christ in his church could not rise or stand with- out the falling and weakening of their government, which is also of Christ (Isa. 40 : 23) ; whereas the contrary is most true, that they may both stand together and flourish, the one being helpfid unto the other, in their distinct and due discriminations.

"3. The power and authority of magistrates is not for

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 73

the restraining of churches (Rom. 10: 4., 1 Tim. 2 : 2), or any other good works, but for helping in and furthering thereof; and therefore the consent and countenance of magistrates, when it may be liad, is not to be slighted or lightly esteemed ; but, on the contrary, it is a jjart of that honor due to christian magistrates, to desire and crave their consent and approbation therein ; which being ob- tained, the churches may then proceed in their way, with much more encouragement and comfort.

"4. It is not in the power of magistrates to compel their subjects to become cluirch-members, and to partake of the Lord's supper (Ezek. 44 : 7, 9) ; for the jiriests are reproved, that brought unworthy ones into the sanctuary (1 Cor. 5 : 11) ; then it was unlawful for the priests, so is it as unlawful to be done by civil magistrates ; those whom the church is to cast out if they were in, the magistrate ought not to thrust them into the church, nor to hold them therein.

" 0. As it is unlawful for church-officers to meddle with the sword of the magistrate, so it is unlawful for the ma- gistrate to meddle with the work proper to church-officers. The acts of Moses and David, who were not only princes but prophets, were extraordinary, therefore not imitable. Against such usurpation the Lord witnessed, by smiting Uzziah wdth leprosy for presuming to offer incense.

"6. It is the duty of the magistrate to take care of mat- ters of religion, and to improve his civil authority for the observing of the duties commanded in the first, as well as for observing of the duties commanded in the second table.i They are called gods (Ps. 88 : 8.) The end of the magistrate's office is not only the quiet and peaceable life of the subject in matters of righteousness and honesty,

1 In other words, duties towards God as well as towards man.

7

74 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

but also in matters of godliness, yea, of all godliness (1 Tim, 2:2). Moses, Joshua, David, Solomon, Asa, Jehosa- phat, Ilezekiali, Josiah, are much commended by the Holy Gh'ost, for the putting forth their authority in matters of religion ; on the contrary, such kings as have been failing this way are frequently taxed and reproved of the Lord. And not only the kings of Judah, but also Job (chap. 29 -. 25), Nehemiah (chap. 13.), the king of Nineveh (Jonah 3 : 7), Darius, Artaxerxes (Ezra 7), Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. 3 : 29), whom none looked at as types of Christ (though were it so, there were no place for any just objection) are commended in the books of God, for exercising their authority in this way.

"7. The objects of the power of the magistrate are not things merely in^yard, and so not subject to his cognizance and view, as unbelief, hardness of heart, erroneous opinions not vented, but only such things as are acted by the outer man ; neither is their power to be exercised in commanding such acts of the outward man, and punishing the neglect thereof, as are but mere inventions and devices of men, but about such acts as are commanded and forbidden in the Word ; yea, such as the Word doth clearly determine, though not always clearly to the judgment of the magis- trate or others, yet clearly in itself In these he, of right, ought to put forth his authority, though ofttimes actually he doth it not.^

"8. Idolatry, blasphemy, heresy, venting corrupt and pernicious opinions that destroy the foundation, open con- tempt of the word preached, profanation of the Lord's day, disturbing the peaceable administration and exercise

1 This provision, as M'ell as many others in these laws, is exceedingly in- definite. The application to single cases could only be determined by tlie spirit of the code, which is indeed sufficiently manifest.

♦ NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 75

of the worship and holy things of God, are to be restrained and punished by civil authority.

" 9. If any church, one or more, shall grow schismatical, rending itself from the communion of other churches, or shall walk incorrigibly and obstinately in any corru]>t AV'ay of their own, contrary to the rule of the Word ; in such case the magistrate is to put forth his coercive power, as the matter shall require. The tribes on this side Jordan intended to make war against the other tribes, for building the altar of witness, (Josh. 22), whom they suspected to have turned away therein from following of the Lord."

From these declarations it is manifest that the govern- ment was THEOCRATIC. The settlers, whose aim it was to derive all their institutions from the word of God, here also universally appealed to the Jewish code.^ It is from this point of view that we must contemplate those jier- emptory measures for the expulsion of every oj^j^osite tendency, which threatened to disturb the unity of the Church and the State governments, or but to cripple the efficiency of the latter. But here we must especially call attention to that peculiarity of this theocratic constitution, by which no one was permitted to exercise a civil office, or even to enjoy full civil rights, unless he were a member of some regular church, established and ordered in accord- ance Avith the principles of the Independents. In the case of State Churches elsewhere, whether of past or j^resent

1 Collection of original papers, p. 161, where occurs the following quo- tation from a manuscript biograpliy of John Davenport (p. 108,) by Cot- ton : " Tlie Theocracy, that is, God's government, is to be established as the best form of government. Here the people, who chooses its civil rulers, is God's people, and, equally with those they choose, in covenant with him; they are members of the churches; God's laws and God's ser- vants are enquired of for counsel."

76 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. *

time, membership is conferred by birth, and no one, while conforming to existing usages, and to the preponderating influence of the older members, is excluded except for some explicitly avowed contrariety of opinion. But in New England, one could not thus silently pass into the membership of the church. He was only admitted on the development in the individual of a definite conscious need for fellowship with the church, and when, after being examined by the minister and elders, he had publicly made confession of his faith before the church, and had given evidence of his religious state as that of a regenerate man. Thus, was the State also, as well as the Church, to be a

COMMUNITY OF BELIEVERS.

It is the object of the following chapters to depict, first the conflict which arose with, and also within, this the- ocratic constitution ; secondly, the dissolution of the same ; and finally, the condition which resulted from its abrogation. But before proceeding to this development, we will preface it by some information in regard to the political relations of the Colonies during the first half of the period now under consideration, and briefly refer to their missionary undertakings, and to the founding of the theological Institution at Cambridge. The two latter do not indeed stand in the same immediate connection with the historical development now to be presented ; but so far deserve special attention, as contributing to the more exact characterization of the New England Church.

POLITICAL DIVISION AND HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND.

In its political character also, the government was purely democratic. In accordance with the charter before men- tioned, the whole body of free citizens elected the Gov- ernor, the members of the Court of Assistants, and Gen-

NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 77

eral Court,^ which combined in itself tlio legislative and highest judicial poAver. AYhat might have appeared ■wholly inadmissible in a commercial company in England, assumed a diiFerent aspect, when, by transplantation to the other side of the ocean, and by the growth of all the ele- ments of a state, the peopeii eights of sovereignty had attached themselves almost unnoticed to the delegated pri- vileges. These rights had fi-om the first been exercised with steady firmness by the government in Boston, in the full conviction of proceeding in accordance Avith the laws of God, and in harmony with the letter and spirit of their charter. When, in the year 1630, the government of Ply- mouth put the question in Boston,^ whether it possessed the competency to execute sentence of death on a con- victed murderer, the answer was, that undoubtedly it had that right, though the warrant lay solely in the analogy of 2:)rocedure by the Massachusetts govei"nmcnt. Agreement with the laws of England was, it is true, expressly recog- nized as the rule in legislation ; but more in theory than practice. An appeal to England was only resorted to exceptionally and by necessity. It may appear singular that this should not have been opposed at the very first, by the mother country. But before the consequences could be foreseen by Charles I,, his jDOwer to carry even tlie most unimportant measure was entirely gone. The RepubUcans in England favored the development of this

1 More distinctive are the designations afterwards in use : Council and General Assembly. According to the laws of 1637, (see p. 68,) all govern- mental power is vested in and proceeds from the Supreme Court. When subsequently, in accordance with the charter of \Yilliam III., the govemors wore appointed by the crown, the governor, council, and general as- sembly were often compared to the king, lords, and commons.

2 Baylies, I. p. 203.

7*

78 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

free government, and thus it had become firmly established when, at a later period, it was. assailed by Charles II.

The great distinction enjoyed by Massachusetts is strik- ingly illustrated by the fact, that many of the colonies which by degrees came into existence held, for a longer or shorter period, a dependent relation to her, more or less clearly defined. Thus New Hampshire, where single settlements had been formed soon after the founding of New Plymouth, and where in 1G31 the town of Ports- mouth was settled, subjected itself in 1640 to the jurisdic- tion of the General Court of Massachusetts. The de- tached settlements in Maine were longer held back from the same measure by private individuals; but in 1651 this colony also became attached to Massachusetts. Remaining thinly peopled down to recent times, it was not till 1820 that Maine was admitted as a proper state into the con- federacy of the United States. Although both colonies were for a time again withdrawn from Massachusetts by royal decree, yet she understood hoAv to maintain her authority over them, so long as she retained j^ossession of her charter.

From the settlements first established, persons went fiirther westward to the river Connecticut, and in 1636, planted Hartford. In this they proceeded on a sort of warrant from the General Court at Boston ; but soon find- ing that they were beyond the jurisdiction embraced in the charter of Massachusetts, they established a political organization after the model of that colony, made laws, and chose magistrates. Not long after, a company arrived from England with a patent for this same region ; but as it did not answer their expectations, they sold their charter to the previous settlers. Still more destitute of legal authority Avas the colony of New Haven, which lay farther

I

NEW EXIJLAXD TIIEOCllACY. 79

Avcstward, boixleriug on the possessions tlieu lickT by the Dutch. Hither, in 1637, had come a party of emigrants with tlieir minister, John Davenport, under the guidance of Tlieophilus Eaton, afterwards their Governor, and had purchased of the Indians on this part of the mainhmd, as well as on the opposite island of Long Island.^ Here they adoj^ted as their model the government of Massachusetts, adhering to it still more strictly than the founders of Con- necticut, who had at once ordained that civil rights should be enjoyed without reference to church membership.

Surrounded by the above-named colonics, lay Pkovi- DEXCE and Rhode Island, whose settlement will be treated of in the next chapter. Founded, so early as 1634 and 1637, by fugitives and exiles from Massachusetts, they had thus long sustained themselves in direct opposi- tion to the other colonies, who refused all connection with them. They Avere denied admission to a proposed confed- eracy, which went into effect in 1643, when the four colo- nies of Xew Plymouth, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Xew Haven combined themselves in a league, offensive and defensive, as the United States of 'New England.

In this compact also, having for its object mutual pro- tection, as well against the attacks of the Indians as against their northern neighbors the French and their western neighbors the Dutch, Massachusetts held a marked preponderance. During the changes in the government of England at the period of the first English revolution, the colonies submitted to the ruling authority, whatever it might be ; and strong as must have been their sympathy with the Independent party, they greeted the accession of Charles II., in 1661, with a loyal address of congratulation.

1 A part of the island was colonized from Xew Amsterdam; later it belonged wiiolly to New York.

80 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

Shortly after, cliarters were granted by the king to Rhode Island, Connecticut and New Haven, the two latter of which were in 1664 united into one colony. The same year New Amsterdam was captured by the English and named New York. In 16G8 Holland relinquished her col- onies at the peace of Breda, recajstured them indeed in 1674, but in the following year lost possession of them for- ever. But while the Avestern frontier of New England was thus secured, within its borders raged a bloody war Avitli the Indians, fTvored by the French and by the lead- crsliip of the enterprising Philip, king of the Wampanoags. With the death of the latter, in 1676, the power of the Inttians within the territory itself was broken, and lience- forth they only attempted war on the borders in connec- tion with the French.

The later political relations of New England, so far as they serve for the illustration of its church-history, wdll be glanced at farther on.^ About the year 1680, a year of great changes in many resjiects. New England consisted of the three united colonies of New Plymouth, Massachu- setts Avith Maine and New Hampshire, and Connecticut with New Haven. The settlements of Rhode Island and Providence had also been united into one, since the year 1643.

MISSIONAEY AND EDUCATIONAL EPFOBTS.

Within every Christian communion, so soon at least as its interior organization has acquired a certain degree of solidity, and a fresh vigorous life, a tendency is developed to spread the gospel beyond its own limits. But this ten- dency takes different outward forms, not only according to the fields offered or sought for its opei'ations, but also

1 Sec Chap. VIII.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 81

according to the cliaractcr and relations of the chnrches themselves. The truth of this may be shown through the entire history of the christian cliurcli. The christianiza- tiun of classical antiquity owed its peculiar form no loss to tlie character of the apostolic age, as a period of preemi- nent personalities, than did the conversion of the Germanic world to the inflexibly rigid oi'ganism of the Romish church. In regard to the missionary activity of New England, it is to be noted as a peculiar characteristic, th:it it manifested itself at a very early period; only a few decades after the first formation of Indej^endent churches, only a few years after the establishment of the larger churches in New England. In regard to the ])rogress of this activity, it is especially worthy of note that the missionaries had to do with a foreign race, who lived beside and among Europeans, yet in respect to civil- ization standing most decidedly below them. The names of Eliot and of the Mayhew family have become generally known, as the most eminent preachers of the gospel among the Indians. These men, besides the gifts of religious heroism and unconquerable endurance, possessed also the ability to make Avhat they taught intelligible and accepta- ble, and to form churches out of those whom they had gained as friends of the word of God. In this Avork, which was very early crowned with great success, they were sus- tained by many other distinguished men. In spite of the opposition of the former priests, who feared to lose the gains of tlieir sorceries ; in si)ite of their chiefs who feared to lose that unlimited power which they possessed over their projjcrty, various churches, some of them very large in numbers, were formed from the converted, or, as they were called, "praying Indians." It was not long before preachers were raised u]! from among the Indians them-

82 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

selves, who souglit to make known the gospel to their countrymen. But it must here be remarked, that these missions were not merely the undertakings of individuals ; the mother-country did not fail to encourage and sustain them. In the Massachusetts Charter, it was expressly made the duty of the settlers "to win and incite the natives of that country, to the knowledge and obedience of the only true God and Saviour of mankind." An associ- ation was formed in England, confirmed in the year 1G47, under the name of the "Society for the spread of the Gos- pel in foreign lands," which contributed money for pur- chasing articles of various kinds, necessary to the support of English and Indian missionaries, and especially for pro- curing a translation of the Bible into the Indian tongue. The Congregational chvirches of New England made a sim- ilar expression of their sympathy, by tlie establishment of an Indian College for the education of native preachers. The later results did not indeed correspond to this noble beginning; for not only was the education of native mis- sionaries given up and the Indian College abolished, but the Indian churches themselves fell into decay. In place of the original confidence reposed in the English, there sprung up gradually an enmity towards them, to which the border wars with the French and Dutcli h^^d greatly con- tributed. After King Philip's war, the former relation was not reestablished, as indeed, from that time, the colo- nists no longer observed so strictly in their dealings with the natives those earlier jjrincijDles of integrity, of which we have before spoken. Tlie government Avas imable, cither by prohibitions or punishments, to hinder the sale of brandy, wliich was furnislied to the natiN'es not only by the French, but at a later period by the j^eople of Ncav England also ; and to such a degree did the Indians aban-

NEW EXGLAND THEOCRACY. 83

don tliomsclvcs to intoxication, that it may be regarded as one of the chief causes of their gradual decay and ruin. In connection Avith that aversion to civilization, natural to tribes which have grown up in the forest, the Indians in general have been stigmatized as an idle race, — as Mather says, "they kept the command : Thou shalt sanctify the sev- enth day ; but not the otlier : Six days shalt thou labor." An unconquerable pride, moreover, forbade their engaging in regular occupation, or the pursuits of agriculture. They were unfitted for admittance into the Ne^v England con- federacy on terms of equality with the other members. Even for a special alliance, wliich, Avith increasing culture, might have developed itself into something farther, they were not sufficiently protected against hostile interference ; not sufficiently isolated from the peaceful progress of Euro- pean civilization. Yet, in contemplating the fate of this unhappy people, in general, as Avell as the inconsiderable results of m.issionary effiart among them, Ave must not leave out of view the subsequent decay of Christianity among those to Avhose care they Avere committed. It is a striking fact that the fifth decade of the eighteenth century, Avhich Avas distinguished by a special reviA'al of the religious life in XcAV England, produced also in Brainerd^ a missionary Avho labored among the Indians Avith the gifts, the actiA'e zeal, and to a certain extent Avith the success of those ear- lier jireachers of the word.

An index no less characteristic of the Congregationalists than tlieir missionary activity, but in another direction, is seen in the early establishment of a scientific institution. So early as September 1630, that is, immediately after the founding of Boston, four hundred pounds sterling Avere

1 The diary of liis labors and experiences is contained in tiie biography published by Jonathan Edwards, which we shall mention further on.

84 NEAV ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

appropriated at an assembly of the General Court for the establisliment of a college. But as this sum was insuffi- cient for the i^urpose, and it could not then be increased, the execution of the plan was delayed some yeai-s. But in 1637, John Harvard, a minister who had shortly before arriveil from England, bequeathed to this object seven hundred and eighty jjounds ; a committee was then formed, and contributions being added both by the colonial gov- ernment and by private individuals, the Avork was now set forward without delay. Newtown, a I3lace settled in 1629, was selected as the location, and was called Cambridge, in honor of the English University-town ; the Seminary itself, in memory of the above-mentioned legacy as the main constituent of the first fund, received the name of Harvard College. A building was erected expressly for the purpose, where the pupils liA'cd together as in the English universities. Even in its first years, this institu- tion became a schola illustris, where polite learning and jihilosophy formed the substance of the course of instruc- tion. The first charter of 1642 mentions a president and six ministers from the neighboring towns of Cambridge, Watertown, Boston, Charlestown, TJoxbury and Dorches- ter, who in connection with the Boston Government were to have the oversight of the college. Thus the college received at once a theological character, a peculiarity which became yet more manifest on the confirmation and extension of the original charter in ] GoO and ]G72, after the Indian College above-mentioned was incorporated with it. At a still later period it received a yet farther enlarge- ment in its general design and character. The i-ight Avas granted it of conferring academic degrees, that of master being reached in order after a residence of seven years. The terms of admission were, ability to translate Cicero

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 85

ofl-hanJ, and a knowledge of the elements of Greek gram- mar. This institution had been for many years the only school for the education of the clergy in New England, when Yale College, in New Haven,' Avas founded with a similar design, at the beginning of the eighteenth century. In all the vicissitudes experienced by the Congregational- ists, Harvard College has had a living participation. The unbelief which, in the eighteenth century, extended itself over New England, obtained a footing here also, and increased to such a degree that gradually all the teachers and directors, indicated in the charter, became Unitarians. In their hands this university remains to the present day ; Avhile other colleges and seminaries have been established by the Congregationalists of the present time.

AVe now proceed to the development of the ecclesiasti- cal polity of New England. We shall describe, in chajjter third, such forms of opposition as separated from the con- nection, and iu chajiter fourth such as Avere repidsed from it; chapter fifth will treat of the suppression of the resist- ance to the theocratic relation; chapter sixth of the disso- lution of this relation.

1 See Chap. VIII. As early as 16.'')1 very earnest efforts were made for tlie establishment of such an institution in New Haven, especially by the minister of that place, John Davenport. But the resources of this colony were insufficient for the purpose, and even after its union with Connecti- cut it could do no more than to establish a grammar school. — Trumbull's History of Connecticut, Vol. I. Ch. 13.

8

CHAPTER III.

EXPULSION OF KOGER WILLIAMS AND THE ANTINOMIANS — RHODE ISLAND.

THE ESTABLISHED THEOCRACY FIRST CONTESTED BY KOGER WIL- LIAMS ; HE IS BANISHED, AND FOUNDS FROVIDENCE ON NARRAGAN- SET BAY.

The controversies of the dominant church "svith Roger Williams and the Antinomians gave occasion to the settle- ments on Narraganset Bay, which subsequently united themselves to the colony of Khode Island, The latter Avas based on principles, in regard to the relation of church and state, Avholly different from those just exhibited ; but the hostility and exclusive j^olicy of the other colonies towards Rhode Island had an earlier source, viz., the circumstances in which this settlement originated. This will appear from the following explanation.

Roger Williams^ was born in Wales in the year 1599. He devoted himself at first to the study of jurisprudence, but soon relinquished it for that of theology. He became a clergyman in the Episcopal church, but his puritanic prin- ciples constrained him, like so many others, to forsake his native land. On the 5th of February 1631, he landed in New England, and for a while resided in Boston. A few weeks after his arrival, the church of Salem invited him to

1 Memoir of Roger Williams, by James D. Knowles. Boston: 1834. This biography is enriched with many documents.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 87

become the assistant of tlieir miuistcv Mr. Skelton, Mr. Iligo-inson/ the other pastor of the church, having died soon after its formation. As soon as this became known, the Boston Court was called together by Governor AVin- throp, April 12th, and the following statement was made by its order to the church : " That whereas Mr. Williams had refused to join with the congregation at Boston, because they would not make a j^ublic d(!claration of their repentance for having communion with the churches of England while they lived there ; and, beside, had declared his opinion that the magistrate might not punish a breach of the Sabbath, nor any other offence, as it was a breach of the first table ; therefore they marvelled they would choose him without advising with the council ; and, withal, desiring they would forbear to proceed till they had con- ferred about it."

The first of these charges we do not find to have been again brought forward in the subsequent proceedings with "Williams. As Ave have before had occasion to observe in the measures and declarations of the first Massachusetts settlers, the views of the colonists in relation to fellowship with the Church of England were vague and unsettled; nor does it appear how far this expression of repentance which he desired was to extend. While at Plymouth, dui-- ing the following years, he maintained intercourse and fel- lowship with members of the Boston church ; but the demand itself is in keeping with that decision of character which is generally attributed to him, and which seems to have been connected with a certain vehemence of temper, at least in his early years. The other point in the accusa- tion, that relating to the commands of the first table, is of more importance ; and this we shall have another opportu-

1 See p, tiO.

05 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY,

iiity for discussing, as it comes up again in connection with a subsequent action against "Williams. The church at Sa- lem, though informed of the step intended by the General Court, on that same 12th of April chose "Williams as their pastor. It is a noticeable fact that it was on the 18th of May that he took his oath as citizen, exactly the time when the law was passed requiring every citizen to be a member of some regular church.^ This act is of importance, in view of the principles with which he was afterwards charged; but it shows also that the Boston government took a course in this j^rocceding which, if not inconsistent, was at least wanting in decision. But scarcely had "Wil- liams been a few months in Salem, when he was obliged to leave that town and go to Plymouth. Manifestly this step was neither voluntary on his part, nor from the wish of the Salem church, as appears from their subsequent recall and continued attachment to him. The Boston government used their influence to carry out, in practice, the pi-incii)les laid down in the Cambridge Platform, (Chaj:). 17, § 9) respecting schismatical churches.-^ But certainly those principles were at first yet more indefinite, in respect to the interference of the civil power, than after the passage of the above cited law ; hence, nothing can be made out in regard to their customary api^lication, there being no direct infor- mation even in respect to the present case.

"Williams was well received in Plymouth, and acted as assistant to their minister, Mr. Ralph Smith.'' Governor Bradford* said of him , " He was freely entertained among us, acording to our poor ability, exercised his gifts among ■ us, and after some time was admitted a member of the church, and his teaching well ajiproved ; for the benefit whereof I shall bless God, and am thankful to him ever for

1 See p. 71. 2 P. 75, f. 3 p. 59. 4 p. 59.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 89

liis sharpest admonitions and reproofs, so far as they agreed Avith trutli." Wliile Williams was still residing at PInmi- outh, the town was visited by Governor Winthrop/ Mr, AVilson the Boston minister, and other distinguished men. At this time no trace aj^peared of hostility or coldness. On a certain Sunday, when they celebrated the Lord's Supper together, tlic church Avas addressed both by the ministers above mentioned, and by the Governors of Boston and Plymouth. Williams remained two years at Plymouth, but the first fixvorable disposition towards him did not continue ; the effect, probably, of the open expression of his views in regard to the relations of the civil magistrao}'. JMr. Brew- ster, the ruling elder, foreboded the flirther spreading of these opinions, and expressed his fears " that Williams would run the same course of rigid separation and anabai)tisti-y Avhioh Mr. John Smith, the Se-baptist^ at Amstei-dam, had done." A large part of the church now abandoned Wil- liams, Avho, in August 1G33, willingly accepted a call from the Salem church to assist their now infirm pastor, Mr. Skelton ; this he did without being at first formally inducted into the office. Meanwhile, the Salem church continued to stand, to a certain degree, in an attitude of estrangement towards the other churches. When, in this same year, a number of ministers of Massachusetts Bay agreed to meet together once a fortnight for conference on the interests of the church, Skelton and Williams held aloof from it, out of fear that it might grow into a presbytery or ecclesiastical tribunal. Yet the othei's declared that they were all, decid- edly and unanimously, of the opinion that no church or per- son can have any power over another cliurch ; nor did they,

1 Winthrop's Journal. This diary extends to the year 164-1, and con- tains very interesting particuhirs in regard to the history of this period.

2 See p. 36.

8*

GO NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

in these meetings, attempt the slightest exercise of such jurisdiction. Shortly after, Williams was cited before the General Court at Boston, on account of a treatise addressed hy him to the Governor and Council of Plymouth, In this he had maintained that the royal charter was invalid, and consequently also the colonists' title to possession, which could be based alone on an agreement with the natives. In the first patent, reference was indeed made to " the great sickness by which the country was depopulated, and thus deserted, as it were, of its natural inhabitants ; " but the l^revailing view was also therein expressed, that the colony had passed into the possession of the King of England, as that christian sovereign whose subjects had first visited the country. But, as already stated, the settlers had pro- ceeded wholly in accordance Avith the principle now laid down by Williams,^ On this point, therefore, they came to an understanding. He explained his irreverent expres- sions in regard to the king in a less offensive sense, or retracted them ; he stated, moreover, that he had regarded the treatise as merely a private thing, not intended for pub- licity, and even expressed his willingness to burn it. Thus Avas this difficulty settled.

For a time he remained wholly undisturbed in his labors, and gained for himself the warmest affection of his hear- ers. On the death of Mr. Skelton, in August, 1634, the church chose him for their pastor. The government at Boston requested the church not to ordain him ; but it remained unmoved, and Williams was installed in the usual manner. Soon after he was cited before the General Court, and this was repeated scA^ernl times. In the charge instituted against him on the 8th of July, 1635, is contained a summary of the opinions advanced by him,

1 See p. 58.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 91

in which we find the four folloAving points : 1. That the magistrate ought not to punish the breach of the first tabic, otherwise tlian in such cases as did disturb the civil peace; 2. That he ouijht not to tender an oath to an unrejrencrate man ; 3. That a man ought not to pray with such, though a member of his own family ; 4. That it Avas not necessary to give thanks after the sacrament, nor in general after meat.

The first of these points is the most important, as it is also the most significant of the views and principles held on both sides. Those of the dominant party are contained in the Cambridge Platform^ and it cannc t be questioned, that to impugn this right of the magistracy was to assail the existing theocratic goverRment. Roger Williams, on the otherhand, as appears from liis later writings as well as in the founding of his new settlement, regarded the entire separation of church and state as the necessary condition of complete religious liberty. Hence, they could come to no agreement in this respect ; though the Congre- gationalists were compelled gradually to adopt these same principles, Avhicli now" prevail in all church-parties through- out the United States.

The second point holds a certain relation to the third ; but it seems also to have had reference to a s])ccial exi- gency, viz., an attempt made by the govei'nmcnt, just at this time, to procure a change in the freeman's oath hitherto iu use. Information having come to the General Court of the intrigues of certain partisans of the Episco- pal church, or other malcontents, against the country, it was resolved as a measure of safety, to tender to each man a new oath of fidelity, in which was promised, in place of obedience to all legal ordinances, obedience to all Avhole-

1 See p. 68, ff.

92 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

some ordinances of the existing government. No j^ublic office was to be entrusted to one who refused this oath. This plan was opposed by Williams, and his influence so prevailed with members of the General Court, that it could not be carried through. Its origin is probably to be found in a commission granted by Charles I. to Archbishop Laud and others, conferring on them plcnij^otentiary authority over the colonies ; but the mode by which they sought to defend themselves was as much at war with their original principles, as it was in accordance with the measures which had once made the Independents fugitives.

The positions charged upon Williams in reference to the unregenerate are worthy of note. They plainly ap- Y>ear like expressions originating in unwarrantable de- duction from certain principles. That fundamental rule, by which the unregenerate were refused admission to the membership of the Congregationalist churches, Williams extended to every form of divine worship and religious service ; for as such he regarded the oath. This confound- ing of that which constitutes qualification for church-fel- lowshij) with that which renders a religious reference possible in any case whatever, gained no footing,^ and was discarded even by the late adherents of Williams.

1 We take occasion here to quote an extraordinary specimen of argu- mentation, which was made use of against Williams. He complained in court of having been wronged by a slanderous report, as if he had said it was unlawful for a father to call upon his child to eat his meat. Mr. Hooker, a minister who was present, replied : " Why, you will say as much again if you stand to your own principles, or be driven to say nothing at all." Mr. Williams protesting the contrary, Mr. Hooker proceeded to rea- son thus : " If it be unlawful to call on an unregenerate person to pray, since it is an action of God's worship, then it is unlawful for your unregenerate child to pray for a blessing on his own meat. If it be unlawful for him to pray for a blessing upon his meat, it is unlawful for him to eat it, for it is sanctified by prayer, and without prayer, unsanctified (1 Tim. 4: 4, 5). If

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACYr 93

Tlic fourtli point probably grew out of opposition to an cflbrt for uniformity. In May, 1G35, an act was passed by the General Court at Boston, "intreating the brethren and elders of every church within this jurisdiction, that they will consult and advise of one uniform order of discipline in the churches, agi-eeable to the Scriptures, and then to consider how far the magistrates are bound to interpose for the preservation of that uniformity and peace of the churches,"

Notwithstanding the ultimate success of "Williams's prin- ciples, it is certainly not to be denied that in his own time he was not in a condition to secure currency for opinions which were not entirely systematized and clear in his own mind, and which, to some extent, led him to pernicious conclusions. His personal qualities preserved the attach- ment of the church at Salem unimpaired. It so happened that during the above-mentioned transactions, this tOMTi applied for the assignment of a parcel of land belonging to it ; but the Court answered, that their choice of Mr. Williams, and their perseverance in the same, showed such contempt of authority, that the petition could not be gi-anted ; nor in truth was their claim admitted till after the settlement of this affair. The Salem church now ad- dressed letters to the other churches, calling their at- tention to this invasion of their rights and liberties, and urging them to admonish the magistrates, as church-mem- bers, for such a course of proceeding. Williams vras still

it be unlawful for him to eat it, it is unlawful for you to call upon him to eat it; for it is unlawful for you to call upon him to sin." Mather, Book YII. Chap. II. § 6. Mather waxes indignant over the behavior of "Wil- liams, who chose to hold his peace, rather than make any answer. The ministers of Boston who were present at the trial, agreed uncouditionaUy with the government.

94 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

more vehement. Being at that time confined by sickness, he wrote to his church, "that he could not communicate longer with the churches in the Bay, neither would he Avith themselves except they would refuse communion with the rest." Therefore, in October, he Avas again called before the Court, and there, in presence of the assembled ministers of the vicinity, was required to retract the opin- ions expressed in his two letters. This he refused, as also the ojffer of a respite with a view to a subsequent disputa- tion. After an unavailing attemjDt, by a public conference, to bring him to submission, the Court, with the concur- rence of all the ministers present, one alone excepted, passed sentence on him as follows : " Whereas, Mr. Roger Williams, one of the elders of the church of Salem, hath broached and divulged divers new and dangerous opinions, against the authority of magistrates ; as also writ letters of defamation, both of the magistrates and churches here ; and that before any conviction ; and yet maintaineth the same without any retraction ; it is therefore ordered, that the said Mr. Williams shall depart out of this jurisdiction Avithin six weeks now next ensuing, which if he neglect to perform, it shall be laAvful for the governor and two of the magistrates to send him to some place out of this juris- diction, not to return any more Avithout license from the Court."

The church at Salem retracted their foimer expressions, and submitted to the decision against their minister, though not Avithout great jDrcA'ious excitement and agitation. Wil- liams liaA'ing requested permission to remain in Salem till sj)ring, was allowed to do so, on condition of refraining from all expression of his views ; but in January 1636, be- ing charged Avith holding assemblies in his OAvn house for the i^ropagation of the offensive doctrines, it was resolved

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 95

by the Coiirt that he should be sent forthwith to England, During this interval, he had brought more than twenty persons to the determination of following him to Narra- ganset Bay, southward from the Plymouth colony, for the pui^pose of founding a settlement. As he did not answer to a warrant for his appearance in Boston, a pinnace was sent to Salem under a commission for his apprehension. But before its arrival he had left the town ; a measure ad- vised by Governor Winthrop himself, as the one most conducive to the public peace and to his own j^ersonal interests.

Proceeding thro\;gh the yet uncultivated regions of Massachusetts in a southerly direction, he succeeded in establishing, on Narraganset Bay, the colony of Provi- dence, which was soon joined by a considerable number of persons from the older colonies. With the same conscien- tioiisness which he had required from others, he purchased lands from the Indians, and so entirely w^on their confi- dence, as to be able at a later period to render most impor- tant services to the other colonies in the minor wars with the Indians. We shall return to the subject of his personal opinions, and his relation to the other settlements, after having first described another controversy in Boston, which led to a second settlement on Narraganset Bay.

ANTINOMIAN AGITATIONS ANNE HUTCHINSON.

Soon after the expulsion of Williams from Massachu- setts, there arrived among the numerous emigrants to New England a young man of distinguished family, whose name often appears in the subsequent history of England. Henry Vane abhorred the oppressions of Episcopal domi- nation, and resolved to found a settlement in Connecticut. His father, who was a partisan of the king, was induced

96 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

by him to consent to tlie undertaking ; for at tliat time Charles I. seems to have favored the removal of his opposers from England.^ Yane landed at Boston, in 1636, and although still a young man, was immediately chosen Governor of Massachusetts. Though not himself an ad- herent of the Antinomian doctrines, which were at this time spreading in Boston, these made great j)rogress under his government. It appears also, from a correspondence between him and Williams, with whom he was on terms of close friendship, that he took the same ground with him in regard to unconditional freedom of religious worship and of church discipline. His high rank secured him many adherents among the members of the General Court, who used their most strenuous efforts to secure his reelec- tion as governor the following year (May, 1627) ; but after considerable agitation, John Winthrop, the well-tried founder of this colony, succeeded to the office.^ Under him the Antinomian controversy reached its crisis and termination.

These views had become associated with the preaching of the most eminent and respected minister of Boston. John Cotton had been some years settled as a clergyman at Boston, in England,'^ when he embraced, and ai^plied in public worship, the nonconformist view resj^ecting certain ceremonies in the Episco2:)al church. He, nevertheless, re- mained several years undisturbed in his office, beloved and esteemed by his congregation, and much valued by Wil-

1 Subsequently the king threw hindrances in the waj' of such emigra- tion. In 1639, as is well known, he obliged Cromwell to relinquish his in- tended voyage to New England.

2 Vane soon after returned to England, and as a member of the Long Parliament, took very decided ground against the royal government. Af- ter the Restoration, he was executed, June 11th, 1662, although he had not been one of the judges of Charles L

3 In Lincolnshire.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 07

lianis, the Bishop of his diocese, who was himself inclined to Puritanism.^ But at length, a person against whom the magistrates of Boston had instituted some proceeding, swore before the High Commission in London, that the clergymen and magistrates of Boston did not kneel at the sacrament, and, in other respects, departed from uniformity in ceremonies. Before a warrant could arrive, Mr. Cotton fled disguised to London ; but was there told by his friends, among whom were some very distinguished men, that " if he had been charged Avith crime, they could have obtained his pardon ; but the sin of being a Puritan was unpardon- able." Following the counsel of these friends, he em- barked for America in the year 1636, having then exercised the office of a clergyman almost twenty years. Soon after his arrival in Boston, he began to act as assistant to Mr. Wilson, then minister of the church. The reputation of great learning, which Cotton brought Avith him from England, secured him high distinction : while he won the love and confidence of his flock, by activity in his ofiice, and by his preaching, which was admired for its freedom from Latin phrases, and displays of scholastic learning then in vogue, thus being intelligible to every class of hearers.^ It was the custom in Boston for members of the church to hold weekly meetings for conversation on the subjects Avhich had been brought before them in public worship. This practice was particularly observed in connection Avith ]Mr. Cotton's preaching, even among the female members \inder the guidance of one Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, Avho

1 AVilliams was afterwards himself called to account, and was heavily fined and thrown into prison ; being set at liberty by the Long Parliament, lie became, in 1641, archbishop of York.

2 His name was so well known in England, that after the Revolution broke out, he was requested by many distinguished men to return; but he never again left his adopted countrv. lie died in Boston in 16.')2.

9

98 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

had arrived In the country in 1636, She was in the habit of praying before assemblies of sixty to eighty persons, and of relocating Mr. Cotton's discourses, to Avhich she then added exphmations and reflections of her own. Plere Antinomian tendencies soon develojDcd themselves ^ in the doctrines, "that the person of the Holy Ghost dwells in a justified person; that the command to Avork out our salva- tion with fear and trembling refers to such only as stand under the law of works ; that sanctification is no sufiicient evidence of a justified state." With these teachings was connected a fanatical tendency, exhibited in the claim to special revelations. While Vane was governor, these views, which were joropagated under the honored name of Cotton, found fi^vor in many quarters ; the party which cherished them branded the rest as "legalists, Avho were acquainted" neither with the spirit of the Gospel, nor with Christ himself." " People under a covenant of works " were distinguished from "people under a covenant of grace." The dispute having soon spread through the whole town and even among members of the government, Cotton found it necessary to express his opinion in re- gard to it. He rejected the new doctrines as eiToneous; but as he had at first formed a very favorable judgment of Mrs. Hutchinson and her followers, and as she pro- fessed, when admonished by him, to acquiesce in his views, he expressed himself with great moderation. In the crisis to which the controversy had now come, his explanation satisfied neither party ; though it would seem, from his being sent from Boston to New Haven, for the purpose of procuring a change in the measure there adopted at this time, that the personal estimation which be had enjoyed remained unabated.

1 Hutch. II. p. 46.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 99

The Antinomian doctrines had just then found an advo- cate in a minister by the name of Wheelwright, brother- in-law of Mrs. Hutchinson. He maintained in a sermon, tliat "the magistrates and ministers of tlie country walked in such a way of salvation, as Avas no better than a cove- nant of works." He compared them to the Jews, to Herod, to the Philistines, and exhorted all who stood in the covenant of grace to contend against them as against their greatest enemies. Thereupon he was summoned by the magistracy before the General Court at its next session, and his defence having been heard, his sermon was pro- nounced " seditious and tending to the disturbance of the public peace." All attempts to bring him to a sense of his error were unavailing; still he was allowed the time to the next session for considering whether he would give in his submission, or expect the sentence of the Court. The adherents of the Antinomian party were so excited by this attack on their minister, that they assembled the same evening and drew up a petition or rather a protest against the proceedings of the Court, wherein they expressed their opinion that " Wheelwright had neither been guilty of any seditious act whatever, nor did his doctrine contain any- thing seditious, being no other than the word of Scripture; it had, moreover, had no seditious consequences, for none of his followers had drawn the sword, or attempted to set free their innocent brother. They therefore besought the Court to consider how great was the danger attending such an intermeddling in the affairs of the prophets of God, an<l to remember that even the apostle Paul was called a pesti- lent fellow, a mover of sedition, and the ringleader of a sect." This petition was presented to the Court a day or two after the censure had been passed on Wheelwright's sermon; but though signed by above sixty names, and

100 NLW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

even by some members of the Comt, it was rejected by the majority.

FIRST NEW ENGLAND SYNOD EXPULSION OF THE ANTINOMIANS.

But the government was itself aware, that a division wliicli had gone so far could not be settled or sui:)presscd by ordinary means. It was resolved, therefore, to call a synod of ministers and lay-delegates of the chm-ches, from which they might secure the necessary support for a vigor- ous course of jDroceeding. This first synod of the Inde- pendents met at Newtown,^ on the 30th of August 1637. To this assembly, besides the regular membei'S, the magis- trates also were admitted for the purpose of maintaining quiet and order ; and they were not only allowed to hear, but as occasion ofiered, to express their views. A particu- lar space was reserved for the adherents of the new o^^in- ions, and free entrance was granted to all who wished to be i^resent. On the first day, Thomas Hooker, minister of Hartford in Connecticut, and Peter Bulkley of Concord, Massachusetts, were chosen moderators, and a list of eighty-two erroneous opinions then jDrevailing in different parts of the country was read before the synod. On the following morning, a committee employed itself in draw- ing up the grounds of refutation, and in the afternoon pre- sented their arguments to the synod. The next day, the other 2^ai'ty gave in their reply, and to this followed a rejoinder to the reasons thus alleged by the Antinomians. Thereupon the final action was taken by a unanimous con- demnation of all the new opinions, to which the Avhole body of ministers present gave their subscription. Only Mr. Cotton declared, that while he " disrelished the greater part of the new oj)inions, some of which were heretical,

1 Called Cambridge in the following year. Sec p. &4.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 101

some blasphemous, some erroneous, and all of them incon- gruous," j-ct he could not condemn them in toto and with- out qualification. In reference to the doctrine of justifica- tion, he maintained, in contrariety to the general opinion, that "there may be a imion of man Avith God, before faith." It was felt that the dissent of a man like Cotton had a momentous bearing on the decision of the controversy, which could thus be prosecuted by the disaffected under liis name even more successfully than before. But by repeated conference on the contested points, Mr. Cotton Avas brought to an agreement with the rest in the follow- ing declaration : " That Ave are not united and married to the Lord Jesus Christ without faith, giving an actual con- sent of soul unto it; that God's effectual calling of the soul unto the Lord Jesus Christ, and the soul's apprehend- ing by an act of faith the offered righteousness of the Lord Jesus Christ is in order of nature before God's act of justi- fication upon the soul; that in the testimony of the Holy Sj)irit, Avhich is the evidence of our good estate before God, the qualifications of inherent graces, and the fruits thereof, ])roving the sincerity of our foith, must ever be coexistent, concurrent, coiipparent, or else the conceived testimony of the Spirit is either a delusion or doubtful." Having thus yielded his assent to the general conviction, INIr. Cotton promised also to unite his testimony with that of his brethren against the erroneous opinions. The synod had been three weeks in session. On the last day, Mr. Davenport, minister of New Haven, preached a discourse from Phil. 3: 16., "Nevertheless, whereunto we have already attained, let us walk by the same rule, let us mind the same thing." He then read aloud the decisions of the synod, which Avere so draAvn up that after the statement of each jiarticular error, the judgment folloAved: "We find

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102 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

this contrary to such and such a text of Scripture." Finally, he exhorted the ministers and lay-delegates to labor in their respective churches for a uniformity "vvith the views of the synod, and then dismissed the assembly.

Now, whatever a synod lacked in legislative power, according to the fundamental principles of the Independ- ents, it gained in this case through the unanimity of its members. But neither did AVheelwright change the char- acter of his 2ii"eaching, nor Mrs. Hutchinson discontinue her meetings, especially as both of them still found no inconsiderable support in Boston. On this account, the General Court assembled on the 2d of October in New- town. Their first step was to exclude three members from Boston, by one of whom the petition above mentioned, had been drawn up and signed, and by both the others pub- licly defended. After some resistance, the people of Bos- ton were induced to supply the places thus made vacant by a new election. Wheelwright was now required to give a categorical answer to the interrogatory previously l)ut, whether he would acknowledge his error in respect to that seditious sermon, or expect the judgment of the Court. He replied, that " he was guilty neither of sedition nor insubordination ; he had preached nothing but chris- tian truth ; as to the application, that was made by others, not by himself" He was then required, for the sake of the public peace, to leave the colony voluntarily. This being refused, sentence was passed, declaring his forfeiture of civil rights, his banishment from the commonwealth, and his immediate imjirisonment in failure of furnishing secur- ity that he would depart before the end of March. From this decision he appealed to the King of England, but it was replied that his case was not of a character admitting* of aj^peal. He then declined giving the required security,

NEW ENGLAND THEOCIIACY. lOo

and was accordingly lodged in prison ; but on tlic follow- ing day he yielded, recalled his appeal, and declared him- self ready to submit to simple banishment. The Court dismissed him on the promise, that if he did not leave the commonwealth within fourteen days, he woidd himself return to prison, and there await the decision of his case. lie chose to go into banishment.^

This matter being disposed of, the petitioners were called before the Court ; after a part had made their submission, the rest were punished, some by dismissal from their offices, some by fines, some by banishment. Mrs. Hutchinson had not been concerned in the petition ; but it could no longer be overlooked that she still continued her weekly meetings. She was accordingly called up and charged with being the cause, through the jireaching of her errors and her slander of all the ministers of the country, of the late disturbances and disorders in church and state. In her defence, so far from re- tracting anything or promising to remain quiet in future, she indulged freely in bitter reflections against the Court. She thus compared her case with that of the prophet Daniel:^ " When the princes and presidents could find nothing against him, because he was faithful, they sought matter against him concerning the law of his God, to cast him into the lions' den." Then she assumed the prophetic tone: " Take heed how you proceed against me ; for I know that for this you go about to do to me, God will ruin you and your posterity, and this whole state." The Court ordered her to be silent, and as there appeared to be no hope of lier recantation, required her to depart from that jurisdiction

1 Seven years after, on his apologizing for remarks made against tho Government, his sentence was revoked ; and he returned and continued ' to live many years as minister of the Church in Hampton and afterward in Salisbury. 3 Dan. 6 : 4, 5.

104 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

Avithin six months. At the same time, the church at Bos- ton, of which she was a member, declared licr guilty of heresy, as having maintained twenty-six of tlie doctrines condemned by the synod. She drew up, indeed, a recanta- tion, but added to it the protestation " that she was never really of any opinion contrary to the declaration she had now made." Being convicted of the contrary by witnesses, her recantation was rejected, and she was excommunicated as a public liar, with the full consent of the church. Other members of the church shared the same fate, not so much on account of erroneous opinions, as of offences in conduct. These exiles betook themselves, some to Connecticut, some to New Hampshire, but the greater part repaired to Roger Williams, in Providence. Here they resolved to set- tle on an island in Narraganset Bay hitherto called Aquat- neck, ^ to which they gave the name of Rhode Island. Af- ter having purchased it from the Indians by the help of Roger Williams, they founded here a colony, which, though holding the most friendly relations to that of Providence, was, at first, wholly distinct from it. It was, however, the wish of both colonies to be united. In 1643, Williams went to England, and through his acquaintance with Sir Henry Vane obtained from parliament a charter for the colony of Rhode Island, under Avhich name were included all the set- tlements in Narraganset Bay. This charter Avas confirmed by Charles II., in 1662, and although annulled in 1684, was restored after the accession of William III. Their consti- tution, which is thoroughly democratic, has maintained

1 Mrs. Hutchinson, for some reason not known, removed from Rhode Island in 1642, after the death of her husband, to the Dutch settlements, and took up her abode in the neighborhood of Now York. The following 3^ear, she was murdered, with her whole family, by the Indians, one daugh- ter excepted, who was carried into captivity.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 105

itself unchanged till near the present time, Avliich is the case with no other state of the North American Union.

RELATION" or RHODE ISLAND TO THE OTHER COLOXIES.

"We have already noticed the antagonism in which Rhode Island found itself continually placed in respect to the other colonies. The declaration of a total separation of church and state, and of unconditional liberty in religious wor.sliii', seemed like an unlieard of novelty. The speedy dissolution of the new settlement was confidently anticipated in Boston, and it was judged necessary to keep rigidly aloof from all connection with them, in order not to be involved in the same ruin. The General Court of Massachusetts expressed itself on this point in a resolution adopted May 12th, 1638. One of the exiles, John Green by name, who had settled in Providence, wrote from this place to the government at Boston, charging them " with arrogating to themselves the power of Christ over the churches and the consciences of men." Thereupon it was ordered, that " the said John Green shall not come into this jurisdiction upon paui of im- prisonment and further censure ; and because it appears to this Court that some others of tlie same place are confi- dent in the same corrupt judgment and })ractice, it is ordered, that if any other of the inhabitants of the said plantation of Providence shall come within this jurisdiction, they shall be apprehended and brought before some of the magistrates ; and if they will not disclaim the said corrupt opinions aud censure, they shall be commanded presently to depart ; and if such persons shall after be found within this jurisdiction, they shall be imprisoned and punished as the Court shall see cause."

The following chapter will show the application of this enactment on the appearance of another party opposed to

106 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

the Congregationalist Theocracy, which, judging from Roger Williams's course, it was supposed might justly be associated with his name. It seems probable that during the first years of his residence in Providence, Williams liad established no separate church,^ the number of inhabitants being perhaps too small, or too diverse in their views, or too much occupied at first in providing for the absohite neces- saries of life. Religious meetings were held, however, imder the guidance of Mr. Williams. As the settlers in- creased in number, as well by emigration from England as from the other colonies, several opposers of infant baptism were found among them, and Williams now declared him- self of their way of thinking. That he had previously advocated the doctrines of the Anabaptists is not probable, the above-mentioned charge of Brewster notwithstanding; for, in that case, it would certainly have been made to bear more decidedly against him. It was resolved to organize a new church ; and as there Avas no minister among them, one of the lay brethren first administered the rite of baptism to Mr. Williams, who then did the same for the rest. This was in May, 1609. Scarcely was this done, when scru- ples arose in his mind respecting the validity of his bap- tism, which induced him two or three months after to with- draw from the new church ; and though not differing on essential points of faith from the Christians around him, he never again entered into the church relation. The grovuids of this course are to be found in his writiniijs. Thus he

1 "We may at least draw the conclusion that those residents of Provi- dence, who had previously been members of the Salem church, were not excluded till after Williams went over to the Baptists. The older narra- tors, for the most part, only take notice of the affairs of Rhode Island in connection with the other colonies; and even Knowlcs, the biographer of Williams, has not been able to settle this point with certainty.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 107

maintained, tliat the jiroper ministration of tlie word of Christ was interrupted for many centuries by the reii^n of antichrist ; the prodamation of the Gospel might still he continued and lead souls truly to heaven ; but never a^^ain will there exist a true and genuine churcli, till after a new special revelation from God. This fanatical opinion seems, however, to liave exercised no material influence either on his private or his public life. He maintained a regular cor- respondence with distinguished individuals in the other col- onies, particularly with the governor of Connecticut, a son of Governor Winthrop of Boston, and received from him many tokens of regard. He exhibited great wisdom in composing the disorders and contentions which were rife in the new state; and at his death, early in the year 1683, he left the settlement Avhich he had planted in a flourishinsr condition.

The j^rejudice excited in Boston against everything which proceeded from Rhode Island, as shown in the fore- going narration, exercised no little influence on th' meas- ures of the government in the controversies which form the subject of our next chapter. We shall now pass im- mediately to the conflicts with the Anabaptists and Qua- kers ; though in the order of time, they follow the events and measures which mark the first firm organization and subsequent change of the theocratic constitution. But for the sake of presenting, in an uninterrupted view, the progressive inw^ard development of that which be- longed to the organism of the church itself, we must first dispose of an assault from without, which it success- fully repelled. "Whatever in its constitution serves for the illustration of the measures adopted for this purpose, has been already exhibited in the exti-acts from the platform of church discipline contained in chapter second.

CHAPTER IV.

EXCLUSION AND PERSECUTION OF ANABAPTISTS AND QUAKERS.

DREAD OF THE ANABAPTISTS CONNECTED AVITII THE HISTORY OF THE KE-BAPTIZERS OF GERMANY ; MEASURES FOR THEIR SUP- PRESSION.

The Anabaj^tist church, formed by Williams in Provi- dence,^ continued to exist after his withdrawal from it ; and in consequence of the banishment of the Antinomians from Boston, still another arose in Newport, the principal place in the island of Rhode Island. This Avas under the care of John Clarke, formerly a physician, who had been a resident of Boston during the two years jDrevious to the rupture which has been described. The exact date of its origin cannot be determined, but it was not far from the year 1644, and may have been even earlier. In the settle- ments on Narraganset Bay, the principle there dominant, of a total separation between church and state, had devel- oped in the Anabaptists no hostile tendency towards civil government in general.

But when, during the same period, this party began to in- crease and extend itself in Massachusetts, the government,

1 The adherents of adult baptism have successfully appropriated to themselves the name of Baptists, and repudiated that of Anabaptists : on the grounds, 1st, that it is not their design to re-baptize ; and 2d, that the name Anabaptist was associated ■with certain practical rcsidts, or with doctrines and acts of the German rc-baptizers. The truth of this will appear from the ensuing narration.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 109

remembering what liad Imppencd in Germany, niipreliemleil not merely an antagonism to the existing theocratic rela- tion, but an overthrow of civil order and government. We see a manifestation of this fear in the following law passed by the General Court in 1 644 : —

"Forasmuch as experience hath plentifully and often proved, that since the first rising of the Anabaptists, about one hundred years since, they have been the incendiaries of the commonwealths, and the infectors of persons in main matters of religion, and the troublers of churches in all places where they have been, and that they who have held the baptizing of infonts unlawful, ha^e usually held other errors or heresies together therewith, though they have (as other heretics use to do) concealed the same till they spied out a fit advantage and opportunity to vent them, by way of question and scruple ; and whereas, divers of this kind have, since our coming into New England, appeared amongst ourselves, some whereof (as others before them) denied the ordinance of magistracy, and the lawfulness of making war, and others the lawfulness of magistrates and their inspection into any breach of the first table ; which opinions, if they should be connived at by us, are like to be increased amongst us, and so must necessarily bring guilt upon us, infection and trouble to the churches, and hazard to the whole commonwealth ; it is ordered and agreed, that if any person or persons, Avithin this jurisdic- tion, shall either openly condemn or oppose the baptizing of infants, or go about secretly to seduce others from the approbation or use thereof, or shall purposely depart the cono-reoration at the ministration of the ordinance, or shall deny the ordinance of magistracy, or their lawful right and authority to make war, or to punish the outward breaches of the first table, and shall appear to the Court

10

110 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

wilfully and obstinately to continue therein after due time and means of conviction, every such jDcrson or l^ersons shall be sentenced to banishment."

In the year 1646, the government, in replying to the complaints of certain disaffected persons whose petition will be mentioned in the following chapter, thus vindicates this law :^ "The great trouble we have been put unto and hazard also, by familistical and anabaptistical spirits, whose conscience and religion hath been only to set forth them- selves and raise contentions in the country, did provoke us to jDrovide for our safety by a law, that all such should take notice how unwelcome they should be ixnto us, either coming or staying. But for such as differ from us only in judgment, in point of baptism or some other points of less consequence, and live peaceably amongst us, without occa- sioning disturbance, etc., such have no cause to complain ; for it hath never yet been put in execixtion against any of them, although such are known to live amongst us."

To this explanation of the law in words, we now add the actual application of it.

The Anabaptists first came into collision with the gov- ernment in Plymouth colony. Obadiah Holmes,^ once a student in Oxford University, had experienced, while still a youth, that inward conflict through which he attained to the consciousness of sin and of salvation. On his landing in New England he became a member of the Salem church. Here he remained six or seven years, and then removed, 1 645, to Rehoboth, a newly-settled town of New Plymouth, on the border of Rhode Island. Here also he lived some

1 Collection of original papers relative to the history of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, Boston, 1769, p. 216.

2 Backus, I., 208 ff., gives some account of his life by himself, preserved in the family in his own handwriting.

KEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. HI

four years in connection with the church umlcr the care of Mr. Newman ; but at length, Hohnes, in connection with other members of the church, cliarged this minister with having, by the aid of a few others, proceeded in an unjustifiable manner in tlie name of the church. Bein"- outvoted in tliis attempt, they resolved on forming a sepa- rate church, a measure certainly not at variance with tlie l)nnciples of the Congregationalists. But general scandal was excited when the seceding members submitted to im- mersion (probably at the hands of John Clarke), and pro- ceeded to form an Anabaptist church. Holmes was excommunicated by the Congregationalist chmx-h, and on the 4th of June, 1650, was presented, with two others, before the General Court of Xew Plymouth. Four peti- tions had been addressed to that body, urging the speedy suppression of the existing schism ; one from the town of Itelioboth, one from the neighboring church in Taunton, one from the collective ministers of New Plymouth, two excepted, and one finally from the General Court at Bos- ton. Still Holmes and his followers were mildly dealt with ; only they were obliged to leave the colony. They took refuge in New^iort, and connected themselves with the church there, under the care of Mr. Clarke.

There lived at Lynn, a place eight or ten miles north of Boston, an Anabaptist, by the name of "William Witter, who wished to connect himself with a church of his own persuasion, but, on account of his advanced age, could not undertake the journey to Newj)ort. At his request, Clarke and Holmes, in company with a third by the name of Crandall, made him a visit on the 19th of July, 1651, and the day afler, being Sunday, held divine service in his house ; but, while Clarke was preaching, two constables made their appearance, who, after producing their warrant

112 NEW ENGLAND TIIEOCRACT.

from the local magistrate, apprehended the three men, and took them as prisoners to the ale-house.^ Here they were required to attend the afternoon service, and were obliged to do so, although Clarke declared that he would make known his dissent in the meeting, "by word and gesture." He did both. When they had been shown into the seat appointed for them, Clarke put on his hat again, - which was then struck off by a constable. Prayer, sing- ing, and sermon being ended, he desired leave to address a few words to the congregation. On being answered that no objectioils could be heard against what had been deliv- ered, he replied that this was not his purpose ; but, as he had already signified his dissent from them " by gesture," he now wished to declare the grounds of the same by words. He then proceeded : " First, from the considera- tion we are strangers to each other, and so strangers to each other's inward standing, in respect to God, and so cannot conjoin and act in faith ; and what is not of faitli is sin. And, in the second place, I could not judge that you are gathered together and walk according to the visible order of our Lord." At this point, the magistrate informed him that he could say no more, and commanded silence. Two days after, he sent them to Boston, with a mittimus, wherein were the foregoing incidents. Here, on the 31st of July, they received sentence, Clarke to pay twenty pounds. Holmes thirty, and Crandall five ; or, in default of i:)ay- ment, to be "well whipped," The acts recited in the mit- timus are set forth as the grounds of this sentence, to which is added : " That the said John Clarke, on the fol- lowing day, at the house of Witters, and in contempt of

1 It is clear that the town was provided with no prison, and thus it was that the pilsoners were able to hold another meeting.

2 These statements are taken from an account by Clarke himself.

NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 113

authority, being then in custody of tlie Lnv, did there adnnnister the sacrament of the Lord's Suj)per to one excommunicated person (Ilohnes), to another under ail- nionition (Crandall), and to a third, that was an inhabitant of Lynn and not in fellowship with any church ; and yet, upon answer in open Court, did affirm, that he never re- l)aj)tized any, although he confessed that he did baptize such as were baptized before, and thereby did necessarily deny the baptism that was before to be baptism, the churches no churches, and also all other ordinances and min- isters, as if all were a nullity ; and also did, in the court, deny the lawfulness of baptizing of infants ; all this tends to the dishonor of God, the despising of the ordinances of God among us, the peace of the churches, and seducing the subjects of the commonwealth from the truth of the gospel of Jesus Christ, and perverting the straight ways of the Lord."

According to Clarke's report, Governor Endicott added, in an excited manner : " You have deserved death ; we will not have such trash brought into our jurisdiction. You go up and down, and secretly insinuate into those that are weak ; but you cannot maintain it before our min- isters. You may try and dispute with them." Accord- ingly, on the following day, Clarke wrote to the Court, desiring the official appointment of the time and place of disputation ; but to this they demurred. After a consulta- tion on the matter, Clarke was again called up, and ques- tioned whether he wished to dis])ute upon the specifications in his sentence, and defend what he had done; "for," it was added, "the Court sentenced you, not for your judg- ment and conscience, but for matter of fact and practice." Clarke reiilicd, that matter of fact and i)racticc was but the manifestation of his judgment and conscience ; and he

10*

114 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

I^roposed to draw up a M'rittcn statement of the main points of his belief, which might sei've as a basis of the disputation. He then returned to prison, and thence sent to the Court four conclusions. The first of these was directed against encroachments on the oifices of Christ, especially on his office as king; the second declared ba})- tism by immersion, which was to be administered to true believers only, to be a command of Christ; the third main- tained that each believer, after the measure of his gifts, might, yea, was bound to preach the word, both in and out of the church; the fourth protested against all outward penalties in matters of religion and conscience. lie re- ceived, for answcK, a dismission from prison, some of his friends having paid his fine without asking his consent. He now made known his intention of leaving Boston and returning to his flimily, but expressed his readiness and desire to defend his cavise in the manner proposed, either now or at a later period. It was replied that the proffers made him merely had reference to private conferences, for his instruction and conviction. A willingness Av^as ex- pressed, however, to grant him a public disputation ; but so hampered as to the way in which it should be con- ducted, and with such restrictions in regard to rigid adherence to the questions in debate, that Clarke felt him- self obliged to decline it. Crandall was likewise dismissed, under promise of appearing before the next court, and both returned to Rhode Island. But Obadiah Holmes would neither pay his fine, nor allow others to do it for him, and consequently remained in prison till the next sit- ting of the Court. The threatened sentence of corporeal punishment was then jiublicly executed on him ; ^ nay,

1 The detailed account of his sufferings is given in a letter addressed to the brethren of his own faith in England.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 115

even two of the spectators, wlio i)raisc(l God for the con- stancy of his faith, were arrested, and only escaped similar dealing through the payment, hy friends, of forty shillings fine. Thereupon, the adherents of tliese doctrines were banished in a body from Massachusetts, and Avent to Rhode Island.

In November, IGol, Clarke accompanied AVilliams to England, for the purpose of settling certain disputes respecting the boundaries of Rhode Island, and there pub- lished a book, entitled "111 News from New England; or, a Nan-ative of New England's Persecutions." What im- pression these accounts made on the English Congrega- tionalists, may be seen fi"om the following letter, addressed by Sir Richard Saltonstall, formerly first magistrate of Massachusetts, to the Boston ministers, Cotton and Wil- son:

" Revered and dear friends, whom I unfeignedly love and respect, —

" It doth not a little grieve my sjiirit to hear what sad things are reported daily of your tyranny and j^ersecutions in Xew England, as that you fine, whip, and imprison men for their consciences. First, you compel such to come into your assemblies as you know will not join you in your worship ; and when they show their dislike thereof, or witness against it, then you stir up your magistrates to punish them for such (as you conceive) their j)ublic affronts. Truly, friends, this your practice of compelling any in matters of worship, to do that whereof they are not fully persuaded, is to make them sin, for so the apostle (Rom. 14: 23) tells us, and many are made hypocrites thereby, conforming in their outward man for fear of punishment. We pray for you and wish you prosperity in every Avay ; hoped the Lord would have given you so much light and

116 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

love there, that you might have been eyes to God's people here, and not to practise those courses in a wilderness whicli you went so far to prevent. These rigid ways have laid you very low in the hearts of the saints. I do assure you I have heard them pray in the public assemblies, that the Lord would give you such meek and humble spirits, not to strive so much for uniformity as to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace."

The reply of Cotton to this letter is striking and charac- teristic :

" Honored and dear sir, —

"My brother Wilson and self do both of us acknow- ledge your love, as otherwise formerly, so now in the late lines we received from you, that you grieve in spirit to hear daily complaints against us. Be pleased to under- stand we look at such complaints as altogether injurious in respect to ourselves, who had no hand or tongue at all to jDromote either the coming of the persons you aim at into our assemblies, or their punishment for their carriage there. Righteous judgment will not take up reports, much less reproaches against the innocent. The cry of the sinners of Sodom was great and loud, and reached up to heaven ; yet the righteous God (giving us an example what to do in like case), he would first go down to see whether their crime were altogether according to the cry, befoi-e he proceed to judgment. And when he did find the truth of the cry, he did not wrap up all alike promis- cuously in the judgment, but spared such as he found inno- cent. We are amongst those whom, if you knew us better, you would account i^eaceable in Israel. Yet neither are we so vast in our indulgence or toleration, as to think the men you speak of suffered an unjust censure. For one of them (Obadiah Holmes) being an excommimicate person

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 117

himself, out of a church in riymoutli Patent, came into this jurisdiction, and took upon him to baptize, wliieh I tliink liimself will not say he was compelled here to per- form. And he was not ignorant that the re-baptizing of an elder person, and that by a private person, and under excommunication, are all of them manifest contestations against the order and government of our churches, estab- lished (we know) by God's law, and (he knoweth) by the laws of the country. As for his whipping, it Avas more voluntarily chosen by him than inflicted on him. His censure by the^Court, was to liave j3aid, as I know, thirty pounds, or else be whipt ; in which case, if his suficring of stripes was any worship of God at all, it could be accounted no better than will-worship. The other (Mr. Clarke) was wiser in that point, and his offence was less, so was his fine less, and himself (as I hoar) was contented to have it paid for him, whereupon' he was released. The imprisonment of either of them was no detriment. I believe they fared, neither of them, better at home, and I am sure Holmes had not been so well clad of many years before.

" But be pleased to consider this point a little further. You think to compel men in matter of worship is to make them sin. If the worship be lawful in itself, the magis- trate compelling him to come to it compelleth him not to sin ; but the sin is in his will that needs to be compelled to a christian duty. If it do make men hypocrites, yet better be hypocrites than profane persons. Hypocrites give God part of his due, the outward man ; but the profone j^erson giveth God neither outward nor inward man. You know lis not if you think Ave came into this wilderness to practise those courses here which we fled from in England, "SVe believe there is a vast diflTerence between men's inven-

118 KEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

tions and God's institutions ; we fled from men's inventions, to which we should else have been compelled ; we compel none to men's inventions. If oui- ways (rigid ways, as you call them) have laid us low in the hearts of God's people, yea, and of the saints, (as you style them), we do not believe it is any i^art of their saintship. Nevertheless, I tell you the truth, we have tolerated in our churches some Anabaj^tists, some Antinomians, and some Seekers, and do so still at this day. We are far from arrogating infallibility of judgment to ourselves, or affecting uniform- ity ; uniformity God never required, infallibility he never granted us."

Into such expressions did an unyielding polemic zeal be- tray even such a man as Cotton ; a man of whom Williams, though his earnest opponent, and exchanging with him controversial writings on their respective principles, has si^oken with the highest estimation.^ It is the clearest exponent of that generally prevailing opinion, which a few years later expressed itself, Avith reference to a new form of oj)position, in measures of even yet greater severity. It is noticeable, that Cotton Mather's history of New England, ordinarily so diffiise in narrating the most unhn- portant particulars, i^asses OA'er the foregoing story in total silence. The same, according to Backus, was the case with the earlier historians of Massachusetts, with Captain John- son, who wrote in 1654, and with Morton, in 1669, although his object was the refutation of charges made against New England. Hubbard, in 1680, only makes a distant allusion to it ; Governor Hutchinson, in his history of Massachu- setts, mentions the year 1665 as the date of the first perse- cution of the Anabaptists. Yet, in a third volume, he gives, among other legal documents, some which have re-

1 Backus, I. p. 472. 2 lb. II. p. 253.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCBACY. 119

ferencc to tlic occuiTcnces of 1G51. Xeal alone, in liis history, has taken particidar notice of Charke's account. In the following chapter Ave shall, moreover, have occasion to show that hostility to Anabaptism was not without in- fluence on the decisions of the Congregationalists in regard to Infant Baj)tism, when this became from an entirely different point of view the subject of discussions and pro- ceedings.

PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS.

We pass now to the last persecution in Ncav England, properly so called, the most violent, and the longest in duration. But in order to understand the constantly in- creasing severity of the measures against the Quakers, we must not only give a full exhibition of what occurred in New England, but must glance briefly at tlie origin and growth of this sect in the mother-country. Just at the period when insurrection and civil war had brought the political rela- tions of England to the verge of anarchy and dissolution, George Fox, a Lancashire shoemaker, began to publish his claim to an inward revelation, and travelled through the country to spread his doctrines. Of these the central point was, the inward enlightening of man by the Spirit of God as the proper source of divine knowledge, rather than the Scriptures ; as also, that our salvation is rather through the Christ loitJdn^ than the Christ Avithout, From this followed a depreciation of the historical Christ, as Avell as of everything stated and prescribed in divine service, of the sacraments, of appointed times and places for public religious Avorship. With the denial of the proper ground- truths of Christianity in regard to the redemption of man, connected itself a fanatical opj^osition to all civil order and to all prevailing customs. The word of Scripture

120 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

they called a dead letter ; yet in tlieir own apj^eals to it, they could use the letter, that is, the words, violently wrested from tlieir connection. The preaching of the first Quakers is not indeed to be made a reproach, to the later " Friends," as remoulded both in respect to doctrine and 2^ractice by Barclay and Penn ; but in the period with which we are concerned, their advent can only be regarded as a movement of Avild fanaticism.^ Some of their number appeared in parliament, and announced before the Protec- tor the downfall of the State, to which they were called by the Spirit to contribute. In order to give public offence, they opened shops on Sunday, and one woman even ap- l^eared in church wholly destitute of clothing. In the year 1565, they acknowledged one James Naylor,^ a former soldier of CromAvell's army, as the manifested Son of God. Being called before the cotirt, he declared that every honor offered to him as a created being, he declined ; but if the hearts of others were moved by the Father thus to honor him, it was not in his power to refuse it ; it had been com- manded him, through the power of the Lord, to allow this homage to be paid him. He was required to recant, was j)ut in the stocks, placed backAvards on a horse and led through London, his tongue was bored, his forehead

1 The conflict of Roger Williams with these people is significant In re- spect to both parties. He too maintained, from the word of God, the worship of that time to be unchristian, and thus placed himself in opposi- tion to every existing church-organization; and in connection with this, he advocated freedom of conscience to the extremest limit. Yet he subsc- qncntl}' took most decided ground against the Quakers, both in oral dis- putations and in his writings against George Fox, who, in 16GS, had vis- ited Rhode Island. It is here to be remarked that the founder of a settle- ment and body politic can be no friend of disorder and contempt of civil government; and also that Roger Williams, while separating from all churches, held fast to the fundamentals of Christianity, and did not neg- lect to support them by his testimony.

2 Neal's History of the Puritans, IV. 154.

NEW EXGLAXD THEOCRACY. 121

branded, lie "was whipt through Bristol ; but nothing could move him. He was then condemned to imprison- ment with hard labor, being allowed nothing for his sus- tenance except what he earned himself. After two years, however, he acknowledged that the honor which had been paid him was wrong and sinful, and professed his shame for having encouraged it. He was then dismissed from prison, but died soon after.

The restless spirit of this sect had already carried its adherents to the colonies in America, and it happened that their first appearance was in Rhode Island, whence they sought to push their way into the jurisdiction of Ply- mouth. At the same time they appeared also in Barbadocs in the West Indies; and in 1656, two Avomen, Maria Fisher and Anna Austin by name, came in a ship from this island to Boston, and there, by books and tracts, dis- seminated the doctrines of the Quakers. This coming to light, the Governor ordered their arrest, and also that the books, about one hundred in number, should be burned. Then calling his Council, it was resolved that the prisoners should remain in confinement till a good opportunity offered for sending them away ; and the ship-captain who had brought them was to give bonds for their departure in one hundi-ed pounds. But before this could be effected, four men and four women of the same principles had made their Avay to Boston from Rhode Island, Avho as soon as discovered, were put in prison, and then sent out of the country. The government designed by these measures to keep the Quakers at a distance, and not supposing any of the inhabitants themselves to be infected with their opin- ions, believed that by sufiicient rigor they could reach their end. Accordingly, on the 14th of October 1656, they passed a law which was in substance as follows : —

11

122 NEW ENGLA^'D THEOCRACY.

"Every master of a vessel bringing in Quakers, shall pay a fine of one hundred pounds. Every Quaker, imme- diately on his arrival shall be lodged in the House of Cor- rection, to be severely Avhipped on his entrance, and to be kept close at hard labor; no one to be allowed to speak or hold any intercourse with him. Whoever knowingly brings in, spreads, or conceals Quaker writings shall be fined five pounds. Whoever undertakes to defend the doctrines of the Quakers, shall for the first offence be fined ten shillings, and for the second, four pounds ; for the third, he shall be committed to prison, till a suitable oppor- tunity is found of transporting him out of the country, which is then to be done forthwith."

When this law Avas proclaimed with beat of drum through the streets of Boston, Nicholas Upshall, a man some sixty years of age, came forth from his house, and protested openly to the officei's "that the execution of this law would be the forerunner of judgments on the land; wherefore he besought them to beware what they did, lest they might be found among those who were fighting against God." This was regarded as an attack upon the government ; Upshall was called before the court, and as he would neither acknowledge his ofience nor beg forgive- ness, he was fined twenty pounds, and ordered to leave the jurisdiction within one month.

The following year, the above-cited law was put in prac- tice. A tailor's wife named Maria Clarke, who had aban- doned her husband and six children in London, in order, as she said, to deliver a message from the Lord, w^as put in prison, whipped, and banished. The same punishment was soon after inflicted upon two men, Holden and Cope- land, who belonged to the Rhode Island Quakers, and had been already once banished. They made their appearance

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 123

at Salem, where they even took it upon themselves to speak in a public religious meeting. It now became evi- dent, from the numbers who frequented their meetings, that their opinions had found favor among the residents. These private gatherings Avere immediately interrupted; each person present Avas fined five shillings for absenting liimself from public worship ; every one Avho liad taken part in them was sent to tlic House of Correction at Bos- ton.

But all the attempts of the government for the suppres- sion of this sect, were frustrated by the persistency of the Quakers in returning from banishment. Hence, in Octo- ber, 1G57, a law was passed that: "whoever brings a Qua- ker into this jurisdiction shall pay one hundred pounds, and be kept in prison till the penalty is discharged ; who- ever harbors or conceals a known Quaker shall jiay forty shillings for every hour's entertainment, and remain in pri- son until pa\Tnont of the same. Every Quaker, who shall become such in the colony, is to be treated in like manner Avith those who come in. For the first and second offences, when the criminal has been punished according to the laAvs previously enacted, if a man, he shall lose first one, and then the other ear; if a Avoman, she shall be severely Avhipped ; the third time, man or- woman, shall have the tongue bored through Avith a hot iron. In all cases, they shall be kept in prison till such time as they can be sent away at their OAvn cost."

But neither had this law the expected efiect of ten-ifying the Quakers; for on the IGth of September 1G58, three men, tAvo of Avhom were Ilolden and Copeland, being iden- tified as having been previously banished, had their right ears cut off. The same disturbances continued. In the year 1658 two Avomen attempted to hold forth publicly

124 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

during divine service. The same was done by a Quaker from Barbadoes, by the name of Harris. When lodged in prison and required to labor, he could not be induced by any means whatever to comply, and neither he nor his friends would pay their fines, or the costs of their removal from the country, when freedom was offered them under these conditions. Their contumacious behavior being reported by the jailer to the magistrate, he gave order that such jDrisoners as would not labor should be whipped twice a week, the number of strokes to be increased each time. But this treatment also was without influence on Harris, Avho would probably have allowed himself to be whipped to death, had not some of his acquaintances j)aid the fine, and thus procured his release. It was customary Avith the Quakers, while steadfastly refusing to pay their fines, to allow the penalty to be discharged for them. But on the inquiry being made by magistrates of smaller towns, what they should do, in cases where there were no friends at hand to give this aid, they were empowered to sell the offenders to the English settlements in Virginia and Barbadoes. This, however, only served as a bugbear, and was not carried into execution.

During this time, meetings were again held here and there in the country, and, in consequence, the laws above mentioned were put in execution particularly against the residents, and in some respects with increased rigor. Thus the fines were made so exorbitant, that numbers were thereby reduced to j^overty. But nothing could check the continual return of these desperate people, nor put a stop to their illegal and offensive conduct. At the tribu- nals, they derided and scoffed at the magistrates ; wo- men api^eared naked in the streets, and in one case, at Newbury, Massachusetts, even in the church. Nor were

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 125

these disturbances confined to that colony. The matter had been ah-eady discussed in a meeting of commission- ers from the four united colonics, held in 1656, and a demand made upon Rhode Island, in the name of peace and for the Avelfore of the whole country, to take i)art with them in some common measures against the Quakers. To this the General Assembly which met at Portsmouth on the 13th of March, 1657, returned answer as follows :^ —

" AYhereas, freedom of difiercnt consciences to be pro- tected from inforcements was the principal ground of our charter, both with respect to our humble suit for it, as also ,to the true intent of the honorable and renowned parlia- ment in England, in granting of the same to us, which freedom we still prize as the greatest happiness that man can possess in this world ; therefore, we shall, for the pre- servation of our civil peace and order, the more especially take notice that those people, and any others that are here, or shall come among us, be impartially received, and to our utmost, constrained to perform all civil duties requi- site. And in case they refuse it, we resolve to make use of the first opportunity to infoi-m our agent residing in Eno-land.""^ On a second demand from the commissioners of the four colonies, they again replied, on the 13th of October 1057:—^

" As concerning these Quakers (so called) which are now among us, we have no law among us whereby to punish any for only declaring by words, etc., their minds and un- derstandings concerning the things and ways of God, as to salvation and an eternal condition. And we find, more-

1 Backus, I., 312.

2 Clarke, who in 1C52 had gone with Williams to Englanel, remained there after the return of the latter, as agent of the Rhode Island colony, till 16.>4.

3 Knowles, Memoir of Williams, p. 294.

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128 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

over, that in those places where these people, aforesaid, in the colony, are most of all suffered to declare themselves freely, and are only opposed by arguments in discourse, there they least of all desire to come ; and we are informed that they begin to loathe this place, for that they are not opposed by the civil authority, but with all patience and meekness, are suffered to say over their pretended re- velations and admonitions, nor are they like or able to gain many here to their way. And surely we find, that they delight to be persecuted by the civil powers, and when they are so, they are like to gain more by the con- ceit of their patient sufferings, than by consent to their pernicious sayings."

The Rhode Island government conceded that the doc- trines of the Quakers tended to the j^rejudice of the civil authority, and promised to take the matter into consider- ation at the next General Assembly, and to adopt suitable measures for preventing any " bad effects from their doc- trines and endeavors." But, notwithstanding the threat of exclusion from all commercial intercourse with the rest of New England, they adhered inflexibly to their former policy. Though Rhode Island, with her principles of tol- eration, had actually suffered less than the other colonies, the latter had now gone so far in the j^ath on which they had entei-ed, that it was difficult to turn back ; to them it seemed impossible to stand still. As all four colonies were disquieted by the Quakers, though Connecticut and New Haven suffered less than the others, the commission- ers closed their proceedings at a conference held in Boston, September, 1658, with the following resolution :^ —

"Whereas, there is an accursed and peraicious set of heretics lately risen up in the world, who are commonly

1 Backus, I, 317.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 127

called Quakers, who take xipon them to be immediately sent of God, and infallibly assisted, who do speak and write blasphemous things, despising government, and the order of God in churcli and commonwealth ; speaking evil of dignities, reproaching and reviling magistrates and the ministers of the gospel, seeking to turn the people from the faith, and to gain proselytes to their pernicious ways : And whereas, the several jurisdictions have made divers laws to prohibit their coming among them ; (but they re- fusing obedience and still making disturbance) it- is there- fore propounded, and seriously commended to the several General Courts to make a law, that all Quakers formerly convicted and punished as such, shall, if they return again, be imprisoned, and forthwith banished or expelled out of the said jurisdiction, under pain of death," This was signed by seven of the commissioners ; but John Winthrop, a son of the above-named governor of Massachusetts, and the only commissioner from the colony of Connecticut added : " Looking at the last as a query and not as an act, I sub- scribe, John Winthrop." Connecticut and New Haven failed to carry out this resolution ; but in 1658 it became law in Massachusetts. The government designed to com- mit the application and execution of this law to the acting magistracy, and an ordinance to that efleet did in fact pass the Court of Deputies by thirteen voices against twelve ; but when the minority declared they would protest against the bill, it was agreed that the accused, in cases occuiTing under this law, should be brought before a court specially sworn for the purpose. Pl}Tnouth also persevered in per- secuting the Quakers. Captain James Cudworth, a magis- trate of that colony, thus laments over it in a letter to a friend Avho was absent on a jf)urney to England : "I enter- tained two Quakers in my house, in order to become

128 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

better acquainted with'tlieir principles; for this I was called before the cour^. My declaration that I was no Quaker and my behavior not unlawful, since, accoi'ding to the existing ordinances only such could be punished as re- ceived Quakers and kept them in their houses after warn- ing by the magistrates, they indeed allowed. But when I spoke against the persecutions, they increased all the laws against Quakers, imposing for each attempt of the same to teach, and for each communication with them, the hardest imprisonment and most exorbitant fines, and yet without hindering or lessening the evil. In the Massachusetts, after they have whipped them and cut off their ears, they have now gone the farthest step they can, they have banished them, upon pain of death if they ever come there again ; we expect we must do the like ; we must dance after their pipe, for it is well if in some there be not a desire to be their apes and imitators, in all their proceedings of this nature. They have banished six on pain of death, and I wish that blood be not shed." The first of these apprehensions was not realized ; the second i^roved itself but too well founded, as will appear from the narration of the last occurrences of this persecution in Boston.

Among the persons banished from Massachusetts by the late statute, were William Robinson, a merchant from Lon- don, Marmaduke Stevenson, from Yorkshire, and a woman named Mary Dyar,^ from Khode Island. All three re- turned, however, and when questioned as to the reason, replied that "they came in obedience to the Lord." Gov- ernor Endicott said to them: "We have made divers laws, •and sought manifold ways to keep }'0U at a distance from us ; but I find that neither whippings, nor dungeons, nor

1 She belonged to the Antinorahuis who were b:xnishcd in 1637. Hutch, I. 184.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 129

cutting off ears, nor banishment on pnin of death, helps ; I Avisli not your death." No farther defence could be drawn from them ; only Stevenson declared, in writing, that, "in a vision, as he was following tlie plough, he heard a secret voice within liim. Thereupon, he had for- saken his family and calling, and gone, in the year 1G58, to Barbadoes, and thence to Rhode Island, where, as lie was tilling the ground, the word of the Lord came unto him, saying: 'Go to Boston, with thy brother, William Robin- son;' for obedience to which, contrary to the commands of men, he now suffers bonds nigh unto death." This paper was subscribed: "Prison, at Boston, October, 1659, Marmaduke Stevenson ; but a new name has been given unto me, which the world knoweth not, and is written in the Book of Life."

All three were thereupon condemned to death. The two men were executed on the 27th of October, lGo9. The woman, when at the foot of the gallows, Avas par- doned, at the intercession of her relatives, from Newport, in Rhode Island, whither she was then sent. But she came back the next spring, and suffered the penalty of death on the 1st of June, 1660.

The general surprise and indignation, occasioned by this first application of the new law, obliged the Massachusetts government to publish the following declaration :

" Though the justice of our proceedings against William Robinson, Marmaduke Stevenson, and Mary Dyar, sup- ported by the authority of this Court, the laws of this country, and the laws of God, may rather persuade us to expect encouragement and commendation from all prudent and pious men, than convince us of any necessity to apol- ogize for the same ; yet, forasmuch as men of weaker parts, out of pity and commiseration (a commendable and chris-

130 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

tian virtue, yet easily abused, and susceptible of sinister and dangerous impressions), for want of a full information, may be less satisfied, and men of perverser principles to calumniate us, and render us as bloody persecutors ; to sat- isfy the one, and to stop the mouths of the other, we have thought fit to declare, that, about three years since, divers persons, professing themselves Quakers (of Avhose jier- nicious oj^inions and practices we had received intelligence from good hands), both from Barbadoes and England, ai-- rived at Boston, whose persons were only secured, to be sent away by the first opportunity, without censure or pun- ishment, although their professed tenets, turbulent and contemptuous behavior to authority, would have justified a severer animadversion ; yet the prudence of this Court was exercised only in making pi'ovision to secure the ]>eace and order here established, against their attempts, whose design (we were well assured by our own experience, as well as by the example of their i:)redecessors in Munster), was to undermine and ruin the same ; and, accordingly, a law was made and published, prohibiting all masters of ships to bring any Quaker into this jurisdiction, and them- selves from coming in, on penalty of the House of Correc- tion till they could be sent away. NotMdthstanding which, by a back door they found entrance ; and the penalty in- flicted on them proving insufiicient to restrain their impu- dent and insolent obtrusions, Avas increased, — which also, being too weak a defence against their impetuous and fanatic fury, necessitated us to endeavor our security; and upon serious consideration, a law Avas made that such per- sons should be banished on pain of death, according to the example of England, in their provision against the Jesuits; which sentence being regularly pronounced at the last Court of Assistants against these parties, and they either

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 131

returning, or continuing presumptuously in this jurisdiction after the time Umited, Avere aj^prehended, and owning themselves to be the persons banished, were sentenced by the Court to death, — which hath been executed upon two of them. Mary Dyar, upon intercession of a son, througli the grace and mildness of this Court, had liberty to depart within two days, and accepted of it. The consideration of our gradual proceedings, will vindicate us from the clam- orous accusation of severity. Our own just and necessary defence calling upon us (other means failing) to offer the point, which these persons have violently and wilfully rushed upon, and thereby become fdones de se, as well as the sparing of one upon an inconsiderable intercession, will manifestly evince we desire their Hves absent, rather than their deaths present.'*

The weakness of this declaration, both in respect to the relations of crime and punishment, and to the appeal to a law in England, appears from the following judicial pro- ceeding: At the beginning of the year 1661, William Leddra, a Quaker who had been already several times pun- ished and banished from the commonwealth, returned to Boston. Being seized and brought before the Court, he was asked by Governor Bradstreet " whether he were will- ing to go to England." He ansAvered that "he had noth- ing to do there." Upon the offer of being set at liberty, if he would promise not to return again, he replied : " I stand not in my own will, but the will of the Lord. If I am set at liberty, I will go, but such a promise I cannot make." Bradstreet then told him " that if he would neither go to England, nor remain out of the jurisdiction, he would fall i;nder the full rigor of the law." Leddra appealed to the laws of England in respect to his judicial examination, but the appeal was not allowed. Much time Avas spent in

132 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

endeavoring to persuade him either to recant his errors, or submit to the laws of the land, or to promise not again to return ; but he remained obstinate. " What," said he, "join myself with such murderers as ye are! Then let each one who meets me say: Lo, tliis is the man who for- sook the God of his salvation." Finally, sentence of death was pronounced upon him, and on the 14th of March, 1661, he was executed ; declaring under the gallows that it was "for confessing the Lord, against liars and deceivers, that he was brought hither to death." While Leddra was still under examination, another Quaker, Wheelock Christison by name, came boldly before the Court with his hat on his head, and warned the magistrates to shed no more inno- cent blood. He refused to take off his hat, and on being questioned if his name Avas not Christison, and whether he had not been banished on pain of death, he replied to both in the affirmative, and was committed to prison. Being required to state in defence of himself any reasons why he should not suffer the j^enalty of the law, he asked them by what law they would condemn him to death. When the Court appealed to the recent law enacted against the Qua- kers, he desired to know how they were empowered to make such a law, and Avhether the law itself were not in contrariety to the laws of England. The Governor re- plied that there was a similar law in England, according to which Jesuits were hanged. "But," said Christison, "ye condemn me, not as a Jesuit, but as a Quaker ; I appeal to the laws of my country." The Court offered him a lawful trial by court and jury, but he persisted in apijealing to the laws of England, and rej^eating that he had never heard or read of a law in England for hanging Quakers. The Court, however, oveiTuled his objection, and the jury de- clared him guilty. When the sentence of death was

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announced to him, be urged upon them the consequences of this measure against the Quakers. " For the hist man that was put to death," said he, "here are five come in his room ; if ye have power to take my life from me, God can raise up the same principle of life in ten of his servants, and send them among you in my room, that ye may have tonuent upon torment."

Tlie 13th of June, 1G61, was appointed as the day of his execution ; but before it arrived, Christison, Avith twenty- seven other Quakers then lying in prison, was set at liberty and carried beyond the limits of the jurisdiction. The government seems to have become convinced, by this time, that their measures were as odious as they were ineffec- tual ; they resolved to deal with the Quakers henceforth as * vagabonds, to whip them through the toAvns of the colony, and then drive them out of its bounds. The above-men- tioned executions occasioned great dissatisfaction in Eng- land ; and Charles II., who had recently acceded to the throne, interposed his authority by a letter, dated the 9th of September, 1661, to the Governors and Magistrates of New England collectively : " Having received information of the imprisonment and execution of Quakers, his majesty hereby commands, as well in respect to any who may be already condemned as to those still in prison, that all pro- ceedings Avith them be stopped, and that the above-named persons be sent, together with the accusations made against them, to England, in order there to receive their sentence." The general cessation of i)ersecution, properly so called, forestalled the execution of this order; but the government, in its congratidatory address to Charles TI., justified the measures which had been adopted. In our judgment of these occurrences, in addition to all which may be said with truth against the Quakers, we must bear

12,

134 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

in mind the utter perplexity of the government in regard to means for protecting themselves against these obstinate and impracticable fanatics.

We shall have occasion further on (Chap. VII.), to men- tion the subsequent persecutions and oppressive measures of the government against the Anabaptists. First, how- ever, after having thus exhibited the secessions and expul- sions from the theocratic government, we must consider the opposition developed in its own bosom, which led the way to an essential change of its constitution.

CHAPTER V.

SUPPRESSION OF THE INTERNAL OPPOSITION TO THE THEOCRATIC GOVERNMENT; SUSTAINED BY THE SYNOD OF 1648.

CHANGE IX THE ORIGINAL IDEAS, RESULTING FROM LATER IMMIGRA- TION'S; GOVERNMENTAL MEASURES FOR COUNTERACTING IT.

Two things in the founders of New England particularly strike the observer; their devotion to the common weal as citizens, and to the interests of the church as Christians. They regarded themselves, not as individual fugitives from oppression and persecution, but rather as confederates in a political association and members of a religious commun- ity. In both respects they were favored Avitli the guid- ance of men equally upright and gifted, by wliose influence this feeling, alike of their political and their ecclesiastical responsibilities, was maintained and developed in living power. This twofold relation had given birth to the The- ocratic constitution. In exhibiting the characteristics of this constitution, we have already made use of the decisions of a synod held in 1648, as the clearest manifestation of the peculiarity of the civil government. But it is evident, not only from expressions in contemporary correspondence, but from the laws of Massachusetts, that this same view had prevailed universally from the very first. Indeed, we find it acted on, so early as the first controvei-sy with Roger "Williams.

Another point in this platform of church-discipline, the

136 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

question respecting church-membership, must now be jiar- ticularly considered ; as the decision in regard to it was expressly intended to counteract an attempt, peculiar in its character, to subvert the theocratic relation.

As every theocracy is exposed to the resistance of cer- tain members of its connection, so was it the case here. But we must not lose sight of the fact, that the character- istic feature of the New England Theocracy, by which it was distinguished from every other, formed also the fun- damental principle of the Congregationalists, and was regarded by them as a necessary step in the progress of the reformation. The requirement, that only such shall be admitted to the visible church as are members of that which is invisible, can be carried out in its full strictness no where on earth. But if, in addition, only these same church-members are allowed the enjoyment of civil rights, it can be maintained no longer than a controlling religious interest in the church-relation continues to penetrate all the individuals of the community. As we have already seen, the members of the Leyden church and the first set- tlers of Massachusetts Bay felt themselves called to such an attempt, and they were men fitted to accomplish it. But the subsequent immigrations from England did not originate solely in devotion to religious interests ; nay, even in the second generation in America, the view had begun to lose ground, that connection with the church was man's first and only necessity. It was inevitable, there- fore, that from that class of persons who could not claim to be church-members, must proceed a reaction, founded on the natural and necessary desire to be citizens of the State in which they lived.

But besides this anti-theocratic i:)arty, j^roperly so called, another, an anti-Congregationalist party, might espouse

KEW EXGLAND THEOCRACY. 137

ami (Ic'fond tlie opposition, on other grounds. It coukl not hut liappen, in a social state so decidedly Christian, that the wish should be felt by many, even among those who had little personal interest in religion, to hold a cer- tain connection with the church, whose requisitions for actual membership they were, nevertheless, unable or unwilling to meet. So also, the desire must be felt, among those who were not church-members, that their children should be admitted to the privilege of baptism ; while, on the other hand, the church might well refuse the rite, as being unable to regard those as future members, who Avere to be trained under the influence of i>ersons themselves standing aloof from her. This question: 'Who are the ju-oper subjects of baptism?' we shall see more particularly discussed at a later period. It was the answer to this question which caused the subversion of the ori"-. inal connection between church and state.

Before depicting the assault made on the theocracy from the political side, we will liere mention a single instance of opposition, which, though Avithout results, is of a note- Avorthy character. In 1G37, a minister at Weymouth, Massachusetts, by the name of Lenthal, broached the doc- trine that baptism constitutes the door of entrance to the visible church. Hubbard reports ^ that this vicAv Avas im- mediately embraced by several others, and the i)lan Avas in agitation of forming a church, into Avhich all baptized per- sons were to be admitted to communion, Avithout any addi- tional test. But when Lenthal was applied to for farther counsel in the matter, it was found that he had been con-

1 According to Backus, I., 114. Here it is also remarked tliat Lenthal AN-ent in lOlO to Rhode Island, and from thence soon after to ICnj^dand. llis views were in direct contrariety also with those of most of the Xorth American church parties of the time.

12*

138 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

ferred with by several magistrates and ministers, and had retracted his oi^inions. Having read his recantation^ pub- licly before his congregation, he was exempted from, fur- ther censure. This doctrine was in too decided contra- riety to the prevailing view to have spread extensively, although strictly sjjeaking, it was not directed against the theocracy as such.

How thoroughly the ruling powers were impressed with the idea, that church and state must constitute an undi- vided unity, appears from the two following laws passed in Boston, Sept. 1638 : 1. "Whereas it is found by sad expe- rience, that divers persons, who have been justly cast out of some of the churches, do profanely contemn the same sacred and dreadful ordinance, by presenting themselves over-boldly in other assemblies, and speaking lightly of their censures, to the great offence and grief of God's peo- ple, and encouragement of evil-minded persons to contemn the same ordinance ; it is therefore ordered, that whoso- ever shall stand excommunicated for the space of six months, without laboring Avhat in him or her licth to be restored, such person shall be jji-esented to the Court of Assistants, and there proceeded with by fine, imprison- ment, banishment, or further, for their good behavior, as their contemjDt and obstinacy upon full hearing shall de- serve." This law was indeed soon after abrogated. Not so the second, which long survived the real dissolution of the theocracy, and formed, in subsequent times, the chief occasion for the renewal of internal divisions. By this statute, all the inhabitants of a town, whether freemen or members of the church or not, were required to contribute equally to all necessary expenditures for church and state.

In close connection with the passage of this latter Act,

1 So related in Neal's History of New England, I., p. 196.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 139

stands a movement which threatened the overthrow of the tlieocratic relation, but became the occasion of. its formal and explicit confirmation. In the colony of Plymouth nlso, as well as in Massachusetts, there had been always some, though not a large number. Mho took exceptions to the theocratic relation on the above-mentioned grounds ; and the disaffected of the two colonics were in understand- ino- with each other.^ Individual complaints had already become loud, when, in 1646, the matter came before the notice of the General Court at Boston. A petition was sent in by certain inhabitants of Ilingham, in jMassacliu- setts, near the bordei's of Ncav Plymouth,^ which, after some preliminary compliments, in general terms, on the administration of the government, proceeded to designate the present condition of affairs as one of manifold griev- ances, alleging three specific causes for the same, and pray- ing for the repeal and change of the following relations and ordinances. First, there exists great uncertainty in all respects, ai'ising from neglect to recognize the laws of England as the basis of government, or to act on them as such; hence a want of that security and confidence in the enjoyment of life, freedom, and property, which is the right of every free-born Englishman, and a constant apprehen- sion of illegal burdens and unjust punishments. Second, there are in these settlements many thousands of free- born, quiet, peaceable Englishmen, who though upright in their dealings, and disposed to promote the public weal, see themselves debarred from all civil employments ; nay, are not permitted to occupy the lowest oflSce, nor to have a voice in the election of magistrates, of captains, or other

1 HutohinFon, I., 136.

2 Collection of original papers relative to the History of Mass. Bay, Boston. 17G9, p. 188 fiF.

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civil and military functionaries. The jietitioners pray, there- fore, tliat civil freedom and civil right be granted to ' all truly English,' without the imposition of any oath or cove- nant, which does not appear to accord with the Patent and the original oath of allegiance; such oath and covenant they were ready to assume, as should express their desire for the furtherance of the honor of God and the prosperity of the settlement, their loyalty to England, their love to their country. In the ordinances referred to, they foresee disruption from England ; and they pray, in case their ])etition is rejected, that they may be regarded as foreign- ers, and be exempted from all charges. Third, there are divers good people, rich in knowledge and no way blam- able in life and conversation, who as members of the church of England are in agreement with the last and best reformation in England and Scotland, but are yet excluded from the Supper on the pretence that they do not assent to the church-covenant, for which they see no foimdation in the Avord of God, and moreover, this very covenant dif- fers in diflerent churches. Not only so, but they are con- strained by penalties to attend public Avorship ; and par- ticular pains are used that they shall be present at times when baptism is administered, although their own children cannot be baptized. In some places they are obliged to contribute to the maintenance of the minister, in order to be regarded as brethren. With a brief reference to the necessary tendency of such a course to promote Anabaj)- tism, they pray, therefore, to be received into the churches, and allowed a participation in all the privileges and ordi- nances which Christ has purchased for them and in whose name they have been baptized, that the Lord may be one and his name one in this place, and that so the seals of the covenant (the sacraments) may be enjoyed by them and

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 141

tlieir posterity. If this may not be, they request peniiis- sion to form churches after tlieir own manner. They con- chule Avith the remark, that if repulsed here, they shall feel themselves constrained to apply to the honorable Houses of Parliament, who will, without doubt, take their unhappy state into consideration.

Among the seven petitioners, one possessed the rights of a free citizen Avithout being a church-member, having become a freeman previous to the law before cited ;^ but the remainder seem to have been by no means the only ones in the colony, who were opposed to the established relations. This is clear from the popular excitement which, after this matter was decided, manifested itself in Boston against Governor John Winthrop, the most i)OAver- fal and distinguished defender of the existing constitution. A letter addressed to him by a magistrate in Ipswich,^ proves by its lamentations over the disorders thus occa- sioned, that the number of the malcontents was not small.

A preponderating majority of the government, as well as among the citizens generally, Avere decidedly averse to the principles set forth in this petition, and were indignant at its charges, for which it was believed no occasion had been given. We recognize the simplicity of the time in the cir- cumstance, that the General Court felt itself called on to refute the petitioners and justify their own conduct by a lengthy public explanation. This document^ gives a reflection at once of the prevailing views of the period, and of its peculiar style of argumentation. It begins with a reference to the complimentary expressions of the peti- tioners, which hoAvever, are declined, as being shoAvn by Avhat foUoAvs to be merely an unAvorthy captatio henevo- letitiae. Thus in regard to the first point, the laAVs of

1 See p. 68. * Collection of orig. papers, p. 218. 3 ib. p. 196, ff.

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England are held up in opposition to the ordinances pre- vailing here, esijecially in relation to the declaration of personal freedom. A verbal agreement in this respect is out of the question; but the legislators of New England were firmly persuaded that they had met the spirit of the English constitution in their enactments, and their addi- tional enactments in reference to ecclesiastical relations they regarded as resulting necessarily from their religious principles. They claim it as their due, that the manifold misfortunes of the last year may not be laid to their charge ; and while acknowledging that grievances may still exist, remind their readers that as Rome was not built in a day, it would not be strange if within sixteen years from the foundation of the colony, much yet remained to be done. The objections of the petitioners, they say, are stated in terms so general that a pro2:)er refutation of them becomes impossible. The demand for universal right of suffrage, the government regards as an attempt to gain favor Avith the populace, and directs attention to the fact, that it lies with the petitioners themselves whether they shall be furnished with the requisite qualifications. The third point is most largely discussed. In accordance with the prevailing view of the time, it is assumed that by answering complaints in reference to the terms of church- membership, all objections in reference to the denial of political rights are also disposed of The alleged title of many to the jDrivileges of the church, is rebutted by the assertion that " some are hypocritical in their walk, others are notoriously corrupt in their opinions, other still, grossly ignorant of the fundamental doctrines of religion, and that, fourthly, if some did possess such knowledge and such gifts, they did not make the same known by a public pro- fession before the church or elders, and consequently, their

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 143

qualifications Avere unknown. "Our churches," it pro- ceeds, " cannot blindly or upon the testimony of others, receive persons who refuse to give that account of their faith or repentance, which is so expressly required. 1 Pet. 3:15. Matt. 3 : 6. Acts 8 : 37. Matt. 16 : 16-18."

But it was not the manner of the leaders of New Eng- land to stop with such a vindication, and the petitioners were summoned before the Court. When they appealed to the right of petition, it was answered that they were not com- plained of for having presented a petition, but on account of their contemptuous and seditious expressions ; and secu- rity was demanded for their good behavior. But while under indictment for a criminal offence, pardon was offered them if they would make full and frank confession of their ilxult. Declining to do this, they were fined, some in smaller, some in larger sums. Their appeal to the commis- sion, appointed by the English government for all colonies, was not admitted, A number of them then resolved to carry their complaints to England ; but their papers were seized by the government. Among them was a memoran- dum which contained, besides a complaint in reference to the late proceeding, a recapitulation of the points above men- tioned ; nay, they had gone so far as to propose changes in- volving the entire subversion of the present form of gov- ernment. The supreme power of the General Court at Bos- ton was represented as unauthorized, since even the charter of Massachusetts had not been confirmed by Parliament ; and it was therefore requested that a Governor might be appointed from England. A copy of this memorandum, subscribed by some twenty-five non-freemen (such is the term they use), in behalf of themselves and many thou- sands, found its way to London. But the Massachusetts agent there resident was provided from Boston with argu-

144 NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY.

ments to meet it; and his skilful management, together M'ith his influence with many members of parliament and other distinguished men, jjrevented all prejudicial conse- quences to the colony. The public mind was, moreover, too much occupied with the pojDular disturbances in Eng- land itself to bestow much attention on these petitioners.

But in Boston these proceedings were met by the loud expression of dissatisfaction, even among the members of the government ; and this directed itself against a man so generally esteemed and honored as Winthrop, ^^'ho was that year deputy-governor. In open assembly, he was charged with an attempt upon the liberties of the people, and Avas required, against all order, to exonerate himself by an ex- planation on the spot. Winthrop yielded to the demand, after having showed them that he might properly have refused. The result of his vindication was his public acquit- tal. ^ On resuming his seat as deputy-governor, Winthrop felt himself called on to make the following address :

" I shall not now speak anything about the past proceed- ings of this Court, or the persons therein concerned, only I bless God that I see an issue of this troublesome affair. I am well satisfied that I was jDublicly accused, and that I am now publicly acquitted. But though I am justified be- fore man, yet it may be the Lord hath seen so much amiss in my administrations, as calls me to be humbled ; and, indeed, for me to have been thus charged by men, is of itself a matter of humiliation, whereof I desire to make a right use before the Lord. If Miriam's father spit in her face, she is to be ashamed. But give me leave before you go, to say something that may rectify the opinions of many

1 " Notwithstanding, the touchy jealousy of the people about their liber- ties lay at the bottom of this prosecution," says Mather, Magn. Book II. Ch. IV. § 9.

KEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 146

people from whence the distempers have arisen, that Iiave lately prevailed upon the body of this people. It is you who have called us unto this office ; but, being thus called, we have our authority from God ; it is the ordinance of God, and it hath the image of God stamped up(;n it ; and the contempt of it hasbeeu vindicated by God with terrible examples of his vengeance. I entreat you to consider, that when you choose magistrates, you take them from among yourselves, men subject unto like passions with yourselves. If ye see our infirmities, reflect upon your own, and you Avill not be so severe censurei'S of ours. We count him a good servant who breaks not his covenant ; the covenant between us and you is the oath you have taken of us, which is to this purpose, that Ave shall govern you and judge your causes according to God's laws and our own, according to our best skill. As for ovtr skill, you must run the hazard of it ; and if there be an error, not in the will but only in the skill, it becomes you to bear it. Nor would I have you to mistake in the point of your own liberty. There is a liberty of corrupt nature which is affected both by men and beasts, to do what they list ; and this liberty is inconsistent with authority, impatient of all restraint ; by this liberty sinnus omnes deteriores • 't is the grand enemy of truth and peace, and all the ordinances of God are bent against it. But there is a civil, a moral, a federal liberty, which is the proper end and object of authority ; it is a liberty for that only which is just and good ; for this liberty you are to stand with the hazard of your very lives, and whatsoever ci-osses it is not authority, but a distemper thereof. This liberty is maintained in the way of subjection to authority; and the authority set over you will, in all administrations for your good, be quietly submitted unto by all but such as have a disposition to shake off the yoke, and lose their true 13

146 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

liberty by their murmuring at the honor and power of au- thority.-' From this time to his death in 1647, Winthrop was yearly chosen governor.

SYNOD CALLED, MAY 1646.

These agitations now called forth decisions on the part of the church, sustaining the prevailing views. Reference has already been made to an act passed by the Court in March, 1635, "entreating the brethren and elders of every chuich within this jurisdiction, that they will consult and advise of one uniform order of discipline in the churches, agreea- ble to the Scriptures, and then to consider how far the mag- istrates are bound to interpose for the preservation of that uniformity and the peace of the churches." This measure has a manifest connection with the controversies occasioned by Roger Williams,^ which, however, had been allayed without firther intervention on the part of the churches. It is not unlikely, indeed, that an avowed movement towards the establishment of a uniformity may have been met with disfavor ; at all events, the act did not then go into effect. Much as it might be for the interests of the church, as con- nected Avith the existing theocracy, the interference of the civil magistrate in her internal affairs Avas never welcome, even with the prospect of her own increase in distinction and power. The same spirit now manifested itself in 1646. "When the government, on occasion of the disturbances caused by the above-mentioned j^etition, issued an order for a synod, some of the deputies objected, on the ground that to concede such a power to the magistracy might be open- ing the way for them at any time to establish new ordinan- ces respecting ecclesiastical matters, an office for which the civil government was not appointed by Christ, and thus

1 See Knowles Memoir of Roger Williams p, 70; and the present work p. 92.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 147

miglit bo imposed on tlio cliurch a uniformity in thinrrs Avliich Christ has left undetermined. After a debate oft tliis exception, the Court agreed to convene the Synod, ' by way of a motion merely,' and not in the form of an order. This motion, ]M;iy lo, 1G46, began witli these words:

"The right form of church government and discipline being agreed part of the kiugdom of Christ on earth, therefore the establishmg and settling thereof by the joint and public agreement and consent of churches, and by the sanction of civil authority, must needs greatly conduce to the honor and glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the settling and safety of church and commonwealth, where such a duty is diligently attended and performed." For ■want of such a form, — thus it proceeds — great differences in opinion and in practice appear in the churches, and still greater are to be expected ; and that not merely in respect to unimportant matters, but in points of weightiest moment and grave significance ; as, preeminently, in the question respecting admission to the ordinance of bap- tism. Some baptized those Avhose grandparents were actual members of the church, though the immediate parents were not so; or held the opinion that under cer- tain terms and conditions the children of those might be baptized, who had indeed been members of a congregation in England, but here wore not found qualified for partici- pation in the Lord's Supper. On the other side, it Avas maintained by some that whatever might be the state of the parents, baptism ought not to be dispensed to any infants whatever. The Synod was therefore called upon to " discuss, dispute, and clear up by the word of God, such questions of church government and discij^linc, in the things aforementioned, or any other as they shall think needful and meet, and to continue so doing, till they, or

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the major part of them, shall have agreed upon one form of government and discipline, for the main and substantial parts thereof,, as that which they judge agreeable to the Holy Scriptures." At the conclusion of such conference, the result was to be laid before the General Court, in order to receive from it, as agreeable to the word of Uod, such approval as is meet : " that the Lord being thus acknowl- edged by church and state, to be our judge, our laAvgiver and king, he may be graciously pleased still to save us, as hitherto he has done."

The same call was sent to the churches in the other colonies, and was there followed by the same result. One of the three ministers who afterwards drew up for the Synod the model of church government as the basis of its action, was from the town of Duxbury in New Plymouth.^ But though the government had sent out this summons merely in the form of an invitation, it was met by no in- considerable opposition in Boston. Indeed, the church at first declined to choose delegates for the Synod. But John Norton,^ a distinguished minister, who had come over from England in 1634 and received an official call from the church in Ipswich, preached with such effect before a very numerous assembly in Boston, on the nature of synods, that delegates were elected. Accordingly, at the begin- ning of the winter of lG46,the Synod assembled; but after a session of fourteen days it adjourned to the 18th of June, 1647; and the summer proving sickly on accoimt of the great heat, they then adjourned again. But in Sep- tember, 1648, they met once more, and jjrosecuted the

1 John Cartridge; Mather Mag. Book III. Part 11. Ch. XI.

2 Ibid. Book II. Part I. Ch. II. §16. He was called, after Cotton's death in 1G52, to the church in Boston, where he lived ten years, an esteemed and helovcd preacher of the Gospel.

NE'.v exglaivD theocracy. 149

business with wiiidi they were charged till its completion in October.

The first steji was, to take into consideration the confes- sion of faith adopted by the assembly of divines at "West- minster.' Each article was read aloud by itself, and the unanimous concurrence of all present was expressed in the following resolution: "This Synod having perused and

1 This assembly was called by order of parliament in 1G43. It consisted of ten peers, twenty members of tlie lower House, and one hundred and twenty cler:?ymen ; but the number of the latter was soon diminished by the secession of those inclined to episcopacy. At the very beginning, they took in hand a revision of the Thirty -nine Articles, but without completing it. Later, the Assembly was joined by the Scotch. The predominance thus gained by the Presbyterians was contested by the iutlueuce of the Inde- pendents, which was constantly strengthening under the countenance of Cromwell ; who, however, were not able to carry through their principle of the independence of the single churches. On the contrary, both in the decisions respecting the ordination of ministers and public worship, the principles of the Presbyterians were adopted, according to which the as- sembly of the ministers and elders of one church wei-e subjected to the presbyteries of several churches, and these again to a synod. Before the close of the assembly (in February 1G48), the Independents, being out- voted, had withdrawn. So also did the Erastians, who allowed to the clergy only the office of preaching the word and administering the sacra- ments, but wished all ehureh-govcrnment to be transferred to the state. The Confession of Faith laid before parliament in 1646, which was assented to by the Presbyterians and Independents, takes very decided ground against Arminianism, and exalts the doctrine of predestination in opposi- tion to the views then current in the Episcopal Church. But with this concord, we see on both sides a tenacious adherence to tlieir different doc- trines in regard to church-government; as in all English church-parties, the constitution has ever been the main question. The Independents of England complained at that time of persecution ; in the year of Cromwell's death, 16-58, they held an assembly at London, and adopted the Savoy Confession, which agrees in all essential points with that of Westminster. The stand it takes against open communion seems to hold a certain con- nection with the opposition to Arminianism; making an unconscious ap- plication of the doctrine of predestination, by seeking to exclude all but the elect from membership in the visible church.

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considered (with much gladness of heart and thankfuhiess to God) the confession of fiitla, published by the late rev- erend assembly in England, do judge it to be very holy, orthodox and judicious, in all matters of faith, and do therefore freely and fully consent thereunto for the sub- stance thereof. Only in those things which have respect to church-government and discipline, we refer ourselves to the platform of church-discipline agreed upon by this present assembly ; and Ave do therefore think it meet, that this confession of faith should be commended to the churches of Christ among us, and to the honored Court, as worthy of their due consideration and acceptance,"

The Synod then applied itself to the completion of the work for which it had especially been called together. Besides the above mentioned Partridge, John Cotton and Richard Mather^ were appointed to draw up, each by himself, an outline of Church-Discipline agreeable to the Holy Scriptures. The Synod compared these three models Avith one another, and thus arose the platform of Church -Discipline Avhich, in October 1648, Avas presented to the General Court for consideration and acceptance. Its conclusions receiA'ed indeed no such unanimous ap- ]iroA^al, in reference to each particular point, as the Articles of Faith ; but, on the other hand, no decided opposition arose from any quarter, and when laid before the churches, it was accepted by all.'^

PLATFORM OF CHURCH DISCIPLINE (tHE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM), ADOPTED IN 1648.

We haA'c already had occasion to bring forward those points of this Platform, Avhich contain an exhibition of the

1 Grandfather of the church historian, Cotton Mather.

2 Neal's History of New Engiand, I., 292.

NEW EXGLAXD THEOCRACY. l,".l

theocratic relation,^ Our first object must no^v be to show liow the question was answered, wliich, according to the declaration of the General Court, occasioned the prep- aration of the Platform, viz., the question respecting quali- fications for church-membership. The answer is found in the fourth and twelfth chapters of the Platform ; the one treating of the fomi of the visible church; the other, of the admission of members into the church. The fourth chap- ter thus speaks ;

1. Saints by calling must have a visible political union among themselves, or else they are not yet a particular church, (1 Cor. 12 : 27. 1 Tim. 3 : 15. Eph. 2 : 22. 1 Cor. 12 : 15, 16, 17.) as those similitudes hold forth which the scrijD- ture makes use of to show the nature of particular churches ; as a hody^ a building, house, hands, eyes, feet, and other members, must be united, or else (remaining separate) are not a body. Stones, timber, though squared, hewn and polished, are not a house, imtil they are com- pacted, and united: (Rev. ii.) so saints or believers in judgment of charity, are not a church, unless orderly knit together.

2. Particular churches cannot be distinguished one from another, but by their forms. JUphesus is not Smyrna, nor Pergamos Thyatira, but each one a distinct society of it- self, having ofiicers of their own, which had not the charge of others : A'irtues of their own, for which others are not praised : corruptions of their own, for which others are not blamed.

3. This fonn is the visible covenant, agreement or con- sent, Avhereby they give ixp themselves unto the Lord, to the observing of the ordinances of Christ together in the same society, which is usually called the church-covenant :

1 See p. 68, ff.

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(Ex. 19 : 5, 8. Deut. 29 : 12, 13. Zee. 11 : 14, and 9 : 11,) for ^ye see not otherwise how members can have church-power over one another mutually. The comparing of each par- ticular church to a cit^, and unto a spouse, (Eph. 2; 19. 2 Cor. 11 : 2,) seemeth to conclude not only a form, but that that form is by way of covenant. The covenant, as it was that wliich made the family of Abraham and children of Israel to be a church and jDCople unto God, (Gen. 17 : 7. Eph. 2: 12, 18,) so it is that which now makes the several societies of Gentile believers to be churches in these days.

4. This voluntary agreement, consent or covenant, (for all these are here taken for the same) although the more express and plain it is, the more fully puts us in mind of our mutual duty ; and stirreth us up to it, and leaveth less room for the questioning of the truth of the church- estate of a company of professors, and the truth of membership of particular persons ; yet we conceive the substance of it is kept, where there is real agreement and consent of a company of faithful persons to meet constantly together in one congregation, for the jiublic worship of God, and their mutual edification : which real agreement and consent they do express by their constant practice in coming together for the public worship of God, and by their religious subjection unto the oi'dinances of God there : (Exod. 19:5, and 20 : 8, and 24 : 3, 17. Josh. 24 : 18 — 24. Psal. 50: 5. Neh. 9 : 88, and 10 : 1. Gen. xvii. Deut. xxix.) the rather, if we do consider how scripture-covenants have been entered into, not only expressly by word of mouth, but by sacrifice, by hand-writing and seal ; and also sometimes by silent consent, without any wiiting or ex- pression of words at all.

5. This form being by mutual covenant, it followeth, it is not faith in the heart, nor the profession of that fiiitli,

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 153

nor cohabitation, nor baptism. 1. Not faith i7i the heart, because that is invisible. 2. Not a bare profession, be- cause that declareth them no more to be members of one * church than another. 3. Xot cohabitation, atheists or infi- dels may dwell together with believers. 4. Not baptism, because it presupposeth a church-estate as circumcision in the Old Testament, which gave no being to the church, the church being before it, and in the wilderness without it. Seals presuppose a covenant already in being. One person is a complete subject of baptism, but one person is inca- pable of being a church.

6. All believers ought, as God giveth them opportunity thereunto, to endeavor to join themselves unto a particular church, and that in respect of the honor of Jesus Christ, in his example and institution, by the professed acknowledg- ment of, and subjection unto the order and ordinances of the gospel : (Acts 2 : 47, and 9 : 26. Mat. 3 : 13, 14, 15, and 28: 19, 20. Psa. 133: 23, and 87: 7. Mat. 18: 20. 1 John, 1, 3.) as also in respect of their good communion founded upon their visible union, and contained in the promises of Christ's special presence in the church ; Avhence they have fellowship with him, and in him, one with another : also in the keeping of them in the way of God's commandments, and recovering of them in case of wandering, (which all Christ's sheep are subject to in this life) being unable to return of themselves ; together with the benefit of their mutual edification, and of their posterity, that they may not be cut off from the privilege of the covenant. (Psa. 119: 176. iPct. 2: 25. Eph. 4: 16. Job 22: 24, 25. Matt. 18 : 15, 16, 17.) Otherwise, if a believer offends, he remains destitute of the remedy provided in that behalf And should all believers neglect this duty of joining to all par- ticular congregations, it might follow therefrom, that Christ should have no visible, political churches u2)on earth."

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Still more decided is the view of the Synod, on the points in question, expressed in the twelfth chapter of tlio Platform. As it is through these decisions that the sub- sequent controversies are seen in their proper light, we will here give this chapter at length.

1. The doors of the church of Christ upon earth do not, by God's appointment, stand so wide open that all sorts of people, good and bad, may freely enter therein at their pleasure, (2 Chr. 29 : 19. Matt. 13 : 25, and 22 : 12.) but such as are admitted thereto, as members, ought to be examined and tried first, whether they be fit and meet to be received into church-society or not. The Eunuch of EtJdopia before his admission, was examined by Philip, (Acts 8: 37.) whether he did believe on Jesus Christ with all his heart. The angel of the church at Ephesas, (Rev. 2 : 2. Acts 9 : 26.) is commended for trying such as said they were apostles and were not. There is like reason for try- ing of them that profess themselves to be believers. Tlie officers are charged Avith the keeping of the doors of the church, and therefore are in a special manner to make trial of the fitness of such, who enter. Twelve angels are set at the gates of the temple, (Rev. 21 : 12. 2 Chr. 23 : 19.) lest such as were ceremonially unclean shoukl enter thereinto.

2. The things which are requisite to be found in all church-members, are repentance from sin, and faith in Jesus Christ : (Acts 2 : 38 — 42, and 8 : 37.) and therefore, these are the things wliereof men are to be examined, at their admission into the church, and which then they must profess and hold forth in such sort, as may satisfy rational charity that the things are indeed. John Paptist admit- ted men to baptism confessing and bewailing their sms: (Matt. 3 : 6. Acts 19 : 18.) and of otliers it is said that they came and confessed.) and showed their deeds.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 155

3. The ■weakest measure of fliith is to be accepted in those that desire to be admitted into tlie clmrch (Iloni. 14: 1.); if s/«oc/-e, they have the substance of that fiith, repentance and lioliness, Avhicli is required in cliurch-niem- bers ; and such liave most need of the ordinances for their confirmation, and growtli in grace. The Lord Jesus "wouhl not quench the smoking flax, nor break the bruised reed, (Matt. 12 : 20. Isa. 40 : 11.) but gather the tender lambs in his arms and carry them gently in his bosom. Such char- ity and tenderness is to be used, as the weakest Christian, if sincere, may not be excluded nor discouraged. Severity of examination is to be avoided.

4. In case any through excessive fear, or other infirmity, be i;nable to make their personal relation of their spiritual estate in pul)lie, it is sufticicnt, that the elders having received private satisfaction, make relation thereof in pub- lic before the church, they testifying their assents there- imto : this being the way that tendeth most to edification. Bnt where persons are of greater abilities, there it is most ex])edient that they make their relations and confes- sions personally with their own mouth, as David j^rofess- eth of himself (Psal. G6 : 6.)

5. A jiersonal and public confession, and declaring of God's manner of working upon the soul, is both lawful, expedient and useful, in sundry respects and upon sundry grounds. Those three thousand, (Acts 2 : 37, 41.) before they were admitted by the apostles, did manifest that they were pricked at the heart by Peter's sermon, together with eai'nest desire to be delivered from their sins which even wounded their consciences, and their ready receiving of the word of promise and exhortation. We are to be ready to render a reason of the hope that is in i(s, to every one that asJceth iis ; (1 Pet. 3 : 15. Ileb. 11:1. Eph. 1 : 18.) there-

156 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

fore we must be able and ready upon any occasion to declare and show our repentance for ^xw^ faith unfeigned, and effectual calling^ because those are the reason of a Avell grounded Iwpe. I have not hidden tJiy righteousness from the great co)igrcgation. (Psalm 40: 10.)

6. This i^rofession of faith and repentance, as it must be made by such at their admission, that were never in church society before ; so nothing hindereth but the same may also be performed by such as have formerly been members of some other church, (Matt. 3 : 5, 6. Gal. 2 : 4. 1 Tim, 5 : 24.) and the church to which they now join them- selves as members, may lawfully require the same. Those three thousand, (Acts ii.) "which made their confession, were members of the church of the Jews before ; so were those that were baptized by John. Churches may err in their admission ; and persons regularly admitted may fall into offence. Otherwise, if churches might obtrude their mem- bers, or if church-members might obtrude themselves ujion other churches without elite trial, the matter so requiring, both the liberty of the churches would thereby be infringed in that tliey might not examine those, concerning whose fitness for communion they were unsatisfied : and besides the infringing of their liberty, the churches themselves would unavoidably be corrupted, and th*e ordinances defiled, whilst they might not refuse, but must receive the unworthy : Avhich is contrary unto the scripture, teaching that all churches are sisters, and therefore equal. (Cant. 8: 8.)

7. The like trial is to be required from such members of the church as were born in the same, or received their membership, or were baptized in their infimcy or minority by virtue of the covenant of their j^^irents, when being grown up into years of discretion, they shall desire to be

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 157

made partakers of tlie Lord's Supper: unto Avliieh, because holy things must not be given to the unworthy, therefore it is requisite (Matt. 7 : 6. 1 Cor. 11: 27.), that these as ■well as others should come to their trial and examination, and manifest their faith and repentance by an open profes- sion thereof, before they are received to tlie Lord's Supper, and otherwise not to be admitted thereunto. Yet these church-members that were so born, or received in their childhood, before they are capable of being made partakers of full communion, have many privileges which others, not church-members, have not; they are in covenant with God, having the seal thereof upon them, viz., baptism ; and so, if not regenerated, yet are in a more hopeful way of attaining regenerating grace, and all the spiritual blessings both of the covenant and the seal : they are also under church-watch, and consequently subject to the reprehen- sions, admonitions, and censures thereof, for their healing and amendment, as need shall require."

If now Ave sum up the results of this S}'nod, we shall find in the Platform the confirmation, as avcU of the theo- cratic vicAvs Avhich had all along been recognized in prac- tice, as of the undisputed Congregationalist principles respecting the self-competency and independence of the churches, in regard to the exercise of the fullest and high- est ecclesiastical authority. But the Platform also decides, as Ave see from the tAvo chapters just quoted, the question respecting the qualifications for church-membership. We see here as little deviation from the conditions laid down by Robinson, as from those Avhich still prevail among Con- gregationalists at the present day. The great value and blessing of baptism is indeed acknowledged ; but the bap- tized are nevertheless put essentially on a level Avith others,

14

158 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

Avho stand outside tlie church-communion and are obliged to submit to the same tests.

Before passing to the consideration of the repeated counter-movements against this decision, and to the deter- minations of the following synod, we will attempt to draw from the Platform a view of certain other ecclesiastical relations, which did not so essentially affect the progressive development of the church. The gradual and partial change experienced here, was, indeed, not so much expressed in siDecial decisions, as introduced, step after step, by usage.

In regard to officers in the church, four of these are mentioned in the Platform. The sixth chapter treats of pastors and teachers, who (§ 5) are distinct from each other in this respect, that upon the former lies the duty of exhortation, administering therein of the word of wisdom; upon the latter, the care of doctrine, administering therein of the w^ord of knowledge : both participate in the admin- istration of the sacraments, and the execution of church censures, that being only an application of the Avord preached. Still, it is expressly declared (§ 6) that the office of teacher is not limited to the schools; but both belong alike to the church. Two such servants of the word would, however, be found only in the larger churches; and since these, as before mentioned, were accustomed to divide, a ready explanation may be found, in the indepen- dency of each church, for the gradual disappearance of one of these offices. The third office in the church was that of ruling elder. The two servants of the church already mentioned were, it is true, also called elders, and took part in the government of the church ; but this was the espe- cial duty of the ruling elder, to whom it did not pertain to teach or to preach. What belonged to all three in common, found in the ruling elder its chief executor, or

KiiW ENGLAND THEOCRACY, 159

at least its principal organ of communication. His duly is stated to be (chap. 7, § 2) that of admitting and ex- cluding members; of calling together and dismissing the church ; of })repariug business for the public meetings and maintaining quiet and order in the same ; of representing the church; taking the oversight of its members in respect to life and doctrine ; visiting and comforting the sick ; ad- monishing, as occasion shall offer, out of the word of God. The ruling elders stood as agents between the church and the individual members. This office at first existed in most of the churches ; but at the end of a half century it had fallen into almost total desuetude. The cause of this Avas, in part, the gradual transfer of its duties to the other church servants ; in part, the unpleasant nature of some branches of the office ; for instance, that of oversight of the members, which became more and more repulsive during the signal decay of the church life at a later period. The fourth office, that of deacons, had for its object the purely external relations of the church, especially the man- agement of its property.

While the above named offices are declared to be those alone which are agreeable to Scripture, all others, as popes, cardinals, patriarchs, archbishops, lordbishops, archdea- cons, officials, commissaries, and the like, are described as mere inventions and ordinances, which tend to the great dishonor of Jesus Christ, the Lord and King of his church. The appointment of deaconesses is, however, recommended where it is practicable. The election of church officers, according to the eighth chapter, naturally j)ertains to the church ; neither the government, diocesan bishops, or pat- rons can claim it on the ground of Scripture. Ordination is to be performed by the elders ; if these are wanting, by brethren, orderly chosen by the church for the purpose.

160 NEW ENGLAND TlIEOCllACY.

In the latter case, however, the end is reached, if the impo- sition of hands and prayer are performed by tlie elders of other churches. But it gradually became established usage, to commit ordination to the ministers of neighboring churches. The articles respecting the communion of dif- ferent churches with each other are in conformity with the principles thus laid down and explained. They are bound to mutual care, consultation, admonition, and sympathy, as becomes christian brethren. If a member of any church has occasion to leave it in a regular manner, he shall be dismissed with a letter of recommendation, that he may be received into the church to which he g'bes ; although the latter, as we have seen, is not unconditionally bound to accept him.

We will here add the articles res2:)ecting excommunica- tion. It may be pronounced against one who sins against his brother, if refusing to hear him, the witnesses, and the church (Matt. 18: 15 — 17); as also for public scandals. But it must proceed from the spirit of judgment and meekness. All intercourse with the excommunicated shall be withheld, exce^^t so far as is indispensably necessary. Still he is not thereby deprived of his civil rights, and, being regarded as a heathen and publican, he may be pres- ent at the preaching of the word. In the hope of his recovery, he shall not be accounted as an enemy, but ad- monished as a brother ; and on the manifestation of re- pentance, he shall be reinstated in his former relations. It is added, that the scandalous walk of persons in the church is not sufficient ground for separation from it, nor for withdrawal from participation in the sacraments therein administered.

Thus have we endeavored to give a reflection of the spirit which rules in this platform. Its most important

NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. ICl

decision, however, that which respects the quaUfications for cliurcli-menibership, found and continued to find many ojiposers. The succeeding chapters will show the triumph of another view, in reference to the relation of baptized persons, and the consequences of this change.

14*

CHAPTER VI.

DISSOLUTION OF THE THEOCKATIC RELATION, FROM THE ECCLE- SIASTICAL AND THE POLITICAL SIDE.

ECCLESIASTICAL AGITATIONS WITHIN THE COLONIES.

The Cambridge Synod of 1648 had, as we liave seen, triumphed over the opposition which threatened to subvert the theocratic relation. That opposition was essentially po- litical in its nature, being directed against a political advan- tage enjoyed by church-members, against the theocracy in general.

But there now appeared opposers of the existing rela- tions from a properly ecclesiastical stand-point, directly affecting the specific form of the theocratic constitution, as developed from the ground-ideas of Congregationalism. This conflict, waged with other Aveapons, and as it were in another territory, had also a different issue from the one just narrated.

It ai^pears, from contemporary accounts, that the piinci- ples of the theocracy were carried out in practice, however much it might seem, in the single cases, to be at war Avith the spirit in wdiich the Independents had their origin. About the year 1651, the church at Maiden was fined in a heavy sum, for having chosen a minister without the agree- ment and consent of the neighboring churches, and with- out permission from the government. It was therefore or-

NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 163

dained by la^v, tliat no minister could be called to the office in any church without the approbation both of some mem- bers of the magistracy, and of the neighboring churches. On the strength of this decision, the General Court ^ refused to allow the North Churcli in Boston to choose for their pastor, a well-gifted thougli unlearned man by the name of Powell, and they were obliged to content themselves Avith making him ruling elder. Not only so, but the gov- ernment took upon itself to nominate another from New Plymouth, thus exercising a direct influence on the election. In reference to this occurrence, Hubbard,^ one of the ear- liest historians of New England says : " Let the experi- ence of all reformed chiu-ches be asked, and it will apj)ear, that disorder and confusion in the church can be avoided by no decisions, councils and assemblies of synods, or of other deputies of the churches, if that which is determined be not somewhat set forward by the civil authority. All men are naturally so prejudiced by their own notions, that the order and rule of the gospel is not obeyed, unless there is a neces- sary power of restraint."

At this same time, when the connection between church and state was thus steadfastly maintained, commenced the discussion of the question respecting qualification for mem- bership in the church itself It cannot but strike one with surprise, that the progress of so few years had sufficed to produce, in a large majority of the people, a change in re- spect to the orgardc principles which lay at the basis of Congregationalism. This de])arture from the original strict- ness, Avhich we shall see as the result of the ecclesiastical agitations of this period, finds its explanation in the form and character of the opposition here developed. In accord-

1 Backus, I., 267. Hutchinson, I., 174.

2 A liiston- of Massachusetts from his hand appeared so early as 1G80.

164 NEW ENGLAND THEOCKACT.

ance with her fundamental principles, the church could ad- mit to baptism only the children of her actual members, and no one Avas entitled by this sacrament to full fellowship. But, as before remarked, in j^rocess of time not only had many emigrants come from England without that religious impulse ; but there was a decay of that predominating church-feeling, even in the second generation in America. It was, nevei'theless, not so extinguished that there was not a desire among such for a certain personal connection with the church, partly for their own sakes, and partly to secure for their children a participation in the privileges of the christian body. The church, however, could not regard these children as members through their parents, or expect that they would subsequently fulfil the obligations requisite for the other sacrament. But though she might feel her- self strong enough, especially in her connection with the state, to resist the claims and wishes of those who were di- rectly interested in these questions, yet another considera- tion here presented itself in respect to the immediate conse- quences of a consistent denial of baptism. It was especi- ally to be feared lest Anabaptism, that bugbear of ISTew England, would quickly extend itself, being strengthened by members, who saw themselves as it were thus compelled by the church to postpone their baptism. The danger ap- peared the more imminent from the fact, that it now began to show itself in a form which gave no occasion to the re- proach of fanaticism, or of a tendency to disorder. Henry Dunster, the first president of Harvard College, who liad been a teacher in that institution from the year 1640, was, by the testimony of his contemporaries, a very learned man,^

1 He was especially celebrated for his knowledge of Hebrew. A metri- cal version of the Psalms, prepared by him, came into use in public wor-

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 165

and liatl at first, as it seems, pcribnued the duties of his oilice to general satisfaction. But at a later period, he re- jected infant baptism, manifestly for the sake of carrying out consistently the Congregationalist principle ; for the sacraments being in his view of equal rank, he held the same pre-reqnisites necessary for both. Although he seems to have expressed this change of opinion with great modera- tion, the most injurious and corrupting influence was appre- liended from it in his position ; and in the year 1654, he Avas required to resign his office. lie yielded a ready assent, and withdrew to Scituate, a town in Massachusetts on the borders of Plymouth colony. Here he lived to the year 1675 undisturbed, and without giving occasion to any far- ther excitement.

Just about the time when the opposition thus developed in Massachusetts had been quelled, there sprang uj) a con- troversy in Hartford, the caj)ital of Connecticut, Avhose progress led to conclusions which revolutionized the hith- erto existing relation. In the year 1047, their minister, Mr. Hooker, one of the founders of this colony, and "the father and pillar of the Connecticut churches," had died. Some years after, a dissension arose between his successor Samuel Stone, and Goodwin a ruling elder in the church, which seems in its beginning to have had reference merely to unessential points, in regard to the reception of new members. The subsequent grounds of conflict were as yet undeveloped ; hence also, its proper immediate occasion did not come to light.^ Goodwin complained that the

ship, even after another had been attempted 1639. Mather, Book III., II., Ch. 12; and Book IV., ^ 3 and 5. Backus, I., p. 182.

1 Mather, (Magn. B. III., Chap. XVI., § 8,) says: "The}- were both of them godly men; and the true original of tlie misunderstanding between men of so good an understanding has been rendered almost as obscure as

166 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

rights of the brethren were neglected in the admission of members, and the true principles of Congregationalism treated with contempt.^ The case or cases, in which the primitive strictness seemed to Stone to have been neg- lected, are not known. But the controversy itself spread through the neighboring churches, and in all of them with scarcely an* exception, . both the Hartford parties found zealous adherents and advocates. The whole colony and even the General Court took part in it. To avert a formal division in the church, synods of the neighboring churches and elders were repeatedly called in the years 1654 and 1655; but the excitement at Hartford had risen to such a height, that both sides suspected all the elders and churches in Connecticut and New Haven of being in some way pre- judiced in favor of their opponents. It was therefore thought expedient to call a council from the other colo- nies. Accordingly, in the year 1656, a number of minis- ters and elders from Massachusetts repaired to Plartford, to give their opinion and advice. This seems to have been favorable to the stricter party, but did not effect any per- manent result. Hubbard says, moreover, of Massachusetts in the year 1656: "Baptism had to this time been imparted to those children only, whose immediate parents were admitted to full fellowship in the j^lace where they lived."

the rise of Connecticut river." Trumljull, (Hist, of Connecticut, Vol. I., p. 322,) says that it does not indeed fullj^ appear, what particular act or sentiment in Mr. Stone or the church gave elder Goodwin disgust and be- gan the dissension; but that it is evident that it had reference to church membership and the rights of the brotherhood. P. 311, Trumbull sug- gests that perhaps Goodwin "imagined himself not to have been properly consulted and regarded."

1 Stone's definition of Congregational church-government was, " A speaking aristocracy in the face of a silent democracy." Mather III., XVI. 9.— Tr.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 1G7

Their advice was conformed rather to tliis existing usao-e than to the views recently broached. But the mutual ani- mosity continued to increase; and indeed very distin- guished men, among them even Webster, the governor of Connecticut, ranged themselves on tlie side of the stricter party.

Meanwhile, in Connecticut as well as in the other colo- nies, there was growing up a strong party, who desired tliat all persons of regular and blameless life might be admitted to full communion in the churches, on profession of their belief in the christian religion, without further ^examination in respect to a change of heart; and more- over that all baptized persons should be treated as mem- bers of the church. Some went still farther, and insisted that all persons who had been members of churches in England, or had been members of regular ecclesiastical l)arishes there, and contributed to the support of public worship, should be allowed the privileges of church-mem- bers in full communion. They demanded also, that all baptized persons, upon " owning the covenant," as it was called, should have their children baptized, although they did not come to the Lord's table. A list of grievances, having reference to this subject, was introduced into the Assembly. The choice of a minister furnished the occa- sion for these views to take a decisive form. It was uro-ed that the church alone Avas not competent to make this choice ; but as all the inhabitants had, both in respect to themselves and their children, an equal interest with the church-members in the qualifications of the minister, and were obliged to contribute their proportion to his support, they had also the right to a voice in his election. On the other hand, it was maintained that the call of pastors by any other than church-members was contrary to Scripture j

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they were ordained over the churches only, and were termed angels of the churches. These points were dis- cussed with the greatest warmth, in ordinary intercourse as well as in public debate. The wish of unproved persons to participate in the rights and honors of church-members, and to have their children baptized, seemed to those who beheld in these innovations the corruption and profana- tion, of the churches, to call for counteractive measures of the most decided character.

The General Court of Connecticut held itself equally bound to take into serious consideration the division at Hartford, and these new controversies in the colony. At their session in May 1656, a committee of four distin- guished citizens of Hartford was nominated, to consult with the elders of the colony respecting the alleged griev- ances, and with their help draw up a statement of the principal points. This was to be presented to the General Courts of the United Colonies for their advice, which was solicited to be given Avith the least possible delay. The greater haste was thought necessary in settling these dis- putes, on account of the Quakers, who as already men- tioned, had just at this time begun to disturb the colonies, and against whom Connecticut and New Haven had like- wise enacted severe laws. The General Court of Massa- chusetts, in reply to the heads of grievance Avhich had been laid before them, advised a general council and sent letters to the other courts to this effect. New Haven sent answers to the several questions proposed, and considered this sufficient. In Connecticut, February 26th, 1657, the proposal of Massachusetts was agreed to. Four ministers, Warham, Stone, Blyeman, and Russel, were appointed to meet the delegates of the other colonies the following year at Boston, for deliberation on the proposed questions or

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 160

othere that might come before tlicm, and to reiiort tlie con- clusions of the synod to the General Court of Connecticut. But especially were the delegates instructed to confer respecting the Hartford affiiir with the Massachusetts min- isters, from whom a visit was to be requested for the pur- pose of assisting in a council at Hartford. The agitated church was, moreover, desired to take part in the synod at Boston, with the assurance that in case its decision was not satisfactory, the attempt should be rei)eated to heal the breach in Hartford itself. Yet even in the meeting of the General Court, several distinguished men avowed their dissatisfaction with the proposed measures, as neither grounded on the divine word, nor adapted to restore peace and quiet. Doubtless, in so doing, they intended not only to set themselves against what they esteemed an interfer- ence of the legislative authority in ecclesiastical affairs, but against a dangerous tendency to innovation. The General Court at New Haven was also most decidedly opposed to such a council. Here was felt the poweifid influence of Mr. Davenport, whose firm adherence to the original prin- ciples of Congregationalism will come under our considera- tion farther on. The request on the part of Massachusetts, that elders might be sent to the synod at Boston, was therefore declined, in a long letter explanatory of their views on the petitions presented to the General Court of Connecticut. " They had heard the petitioners confidently hojied to obtain great changes, according to Avhich the privileges of membership should be extended to all mem- bers of church-parishes, Tvithout any requirement of con- version." The fear was expressed « that a general council held at that time, would greatly endanger the peace and purity of the churches." The General Court of New Haven stated, moreover, "that they had sent an answer to

15

170 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

all the questions proposed to the Court of Connecticut, but held, nevertheless, that the legislature and elders of that colony were sufficient to determine all those j^oints Avithout any assistance from abroad ; they themselves could not si:)are any of their elders, on account of the recent removal of some of their ministers by death." "With their letter, they sent the answers which they had prepared, and entreated for them a serious consideration. They urged, also, that the principles grounded on the Scriptures, which had been thus far received, should be jireserved inviolate ; since a departure from them would, it was feared, be fol- lowed by most unhappy consequences to the church,

SYNOD OF 1657; the half-wat covenant.

Connecticut and Massachusetts, however, persisted in calling a general cou^ncil. Seventeen questions^ were laid before this body, to which others were added during the discussion. They all had reference, either dii-ectly or indi- rectly to the qualifications for church membership, and to the privileges resulting from it. This synod convened at Boston on the 4th of June, 1657, and after a session of little more than a fortnight, gave an elaborate answer to twenty-one questions. The Connecticut delegates brought back an authentic copy of the i-esult and presented it to the General Court, at its session on the 12th of August. The Court ordered copies to be sent forthwith to all the churches in the colony; if any one of them had objections to make to these answers, they were to be transmitted to the General Court at its session in October.

The answers were soon after printed in London, under

1 Given in Tnimbull's Hist, of Conn., I., 316, and 317.— Te.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 171

the significant title: "A disputation concerning church members and their chiklren." The result of the discus- sions is expressed in the following words : "It is the duty of infants, who confederated in their parents, Avhen grown up unto years of discretion, though not fit for the Lord's Supper, to own the covenant they made with their parents, by entering thereunto in their own persons ; and it is the duty of the churches to call upon them for the perform- ance thereof, and if being called upon, they shall refuse the performance of this great duty, or otherwise continue scandalous, they are liable to be censured for the same by the church. And in case they understand the grounds of reUgion, and are not scandalous, and solemnly own the covenant in their own persons, wherein they give up them- selves and their children unto the Lord, and desire baptism for them, we see not^ sufficient cause to deny baptism unto their children." "We see then, that all baptized persons were to be regarded as members of the church, and as subject to its discipline. Of the privileges attached to this relation, partici2)ation in the Supper is alone withheld from them in express words. But the claim to a share in the choice of ministers, put forth by the disalFeeted, re- ceived an answer in general terms, more favorable to this party than a decision which was made at a later period. It was to this effect : " That though it was the right of the brotherhood to choose their pastor, and though it was among the arts of Antichrist to deprive them of that power, yet they ought to have a special regard to the baptized, by the covenant of God under their watch."

Thus had the Synod struck out a middle course for the removal of the difficulties which had arisen. The wishes

1 In Backus, I., 332, we here find, in parenthesis, the words: "with due reference to any godly learned that may dissent."

172 NEV/ ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

of those who feared or disliked the strictness of Congre- gatioualism, had prevailed, Witliout examination on the jiart of the clmrch, and "without any statement in regard to their spiritual condition, they were church-members; civil rights could no longer be withheld from them, and their children were allowed the privilege of baptism. On the other hand, a distinction was made between such per- sons and members in full fellowship,^ for which, as also for admission to the Supper, the earlier requisitions remained in force. But although a large number of persons, indeed the great majority of the peo2:»le of New England at that time, might be extremely j^leased with this conclusion, it encountered a powerful opposition. Not only many min- isters, but, more particularly, the churches saw in such a modification of their hitherto elementary articles, an inno- vation which, as being irreconcilable with the principles of Congregationalism, must lead to its destruction. But before we trace the farther consequences of this conflict in general, we will j^resent the result of the above-mentioned decision on the special case M'hich had occasioned tlie calling of the Synod.

So far were the conclusions of the council from pro- ducing peace and quiet in the Hartford church, that the strife assumed a still more decided form. The stricter party now separated wholly from the Hartford church, and from its minister Mr. Stone, and connected themselves with the church in the neighboring town of Wethersfield. On the other side, Stone and the Hartford church thought themselves justified in the exercise of church discipline, and proceeded to the infliction of ecclesiastical penalties. The whole colony being in a state of excitement which threatened to rise still higher, the General Court, March

* In distinction from members of tlie half-way covenant.

NEW ENGLAJxD THEOCRACY. 173

lull, 1G58, interi)ose(l by an Act, forLidJing all farther action by the church at Hartford against those who had withdrawn; as also the completion by the latter of con- nection with any other church, till the existing difficulty should be settled in some way appointed by the Court. As the first step, the elders of the colony were desired to come together ; if this "svas done, which seems not how- ever to have been tlie case, it was without effect. As httle success attended another effort of the Court for reconcilintr the disaffected, by conferences -with influential and distin- guished men. With equal tenacity, Stone and the church adhered to their opinion, and in May 1658 presented to the General Court a complaint against the seceders. The Court did not favor this step, but proposed a mutual conference, in which each side should be represented by three ministers "vvho had taken no part in the contro"\'ersy ; if either party refused to choose elders for this purpose, the Court would choose for them. This was in fact done for Mr. Stone and the church, while the aggrieved breth- ren chose for themselves ; but this refusal of the (♦hurch to concur prevented the meeting of the council. Thereupon the General Court resolved, March 1G59, to return to their earlier plan, and invited ministers and elders from six churches in Massachusetts, to visit Hartford the following June. They comj)lied Avith the request, and exerted them- selves in the most earnest manner, to allay the animosity. Although they did not effect a reconciliation, yet they succeeded in ])roducing a better state of feeling than had existed for years. This good result being perceived by the General Court, they invited the same ministers to come again to Hartford in August, and at the same time, ordered that the points of complaint against the seceding brethren should be drawn up for their consideration and

1.5*

174 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

answer; and that both parties shoxilcT submit to their judg- ment, Avliich was to be the final decision on the case. This council did indeed so far succeed in adjusting differences, that a separation of the church -was prevented for the i:)resent. Some of the most influential members had, it is true, died or removed from the place ; but others viewed the new decisions as a departure from the original princi- ples of Congregationnlism, and at a later period, we see a separation in the church on nearly the same grounds. The rise, progress, and settlement of these controversies exhibit the peculiar characteristics of the NeAV England Church. Especially noticeable is the universal interest which they excited. Not only did the churches of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven use their most zealous efforts to effect a reconciliation, but the Commissioners of the United Colonies testified their heart-felt sorrow over these differences, and sought by friendly persuasion to 2:)romote peace and heal division. The final result was solemnized, in November 1659, by a day of public thanksgiving.

THE STNOB OF 16G2 RE-AFFIRMS THE DECISION OF THAT OF 1657.

But while these things had been progressing, the agita- tions produced by the decision of the Synod of 1657 still continued. In New Haven, little was felt of their influ- ence, since here the original principles were adhered to in their full integrity, and that decision was ignored by the stricter party. But in Connecticut, and especially in Mas- sachusetts, the opposition Avas openly expressed; for the commissioners of both colonies had taken part in the Synod, and those who opposed the neAV determinations were numerous, especially among the laity. The General Court at Boston, alarmed at the symptoms of a general

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. IT-J

riTpture, now summoned 1GG2, a synod of all the ministers of that colony,^ whicli resulted in most important conse- quences for the other colonies also. Two questions were here proposed, of Avhich the latter, the least imi)ortant for the time, had reference to the connection of churches among themselves. It was answered in conformity witli the platform of church discipline of 1648; the i)riuciplc of the independence of single churches in respect to the exercise of church government was strictly adhered to, though the connection and union of churches was declared to be of beneficial influence. The first question : " Who are the subjects of baptism?" was answered at length, as follows: "The answer may be given in the following propositions, briefly confirmed from the Scriptures.

1. Tliev that, according to Scripture, are members of the visible church, are subjects of baptism.

2. The members of the visible church, according to Scripture, are confederate visible believers, in particular churches, and their infant seed ; i. e. children in minority, whose next parents, one or both, are in covenant.

3. The infont seed of confederate visible believers, are members of the same church with their parents, and when grown up are personally under the watch, discipline, and government of that church.

4. These adult persons are not therefore to be admitted to full communion, merely because they are and continue members, without such further qualifications as the word of God requireth thereunto.

5. Church members who were admitted in minority, understanding the doctrine of fiiith, and publicly professing their assent thereto, not scandalous in life, and solemnly owning the covenant before the church, wherein they

1 Mather, Look. p. G2 ff.

176 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

give up themselves and their cliildren to the Lord, and subject themselves to the government of Christ in tlie churcli, their children are to be baptized.

6. Such church members who, either by death or some other extraordinary providence, haxo been inevitably Iiin- dered from public acting as aforesaid, yet have given the church cause in the judgment of charity, to look at them as so qualified, and such as had they been called thereunto, would have so acted, their children are to be baptized.

7, The members of orthodox churches, being sound in the faith and not scandalous in life, and presenting due testi- mony thereof, these occasionally coming from one church to another, may have their children baptized in the church whither they come, by virtue of communion of churches; but if they remove their habitation, they ought orderly to covenant and subject themselves to tlie government of Christ in the church where they settle their abode, and so their childi'en to be baptized ; it being the church's duty to receive such into communion, so far as they are regularly fit for the same." This answer is based on fellowship in the church according to the primitive principles. The children of sucli members are entitled to baptism, and remain under the discipline of the church, only they cannot (§ 5) partici- pate in the Lord's Supper ; none the less, however, are their posterity (§ 5, 6) to enjoy the same privilege as themselves. There follows, as indicated at the beginning of this an- swer, the confirmation of the several articles from the Holy Scriptures. After showing, with special reference to the covenant of circumcision and the promises of the Old Tes- tament, that all children in a visible churcli on earth are b}' the Lord's appointment to be members of the same ; it is added by way of limitation to the second article, that th(? piety of ancestors docs not suffice, unless the next j^arents continue in covenant. The trrounds arc as follows:

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 177

" 1. rJocausc if the next parent be cut or broken off (Rom. 11: 17, 19, 20), the following seed are broken off also (Ex. 20:5) ;^ as the Gentile believing parents and children ■were taken in ; so the Jews, i:)arents and children, M'erc broken off,

2. One of the parents must be a believer, or else the chil- dren are unclean (1 Cor. 7: 14),

3. If children may be accounted members and baptized, though the next parents be not in covenant, then the church should bo bound to baptize those, whoni she can have no power over and no hope concerning, to see them brought np in the true christian religion, and under the ordinances ; for the next parents being wicked and not in covenant, may carry away and bring up their children to serve other gods,

4. If we stop not at the next parent, but grant that ances- tors may, notwithstanding the apostasy of the next parents, convey membership unto children, then we should want a ground where to stop, and tlien all the children on the earth should liave right to membership and baptism."

In the following proposition are enumerated the blessings accruing to children through bajitism, among which, that of education within the church is particularly mentioned. But most clearly does the change aj^pear in the exposition of the fourth proposition, which treats of the exclusion of such members from the Lord's Supper. " The truth of this de- cision" it is said, "is plain from 1 Cor, 11 : 28, 29, where it is required that such as come to the Lord's Supper, be able to examine themselves, and to discern the Lord's body ; else they will eat and drink unworthily, and eat and drink dam- nation, or judgment to themselves, Avhen they partake of this ordinance ; but mere membership is separable from such

1 "A jealous God, visiting the iniquities of the fathers upon the child- ren,"

178 NEAy ENGLAND TnEOCRACY.

ability to examine one's self and discern the Lord's body ; as in the cliildren of the covenant that grow np to years is too often- seen. 2, In the Old Testament, though men did con- tinue members of tlie church, yet for ceremonial uncleanness they were to be kept from full communion in the holy things, (Levit. 7: 20, 21; Numb. 9: 6, 7, and 19: 13, 20). Yea, and the priests and porters in the Old Testament had spe- cial charge committed to them, that men should not jiartake in all the holy things, unless duly qualified for the same, not- withstanding their membership, (2 Chron. 23: 19; Ezek. 22: 26; and 44: 7, 8, 9, 23), and therefore much more in these times, where moral fitness and spiritual qualifications are M-anting membership alone is not sufficient for full communion. More was required to adult persons eating the Passover, than mere membership ; therefore so there is now to the Lord's Supper. For they were to eat to the Lord (Ex. 12: 14), v\'hich is expounded in 2 Chr. 30, where keeping the Passover to the Lord (v. 5), imports and re- quires exercising repentance (v. 7), their actual giving them- selves up to the Lord (v. 8), heart preparation for it (v. 19), and holy rejoicing before the Lord (vv. 21, 22). See the like in Ezra G : 21, 22. 3. Though all members of the cliurch are subjects of baptism, they and their children, yet all members may not partake of the Lord's Supper, as is fur- ther manifest from the difi:erent nature of baptism and the Lord's Supper. Baptism first and properly seals covenant- holiness, as circumcision did (Gen. 17) church membershijj (Rom. 15 : 8), planting hito Christ (Rom. 6) ; and so mem- bers, as such, are the subjects of baptism (Matt. 28 : 19), But the Lord's Supper is the sacrament of growth in Christ, and of special communion with him (1 Cor. 10 : 16), which supposeth a special renewing and exercise of faith and re- jDentance, in those that partake of that ordinance. Now if

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 179

persons even -when adult may be and continue members, and yet be debarred from the Lord's Supper, until meet qualifica- tions for the same do appear in iheni ; then may they also (until like qualifications) be debarred from that power of voting in the church, which pertains to males iu full com- munion. It seems not rational that those ■\vho are not themselves fit for all ordinances, should have such an influ- ence referring to all ordinances, as voting in election of ofii- cers, admission and censures of members doth import. For how can they, that arc not able to examine and judge themselves, be thought able and fit to discern and judge in the weighty affiiirs of the house of God (1 Cor. 11 : 28, 31, with 1 Cor, 5: 12)."

In settling the political and ecclesiastical relations of Xew England, the relations and ordinances of the Old Testament had often been appealed to as authority. In the present case also, in the explanations to § 5, Mdiich treats of the right to baptism, the Synod appeals to the manner in which persons acquired membership under the old covenant. Here it is especially noteworthy, how entirely was overlooked the radical diflference between the Jewish and the Congre- gational church-constitution ; for the main condition of the latter, evidence of the actual exix,'rienee of conversion, was, filid in the nature of the case must be, wholly foreign to Judaism. In place of taking for the starting point their own doctrine respecting the Lord's Supper, though lying at the very basis of what was peculiar in Congregationalism, they compared baptism with Jewish circumcision. The church-membership of parents constituted the claim in both cases; hence, as little in the one case as iu the other, should children when grown up cease to be church-members. The qualification thus ac(juired for personal admission to chui-ch privileges secured the same, moreover, (§ G) to their pos- terity.

180 NEW ENGLAND THEOCKACT.

This answer to the questions tlius proposed totheSj-nod was honored with the approbation of more than seven- eighths of the assembled ministers. But, beside the prevail- ing opposition to it in the churches themselves, there were found, among the few ministers who dissented, men of great influence, who raised their voices powerfully against these innovations. Charles Chauncey, president of Har- vard College, in a treatise which he published on the sub- ject, took ground against the Synod. Of the same mind were Eleazer Mather, minister at Xorthampton, and In- crease Mather,^ (afterwards the first Doctor of Theology in New England, and ambassador of the colony in London), sons of Richard Mather,^ minister at Dorchester, who Avas himself, however, among the defenders of the council. By them and some others, the remonstrance of John Daven- port and Street of New Haven, against the articles adopted, was' zealously supported in the Synod. This being without effect, Davenport also came out with a treatise, under the title "Another essay for investigation of the truth," to which Increase Mather furnished a preface. From the extracts given by Cotton Mather, it appears that the point of view from which the decisions of the Synod must be judged, according to the principles of Congregationalism, was exhibited with great clearness by its opponents. While conceding a distinction between "mere and qualified mem- bership," the conditions for the latter are required no less of those who are to be baptized than of those who desire ad- mission to the Lord's Supper. A reply followed in defence of the conclusions of the Synod, which however, cannot be acquitted of the same inconsistency and departure from original jDrinciples, before mentioned. But it is a notice-

1 Father of the author of the Magnalia Christi Amei'icana.

2 Emigrated from En<^hind in 1G35.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 181

able index of tlio essential cliange wliith liad taken place in New England, that the large majority of the ministers sus- tained the new opinions, which indeed soon obtained a fresh accession of adherents. Even Increase Mather changed his views, and subsequently published two essays in defence of the conclusions of the Synod, declaring thera to be the primitive doctrine of the church of New England, although being a church then but newly founded, its earlier practice had been otherwise.

POLITICAL INFLUENCES UNFAVORABLE TO THE THEOCRACY.

Through peculiar circumstances, the General Court of Connecticut "was prevented from adojjting at once the conclusions set forth by the Synod, though from the stand it had previously taken, it appears to have been decidedly inclined to a change of the early Congregationalist princi- ples. Soon afler the accession of Charles Second, this colony had sent TVinthrop, its Governor, to London for the purpose of obtaining a definite royal charter, their Consti- tution having hitherto had, in fact, a very insecure basis.^ Through the skill and activity of this ambassador the king was induced to declare the colony, April 20, 1662, an in- corporated body politic, under the title : The Governor and Company of the English Colony of Connecticut in New England in America. This charter exj^ressly confirmed to the Government the rights of sovereignty hitherto exer- cised ; the magistracy was to be annually elected by the free citizens, whose privileges were to be enjoyed by every free bom Englishman. But, at the same time, it was directed that New Haven should be united to Connecti- cut. This colony had incurred the royal displeasure, by

1 Sec p. 78. 16

182 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

harboring certain of the judges of Charles First con- demned to death by parhament ; and the more so, since even the magistracy, if they had not oj^enly opposed the search for the regicides, had drawn npon themselves, not without reason, the suspicion of having favored their escape. The accused colony was, moreover, so poor as not to be able at this time to defray the ex:penses of its officers, and hence, also, was unable to send an agent of its awn to represent its interests in England. But it was none the less disposed, on that account, to maintain its former independence at whatever cost. A mere protest was not deemed sufficient. As Connecticut, encouraged by individuals in the colony of New Haven friendly to such a union, had taken decided steps towards carrying out the provisions of the charter, it was resolved to rej)el every act of aggression by force. At the same time, application was made by New Haven to the commissioners of the four united colonies, and she found here the most unequivocal recognition of her rights. But besides the wish to retain the indejiendence so long enjoyed, there was an ecclesiastical interest for which the ruling party in New Haven were deeply concerned. Here was still exist- ing the theocratic relation, which allowed only to mem- bers of the church, and indeed only to those in full com- munion, the exercise of civil rights. The exasperation incx'cased with the embarrassments in which New Haven found herself involved, alike by want of money, and by the influence of a not inconsiderable party who favored the union ; and it was resolved to break off all direct negotiations with Connecticut. But in the year 1664, there arrived in New England royal commissioners, whose object was, in part, to examine into the state of the colo- nies; in part, to secure the subjection of New Amsterdam

KEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 183

to the crown of England; and it was feared that they were armed witli instructions of tlie most dangerous character, in reference to the hitlierto free constitutions. Massachusetts lierself now counselled coni])liance, and i;rged the ruinous consequences and at the same time the uselessness of farther resistance, at a time Avhen the colo- nies so much needed unity. As the commissioners of the united colonies likcAvise recommended a friendly and peaceful union, and the royal commissioners insisted jDosi- tively on the provisions of the charter, New Haven at length submitted. On the 13th of December 1GG4, the union was assented to by the General Court, not, however without a solemn protest against the invasion of their rights, and the proceedings of Connecticut. These are indeed, not to be justified; yet the end being gained, nothing was left undone to eifect a thorough reconciliation. The most influential citizens of New Haven' were elected to the highest offices, and every Act which had reference to the quarrel was consigned to everlasting forgetfulness.

These transactions furnish the exjilanation of the fact, that Connecticut did nothing in reference to the result of the Synod, but left to the churches and elders the adoption of whatever steps might be necessary. The very general opposition of New Haven to the Synod being known, it was held to be in the highest degree impolitic to strengthen the disagreement by a declaration on eccle- siastical matters. It Avas not till the union might be confidently regarded as near its consummation, tliat the General Court, under date of October 13th 1GG4, published the following Act :

"This Court understanding, by a writing presented to them from several persons of this colony, that they are aggrieved that they are not entertained in church fellow-

184 NEW ENGLAND TEEOCRACY.

sliip, this Court having duly considered the same, desiring that the rules of Christ may he attended, do commend it to the ministers and churches in this colony, to consider whether it be not their duty to entertain all such persons, who are of an honest and godly conversation, having a competency of knowledge in the jDrinciples of religion, and shall desire to join with them in church -fellowship, by an explicit covenant." After reciting the conclusions of the Synod, with which we are already acquainted, the Act concludes : " The Court desireth the several officers of the respective churches would be pleased to consider, whether it be not the duty of the "Court to order the churches to practise according to the premises if they do not practise without such order. If tliey dissent from the contents of this writing, they are desired to help the Court with such light as is with them, the next session of this assembly,'' Here also the new principles, though not formally adopted, yet received a public exj)ression ; at the same time the established theocratic relation in New Haven gave way under the i^ressure of political circumstances.

In this same period, the Theocracy was abolished by law in Massachusetts. Already dejjrived by those ecclesiasti- cal decisions of its proper significance, thei'e came decrees from another quarter, which severed the existing connec- tion between Church and State. Massachusetts, after receiving information of the accession of Charles Second, had delayed proclaiming him king. But, in November, 16G0, having ascertained from reliable sources that the political relations of England were settled, and that no firthcr change in its government was to be expected, the General Court resolved on a highly loyal address to the king. To this a very gracious answer was returned on the loth of Febi'uary 16C1. Very soon after, however, it

KEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 185

"Was nnnounccd in Boston that the existing rehitlons of the colony Avere in danger, partly through the suspicions ex- cited in the royal party by its previous policy; j)artly through claims instituted by private persons on the ground of earlier patents. The proclamation Avas now no longer delayed. This being accomj^lished in August IGGl, it was resolved to send two deleorates to London to take in charcre the interests of the colony. Simon Bradstreet^ and the Rev. John Nox'ton, who were chosen for this purpose, found a more favorable reception in England than they had anticipated. The answer of the king, communicated to them on the 28th of June 1662, contained a confirma- tion of the privileges of their charter, and an amnesty for all the past. But though these general jirovisions occa- sioned great joy in the colony, there were others at which oiFence was taken. Even the very natural recpiircmcnt, that all governmental power should be exercised and justice administered in the name of the king, being something to Avhich they were not accustomed, seemed strange and alarming. True, the Boston government complied thus far; but they could not bring themselves to yield to the demand, that " freedom and liberty should be given to all such as desired to use the book of Common Prayer, and perform their devotions in the manner established in Eng- land, and that they might not undergo any prejudice thereby; that all persons of good and honest lives and conversations should be admitted to the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, accoi'ding to the Book of Common Prajer, and their children to baptism ; that in the choice of gov- ernor and assistants, the only consideration should be of the wisdom, virtue and integrity of the persons to be chosen, and not of any faction with reference to opinions

1 See p. 131. 16*

186 NEW ENGLAND THEOCKACY.

and outward profession; that all freeholders of competent estates, not A'icioixs etc., though of different persuasions con- cerning church government, should have their votes in the election of all officers, civil and military,"

Indeed a general dissatisfoction with the result of the embassy soon began to manifest itself The benefits secured were forgotten, and the manifold difficulties with which the delegates had to contend were overlooked ; and in such a manner did the discontent express itself, that Norton, soon after his return from England, died of grief The oj^position towards the mother country was still more increased, when the deprivation of the nonconforming clergy of the Episco- pal Church, on the 26th of August 16G2, drove many of these to New England, and awakened here the apprehen- sion of restraints on freedom of conscience. The alarm rose to the highest i^itch on the intelligence, received in the spring of 1664, that sliiiDS of war were on their way with commissioners from the king. It w^as resolved to put in order all the means of defence, a measure which was of course merely intended to prevent the disorders apprehend- ed from the troops ; and a day of general fasting and prayer was appointed.* On the 23dof July the squadron appearq^T before Boston, bringing four royal commissioners, viz. Colonel Richard Nicholas, George Cartwright, Esq., Sir Robert Carr, and Samuel Maverick, Esq., son of one of the petitioners of the year 1646.^ After laying their creden- tials before the government, they made known a part of their instructions in respect to the attack on New Amster- dam, and desired a reinforcement of troops. The General Court being convened on the 3d of August, the commis- sioners, about to take their departure, gave notice that on their return from Manhadoes they should have many ad-

1 See p. 139.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 187

ditional communications to make, and nrgcd a farther con- sideration of the royal epistle of June 28th 1GG2. The General Court granted two hundred men at the expense of the colony ; but the march was forestalled by the capi- tulation of New Amsterdam on the 27th of August 1664. In accordance with the king's letter, the law respecting admission to citizenship was abrogated and another passed, whereby "English subjects, being freeholders, reliable to a certain value, certified by the ministers of the i)lace to be orthodox and not vicious in their lives, were allowed to be made freemen, although not members of the churcli." Thus was the dissolution of the Theocracy declared by law, and this relation was abolished for all New England. "When the royal commission «nade a similar demand of New Plym- outh, the General Court of that colony replied, "we do con- sent, it having been our constant jDractice to admit men of competent estates and civil conversation, though of diftercnt judgments, to be freemen, and to have liberty to choose and be chosen officers both civil and military."

Before we proceed to describe the consequences to the church, of this alteration of the principles of Congregation- alism, and of the Theocracy, something farther will be mentioned of the transactions of the royal commissioners with the General Court of Boston. The Court was obliged to defend the privileges of its charter against claims of the most diverse character. Its firmness was esi")ecially mani- fested, when the commissionei'S attempted to constitute themselves a court of appeal in certain criminal cases, and even cited the government to answer before them. So likewise it was maintained Avith unyielding determination, tliat the demand to admit to the Lord's Supper such as had not been tested, must be committed to the decision of the church. New Plymouth took the same ground on this

188 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

point, though in othci- respects this colony showed itself more compliant. The eastern provinces of New Hamp- shire and Maine were A'isited by all the commissioners, excei^t Nichols, whose greater moderation in all respects secm'ed the popiilar regard, and who subsequently main- tained, as Governor of New York, a friendly intercourse with Massachusetts. On their return to Boston, the Gen- eral Court declared, that the exercise of the rights of sover- eignty in those eastern provinces tended to the disturbance of the public peace, and they desired a conference on this account with the commissioners. To this Can* replied, that the king's pardon for what had passed during the last rebellion was only conditional, and rested on the future good conduct of the colony ; even adding the threat, that the leaders and originators of all those acts of resistance, were exposed to the same penalties which had fillen upon so many in England who had shared in the rebellion. The General Court thereupon broke off all negotiations. In accordance with the reports of the commissioners, both Plymouth^ and Connecticut^ received royal letters of com- mendation, in which their loyal behavior was extolled as being set off with special lustre by the contrary deport- ment of Massachusetts. The king, in a letter, charged the latter colony with suspicious and contumacious proceed- ings ; his final decision, however, he proposed to suspend, and desired that Massachusetts should send five delegates to London to defend her cause, two of whom were desig- nated by name. But the General Court thought the affair had been ali*eady so clearly explained, that it could not be done better. The interference on the part of the king, which was to have been expected, did not follow at this

1 Baylies' Memoir of New Plymouth. 2 Trumljull'sHist. of Conn. App.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 189

time ; and the colony sought in vnvious ways, by the trans- mission of a hirge amount of provision to tlie royal fleet, as •well as of money to London after the great fire, and by a cargo of masts, sixteen hundred pounds sterling in value, to regain his favor. But an unmistakable alienation had commenced, which led the king subsequently to adopt de- cisive measures. It had lasted, though with many inter- ruptions, through an entire century, when a more impor- tant interest thrust into the background all the jealousies between the mother country and the colonies ; but at length, it manifested itself fully developed, and resulted in a total separation. To the church, this state of things was of no small importance, since it involved the sjinpathies and interests of the inhabitants to such a degree, as to con- tribute essentially to jiromote the change in belief and life which followed the change in church-discipline.

The ecclesiastical events of the succeeding period are neither of so general importance, nor so characteristic in themselves. Its earlier portion still exhibits manifold reac- tionary influences from the preceding peiiod; the latter portion shows an almost universal declension. The former will form the subject of the seventh, the latter, of the eighth chapter.

CHAPTER VII.

EEACTIONARY INFLUENCES PROCEEDING FROM THE CONGREGA- TIONALIST THEOCRACY, AFTER ITS ABROGATION.

OPPOSITION TO THE ESTABLISHJIENT OP THE THIRD CHURCH IN BOS- TON ON THE NEW PRINCIPLE OF CHURCH-MEMBERSHIP.

So deeply rooted in New England, from the beginning, was the original principle of Congregationalism in refer- ence to church-membership, that it could still boast its decided adherents, even after the determinations of the synods. These, although desired and sought for by the m.ajority of the inhabitants, as well as favored and defended by the greater part of the clergy, found in many churches a vigorous resistance. Nor did it stop with the adoption and expression of the dissenting opinions by individuals. Controversies arose, which in both the chief towns of the colonies, Boston and Hartford, led to division, and the for- mation of separate churches.

There were in Boston a considerable number of church- members, who, in opposition to the synodial decisions, held that only members in full fellowship should be admitted to the church. But their minister, John Wilson, who came to New England so early as the year 1630, and had exer- cised his office in Boston from the time of its settlement, took ground, as member of the Synod of 1662, in favor of the innovations there determined on ; and the weight of

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 191

his influence had repressed the expression of opposition. At his death, in 1667, the church seemed indisposed to repLace liim by a young man ; but desired one ■who had received his training in England, and who had developed, through a long ministry, special gifts for the office. There were few who could meet these requirements. The choice fell on John Davenport of New Haven. Evidently this measure originated with the party avIio adhered to the practice of former times ; but in selecting a man so hon- ored and distinguished throughout New England, they had also in view an easier victory over the opposition Avhich was to be expected. This did not fail to show itself Thu'ty members of the church declared themselves against the choice in terms as follows : ^ " We should walk con- trary to Rev. 3 : 3, not holding fist what we have re- ceived ; nor should we, as we have received Christ Jesus the Lord, so walk in him. It (the doctrine of the synod) having been a received and a professed truth by the whole body of the church, Avho have voted it in the affirmative, and that after much patience with and candor towards those that were otherwise minded; divers days having been spent about this great generation-trutfi, which since hath been confirmed by the synod. Full liberty hath also been granted, unto those who scrupled, to propose their ques- tions; and they were answered with such public satisfac- tion, that those few who remained unsatisfied, promised to sit down and leave the body to act, excepting one or two. Accordingly, thei'e was an entrance upon the work ; but the Lord lay it not to the charge of those that hindered progress therein, "which, Avith great blessing and success, has been and is practised in neighbor churches."

The others persevered, however, and carried the resolu-

1 Mather, Book V. p. 82.

192 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

tion to call Mr. Davenport, by a considerable majority. He was now in his seventieth year. Thirty years had he labored in his church, and had gained for himself iiniversal esteem and affection. It is not strange, therefore, tliat opposition Avas made to his dismissal. There was indeed good ground for lamenting the separation ; for there was not a minister now left in New Haven except Mr, Street, the co-pastor of Mr. Davenport ; and after his death in 1674, it was eleven years before the town succeeded in choosing another. Davenport having come to Boston, twenty-eight members of his church requested to be dis- missed from the connection, in order to constitute a ncAV church. This was unanimously refused by the officers. The dissenting brethren hereupon called a council of tlie neighboring churches, and in accordance with their advice proceeded, after two meetings held for the purpose in Charlestown on the 12th and 16th of May 1669, to organ- ize themselves into a separate church, under tlie name of the " Third Church in Boston." In their covenant tliey thus speak : " And for the furtherance of this blessed fel- lowship, we do likewise j^romise to endeavor to establish among ourselves and convey down to our posterity, all the holy truths and ordinances of the gospel committed to the churches in faith and observance, opposing to the utmost of our church j^ower whatsoever is diverse therefrom, or contrary thereunto."

About the same time, seventeen ministers,^ probably the members of the above-mentioned council, publicly declared their dissatisfaction with the conduct of the majority of the old church. This step had reference to the manner of Davenport's dismission from New Haven, which being expressed in somewhat vague terms, had not been fully

1 Among the number was Increase Mather.

XKW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 193

communicated to the cliurcli Ly the ruling elder. The church published a defence against this charge, ^vhic]l, however, soon ceased to excite attention ; the disagree- ment in reference to the synodial conclusions being the true point of controversy. This Avas not settled by the death of Davenport Avhich soon followed. Measures being taken by the Third Church to erect a meeting-house, loud opposition was made to it on the side of the magistracy. Governor Bellingham, who was a member of the First Church, called together the council of the colony, " fear- ing," as he declared in the order, " a sudden tumult, some persons attempting to set up an edifice for public worship, which was apprehended by authority to be detrimental to the public ])eace." But tlie council resolved not to inter- fere ; but " if any had offended against the laws, they advised to proceed against them in a due course of law. Those who were about to erect a new meeting-house, must observe the laws and orders of the General Court." On application of the new church to the selectmen of the town, it was voted July 2()th 1G69, that there was certainly need of a new meeting-house. But the opposers of the synodial conclusions had this year a majority in the Gen- eral Court. At the May session, 1670, a committee was apitointed "to enquire into the prevailing evils which had been the cause of the displeasure of God against the land." In the report brought in by this committee, they refer to " declension from the primitive foundation Avork, innova- tion in doctrine and worship, oinnion and practice, an invasion of the rights, liberties, and privileges of the churches, an usurpation of lordly and prelatical power over God's heritage, a subversion of gospel order; and all this with a dangerous tendency to the utter devastation of these churches, turning the pleasant gardens of Christ

17

194 NE^V ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

into a "wilderness, and tlie inevitable and total extirpation of the principles and j^illars of the Congregational Avay."

That, in alleging this as the peculiar evil of the time, they intended to designate the new church and those min- isters who had given their assent to its organization, is clear from the conclusion cf the report, which mentions by name " the late transaction of churches and elders in con- stituthig the Third Church in Boston, as irregular, illegal, and disorderly." The adoption of the rei^ort by the Court increased the general public agitation. But at the next election, thirty out of the fifty members of the House of Deputies, Avere not reelected; a change unprecedented hitherto, but in consequence of which, a wholly different view must necessarily predominate in the assembly of these popular representatives, especially as some of the reelected Avcre prob:djly adherents of the synodial determinations. Fifteen ministers now presented an address complaining of the imjiutations cast upon them in that report, and which, they maintained, were the Avork of a party Avho Avished to hinder the formation of the Third Church. After calling attention to the injurious influence of such a course upon the public mind and upon the labors of the ministry, they desired the Court to grant them redress, by requiring either a public vindication or a general synod. In its reply, the Court asserted its exemption from question by any person, for acts passed by its authority, as Avell as its indubitable right to freedom of debate ; but acknoAvledged that in an hour of temi^tation an act might pass in one Court Avhich, " according to principles of religion, prudence and state- interest, might be rcAucAved and upon mature deliberation be rectified by another. In respect to the case under con- sideration, the Court hold it its duty to declare, that sev- eral expressions in the A'otes referred to in the petition

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 195

appeared exceptionable." It was therefore ordered tliat all papers relating to these matters should be regarded as cancelled, and not be used against the reverend elders as having been the cause of God's displeasure against the country. The Court furthermore declared their adherence to the original objects of their emigration, and to the sober principles of Congregationalism and the practice of their churches, " in their purest and most athletic constitution." But in spite of these last words, it is manifest from their decision that the new principles had achieved no doubtful victory. The Third Church soon after erected its i)lace of ■worship, and was favored witli an unusual degree of pros- perity. Its request for recognition and fellowship by the Fu-st Church was, indeed, many times refused. But in the year 1682, the latter, alarmed by the increasing danger of encroachments on the civil liberties of New England, and by the efforts of the governor to procure the erection of an English church, itself proposed to the sister-church to for- give and forget the past ; and a solemn reconciliation took place.^ The First Church remained, nevertheless, stead- fast in its principles; and it was not till 1730, that it resolved to " conform to the general practice, that is to say, of admitting members on the half-way covenant," Avhich had been the usage of the second church in Boston since the year 1675.

rNSCCCESSFUL ATTEMPT IN CONNECTICUT TO INTRODUCE THE PRES- BYTERIAN CUURCn-CONSTITCTION.

In Connecticut also, the new princij)le had to contend with much oi)position, althougli here the proper issue had

1 These occurrences are given at large b)' Hutcliinson, I., 247 ff. ; sep- arately narrated, with very important additions, by Benjamin Wisner in his History of the Old South Church in Boston, 1S30.

196 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

given place to another, and been lost siglit of. Even before these controversies had broken out in Hartford and other places, an attempt on the part of the government had been witnessed, which endangered the other original prin- ciple of Congregationalism. The complete indcpendejice of each single chnrch, in res^^ect to ])roperty and the exei'cise of church-government, remained unquestioned in Massachusetts. We see from the preceding narration, that the opinions and acts of synods were iuAMriably interme- diatory in their character, and obtained recognition only as such. In Connecticut also, the conduct and settlement of all controversies were governed by the idea, that subor- dinacy to a higher ecclesiastical tribunal was a thing not to be admitted. Hence such a doctrine could not be openly and explicitly asserted. Still, the following may be regarded as tlie first step to the measures subsequently adopted for this object.

Scarcely was the first excitement consequent upon the union with New Haven allayed, than the General Court took into serious consideration the final termination of the still existing church dissensions. It was resolved, therefore, on the 11th of October 1666, to call a synod, wherein the qiiestions to be laid before the ministers should be publicly discussed, and that under such rules and regulations as the synod should judge suitable to the or- derly conclusion of the debates. It was accordingly voted, that the whole body of ministers in the colony should ajspear as members, and four from Massachusetts be invited to assist; a majority of the ministers of the colony being assembled, they should proceed as a synod ; the questions to be submitted by the government were to form the sub- ject of discussion. The third Wednesday in May 1667 was appointed as the day for assembling. But the ministers

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 107

took ofR'noe at tliis order, regarding it as an assumption on the part of government, of conferring synodial power. The Couit, to escape tlie ditficulty, clianged the name, May 9th, 1G67, and called it an Assembly of the ministers of Connecticut ; and the meeting took i)lace at the ap- pointed time. It Avas here resolved, after consideration of the questions submitted, not to discuss them publicly. They then adjourned to the autumn, with the purpose of then reassembling and preparing a report, if such should be the Avish of the government. The adherents of the synodial decisions here i)laced themselves directly in ojipo- sition to this demand for new decisions, fearinsx a foreio-n influence, Avhether from the civil power or from Massa- chusetts. The churches made it knoAvn through their delegates, that they would maintain the right which gave to actual cliurch-members alone the election of ministers, uncontrolled by any action ©f toAvns or jjarishes. The original principles of Congregationalism, moreover, still prevailed so generally in usage, that up to this time no case had occurred of admission to baptism Avliere neither father nor mother were actual church-members. It Avas for the A'ery object of bringing the ncAV doctrines into practice, that the government had invited the Massachu- setts ministers to take part in the SA'nod. But although favored Avith a A'cry skilful advocate of the less rigid view, in Mr. Mltchel minister at Cambridge, the goA^eniment still thought they had cause to apprehend a want of cor- respondence to their Avishes on the part of the synod ; and accordingly formed the puqiose of forestalling its proba- ble action at the appointed meeting. In September, the commissioners of the united colonies met at Hartford and adopted the foUoAving resolution: "That when questions of public concernment, about matters of faith and order,

17*

198 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

clo arise in any colony, the decision thereof shonhl be re- ferred to a synod, or council of messengers of churches, indifferently called out of the united colonies by an orderly agreement of all the General Courts ; and that the j)lace of meeting shall be at or near Boston."

Now, the opposition to the synodial conclusions seems to have so fallen into the background, that this party joined with the government. Certain ministers of Connecticut, and indeed those who had been most strict in regard to the admission of members, presented a paper to the General Court, requesting that a general synod might be called, and setting forth that they had wished for a public disputation at the last asseml)ly in May, but had been overruled by the majority. The latter, who evidently had feared an influ- ence from without, in opposition to this wish expressed to the General Court their opinion, that such publicity would _ not be serviceable to the peace and edification of the churches, or to the gener.al interests of religion ; a decision among themselves, as had been the usage hitherto, was much to be preferred. They could not but wonder, more- over, that certain ministers had demanded a general council, when the Assembly by its own resolution was to meet again in October; and, moreover, many new opponents of such a proposition would be added to the former large number. At the same time, they assured the Court of their readiness to obey all lawful commands, and desired information whether the Assembly should meet again or not. The Government, in return, expressed the wish that the varioixs churches of the colony might send their ministers to a council, to be held in common with the ministers of Massachusetts and Plymouth. This, probably, was a pretext adopted to liinder the reassem- bling of the Connecticut synod. The object was effected,

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. ITO

althougli the general council was not calletl. The Con- necticut ministers feared the influence from Massachusetts; while, on the other hand, the goA'crnment might not account that influence sufliciently powerful and effective to justify them in urging this concert of measures, at the risk, which was always impending, of a Avider di-\ision and a yet more decided resistance.

But although the attempt to bring about a greater xmity by this means was relinquished, the Connecticut gov- ernment seems to haA'e been very earnestly engaged for se- curing such a result. The design was formed of a general l)lan for unity of discipline also, by which they should be guided notwithstanding dissimilar views on points of minor importance. To this end, four ministers were authorized to meet together in Saybrook, and give their advice in re- lation to the way in which this desirable end could be at- tained. But even this preliminary and introductory measure failed for the present. It Avas not till many years after, that the government of Connecticut succeeded, through the Saybrook Platform,^ in producing a change in the relations of the churches to one another, which approximated to the principles of Presbyterian subordination. It was the ap- prehension of this which had now called forth the decided opposition of both ministers and churches. The relaxed principle in reference to the admission of church members, however, found much favor ; in many congregations, the other party seceded and formed a separate church. Thus also the controversies which had been formerly settled in Hartford again revived, and soon assumed so decided a form, that the assembly of ministers, convened on this account, advised a separation ; which the government also then pronounced admissible. The second church now formed

1 Sec Ch. Ylir.

200 NEAV ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

ill Hartford declared, 1670, in a solemn covenant, tliclr xinAvaA^ering adherence to primitive Congregationalism. About the same time, similar movements occnrred in other jilaces in Connecticut. But, gradually, the new principle obtained universal currency, as indeed it favored the in- terests of the majority of the inhabitants, those at least of the later immigrants, Avho had entered Xew England with fir other than religious aims.

PERSECUTIOX OF AXABAPTISTS IX MASSACHUSETTS IN 1665 AND THE FOLLOWING YEARS.

But this result is also to be ascribed in great part to the fear of Anabaptism, Avliose spread could not but be pro- moted by the denial of infant baptism. Although the Baptists living in Khode Island had manifested in practice none of that hostility to all civil order which had been charged upon them, yet the early prejudice against them still continued in the other colonies. The Anabaptists now made their appearance again, and founded churches both in iSTcAV Plymouth and Massachusetts; but the two colonies differed in the policy observed toAvards them. At Keho- bothi in Plymoath, in the year 16G3, a number of Baptists separated themselves from the church there establislied, and for several years maintained themselves, undisturbed, as a separate society. But in 1GG7, they were summoned before the General Court, and were fined for " establishing public meetings Avithout the knowledge and approbation of the Court, to the disturbance of the peace of the place." They were required to discontinue these meetings Avithin one month's time, as their continuance in Rehoboth, being very prejudicial to the ^jeace of the church and the tOAvn,

1 Backus, I., pp. 3.j0 ff. Tlic place Avas also called Scawdv. See Neal, ir., 232.

NEW EXGLAXD THEOCRACY. 201

could iKit bo alloM'CMl. "Yet," tlms concluflcs this Act of the General Court of Plymouth, "in case they shall remove their meeting into some other place, where they may not prejudice any other church, and shall give us reasonable satisfaction respecting their j)rinciples, we know not but that they may be permitted by this goverament to do so." As the result of this permission, these Baptists founded a church in Swansea on the borders of the colony of Rhode Island, and lived Avithout farther molestation by the gov- ernment, under the ministry of Mr. Miles, who had fled from Swansea in Wales after the Uniformity-Act of 16G2. Not by so easy a process did the Baptists in Massachusetts attain to a secure position and permanent form. On the con- trary, they were here obliged to maintain through a course of years a conflict with the government, which, in spite even of the laws and of sj)ecific ordinances, sustained itself by the force of public opinion. Thei-e had always been in- dividuals who held to the doctrine that only adults should be baptized. But when the royal commissioners^ j)ro- claimed entire freedom to all parties and sects, the Baptists in and around Boston^ availed themselves of their presence and constituted a church. It is mentioned in their church records, as follows: — "On the 27th of the third month^ 1G65, the church of Christ in CharlestoAvn, Massachusetts, commonly ( although falsely ) called Anabaptists, assembled and entered into brotherly communion and fellowship with one another, binding themselves to walk together in all the

1 See p. 187.

2 The account which follows is contained in full, with the documentary evidence, in Backus, Vol. I., Chap. VI. It h also alluded to by Hutchin- son, and is briefly presented in Caleb Snow's History of Boston, 2d edition, 18-28.

3 The 28th of May.

202 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

appointments of their Lord and Master, so as it shall have pleased him to make known to them his mind and Avill through his "word and his Spirit." Four members, Gould, Osbui-ne, Drinker, and George by name, were thereupon baptized, five others uniting with them Avho had belonged to the same i:)arty in England. Shortly after the departure of the commission, on the 20th of August 16G5, an order was issued by the Government to the Charlestown consta- ble, that he shoiild endeavor to discover where these i~>eo- ple assembled, and require them to be present at the estab- lished worship. On their refusal to comply Avith this de- mand, they Avere brought in September before the Court of Assistants or Governor's Council, where they exhibited a confession of their faith, and explained the jJoints of their dissent. But, not submitting to the requirement to desist from their schismatical practices, they were cited before the General Court in October, Avhich, after a rehearsal of their A'icAvs declared that "the said Gould and company are no orderly church assembly; that they stand justly conA-ic- ted of high presumjition against the- Lord and his holy ap]3ointment, as also the peace of this goA'crnment, against AAdiich this Court doth account themselves bound to God, his trust and his churches here planted, to bear their testi- mony, and do therefore sentence the said Thomas Gould, William Turner, Thomas Osburne, EdAvard Drinker, and John Geoi;ge, such of them as are freemen, to be disfran- chized, and all of them, upon conviction before any one magistrate or Court of their further proceeding herein, to be committed to j^rison, until the General Court shall take further order Avith tliem." One of the spectators having remarked openly: "The Court has not to do in matters of religion," he Avas arrested, and it Avas only upon his con- fession that he saAV his fault and was sorry for it," that he

n::^7 exglaxd theocracy. 203

was dismisscJ, with an ndinonltion by the Governor. In April 1666, tlie accnsed persons were again called np on the charge of absenting themseh'es from public worship. AVlien they alleged in defence their attendance at their own assemblies, it was construed as open contempt of the Court, and tliey were fined four pounds each. As they Avould neither pay, nor bind themselves to ajipear at the next Court, they were committed to prison. After some time, they Avere again dismissed ; but several times during the next two years, they were recommitted for the non- payment of fines and for the repetition of their oifence. In March 1668, Gould, the pastor of the church, appealed from a ■sentence of the county Court in Charlestown to the General Court in Boston, It is a singular fact, that the jury sworn in this case at first decided for the rever- sion of the former judgment, but when it was recommitted for their farther consideration, they confirmed it, tliough xmder certain conditions ; however, the Court could now de- cide against Gould. At the same time a public disputation, Avnth several ministers selected for the jiurpose, was granted the Baptists. The General Court, it was said, held itself bound by the law of God and of this commonwealth, to protect the churches of Christ here planted, from the intru- sion thereby made upon their peace in the ways of godliness ; yet was willing, by all christian candor, to endeavor the reducing of the said persons from the error of their way, and their return to the Lord and the communion of his people from whence they are fallen. This disputation re- sulted as usual, and as was to have been expected, without having effected any change of views. But in May of the same year, three of the Baptists, Gould, Turner and Far- num, were sentenced to quit the jurisdiction on the 20th of July ; if found therein after that time, no bail was to

204 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

be accepted, but they were to be forthwitb committed to prison. Gould, -who "svas in confinement at the time, Avas discharged in order that he niiglit fulfil the first part of this order.

But these measures had not the effect of lessening the number of their adherents, nor even of disi)Osing the Bap- tists to remove voluntarily. Turner was actually put in prison, and Gould was searched for, but in vain. The Baptist church then proceeded to assemble upon Noddle's Island, in the vicinity of Boston. Whether they remained really unnoticed, or were jjurposely overlooked, is uncer- tain. Gould also lived on this island, as pastor of the church. Various distinguished j^ersons interceded for them ; among them, Lieut-Governor Leverett did not scru- ple to ex^^ress his dissent from the rigid views of Governor Bellingham. Thirteen Congregationalist ministers of Lon- don also exj^ostulated against the persecution in a letter,^ from which we learn, moreover, the relation in which the churches on both sides of the ocean stood to each other.

"We shall not undertake in the least," — so runs the letter, — "to make any apology for the persons, opinions, and practices of those Avho are censured among you. You know our judgment and practice to be contrary unto theirs, even as yours ; Avherein, God assisting, we shall continue to the end. Neither shall we return any answer to the reason of the reverend elders, for the justification of your proceedings, as not being "willing to engage in the manage- ment of any the least difference with persons whom we so much love and honor in the Lord. But the sum of all which at pi-csent we shall offer to you, is, that though the Court might apprehend, that they had grounds in general,

1 Mather, Book VII. Ch. 4, § 5.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 205

Avarranting tlicir procedure, in sucli cases, in tlic Avr.y wherein they have proceeded ; yet tliat they have any rule or command rendering tlieir so jjroceeding indispensahly necessary, under all circumstances of times or places, Ave are altogether unsatisfied ; and we need not represent to you how the case stands with ourselves, and all your brethren and companions in the sei'vices of these latter days in these nations. "We are sure you Avould he unwilling to put an advantage into the hands of some, Avho seek pretences and occasions against our liberty, and to reinforce the former rigor. NoAV Ave cannot deny but this hath already in some measure been done, in that it hath been A'ogued that per- sons of our Avay, principles, and spirit, cannot bear A^•ith dissenters from them. And as this greatly reflects on us, so some of us haA^e obserA-ed hoAv already it has turned unto your OA\'n disadA'antage. "We leave it to your Avisdom to determine, Avhether under all these circumstances, and sundry others of the like nature that might be added, it be not adA-isable at present to jiut an end unto the sufferings and confinements of the persons censured, and to restore them to their former liberty. You haA^e the adA^antage of truth and order; you have the gifts and learning of :\n able ministry to defend them ; you have the care and vigi- lancy of a A'ery Avorthy magistracy to countenance and j)ro- tect them, and to preserve the peace ; and, above all, you have a blessed Lord and Master, Avho hath the keys of David, Avho openeth and no man shutteth, living forcA'er to take care of his OAvn concernments among his saints; and assuredly you need not be disquieted, though some fcAV persons, through their OAvn infirmity and weakness, or through their ignorance, darkness and prejudices, should to their disadA'antage, turn out of the Avay in some lesser matters, into by-paths of their own. "We only make it our

18

206 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

hearty request to you, that you wouhl trust God "with his truths and ways so far, as to suspend all rigorous ])roceed- ings in corporal restraints or punishments on persons that dissent from you, and practise the princijile of their dis- sent Avithout danger or disturbance to the civil peace of the place. Dated March 25th 1669."

This letter had not, however, the results which were to be hoped for. On the contrary, several Baptists were imprisoned in the following year. But in December 1672, Governor Bellingham, their decided opposer, died; his successor, Leverett, was successful in introducing a milder policy, so that in 1674 a Baj^tist recorded that they were enjoying their freedom in i^eace. Gould died in October 1675. Encouraged by the lenient exercise of power under Governor Leverett, they resolved in January 1678, to erect a place of worship in Boston. The building was carried forward so prudently, that no one knew its object till it was completed. On the 15th of February 1679, they first met for the celebration of divine worship. But they were not long undisturbed. The leaders of the church were called before the Court in May, and admonished ; and an order was given that no assemblies should be held in a house which had been erected without consent of the town wherein it stands, on penalty that the same shall be for- feited to the use of the public treasury, or shall be torn down. The Baptists refrained from their assemblies, till the king interposed by a letter, written July 24th, 1679, forbidding that any of his subjects, papists excepted, should be subjected to punishments of any kind for serving God in their own manner. When, upon this, the Baptists again ventured to come together, they were again called before the Court and required to desist. In March, 1680, the Court ordered their meeting-house to be nailed up, and

NEW ENGLAXD TIIEOCllACY. 207

affixed to the doors n, placard Avith the following words : "All persons are to take notice, that by order of the Court, the doors of this house are shut up, and that they are in- hibited to hold any meeting therein, or to oj^en the doors thereof, till the General Court take further order, as they will answer the contrary at their peril." On the following Sunday, the members of the church assembled in the meet- ing-house yard ; but the next time they found the doors open, and proceeded to make use of the house. At the session of the next General Court, they were again admon- ished, and required to abstain from their assemblies. But this was, in fact, the end of all persecution ; for as the Bap- tists suffiired this order to pass wholly unnoticed, so was it with them henceforth, on the part of the government.

It Avas during the very time when these efforts Avere made to suppress the Baptists, that the former opposition to the Quakers reappeared, a laAV being passed in the A'ear 1676* against their, meetings. Since the prohibition of King Charles, they could not indeed be persecuted as heretics and schismatics ; but they were punished, im]u-is- oned, and banished as Aagabonds. But the opportunity and the pretext for this mode of treatment, to A\^hich, it must be conceded, their own conducf at their first appear- ance gaA'e occasion, Avere taken aAvay when this religious party assumed the peaceful form of the Society of Friends. By degrees, interests of a Avholly different character arose to claim the attention of the Xcav England governments, Avhich threw into the back-ground persecutions of every kind.

1 Hutchinson, I., p. 2S9.

208 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

POLITICAL CAUSES OF THE DECAY OF THE EARLIER CHtTRCH-LIFE ;

MEASURES FOR COUNTERACTING IT ; SYNOD OF 1G79, CALLED

THE REFORMING SYNOD.

Thus have we seen, that it was a religious necessity which gave occasion to the founding of the Congregationahst churches; and farther, that it was an absorbing sjinpathj' for Gospel and Church, which led those pilgrims to found a Theocracy in New England. It is not to be denied, that in the attempt to erect a State which should contain only church-members, — properly, indeed, only members of the invisible church, — lay an inward cause for that dissolution of the relation which soon followed. But if we review the Theocracy in its course of development and abrogation, we cannot regard it as a natural progression in the path which this church-party was, by virtue of its principles, bound to traverse. It was not the consciousness that dis- tinct spheres of human development, or to speak in their own peculiar style, that diverse ordinances of God, were here arbitrarily intermixed and entangled together in their organization, in a way only apparently conformed to Scrijiture, which led to re-consideration and discussion. It Avas through an impulse from without; through inter- ests, in part wholly distinct from the church, in part only externally connected with it, that this structure, standing unique and alone in church-history, received its overthrow. Half measures took the place of consistent principles ; and when extending political relations gradually absorbed the whole attention of the inhabitants of New England, there could not but follow a total transfonnation of that origi- nal condition, which, sustained as it was by remarkable individualities, and stamped in noble institutions, presents a subject of contemplation to the attentive observer, in manifold respects equally instructive and delightful.

XEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 200

The great Indian war under King Philiji (1675 and 1676), is to be regarded as the specific juncture from wliich this decay became apparent. The favorable termination of that war was purchased by fearful losses. In Massa- chusetts and New Plymouth, as also in Rhode Island, one eleventh of the men capable of bearing arms M'cre dead ; and, according to a moderate estimate, one eleventh of all the liabitations were burnt down. Added to this, the colonies, including also Connecticut, which, directly, had suiFered less from the war, and had contributed but a dis- proportionate amount of troops, had incurred an almost overwhelming load of debt. This war, moreover, had quashed the early attempts to introduce Christianity among the Indians, and had caused an alienation whose results are seen in the subsequent fate of that unhappy race. During the time when the colonies were seeking to recover from these disasters, they were all in constant apprehension of measures, on the part of England, which threatened the continuance of their political constitution. Especially was this the case with Massachusetts. The withdrawal of the settlements in New Ilamjishire from her jurisdiction in 1679, contrary to their own Avishes, could not but be regarded as the herald of steps which were to follow. If we take into view the conflicting sen- timents of the later immigrants, the alteration in the essential principles of the church, the desolation of the country, and a constant solicitude in reference to its most important interests, we find a sufiicient explanation of the changed condition W'ithin the church. "We introduce into the present chapter some notice of this decline, on account of a reaction which attended its commencement.

Although the first generation had died out even in its younger members, yet the earlier manner of judging of the

18*

210 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

relations and events of life had not gone with them. It is related that the period following the Indian war was visited with scarcity, losses at sea, and diseases of an ex- traordinary character. With the observation of these facts was connected a consciousness of a decline in morals ; the two being viewed in reference to each other, those misfortunes were regarded as tokens of the anger of God. Hutchinson,^ indeed, remarks on the matter, that there was no evidence of any extraordinary degeneracy; but he judged also of this mode of thinking from a remote period and from a different point of view. Meantime, aU the governments adojited measures for the removal of these evils. Thus the government of Connecticut,- imme- diately after the close of the war in October 1676, recom- mended it to the ministers of the colony, to take sjiecial pains to instruct the people in the duties of religion, and to stir up and awaken them to repentance, and a general reformation of manners. They also appointed a day of solemn fasting and prayer, to supplicate the di^dne aid, that they might be enabled to repent and sincerely amend their Avays. The same measures were recommended anew in May of the following year, and the people were admon- ished, under a deep sense of the abounding of sin and the dark aspects of Providence, to humble themselves before God and to call upon his name. The laws enacted in New Plymouth,^ after the war, testify that here was felt a similar consciousness of decline, the remedy for which was sought in the same manner.

But more distinctly did the whole mental and practical

1 Hutch., I. 292. 2 Tiiimbull, I., p. 493.

3 Francis Baylies's historical memoir of the colony of New Pl}-mouth, Boston : 1830, Part 4, p. 23 ff. This work contains a complete history for the period when this colony was independent.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 211

peculiarity of the earlier times manifest itself in the meas- ures adopted in Massachusetts. After a reformation had heen hero attempted by individuals and single churclies, hut without any general success, the General Court, in tlic year 1679, called a synod' for the discussion of the two fol- loA\-ing questions : "What are the evils that have provoked the Lord to bring his judgments on New England? And what is to be done, that so these evils may be reformed ? " The synod met on the 10th of September, 1679, in Boston.^ After a conference in reference to the two questions, a committee was chosen to draw up an answer, which was again reconsidered and then unanimously voted. Thirteen points are alleged in answer to the first question, wherein the external providences are discussed M'ith reference to the general apostasy of heart from God. From pride and arrogance of heart has arisen dislike to the proper subordi- nation appointed by God, as well as a general disposition to contention ; the same crime displays itself also in out- ward apparel. The altered relations of the church are then particularly discussed. The neglect of church-fellow- ship is lamented, as also that the baptized children do not strive to qualify themselves for full membership. On the other hand, men incline to human iuA^entions, — the meet- ings of the Quakers and Anabaptists being thus designated. The name of God is profaned by the common use of oaths; while the Sabbath is desecrated by worldly employments and recreations, as well as by irreverent behavior and inat- tention in the house of God during public worship.^ Esi)e-

1 Called the Reforming S.vnod. The acts of that body are found in tho Magnalia, Book Y, Part IV.

2 On this occasion, some churches sent only tlicir ministers to tliis as- sembly, and not, as these wished, lay-delegates with them ; but the synod resolved that the latter were also to be sent by the churches.

3 On this point it is remarked ; " We read of but one man in Seripturo

212 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

cinlly In the family is seen an undue and unlawful indul- gence towards children, and this is a fountain-head of the existing evils. The want of fiimily discij^line has made many Christians like to the Indians; on Avhich account, perhaps, these have been chosen by the Lord as an instru- ment of punishment and correction. Inordinate jiassions manifest themselves by intemperance in bodily enjoyments, the frequenting of taverns, immodest apjiarel, increase of law-suits, promise-breaking, strivings after worldly gain through unreasonable profits in trade, and covetousness. Furthermore it charged an oj^position to the work of refor- mation, a preference of personal interests over public good, and a contempt *of the divine means of grace, which latter show themselves fruitless in a special manner on account of neglect of repentance, notwithstanding a manifest call of the Lord. " Finally," in answer to the first question it is said, "there are several considerations Avhich seem to evidence that the evils mentioned are the matters of the Lord's controversy. 1. In that (though not as to all,) as to most of them, they are sins which many are guilty of 2. Sins which have been acknowledged before the Lord on days of humiliation appointed by authority, and not yet reformed. 3. Many of them not punished, (and some of them not punishable,) by men, and therefore the Lord him- self doth punish for them."

In answer to the second question, the following means are suggested, for checking the encroachments of coriuj)- tion. First, those who are, in any way, in authority, are exhorted to furnish a good examjole in themselves and their families. As the older generation has died out, " a declaration of adherence to the laith and order of the jios-

that slept at a sermon, and that sin had like to have cost him his life. Acts 20: 9."

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 213

pel, ficcorcling to what is in Scripture expressed in the plat- form of discipline, may likewise be a good means both to recover those that have erred from the truth, and to pre- vent apostasy for the future." Watchful circumspection must be used, that no one without personal and public pro- fession of faith and repentance be admitted to the comnn;- nion in the Lord's Supper. Church-discipline is to be ex- ercised, especially towards the rising generation, a matter to which the founders of these churches attached so pecu- liar an importance. As a farther means of promoting refor- mation, care shoidd be taken for a full supply of officers in the churches; in the larger ones should be appointed teachei-s^ besides the pastor, but in all cases, there should be ruling elders, and provision should be made for the sup- port of the ministry, as well as for schools and the promo- tion of every kind of knowledge. " When Kew England was poor," it is said, " and we were but few in number comparatively, there was a spirit to encourage learning, and the college was full of students, whom God hath made blessings, not only in this, biit in other lands ;2 and it is deeply to be lamented that now, when we are become many, and more able than at our beginnings, that society and other inferior schools are in such a low and languish- ing state. AYherefore, as we desire that reformation and religion should flourish, it concerns us to endeavor that both the college and all other schools of learning in every place be duly inspected and encouraged." Solemn and explicit renewal of the covenant is also proposed as an appropriate means, to be performed Avith special reference to the sins of the times, the reforaaation of which should

1 See p. 158.

2 This refers not merely to the other colonies; some of those who had been educated at Cambridge went to England.

214 NEAV ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

be promised before the Lord, in the name and by the help of Christ ; and with the expression of unity in all things generally acknowledged. We add the conclusion of this answer : " Inasmuch as a thorough and hearty reformation is necessary, in order to obtain peace with God (Jer. 3 : 10.), and all outward means will be ineffectual to that end, except the Lord jDour down his Spirit from on high ; it doth therefore concern us to cry mightily unto God, both in ord- inary and extraordinary manner, that he would be pleased to rain down righteousness upon us, (Hos. 10: 12.) Amen." In the preface which accompanied the transmission of these answers to the General Court, it is said : " The things insisted on, have, at least many of them, been often men- tioned and inculcated by those, Avhom the Lord hath set as watchmen to the house of Israel ; though alas ! not with that success which their souls have desired. It is not a small matter, nor ought it to seem little in our eyes, that the churches have in this way confessed and declared the truth, which, coming from a synod, as their joint concur- ring testimony, will carry more authority with it than if one man only, or many in their single capacities, should speak the same things. And, undoubtedly the issue of this undertaking will be most signal, either as to mercy or mis- ery. If New England remember whence she has fallen and do the first works, there is reason to hope that it shall be better with us than at our beginnings. But if this, after all other means in and by which the Lord hath been striv- ing to reclaim us, shall be despised or become ineffectual, we may dread what is like to follow. 'Tis a solemn thought that the Jewish Church had, as the churches in New England have this day, an opportunity to reform if they would, in Josiah's time ; but because they had no heart unto it, the Lord quickly removed them out of his

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 215

siglit. What God out of liis sovereignty may do for us, no man can say ; but according to his Avonted dispensations, we are a perishing people if now we reform not." The conchisions of the synod having been presented to the General Court, this body, by a resolution of October 15th, 1679, commended it to the earnest consideration of all the churches and peoi)le of the jurisdiction ; desiring of all per- sons, in their respective stations, a careful and diligent reformation of all the great evils herein named, according to the true intent of the words, that so the anger and dis- pleasure of God, so many ways manifested, may be averted, and his favor and blessing obtained.

That this measure was not without effect, and that too in the majority of the churches, was seen not only by an increased fervency of religious life among the older full membei-s, but by accessions to their number. In some churches, it is true, the renewal of the covenant which had been recommended was rejected as an innovation ; but it was almost universally complied with, and in a very solemn manner. After the way had been prepared in a church by various religious meetings and days of fasting and prayer, one day was set apart for the special solemnity, which, being on diiferent days in the several churches, Avas at- tended by great numbei's from the vicinity. In the fore- noon, the minister of the phlce, after praying and preach- ing with reference to the occasion, proceeded to read the covenant, to which the members of the church then ex- pressed their assent, the men by lifting their hands, the women by merely rising. In some places, only the com- municants took part in the transaction ; in others, " the children of the church" also participated.

In the afternoon, it was usual for another minister to preach and inculcate the obligations of the covenant. The

216 NEW ENGLAND TirEOCRACY.

form of the covenant corresponded, in general, Avith that in earlier use ; in reference to the special occasion, it was added: "That we will (Christ helping) endeavor every- one of us to reform our heart and life, by seeking to mor- tify all our sins and laboring to walk more closely with God, than ever yet we have done ; and will continue to worship God in public, private and secret, and this without formality or hypocrisy; and more faithfully and fully than heretofore, to discharge all covenant duties one to another, in church communion. Secondly, to walk before God in our houses with a perfect heart, and that we will uphold the worship of God therein continually, according as he in his word doth require, both in respect to prayer and read- ing the Scriptures, that so the word of God may dwell richly in us : and we will do what in us lies to bring up our children for Christ, that they may be such as they, that have the Lord's name put upon them by a solemn dedication to God in Christ, ought to be. And Avill there- fore, as need be, catechise, exhort, and charge them to the fear of the Lord; and endeavor to set a holy examj^le before them, and to be much in prayer for their conversion and salvation. Thirdly, to endeavor to be pure from the sins of the times, especially those sills which have been by the late synod solemnly declared and evidenced to be the evils that have brought the judgments of God upon New England ; and in our places to endeavor the suppres- sion thereof, and be careful so to walk, as that we may not give occasion to others to sin, or speak evil of our holy profession. — Now that we may observe and keep this sacred covenant and all the branches of it inviolable for- ever, we desire to deny ourselves, and to dej^end wliolly on the power of the eternal Spirit of grace, and on the free mercy of God, and merit of Christ Jesus ; and where

NEW ENGLAND TIIEOCRACY. 217

"we shall fail, there to wait upon the Lord Jesus for pardon, acceptance and healing, for his name's sake."

But this reaction, though proceeding from the one only ground, and availing itself, for the most part, of genuine ecclesiastical and spiritual means, did not reach the root of the evU. The decline of the church, jjroperly so called, in life and doctrine, will form the subject of the folloAving chapter.

19

CHAPTER VIII.

DECLINE OF CONGREGATIONALISM.

EFFECTS OF'THE REFORMING SYNOD BUT TEMPORARY.

In the transactions of the synod related at the close of the foregoing chapter, there Avas still manifest something of the spirit in which the settlers of Massachusetts had sought New England, fifty years before. But, though it cannot be admitted that the religious interest and the church spirit had wholly disappeared or fallen into the background, yet it must be allowed that the condition of the settlements had become, in this respect, wholly dif- ferent. The evils complained of, which it was the object and endeavor of that synod to correct, continued to in- crease, till at length, in the revivals, they suffered a char- acteristic reaction.

The political history of New England, during the earlier period, almost loses itself, as to its most important features, in the ecclesiastical. Of the period immediately follow- ing it might be said, that the ecclesiastical interests were merged in the political relations. The latter demand, nevertheless, special consideration, as a means of eluci- dating the condition of the church.

The apprehensions of an invasion of the constitution, long entertained by Massachusetts, were at length real- ized. In the year 1684, the charters of all the colonies were repealed by Charles II. Immediately on his death.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 219

■n'liich occurred on the loth of Fehruary, 1685, James II. ■\vas ])iochume(l in Boston. But tlie expectation of any cliange in tlie measures of his predecessor, proved vain. Xor, general as was the popuhir discontent, could the explicit declaration of the royal will be resisted. Connecti- cut, being allowed to attach itself either to New York or Massachusetts, chose the latter colony, to which were uni- ted also, Rhode Island and Plymouth. Towards the end of the year 1686, Sir Edmund Andros landed in Boston, as governor, by royal appointment, of all XeAV England. Under these circumstances, he must, of necessity, stand in direct opposition to a population which had grown up under an independent magistracy, chosen by themselves. This relation Avas still more embittered by the establish- ment through the influence of Andros, of a church in Boston with the ritual of the Episcopal Church. Agents were dispatched to England, among them Increase Mather as chief advocate, for procuring from the king a restora- tion of the earlier constitution; but this was without effect. But when tidings arxived in Boston of the vic- tory of "William of Orange over James II. a revolution broke out, in consequence of which Andros and his ad- herents were imjtrisoned, and a provisional government "was formed, chiefly from the members of the earlier mag- istracy. The repeal of the charter having been executed in legal form, it was necessary to api:)ly to William III. for its renewal. This was granted in 1691, accompanied with the expression of approval for the steps which had been taken ; but with this essential alteration, that henceforth the govenior was to be nominated by the crown. Ply- mouth remained united to ]\Iassachusetts ; Connecticut, on the contrary, whose constitution had been abrogated with- out the observance of legal forms, again adopted it when

220 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

Andros was deposed, and continued, as was also the case with Rhode Island, under the administration of governors chosen by herself. The new constitution was at first re- ceived in Boston with exultation, but complaijits soon followed in reo'ard to the alteration. And althouo-h some of the succeeding governors had the ability to make themselves influential and beloved, there commenced an estrangement which spread through all the relations to the mother coiintry, and yielded only to the pressure of tem- porary danger. On the one side, the govei'nment strove to increase the distinction and prerogatives of the gov- ernor; on the other, the General Court^ of Massachu- setts sought to maintain a certain independence. Thus, the eflEbrts of the English crown, persevei-ed in year after year, could not break uj) the practice of voting the support of their Governor yearly. In this period lay the gerais of those disputes which afterwaixls led to a disruption from England. Covered up by the last war against Canada, they again started into sight when, on the removal of the rival who had been so many years the object of dread, the urgent occasion of unity between the colonies and the mother country was taken away. Such a state of things was exceedingly unfavorable to a revival of the religious and church interests, and could not but tend to counteract the spirit which had manifested itself at the last synod, in 1679.

That this attempt to revive the condition of the earlier time was productive of no general improvement, is mani- fest from a publication by the government of March 13th 1G90,^ a time when a painful uncertainty prevailed in res- pect to the political relations of the colony. " Corruption

1 CoiTCsponding to tlie former General Court.

2 Mather, Book V. p. 97.

NEW" EN ti LAND THEOCRACY. 221

of manners, attendi'il A\itli inexcusable degeneracies and apostasies in too many of this people," are alleged as the cause of God's anger, wliicli sliows itself "by manifold judgments in such a time of probation." These remarks close with a call for reformalion ; in compliance Avilli ^\•hic]l assemblies of ministers Avere held, and in various places the covenant was renewed. But as aj)])ears from the fre- quent lamentations of the New England writers of the time, these efforts were fruitless.

WITCII-TRIALS.

Shortly before the arrival of Sir AVilliam Phipps the first royal Governor in Massachusetts, this province became the scene of an infatuation, no less remarkable than it was lamentable, by which the ])ublic mind was wound up to the highest j)itch of excitement. New England had now to suffer the conseipiences of a delusion which at that very period was dying out in Europe. In the years previous, witches had occasionally been tried and executed ; but in 1692, processes of this kind commenced, especially in Salem, on such a scale that by degrees towards one lumdred per- sons were brought to trial. The accusers rejjresented them- selves as tormented by these persons in a very singular manner, and as having seen and watched their secret con- claves with evil spirits. Under the promise of pardon, some were persuaded to acknowledge a covenant with the devil. Counsel being asked of the ministers in reference to the course proper to be pursued, they allowed, in their an- swer, the possibility of such a covenant ; but insisted at the same time on the greatest caution in the examination. But this advice was unavailing; by ansv\ers forced into the mouths of the accused through ensnaring questions, and by

10*

222 KEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

the .admission of incompetent Avitnesscs, sometimes even of cliiUlren, matters came to such a pass, tliat during the montlis of Juue, July and August 1G92, twenty ])ersons were executed, among tlicm a former minister, wlio Avas noAV accused as a Avizard. But not one of tlie number con- i'essed himself guilty. It Avas not till the accusers had gone to the length of impeaching numerous persons of wholly blameless life, church members and peo2)le of distinction, that people came to their senses. Public ojjinion then turned against the acciisers, Avho, though they escaped due ininisliment, could not evade the reproach of having sacri- iiced the lives and property of their felloAV citizens, and disturbed the public peace, not only with culjiable reckless- ness, but also Avitli most Avicked and self-conscious fraud. The credulity of the judges Avas first acknoAvledged Avlien, many years after, those Avho had been stripped of their property by these trials, sought restitution at the j^ublic cost. If it is pleaded that these occurrences reflect no pe- culiar blame on tliose among Avhom they happened, yet it may Avell be maintained, that the sound sense and tlie living religious sentiment of the earlier time Avould haxe arrayed themselves decidedly against such an infatuation.

FARTHER RESULTS OF THE CHANGE IN CHURCH-PRINCIPLES.

"VVe pass noAV to the still farther consequences of the change in church principles, which has been explained in the preceding chapter. It might have been expect ed, as the result of that separation of church-members into those in full communion, and those on the halfway coA'enant, that, on the one hand, the former would con- tinue to be regarded as those Avho jiroperly constituted the church; on the other, that a still more rigid practice

NEW LXGLANB TJIEOCUACY. 223

would be obscrveil in respect to their admission. But tliis was not the case, in eitlier resi)ect. The ])riiici])le of io(|uir- iiig evidence of conversion went gradually more an<l more into disuse; and so early as the year 1G9G, a churcWi was formed' in Hartford "without reference in any Avay to such a requisition. In like manner, at the formation of a churck in Boston about the year 1G99, it was declared to be un- necessary. Even when the principle was still adhered to, the practice declined. The custom of making a public confession of faith, and a relation of christian experience was gradually lost. It Avas left wholly to the clergy to judge of the qualifications for admission and to report thereon to the church ; and at the same time, the church ofiice of ruling elder fell into oblivion. So far at length, did this go, that even candidates for full communion^ scarcely did more than express their assent to the confes- sion of faith. It is noticeable that the consciousness in the church of this decline was accompanied by the expressed conviction of its connection with these aberrations. This was the case even prior to the time when by a conclusion hereafter to be mentioned, the opposition to the earlier views was carried to its extremest point. Jonathan Mitchel, minister at Cambridge and teacher in Harvard College, had been one of the chief advocates of the middle course at the Synod of 1GG2; but in the admission of full meni-

1 This was done by " owning (he covenant," as it was called. This church at its formation in February 1696, under the lead of Jlr. AVoodbrid.ure, con- sisted of 6v) persons. To these Si more Joined themselves on the 8th of March, and in the course of another month, they numbered 1".)2 members. Trumb. Hist, of Conn., Ch. XIX.

2 The oldest church in the country, the Old Church of Plymouth, changed its method of admitting members in November, 170-^, introdu- cing Avritten relations in place of oral. Backus, II., p. 2'.).

224 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

bers, he was still most earnest for the maintenance of the original strictness in all its force.

Cotton Mather^ gives from a manuscript of Mitchel's of the year 1664, a refutation by his hand of the opinion that a public declaration of faith in Christ or of sincere rei)ent- <ince for sin suffices for admission to the Lord's Supper. Mitchel sujDposes that he who can " groundedly " make such a confession can specify something more ; and he who can- not do it groundedly, ought not to be admitted ; nay, he sees in this laxness the fountain of formality and irreligion. Among other things he says: "The power of godliness will soon be lost, if only doctrinal knowledge and outward blaraelessness be accounted sufficient for all church privi- leges, and practical confessions (or examinations of men's spiritual estate) be laid aside. For that which people see to be publicly required and held in reputation, that will tliey look after and usually no more, but content themselves with that. " The Reverend Urian Oakes, who had presided over Harvard College from the year 1675, thus expressed himself in the discourse after his election : ^ " Consider what will be the end of the departures or apostasies from the church government settled among ns. I profess I look upon the settlement of the Congregational way as the boon, the gratuity, the largeness of divine bounty which the Lord graciously bestowed upon his people that follo^red him into tliis wilderness ; and a great part of the blessing ujjon the head of Joseph, and of tliem that -were separated from their brethren. Those good people that came over here showed more love and zeal, and affectionate desire of com- munion with God in pure worship and ordinances, and did more in order to it than others, and the Lord did more for them than for any peojjle in the world, in showing them the

1 Book IV., p. 179. - JIatlicr, B. IV., p. 165.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 225

pattern of his lionse and tlio true scriptural yvaj of church government and adniuiistrations. God "svas certainly in a more than ordinary May present with his servants in laying of our foundation and in settling the way of church-order according to the will and appointment of Christ. Consider what would be the sad issue of revolting from the Avay f.xed upon, to one extreme or to another, whether it be to Presbyterianism or Brownism. As for the Presbyterians, it must be acknowledged that there are among them as pious, learned, sober, orthodox men as the Avorld affords ; r.nd that there is as much of the power of godliness among tliat party and of the spirit of the good old Puritans as among any people in the world. As for their way of church-government, it must be confessed that, in the day of it, it was a very considerable step to reformation. The reformation in King Edward's days was then a blessed work. And the reformation of Geneva and Scotland was tlien a larger step, and in many respects purer than the other. And for my part I fully believe that the Congre- gational way for exceeds both, and is the highest step that has been taken towards reformation, and for the substance of it, it is the very same way that Avas established and prac- tised in the primitive times, according to the institution of Jesus Christ. I must needs say that I should look upon it as a sad degeneracy, if we should leave the good old Avay so far as to turn councils and synods into classes and provin- cial assemblies, and there should be such a laxness in admis- sion of members to communion, as is pleaded for and prac- tised by many Presbyterians."

The first of the apprehensions here expressed, of a chnrch- governni,ent similar to the Presbyterian, will be discussed hereafter.

In reference to the other principle of Congregationalism,

226 NEW ENGLAND THEOCKACT.

we will here intvoduce two witnesses in AA'liose testimony the charges, expressed in general terras in earlier times, appear in an increasingly specific form. Increase Mather, so often mentioned already, "who was also president of Ilar- Aard College, published in 1700 a book entitled: "Vindi- cation of the order of the gospel in New England." In this he says: "The Congregational church discipline is not suited for a worldly interest, or a formal generation of pro- fessors. Tt will stand or fall, as godliness, in the power of it, does prevail or otherwise. That there is a great decay of the power of religion throughout all New England is lamentably true ; if that revive, there will be no fear of departing from the holy discipline of the churches of Christ. If the begun apostasy should proceed as fast the next thirty years, as it has done these last surely it will come to that in New England (except the gospel itself depart with the order of it), that the most conscientious people therein will think themselves concerned to gather churches out of churches. " ^ He complains especially of a lamentably superficial and formal manner in the relation of experiences for admission to communion. "There are reports, as if in some churches, pei'sons have brought writ- ten relations, first to the minister and then to the church, which were not of their own dictating, but devised by oth- ers for them. I hope these reports have nothing of truth in them ; but if they have, I am sure that such liars to the Holy Ghost have exceedingly provoked the Lord." Harsh as this judgment may seem, and little perhaps as it could be applied directly to individual cases which liad actually occurred, yet it is not to be denied that such an innovation Avas a complete subversion of the Congregationalist princi- ples. Let it go so far that, in i>lace of what these had 1 Backus, II., p. 24.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 227

required, a move outward, nay even a counterfeit profession would suffice, and that Avas repudiated which liad ori<;i- nated, and had formed the sum and substance of tliis par- ticuhir denomination. The tree would be severed from tlie root whence it had received life, and the inner sap must dry up of itself.

About the same time, a distinguished minister in Boston, by the name of Willard, one of the advocates of that Third Church, whose formation resulted from the synod- ial determinations of 16G2, but Avho, in other respects, adhered to primitive principles, thus expressed his views in a discourse entitled "The perils of the times dis- played : " 1 " That there is a form of godliness among us is manifest ; but the great inquiry is, whether there be not too much of a general denying of the poAver of it. Whence else is it, that there be such things as these that follow to be observed ; that there is such a prevalency of so many immoralities among professors ? that there is so little success of the gospel ? how few thorough conversions to be observed, how scarce and seldom ! — It hath been a frequent observation, that if one generation begins to de- cline, the next that follows usually grows worse, and so on, until God pours out his spirit again upon them. Tlie decays which we already languish under are sad ; and what tokens are on our children, that it is like to be better hereafter? God be thanked that there are some among them that promise well ; but alas ! how doth vanity abound among them! IIow do young professors grow weary of the strict profession of their fathers, and become disputants for the things which their progenitors forsook a pleasant land for the avoidance of! "

But there was not merely a continually growing laxity

1 Backus, II. p. 25.

228 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

in practice, with regard to the admission of new nieniLcrs. Views respecting admission to the Lord's Sujijjer were publicly advocated which not only contravened the funda- mental principles of the Congregationalists at their rise, but even went beyond those of the church whicli they had abandoned. Solomon Stoddard,^ a minister in North- ampton, Massachusetts, carried ovit the parallel with tlie Jewish church so often used, in a very peculiar manner. As all who were under the covenant of circumcision were obliged to keep the Passover, so all that are baptized should come to the table of the Lord ; nay, he added " though they know themselves to be in a natural condi- tion." Increase Mather came out in ojjposition to him. But in his reply, Stoddard went still farther ; maintaining not merely that " sanctification is not a necessary qualifi- cation to partaking of the Lord's Supper," but even calling this "a converting ordinance." And this view, which might jnstly be styled the exact opposite of the original principles, gradually gained more and more currency. This aberration from that which formed the characteristic feature, the central point of Congregationalism, was now accompanied by a change in doctrine which completed the decline. But before we pass to the portrayal of these innovations, we must relate the execution of an earlier plan which in the year 1667 had been frustrated by a powerful opposition.

FURTHER ATTEMPT AT APPROXIMATION TO THE PRESBYTERIAN DIS- CIPLINE IN MASSACHUSETTS AND CONNECTICUT.

We have already spoken of the attempt made by the government of Connecticut^ to secure a firmer organiza- tion of the Congregationalist church-party, through an

1 Backus, II. pp. 26 and 33. Wisncr pp. 41, 58. 2 p. 195.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 229

ai)proxiiu;ition to tlic Presbyterian form of government. But tlie independence of the several churches was at the same time a princi])le too strongly rooted in the public mind to allow this effort to succeed. Now, hoAvever, to the causes of the gradual change in this respect brought to light by the foregoing development, Avas added the arrival of individuals of the Presbyterian persuasion from Europe, who attached themselves to the established churches of New England. It was not strange if their view of the subordination of the churches under synods and assemblies should have found favor even with those who had at heart the Avelfare of their fellow-citizens in respect to religion and church ; nay, this more compact outward form might appear to them the A'cry means for arresting the ever-extending ravages of decline. Even if nothing more than an external prop, yet at least it Avas from the church itself the prop Avas to be taken which should sustain the tottering fabric. It Avas Avhile In- crease Mather was residing in London as Agent for Mas- sachusetts, that the Presbyterian and Congregationalist ministers of Connecticut had formed a union, and drawn up the ' heads of agreement,' haA^ng declared the points in Avhich they differed unessential. But the tei-ms in which they are expressed are very general ; and pass OAcr in silence both the subject of special examination of can- didates for admission, and that of a laAvful poAver of synods. With this indefiniteness, however, there Avas unanimity in regard to doctrinal belief; as in Boston also, at a synod held in 1680, the Westminster confession Avas adopted in all its essential points. These Heads of Agree- ment noAv found favor CAcn in Ncav England.

But the matter Avas not allowed to stop Avith the deci- sion, that the single churches should have a respectful

20

230 NEAV ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

regard to the judgment of the assemblies of ministers, and should not act in contrariety thereto without manifest reasons out of the word of God. On the 5th of Novem- ber 1705, several ministers in Massachusetts subscribed to certain propositions for the foraiation of associations in each county, to which should be committed the licensing of candidates for the ministerial office ; and to this should be added a standing council whose sentence should be re- garded as final and decisive, yet not ■without the assent of a majority of the pastors present. But so decided an opposition to the proposals arose in Massachusetts as to render the execution of the measure imj)racticable ; al- though the vieAvs which had thus found expression became, in a milder acceptation, predominant. The occasional meetings of neighboring ministers, which had early been felt as a necessity, and as an advisory and admonitory resort had been constantly recommended, still continued, and sought, by personal influence to supply the want, a want which at that time Increase Mather lamented in strong terms. But they carried the matter farther in Con- necticut. Here, in 1707, died Governor Fitz-John Win- throp, who for ten successive years, had been reelected to the office previously occupied by his father. A law then existed that the Governor should be taken from among the magistrates in nomination ;^ but in contrariety to this rule, Gurdon Saltonstall,^ a minister of New Lon-

1 In January 1708, this law was repealed, and all freemen of Connecti- cut were declared eligible to the office.

2 He was one of the Connecticut delegates appointed in the year 1697 to congratulate the Earl de Bellamont, Governor of New York and Massa- chusetts, who remarked that Saltonstall appeared most like a nobleman of any person he had seen in America. Trumb. I. 417. Backus says of him (II. 35) : " He Avas a great politician, and he exerted all his influence to raise the ministerial power as high as possible."

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 231

flon, was nominated, and being dismissed from liis church in January 1708, entered on his new office. He soon pre- sented to the Legislature the above-named proposals of 1705, But notice being taken of the omission in them of reasons from Scripture, Saltonstall fearing they would be rejected withdrew them. But, on the other hand, the General Assembly at Hartford, May 13th 1708, passed an act which was in substance as follows: This Assembly, from its own observation and the complaint of many others, being made sensible of the defects in church disci- pline, arising from the want of a more explicit assertion of the rules given for that end in the Holy Scriptures, from which would arise a permanent establishment among our- selves, a good and regular issue in cases subject to ecclesi- astical discipline, glory to Christ our head, and edificatio'ti to his members; do hence ordain and require that the , ministers of the several counties in this government, and other delegates of the churches, shall meet together at their respective county towns, there to deliberate on meth- ods and rules for the same, and to elect members for an assembly to be held in Saybrook, at the charge of the public treasury of the colony, when the results of those deliberations should be compared, and a form of ecclesias- tical discipline drawn up.

THE SAYBROOK PLATFORM, 1708.

In accordance with this requisition, twelve ministers and four lay delegates from the four counties, came together in Saybrook, on the 9th of September 1708. After an expres- sion of concurrence with the Confession of Faith of 1G80, and with the Heads of Agreement, fifteen Articles in res- pect to church discipline were adopted (no mention being

232 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

made of the Cambridge Platform) declaring an ecclesias- tical subordination in accordance ■\vlth the principles of the Presbyterians. Articles 1st to 11th treat of the assem- LHes of ministers and lay delegates; the last four of those "wliich consisted of ministers only ; the former were called consociations, the latter, associations. In each county were to be formed one or more of both kinds. All difficult cases of offence which are the subject of church censure, are to come before the consociations and to be decided by tlie Aote of the mnjority of those present. In connection with this, it is expressly stated that the omission of any church to send delegates shall be no bar to the proceedings of the council, or invalidate their action. Any case brought be- fore a council in an orderly manner, is to be here deter- mined, and the parties concerned are to be satisfied with the same ; the consociation seeing to it, that their deter- mination or judgment is duly executed and obeyed, in such a way as shall in their judgment be most suitable and agreeable to the word of God. The pastors and churches who do not submit themselves to such decisions, are to be excluded from fellowship. In diflicult cases, a neighboring consociation is to be taken into council. In difficulties between a church and one of its members, the former is to have the privilege, if so desiring, of calling together a consociation ; but the right to do this is denied to the lat- ter. The delegates shall hold their office till the occurrence of a new election, that a council may at any time be called together. Tliis is to meet at least once yearly ; the mod- erator at one session to remain in office till the next, in order to be able to summon a council during the time of adjournment. All jiersons, not appearing after due sum- mons or notification, and Avithout satisfying reasons to offi3r tlierefor, shall be judged guilty of scandalous con-

NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 233"

tempt. The associations, which are to meet at least twice yearly for consultation on the duties of their ollicc and on the common interests of the churches, are to consider and decide cases of importance which shall be presented to them by any of their own number or by other ministers ; they shall also have the right of examining and recom- mending candidates for the ministerial Avork. The min- isters thus associated are to take cognizance of any among themselves who are accused of open scandal or heresy, to examine the matter carefully, and if they find just occa- sion, to direct the calling of the consociation, where such oifenders shall be duly proceeded against. Tiie fourteenth article commits to the associations the care of any churches which may be bereaved of their pastors ; the fifteenth and last recommends the formation of a general association to consist of delegates from the several county associations, which should meet annually.

These articles were adopted unanimously by the Synod, and in October 1708, Avere, in connection with the Confes- sion of Faith and Heads of Agreement, declared by the Legislature established bylaw; with the provision, how- ever, " that no society or church allowed by tlie laws, which dissented from the united churches here established, should be hindered from the exercise of worship and disci- pline in their own way, according to their consciences."

It may well excite sm-prise that this change, expressed in terms so unequivocal, should have encoimtered no con- siderable resistance. In the following year, there were fonned in the four counties, five consociations and the same number of associations ; ^ the General Associations un- doubtedly exercised from this time a certain superintend- ence over ministers and churches. The favorable recej)-

1 Two for the county of Hartford. 20*

234 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

tion of the conclusions of tlie Saybrook Synod is cliiefly to be ex})lained from the circumstance tliat they appeared in connection with the Heads of Agreement ; and that tlie required deference to synods was not at variance with the spirit of the Congregationalists. The articles, expressed in terms so exj^licit, received indeed a modified application in practice. Still it may be said in general, that from this period, the more intimate and settled connection of the Congregationalist chiu-ches led to a certain subordinancy, though the strict forms of the Presbyterians did not obtain in full. The associations directed their chief efforts to the oversight of candidates for the ministry. From this it is manifest that the approximation to Presbyterianism was not the result merely of a wish for clerical domination, but was in part dictated by the desire to make secure pro\ision for the wants of the church. Of the interest felt for this object in Connecticut, we have proof in another way. So early as 1698, the inconveniences incident to so great a dis- tance from Cambridge, had suggested the plan of founding a new college. In 1701, the Legislature granted a charter and voted a yearly allowance for its support. Its manage- ment, instruction, and religious influence were to have for their object "to promote, in the education of the students, the power and purity of religion, and the- best edification of the New England churches." Saybrook was fixed on as the seat of the College ; but owing to the continuance of their first chosen Rector with his church at Killingworth in the vicinity of Saybrook, the College was not removed thither till after his death in 1704. Here it remained till 1717; from Avhich time it has existed in New Haven, as Yale College, so called from Elihu Yale, a Director of tlie East luilia Company in London, who had bequeathed to it large legacies.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 235

This approximation to tiie Presbyterians, as it lias ex- isted from that time in a continued friendly relation of the two religious })arties, received an additional inij)ulse in the beginning of the last century, from the growing activity of the Baptists and Episcopalians in founding new churches. But, though the hostility towards these denominations as also against the Quakers, still continued, it was now be- come a mere external strife ; though complaints were not wanting respecting the oppressive action of the laws, by which the whole body of the inhabitants of a parish, and not merely the actual church-members, were held accountable for the support of the clergy. We notice various contro- versies of no special moment, and Avithout features of indi- vidual interest. The principle above-mentioned, that every parishioner must bear his j)art in the su])port of the minis- ter, and, if there was none of his own sect in the place, to that of the prevailing party, was even adopted into the constitution of the State of Massachusetts after the revolu- tion, and was rei)ealed not many years since.^ In this state also, were maintained yearly assemblies of the clergy, though without the j^rerogatives conferred by the,Saybrook Platfonn on the Associations in Connecticut.

PROGRESSIVE DECLINE OF PIETY.

In the year 1725, a voice awoke once more in Massachu- setts which reminds us of the expressions and the sj)irit of earlier times. A petition was i)rescnted to the Legislature by Cotton Mather, in the name of the assembled General Convention of ministers, praying that, in view of the great

1 Constitution of the Commonwealth of Mass. in the Revised Statutes of the Commonwealth of Mass. Boston : 1836. Part I. Art. 3. and Articles of Amendincnt, Art. III.

236 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

and visible decline of piety in the country, of the landahle examj^le of our predecessors who sought to establish the faith and order of the gospel in the churches by synods, and that now a period of forty-five years has passed since the last convention of this kind, a synod might be called for the remedy of the existing unhappy condition. During the proceedings on the matter in the House of Re2:)rcscnta- tives, the Episcopalians residing in Boston made report of the same in London ; whence an order was received to put an immediate end to the aflair, as the calling of synods pertained to the king alone. This decision was received by the Representatives, though otherwise still extremely jealous of their rights, without a word of complaint. This silence marks a characteristic of the time.

As the antagonisms in the English church parties had reference chiefly to the constitution of the church, differ- ences in respect to doctrine, were less definitely expressed, and were of a subordinate character ; so in the decline of Congregationalism, in New England, we have for a long period, no sign of alteration in the latter respect. Un- doubtedly, a declension could not but soon manifest itself even among the clergy. In a constitution like that of the Congregationalists, the reciprocal action of ministers and churches on each other is too immediate, to allow the one to be in a state discordant to that of the other. At first, however, the difference between the present clergy and their predecessors manifested itself, for the most part, only in formality and coldness in the duties of their office. But with the lively intercourse constantly maintained with England, influences from the latter soon made themselves apjDarent, and Arminianism, which, in the preceding cen- tury, had spread from the High Church into the ranks of the Dissenters, now visited North America also. Hei-e, it

NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 237

\ras precisely from the standpoint of Indifferentism, tliat it made its n])pcarance. It manifested itself particularly in the view now current, that observance of outward religious ordinances joined with a moral and sober life is all that is needed for Christians. These opinions, in the condition of the church which has been described, found quick and easy entrance ; and the spread of unbelief was, in general, much earlier than its decided open manifestation.

In opposition to this state of things, a peculiar phenome- non now presented itself in the religious revivals. They will form the subject of the next and closing chapter of our work. This reaction, it is true, did not wholly coun- teract the declension ; partly, on account of the spurious elements mingled Avith it ; partly, because a period of war and agitation followed, in which the inhabitants of New England believed their very existence at stake. To this Avas added financial embarrassments, the consequence of excessive emissions of j^aper-money, from which the colo- nies were suffering even before the French colonial war and especially during its continuance. From the war itself it seemed that no other result could follow than the subju- gation and expulsion of the conquered party; it ended in 1762 with the seizure of all Canada. Scarcely was the foreign foe thus removed out of the way, Avhen the vari- ance^ with the mother-country rose to such a height as to occasion the war of the Revolution and the separation of the colonies. During the Avar of Independence, Ncav Eng- land itself was for a long period occupied by the enemy. The English, in whose minds rebellion against the govern- ment stood in close connection Avith separation from the State Church, demolished places of AA'orshij) and destroyed the church-jiroiierty of Dissenters.^ Nor must Ave overlook

1 Wisner reliitos (p. 108, ) that the churches were used as prisons and

238 NEW ENGLAND THEOCUACY.

the influence of the French who came to North America and were tliere taken into the rehition of friends and kins- men ; those especially who had an active participation in the war were subjected to an influence inimical to positive Christianity. MeanAvhile, unbelief expressed itself in a decided form as Unitarianism, and overspread all New England. "When a christian life began to reiiwaken, churches, church-proi^erty, and even the ancient Univer- sity of Cambridge, were found to be in the hands of Uni- tarians. A reaction in the present century has again changed the relation ; in connection with which the Half- way Covenant has been done away ; and the church, now separated wholly from the state, consists only of members received on the original principle of the Congregationalists. The newly awakened life has quickly remoulded public sen- timent into enthusiastic sympathy with the Congregation- alists, while the influence of the Unitarians has suffered a constant decline.

These relations, as they do not properly belong as yet to the province of history, are not within the scope of our present design. It only remains to exhibit such of their features as constituted, in reference to the church, essen- tially the closing boundary of the first j^eriod.

riding schools, or were torn down for fuel, though there was an abundant sui)ply in the town. Of the nineteen places of worship in New York when the war began, there were but nine fit for use when the British troops left it.

CHAPTER. IX.

THE REVIVALS.

REVIVALS IN GENERAL, AND THOSE OF NORTH AMERICA IN PAR- TICULAR.

The reaction, which now developed itself in opposi- tion to the ever growing declension of the Xew England Church, constitutes a peculiar phenomenon. The Revivals did not, it is true, realize the expectations then cherished; indifference to the institutions and the faith of the fathers being predominant in the church, as far down as the be- ginning of the present century. But the representation of these occurrences is, notwithstanding, a matter of very- special interest. They have been repeated in North Amer- ica in a very striking manner in recent times. They there form one of the main subjects of reports on the state of religion, in the periodical press ; and they occupy a very important jilace in the discussions of theological literature. Different views are indeed entertained in North Amer- ica, in reference to the methods for developing and con- ducting revivals. But all the principal parties of the evangelical church are of one mind in regard to their impor- tance ; though by some a higher value is attached to them than by others. But with the theologians of North Amer- ica, these awakenings of a previous century justly rank as, in a certain sense, the type of such manifestations ; having been free, in great measure, from the present intermix-

240 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

ture of foreign elements. They are, moreovei-, the better adaj)ted to representation, both as being historically com- l^leted, and as having their origin and their explanation in that i^rogressive development of Congregationalism, which we have here traced.

A REVIVAL, that is a simultaneous renewal and advance of the religious life in one or more congregations, is indeed not an unknown occurrence in the cis-atlantic cliurchcs. But the form in which it here meets us, appears but rarely in churches which grew, to a greater extent, out of insti- tutions already existing, and whose development has taken a more uniform course. It therefore seems appropriate, in entering on a delineation of these Revivals, to consider tlie analogy presented in the universal development of cliris- tianity, and consequently, among ourselves. A reference to such isolated cases in Europe, would rather itself need this explanation and illustration, than be adapted to fur- nish it. Revivals in the churches find their nearest parallel in the conversion of individuals. For understanding the latter is needed, on the one side, knowledge of the man's peculiar characteristics, position in life, and pre^dous course of training ; but also, on the other side, the perception that something new has here taken j^lace, which cannot be fully explained from the sum of the man's earthly rela- tions. As viewed from this side, the causal condition of conversion lies outside the sphere of his earthly life. Those who would comprehend the enti'ance of divine grace into the heart of an individual, can only do it by ascertaining the iuAvard state with which this grace connects itself. In this manner Ave come to a knowledge of the begin- ning of faith in ourselves and in those around us. Just so, likewise, can we trace the causes of subsequent manifesta- tions, whether they are signs of farther advancement, or of

NEW EXGLAXD THEOCRACY. 241

n partial lialt, or of retrogression. In the intcrcliangc of siu-h knowledge .and such experiences lies the importance •ind the blessing of christian intercourse. But there are cases where these communications are not limited to a narrow circle ; where the development of a cliristian life presents a form adapted to general exhibition. This is the case Avhen it constitutes, either by the attainment of some life-aim inspired by fuith, or through the consummation of the earthly life in the Lord, a separate, and, in a certain sense, a perfected whole; when it is manifest that the unity of the single active labors was no other than per- sonal union with the Lord. From the difficulties experi- enced in preparing such a christian biography, especially in respect to that which, in the proper sense, constitutes its analogy with Revivals, may be seen what Ave have to contend with in the delineation of the latter. Rare indeed are the cases where all the requisites of such a biogra^^hy are at command and the sources for the several component features within reach ; those single traits which disclose the inner impulse of the life-development, and present it to view as a connected whole. The external relations, — how far social connections, position, and calling in life, account for its prosperous or retarded growth, — these, it is true, are more accessible to the inquirer. But not so easily can it be ascertained, how far the earliest development of char- acter indicated a state susceptible to the Lord's call, or how far it contained adverse and disturbing elements, in which subsequent occasional declensions, or periods of su- pineness, might find their explanation. Not so easily can w^e ascertain, whether in the outward activity in the ser- vice of the Lord, in that which the eye of man cannot but regard as the fruit of faith, is not concealed something false and selfish ; or whether that Av^hich to us seems to be

21

242 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

self-complacency, carelessness, indifference, is not the ex- pression of eternal peace. Tlie reports of acquaintances and friends are, for such purposes, but an insecure reliance ; since it is not acts or words, as such, wliich are here in question, but the connection of these with the moral sen- timent, with the Christianity of the heart. Even the ]ior- traiture sketched, jierhaps at a much later period, by the favored individual himself, though made with rigorous self- examination in simplicity and humility, is yet subject to the abatement of presenting the particulars of early life from the stand-point of a maturer stage. Very seldom does the strictly private diary or genuine confidential cor- respondence meet the public eye. This deficiency meets us in a very special manner, at the initial j^eriod of chris- tian development. Even with those whose awakening to a new life has occurred in a more striking and less gradual manner, there is certainly no disposition in this excitement of their inner being to institute rigid investigations and nice analyses of the change, or to impart such information to others.

When, however, the same i^henomena extend over sev- eral individuals, we are able to trace farther the causes of the subsequent career; the inward occurrence takes more readily an outward manifestation. Something claiming to be the starting-point of a new life-development, manifest- ing itself, moreover, in each individual at a point of time fixed with more or less certainty, and under a form to be recognized with more or less distinctness, is a ]>henome- non witnessed in the christian church, simultaneously extending over numbers of j^ersons. The Holy Spirit indeed lives and works in christian communities and in the Christian Church uninterruptedly to the end of the world. But thei-e are times in which their members with-

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 243

draw tlicmselvcs from the influence ; times when, ensnr-.rcd and governed by worldly interests, they have their liearts elsewhere ; when they rend the earthly life-development fi-om its connection Mith the fountain of life. Such times stand before us in harsh lineaments on the page of history. But where the seed-corn has not been killed, but has only died that it may bring forth fruit, there an awakening comes from the Lord through means which affect not only individuals, but churches and denominations. Every epoch of christian Church-history is to be regarded, in a certain sense, as a Revival ; since, whether it be in the sphere of the practical or the theoretical, a new state is the result. These awakenings, however, differ among themselves, with the differences of time, of place, culture, manners, the character of churches and denominations; just as the con- version of individuals in respect to their personal traits and rehitions in life. Where all these relations have developed themselves in the world, in a greater or less estrangement from Christianity, the new life assumes the form of an isolated phenomenon. Such are the awak- enings which occur in connection with missions. "When, on the contrary, the relations of life, having been to a greater or less degree produced and penetrated by the christian spirit, bear even, as is too often the case, its un- recognized stamp, the quickening manifests itself more as a progressive development from elements already present. As such, we may regard the Reformation, so far as it had for its starting-point the longing already existing in the church for the kingdom of God.

The Revivals in North America, both those which form the subject of our narrative and those of recent date, are re- vivals of the religious spirit in a practical respect. They are occurrences Avithin the christian congregation, and belong

244 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

properly to its relation to the Pastor or spiritual guide, In their nature they are limited to such a congregation ; although contemporaneous phenomena may have been pro- duced by similar circumstances in neighboring places. We have reports also of such revivals in Colleges and Theolog- ical Seminaries, but always in connection witli the relation held by the teachers to the students, as sjjiritual guides.

The preceding chaj^ter exhibits the hostile influence to which these Revivals form a reaction. It was not prima- rily error in doctrine, or superstition in practice, or gToss transgression of law, but lukewarmness and indifierence towards the religious institutions that had constituted tlie palladium of the pilgrim fathers. But the peculiar char- acter of this reaction stands, it is evident, in close connec- tion with the church-constitution of the Congregationalists, and with the course of their development. It was within the congregation, not in the Church as an organized whole, that it took place. The clergy indeed gave the impulse ; but they were not, in the proper sense, the depositaries of these movements. If in their first period, the Con- gregation alists, in spite of their principles, in many re- spects constituted an ecclesiastical unity (as indeed the events before narrated are connected with the recognition of such a unity) this, since the separation from the State was consummated, had now ceased. The attempt made by means of the Saybrook Platform for securing such a unity and influence of the clergy, had not eflected the object. But although, in the cases to come before us, the Revivals had their chief seat in a particular congregation ; yet that limitation of the bounds of the congi-egations which existed in connexion with their independence, sug- gests also a closer union of the individual members among themselves, forming a circle through which such a religious

NE^7 ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 245

interest could be more readily propagated and extended. The result of these occurrences was indeed but temporary ; their force being cripi)led by circumstances hereafter to be detailed in particular. But it may perhajts be maintained, in general, that the want of a Church in the proper sense, accounts for the failure of the salutary influence to es- tablish itself on a more solid basis, and to secure a fiimer hold.

REVIVAL AT NOETIIAMPTOX.

"We are now concerned particularly with two events which gave expression to tlie reaction against the decay of the religious life of New England. The more general one, extending over nearly the whole country and particu- larly over Massachusetts, occurred about the year 1740. It was preceded by a revival, inconsidei-able in respect to local extent, in the church at Northampton about the year 173o, which is to be regarded not merely as its precursor, but in some respects, as its immediate cause. This oc- curred under the guidance of Jonathan Edwards, Pastor of the church, one of the most distinguished theologians of North America, from whose hand we have a detailed narrative of its incidents, with special reference to what was peculiar in these occurrences. Occurrences and narra- tive still rank as models in North America. Standing thus by itself, in respect both to time and 2:)lace, this Re- vival invites the attempt to portray, in clear shai-p outline, its characteristic features. For this reason, we shall pre- sent a copious detail of its phenomena, concluding Avitli the account of the more extended and general Revivals.

The following sketch is taken from an account published in the year 1737, entitled : "A faithful narrative of the sur- prising work of God in the conversion of many hundred

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246 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

souls in Northampton (Massachusetts) in the year 1735, by Jonathan Edwards." It was again published in New York, 1832, together with his "Thoughts on the Revival of religion in New England in 1742 and the way in which it ought to be acknowledged and promoted." The pi-esent editor has jorefixed testimonials from several North Ameri- can Theologians from different religious denominations; among them the following from the President and Profes- sors of the Princeton College, Ncav Jersey: "We know of no works on the subject of Revivals of Religion, at once so scriptural, discriminating, and instructive, as those of the late illustrious President Edwards. At the present day, when this subject so justly engages a large share of the attention of the religious public, we should be glad if a copy of the volume proposed to be republished could be l^laced in every dwelling in the United States. It exhibits the nature of genuine revivals of religion, the best means of promoting them, the abuses and dangers to which they are liable, and the duty of guarding against these abuses and dangers, with a degree of spiritual discernment and practical wisdom, which have commanded the approbation of the friends of Zion for the greater part of a century." The " Faithful Narrative " is in the form of a letter to Dr. Colman, a minister in Boston, dated November 6th 1736. From the beginning of this letter we learn what had given occasion to it. Tidings of these occurrences had reached London, where they had made a great impression. "Watts and Guyse, two Congregationalist ministers, as well as the church of the latter, wishing to receive information respect- ing them from an eye-witness, applied to the above-named Colman, who requested Edwards to furnish the account. The latter had at first hesitated to give the lacts publicity, through fear that they might seem incredible; but he

NEW EXGLAXD THEOCRACY. 247

now felt himself, as be says, especially called on to under- take what had been desired. His narrative was then pub- lished by ^Vatts and Guyse, accompanied by a preface from themselves as well as from ministers of Boston ; it was con- firmed, also, by the express testimony of the ministers in the neighborhood of Xorthampton, as a narrative of what had passed before their own eyes. Watts and Guyse say of it in their Preface ; " We are fully convinced of the truth of this narrative, not only from the character of the authoi-, but from the concurrent testimony of many other persons in Xew England ; for this thing Avas not done in a corner." "It is, we are informed, a tract of country with twelve or fourteen townships, lying chiefly within the county of Hamp- shire on the Connecticut river, wherein it has pleased God two years ago to display his free and sovereign grace in the conversion of a great multitude of souls in a short space of time, turning them from a formal, cold and careless profes- sion of Christianity to the lively exercise of every christian grace, and to the powerful practice of our holy religion." The narrative is divided into five chajiters. First, after a brief reference to previous circumstances, is given a general sketch of the revival in Northampton. The second chapter contains a detailed description, with very copious reflections, of the particular manner in which the religious quickening developed itself in individual cases. Here is shown, in con- nection with an exact acquaintance with the state of the church, a deep knowledge of the wants of the hmnan hpart universally, and of the manner in which the seed sown springs up in the plant which brings forth fruit ; only the ditlerent stages of the course of development are not always sufficiently distinguished, nor the transitions made perfectly clear and obvious. To the attempt to present a connected x'mw of the contents of these first two chapters we shall add

248 KE^y exgland theocracy.

a brief summary of the three others, which consist of apolo- getic reflections, the narrative of two particular cases, and an account of the causes which led to a decline.

The town of Northampton, in the county of Hampshire in Massachusetts, lies in the interior of the country remote from connection with the sea. It had, as Edwards tells us, comparatively little intercourse Avith other parts of the pro- vince, which at that time was, in general, spai'sely j^eopled, and without the present means of communication. Founded about the year 1654, it numbered in 1736 some two hun- dred families, who dwelt more compactly together than was usual in places of its size. To this, perhaps, in connection its greater isolation in other respects, it was owing that impressions of Avhatever kind spread among them with greater rapidity than elsewhere. Their first minister, Elea- zer Mather, a brother of the celebrated Increase Mather, was ordained there in 1669, and died two years after. Mr. Stoddard, his successor, who was the grandfather of our narrator, exercised his office as preacher in Northampton from 1672 to 1729, and was the immediate predecessor of Edwards. With the peculiar views of Stoddard and their disagreement with the pi'inciples of Congregationalism, we have already become acquainted. His grandson, who on those questions took ground entirely opposite, testifies to the great zeal with which he discharged his ministerial duties ; and Mr. Stoddard himself, in relating the repeated instances of extraordinary religious interest, which crowned his labors, was accustomed to say that he had had five har- vests. Towards the end of his life, however, a worldliness of spirit prevailed in the town, which maintained its pre- dominance likewise through the first years of Edwards's ministry. In single cases, indeed, there was still manifested an interest in the word of God ; but the younger members

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 249

of the congregation held themselves almost entirely aloof from it, as well as from the restraints of family influence. Thus, in utter contrariety to the custom of the country and of their forefathers, they turned the Sunday into a day of amusement, to great public scandal and the disturbance of flimily order.

Towards the end of the year 1733, a change commenced in the congregation. Through the admonitions of the pas- tor, joined with the efforts of heads of families, these scan- dalous evils were removed and a more lively interest awak- ened in the worship of God. Things were thus progressing, ■when there occurred two cases of death, which excited gen- eral attention. In April 1734, a young man in the bloom of youth sickened with a violent pleurisy, became immedi- ately delirious and died within two days. Shortly after, followed the death of a young "woman. She had been much occupied about the state of her soul, previous to her seiz- ure ; but now found herself, at first, in great disquietude. At length she was filled with the consciousness of the sav- ing mercy of God, and died in joyful hope, counselling and exhorting others in a very earnest and afiectiug manner. The excitement thus produced received an added impulse through the opposition then rising in New England against the doctrine of justification by faith. The spread of such a tendency might easily have had the effect of lulling, or of satisfying, to outward appearance, the germhiating religious interest ; but, as things now were, it contributed rather to engage the public mind to a still greater degree in the mat- ters of religion, and thereby to counteract the prevailing evil of indifference. Scarcely had a few begun to think earnestly upon their state, than the excitement spread ; ex- hibiting in its manifestations, though with varieties of ^ form in different individuals, an essential general corre- spondence.

250 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

Thus, ns was natural, a knowledge of their sinful state was its first result ; but to this they were led in a variety of ways. Some who had hitherto been secure and uncon- cerned in regard to their spii'itual condition, M'ere suddenly seized with a sense of their corruption ; their consciences were smitten "as if they were pierced through with a dart. " In others, these first impressions were more grad- ual. They began at first to be somewhat more thoughtful and considerate, so as to come to the conclusion that it was best and wisest to delay no longer, but to improve the present opportunity ; awakening themselves still farther by earnest reflection, they came at length to a firm and clear conviction of their sinfulness. Others still, who previously had been, to a certain degree, religiously inclined and con- cerned for the salvation of their souls, were now awakened in a new manner; becoming sensible that their dull and negligent endeavors were not likely to attain their purpose, they were roused to new efforts to enter the kingdom of heaven. This knowledge of one's own state, though indeed it is but the beginning of a new life, and a preparation for passing into it, manifested itself in most cases, at the very outset, as no dead conviction. The immediate effect was twofold. On the one hand, evil practices and sinful habits of life were seen to be forsaken ; long-standing quarrels and slanders, mischievous intermeddling with the affairs of oth- ers, and the various manifestations of levity ceased ; and while new sacredness was attached to the Sabbath, each day was regarded as a day of the Lord. On the other hand, w^as witnessed an application to the means through which deliverance from the former state might be hoped for, reading of the Bible, prayer, reflection, the ordinances of the church, and conferences for mutual benefit. Their cry was : What must I do to be saved ?

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 251

Progress, in such times of religious excitement, is identi- cal with practical earnestness in the settlement of this ques- tion. One may indeed become conscious that he has com- mitted sin and is a sinner ; but this concern may be soon quieted or may pass away, if the conviction is not added that men's sins are their destruction. Assent to this truth is indispensable ; but its utterance from the whole heart, free from all reserve and qualification, is at the price of bitter humiliation. Submission to this conviction is hard to the proud heart ; progress in it and deliverance from it difficult for the despairing heart. The conflicts and hin- drances experienced in connection with the revival at Northampton arose chiefly from the latter source. Thus, it soon became general (though under various forms of expression), for individuals to declare themselves sensible that while in sin they were on the way to destruction. This was accompanied by a state of extraordinary anxiety and disquiet. Some expressed themselves as so afibctcd by the consciousness of their sin and guilt that they were una- ble to sleep at night ; others, that on lying down, the thought of sleeping in this condition was so frightful, that they were scarcely free from terror even when asleep, and on awakening, fear, heaviness and distress were still abiding on their spirits. Yet sometimes these persons supposed themselves to be wholly without feeling, forsaken by the Spirit of God, and given over to hardness of heart. Thus with a well-grounded anxiety, arising from the conscious- ness of sin, was mingled an unnecessary distress and melan- choly, which, as Edwards remarks, exposed those who were thus affected, to dangerous temptation, and hindered their progress in the good way. " One knows not, " he adds, " how to deal with such ; they turn everything that is said to them the wrong way, and to their own disadvantage ; next

252 NEW ENGLAND THEOCKACY.

to the actual corruption of the human heart, there seems to be nothing so dangerous to men in the way of temptation, as a melancholy humor." This was particularly manifest in connection with their inward conflicts. The feeling of their ruined state rose in some individuals to such a height, that soul and body could scarcely endure it, nay, they were near sinking under their misery ; yet still declaring themselves amazed at their own insensibility and sottishness in such an extraordinary time. It was evident that this feeling, if not in some way relieved, must lead to utter despair. It was a frequent expression of some, under the conviction of their sinfulness, that they seemed to themselves to differ from all others, and being the w'orst and vilest of all, could never hope to obtain mercy. Many, indeed, whose convictions had taken this melancholy turn, were seized with a strong feeling of envy towards those among their associates and acquaintances who had been truly converted; at other times, their hearts rose against God in their despair, and murmured at his dealings with others, and jjarticularly with themselves.

When conviction of the need of redemption has taken possession of the heart with such completeness and power, there could supervene no pause ; it would be fatal. But the efforts put forth for help, would first lead one to try his own strength. The attempts made to reach, through this, the goal so desired and longed for, are, it is true, con- nected with a still defective knowledge of one's own sinful- ness; and Edwards indeed speaks of the tendency still often manifested to fix the attention exclusively on single and outward transgressions. Self-confidence is, moreover, properly a temptation whose source is pride of heart ; but it always mingles itself also in a certain manner, though per- haps in a slighter degree, with the feeling of despair. The

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 253

poonliar way in which these legal eflorts appeared, at Xortli- ampton, as the transition-struggle into true conviction of personal inability, shows that also in this stage of devel- opment such temptations predominated. Edwards depicts these efforts, as they presented themselves in general, in a form more or less painful, longer or shorter in duration, in the following words :

" Yery often under first awakenings, Avhen they are brought to reflect on the sin of their past lives, and have something of a terrifying sense of God's anger, they set themselves to walk more strictly, and confess their sins, and perform many religious duties, with a secret hope of appeasing God's anger, and making up for the sins they have committed ; and oftentimes, at first setting out, their affections are moved, and they are full of tears in their confessions and prayers, which they are ready to make much of, as though they were some atonement, and had power to move correspondent affections in God too ; and hence they are for a while big Avith expectation of what God will do for them, and conceive that they grow better apace, and shall soon be thoroughly converted. But these affections are but short-lived, they quickly find that they fail, and then they think themselves to be grown worse again ; they do not find such a prospect of being converted as they thought ; instead of being nearer, they seem to be farther off; their hearts they think are grown harder, and by this means, their fears of perishing greatly increase. But though they are disappointed, they renew their at- tempts again and again ; and still as their attempts are multiplied, so are their disappointments ; all fail, they see no token of having inclined God's heart to them, they do not see that he hears their prayers at all, as they expected he would ; and sometimes there have been great tempta-

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254 NEW ENGLAND THEOCEACY.

tions arising hence to leave off seeking, and to yield up the case. But as they are still more terrified with the fears of perishing, and their former hopes of prevailing on God to be merciful to them in a great measure fxil, sometimes their religious affections have turned into heart-risings against God, because that he would not pity them, and seems to have little regard to their distress and piteous cries, and to all the pains they take. They think of the ra.ercy that God has shown to others, how soon, and how easily others have obtained comfort, and those too that were worse than they, and have not labored so much as they have done, and sometimes they have even had dread- ful blasphemous thoughts in these circumstances.

" But when they reflect on these wicked workings of heart against God, if their convictions are continued and the Spirit of God is not provoked utterly to forsake them, they have more distressing apprehensions of the anger of God towards those whose hearts work after such a sinful man- ner about him ; and it may be have great fears that they have committed the unpardonable sin, or that God will surely never show mercy to them that are such vipers, and are often tempted to leave off in despair.

" But then perhaps, by something they read or hear of the infinite mercy of God and all-sufficiency of Christ for the chief of sinners, they have some encouragement and hope renewed ; but they think that as yet they are not fit to come to Christ, they are so wicked that Christ will never accej^t them; and then it may be, they set themselves upon a new course of fruitless endeavors in their own strength to make themselves better, and still meet with new disappointments; they are earnest to inquire what they shall do. They do not know but there is something else to be done, in order to their obtaining converting

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 255

grace, that tlicy liave iR'vor done yet. It may be they hope they are something better tliaii tliey were; but then the pleasing dream all vanishes again. If they are told that they trust too much to their own strength and right- eousness, they cannot unlearn this practice all at once, and find not yet the appearance of any good, but all looks as dark as midniglit to them. Thus they wander about from mountain to hill, seeking rest and finding none ; when they are beat out of one refuge, they fly to another, till they are, as it were, broken, debilitated, and subdued with legal humblings ; in which God gives them a conviction of their own utter helplessness and insufficiency, and discovers the true remedy in a clearer knowledge of Christ and his gos- pel."

Thus have we portrayed in the author's own words, the process by Avhich conviction of sinfulness, and of the destruc- tive nature of sin, was developed into the sense of personal insufiiciency and heli^lessness. It would naturally be ex- pected, that now the eye would be turned in quest of the promises of God's mercy. But our narrator liere adds a detailed exhibition of the generally prevailing views re- specting God's holiness and justice; thus assigning the turning-point in the conflict to the time when the real enemy began to reign. It was from tlie very stand-jioint of legal effort, that the inquiring spirit now gave itself up in a singular manner to s])ecidation on the penal justice of God. So entirely did this occupy the soul as to leave no room for any other mental operation. The belief of being given over to eternal destruction, and the grounds of this conviction, were stated under a variety of forms. Echvards says: "Some viewed God as sovereign, and that he miglit receive others and reject them ; some expressed themselves as convinced that God might justly bestow mercy on every

256 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

person in the town, and on every person in the world, and damn themselves to all eternity; some, that God may justly have no regard to all the pains they have taken, and all the prayers they have made ; some that they see, if they should seek, and take tiie utmost j^ains all their lives, God might justly cast them into hell at last, because all their labors, prayers and tears, cannot make an atonement for the least sin, nor merit any blessing at the hands of God. Some have declared themselves to be in the hands of God, that he can and may dispose of them just as he pleases; some that God may glorify himself in their damnation, and they wonder that God has suffered them to live so long, and has not cast them into hell long ago."

Even if we separate the meaning of these words from their peculiar phraseology, there yet seems to be here the intermingling of some foreign and disturbing element ; at least, they are not the expression of pi'Ogress, but still belong wholly to the legal stand-point. It is only from this stand-point that one, truly conscious of deserving the jienalty of destruction for his own guilt, can, on a compari- son of himself with others, recognize the divine justice in their exemption from it. He who has found by experi- ence, tliat the goal is not to be reached by the most stren- uous efforts of his own, looks away, in the feeling of his helplessness, towards the mercy of God, and where he sees this shown to others, he rejoices in the token that here tlie very thing has happened for which he himself hopes. In a christian community, experience of the insufficiency of means, employed in dependence on one's own strength, cannot be conceived of as unaccompanied by a reasonable liope in the heli) of God ; and this help must present itself to the mind, as that wherein it is God's will to glorify himself.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 257

XoM" Edwards maintains tliat " every minister, in such circumstances, Avill find himself under a necessity greatly to insist upon it that God is under no manner of obligation to show any mercy to any natural man whose heart is not turned to God; and that a man can challenge nothing, either in absolute justice or by free ])roniise, from anything he does before he has believed in Jesus Christ, or lias true repentance begun in him." If indeed no doctrine of Scrip- ture can be alleged in opposition to these grounds of fear, so presented, it may yet well be doubted whether the application of them made in the following passage could be really salutary : " I h<x^rQ found," says Edwards, " that no discourses were more remarkably blessed, than tliose in which the doctrine of God's absolute sovereignty Avith re- gard to the salvation of sinners, and his just liberty with regard to answering the prayers or succeeding the pains of mere natural men, continuing such, have been insisted on. I have never found so much immediate saving fruit, in any measure, of any discourses I have offered to my congrega- tion, as some from those words, Rom. 3: 19, 'That every mouth may be stopped ; ' endeavoring to show from thence that it would be just with God forever to reject and cast off mere natural men." But the persons thus addressed, although they had not, in their spiritual conflict, wholly risen above the stand-point of legal endeavors, Avere no longer to be designated as mere natural men ; yet, since they had not already experienced in their hearts the word of for- giveness, they must, each in particular, account themselves among the rejected. Hence such expressions as the fol- lowing, which Edwards, however, contemplates as the fruit of a high exercise of grace, in saving repentance, and evan- gelical humiliation : " They found a sort of complacency of soul in the attribute of God's justice, as displayed in Iiis

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258 ^EW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

threatenings of eternal damnation to sinnei'S. Sometimes at the discovery of it, they can hardly forbear crying out, *'Tis just! "T is just!' Some express themselves that they see the glory of God would shine bright in their oAvn condemnation ; and they are ready to think that if they are damned, they could take part with God against them- selves, and would glorify his justice therein." Some ex- pressed to our narrator " a feeling of willingness to be damned." To this he adds, however, that " these persons had, it must be owned, no clear and distinct ideas of dam- nation, nor does any word of the Bible require such a self- denial as this." Could we even regard it as an exalted sense of their un worthiness to be partakers of God's grace ; yet in this tendency of the feelings there ever lies, in connection with the essential contradiction in the mode of exjiression, great danger, if not of absolute despair, yet of abandon- ment to the severest assaults of despondency. Still, at this time, chiefly through tlie labors of a pastor well ac- quainted with the condition and wants of the human soul, progress of the most important character succeeded to these legal apprehensions and strivings. We shall now, having thus far shown the process in which old things passed away, proceed to exhibit that, in which all became new.

As there is but one ground for real disquietude of soul, sin ; so also there is but one ground of peace, namely, the grace of God in Christ. This it was, which after all these conflicts manifested itself in Northampton, and herein was the change thus effected also one and the same. But varied were the forms in which the Lord revealed himself to the perturbed spirits, varied their accounts of what they had experienced. To both these points we will now give our consideration.

NEVr EXOLA^TD THEOCRACY. 2-')0

In exact accordance with the indivnclnal character, tliis or that particular attribute of God, of Christ, rose up be- fore the soul which had been penetrated with the sense of its own lioli)lessness. Now it Avas the thought of God's grace and mercy in general, now of his infinite power to save men and lead them in the Avay of salvation, now of the divine truth and faithfulness in reference to particular promises. With some, the divinity of Christ as the Son of God, cliiefly engaged the thoughts ; Avith others, his reconciling death. Many dwelt chiefly on the obedience or the love of the Saviour, or on the excellence of the way of salvation by Christ, and its correspondence to all tlii'ir Avants. This change was,for the most part, placed in explicit connection Avith the Holy Scriptures, in some cases Avith entire passages and a succession of j^romises, in some, like- Avise, AA^th a particular Avord or a single promise ; Avhile in othei's the calm began without direct connection, by read- ing or meditation, with any particular portion or expres- sion of Scripture.

In respect to the accounts giA'cn by the persons so af- fected,— it Avas, in most cases, the specific thought of Christ, Avliich in this transition gaA'e joy to tlie soul. With some, hoAvever, he Avas the object of the mind in a more implied manner, and they sjjoke particularly of their sense of the sufficiency of God's grace for them and for tlie Avhole AA'orld. From a careful AA'eighing of their expres- sions and after searching interrogation, it became clear that the revelation of God's grace in the Gospel formed the ground of their encouragement and hope ; that it was indeed the mercy of God through Christ which had been discovered to them, and that it Avas this on which they relied, not upon anything in themselves. Although they had felt the divine call Avithout thinking explicitly of

2G0 NEAY ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

Christ, yet aftenvarcls, they were taught by their own ex- periences that it was, nevertheless, the call made by God to sinners through his Son. One peculiarity is especially noticeable. Very many, after such an eiFectual working of the Lord uj^on them, had no idea that such a thing had occurred, but still remained in expectation of something forther, of which they could themselves give no account. In their view, the customary expressions used to describe conversion, and the gracious operations of the Ploly Spirit, were not appropriate to their state. Such terms as spirit- ual sight of Chi'ist, faith in Christ, poverty of spirit, trust in God, submission to God, seemed not to produce in them corresponding ideas. Edwards remarks that this imperfect conception of their own state had an essential connection with their former false conceptions of the operations of God's grace, which, indeed, cannot be pei'ceived or under- stood by the natural man. But to this our narrator justly adds, that they were too much filled with the superabun- dance of these new and joyful emotions to institute such examinations in regard to themselves. The fact that re- flection in respect to their state did not j^redominate in the accounts given by the converts of their first steps of pro- gress in the way of j^eace, afibrds indeed a striking pi'oof that these phenomena belonged to their own living expe- rience, and were no deception. And, as the new life had not manifested itself to the awakened precisely according to their preconceived notions, so they were, in general, still less able to fix the time when the first tokens appeared that the gracious impressions had become efiectual. With many, the enlightening was of a more gradual character, and by such, as Edwards very beautifully remarks, the first dawning which precedes the full light was often wholly overlooked.

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The path, from tlie starting point of tlie christian life to its final goal, is not here on earth an entirely smooth one. Even where the consciousness of divine assistance has been added to the experience of its poAver, there intervenes a time of conflict and temptation. Thus also in Northamp- ton, there appeared in individual cases a resistance, more or less strong, to a progi-essive development of the awak- enings, manifesting itself partly in renewed disquietude, partly in a returning indifierence. The distress occasioned by this new interruption of a steady course of progress must needs be more severe than that previously felt, in proportion as it was connected with the remembrance of what had been already experienced. Here now Edwards beheved liimself called on to assist the work by directing attention to what had been already attained. Where, for instance, the declarations and the Avhole temjier, of one thus suflering from renewed doubts, justified the firm con- viction of his converted state, Edwards did not hesitate to express such a conviction. He compares persons in this condition, to "seed in the sjiring suppressed imder a hard clod of earth ;" as this is quickened by the warm beams of the sun, so has the hope presented to the doubting chased aAvay that despondency which enveloped and concealed the inner s])iritual life. The indifference, which manifested itself here and there, was counteracted by turning the eye towards those who were hastening onward in the new state. In a certain condition of mind, knowledge of the progress of others in the kingdom of God, may, as we have already seen, awaken a spirit of wicked envy, and lead to sullen obduracy ; for the present stage reference to what had been attained by some, was held by Edwards, certainly on just grounds, to be an efficient means of quickening others. But he adds the cautious remark : " I have often

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signified to my people how unable man is to know an- other's heart, and liow unsafe it is depending on the judg- ment of ministers or others ; and I have abundantly in- sisted on it with tliem, that a manifestation of sincerity in works brought forth, is better than any manifestation they can make of it in words alone, and that, without this, all j^retences to spiritual experiences are vain,"

The pi'incipal means for counteracting these interrup- tions, as well as of forwarding the work begun, were found in the study of the Scriptures and the truths of the Gos- pel. At this point we will add some remarks of our nar- rator, before proceeding to a descri2:)tion of the final stage of these religious awakenings. As did the commencement, so the progress of this change stood in a connection more or less explicit, with sentences of Scripture. Comforting and instructive passages presented themselves to the minds of the anxious, often in a manner which was wholly inex- plicable. For the most part, indeed, it was while led by God into such states of feeling and to such reflections as were in harmony with the texts of Scripture, that they came, as it "were on a sudden, to their remembrance. But often, as Edwards thinks, an immediate influence of the Spirit of God must be presupposed, in order to explain the recollection of passages so remarkably adapted to the special case; though the use of the memory as the medium is, indeed, not to be excluded.

The effect of this comfort and instruction from the word of God, as well as of that derived from preaching, was a living conviction of the truth of what was taught in the Gospel. Here too was manifested a difference in the mode of experience, particularly in a twofold direction. In some, it was more like an instantaneous conviction, seizing joosses- sion of the entire man. " They were, " so they declared,

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 263

*' as fiir from doubting the divinity of the Gospel, as they ■were from doubting wliether there be a sun, when their eyes are open in tlie midst of a clear hemisphere and the strong blaze of his light overcomes all objections against his be- ing." On being questioned, they were able to assign no other reason for their convictions than that " they saw them to be true ; " but from more particular inquiry it became evident that these truths had indeed been the object of in- tuitive perception and immediate experience. They were not able indeed to retain such a clear discovery of them at all times in equal meqsure. "When, for a season, their living spiritual feeling suffered a decrease, the medium of convic- tion seemed to them to have withdrawn itself; but, if their assurance had been genuine, it again revived " like fire that lay hid in ashes." In others, on the contrary, it was more through attention to some single prominent doctrines of the Scriptures, whose grounds of evidence became clear to them partly from the teachings of the pulpit, partly from their own meditations, that full conviction was attained. These were indeed already known to them ; but they now came with a new and before unexperienced power. "Before, they had heard it was so, and they allowed it to be so ; but now they see it to be so indeed. Things now look exceed- ing plain to them, and they wonder that they did not see them before. They are so greatly taken with their new dis- covery, and things appear so plain and rational to them, that they are at first ready to think they can convince oth- ers, and are apt to engage in talk with almost every one they meet, to this end ; and when they are disappointed, are ready to wonder that their reasonings make no more impression." But these persons also, who had attained to conviction by a more gradual process, were still liable, oft- entimes, to be again disturbed by doubt. Some of this

264 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

class were disquieted in respect to the nature of the work in them, on account of its having taken place in so natural a manner ; erroneously supposing that the divine purpose cannot be attained by a method which seems purely human. It is worthy of notice that the truths which had been so often heard and read, now presented themselves to the mind as something entirely new. Some found, they said, in the familiar jjages of the Bible, "new chapters, new psalms, new histories." It was they who were changed; within themselves all had become new.

In the state of calmness which succeeded those agonies and terrors, Christ became the object towards which the the soul was turned, and the inward work was subjected, by those who had experienced it, to the strictest scrutiny by the word of God. This alike guarded them against er- rors and secured their progress in the right way. Nor was the peace now withheld which the Lord promises to his own. They hardly knew how to j^aint the joy which had taken up its abode in their hearts. They described themselves as swallowed up in longing after God and Christ, as ravished with the delightful contemplation of the glory and Avonder- ful grace of God, and of the excellency and dying love of Jesus Christ. Even younger members of the congregation expressed themselves in the same manner, and declared their willingness to forsake father and mother and all things in the world, in order to be with Christ. In some, the bodily strength could hardly sustain the inward experience ; nay, it seemed as if the body must dissolve, if that fulness of manifestation should be any more increased.

Certainly, one would not venture to measure the lan- guage of christian exaltation in such circumstances, by the standard of expression belonging to a quiet and ordinary tone of feeling ; it is by other signs that the product of

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 265

God's Spirit is to be distinguislicd from self-seeking fmati- cism. Free from the airs of assumption, self-deception, and self-conceit, tliese persons were characterized by a spirit of meekness, and unassuming humility, mingled with distrust of their own power, and a lowly estimate of their own capacities. Xone Avere so deeply convinced of their need of being taught, none so ready and eager to receive in- struction. Free from self-exaltation in respect to men, they bowed witli continual and unfeigned humility before Gol, ascribing that which was done in them in no way to their own strength and righteousness, but solely to the quickening power dei'ivod from Christ. They declared, also, that what they sometimes experienced in especially fovored moments, it was beyond their power to express in words ; that all the pains and trouble they had taken in seeking salvation was not to be once compared with their present joy and satisfaction ; and that in contrast with these all earthly pleasures seem mean and Avorthless. Yet they did not feel themselves disturbed or troubled by a look towards earth ; on the contrary, all around them re- ceived a new charm through their inward joy. "All things abroad, the sun, moon and stars, the clouds and sky, tlie heavens and earth, appeared, as it were, with a cast of divine glory and sweetness upon them." And as the con- templation of outward nature hamionized mth and ex- alted their affections, even so was it with the thought of redemption. Here, the former conflict in their souls, if it had not terminated, had as it were receded into the background. The chief object of their joy was not so iiiuch the consciousness of being saved fi-om sin and \n\n- isliment, as that of being partakers of divine grace, confi- dence in Clirist as their guide to future glory. There seemed to be in tlieir hearts but one complaint ; the com-

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266 NEW EXGLAND THEOCRACY.

plaint that with all their desire, all their longing to praise God, they could not do it worthily, even when, in contem- plation of the creation around them and the redemption within them, they were filled with j^eace and joy and per- fect satisfaction.

Besides these effects, which, being more or less wrought within, hardly reveal themselves in their peculiar and en- tire significance to the eye of the beholder, there were not wanting visible good fruits brought forth by the good tree. Mutual affection united those Avho had become sharers in such glorious manifestations, and many expressed the love they felt towards all mankind, even tOAvards those Avho had hitherto been least friendly to themselves. "Never was so much done in confessing injuries and making up differences, as in this year." This love was mingled also with a heartfelt desire for the salvation of others. But Avith a liA'ing activity for this end, on the part of those so highly favored, they yet recognized the distinction betAA'ceu that Avliich was essential and common to all, salA\ation in Christ, and that which was si^ecial and A^aried, the Avay thither and the outward expression. Keeping their hearts open, moreover, to the truth that the leadings of God in this respect are manifold, they Avere not disjoosed to make their OAvn experiences a standard for others, but refrained from censoriousness and strove to increase in charity, as in the manifestation of fiiith. At the same time, there greAV up also a very endearing relation betAveen the church and its pastor ; diligent attendance at the house of God, living sympathy for the preaching of the gospel, and strict obser- vance of the Sabbath were united Avith eager study of the Bible, particularly of the New Testament, the Psalms, and the Prophecy of Isaiah. And this use of the means of

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 207

/

grace, tliis occupation in religious things, seemed not like a duty and a task, but a satisfaction and a joy.

"We liave yet to add, in resjiect to the outward spread and extension of these phenomena, that the influence was shared by tlie immediate vicinity at an early period. The accounts of what was occurring iu Northampton drew thither many strangers, and in such cases, as well as in that of accidental visitors, the feeling of astonishment often ended in personal j^articipation. These pei'sons, returning to their own congregations, awakened there the same excitement, though perhajjs in a lower degree. But, as a general thing, its spread was limited to the immediate neighborhood of Northampton, or at farthest, to the county of Hampshire. Nor does there seem to have been any very close connection among these movements, except that the report of similar occurrences in other places heightened and promoted the progress of the work in Northampton itself. Here the change extended itself to all ranks, condi- tions and ages ; while not only those who had passed the term of middle life, but even little children gave the most striking proofs of a vitalizing religious influence. A large part of the inhabitants of Northampton had never become members of the church in full fellowship. Edwards reports, that before one celebration of the sacrament ^ about one hundred were admitted, eighty of them at one time, on the open, exjilicit profession of Christianity. From subsequent events it indeed appears, that it was not a i^rofession in the strict sense of the covenant of the first Congregation- alists, although, certainly, Edwards was already unfavora- ble to the peculiar views of his grandfather.

After quiet mature reflection and careful severe discrim- ination, it was Edwards's opinion that the number of those

1 It was celebrated in this church once in eight weeks.

268 NEW ENGLAND TIIEOCllACY.

wlio bad been savingly converted tbrongb tbe influence of tliis awakening was not far from tbrce bundred. Tbe number of communicants embraced nearly tbe entire body of adults, being six bundred and twenty persons, out of two bundred families.

Before proceeding to a representation of tbe decline of tbis religious interest, and tbe transition to a state of quiet, Edwards communicates, in tbe third and fourth divisions of bis letter, some apologetic observations together with a narrative of two individual cases. The relations given by some church-members, of what they had seen in moments of exaltation, seemed to furnish ground for tbe oft-repeated imputation of enthusiasm. Edwards says : " There have indeed been some few instances of impressions on persons' imaginations, that haA'e been something mysterious to me, and I have been at a loss about them ; for though it has l>een exceeding evident to me, by many things that a]>- peared in them, both then (when they related them) and afterwards, that they had indeed a great sense of tbe spir- itual excellency of divine things accompanying them ; yi't I have not been able well to satisfy myself, wlietber their imaginary ideas have been more than could naturally arise from their spiritual sense of things. However, I have used tbe utmost caution in siich cases; great care has been taken both in jiublic and in private, to teach persons the difference between what is spiritual and what is merely imaginary. I have often warned persons not to lay tbe stress of their hope on any ideas of any outward glory, or any external thing whatsoever; and have met with no opposition in such instructions." It happened that some persons associated what was passing with such living real- ity in their minds, with corresponding images; as for cx- ami)le, Avith tbe inward sense of what they had attained

NEA7 ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 2G9

through Christ, they received the imjiression of an imacrc of tlie crucitiod Saviour. But tliis, as Edwards justly remarks, is no cause of wonder to tliose who have observed how strong excitement, in regard even to temporal matters, will excite lively ideas and manifold j^ictures in the mind. In regard to a second objection, that these religious exj^e- rienccs formed so exclusively the subject of conversation in Northampton at this time, nothing more is to be said than that it lay in the very nature of the circumstances. An excitement like this, interesting at the same time all the inhabitants of a place alike, would make itself the sub- ject of discourse when they met. It is indeed not to be" expected that the communications will in all cases be made in an equally discreet manner, or will always produce good results ; but in general, Edwards saw the most beneficird results from these narrations of personal experience.

There is something peculiar in the choice of examples given in the fourth chapter; it seems to have been guided by the desire, certainly a commendable one, that the pub- lished account of what had been experienced in an indi- vidual case should not, by any chance, fall into the hands of the person himself. A young woman, Abigail Hutchin- son by name, having had her attention awakened by the first of the deaths before-mentioned, was exceedingly dis- turbed in mind; but after a violent inward conflict soon attained to the consciousness of inward peace. During an agonizing sickness, she manifested a spirit of entire submis- sion. A few months after this change, she died of actual starvation, her neck being so swollen that she could take no nourishment ; yet as long as she could speak, she ex- pressed by words her joyful state of mind, and by signs and gestures manifested the same through her long pro- tracted death-struggles to the very end. The second ex-

23*

270 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

ample was designed to exhibit tlie participation of chil- dren, even of the tenderest age, in the general religious interest. Edwards presents the case of a child of four years, concerning "which the London editor justly remarks, tlint the language of children loses its peculiar charm for one who does not himself see and hear. In this case, even the language seems to have undergone a certain change and remoulding, so that her thoughts on the salvation of the soul, and the feeling of anxiety for others, in this re- spect seem rather like expressions belonging to a mature age. It cannot be denied that the very earliest age is sus- ■ ceptible of a religious influence, and that this may also be communicated, as it were involuntarily, from the childish stand-point. But favorable as a time like that under con- sideration might be to such a development, it is precisely at such a time that it is most difficult, if not impossible, to distinguish what has really been Wrought in the soul from the effect of mere outAvard imitation.

To that time of spiritual excitement succeeded of neces- sity a period of greater calm, which, on the Avhole, Avas not without tokens of the richest fruit. Nevertheless, a growing coldness made itself apparent, in part under the form of opposition to the phenomena here described. The exciting cause is worthy of notice, being attributable to that tendency to melancholy humor, or morbid self-inspec- tion before adverted to. The solicitude to j^enetrate into the depths of one's own spirit does indeed impress on the individual the conviction of his own state, and break down the proud heart; but it obstructs his access to the only true help, and furnishes a nourishment to the dejected heart which leads to tlespair. In the midst of the time of most A'ivid religious interest, a person under overwhelming distress of mind made the attemj)t to commit suicide. It

NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 271

was without effect, and lie afterwards sincerely repented for having yiekled so far to tlie temptations of his own heart. But about a year after the first tokens of the awak- ening made their appearance, anotlier person succeeded in the terrible design. He Avas a man of more than ordinary intellectual gifts, strictly moral in his course of life, out- wardly religious, skilful in business, and very highly re- spected in the towm ; but partaking of a strong family ten- dency to melancholy, by Avhich his mother also had lost her life. During the whole year he had been earnestly concerned about the state of his soul, and although there was in his experience nmch of a hopeful and cheering character, he did not venture to entertain any such hope for himself He consequently grew disheartened, and his melancholy gained such power over him that he became incapable of receiving counsel or listening to reason. Whole nights he remained awake meditating terrors, so that he scarcely slept at all for a long time together. At length it was noticed that he was scarcely capable of man- aging his ordinary business ; and at the coroner's inquest, he was judged to have been in a state of delirium. After this occurrence, many complained of being affected with similar temptations. Just at this time certain fanatics made their appearance, who busied themselves, in part, with persuading persons in that melancholy and anxious condi- tion that they could be helped by repeating over certain consolatory forms of prayer ; in part, with preaching that the last times promised in the Scriptures had now come. One man who had made himself especially conspicuous in this way, afterwards confessed the en-or into which he had fallen, and lamented the injury done thereby; but the legitimate consequences of egotistic fanaticism followed, in a growing spirit of worldliness and coldness. To this was

272 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

superadded the dissipating influence of AMrious matters, which just at that time occupied in a special manner the attention of the j^eople of Northampton ; among others, a visit from the governor of the colony, the public meetings lield in reference to the treaty of j^eace with the Indians, and the controversy in a neighboring town respecting the choice of a minister. Still, however, the blessed influence of these manifestations had not disappeared; as it still lived for individuals, so also did it reveal itself in the sus- ceptibility of the neighboring region and of all Xew Eng- land for a similar quickening.

THE GREAT REVIVAL.

Although the revival of the year 1735 extended only to the immediate vicinity of Northampton, and again de- clined in the town itself, it had awakened the utmost at- tention through all New England, as already seen in the interest which it excited in London and in the notices of it by Watts and Guyse. It recalled the times of the first settlement of the colonies ; the degeneracy of the present state was clearly seen and deeply felt. This manifested itself most conspicuously in Boston, the scene of labor to so many remarkable men. In the year 1739, George Whitefield, the celebrated founder of Methodism, made his second visit to America. The colony of Georgia, which had been settled a few years before, principally engaged his energies ; but his powerful and efiective preaching was heard also on his traA'els through Carolina, Virginia, Mary- land, Philadelphia and New York, The report of his dis- tinguished gifts and wonderful success, procured him an invitation to Boston. On the 14th of September 1740, he landed at Newport in Rhode Island, where he remained

KEW EXULAND TIIOCRACY. 273

three days. The invitation liinl not proceeded merely from private citizens ; as lie approaclied Boston, he was received by the son of the Governor, Avith several clergymen and many of the principal inhabitants, who conducted him to a dwelling exjn-essly prepared for his reception. During his two months stay, he not only preached in Boston, but travelled through New England, and made a visit to Ed- wards. He then returned to Boston, and directed his course through Hartford and New Haven to the more southern colonies. The result of this visit surpassed all ex- pectation. The same spirit which had been -witnessed in Northampton spread through the whole country, and its manifestations were characterized no less by the active zeal of the ministers than by the sjTupathy of the churches. Voices from every quarter of New England extolled the new work, as the revival of the ^jriniitive religious spirit. Out of a multitude of testimonials to the eloquence of Whitefield, and to his zeal in the cause of the Lord, Ave se- lect the following Avords from a clergyman's letter: "^\mong the good eflects of his preaching on the churches, it is es- pecially Avorthy of remark, that the Avord preached by us noAv seems more precious and acts Avith gi-eater power." An aged preacher, the successor of John Eliot, exclaimed : " The old days of Ncav England are revived ! " White- field, who had preached his farcAvell discourse in Boston to an audience of tAventy thousand persons, and Avho could not but Avish to contribute all in his poAver to the continu- ance and promotion of the Avork, on his return to Ncav Jersey persuaded Gilbert Tennant, a distinguished minister in that colony, to go to Ncav Englajid. He Avas received Avith joy, and the blessing Avliich attended his preaching in the year 1741 was generally acknoAAdedged.

This labc)r of itinerant i)reachers Avas evidently some-

274 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACT.

thing out of the ordinary course, but seems justified by the manifest coldness and indifference of many ministers at tiiat time, and by the general recognition of the call to such a work. Especially was this true ofWhitefield; of whom also it is recorded, that his aim in preaching was not a display of his personal gifts of eloquence, but simply and above all things, to show forth the truth of the gospel itself. It was on this that thoughtful men grounded their hope of a safe and permanent imjDression. In consequence of the continued religious interest, and of the destitution made known in various directions, perhaps encouraged also by Whitefield's appeal to Tennant and the successful labors of the latter, many clergymen now thought they found in the revival of their own religious feelings the proi)er call and the comj^lete qualification for traversing New England as evangelists. Although successful in awakening a living interest in single localities, although it was in the exercise of true zeal in the cause of God, free from s^Diritual pride, that they felt themselves impelled to this course ; yet in the misconcej)tion of their position lay from the first an occasion for the abuses and disorders which followed, as well as for the development of an o})posing party. Many, for instance, took it upon themselves to 2:)reach among the churches without waiting for any outward call, and thus the most favorable result might be nothing more than i')er- sonal attachment to themselves. But these revivals among the Congregationalists of Ncav England, which are to be contemplated as religious movements on ground already occupied by vital Christianity, must strengthen to the utmost the relation of pastor and ijeoi^le, if they would remain tioie to their 2:>eculiar character, and be attended by enduring results. The experimental knowledge of Christ by faith is indeed a call to j^reach the gosi^el; but the

XEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 275

example of another instrument of the Lord, differently gifted and differently called from ourselves, is not a reason for forsaking our appropriate and appointed sphere.

DISTURBING AND HOSTILE IXFLUEXCES.

Tlie ajipearance of itinerant preachers Avas indeed liailed in many places with great joy, and was regarded as a token of God's special favor to these awakenings. Opposition to it first manifested itself in Connecticut, where a rigid or- ganization and method had obtained since the adoption of the Saybrook Platform. So early as November 1741, a general consociation, assembled at Guilford, declared it disorderly for any minister to enter the parish of another, for the purpose of preaching and administering the sacra- ments, without or against the consent of the latter. In the year 1742, specific regulations in regard to this matter were drafted and laid before the Legislature, by whom they Avere made legal enactments. According to these, any i)reacher who should enter uninvited a parish not uiider his charge, or sliould take part in an association wliicli intrudes on the limits of another by the licensing or ordination of a candidate, shall be excluded from the ben- efit of any laws made for the support of the ministry. And every laj-man, under like circumstances, should pay a fine of one hundred pounds and give security for his good be- havior. And any foreigner, whether minister or not, should be dealt with as a vagrant, and be sent from con- stable to constable, out of the bounds of tlie colony.^ At the ground of these proceedings there was, unfortunately for tlie interests of this work, not merely a prejudice against

1 UmliT this l;nv, no less a person than Samuel Finley, aftenvanls Pres- ident of Princeton College, was arrested and carried out of the colony as a vagrant, — Tr.

276 NEW ENGLAXD TlIEOCllACY.

the special phase, but a decided aversion to everything wliich might disturb tlie quiet course of established forms. If in Massachusetts tlie religious decline manifested itself more as indifference, in Connecticut it was rather the rig- idity of torpor. The opposition, proceeding from this quar- ter, which refused to recognize what was true and A'ital in these manifestations, produced its natural result, excess on the other side. Many ministers felt themselves justified, by the extraordinary interest in hearing the word which still continued among the people, to abandon their churches in order to preach in various jilaces; and tlie same Avas done by many laymen. The prospect of becoming martyrs to the cause seems not to have been Avithout its charm in these cases. Among those who espoused this side, James Davenport, a highly gifted minister, a grandson of the cel- ebrated John Davenport, took the most decided ground and exerted the most pernicious influence. Leaving his church on Long Island, he repaii*ed to Connecticut, where he felt it his special duty to bear testimony against uncon- verted ministers. After experiencing some persecutions here, he came to Boston ; but his preacliing and expres- sions were of such a character that most of the ministers united, July 1st 1742, in signing the following declaration : " He appeal's to us to be truly pious, and we hope God has used him as an instrument of good to many souls ; yet we judge it our duty to bear testimony against the following particulars. 1. His being acted much by sudden impulses. 2. Ilis judging some ministers in Long Island and New England to be unconverted ; and thinking himself called of God to demand of his brethren, from place to place, an account of their regenerate state, Avhen, or in Avhat manner tlie Holy Spirit Avruuglit upon and renewed them. 3. His Sfoiiio; with his friends, sinsiui; tlirouirh the streets and

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 277

highways, to and from the houses of worship, on Lord's days and other days. 4. His encouraging private brethren to pray and exhort in assemblies gathered for that purpose. "We judge it therefore our present duty not to invite hini into our places of worship, as otherwise we might readily have done." This, however, did not hinder Davenport, while in Boston, from undertaking to examine each of the ministers in private and then report i)ublicly against them, denouncing some as unconverted and calliitg on the people to separate from them. In this manner he traversed the country; but, on his return to Boston in August 1742, he was imprisoned and brought to court for trial on a charge of slandering the ministers. The jury, however, judged him to be non compos mentis, and on that ground acquitted him. Thence he returned to Long Island, but again came to Xew London in Connecticut, where, in connection with some others, he ran into extremes^ still more surprising. Through these proceedings, especially through the preach- ing of laymen wholly uncalled to the work, great scandal came upon the cause. The ministers of Massachusetts, Avho

' had experienced in their congregations the manifold bless- ings of the time, recorded their testimony against these errors at their annual meeting on the 25th of May 1743. But in order to give more effect to their action, all the

. brethren who were favorably inclined to the work itself were requested either to appear personally at a meeting to be held in July, there to express their minds on the subject, or to send in their thoughts in writing. Sixty-eight minis-

1 Having first burnt a considerable number of bool<s which they consid- crcd erroneous, they were about to destroy a quantity of fine clothing and ornaments, under the pretence of putting an end to idolatrj-; but this was stopped by a man who remarked to Davenport : " If all my idols are to be burnt, you will be the first."

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278 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

ters met and signed a letter testifying, as a matter of their own knowledge, that an incredible number of persons had been awakened, after a true acquaintance with their state as sinners, to a new life through faith in Christ ; and they ex- pressed their decided disapproval of the charge made by some, that all these phenomena were nothing but enthusi- asm, delusion, and disoi'der. At the same time, they lamented the tares Avhich had been sown among the wheat ; specifying as such the tendenc}', manifested here and there, to make inward impressions the criterion of conduct with- out due regard to the written word, but more especially the invasion of the regular ministerial office, and the distrust awakened between ministers and people. Similar declara- tions were sent in by forty-three other preachers. But this expression, though so generally approved, and discriminat- ing so clearly between tlie nature of the thing and its abuses, was not followed by the expected results. Decided opposers took the field, and the revivals themselves began to decline. Edwards had shortly before published his cele- brated " Thoughts on Revivals." To counteract this work, the Rev. Dr. Chauncey, who was generally regarded as the chief promoter of the Arminian and Unitarian tendency, now made a journey through the colonies of New England, New York, and New Jersey, collecting materials for a vir- ulent reply to Edwards, which he published in 1743. It found special favor with the higher classes. It seems also not to have been without influence on the proceedings in Con- necticut, Avhere the above-mentioned acts Avere now act- ually put in practice, in the persecution of those who were striving to rekindle the spirit which was already on the wane. On the one side, the adventitious element had gained too wide a hold ; while on the other, in the assault thus made on the fundamental doctrines of Scripture, indif-

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 279

feronce found tlie opiate and the cloak for wliicli it asl:od. Davenport came to a just sense of liis conduct, and having drawn up a confession of his errors, lamenting -what he had said and done, sent his retraction to a minister in Boston for publication. But it was too late for the removal of the prejudices which had been imbibed. Enemies had too well used the opportunity for bringing the work itself into sus- picion, to allow of its now being retrieved by its friends. How greatly all had changed is most clearly seen in the cool, nay, to some extent, the hostile reception experienced by Whitefield on his renewed visit in the year 1745. Not only was he assailed by individual ministers and associa- tions ; but the colleges of Cambridge and New Haven, the former of which had extolled the blessed influence of his labors at his first coming, now entered the lists against him, with special animosity. With the declining fellowship for the revivals vanished also the revived interest in religion. It is indeed a i>eculiar indication of the state of disunion which followed, that when Edwards, some years after, declared himself decidedly against regarding the Lord's Supper as a converting ordinance, be encountered such opposition in his church as obliged him to quit the place where he had been so favored an instrument of the Lord ; and the consociation before which the controversy with the church was tried, declared their adhesion to Stoddard's view. To what a degree political interest swallowed up all others in New England during the succeeding period, and the desolating ravages of unbelief within the church kept pace with those of the war without, we have already men- tioned.

The genuine religious element, out of which had grown the colonization and primitive constitution of New England,

280 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

has again presented itself to view, in recent times. The professed disciples of the Lord in tliat land, now look back with joy upon the labors and tlie influence of their progeni- tors. Tlie most recent revival of the religious spirit has been connected with phenomena similar to those described in this chapter ; but they have not been confined to one church-party merely, and on that very account vary in form and sijxnificance amona; themselves. For exhibiting them, a characterization of the evangelical churches of North America is needed, as well as an exposition of the relation, now fully established, of a total separation of Church and State. Such being the case, they belong to the depart- ment of ecclesiastical statistics, and are foreign to the object of this work, whose aim it was to exhibit the progressive development of the New England church-constitution, and the phenomena with which the change in that constitution was accomi^anied.

APPENDIXES.

24*

APPENDIX I.

ROBINSON'S LETTER TO THE LEYDEN EMIGEANTS, JULY 27, 1620.

Loving Ciiristiax Friends,

I do heartily and in the Lord salute you, as being those "with whom I am present in my best afTections, and most earnest longings after you, though I be constrained for a while to be bodily absent from you: I say constrained; God knowing how willingly, and much rather than otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in the first brunt, were I not by strong necessity held back for the jiresent. Make account of me in the meantime as a man divided iu myself, with great pain (and as natural bonds set aside) having my better part with you ; and although I doubt not, but in your godly wisdoms you both foresee and resolve upon that which concerneth your present state and condition, both severally and jointly, yet have I thought it but my duty to add some further spur of provoca- tion unto them who run already, if not because you need it, yet because I owe it in love and duty.

And first, as we are daily to renew our repentance with our God, especially for our sins known, and generally for our unknown tres- passes ; so doth the Lord call us in a singular manner, upon occasions of such difficulty and danger as lieth upon you, to both a narrow search r.nd careful reformation in his sight, lest he calling to remembrance our sins forgotten by us, or unrepented of, take advantage against us, and in judgment leave us to be swallowed up in one danger or another ; whereas, on the contrary, sin being taken away by earnest repentance, and the pardon thereof from the Lord sealed up to a man's conscience by his sjiirit, great shall be his security and peace in all dangers, sweet his comforts in all distresses, -with happy deliv-

284 KEW ENGLAND TUEOGKACY.

erance from all evil, whether in life or death. Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our own consciences, we are carefully to provide for peace with all men, what in us lieth, especially with our associates ; and for that, watchfulness must be >had, that we nei- ther at all ourselves do give, no, nor easily take offence being given by others. Wo be to the world for offences, for although it be neces- sary, considering the malice of Satan and man's corruption, that of- fences come, yet wo unto the man, or woman either, hy lohom the offence cometh, saith Christ, Matt, xviii. 7. And if offences in the unseasonable use of things, in themselves indifferent, be more to be feared than death itself, as the apostle teacheth, 1 Coi\ ix. 15, how much more in things simply evil, in which neither the honor of God nor love of man is thought worthy to be regarded ? Neither yet is it suflicient that we keep ourselves, by the grace of God, from giving offences, except withal we be armed against the taking of them, when they are given by others ; for how imperfect and lame is the work of grace in that person, who wants charity to cover a multitude of offences ? as the scripture speaks. Neither are you to be exhorted to this grace only upon the common grounds of Christianity, which are, that persons ready to take offence, either want charity to cover offences, or duly to weigh human frailties; or, lastly, are gross though close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth. Matt. vii. 1-3 ; as indeed in my own experience, few or none have been found which sooner give offence, than such as easily take it ; neither have they ever proved sound and profitable members in societies, who have nourished this touchy humor. But besides these, there are divers motives provoking you above others to great care and con- science in this way ; as first, there are many of you strangers to the persons, so to the infirmities of one another, and so stand in need of more watchfulness this way, lest when such things fall out in men and women as you expected not, you be inordinately affected with them, which doth require at your hands much wisdom and charity for the covering and preventing of incident offences that way. And lastly, your intended course of civil community will minister contin- ual occasion of offence, and will be as fuel for that fire, except you diligently watch it with brotherly forbearance. And if taking offence

NEW ENGLAND TUKOCKACY. 285

causelessly or easily of nicu'.-i doinjrs be so carefully to be avoided ; liow inu(.-li more heed is to be taken that we take not ofTeiiee at God himself? Wliieli yet we certainly do, so oft as we do murmur at his pi-ovidences in our crosses, or bear impatiently such afllictions where- with he is pleased to visit us. Store up therefore patience against tlic evil day ; without which we take offence at the Lord himself in his just Avorks. A fourth thing there is carefully to be provided for, viz., that with your common employments, you join common affec- tions, truly bent upon the general good, avoiding as a deadly plague of your both common and special comforts, all retiredncss of mind for proper advantage ; and all singularly affected every manner of way, let every man repress in himself, and the whole body in each person, as so many rebels against the common good, all private re- specl.-f of men's seh-es, not sorting with the general convenience. And as men are careful not to have a new iiouse shaken with any vio- lence, before it be well settled, and the parts firmly knit ; so be you, I beseech you, my brethren, much more careful that the house of God, which you are and are to be, be shaken with unnecessary nov- elties, or other oppositions, at the first settling thereof.

Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, using amongst yourselves civil government, and are not furnished with special emi- nency above the rest, to be chosen by you into office of government, let your wisdom and godliness appear, not only in choosing such persons as do entirehj love, and will promote the common good ; but also in yielding unto them all due honor and obedience in their law- ful administrations, not beholding in them the ordinariness of their persons, but God's ordinance for your good; not being like the fool- ish multitude, who more honor the gay coat, than cither the virtuous mind of the man, or the glorious ordinance of the Lord ; but you know better things, and that the image of the Lord's power and authority, which the magistrate beareth, is honorable, in how mean person soever ; and this duty you may the more willingly, and ought the more conscionably to perfonn, because you are, at least for the present, to have them for your ordinary governors, which yourselves shall make choice of for that work. Sundry other things of impor- tance I could put you in mind of, and of those before-mentioned, in

286 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

more words ; but I will not so far wrong your godly minds, as to think you heedless of these things, there being also divers among you so well able both to admonish themselves and others of what concern- eth them. These few things therefore, and the same in few words, I do earnestly commend to your care and conscience, joining therein with my daily incessant prayers unto the Lord, that he who has made the heavens and the earth, and sea, and all rivers of waters, and whose providence is over all his works, especially over all his dear children for good, would so guide and guard you in your ways, as inwardly by his spirit, so outwardly by the hand of his power, as that both you, and we also for and with you, may have after matter of praising his name all the daj's of your and our lives. Fare you well in him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest, an unfeigned well-wisher to your happy success in this hopeful voyage.

JOHN ROBINSON.

APPENDIX II.

THE AUTHORITIES USED IN THIS WOKK.

As already mentioned, (p. 118), New England found historians at a very early period. Cotton Mather has treated this subject most at length, and with careful use of his predecessors.

Magnalia Ciiristi Americana, or the Ecclesiastical History of New England, from its first planting in the year 1G20 unto the year of our Lord 1608, by Cotton Mather, Past, of the North Cliurch in Boston. London 1702. Fol. (republished at Hartford 1820. 2 vols. 8vo.)

The author, whose family on the paternal side has often been mentioned in the foregoing work, was a descendant of the Pilgrims on the mother's side also ; being the great grandson of John Cotton, minister at Boston. His work shows great learning and extensive acquaintance with books, but is arranged in the oddest method ; abounds with the most unexpected and irrelevant episodes, and his apologetic stand-point is not maintained without prejudice and par- tiality. What with citations from writers ancient and modern, he often can scarcely make his way to the subject itself; whole pages have frecjuently no more matter, strictly speaking, than could be expressed in as many lines. Still, the courage of the wearied reader is sustained by the wit and humor, which are displayed even in the titles and superscriptions. The work is divided into seven books. First Book; Antiquities, (reporting: The design where-on, the manner where-/n, and people where-6y, the several Colonies of New England were planted,) in seven chapters. Chap. 1. J'enisti tan- dem ? The early discoveries of America. Chap. 2. Primordia. The

288 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

settlement of New Plymouth. Chap. 3. Conamur Tenues Grandia. Farther history of New Plymouth. Chap. 4. Paulo Majora ! The settlement of Massachusetts. Chap. 5. Peregrini Deo Curae. Pro- gress of the new colony. Chap. 6. Qui trans mare currunt. Settle- ments in Connecticut, New Haven, Hampshire, Maine. Chap. ?• Hecatompolis, or a field which the Lord hath blessed. A catalogue of the ministers. With a Supplement: '■'■ The Boslonian Ebenezer ; some Historical Remarks on the state of Boston ; " and a map, show- ing the earlier division of New England. The Second Book is en- titled : EcCLESiARUM Clypei ; and contains biographical sketches of the most distinguished early Governors, as well as a catalogue of the Assistants, whom he calls in one place Patres Conscripti, in an- other, "r?.: -Vy^ id est Yiri Animati. Third Book; Polybius, or the Lives of forty-seven Divines. Fourtli Book: Sal Gentium, or the History of Harvard College, and biographies of eleven eminent persons, who were educated in the University. Fifth Book : Acts AND Monuments. This is the most important portion of the work, containing the conclusions in full of the JNIassachusetts Synods, with very interesting extracts from controversial writings. Sixth Book : Thaumaturgus. The narration of wonderful deliverances at sea (ch. 1. Christus supra aquas), and in tempests (ch. 3. Cerauiilus), Is followed by accounts of conversions, of criminal trials, of Missions among the Indians, and finally by stories of demons and witches. Seventh Book: Ecclesiarum prcelia. (Ch. 1. Mille nocendi artes. Of the trials of the New England churches in general. Ch. 2. Little Foxes. "Roger Williams, and political enemies. Ch. 3. Hijdra decapitata. The Antinomians and the first Synod of 1637. Cli. 4. Ignes fatui. The Quakers, and, very briefly, the Anabaptists. Ch. 5. Wolves in sheep's clothing. Imposters, who pretended to be ministers. Ch. 6. Anna rirosque cano. Wars with the Indians.) — In the numerous biographical sketches, the author's materials often run short, and the deficiency is supjilied in a very peculiar fashion. Thus, he knows nothing of Adam Blackman, except that he exer- cised his ministry in two places, and was very simple and intelligible in his mode of preaching. He begins therefore with a reference to Niger, the teacher at Antioch (Acts 13 : 1), expresses the opinion

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 289

lli.it it could not be said of our Blackman : hie nit/er esf, Jiitnc hi Ro- mane caveto; he being rather a Nazarite, purer than snow, whiter than milk. Thereupon he passes to Melancthon, and closes with Beza's epitaph upon him. No one is dismissed without his epitajjh, sometimes longer, sometimes shorter. Avolavil! suffices for the Rev. ;Mr. Partridge.

We subjoin the following words of the Abbot Steinmctz in refer- ence to the Magnalia, which oc;cur in his Preface to tlie Faithful Narrative of the glorious work of God in Nortliampton ; Magdeburg and Leipzig 1 738. " It is only to be lamented, that the book is made too prolix by the exuberance of ornaments, which the fertile genius and immense reading of the author threw into his hands. I have therefore readily embraced the proposal to extract the substance of the work, and, if the Lord should accept it as useful for his kingdom, to give it to the press in our language." (This plan has not been as yet carried into execution.) But whatever exceptions may be taken to Mather's exhibition of historical facts, and however much he may have been used by his successors, the numerous legal documents as well as the synodical decisions in full, which are found no where but in his work, render it one of the highest importance.

The foregoing work forms the basis of:

The lIisTOUY of New England to the year of our Lord 1700, by Daniel Neal. 2 vols. 2 ed. London 1747 (1st ed. 1719) 8vo,

Neal, also the author of the History of the Puritans, was an Eng- lish Dissenter. His chief source was Mather's Magnalia; but he made use of many other works and fugitive writings, and has fur- nished a very full statistical representation, as well as a statement in alphabetical order of the laws in force in New England. The his- torical narration is chronologically arranged, and is on the whole unprejudiced and impartial. AVith a s\nnpathy for the Congre'^a- tionalists natural in a Dissenter, he has nevertheless examined and used the accounts of those opposed to them. (See above, p. 118.)

From an entirely different stand-point, we have : A History of New England, with particular reference

25

290 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

TO THE DENOMINATION OF CHRISTIANS CALLED BAPTISTS ; by

Isaac Backus, Past, of the First Baptist Church in Middleburgli. 2 vols. Boston and Providence 1777 and 1781.

The first volume extends to the year 1G90, and is enriched -vvitli numerous extracts from the writings of distinguished men, as Piobin- son. Cotton, Williams. In his account of the treatment of the Bap- tists, the author takes strong polemic ground against the ruling party and the theocratic constitution in New England; thus supple- menting Mather and even Neal. In the second part (down to 1784) are contained many documents relative to the declension in the relig- ious and church life ; in this connection is expressed, as might be expected, decided disapproval of the proceedings in Connecticut in 1708.

Owing to the connection of Church and State, much in the repre- sentation we have given, especially for the first period, is touched by the political historians. Thus in :

Hutchinson's History op Massachusetts to the year 1750. 2 vols. 3 ed. Salem 1765. 8vo. (1st ed. 1764).

The author was Governor of Massachusetts at the breaking out of the Revolution, and was in possession of a very rich collection of oi'iginal legal documents, which, however, were in great part destroyed during a riot in Boston. The style of representation is very plain ; as is also that of the following work, by a clergyman :

Benjamin Trumbull's complete History of Connecticut. 2 vols. Hartford 1797. 8 vo.

The first volume, the one used in the foregoing work, extends to the year 1713. It contains also the history of New Haven, and devotes two chapters paj'ticularly to the history of the Church. Among other documents we find here the Saybrook Platform, com- jjlete.

Francis Baylies' Historical Memoir of New Plymouth.

1830. 4 vols. 8vo.

This work extends to the union of New Plymouth with Massachu- setts, and is very particular in its details.

NE^y ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 291

Calkh II. Sxow's History of Boston from its origin to THE PRESENT PERIOD. 2 ed. Bostonl828.

More in the form of annals; full for a later period.

A Collection of original papers relative to the His- tory OF the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. Boston 17C9.

Very interesting letters, and important legal documents from the earliest period, chronologically arranged. In the copy in the Berlin Library, a portion is wanting at the end; it extends to Kovember 1C55.

For the same period :

J. Winthrop's Journal. Hartford 1790.

This diary of the distinguished first Governor of Massachusetts furnishes a very graphic view of the earlier relations. It extends, however, only to 1644.

The following works have for their stand-point the total separation of Church and State now prevailing in North America.

Memoir of Roger Williams, the Founder of the State of Rhode Island. By James D. Knowles. Boston 1834.

The author, who is a Baptist, regards Williams as the father of those principles, in reference to the relation of Church and State, now established in North xVmerica. He is decidedly unfavorable to the Theocracy. ^lany of his investigations indicate the careful study of richly instructive sources ; still we cannot reckon on an impartial judgment, from one who remarks in reference to the occurrences at !Munster in 1535 : " It seems to have been a just revolt, and a strug- gle for liberty ; but it failed, and the leaders have been stigmatized as fanatics, and as guilty of every species of crime. The story has been told by their oppressors and enemies, and is entitled to very little credit."

The results of very thorough investigation are embodied in : The History of the Old South Church in Boston, in four

sermons by Benjamin B. Wisner, Pastor of the Church. Boston

1830.

292 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

This work has been particularly used in Chapter VII. of our his- tory ; it has reference chiefly to the relations of the early period. The author exhibits a very clear conception of the essential nature of the Congregationalist Theocracy, though regarding the total sep- aration of Church and State as the salvation of the church.

From the same point of view, still more strongly taken, we have :

L' UNION DE l' EGLISE ET DE L' ETAT DANS LA NOUVELLE An- GLETERRE, CONSIDEREE DANS SES EFFETS SUR LA RELIGION AUX

Etats-Unis. Par un Americain. Paris 1837.

From want of access to the sources, the author's data are insuffi- cient, and indeed incorrect. Much as he extols the Puritans for their piety and morality, the greatness of soul in which they under- took to found their theocracy seems not to be recognized ; and the most recent revival of evangelical Christianity is treated as a wholly negative result of the completed separation between Church and State*

APPENDIX III.

CHRONOLOGICAL YIEW.

1602

England.

lExpeditions— Settle, ments — Charters.

The Independ- Capt Gosnold in ents in the north^Massachusetts Bay of Eni'land,

160.3 James L 1606

1608

1614 1620

1623

1625

1629

1630

1633 1634 1636

Charles L

Patents for North and South Vir^nnia. Settlement on the Sagadahoc, Maine. Capt. John Smith. New Enghind. Patent for the Plym- outh Colony; New Plymouth. Bradford's Patent; transfen-ed bv him to the Gen'l Court.

Domestic Events. I Indiana.

Patent for Massa- chusetts Bay. Salem and Charles- town.

Expedition under John Winthrop. Boston.

Newtown (later, Cambridge).

Providence on Nar- raganset Bay; Hart- ford, and oth. places on the Connecticut. 1637 Emigration for-INew Haven. Sct- j bidden. Itlem'ts in N. Hamp-

' Isliire and Maine.

25*

The Colony of New Plymouth separates: from the Company.] Ralph Smith i'nj JNewPlvmouth. The Saiem Church.) I The broth's Brown. I Transfer of the Gov't for Massa- chusetts Bay.

Controversies with Roger Williams. Sir Henry Vane in Boston.

Antinomian Con-'Pcquot troversies; the first J War. Svnod.

294

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.

1G38	England.	Expeditions —Settle- ments — Charters.	Domestic Events.	Indians.
		Harvard College
			founded.
1640			New Hampshire united with Massa- chusetts.
1641	Civil War.			Mayhew.
1043		Patent for Rhode Island and Provi- dence Plantations.	Confederation of the four United Colonies of N. Eng- land.
1646				Eliot.
1047			Agitations in Mas- sachusetts.
1648	Westmins'rCon- fession.		Cambridge Synod. (Platform).
1649	Charles I. exe- cuted.
1651			The Anabaptists in Massachusetts.
1053	Oliver Crom- well.
1656			The first Quakers in Boston.
1657			Religious Agita- tions ; Synods in Connecticut.
1658	Savoy Confes- sion ; Richard Cromwell.
1660	Charles II.		Excut'nof Quakers.
1662	Act of Uniform- ity.		Boston Synod in ref. to Baptism.
1663		Confirmation of the Charter of Rhode Island.
1664		Connecticut and N. Haven Charter.	Royal Commission- ers in N. England. Attempt of the Baptists to found a Church in Boston.
1608	•		Third Church in Boston.
1076				K.Philip's War.
1079	*		K Hamp. separated from Massachus'ts. Refokming Syn- od.
1684		Colonies deprived of their Charters.
1685		James II.	Increase Mather in England.

NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY

295

1688	England. 1 Expeditions-Settle- «*"""• mentB — Ckartcia.	Domestio Events.	Indians.
Will, ami Mary.
1689		Revolution in Bos- ton.
1692	TT He.\ds of A- ^'cw Charter.	Witch Trials.	Border
1702	GREEMENT. Aune.			Wars.
1704			College at 8.17- brook (afterwards Yale College).
1708			Saybrook Platform
1714	George I.
1725			Proposal for a Sy- nod in Boston.
1727	George II.
1735			Awakenings in Northampton.
1/40			The Great Awak- enings.

I I^ D E X.

PAGE

Admission to the church, 154^ 170, O-^S

Ainsworth, minister in Amsterdam, 41

Anabaptists, burnt under Elizabeth, ...... 31

in Rliodc Island, 10(3

in New Pl3-mouth, HO 200

in Massachusetts (1051), 110 ff.

historical notices of the 118

in Charlestown and Boston (1C64 ff.) 200

Andros, Sir Edmund, Governor of New England, . . . 219

Antinomians, 98 ff.

Acquatneck, Island, later Rhode Island, 104

Anninians, 4g

Articles, the Six ; the Fort\--two ; the Thirtj'-nine, . . 19, 23, 30

Austin, Anna, a Quakeress, 12i

Associations, 23'>

Baptism, its proper subjects, . . . , . . , . 104 ff.

Barbadoes, 121

Basle, exiles in, 29

Beliamont, Earl of, Governor of New York and New England, 230

Bellingham, Governor of Massachusetts, . . . 193, 204, 206

Blj-cnian, minister in Connecticut, 1(38

Boleyn, Anne 17 19

Boston in Massachusetts, its founding, 67

Third Church, 192 ff.

in England, qq

Bradford, Governor of Xcw Plymouth, 59, 88

Bradstreet, Governor of Massachusetts, . . . . 131, 185

Brainerd, missionaiy among the Indians, 83

Brewster, elder of the churches in Lcyden and Xew Plym- outh, 41, 5:3, 59^ gO, lOG

Brown, Richard, founder of the Brownists, 35 ff.

the brothers, 64

Brownists, gg

Bulklcy, minister in Massachusetts, 100

Burleigh, William Cecil,Lord 35, 37

298

INDEX.

PAGE

Cabot, Sebastian, 51

Calvin, on tlic Eng. Reformation and the exiles under Mary, . 22, 27 Cambridge, in Massachusetts, earlier Newtown, . 60, &4, 100, 102

Platform of Church Discipline, . . . G8 ff. 150 ff.

Cape Cod,

Carr, Sir Robert, royal Commissioner, Cartwright, George, royal commissioner,

Thomas, father of the Puritans, Catherine of Arragon, ....

Charles I.,

" II.,

Charlestown In Massachusetts,

Chauncey, Charles, President of Harvard College,

minister in Boston, . Christison, Wheelock, a Quaker,

. 56 186 . 186 33 . 15 77, 92, 96 181, 184,218 67, 201 . 180 278 . 132

Church-constitution of the Independents, its two principles :

Independence of each church, 38, 70

Opposition to free communion, 42, 154

Clarke, John, Baptist, 108 ff.

Maria, a Quakeress, 122

Commission, the High, 29

Common Prayer-Book, 24, 27

Congregationalists, name of the 69

Connecticut, settlements in, 78

Quakers in, 126

religious agitations and sjmods, 165 ff.

Charter of Charles II. ; union with New Haven, . . . ISl ff. synods for the decision of ecclesiastical controversies, . 106 ff.

lamentations over the Declension 210

Charter withdrawn and re-assumed, 219

synods for the change of the church constitution, . . . 228 ff.

opposition to the revivals, 275

Copeland, a Quaker, 123 ff.

Cotton, John, minister in Boston, . . . . 68,96,100,11.5,116

Covenant of the Salem church, 61

of the Third church in Boston, 192

renewal of the, 215

Half-way, 172, 238

Crandall, an Anabaptist, Ill ff.

Conso(i:;tions, 232

Cromwell, Thomas, Lord 17, 19

Cudworth, Capt. James, of New Plymouth, .... 127 Davenport, John, minister in New Haven and Bos- ton, 75, 79, 8-5, 101, 169, ISO, 191

James, great-grandson of John, 276

INDEX.

299

Drinker, an Anabaptist,

Dunster, Ilcnry, President of Harvard College, Dutch settlements in Xonh America, . Dj'ar, Man,-, a Quakeress, executed, . Eaton, Tlicophilus, first Governor of New Haven

Edward YI.,

Edwards, Jonathan, minister in Northampton, Eliot, John, among the Indians,

Elizabeth, Queen,

Endicott, Governor of Massachusetts, Episcopalians in New England, Excommunication, articles of, . Farnum, an Anabaptist, . , , .

Fisher, ilaria, a Quakeress, .... Fox, George, founder of the Quakers, . Frankfort-on-thc-Main, exiles in, . . .

Geneva, exiles in,

George, an Anabaptist,

German church in I^tidon, ....

Reformation, its influence on the English, Goodwin, elder in Hartford, ....

Gould, Anabaptist,

Green, John, bunished from Boston, Grindal, archbishop of Canterbury, . Hampton Court Conference, ....

HaiTis, a Quaker,

H.artford, capital of Connecticut, settlement of,

controversies in the church at,

new church at, without the fonner tests,

Harvard College,

Heads of Agreement, HemyVnr., . . . . •

Higginson, minister at Salem, Hingham in Massachusetts,

Holdcn, a Quaker,

Holland, Puritan fugitives to,

Holmes, an Anabaptist, ....

Hooker, Thomas, minister in Hartford,

Hooper, Bishop,

Hubbard, the historian,

Hutchinson, Abigail, in Northampton, .

Ann, in Boston,

Govemor of Massachusetts, and historian, Indians, first tivaty of peace with them, .

titatment of the same.

PAOE

202

. 104

5(3, 79, 18-', 18i3

. rj8

79 . 20

244 if.

. 81

2.0

. 113, 128

04, 219, 2.3.J

. ICO

203

121

119

27

29

202

22

18

165

202

105

34

40

124

78

172, 199

223

81 fr.

1G5,

118,

229

. 15

60,87

. 139

123

38, 40

110

. 100

21,26

163, 166

269

. 98

118.210

58, 62

300 INDEX.

PAGE

Indians, missions among them, 81

King Philip's war, 209

Indian College, . . S2

James I., 40, 52

" 11., proclaimed in Boston, 219

Johnson, Capt., historian, 118

Knox, in Frankfort and Geneva, 28

Laud, archbishop of Canterbury, 67, 92

Leddra, William, a Quaker, executed, 131

Leyden, church at, 41, 49, 52, 59, 60

Lenthal, minister at Weymouth, Massachusetts, .... 137

Leverett, Governor of IMassachusetts, 204, 206

London, letter of certain Congi-egationalist ministers from, . . 204

Long Island, settlements on, 79

Lynn, in Massachusetts, meeting of Anabaptists at, ... Ill

Maine, settlements in, 52, 78

Maiden, in Massachusetts, . . ,^ 162

Mary, the Catholic, 25

Massachusetts Bay, expeditions to, settlements on, . 52, 60, 65

Colony, the most important in New England, . . 67, 78, 79

Roger Williams in, ■ ... 86

Antinomians in, 98

Quakers in, 121, 207 ff.

religious-political agitations, . . , . , . 139 fF.

calling of the Synod of 1662, 174

relation to Charles IL, 184 ff.

lamentations over the church declension, . . . 210, 220 abrogation of the old and grant of a new charter, . . 219

attempt to form Associations, 230

desire for a Synod, 1725, . . . . . . .230

Revivals, 272

Mather, Richard, minister in Dorchester, .... 150, 180 Eleazer, minister in Northampton, son of Richard, . ISO, 248 Increase, son of Richard, .... 180, 192, 219, 228

Cotton, son of Increase, 118, 2.35

Maverick, ro.yal commissioner, 186

Majiiew, family of, among the Indians, 81

Miles, Baptist at Swansea in New Plymouth, .... 201

Jlissions among the Indians, 81

Mitchel, minister at Cambridge, Massachusetts, . . 197, 223, 224 Morton, author of the iVew ^??{77a«d J!fi?;;iori'nZ, . . . .118

Narragansett Bay, settlements on, 95

Naylor, James, English Quaker, 120

New Amsterdam, 182, 186

New England, 79

INDEX.

'301

New IlampshiiT, settlement of, 78, SO

separated from Jlassathusetts, 20^

New Haven, settlements, 78

College in, 85

Quakers in, 1120

on the eontroversies in Connecticut of 1G57, . , . 1C9 fT. union with Connecticut, 181 If.

New Plymouth, settlement of, 57

sovereignty of the General Court of, 77

Williams in, 88

Anabaptists in, 110,200

Quakers in, 121, 127

royal commissioners in, 187

lamentations over the Declension, 210

union with Massachusetts, 219

change in terms of admission to the church, . . . 223

Newpoi-t, in Rhode Island, 108

Newtown, see Cambridge.

Nichols, Colonel, 186

Noddle's Island, in Massachusetts Bay, 201

Northampton, in Massachusetts, the church and Norton, John, minister at Ipswich and Boston, Oakes, Urian, on the church declension, . Officers in the Congregationalist churches, .

Osburne, an Anabaptist,

Parker, archbishop of Canterbury, Partridge, minister in Duxbury, New Pl3'mouth, Philip, king of the Wampanoags, Phipps, Governor of New England, .

Presbyterians,

Providence,

Puritans in England,

Quakers in England,

in America,

defence of the measures against them, . Rehoboth in New Plymouth, .... Revivals, nature of,

in Northampton

general, in Xew England,

Revolution in Boston,

Rhode Island, settlements and charter,

Quakers in,

withdrawal of the charter Ridley, bishop of Rochester, ....

Robinson, John, father of the Independents, 40

2G

revivals in, . . 2 15

148, 185

. 221

1.58

. 202

. 30, 34

. l.'O

. SO, 2oy

. 221

149

79, 95

. 30, 33

. 119

121 ff. 207

. 129

110, 200

. 21 1 ff.

2 15 ff.

. 272 ff.

219

79, 86, 104

121, 125

. 219

23, 26

302 INDEX.

PAOB

Eobinson, his view of the Ecformation, 43

" " " " power of the keys, 45

opposition to free cominunion, 48

farewell address to the emigrants, 54

letter to the same, 56, 283

"William, a Quaker, executed, 128

Salem, in Massachusetts, ... 60, 64, 86, 94, 110, 122, 221

Saltonstall, Sir Richard, on the persecution of the Anabaptists, . 115

Gurdon, Governor of Connecticut, 230

Savoy Confession, 149

Saybrook Platform, 231

Skclton, minister in Salem, 60, 87, 89

Smith, John, the Se-Baptist, 41, 8D

Ralph, minister in New Plymouth, 59, 88

Somerset, Duke of, Lord Protector, 23

Southampton, England, depai-ture from, 56

Sovereignty of the New England governments, .... 77

Stevenson, Marraaduke, a Quaker, executed, 128

Stoddard, minister at Northampton, 228, 248

Stone, minister at Hartford, 165, 168, 172

Strasljurg, exiles in, 27

Street, minister in New Haven, ISO, 192

Swansea, in New Plymouth, 201

Synod of 1637 against the Antinomians, 100

1646-1648, (Platform of Church -discipline,) . . . 148 ff.

1657, 168 ff.

1659, in Connecticut, 173 ff.

1662, on the subjects of baptism, 174 ff.

Reforming synod of 1679, 211 ff.

1708, at Saybrook, 231 ff.

1725, attempt for a, 235

Tennant, Gilbert, of New Jersey, 272

Theocracy, Congrcgationalist, 75 ff.

dissolution of, 162

Turner, "William, an Anabaptist, 202

Unitarians, 238

"United Colonies of New England, 125, 198

Upsal, 122

Vane, Sir Henry, 95, 104

Virginia, Company for North and South, 52

"Westminster, Assembly and Confession of, 149

"Wheelwright, minister in Boston, 99, 102

"Whiteficld, in New England, 272, 279

"Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, 35

William HI., 219

INDEX. 303

TAOE

Williams, Ro-cr, 8*3 ff. 10 1, lOfi, 1 15, 120

Willard, minister in Boston, 227

Wilson, " . " 80,115,190

"Wiuthrop, John, Governor of M;issachusctts, 65, 87, 89, 9(3, 111, 144 John, Governor of Connecticut, son of John, . . 127, 181 Fitz-Tohn, Governor of Connecticut, son of the preceding, 230

Witch-trials 221

Witter, William, an Anabaptist, HI

Yale College, 85

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